Siyar al-Muta'ahirin - The Seir Mutaqherin, Volume 4

Ravages by the Syks, who set up an Emperor of their own —They are defeated in a bloody battle by the Abdalies, or D8rranies, who repair to Cashmir, which they reconquer upon a Syk adventurer—Valuable character of this man—Who proves a man of letters and a beneficent Prince—Notice of five Cashmirian Poets and Litterati, who are ordered by him to compile from records a history of Cashmir—A curious historical account of the Marhatta nation from its origin—Singular pretensions of its ancient Princes—Bhosselah, the father of the present Marhatta Emperors—Sevadji, his son, assumes independence —Is obliged to submit—Rises again and establishes a tribute all over the Decan—Conquests of the Marhattas—Wars and conquests of Badji-räo, who leaves his office of Generlissimo to his son, Baladji-räo—Mighty change in that Empire, where the name of Monarch remains with the old family, which was nilitary, whilst the power passes to another, which is sacerdotal —Insatiable ambition of the Marhattas—Their singular penurious way of life—Their singular customs and tempers—The author resumes his history of Hindostan—Mir-cassem-qhan takes shelter in Shudjah-ed-döwlah’s dominions—Events which become the consequences of it—Some account of Shah-aalem’s Court— Account of S8r8dj-mull, the Djatt-Prince, a man of singular abilities—He disciplines a body of Cavalry after a method of his own—War between him and Nedjib-ed-döwlah—Battle— S8r8dj-mull slain in a sigular manner—Dissensions in his family—Good character of Nedjib-ed-dowlah, and very bad one of his countrymen—He is succeeded by Zabeth-qhan, a Prince of good character—Shah-aalem resolves to repair to the Capital of India—Opposed by the English and by his Ministers, parts willingly with his present well-being—Seizes by the way on a rich succession—Is supported by the Marhattas—Arrives in his Capital—Is vigorously supported by a new man, his General, Mirza Nedjef-qhan—Who is himself in great danger from Court intrigues—He regains the Emperor’s favour—Who resolves to dispossess the Rohillhas of their conquests—Nedjef-qhan crosses the Ganga, and overcomes the Rohillahs—Who abandon their strong post, plunder each other, and disperse—Zabeta-qhan undone—Peace—The Marhattas retire—Nedjef-qhan projects conquests—Gains a victory—Takes Ecber-abad-agra—Shudjah-ed-döwlah avails himself of the losses of the Rohillahs to put an end to their dominion—Sends a message to their Princes —It is not attended to—Decisive battle at Banra, in which the Rohillahs are undone—Bravery of their General, Hafyz-rahmet —Shudjah-ed-dowla takes possession of their whole country— Fate of the Rohillah Princes—The treaty of the English with Shudjah-ed-döwlah highly censured in Europe—Alliance between Shudjah-ed-döwlah and Nedjef-qhan, followed by a treaty of partition between them—Shudjah-ed-döwlah prepares to enjoy his conquests, but is snatched away by a painful death—Remarks on the singular dispensations of Providence—His character highly reprehensible—He confiscates all the charity-lands—Shews a continual disregard to the honour and property of his subjects, and yet proves to be highly regretted—Strange precipitation of his son, Assef-ed-döwlah, (alias Mirza Amani) in seizing the throne—Installed on it by two English officers—The new Prince betrays a character monstrously vile—Heroical behaviour of one Mir Bahadyr-aaly—Moqhtar-ed-döwlah, Minister of State— Arrival of General Clavering, Colonel Mo??son, and Mr. Frances from Europe—Djan Brishtoo (John Bristow) appointed Resident at Lucknow, instead of Middleton—Senseless conduct of Assef-ed-döwlah, who disbands his father’s disciplined troops, and discards his best servants—The principal military officer think of providing for themselves—Bessent-qhan, an eunuch, one of them, offers to murder the Prime Minister—Murders him—And is dispatched himself—Saadet-aaly, brother to Assef-ed-döwlah, being deeply involved in a complot, makes his escape, himself the sixth—Is handsomely received by Nedjef-qhan—The English concerned in kidnapping another Commander—Mahb8b-aaly-qhan served in the same manner, as is Letafet-aaly-qhan —The author quits his subject to give an historical account of himself, family, connections, &c.—The author resumes his narrative of public events—Iredj-qhan, Prime Minister at Lucknow—A worthless slave-boy, one of the vilest kind, made a Generalissimo—The Prime Minister dies—Is succeeded by Hassen-reza-qhan, a man who loves his pleasure above all things.

THE Syks, those people whom we have represented as nearly destroyed under Feroh-syur, and who in the sequel had availed themselves of Mir-mann8’s neglect and of the extortionary administration of his officers to associate with their sect a great number of farmers, commenced now to raise their heads. Grown exceedingly numerous, and sensible of the weakness of the present Government, as well as little intimidated by the name of the Abdali-king, whom they knew to be far off, they assembled in battle-array, and falling upon the Abdali Governor left at Lahor, they killed him, took possession of the city, Ravages of the Syks, who proclaim an Emperor of their own. and, not yet satisfied, they proclaimed a certain Chinta, a man from among themselves, Emperor. They made him sit upon a throne, struck money in his name, overran the whole province of Lahor, took possession of it, and made it a point to torment the Mussulmen by every means in their power. Intelligence of this revolution having been transmitted to Candahar, the Abdali-king resolved to make another expedition into Hindostan, and this was his seventh and last. It took place in the year 1175. But as the territory of Lahor was known to be the spot where the Abdalies, first of all, landed in their expeditions towards Hindostan, the Syks thought proper to evacuate it entirely; and ??ing to the country of Rohy, a district of very difficult access, they took possession of a very strong fort in it, and assembled there from all parts, to the number of two lacs of men, cavalry and infantry. But this did not deter the Abdali-king. Informed of their retreat, as well as of their numbers, he measured ninety cosses of ground in two days^\(1\), and falling upon those free-booters the moment he was least expected, he drew smoke from their breasts. About twenty thousand of them became food to his famished and thirsty sabre; but the booty was immense, and beyond all computation. After this victory, seeing no enemy in the field, he put every thing to fire and sword in that country, which had associated with those miscreants; and marching back, he planted his victorious standards in the territory of Lahor, where he employed his time in quieting and regulating that country. Meanwhile he dispatched an Abdali, called Noor-eddin-qhan, But are defeated in a bloody battle by the D8rranies or Abdalies. a near relation of his Vezir, towards Cashmir, with orders to bring the Syks of that country into order and submission. That country was then in the hands of Djiven the Syk. This man, born at Cab8l, of a Catri tribe, had been a writer and an accountant in some office under Shah-veli-qhan, Vezir to the Abdali-king, who sent him sometime after to enforce a payment due by Mir-mann8, Governor of Lahor. It was in the year 1167. But Abdollah-qhan having been ordered to repair to Cashmir to take possession of that country, which still acknowledged the auhtority of Alemghir the Second, Emperor of Hinodstan, that General who succeeded in this expedition, dismissed the Indian Governor, and appointed in his stead, Qhodja C8tchec, giving at the same time the management of the revenue to the Syk Djiven, who thereby became Divan or Intendant of the province. After these regulations, he left the new Governor a body of Afghans, and returned to his master. But hardly was he departed when troubles arose in Cashmir; in which Djivan the Syk, having been deeply concerned, he commenced by killing the Commander of the Afghan Troops, after which he confined, and then banished from Cashmir, Qhodja C8tchec himself. At the same time he applied to the Vezir of Hindostan, Umad-el-mulk, requesting to have the patents of the Government of Cashmir in his own name, and these being granted without difficulty, the new Governor re-established everywhere the Hindostany government, ordered money to be coined, and the Qh8tbah to be pronounced, in the name of Alemghir the Second. After this he took possession of the revenue office, sent his collectors everywhere, confiscated all the lands possessed in Djaghir by the Grandees of the Court, and bore an absolute sway in the country.

Such a revolution could not have been brought about, but by a man of abilities. He was, besides, a well-looking, handsome Valuable character of Djiven. man, naturally good, and of an obliging disposition, and although a Syk, he seemed in his belief and practice much inclined to Mussulmanism; for he used to set apart a sum of money for repairing the monuments of the Saints of Cashmir, and for putting in order the gardens and seats that surrounded Who proves a beneficent Prince and a man of letters. them, and served for public walks. He made it a practice every day to give dressed victuals to two hundred Mussulmen, and twice in the month he sent qhoans or tables covered with a variety of dishes to a number of persons abroad. Naturally beneficent, he gave to every suitor that applied, but always according to his station or necessities. Every week he had a day set apart for hearing and entertaining the Poets of Cashmir. Amongst these he set apart five of the most learned ones to write the history of that country, from the first period in which it received inhabitants down to his time^\(2\). But their business was only to abridge memoirs. To these five principal historians he added ten men of inferior learning, whose business was to assist the others in composing memoirs, examining Notice of the five Cashmirian Poets, who are employed by him to compile a history of Cashmir. records, and transcribing vouchers. Nor is it improper to mention here the names of these five select men. The first was Mahmed-tö8fic, the liberated, whose vulgar name in the Cashmirian language was Lala-dji. He had no equal in his time at Cashmir, and I remember this distich of his:

The second was Mahammed-aaly-qhan, author of a book entitled Biography of the Poets. He was son to a nobleman of Iran, called Hessam-ed-din-qhan, and was then domiciled at Cashmir, and one of the Imperial Mansobdars of an inferior order^\(3\). The thire was Mirza Calender-metin-teqhalluss. He called himself sometimes by the name of Calender, and sometimes by the name of Canber^\(4\); and his works are said to have amounted to one lack of verses. The fourth was Mohammed-aaly, vulgarly called Panna. There is a fifth, whose name I do not recollect at present.

To return to our history. The Abdaly-king, having set apart a body of Abdalies, and two other bodies composed of Ailats of Qhorassan and of Cuzzel-bashes of Herat, gave them to Noor-eddin-qhan, with orders to bring the Cashmir to a submission; and he directed the Radja of Djamb8 to assist the expedition with a body of his troops, who might serve as guides to the others. This Radja had made it a practice, whenever any army passed through his territory, to quit the plains, and to retire to a mountainous, difficult country, where he eluded every pursuit, sometimes indeed submitting to send a present in money; and as it was impossible to penetrate into Cashmir without Cashmirians or other guides, and the Syk Djiven had shut up the passage, and placed Cashmirian troops to guard them^\(5\), it became impracticable even to approach that country, without the assistance of people accustomed to those mountains. It was with reason, therefore, that the Abdaly-king made an application to the Radja of Jamb8 for his assistance, and he desired to see him at his Court. This request had been made by the channel of Shah-veIi-qhan, the Abdaly’s Vezir, and the Radja’s particular friend; but the Gentoo Prince would not listen to the proposal. At last the Vezir having sent him his own son to be kept in hostage, until he should return safe into his own country, the Radja became easy in his mind, and he gave the information wanted, and added a body of his own troops to serve as guides, throughout those mountainous tracts. The only passage from the Radja’s country into Cashmir is by crossing the Chennav, a river that rushes betwixt two abrupt cliffy shores with so much rapidity and such depth of water that neither man nor animal can pretend to abide its fury. Across this rapid river, the Vezir Shah-veli-qhan, by the Radjah’s advice, ordered a number of tall trees to be stretched from cliff to cliff, to serve as a bridge, whereon the army might pass and the whole passed accordingly; after which the Radja with his troops retired to his own country. There remained a narrow mountainous passage in which the Syk Djiven had thrown his best troops, and these having been driven away at last, after many actions and much bloodshed, the passage was cleared. Noor-eddin-qhan, having pursued the runaways, made a massacre of them, and without allowing them time to take breath, he arrived with them at the city of Cashmir. Here he was opposed by Djiven himself, at the head of what force he could collect; but after a slight action, the citizens fled. He fled with them, and in his flight he was taken prisoner with the principal men of the country. The King informed of this success of Noor-eddin-qhan, appointed him Deputy-Governor of the whole province, and in the year 1177 he resolved to return to Candahar. Quitting, therefore, the neighbourhood of Lahor, he marched to Cab8l, and this is the last time he came into Hindostan, the present being his seventh expedition into that country. For the troubles, that had arisen in his absence in Qhorassan, proved so very serious, that he found no time to destroy the Syks, and to establish his Government in Lahor and M8ltan upon a sure footing; so that these two provinces, as well as the Tatta, being nearly abandoned, and without a military force, they were invaded again by the Syks, who returned and established themselves firmly in those tracts. Not but that Prince, as well as his ?? and successor (Timur-shah), used sometimes to send bodies of horse into those countries, but it was rather with a view to procure plunder, and to raise contributions, than for any solid purpose; and in fact we see, that to this day, which is in the year 1195, those countries have remained unsubdued by the Abdalies; nor is their authority acknowledged there. On the contrary, the Syks become more numerous and more powerful than ever, have established their collectors in every district oi those three provinces, and they seem to make no account of any enemies whatever. But then they are no more those barbarians we have heard of. Sensible of the advantages of good government, they have put themselves upon the footing of using the husbandman and farmer with the utmost regard and tenderness; so that those countries are now in the highest degree of culture and population. Nevertheless, the mighty city of Lahor has ceased to be what it was. It has lost its populousness and its beauty. Those crowds of nobility and gentry, with all those learned men that^\(6\) adorned it, have forsaken its walls, have preferred excile and distress to the dominion of strangers, whilst those that have bowed to the times, and submitted to that humiliation, and to its concomitants, want of employment and want of subsistence, live lurking in the ruins of their tottering habitations. It appears now, (and I am writing in the year 1195) that the forces of that flaming sword of the State, the Valiant Mirza Nedjef-qhan^\(7\), Prince of Princes, have penetrated into those countries, and engaged the Syks in many actions, and made them feel his consequence. However, it is time alone that can determine how these new broils are likely to end. But as we have already said so much of this new power, as well as of the new sovereignty set up by Nedjef-qhan, in the northern parts of Hindostan, we think it incumbent upon us to introduce to our reader some account of the Marhattas, those southern conquerors, who now fill so vast a circumference in that region, as well as in Decan.

It appears from the earliest histories that the Monarchs of Hindostan have always commanded to the Princes of Decan, and that their armies have more than once penetrated as far as Lanca and Serendib^\(8\); so that their government was absolute in those distant parts. It is only since the reign of Mahmed-shah, whose Ministers were extremely inattentive, and whose government was very indolent, that the Marhattas finding the field open and undisputed, have spread themselves all over Hindostan, on whose inhabitants they have brought an infinity of evils; so that few countries have remained free from their pillage; and one of these is the A8d, which was indeed defended by its situation on the other side of the Ganga, and by the vigorous exertions of Sadet-qhan and his posterity. Bengal, on the other hand, as well as Azim-abad, owe their safety to Aaly-verdy-qhan’s firmness and intrepid courage; and Lahor, M8ltan, and Tatta, to their great distance from the central parts of the Marhatta dominions. Not that their armies and their ravages have not more than once reached to those parts; nevertheless their government has never been fully acknowledged or established in any. But as we have in several parts of these sheets often mentioned these southern conquerors, it is proper to satisfy the curiosity of the reader by some account of the origin of their nation, as well as by some notion of the disputes and dissensions with which it is now distracted.

This nation arose originally in the Dë8-gur, a country on A curious historical account of the Marhatta nation from its origin. the western back of Bengal, and whose inhabitants to this day are called Marhattas, and speak that language. It was at first a particular tribe governed by the family of Bhosselah, which has since lost the sovereignty of it on being supplanted by that of Baladji-räo; and here is what we know of certain on that subject. The Bhosselahs are descended from the Radjas or Kings of 8dëypoor, an ancient race of Princes, extremely honoured and respected amongst all the Radjp8t tribes, and which although greatly fallen from its ancient grandeur, and much less powerful than the families of Rhator and Retchöaha, still holds a pre-eminence amongst these illustrious houses; insomuch that not one of those Princes thinks himself lawfully seated upon the throne, until he has received the Cashcaw from the Prince of 8dëyp8r, which Cashcaw the receiver considers as a full investiture^\(9\); and having rubbed it upon his forehead, from that moment only reckons himself a lawful Prince, and assumes, the title of Radja. The 8dëyp8r Radja’s particular style and title is that of Rana, and the general report is that his family is related to An8b-shirvan the Just, Emperor of Iran^\(10\). Some historians have wrote that after the conquest of Iran by Saad and Caass^\(11\), the posterity of that Monarch dispersed, and that one of the Princes of that family coming to India, had risen in time to the dignity and station of Radja^\(12\); after which his descendants styled themselves Ranaes. But as our duty is to admit only what has been ascertained by historians of undoubted credit, accordingly, this story proves to be groundless, and this pretended relation to An8b-shirvan is found to lean on the following historical fact: It appears, then, that Prince Partab-chund having set up pretensions to the Crown, and become prevalent, had set aside the children of Ram-dë8, taken possession of the throne, and thought Singular pretensions of their ancient Princes. himself powerful enough to assert his own independence, and to refuse to send the usual tribute which the Sovereigns of India used to pay to the Emperors of Iran. An8b-shirvan hearing of this, sent an army in India, with orders to bring the refractory Prince to his Court, bound hand and foot. Partab-chund, become now sensible of his error, humbled himself before the Iranian General, kissed the ground in his presence, and atoned for his rebellion by assembling his richest jewels with an immense sum of money, which he sent with his daughter to the Cosro^\(13\) of Iran, accompanying the Princess with an humble message where he supplicated that Monarch’s forgiveness. An8b-shirvan accepted, the present, and confirmed him in the possession of the Crown; and it remained a number of ages in Partab-chund’s descendants, who styled themselves Ranaes. But those descendants, losing by degrees their wonted energy, were in process of time stripped of the greatest part of their dominions by the subordinate Princes, who left them only a small principality; nevertheless, without ever ceasing to pay the highest honour and respect to those descendants, whom they reputed to be the representatives and deputies of the Cosroes of Iran, and as Partab-chund, the chief of the family, had married his daughter to An8b-shirvan, it is from thence that the Indian Prince’s posterity claimed a parentage with a relationship to that Cosro. But this relationship has no other foundation than that of Partab-chund’s sending his daughter to that Prince; for although the Gentoo Princess entered the Imperial sanctuary of Iran, and was enlisted amongst the angels of that sacred paradisical place, nevertheless, as the evidence expected from her person did not make its appearance, she was neglected. Nor does it appear that An8b-shirvan ever had any other known child but Hormoz, whose mother was certainly a lady of one of the first houses in Iran.

After a digression that seemed necessary, we will now return to our history of the Marhatta nation. One of the descendants of the Ranna happened to be born from a carpenter’s daughter, and as the Gentoos, to a man, make no account of such children as are born out of wedlock, or from women other than those of their own tribe, this descendant, who found himself held in an inferior light by his relations and by his own tribe, quitted 8dëypoor in disgust, and turning his steps towards the south, and in particular towards the Carnatic, he settled in that country, where, on account of his high extraction, he married amongst the Princes of that region. From this marriage sprung two sons, and two families, the one called that of Antöuliah; the second, that of Bhöuselah. Sahö-dji, whom history mentions to have been an officer of merit in the service of Burham-eddin-nizam-shah, King of Häider-abad, descended in a direct line from that Bhöuselah. He afterwards quitted that Prince, and took service with Hibrahim-adel-shah, King of Bidjap8r, who being extremely satisfied with his services, gave him the Pergannah or District of P8nah in appanage. Saho-dji, now turned farmer and Zemindar, or landholder, cultivated that spot with all his might, but under a certain quit rent, and in the form of a zemindary; so that he passed his life upon that estate, but this was only for a short time. His active mind did not brook inaction, and he quitted his freehold to take service with the fortunate conqueror, Shah-djehan, that second Lord of conjunction^\(14\). After a very active life, he was succeeded in his estate by his son, Seva-dji, who seemed likewise to inherit all his father’s character. It was at the time when Hibrahim-adel-shah having fallen into a lingering disease that carried him to his grave, after suffering during two years, he had so far neglected the administration, that great troubles had arisen in his dominions, the troops disbanded and came to Bidjap8r, and the Seva-dji, his son, assumes independence. country of Cöucan or Concan, amongst others, lost all its garrisons at once, and was left to itself. The advantage that could be made of such a state of things could not escape a man like Seva. This founder of the family of Bhöuselah was a sensible shrewd man, remarkable for his bodily strength and for much personal prowess, as well as for much capacity. Availing himself of the confusion and inactivity of the times, he put himself at the head of a number of people which his character kept together, and by them he was enabled to take possession of several forts and fortresses, that proved empty of troops, or unguarded. Meanwhile Hibrahim-adel-shah’s life drawing to an end, his son, Aaly-aadel-shah, mounted his throne, and as his administration, both on account of his character and also of his youth, wanted energy, the troubles in his dominions went on increasing; and Seva, becoming daily more powerful and enterprising, found means to bring under his power all the strong holds of the Cöucan or Concan, one after another; and these together with those he built himself, amounted to full forty fortresses, replenished with every store convenient for their defence. He was likewise in possession of several difficult tracts that might have been defended like so many fortresses a situation that put it in his power to assume independence, and to bid defiance to his master, Aaly-aadel-shah, whose principal Minister and General, Afzyl-qhan, he found means to surprise and kill; after which he plundered his camp, and stripped his soldiers. Nor did Rostem-qhan, another General of that Prince’s fare better than his predecessor; he too was shamefully defeated. After this victory Seva ceased to pay any regard to the Adel-shahïans, and he commenced making courses and ravaging the country; and as the Cöucan, of which he was now the undisputed master, borders upon the bitter waters^\(15\), he became possessed of several harbours, and commenced driving at se?? the trade which highwaymen exercise at land, waylaying merchants, and plundering their property. Become bolder by continual successes, he attacked the neighbouring countries of Aoreng-zib’s jurisdiction, and committed spoil as often as he found an opportunity. The Monarch being informed of his excesses, ordered Shahistah-qhan, Viceroy of Decan, to chastise that freebooter, and Radja Djesvent-Rhator received orders likewise to join that General. The two Generals entered the Cöucan, and burned it from end to end, but not without much difficulty and bloodshed. Seva, or Seva-dji, who had many friends and relations in Shahista-qhan’s army, engaged them to rise in a certain night^\(16\), in which the General was to marry his son. The scheme was to fall suddenly upon that General, and to kill him, and although it did not succeed fully to his wishes, it put His successors. it in his power to surprise that General in his camp, and to give him a shameful defeat. This happened in the year 1073. The Emperor, informed of this event, severely reproached the General for his neglect, dismissed him from his Government, and appointed in his stead his own son, the Imperial Prince Soltan Muäzzem; and as he was no better satisfied with Radja Djesvent’s activity in this war, he sent for him to Court, and appointed in his stead Radja Djehi-sing. This Prince proving quite another man, chastised Seva-dji severely, as often as he could come up with him; so that the latter finding that all was going to wreck, thought proper to submit. He came unarmed, and having entered into a treaty with the Gentoo Prince, he agreed to surrender and evacuate Is obliged to submit. twenty-three fortresses which were pointed out to him, and to pay a present of ten lacs of Hoons^\(17\). This treaty having been agreed to by the Emperor, an Imperial edict issued from the Chancellerie, forgiving his past misdemeanours, and creating his son, Simba, a Monsobdar of five thousand horse. Seva-dji, satisfied with this grade, resolved to kiss the Imperial threshold, and going to Agra with his son, he inclined himself profoundly before the Monarch, by whom he was received with particular regard. But the man, born far from the Capital, and in the middle of the mountains of Decan, had too much Decanism in himself yet, and too little acquaintance with the Courts of Emperors, to set a proper value upon the reception he had received. He thought it far below what he was entitled to, and complained of it to Radja Djehi-sing’s son, as of a want of attention and regard. This complaint was very ill taken. He was forbidden the Court, and guards were set over him, but his son, as not comprised in his guilt, was left at full liberty, and was received at Court as usual. It was the Emperor’s intention to keep Seva-dji for some time in that school of respect and deference, and then to raise him to honours, on sending him back to his own country; but Seva; who knew nothing of that design, and had grown impatient of a restraint that had lasted these three months and nine days, resolved to set himself at liberty. He found ways to disguise himself, and, with his son, Simbah, to give the slip to his guards. Arrived in his country, he commenced his ravages with more fury than ever, and he grew so formidable every day, that his incursions became the chief business of the Governors of those frontiers. At last he died on the twenty-fourth of the second Reby, in the year 1098; and his son, Simbah, continued as his father had commenced, but met with his deserts. For the troubles of the country having risen to a heighth, the Emperor Aoreng-zib himself thought it worth his while to repair in person to those frontiers. It was the next year, and he took up his abode at the city of Aoreng-abad, where for full twenty-five years he employed himself in chastising the Marhattas. But some of the Grandees of his Court, and some of the Generals of his army, who for private reasons of their own wished for a continuance of the war, found it their interest to support that criminal race underhand, and to prevent its being exterminated.

Simba had two sons, Ram-radja and Saho-radja. These, Simba, his son. after Aoreng-zib’s demise, found means to plant on the frontiers of the Imperial dominions the shrub of partnership^\(18\), a shrub that spread its roots from near to near, whilst those that had planted it extended their dominion upon some parts of the south of India, not comprised within the Governments of Decan; and here is some account of this matter.

At the end of Aoreng-zib’s reign, it was determined to come to some accommodation with the Marhattas, and to grant them one Des-m8kki, or tenth, out of the product of those southern frontiers^\(19\), in lieu of all their pretensions, under condition of their acknowledging themselves henceforward subjects of the Empire, and abstaining from incursions and ravages. Ahsen-qhan-mir-melenk, a nobleman of importance in those parts, had even been sent with the diploma of this treaty, and with orders to bring the Marhatta Generals to pay their obeisance to the Imperial threshold. Mir-melenk was already departed, with the treaty in his hand, when the Emperor altered his mind, and ordered that nobleman to return, without delivering the same. But in Bahadyr-shah’s reign, it was agreed that the Marhattas should have one-tenth of that part of the crop, allowed the farmer, and the patents of the agreement passed the seals and were put in their hands. That Prince, after this treaty, and the defeat of Cam-baqhsh, his brother, quitted the Decan, and marched towards Hindostan, leaving the government of all those southern countries to Zulficar-qhan, the Prince of Princes. It was in the year 1121 of the Hedjrah. This Viceroy, unwilling to remain at a distance from Court, followed the Emperor, leaving for his Deputy in those countries, an illustrious Afghan of those parts, called Dä8d-qhan-peni, and this Deputy Viceroy made it a standing rule to allow the Marhattas one-quarter of the Imperial revenues of those countries, over and above the ten per cent. which they had been allowed as Des-mucky over the husbandman’s share, in consequence of the Imperial Diploma, now in their hands: a partage which became a current custom and an inviolable rule all over the Decan. But yet the Marhattas had no Imperial patent for this Chö8t, or fourth part of the Imperial revenues. Nor was this matter settled and registered but in Feroh-syur’s reign. For this Prince, who could not bear the two brothers, Sëyds, used continually to excite Sah8 Radja, son to Simbah, against Husseïn-aaly-qhan, who had succeeded Zulficar-qhan in the Government of all the Decans, and as this nobleman was perpetually exhorted by his elder brother, Abdollah-qhan, the Vezir, to come to Court, where the Emperor was perpetually involved in continual machinations against their lives and their families, Husseïn-aaly-qhan, to be at liberty to repair to Court, came to an agreement with the Marhattas, in the year 1129. This treaty was managed on one hand by Mahmed-anvar-qhan, the Burhanp8rian, and on the other by Sanera-dji-malhar, the Marhatta; and the right of raising the Chöut all over the six Governments and-a-half of the Viceroyalty of Decan being entirely acknowledged in the Marhattas, the patents of it were drawn up in due form and put in their hands, under these two conditions only: that they should abstain from all incursions and ravages; and that they should constantly keep in the service of the Viceroy of Decan a body of fifteen thousand horse. This Chöut or quart was admitted over and above the tenth or Des-mucky, mentioned above. Thus it became a tribute acknowledged as a balance due to the Radja Sah8 on the Cöucan, his original kingdom; and Baladji, son to Beshennat, a Brahman of this last country, having been appointed Deputy General on the part of that Prince to put the treaty in execution, he established in each province two collectors of his own, one of whom, under the name of Mucasdar, collected the Chöut, whilst the other made his business of the Des-mucky. This treaty, by putting a stop to the periodical ravages of the Marhattas, enabled the devastated provinces of Decan to recover a little, and cultivation as well as population shewed part of their features again. But it may be said, however, of those countries, that they were from that moment severed from the Empire, and that the Imperial commands ceased to have any energy all over the Decan; for the Chöut was sometimes carried so high as a third of the whole revenue.

Hosseïn-aaly-qhan, being by this agreement left at full liberty to turn his views towards the Capital of the Empire, appointed his nephew, Alem-aaly-qhan, as his Deputy General all over those countries, and he marched towards Hindostan with thirty or forty thousand horse of his own, and another numerous Marhatta cavalry, under the command of Baladji-beshvent. Arrived in the Capital, Hosseïn-aaly-qhan deposed Feroh-syur, and raised to honors and dignities Sancra-dji-malhar, whom he sent back to Decan jointly with Baladji-beshvent, where these two men worked themselves into so much influence and power, that they equalled and rivalled Alem-aaly-qhan himself. Some time after Alem-aaly-qhan perished in battle. The power and life of the two Sëyds of Bar were brought to an untimely end, and Baladji himself departed this world. He was succeeded in all his dignities and influence by his son, Badji-räo, whom the Radja Sah8 appointed his Chief Minister, and who pushed still farther the Marhatta acquisitions. For Raja Gurd-hur-nagur having been appointed by Mahmed-shah to the Government of Malva, in the year 1137, had all the pains in the world to maintain himself in it. He had hardly enjoyed it for two years together, when Holcar-malhar, who had been one of Baladji’s principal Commanders, came with an army of Marhattas, and made the new Governor so uneasy in his Government, that he died of vexation, leaving his Government to his son, who was slain in defending the city of Udjëin against Malhar; after which the Malva was completely ravaged by the Marhatta horse. Six years after that date, Mahmed-qhan-bangash was sent to govern that unfortunate country. He arrived at Udjëin; but the country meanwhile had been so much devastated and over-run by the Marhattas, that his authority did not find soil enough to take root in it. Two years after, that Government was conferred on Radja Djehi-sing, a Hindoo, who influenced by his religious and national principles, listened to whatever Badji-räo seemed to instil in his mind. Even the Province of G8djrat, which after the dismission of Ser-b8lend-qhan had been conferred on Radja Abhi-sing-Rhator, fared no better, and was soon over-run and subdued by the Marhatta cavalry, excited and supported underhand by Hamed-qhan, a relation of Nizam-el-mulk. So that Badji-räo finding by the ease with which both Malva and the G8djrat had been overrun and conquered, that the Empire itself was impotent, and its Ministers slothful and incapable, he advanced fearlessly farther and farther. It is true that Muzaffer-qhan, brother to the Minister Qhan-dö8ran, was sent to oppose him; and he seemed inclined to engage the Marhatta; but the latter not thinking a battle advantageous for themselves at this time, returned to Decan; and Muzaffer-qhan, who had advanced as far as Seroudj, but found no enemy in the field, and nothing but a ruined country before him, returned to the Capital, victorious indeed if you will, but without having come to either battle or an engagement. The next year Badji-räo having returned into Hindostan, both the Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan, and the Prince of Princes Qhan-dö8ran came out of the city to meet him in the field. They marched by two different roads for that purpose, and had advanced thirty or forty cosses in the Malva. This manœuvre did not impose on the Marhatta, who sent Pelid-dji, surnamed the sorcerer, with part of his army against the Vezir, and Holcar-malhar with the other, against Qhan-dö8ran. Pelid-dji engaged the Vezir three or four times, and was as often worsted, whilst Qhan-dö8ran, jealous of his success, commenced with Malhar a negotiation for peace; and a treaty having been soon concluded, he returned to the Capital in company with the Vezir himself. But in the year 1148, Qhan-dö8ran, gained by Radja Djehi-sing-siväi, turned the Emperor’s mind in such a manner, that the Government of both Malva and G8djrat was conferred on Badji-räo. The next year, this General returned to Malva with a numerous cavalry, and having established his Government in that province, and put the collections in a proper order, he turned his arms against Radja Behdor, whom he besieged in his Capital, which he took. The Radja unable to stand in the field, quitted the flat country, and retired into a mountainous tract, where he was safe; so that Badji-räo finding that nothing further could be done with him, finished the destruction of his country, and then turned his thoughts towards becoming master of the country of Anter-bid, which we have observed to comprise all the tract of land betwixt the Ganga and the Djumnah. For this purpose he sent Pelid-dji, the sorcerer, with an army in that country, from whence he knew that Saadet-qhan had just crossed over towards Ecber-abad, and his orders were to attack this General in his way. But Pelid-dji having been encountered by the latter, who saved him one-half of the journey, an engagement ensued, in which the Marhatta lost so many of his men, that he fled with all his might, re-crossed the Djumnah, and was at all the pains in the world to rejoin Badji-räo. Moreover, in crossing the river, he mistook his ford, and lost an infinity of men, who fell a prey to that insatiable alligator, the inexorable Fate. It was observed of Saadet-qhan, that he dismissed fifteen hundred prisoners, after having given each of them a blanket and two rupees. Badji-räo, worsted in the Anter-bid, thought of recovering his character by making a push towards the Capital itself, the environs of which he pluddered and ruined at his pleasure. At last the Vezir and Qhan-dö8ran came out to put an end to his ravages, and they were soon joined by Saadet-qhan himself, and by Mahmed-qhan-bangash, who all advanced with an intention to engage the enemy. But the Marhatta finding no advantage likely to be got by battle, retired by the way of Acber-abad into Malva; and we have mentioned that event at large in the former volume. All this happened about the year 1150, when Nizam-el-mulk, Viceroy of Decan, being called to Court, the Government of Malva was conferred upon himself, and he advanced to take possession. Badji-räo, on his side, resolved to dispute such a prize, and he came out of Decan with a numerous cavalry; insomuch that the two armies were on the point of meeting in the territory of Bopal, when news coming at this time that Nadyr-shah was rapidly advancing towards the Capital of Hindostan, Nizam-el-mulk, who thought a victory on Badji-räo but a small object, compared to an event of such magnitude as Nadyr-shah’s arrival, returned thither expeditiously.

While Nizam-el-mulk was engrossed by his expedition against Badji-räo, Rago-dji-bhosselah, Mucasdar of the Province of Barar, and a son of Radja Sah8’s uncle, having had some difference with Shudjah-qhan the Ilah-abadian, Deputy Governor in that province on the part of Nizam-el-mulk, fell upon him, gave a defeat to his troops, and killed him in battle; and as Nadyr-shah’s expedition into Hindostan had given such a wound to the vitals of that Empire, that it could never recover from it, Badji-räo, emboldened by such a state of things, took possession of all the Djaghirs and appanages which an infinity of Monsobdars held in Decan, either from the Emperor himself or from Nizam-el-mulk; and thus stood the state of things during the remainder of that Viceroy’s life. But Nassyr-djung, his son and successor, having thought proper, after Nadyr-shah’s departure, to send a message to Badji-räo, with a remonstrance on that subject, the remonstrance had its effect; all those Djaghiry lands were released, and they returned to their owners. But this condescension did not prevent the Marhatta from assembling in the year 1152, an army of fifty thousand horse, with which he surrounded Nassyr-djung in Aoreng-abad, with an intention to make an end of him, and he encamped for that purpose on the south side of that city, but close to its walls. Nassyr-djung, who had no more than ten thousand horse, disdained to be shut up within walls, and coming out, he left Badji-räo and his army behind, wheeled round his rear, and pushed forward, resolved to plunder P8nah, which he conjectured to be totally unattended to. Badji-räo threw himself in his way, but he beat him over and over, until he crossed the Ganga of Decan^\(20\), from whence he ravaged the whole country. This conduct having convinced Badji-räo that nothing was to be done with people that had adopted his own system of warfare, he sent a message to Nassyr-djung, requesting the honour of a conference with him; which request being agreed to, he was received with the highest marks of distinction, and had the Districts of Carcon and Hindaïa bestowed on him as a Djaghir. Badji-rao satisfied with having concluded a peace, so much to his own advantage, marched on to Malva, and he was already arrived at the Nerbedda, when he fell sick, and departed this life. It was in the year 1153. His son, Baladji-räo succeeded him in all his dignities and offices. In this year, likewise, Nizam-el-mulk, having been dismissed by the Emperor to his own Government of Decan, he set out for that country, and on his arrival at Burhanpoor, Baladji-rāo, who was then on his march for Malva, came and paid him a respectful visit. Nizam-el-mulk, after his arrival at Aoreng-abad, had several opportunities of observing the restless temper of the Marhattas, who moved several times during the eight years he lived there, but were chastised and beaten as often, and as often was a peace concluded. A peace was likewise concluded between Nassyr-djung, his successor, and Sah8 Radja, and it was observed on both sides; and although the former perished by a conspiracy in the Carnatic, Mighty changes in that Monarchy, where the name of Monarch remains in one family, whilst the power passes to another. and the latter died in the year 1163, yet Baladji-räo observed the same, and was succeeded by Seda-sy8, surnamed Bahö8, and brother to Baladji-räo’s uncle, who became the sole disposer of all the affairs of the Marhatta Empire; and it was in his time that a mighty change took place in the Government of that Monarchy.

So late as the reign of Sah8 Radja, the throne remained in the possession of the family of Bhosselah; but after his demise, matters took a different turn, and it was observed, that the Regent, so far from putting a Prince of that family at the head of affairs, kept the Government in his own hands, and under the modest title of “Precursor,” he in fact remained the absolute master and sole disposer of the administration, civil and military, neglecting and even setting aside entirely every one of those who had previously been in power. We have already mentioned what influence and authority that new family had acquired, both in Decan and Hindostan, after the demise of Radja Sah8. Nor can that account, no more than this compendium, appear the least doubtful; for it is extracted from the historical works of the illustrious Poet Mir-gh8lam-aaly, the Belgramite, who having spent his life in the Court of Decan, where his influence rendered him a man of importance, had access to all records, knew minutely every transaction of Decan relative to those countries, and was perfectly acquainted with the general history of the Marhatta Empire, as also with the particular origin and rise of the family of Radja Sah8, as well as of the Brahmanical family of Cöucan. The digression, therefore, into which we have launched, was with a view to oblige and inform the lovers of Insatiable ambition of the Marhattas. history; nor will it prove foreign to our work to say, that both these two Marhatta families seem to aim at no less than the depriving all mankind of subsistence, in order to draw it to themselves. They leave neither Zemindary or patvary^\(21\), nor any subordinate authority, nor any hereditary command, anywhere in their dominions, or wherever they can extend their power; making it a point to tear up by the roots all such people as have any personal authority; suffering no other power to exist than their own, and seeming to be intent on becoming masters of the whole surface of the earth. But how to believe that the Almighty Cherisher of both the believer and unbeliever, of the Mussulman and Hindoo, would suffer this earth to be engrossed by one single race, or nation, He whose providence has appointed the several parts of it to afford endlessly a subsistence to a variety of tribes and races. If any thing can give a proper idea of the delicacy Their singular penurious way of life. of feeling, and of the noble notions of that singular people, it is probably some authentic particulars which we know of Baladji-räo’s way of living. This man, who had become absolute in Hindostan as well as in Decan, was fond of bread made of Badjrah^\(22\), and had no kind of relish for that made of wheat. He lived on raw Bringelas^\(23\), on unripe mangoes, and on raw red pepper, upon which delicacies he used to feed heartily. Let the reader guess the taste of the whole nation by this specimen of its Chiefs. As the Brahmans are beggars by origin, and it is a standing obligation amongst them, both to ask and to receive alms, the whole race has accustomed itself from generation to generation to such kinds of dainties and beggary with its concomitants, want of taste, and want of delicacy, stick close to all individuals, and is become a part of their nature, and although they have come to command Kingdoms, and to rule over Empires, they are still the beggars they have been. Go to any of them, from the lowest clerk to the highest man in the office, and to the Minister of State, and the first words which you shall hear from them are always these: “What have you brought for me?—Have you brought any thing for me?” And should any man go empty handed to them, they would strip him of his turbant and coat, and then recommend him devoutly to God Almighty.

The cause of this want of taste and delicacy, as well as of the little improvement which their manners and tempers seem to be susceptible of, may be traced in that coarse fare in which the rich as well as the poor seem to delight. They live chiefly upon pulse, that species particularly called T8vur^\(24\); nor do they give it that preparation called Bagar in India, and which is done by frying it with some butter, but they throw their butter over the pulse already boiled, so that the butter being raw, does not correct its taste; and this too is in so small a quantity, that it amounts to its not being there at all. Then their sauces and fare are stuffed with immense quantities of ginger, turmeric, and red pepper; and as to the last, they eat quantities of it, raw, whilst they are taking their meals. This way of living being transmitted from generation to generation, becomes so far customary and familiar, as to give them a peculiar constitution. Hence their distempers in general happen to be of the billious and melancholy kind; and hence the physicians of India, who adapt their remedies to the diseases, have it in practice to give them warm stimulating medicines, appropriating their prescriptions to the constitutions of their patients. After having given this succinct account of a nation that cuts so great a figure in our history, I must protest that I have said nothing Their singular temper and customs. but what I have myself observed as a matter of fact; and that I am not influenced by either jealousy or partiality. It is a singularity amongst these people, that, although Gent8s or Hind8s^\(25\), they never use in their letters, diplomas, and records, any other epoch than the Mohammedan one, of the Hedjrah, writing the date in Arabic words, but in Marhatta characters.

After such a digression upon a nation that fills so vast a circumference in Hindostan, we are very naturally carried back to the thread of our narrative on the affairs of that country. Arrival of Mir-cassem-qhan, Navvab of Bengal, in Shudjah-ed-döwlah’s dominions. Shudjah-ed-döwlah, after having taken the Fort of Djansi, and driven the Marhatta collectors from the Anterbid, tarried at Shah-abad with the Emperor Shah-aalem, intending to bring the Bundelcund likewise under subjection, and to establish that Prince’s Government in those parts likewise. But whilst he was preparing for this expedition, in the year 1177, his attention was diverted by another object, to wit, the arrival of Mir-mahmed-cassem-qhan, the Aaly-djah^\(26\), who being defeated and chased by the English, had come so far to seek an asylum in Shudjah-ed-döwlah’s dominions, and in the Emperor’s Court. It was at Ilah-abad that this fugitive had an interview with the Viceroy, and as he soon had opportunities of observing, that his attention, engrossed by his future expedition of the Bundelcund, did not allow him to mind anything else, he offered his service for that purpose. He had already a friend in that country, and this was Mirza-nedjef-qhan, whom he had dismissed with honour from the Keremnassa, but who was now in the Radja of Bundelcund’s service. Partly by force, and partly by the insinuations of that officer, he soon brought that affair to a conclusion that did him much honour. In acknowledgment for this service, which raised the fugitive’s character, Shudjah-ed-döwlah resolved to assist him in the recovery of his dominions, by attacking the English; an expedition where he was himself totally vanquished and defeated by those strangers, who granted him a Events that are the consequences of it. peace, by which they restored the Province of A8d to Shudjah-ed-döwlah, but gave that of Ilah-abad to Shah-aalem, as we have mentioned at length in our former volume. This peace being concluded, Shudjah-ed-döwlah repaired to his own dominions, and Shah-aalem established his Government in Ilah-abad. One of the English Commanders remained in Shudjah-ed-döwlah’s Court, as an Agent from his nation, and favour upon favour was heaping upon him. Another English Commander, but of a higher rank, such as a Colonel or a General, attended in the same manner with an army on the Emperor’s person at Ilah-abad, and occasionally assisted him in establishing his Government in those parts. Mirza-nedjef-qhan, who had taken service with the English in their wars with Shudjah-ed-döwlah, and had proved serviceable to them, was for that attachment of his complimented with a pension of one lack a year, to be deducted out of the twenty-four lacks tribute, which that nation had obliged themselves to pay as an acknowledgment for their holding the Bengal. After a length of time, Mirza-nedjef-qhan was promoted to the Fodjdary and Government of Corra, and ordered to clear that province of banditties, and to establish the Emperor’s Government firmly. But the person who had taken possession of the Imperial mind, was Munnir-ed-döwlah, who under the modest name of Steward of the Imperial House-hold, had become in fact his Prime Minister, dismissing whom he pleased from the service. He had become also the main channel of communication between that Prince and the English. He was likewise the person Some accounts of Shah-aalem’s Court. pitched upon to go on his part in embassy to Calcutta, and it was during this absence, that some men of mean capacities and vile inclinations, found means to recommend themselves to that Prince. These were Hessam-eddin-qhan, Radja Ramnat, and Bahadyr-aaly-qhan; three men, who being of the same turn of mind, and having the same inclinations with Shah-aalem, soon found their way to his heart; Hessam-eddin-qhan, especially, who having made it a point to procure pretty virgins and agreeable young women from all parts, which he got instructed in the accomplishments of dancing and singing, used to present them to the Emperor, who often introduced them into the Imperial Sanctuary, where some of them became favourites, and proved greatly instrumental in the seraglio in promoting their introductor’s interest and in filling his purse. It was by such means as these, he soon became one of the principal Lords of the Court and one who acted as a Minister of State. Unhappy the country where men rise to honours by such vile practices! It was at such a period as this, and in such a school, that Shudjah-ed-döwlah thought proper to place Mirza-saadet-aaly, his younger son, to represent his father in the office of Vezir. He likewise appointed some of his friends to exercise the office of Mir-ateshy, and some other offices effected to his family; and himself now and then made a voyage to Ilah-abad to pay his respects to the Emperor. The account of Shah-aalem’s Court naturally brings to our recollection the affairs of the Capital.

We have been mentioning that Nedjib-ed-döwlah, a Rohillah Prince, promoted by the Abdali-king to the office of Prince of Princes, or of Emir-el-umerah, had been left as a guardian over the young Prince, Djuvan-baqht, who had been placed by a faction upon the throne with the same name and title as was borne by his father, who was then waging war in Bengal. Nedjib-ed-döwlah, under the young Prince’s name, governed with absolute authority in the Capital, and it must be acknowledged that for an Afghan and a Rohillah, he was not defective either in sense or in good manners; but he deserved besides such a high elevation, by his possessing all the qualifications of a General of army, being a man of conduct as well as personal prowess. His next neighbour was the Radja S8r8dj-mull, the eye and the shining taper of the Djatt tribe; a Prince who rendered himself famous by his good manners and civil deportment, as well as by his Accounts of S8r8dj-mull, the Djatt Prince, a man of singular abilities. conquests, and his superior knowledge in the arts of Government: qualifications in which he had not then, and never has had since, his equal amongst the Hindoo Princes. He had raised or repaired four fortresses in his dominions in such a manner^\(27\), that no Indian Power could pretend to take them by a siege, and he had stored them with such quantities of ammunition, provisions, and necessaries, that the garrison, for years together, would not have wanted anything from abroad. So that if we were to make a description of their fortifications, or an enumeration of their means of defence, we would be found to have wrote a book, and to have involved ourselves in a complete volume. In one word, if we except a certain number of famous fortresses in India, which are still more indebted to Nature than to Art, there was nothing in his time that could stand in comparison with those four castles of his, especially in the quantity and quality of the stores. He had in his stables twelve thousand horses, mounted by so many picked men, amongst whom he had himself introduced an exercise of firing at a mark on horse-back, and then wheeling round in order to load under shelter; and these men had by continual and daily He disciplines a body of cavalry after a method of his own. practice become so expeditious and so dangerous marksmen, and withal so expert in their evolutions, that there were no troops in India that could pretend to face them in the field. Nor was it thought possible for any Indian Prince to wage war against such a Prince with any prospect of advantage. Many a time did the Marhattas, and many a time did the Abdalies, invade his country. In such a case he never failed to retire into his fortresses with his people, and to bid defiance to these invaders; nor did he ever pay any contributions to any of them. And it was with such a variety of military talents he had already vigorously supported his character in his many engagements with the Afghans and the Rohillahs, when he went to Ab8l-mans8r-qhan’s assistance. He constantly beat the one and the other, and always came off victorious. Insomuch that no less a man than such a Vezir thought proper to apply for his succour, and always found it an effectual one. But S8r8dj-mull was likewise very ambitious and restless; and, as his zemindary and dominions stretched in the very neighbourhood of Shah-djehan-abad, he was eternally bent on expelling his neighbours, and on taking possession of their lands. Such a conduct could not but excite perpetual disputes between Nedjib-ed-döwlah and him; so that they looked with an evil eye at each other like two men inclined to come to blows together on the first occasion. It may be even said that Nedjib-ed-döwlah was uneasy at his power and character, and that he concealed his inquietude thereon. For there was no General and no Prince in India that would choose to risk a war against him; an assertion proved beyond doubt by the effectual assistance which he gave in person to Ab8l-mans8r-qhan in his wars with Mahmed-qhan-bangash and the Afghans; and afterwards by the superiority with which he always fought the Marhattas, rendering himself at all times respectable, not only to the Vezir Umad-el-mulk and to Zulficar-djung, but to the Abdalies themselves. This is so far true that Ab8l-mans8r-qhan’s successes against the Afghans are in a great measure attributed to the Djatt Prince’s assistance. He is slain. Nevertheless as his days were counted, and his last moment was come, all these fortifications, all these excellent troops, and all this formidable character of his, availed nothing, and he was slain in an inconsiderable skirmish.

A Colony of Bal8ches had settled themselves for some time in the Districts of Feroh-nugur, where in the reign of Mahmed-shah an extraordinary man had appeared amongst them. This was one Camcar-qhan, a man who had good luck enough to acquire a character, and also influence enough to obtain the Fodjdary of the Gurd, that is of the rounds about the Capital and its environs. Several times he had been entrusted with the command of Panip8t, and some other Districts, where he had found means to bring to order and submission that whole territory, which was full of refractory, ungovernable people; and this conduct had drawn the applause of the Minister who in general left him in possession of both his office and his conquests. One of his Officers, named Bahadyr-qhan, who had raised his character during his master’s life, had recommended himself so well to the Minister Umad-el-mulk, as to obtain the Fodjdary of Soharen-p8r, from whence he was re-called to his assistance, on the war breaking out between Ahmed-shah, the Emperor of Hindostan, and his then Vezir, Ab8l-mans8r-qhan; in which expedition he assisted his protector so well, that he was thought worthy of the highest dignities, being promoted to the grade of seven thousand horse, with the insigné of the Mahi or Fish. But a peace having been concluded, and Umad-el-mulk having come to an agreement with Ab8l-mans8r-qhan, this Bal8ch, now a man of great character and eminent dignity, retired to a spot at twelve cosses distance from the Capital, where he raised a fort and a town which he called Bahadyr-p8r, after his own name, making it his residence, as well as that of his family; so that in process of time it came to be known under the name of Bahadur-gur. Meanwhile his master, Camcar-qhan, dying soon after, dissensions arose between his children and his Commanders; of which S8r8dj-mull, the Djatt, availed himself to fall upon the Bal8ch Colony, and to make himself master of Revari and Feroh-nugur, of which he kept possession. He wanted also to render himself master of Bahadyr-gur; when the Bal8ch thinking himself an unequal match for such an aggressor, applied to Nedjib-ed-dowlah for assistance, and spoke vigorously on the impropriety of neglecting his protection. The remonstrance had little effect; and the Djatt Prince, finding from this cautious behaviour of Nedjib-ed-dowlah that he was afraid of a war, became the more daring, and he requested the Fodjdary of the environs of Shah-djehan-abad, called the Fodjdary of the Gurd or Circuit, and that of Carvar. Nedjib-ed-dowlah unwilling to see matters come to a rupture, sent him a person of consequence, called Yac8b-qhan, a brother of the Abdali-king’s Vezir, and who had sometimes commanded in Shah-djehan-abad, as Governor-General. The instructions to this envoy were to endeavour, by mild words, to bring matters to a pacification, so as to smother the seeds of tumult and war. The envoy had brought with him the Radja Dilir-sing the Catri, as his associate, and two pieces of M8ltan-chintz, of exquisite beauty^\(28\), as a present; and these being elegantly painted in those favourite colours of the Gentoos, yellow and pink, proved a present exceedingly welcome to S8r8dj-mull, who ordered their being made into a Djammah or Gown for his person, immediately. The conference being interrupted by this incident, Yac8b-qhan rose, and in taking his leave, he said: “My Lord Radja, I hope you shall not resolve upon anything, as I shall come again to-morrow.” S8r8dj-mull answered, that if he came for a pacification only, he had better not come at all. “By all means,” added he, “do not come.” The negotiation ending there, Yac8b-qhan returned with one Kerem-ollah, a faithful servant which Nedjib-ed-dowlah had given him, and being arrived in this Minister’s presence, he commenced discoursing on the possibility of bringing matters to a pacification by fair words and patience. My Lord, interrupted Kerem-ollah, “If there is the least spark of honor left in your breast, you shall come to war immediately; there is no other remedy, and no other party. And this is the result of the whole embassy.” Nedjib-ed-dowlah, turning towards him, answered: “True, and I hope to do for this uncircumcised.” War between Nedjib-ed-döwlah
and S8r8dj-mull. After saying so much, he sent for his sons, Afzyl-qhan, Soltan-qhan, and Zabetah-qhan, and ordered them to keep themselves in readiness to cross the Djumnah to-morrow, at Rhadj-ghat; he also directed several Commanders of his, then present, to attend with their troops. These were Saadet-qhan, Sadyc-qhan, Man-qhan, and Mahmed-qhan-bangash, with some others. “You must cross over early to-morrow,” said Nedjib-ed-dowlah, “and fight this proud uncircumcised.” And they prepared themselves accordingly; but the distance being so small, S8r8dj-mull was beforehand with them, and at the head of his troops, he had already crossed the little river Heniden, and commenced intrenching himself on its banks over against the ford of the Djumnah. Nedjib-ed-dowlah, prevented by this manœuvre, advanced by the Gandj or Mart of Shah-dera, of which he took possession; but which he left behind him, as a good post to secure his rear. After which he ordered Afzol-qhan, his eldest son, to charge at the head of his vanguard, and the engagement commenced directly. S8r8dj-mull had placed apart from his army a body of ten thousand of those horse mounted and disciplined after his own method, and anxious to determine on what part of the enemy they should fall first, he quitted their ranks, and advancing between the two armies, with a small number of friends, of which Kelim-ollah-qhan, son to Yahya-qhan, his Monshy or Secretary, was one, he was galloping up and down, to examine the field of battle, and to make his choice, after which he stopped awhile to make his considerations. Whilst he was thus standing, there passed by him some of Afzol-qhan’s troopers, who having been beaten by Mansaram the Djatt, who commanded S8r8dj-mull’s vanguard, were flying by troops one after another. The few people that were with S8r8dj-mull, represented the impropriety of his remaining so near the enemy with only a few friends about his person; and Kelim-ollah-qhan, with Mirza-sëif-ollah, respectfully insisted on his returning. He paid no attention to what they said, and seemed intent only on considering the enemy’s motions. They both renewed their instances, and he gave no answer; but sending for another horse, he mounted, and stood in the same place. Whilst he was mounting, it happened that Sëyd Mahmed-qhan, Bal8ch, better known under the name of Sëyd8, was just flying close by him with about forty or fifty troopers; when one of these turning about recollected S8r8dj-mull’s features, and advancing to Sëyd8, he cried, That the man he was seeing there alone with a few men, was no other than S8r8dj-mull himself. “I know him well,” said the man; “shall we miss such an opportunity? If we do, we shall never see it again.” Sëyd8 hearing these words, turned about and fell upon S8r8dj-mull; and one of his men, singling the Djatt Prince, smote him with his sabre, and cut off one of his arms, which by-the-bye was maimed and actually entangled. Whilst the arm was falling off, two other men rushed together upon him and S8r8dj-mull slain in a singular manner. soon dispatched him, as well as Mirza-sëif-ollah and Radja Amur-sing, and two or three more. The few remaining, put spurs to their horses, and fled towards their own people. But one of Sëyd8’s troopers taking up the severed arm, fixed it on the spear of a standard, and carried it to Nedjib-ed-dowlah. The latter could not believe it to be S8r8dj-mull’s, and continued doubting of it for two whole days together. But it was past doubt in the Djatt army, which had retreated with still a formidable countenance. The second day Nedjib-ed-dowlah having received a visit from Yac8b-qhan, shewed him the arm, and the latter at once affirmed it to be S8r8dj-mull’s, not only from the maimed appearance, but also from the sleeve which was on it, and which happened to be of that very Calico of M8ltan which S8r8dj-mull had put on in his presence. After this the death was ascertained, and it became public. This death is an event the more extraordinary, as it had always been observed of S8r8dj-mull, that in all his battles he never exposed his person to unnecessary danger, but reserved himself in some eminent spot, from whence he was issuing his orders, often boasting that battles were to be gained by art and conduct much more than by courage and forwardness. But at this time, however, probably because fate had overtaken him, he seemed to have forgotten this caution, and he remained almost alone in that dangerous spot, where at last he was cut down, and where, by his death, he relinquished to Nedjib-ed-döwlah a victory which no one had expected.

He was succeeded by Djevaher-mull, the eldest and most capable of his sons, but who, listening only to sentiments of Dissensions in his family. pride and resentment, quitted the highroad of discernment and common sense by which his father had always distinguished the favorable moment, and sent for a body of Marhattas whom he took into his pay. After which, he besieged the Citadel of Shah-djehan-abad, to which Nedjib-ed-döwlah had retired. The siege lasted forty or fifty days, when the young man, tired of such a tedious work, proposed an accommodation through the mediation of Radja Dilir-sing, and the Marhatta General, Malhar, who agreed that they should give the meeting to each other in the Plain of Qhyzur-abad, where in fact they had an interview, and where the war and troubles were brought to an end. After this treaty, Djevaher-mull took into his pay Somro the Franghi, or European, the same, who after having been raised from an abject state to honours and to power by his master, Mir-cassem-qhan, forgot the high obligations he was under to him, and betrayed him into Shudjah-ed-döwlah’s hands, by which he effectually ruined his benefactor and his whole family. Nor did he prove more faithful to his new master; he gave him the slip, and carried away thousands of flint muskets, many field-pieces, and a quantity of artillery, all which had been Mir-cassem-qhan’s property. From that day he became independent. It was this man whom Djeavher-mull took into his service. Proud of this junction, and finding himself at the head of vast treasures as well as a numerous army, he attacked Radja Djehi-sing-seväi, successor to Maha-radja Dehiraj, and besieged him in Djehi-nugur. But there at last he met with what he deserved for his perpetual encroachments, and quarrelsome disposition; for although he had the advantage of an army disciplined by his father, and a good artillery served by Somro, he was shamefully beaten by the Radjp8ts, and obliged to return with his full measure of shame and loss. But no sooner was he arrived in his own country, than he put to death a number of persons that had been for years together in his father’s service, and some of them in his favour. After all these executions he put one Häider, a Chopdar of his own, at the head of his affairs and of his army; a measure that lost him the hearts of his troops, and shocked his Commanders to such a degree, that one of them resolved to fall upon him and to put him to death. The man having found a favourable moment, killed him upon his very Mesned. He was succeeded by Räo Ratan-chund, one of S8r8dj-mull’s sons. This Prince happening to be impotent, desired nothing so much as virile powers, and on that account he listened to the suggestions of a certain Bäyraghi, or Attit-fakyr, who pretending himself skilled in Alchemy, obtained from his credulity several sums of money. When the impostor saw himself pressed for the remedy in question, he found no other way of extricating himself than that of killing his patient. Under pretence, therefore, of wanting to be alone with him in a retired place, he fell upon the Prince and killed him; and after such an execution he was making the best of his way out of the Palace, when he was stopped and put to death in his turn. Räo Ratan-chund was succeeded by his brother, Nevol-sing; but a younger brother of his, by name Rendjit, having gained the favour of one Hansïa^\(29\), one of his father’s concubines, took possession of the Fortress of Dig, and of all the treasures and stores hoarded up there; by which revolution so many new dissensions and troubles arose in the country, that the principality seemed dismembered; and that formidable power, raised with so much policy and valour by his father, was entirely stripped of its energy, and reduced to its original insignificancy.

Nedjib-ed-döwlah’s power, on the contrary, rose to the utmost height. He became absolute in Shah-djehan-abad. He was himself a man of merit, and although an Afghan, (for after all, the Rohillahs are only the best of that race) he was attached to the rules of justice and equity, wished well to every one, and studied the repose and welfare of the people of God. But almost all his followers, or even all of them, were Rohillahs; and after all, the Rohillahs are but the best of a race of men, in whose blood it would be difficult to find one or two single individuals endowed with good nature, and with sentiments of equity. In one word, they were Afghans, and that unbridled soldiery exerted upon the inhabitants of the Capital, most of whom were gentlemen of character or noblemen of ancient race, such violences and such extortions, and they invented such new ways of Very bad one of his countrymen. tormenting them, that nothing like is to be imagined, nor is there mentioning those violences with any decency, or even to any purpose. The sufferers have suffered, and past is what is past. Nor did these abominations cease until Nedjib-ed-döwlah himself fell sick, and thinking the climate of the Capital unfavourable for his distemper, he repaired to Nedjib-gur, where he suffered the pains of a lingering sickness that seemed to have His death. no end. At last he submitted to the inexorable Tyrant from whom there is no release, and died in a bed in which he had languished for years together. He was succeeded by his eldest Is succeeded by his son, Zabeta-qhan, a Prince of good character. son, Zabeta-qhan, the only one amongst them that resembled his father, and seemed to have inherited part of his valuable qualifications. This Prince, for a length of time, bore an absolute sway in Shah-djehan-abad, where he not only gave a general satisfaction by his personal behaviour, but where he applied himself, more than his father had done, in repressing his Rohillahs, and in bringing them under some controul. Some malevolent people having found means to excite discontents, and an open revolt amongst his brothers, he beat them all in the field, but took no other revenge than that of assigning lands and a proper revenue to each of them, as if he had been intent only on gaining their affections. At last he had a quarrel with the Marhattas, and we shall see in the sequel the consequences it produced, as soon as we shall have cast a view on Shah-aalem’s person and Court.

We have mentioned that Aaly-goher, since called Shah-aalem, had chosen his residence in Ilah-abad. Naturally low-minded, and of a turn of genius that wanted both acuteness and vigor, he could not live without being governed by some one of his people, and he passed his time in that city, governed by Munnir-ed-döwlah, his Minister, but always profoundly submissive to the pleasure of the English Commanders stationed there. Nevertheless, he of himself became sick of such a submissive inactive life, and being desirous of living in the Palace of Shah-djehan-abad, and of shewing himself with the pomp of an Emperor to the inhabitants of that Capital, he availed himself of Nedjib-ed-döwlah’s death to take his final resolution on that Shah-aalem resolves to repair to the Capital of Hindostan. subject; and he commenced looking out for such persons as might assist and support him, when once in the Capital. Numbers of discontented people in that mighty city repined at the prevalence of the Afghan administration, under which no office was given to any but to a Rohillah, and they were this long while brooding upon their own discontents. All these being happy to hear of a Prince of such a ductile temper, took care to applaud his resolution, and to inform him that the Marhattas were the only people in the world capable of promoting his designs. With this view Sëif-eddin-mahommed-qhan, brother to Akybet-mahm8d-qhan, the Cashmirian, set out for Decan, where he entered into a treaty with the Marhatta rulers, digested into many articles, and confirmed by reciprocal oaths and protestations. After having succeeded so happily in his negotiation he returned to Ilah-abad, where he presented letters from them, purporting their attachment to the Imperial cause, and their readiness to support its interest. Such overtures engaged the Emperor to declare his Opposed by the English, and by his Ministers. resolution publicly, but it was opposed by his Minister, Munnir-ed-döwlah, and then by the English, and lastly by Shudjah-ed-döwlah, who all represented the inconveniencies and dangers to which his design was liable. The Prince was immovable; he said that his final resolution was taken, and that he could live no longer in Ilah-abad. The English, seeing him bent on following his own inclination, reluctantly gave their consent; but Parts willingly with the dominions of Ilah-abad and C8rrah. Munnir-ed-döwlah refused to follow him. He had already made a private treaty with the English, by taking from them a lease of the revenues of the Provinces of C8rrah and Ilah-abad, and they had rewarded his attachment by presenting him with a Djaghir or appanage of one lac of rupees, which they had assigned upon the product of Mahin-poor, and likewise upon Shah-djehan-poor and Arvel; all dependencies of the Province of Bahar and Azim-abad. That Minister continued in the government of the two Provinces of Ilah-abad and C8rrah, until about one year after this transaction, when the Navvab Djeladet-djung Bahadyr^\(30\), the Governor Mr. Hushtin, came to Banares, where he entered into a treaty with Shudjah-ed-döwlah, by which this Prince took upon himself the government of those two provinces; and then Munnir-ed-dowlah paid exactly the balances due by him, but falling sick at that very time, he winged his flight towards eternity. His body was brought to Azim-abad, and buried in a Mausoleum, which he had prepared for himself. It was in a corner of Assed-ollah-qhan’s house, a palace which he had purchased, and which had then fallen to the share of Kerim-c8ly-qhan, his eldest son. May God Almighty’s forgiveness rest upon him!

As to Mirza-nedjef-qhan, he followed the Emperor. Shudjah-ed-dowlah Continues his journey. accompanied him for several days likewise, and omitted nothing that could dissuade him from his design, but in vain. Whilst they were travelling by Feroh-abad, Ahmed-qhan-bangash, Sovereign of that city, whose beneficent turn of mind had engaged him to grant suitable pensions to a number of decayed noblemen and gentlemen of the Capital, deprived of their revenues, and who besides had approved himself the declared protector of the poor and distressed, came to depart this life. He answered his Lord’s call by saying, “I am ready, my Lord^\(31\),” and quitting this fragile world, he repaired to the celestial mansions. Shah-aalem, on the very first news of his death, marched close to the walls of Feroh-abad, and in compliance with that shocking custom of the Babrian Princes, by which they become universal heirs to all their officers, he sharpened his teeth, and set them against the movable estate of the deceased Prince. The relations observing how much he seemed bent on getting the whole of it, and that he had encamped at the very gates of Feroh-abad for that very purpose, availed themselves of Shudjah-ed-dowlah’s mediation, Seizes by the way on a rich estate. and they engaged him to accept from Muzafer-djung, the deceased’s eldest son, a certain sum of money, in lieu of all his pretensions. Shah-aalem having carried his point, and taken up such a booty, continued his journey to the Capital, and dismissed Shudjah-ed-dowlah to his own dominions. The latter shewed every mark of esteem and regard to Muzafer-djung, and sent his own son to condole with him on his father’s death; after which he returned to his own Capital, where he applied himself closely to his own affairs, and where he continued to befriend the sons of Mahmed-qhan-bangash, with as much regard and attention as if they had been committed to his care.

We have said that an application had been made to the Marhattas of Decan on the part of Shah-aalem. Few of them had escaped from the edge of the Abdalie’s sabre, and those that had so much good luck, were rather skulking than living in those distant parts, when their hopes were revived by his embassy. Concluding that, under pretence of assisting Shah-aalem, they would in fact establish their own power and regain the footing they had lost in Hindostan, they prepared forces and set out for the Capital. Whilst they were on their march, Zabeta-qhan thought it high time to provide for his own safety. Sensible of the cordial enmity they had borne to his father, and of course to his whole family, he quitted his own Capital, and repaired to Soharen-p8r-b8riah, and to Nedjib-gur, a country which had been acquired long ago by his father, who had it fortified to his mind. There he took up his residence, strengthened his post, and prepared himself for a vigorous defence. By this time the Marhattas were arrived about the Capital of the Empire, where they took possession of every District in the environs, without meddling, however, with the Prince Djuvan-baqht, who was shut up within the walls of the citadel, with the bare name of Sovereign. Arrives in his Capital. Immediately after, they also sent a detachment to sack the country of Zabeta-qhan. The Emperor, meanwhile, being arrived, took up his abode in the Imperial Palace within the citadel. He had been met on the road by Abdol-ahed-qhan, the Cashmirian, son to Abdol-medjid-qhan, a nobleman, who being exceedingly wary, artful, and capable of adapting himself to the complexion of the times, had found means to live upon good terms with every one, and had been greatly considered both by Nedjib-ed-döwlah and by his son, Zabeta-qhan. He was now received with great distinction by Shah-aalem, and soon became a favourite with him, to the great regret of Seïf-eddin-mahmed-qhan, who, having been at all the trouble and expense of the voyage to Decan, and of the whole negotiation with the Marhattas, found now that he had missed his aim, and was totally neglected. Abdol-ahed-qhan, engrossing now the Imperial mind, was soon decorated with the titles of “The Glorious of the State, the Lord of the Age, my Valiant son, the Hero Ever Victorious in War^\(32\),” and he became the Prime Minister; whilst the Emperor retired within the Imperial Seraglio, which he had so much longed to see, plunged himself into all kinds of pleasures and delicacies, and remained plunged in them. But Mirza-nedjef-qhan, the hero of his time, being of too active a mind to addict himself to such a life, now commenced to aspire to the highest dignities and rank, and to conceive that nothing was above the reach of his valor. He was incessantly occupied in preparing the necessaries of war, and in assembling as many brave adventurers as he could attach to his own person.

By this time the Marhattas, after sacking and ruining Zabeta-qhan’s country, were returned to the neighbourhood of Falls out with the Marhattas. Shah-djehan-abad, where not content with setting an exhorbitant price on their past services, they had become quite overbearing and insolent. The Emperor applied to Nedjef-qhan for assistance, and this officer, although so inferior and unprepared, thought himself equal to the task of chastising such powerful enemies; and with that intention he marched out of the city walls and encamped in the suburbs. The next day, a skirmish took place, and was succeeded by many others, in which, notwithstanding his small numbers, he always came off victorious. But whilst he was fighting abroad, his enemies, amongst which Abdol-ahed-qhan, Hyssam-eddin-qhan, and Bahadyr-qhan cut so conspicuous a figure, were actually undermining his influence at home. Those men who had all along fawned to him, although Is vigorously supported by his General, Nedjef-qhan. in reality they could not bear his presence, (and there is a known adage, that cowards and braves never agree together) finding now that the field was left open by his absence, resolved to disappoint his views by making a peace with the Marhattas, as the only method to come at Nedjef-qhan, and to undermine a power which his personal prowess had rendered formidable. The most ardent in this scheme was that vile Hyssam-eddin-qhan, who was the man most in favor with the Emperor, and who could not bear so much as Nedjef-qhan’s presence. Without giving that General the least notice of the negotiation set on foot, he engaged the Emperor to enter into a treaty with the Marhattas; and the latter, who were thoroughly sensible that this General was the only man of merit at Court, and the only opposer they had to dread, admitted whatever conditions and whatever terms were proposed to them; perfectly satisfied that Nedjef-qhan being once put out of the way, it would be an easy matter to manage and subdue a pusillanimous Prince, supported by a set of timorous, low-minded Ministers. They, therefore, conformed themselves to the circumstances, and subscribed to whatever was requested. After this treaty of peace, the guards that were upon the towers and ramparts, and at the gates of the city, received orders to admit the Marhattas, and Who is himself in great danger from Court intrigues. these being set open, those infidels marched into the city, and took up their quarters everywhere; after which their Commanders went to the citadel, and paid their respects to the imperial presence.

Mirza-nedjef-qhan hearing of this pacification, was astonished and confounded; but finding that all was over, he returned within the city himself, and took up his abode in his own house, where he was suddenly assaulted by a demand which he had never so much as suspected. The Emperor, eternally obseded by his three favourites, who hated Nedjef-qhan heartily, and intirely governed by Hyssam-eddin-qhan, who was the leader amongst them, and could not bear to be eclipsed by so superior a character, sent the Marhattas word, that he had assigned upon Nedjef-qhan the sum of money promised them, and that they were therefore to get it from him by enforcing payment. All this affair was conducted by that vile Hyssam-eddin-qhan, who served his two associates by serving his own aversion to that hero: an aversion which proved the main hinge of all his actions, although he was too timorous to betray any signs of it. He undertook to ruin him intirely by filling the ears and minds of the Marhatta Commanders with reports that could not but excite enmity, and nourish aversion and hatred. In one word, he gave them to understand that Nedjef-qhan, by his turn of mind equally ambitious and restless, was the only author of the dissensions that had taken place between the Emperor and them; and that this would be the case for ever, so long as that General should remain alive. The Marhatta Commander, incensed by all these instigations, sent a threatening message to Nedjef-qhan, requiring him to provide for the sum assigned upon him by the Emperor; and strange as seemed this message, the imbecile Monarch had the weakness to suggest almost every word of it. That brave man who saw now that his life was aimed at, resolved to sacrifice it to his honour; he refused to submit to oppression and infamy, and this resolution of his was announced by a vigorous answer. Some days were spent in messages and answers, and in sending and receiving envoys, a delay of which Mirza-nedjef-qhan availed himself to prepare for his defence. With about four hundred men, that had zealously remained attached to his cause, he resolved to repel force by force, and to perish if necessary, but not without selling his life to the highest bidder. The Marhatta General, who knew Nedjef-qhan to be a man of undaunted resolution, finding that he was resolved to shed his blood as well as that of others, became sensible at the same time that it was impossible that a soldier of fortune, like him, should really be worth so much money, as his accusers pretended. He rightly concluded that his insisting upon such a payment would end in much blood-shed, and in the death of thousands of brave men that must be necessarily sacrificed before a hand could be laid upon him. He, therefore, became very cool in this undertaking, being convinced, besides, that the death of so brave a man could never redound to his honour, but would remain an eternal stain on his own character, which henceforward might become an object of detestation and contempt amongst both friends and foes. Resolved, therefore, to see the bottom of this dark affair, and to live upon some terms with that General, he sent him word that he wished to have a conference with him, at the same time accompanying the message with a safe conduct in due form. Nedjef-qhan consented, But in the end comes out of them gloriously. and putting himself at the head of his zealous followers, all armed as well as himself, he went to the Marhatta camp. Tagodji, for such was the Marhatta General’s name, on descrying him from afar, came out of the paling of his tent, and saw him alight; after which he embraced him with the utmost regard, as an equal, and taking him by the hand, he conducted him within the tent, where he made him sit with himself upon his own Mesned. He then apologised for the message he had sent, and professed a high regard for his person. At the end of the visit, he made him a present of elephants, war-horses, precious stuffs, arms, jewels, and gems of great value, and he dismissed him with every demonstration of regard and esteem.

This visit, having substituted acquaintance and amity for distance and distrust, produced in its consequences a reconciliation between the Emperor and Nedjef-qhan. In a conference before that Prince, it was resolved to attack Zabeta-qhan in his own country, and to make an end of him by re-annexing all those districts to the Crown. After this the Emperor, with Regains the confidence of the Emperor. Nedjef-qhan and the Marhattas, departed together from the Capital. But Zabeta-qhan, informed of such a combination, did not think himself a match for it in the field, and sending therefore his family and consort, with all the persons of his father’s Who resolves to strip the Rohillas of their usurped territories. family, on the other side of the Ganga, he resolved to make a stand on this side, having thrown his army in the Fortress of Ghous-gur and the intrenched camp under Sukur-tal. He also sent one of his brothers with a detachment on the Rohillah-side of the Ganga to secure his convoys. Whilst he was waiting for the enemy, Mirza-nedjef-qhan and the Marhattas had already taken leave of the Emperor at the second stage from the Capital, and they had marched into the enemy’s country, where they encircled the camp at Sukur-tal. A number of skirmishes taking place, Zabeta-qhan was not pleased with his situation, and hearing at the same time that the Ganga had become fordable in many places, he sent a message to his friends on the other side of the water, that is to Hafyz-rahment and the children of Doondy-qhan, as well as to Faiz-ollah-qhan, son to Aaly-mahmed-qhan, Rohillah. The purport of his representation was this: “That the Marhattas not being informed yet of the river’s having become fordable, they, his brethren, might still come down in force, cover their several countries, secure thereby his own dominions, and insure likewise his rear and his convoys. That if they retarded marching to the banks of the river, and that meanwhile the enemy should get an information of some ford, he would not fail to cross over, to ravage their country, and to intercept his convoys; in which case he would himself become an easy prey, and their own turn would follow immediately, after which all would be involved in one common ruin. Conceive, then, the consequences of a few days’ delay, and act accordingly.”

The rohillah Princes, convinced of the truth of such a remonstrance, became sensible of their own dangers, and every one having assembled his troops, marched down to the banks of the Ganga. Zabeta-qhan, to facilitate a communication, threw a bridge of boats upon the river, and thereby rendered the access of provisions and forage easy, and of little expense; and he intended to defend to the last the fort and camp of Sukur-tal. The Rohillah Princes likewise crossed the river, paid a visit to Zabeta-qhan, and a consultation having been held amongst them, it was resolved that such Generals as were already arrived, should extend their troops all along the shores for twenty and thirty cosses together, against the stream, so as to secure all the fords above Sukur-tal; and that such as were coming successively, should take post at those fords which were below Sukur-tal, in the same extent of country. This manœuvre, by discovering a number of fords to the enemy, of which they did not entertain even a suspicion, put them upon looking out for others. Upon examination, it was found that the river was fordable almost everywhere, and that the crossing over would prove easy. After this discovery they made no movement for two or three days, their intention being to lull the Rohillahs to Nedjef-qhan crosses the Ganga, and overcomes the Rohillas. sleep; and then Nedjef-qhan and the Marhatta General mounting together advanced against the current, as if to look out for a ford, and as they went on, they passed by several, which they all found guarded. But the guards thinking that the enemy intended to cross over much higher than their posts, became negligent in their encampment, and most of them believing the enemy gone some days’ journey farther, quitted their posts, and went over to the other encampments to see their friends. By this manœuvre, some posts were left without either guard or defence, and the Marhattas, who kept an attentive eye everywhere, being informed of this, turned bridle at once and came back on a full gallop at one of the fords which they had passed, and which they now found unguarded. Without giving the enemy time to recover from their neglect and surprise, they pushed to the middle of the water, and were crossing over. The brave Mirza-nedjef-qhan commanded the forlorn hope, and he pushed through the water vigorously, whilst the Marhattas were shewing themselves at another ford. The Rohillah General who commanded there, forced by these circumstances, quitted his post with the few men he found at hand, marched to oppose Nedjef-qhan, and took post on an eminence. This being seen by the neighbouring Commanders, two of them flew to his assistance, and joining the third, they commenced a fire of musketry and rockets upon the enemy. Mirza-nedjef-qhan, who was preceded by some Zemberecs^\(33\), ordered that kind of artillery to stand in the middle of the water, and to fire on the eminence; and he was so well served by fortune, that the very first discharge killed outright the three Rohillah Commanders; and here it must be recollected that the Rohillahs are a race exceeding covetous, little susceptible of controul, and of such a temper as to prove ungovernable on the sight of ever so little plunder. The moment they saw their three Commanders slain, they commenced plundering each other immediately; and a scene of confusion, and wounding and slaughtering taking place, they rushed furiously against each other, lost sight of every other object, and thought only of plunder and booty. Luckily for them that Mirza-nedjef-qhan and the Marhattas, satisfied for that day with the success of their trial, had returned to their camp.

But meanwhile the report spreading on the other side of the water, that the Marhattas had crossed over and slain three Rohillah Generals, a panic seized the troops of Zabeta-qhan and as they had already been severely handled by the Marhattas in their unfortunate stand against Ab8l-mans8r-qhan, they took fright and dispersed. Without seeing an enemy or even a couched spear, or a drawn sabre, they all fled from their camp, but retained still so much of the Rohillah in their very flight, as to fall The Rohillas plunder each other and disperse. mercilessly upon each other, and to make booty of whatsoever they could lay their hands upon. This intelligence being carried to the garrison placed by Zabeta-qhan within Sukur-tal, the contagion seized them also, and they fell a plundering and killing each other; nor would they have forborne plundering Zabeta-qhan’s palace likewise, had they not been overawed by his presence as well as by a small number of his relations and kinsmen who put themselves upon their defence. After this fine performance, Strong intrenchments
of Sukur-tal abandoned by them. they set open the gates, and dispersed, every one intent solely on securing what booty he had made. Zebeta-qhan, confounded at such a reverse of fortune, sent word to Fateh-qhan to come over, as he wanted to speak to him immediately. This Fateh-qhan was a Rohillah Chieftain, who had come to his assistance of his own accord, and had encamped over against Sukur-tal. Fateh-qhan was thunderstruck with the general panic and desertion. He proposed to Zabeta-qhan to remain in the Fort as late as the dusk of the evening, and then to cross over to his camp, with what troops he could collect; after which they had no other party left than that of engaging for once the Marhattas in the field, and trying what fortune might produce in their behalf. Fateh-qhan being returned to his own camp, assembled his officers and relations, and imparted his resolution to them. But the effect made by his harangue is hardly credible. No sooner did these men hear of what had happened on both sides of the water, than they were seized themselves with a panic resembling a contagion, and quitting the assembly, they went home, collected their baggage, and dispersed every one his own way; and within an hour’s time no trace of that body of troops could be discovered all over the plain. Fateh-qhan without being dismayed, turned to his son, and bid him go over with some of the few troopers that remained, to bring away his brother who had been to see Zabeta-qhan. The young man mounted, with some horsemen, but was hardly arrived at the bridge, when the contagion seized his followers also, who fell upon their Lord and commenced stripping him. The young man returned without a turbant, and with his clothes torn upon his back. Fateh-qhan, finding that his case was desperate and past remedy, assembled a few troopers and servants, and putting himself at their head, he fled, resolved to retire to some place of safety. By the way, he alighted in a populous town; but here one of his men chancing to have a dispute with a grain merchant, the Rohillahs, always true to their national genius, went behind his shop, and set it on fire; and the fire communicating from near to near, consumed not only all the cahuts, but even the brick-houses and other soild buildings in the neighbourhood so effectually, that there did not remain so much as a trace of the town. A person of character, who was then with Fateh-qhan, used to recount that the multitude of those that fled, did not fall short of ten thousand horse and foot. And as they were passing by a field of Bid-andjir trees^\(34\) that were now and then waving with the wind, that whole multitude stopped short, remained silent, and trembled in all its limbs, having taken the above field for a body of Marhatta spear men; nor did they recover their senses, but after some light horse had gone near and made their report; then only did those ten thousand armed men find courage enough to go on with their flight. Meanwhile Nedjef-qhan and the Marhattas finding no enemy in the field, marched into the country of Zabeta-qhan, and drew Zabeta-qhan undone. smoke from the breasts of his relations, family, and consorts, as well as from all the inhabitants. The Rohillah Prince, unable to make the least resistance, fled and took shelter in Shudjah-ed-dowlah’s country. The latter consented to become a mediator between the children of Hafyz-rahmet and the other Afghans on one hand, and Nedjef-qhan and the Marhattas, on the other. Luckily for the Afghans that great dissensions having at this very time arisen amongst the Marhattas themselves, those that were now at war with the Rohillahs received orders from P8nah to repair in all speed to Decan. Proposals of a pacification coming at such a conjuncture from. Shudjah-ed-dowlah, became A peace. The Marhattas retire. highly acceptable. A treaty was concluded, and they turned towards Shah-djehan-abad in their way to Decan. Mirza-nedjef-qhan returned with them; but the Marhatta Commanders had during this campaign conceived such a high opinion of his character, that in taking leave of the Emperor, they earnestly recommended him to his attention, and moreover appointed him their own Agent at his Imperial Court.

Nedjef-qhan, now raised very high both in consequence of the opinion the world had conceived of his character, and by the additional weight he derived from the Marhattas’ recommendation, turned his thoughts towards the means of rising to the Projects and conquests of Nedjef-qhan. highest honors, and to the summit of power; and as he conceived that it would be good policy to keep fair with the Emperor and his Ministers, he resolved to make conquests in the neighbourhood of the Capital, in countries which seemed to acknowledge the Imperial authority, but where in fact it had not the shadow of power. He therefore asked and obtained the government of several Districts close to the Capital, possessed long ago by the Djatts, and where no officer and no collector from the Emperor had ever dared to shew his face. He afterwards called about his person a number of soldiers of fortune and other resolute men, to whom for the present he could afford but a small pay, but whom he rendered hearty and zealous, by promising them a share in the benefits of his future conquests, and the company of his person in every future danger. Having by these means assembled a good body of forces, he advanced at their head to the frontiers of Djatt country. But the son of S8r8dj-mull, who after having subdued all his brothers, was fully established in his paternal dominions, had been informed of Nedjef-qhan’s designs, and was prepared to encounter him in the field. He had a numerous army of Djatts, and was of late reinforced by the whole of Somro’s force, which amounted to fifteen or sixteen field-pieces, and six or seven thousand of those foot soldiers called Talinghas^\(35\), and which are armed with flint muskets, and accoutred as well as disciplined in the Frenghi or European manner. The two armies met in the territory of Kevol and Djalisser, close to the highroad that leads from Acber-abad to the Capital. As Nedjef-qhan’s troops were mostly raw soldiers, and this was the first action in which they had been engaged, some of them misbehaved and lagged behind, whilst those that attacked courageously were either slain or wounded. On the other hand, the Djatt cavalry lost some ground, and matters wore a bad aspect even in the Radja’s army, when Somro with his field-pieces and his musketry, making his appearance, sent amongst the enemy’s ranks such a shower of balls of all sorts, as gave them no time to recover their spirits, and to rally. All Nedjef-qhan’s efforts to bring his dismayed troops to the charge proved ineffectual. He was himself wounded in the arm by a musket-ball, which made him lose much blood. But there happening to be at hand a large well^\(36\), surrounded by a lofty rim of bricks, he retired behind it, staunched his blood, wrapped his arm with some linen, and then assembling some cavalry and some men of note that flocked round the well, he put himself at their head and returned to the charge, resolved not to survive a defeat. Those brave men having invoked together the name of God spurred their horses and rushed on a full gallop upon Somro’s dressed ranks. It happened by a particular interposition of the Divine assistance that these soldiers, that had hitherto cut so formidable a figure in Hindostan, were broke in an instant, and losing their wonted steadiness, they fled on all sides, with Somro at their head, leaving a full victory to Nedjef-qhan’s people. As soon as the Talinghas were perceived flying, whole squadrons of Nedej-qhan’s troops, that had heretofore fled from the field of battle, and had hitherto been mere spectators of the last charge, wheeling at once about, crowded round their General, and having now plucked fresh courage, they fell with fury upon both the runaways and upon that part of the Djatt cavalry that stood still to their ground; they mixed pell-mell with them, and gave the greatest part of the Djatt army for food to their famished sabres. A body of these, however, having got clear of the runaways, marched out of the field, with steady pace and a firm countenance, and returned to their homes with safety and honour.

Nedjef-qhan, after this glorious victory, requested of the Emperor the Government of Acber-abad-Agrah. The Emperor, who had never received the least revenue from that province, and who saw even now the Imperial Palace and the Citadel of Acber-abad in the hands of the Djatts, consented to invest him with that nominal Government, and the Ministers, like Hyssam-eddin-qhan and Abdol-ahed-qhan, with their party, who did not love the proximity of the new hero, made haste to send him as ample Beginning of Nedjef-qhan’s fortune a patent as he could wish. As that extraordinary man’s fortune seemed to have just risen as from a long sleep, and every one of her limbs was glowing with vigour, she soon gave a full existence to that nominal Government of his, and he forced the Citadel of Acber-abad to a surrender. Nedjef-qhan, sensible that his strength consisted in the number and goodness of his He takes Acber-abad-Agra. troops, and in the attachment of his Commanders, conceived that his situation forbade his thinking of hoarding up money, or of accumulating treasures. He therefore abandoned the whole booty found in the castle to his troops, and contented himself with such a share as had fallen to the lot of any of the Generals of his own army. By putting himself thereby upon an equality with his troops, he endeared his person to such a degree, that he soon found himself at the head of a powerful army, with which he undertook the siege of Dig, a fortress built with so much strength and expense, that it was spoken of all over the world as a wonder of the age. It cost him a siege of fourteen months, but its capture raised his power to a pitch, and so much enhanced his character, that the Emperor thought proper to invest him with the office of “Prince of Princes”, vacant by Nedjib-ed-dowlah’s demise, and Zabeta-qhan’s flight; and he also decorated him with the titles of “The Ever Victorious Two-edged Sword of the State”^\(37\). Meanwhile the son of Sor8dj-mull, who had retired to another fortress of his, finding himself unable to stand before the new conqueror, sent to ask a peace; and the latter, unwilling to bring matters to an extremity, and to drive to despair a whole tribe, who although vanquished, might, for want of subsistence, give him a deal of trouble and harass his new conquests, agreed to very moderate terms, that secured the victor’s dominions, and gave him an undisputed sway, but left to the vanquished enough to restrain their restlessness from the temptation of exciting troubles. Nedjef-qhan, by such a peace, entirely pacified the Djatts, and solidly established the foundation of a power that henceforward brought him to a par with the greatest Princes of Hindostan, and the most illustrious names existing.

Whilst fortune was raising one man to the skies, she was in that same territory depressing another in the deepest abyss of misery and grief. This was no less a man than Mir-mahmed-cassem-qhan, heretofore Viceroy of Bengal, who having departed this world about this time in that very territory, naturally furnishes a short article to our history. He had retired to the country of the Rohillahs, and having been well received by them, he was this long time availing himself of their protection to repose from the toils he had hitherto endured. But his character sticking close to him everywhere, and his suspicions inclining him to mistrust and ill-use others, his people were tired of living with him, and commenced deserting one after another. Mirza-shemseddin, his faithful friend, died in confinement. Nor was Sandul-aaly-qhan, an eunuch of an approved character and fidelity, much better used. This man, who had been and was still superintendent of his sanctuary, had been in pilgrimage to Mecca, from whence he had repaired to Gohud, on hearing of his master’s being there, and he had continued to serve him ever since. Even this man became an object of suspicion, and under pretence that if he had not been worth money he would not have come back from Mecca, he was daily tormented with reproachful expressions. Such a disposition of mind alienated all the hearts to such a degree, that his very menial servants and his slaves quitted him one after another. Himself disgusted with his residence, quitted Aterchundy in the Rohil-cund, and repaired to the Rana of Gohud’s dominion^\(38\), from whence he went to the country of the Radjp8ts, and at last he fixed himself in a town between Acbar-abad and the Capital. There in a little time he departed this life in the utmost poverty and distress, leaving to the world a memorable instance of the instability of human things, and fixing an everlasting stain on Shudjah-ed-dowlah, the author of all the miseries he had undergone.

This last Prince had entered into such solemn treaties with the English rulers, as had established the strongest ties of union, with a community of concerns between them and himself; for they had bound themselves to assist each other in case of an attack by an enemy. However, whilst Nedjef-qhan, with the assistance of the Marhattas, was ruining the Rohillah power, he had thought proper to remain a quiet spectator of the operations of the war; but after that General’s departure, he conceived that this was the time to act in his turn, and to give the finishing blow to that inimical nation. As a hatred to that name was hereditary in his family, he forgot the friendship and union that Shudjah-ed-dowlah avails himself of what the Rohillahs had suffered from Nedjef-qhan, to put an end to their domination. had intervened between him and Saad-ollah-qhan, as well as with Ynaïet-qhan, son to Hafyz-rahmet, and he undertook to put an end to the Rohillah domination. Full of these ideas, he applied to Governor Hushtin for his consent to that expedition, and promised a sum of money to the English for their assisting him vigorously. That Governor had no orders from the Company to send troops out of the English dominions, or out of those of Shudjah-ed-dowlah’s, for the purpose of making conquests; nor had he their consent for undertaking any new conquests, either on the English account, or on account of Shudjah-ed-dowlah, who was now their vassal. The orders from the Council in England were to assist Shudjah-ed-dowlah with all his might, against any one that should attack his dominions, and likewise to call that Prince with all his power to the assistance of the English, should the latter be attacked in their dominions of Bengal and Azim-abad. The policy of that mixture of liberty and restraint consisted in this, that as the Rohillahs were a natural barrier to all these dominions, and their country afforded the only easy passes to them from Hindostan, it was expected that those people of course would be obliged to stand upon their own defence, and would oppose, for their own sakes, any invader that should undertake to attack the dominions of the two Allies. Shudjah-ed-dowlah, however, having pointed out to the Governor several advantages that would accrue to both parties from the success of this expedition, prepared himself for war, with a promise of being supported by the English. Nevertheless, with a view to put an end to his disputes with the Rohillahs, or to demonstrate to the world the natural perverseness of their temper, he sent word to Hafyz-rahmet, the principal ruler amongst them, desiring him to remember “How he had come in time to the assistance of his nation against the Marhattas, and how he had rescued it effectually from the destruction intended Sends a message to the Rohillah Princes. them, by paying in their stead from his own treasury a mighty sum of money, which had saved their country from devastation and ruin; he added, that all the return made him for his effectual interposition, was only a variety of tergiversations and delays on the repayment of a sum due to him, and which they had not yet thought of providing for. So that matters standing as they were, the Rohillahs must prepare themselves for war, or pay, without delay, the sum advanced for their sakes.”

This message did not fail to make great impression on Hafyz-rahmet, who was a man of great sense and much foresight. He sent word to Fateh-ollah-qhan, and to the other children of D8ndy-qhan, as well as to Faiz-ollah-qhan, son to Aaly-mahmed-Rohillah, and even to all the principal men of the Rohillah nation, and informed them that he wished to see them assembled at a certain place, as he had something of importance to impart. When they were assembled, he sent them the following message:—

“Shudjah-ed-dowlah, who has disciplined his troops, and mounted his artillery, in the Frenghi (European) manner, and who, besides, is supported by the English power, intends to attack you, and to make a conquest of your country, as well as of mine. My opinion is, that we shall never be able to stand before people that pour a shower of fire in the ranks of their enemies. Is it not better, then, to avert so great an evil by repaying him without delay the money promised, and which, after all, is nothing but his due? For I inform you that we shall never be able to resist his attack.”

Whilst the Rohillah Princes were assembling, Shudjah-ed-dowlah had sent secret assurances to the sons of D8ndy-qhan, “That he had no business with either their family or their dominions, which were on the other side of the Ganga; but that it was only on condition that they would remain quiet, without interfering by their assistance to others; else, they might reckon upon their falling in the same fire that would be The message remains unattended to. kindled to consume the others.” But this message made little impression on them; and those senseless men, instead of listening to Hafyz-rahmet’s advice, and paying their share of the money he had so long ago stipulated for them, were, on the contrary, averse to any accommodation; and preferring their money to any other consideration, they were exciting the others to a war. And this was the general opinion of the Rohillah Princes, who being in general young, ignorant, and proud of their bodily strength and valour, preferred war to a payment, and even exhorted the others to reject all thoughts of an accommodation, pretexting their inability to pay, and describing the ruinous state of their country. It was in vain that Hafyz-rahmet was preaching, “That they would never be able to stand before the fire of the Frenghees; that it would produce clouds of smoke out of their breasts, and that of their families; and that they would be obliged to run away from the field of battle, and to lose their characters as soldiers.” All that produced no conviction. Doubtless it was because the Rohillahs having been guilty of an infinity of cruelties and extortions towards the inhabitants of Hindostan, it was high time that they should, in their turn, experience to the full all the violences which they had hitherto committed upon others. The time appointed by the Omnipotent Avenger was come; nor was it in their power to retard it by a single moment. Blinded by their own ignorance and prejudices, those senseless men thought only of taking the field and coming to a battle. Shudjah-ed-dowlah, informed of their obstinacy, put himself at the head of his own victorious troops, and with an artillery equally well served and numerous, he marched into their country, accompanied by the English troops, which were commanded by General Barker, and he commenced ravaging all that tract of ground. Hafyz-rahmet, finding that his countrymen were bent on war, exhorted them at least to assemble betimes, and to march to his asistance with all their forces. He applied especially to the sons of D8ndy-qhan, who put him off with fair promises which they did not intend to fulfil. Some came to rendezvous only with a small force, and some sent only promises of arriving in a few days; and by this time Shudjah-ed-dowlah had already advanced in the heart of the country, and was close upon Hafyz-rahmet. This Rohillah Prince finding himself hard pressed, resolved to oppose the enemy with what force he had at hand, whether of his own, or of some Rohillah Princes and Chieftains, that had now joined him, and these did not amount to less than fifty or sixty thousand men. These troops he placed in a well chosen post that had in front a small deep river, with lofty crooked banks covered with brambles, and with a quantity of thorny trees; behind this front he placed his artillery as he could afford, for it was an object of contempt for the enemy. The latter very little intimidated by this order of battle, turned the front of the Rohillah post, and passed that little deep river by the right and left. The combat commenced, on one hand, by Shudjah-ed-dowlah’s Talingahs, commanded mostly by eunuchs of merit, and on the other, by the English Talingahs, all old troops, accustomed to face the enemy, being Battle, in which the Rohillahs are totally ruined. commanded by Captains and Majors, flushed with victories, and all of them Officers of experience, and men of abilities as well as courage. The engagement commenced by the artillery of the English, which these people have the art to serve with so much expertness and expedition, that nothing can prevent its destructive effects, but a particular interposition of Providence, and an express miracle, wrought instantly; nor could it be expected that such an undisciplined, disobedient rabble as can be collected in India, would face such a rain of fire, as might be poured by the English. This is as much as could be expected from the troops of Iran, who accustomed to advance and to retreat only by order of their Commanders, and mercilessly chastised whenever they shewed any delay or backwardness in action, were equal to an attack on such formidable enemies as those strangers. Such exertions could not be expected from the undisciplined Rohillahs, and in fact they were swept in shoals by that dreadful artillery, lost vast numbers of men, were soon thrown into a complete disorder, and fled in crowds towards the fields, but in reality towards the regions of eternity. Hafyz-rahmet, without being dismayed by the slaughter that surrounded him, stood his ground with a firmness and an intrepidity that did him honor. He was followed everywhere by a number of faithful men, all resolved to shed their blood in his company, and he was seen wherever the danger called for his presence, until at last a ball of cannon came, pierced his heroical breast through and through, and parted Bravery of Hafyz-rahmet their General, who is slain. his soul from his body. Those who on his example stood yet their ground, no sooner saw him fall than they gave themselves up to despondency, and quitting the field of battle they fled on all sides, and joined those that had already preceded them. Shudjah-ed-dowlah seeing that victory had declared for his troops, alighted from his elephant, and spreading a carpet, he inclined himself profoundly before the Lord of victories, to whom he made a short prayer in thanksgiving for so signal a success. He was yet prostrated, when the head of Hafyz-rahmet was brought to him, and the indentity of it having been ascertained, he prostrated himself a second time; but one of his Generals, who had known Hafyz-rahmet, producing a handkerchief to wipe the earth and dirt from its face, he was stopped short by these words: “Let it remain as it is,” interrupted Shudjah-ed-dowlah. “That dirt and mire on that face are so much ornament to my own. I return thanks to God Almighty, that I have to-day taken a full revenge for the perpetual insolencies aud endless cruelties which this bloody barbarous race has been continually offering to my father, to my family, and to an infinity of faithful believers.” Whilst he was speaking, Zabeta-qhan, who had still a body of a thousand men, was close to him. But this severing of Hafyz-rahmet’s head, which had been ordered by Providence in punishment of the numberless injuries offered by that undisciplined nation to the people of God, seemed to be the signal for their losing courage totally, and for dispersing heedlessly. A panic seized the whole race, and spreading itself through all ranks, without distinction of age or sex, it worked upon their constitution as a vertiginous giddiness, which prevented their entertaining any thoughts of ever joining together, or of assembling again to any effect. Shudjah-ed-dowlah, after this signal victory, being become the master of the country, spread his victorious troops far and near, with orders to put to the sword every Rohillah that should appear in arms, or did not submit, and meanwhile he turned his thoughts towards quieting the country, bringing it under order and controul, and annexing it to his own dominions. The rest Shudjah-ed-dowlah takes possession of the Rohillah country. of the Rohillah nation, struck with terror and dismay, submitted, and all their Chiefs reluctantly sent their obeisance. These were Fateh-ollah-qhan, with the rest of D8ndy-qhan’s family, Muhabbet-qhan, with his brothers, sons of Hafyz-rahmet, and Fäiz-ollah-qhan, son to Aaly-mahmed-qhan-Rohillah, the founder of that principality, of whom we have so often sopken in the first volume. All those Princes who had retired with a confused multitude within the mountains of Camä8, unable to bear the water and air of that climate, and overcome by the difficulties of their situation, repaired to Shudjah-ed-dowlah’s camp, with their principal officers, and acknowledged his sovereignty. But Fäiz-ollah-qhan, finding himself followed by the sons of D8ndi-qhan, and Hafyz-rahmet, Princes that had long served under Aaly-mahmed-Rohillah, his father, to whom they owed their fortunes, he conceived hopes of being better attended by the fugitives of his nation, and he retired to the foot of the mountains, with a design to live by making courses, and ravaging the enemy’s country. Luckily for him that he was brought to his senses by Fate of the Rohillah Princes. the English Commanders, who interposed their mediation, and presented him to Shudjah-ed-dowlah, with whom they had stipulated some conditions in his behalf; for they obtained for him a certain tract of Rohillah ground at the very extremeties of that country, which stretched at the foot of the mountains, and yielded a revenue of about ten or fifteen lacs. Thither he retired with the remains of his demolished nation, and there he applied himself to the improvement of the country, and there he now lives with dignity and splendour. The rest of the Rohillah Princes, so far from being so much favourised by fortune, were left unnoticed, and even without a subsistence; and some who were suspected of knowing of concealed hoards and treasures, suffered every hardship in a long confinement. I, the poor man, have seen at Lucknow most of the sons of Hafyz-rahmet and D8ndy-qhan, and it is from their own mouths I have learned their own history. It was a little after Shudjah-ed-dowlah’s death, and at the beginning of the reign of his son, Assef-ed-dowlah, of whom we shall have occasion to speak in a little time. It was at Lucknow that I became fully acquainted with them all, and also with a number of the principal persons that had a share in that expedition. But the most illustrious and valuable amongst these Rohillah Princes was undoubtedly Muhabbet-qhan, younger brother to Ynaïet-qhan, which latter had once endeared himself to Shudjah-ed-dowlah by being his companion of arms in his expedition against Azim-abad. This young Prince seemed by his figure as well as by his character, to be worthy of dominions, or at least to deserve a better fortune; but times were too hard and insensible, or at least too blind to pay a due attention to so much merit, and he was suffered to linger upon a small pension, quite inadequate to his rank in life^\(39\), and that too at the very time when Fäiz-ollah-qhan was complimented with a country that cannot yield less than twenty lacs of rupees—he whose paternal possessions in the life-time of the Rohillah power never did afford above five lacs a year. A strange perverseness this and a strange infatuation of the times indeed! which, blind to real merit, and blundering upon incapacity and meanness of character, seem intent only on affording regrets and surprise to the sensible observer!—Verses:

Be it as it will, it is certain that this treaty and junction of Governor Hushtin’s with Shudjah-ed-dowlah met with a very bad reception at home, and that the Members of the Council of The treaty of the English with Shudjah-ed-dowlah
highly disapproved in Europe. London, which is the Capital of the English Empire, finding fault with every part of the whole expedition, repeatedly reprimanded him with great asperity, for his having permitted Shudjah-ed-dowlah to wage war with the Rohillahs, and, moreover, for his having lent him the assistance of the English troops. But the Governor, having vindicated his conduct with equal solidity and eloquence, became a great favourite with the people at home, and from that time his favour went on increasing daily, and it put it in his power to regulate to his mind the Company’s affairs at Bengal, as well as to attend to the changes that were taking place at the Capital of Hindostan.

For whilst Shudjah-ed-dowlah was making conquests, Mirza-nedjef-qhan, who had once been in his service, having lately shaken off his inferiority and submission, had risen by dint of merit and achievements to an equality with his old master; and the latter who had hitherto been brooding upon discontents, conceived long ago, now thought it expedient to take a different style with him, to forget his discontent, to commence his friend, and to talk of nothing but completing a perfect union between themselves. He even betrothed one of his daughters to that rising conqueror, and did everything in his power to gain his affection. But Nedjef-qhan, although now at the head of so much power, Alliance between Shudjah-ed-dowlah
and Nedjef-qhan. thought it incumbent upon his generosity to continue his former submissive style to Shudjah-ed-dowlah, and to abstain from availing himself of the equality to which fortune had raised him on the theatre of the world. He continued to write in a respectful style to Shudjah-ed-dowlah, as to his superior, even in an affai which required to be handled with great firmness as well as much delicacy; for the Rohillah power, having been for some time before in the agonies of death, most of the countries that had belonged to Nedjib-ed-dowlah, and, by succession, to Zabeta-qhan, his son, had been conquered by Nedjef-qhan with the assistance of the Marhattas, some time before Shudjah-ed-dowlah’s expedition, or they had surrendered to his arms. Some of these Districts were on this side of the Ganga, and touched^\(40\) towards the north to the dominions of Hafyz-rahmet and D8ndy-qhan, Followed by a treaty of partition between them. which were the territories of Chandp8r, Nediah, Patter-ghur, and some others; whereas the greatest part of Zabeta-qhan’s country extended mostly to the west and south of the Ganga, and such were the Districts of Barr, Soharenp8r-b8dia, and the rest. On the other hand, all the countries that had belonged to Hafyz-rahmet, and the children of Aaly-mahmed-Rohillah, as well as to D8ndy-qhan’s posterity, had been taken possession of by Shudjah-ed-dowlah, that is, all that part to the north and east of the Ganga, which was contiguous to the Province of A8d; such as the Districts of Shah-djehan-p8r, Bereily, Anowla, Bedäon, Bissöulah, and some others. The other Districts on the eastern side of the Ganga, such as those of Sumbul, M8rad-abad, Amr8a, &c., together with all the country between the two rivers of Ganga and Djumnah, had been conquered by Ab8l-mans8r-qhan, from Mahmed-qhan-Bangash, and bestowed upon the Marhattas. But this nation having since their bloody defeat at Pany-p8t evacuated so effectually all Hindostan, that there was not one individual Marhatta to be found in any part of it, the conquered countries, bestowed upon that nation by Ab8l-mans8r-qhan, together with some others in the Anterbid tract, were divided amongst themselves, by Hafyz-rahmet, Ahmed-bangash, and the families of Doondy-qhan and Nedjib-qhan, who received thereon the Abdaly-king’s orders. Part of Zabeta-qhan’s spoils then being on the Lucknow side, and part on the Delhi side of the Ganga, Nedjef-qhan, who felt how much such a situation was liable to misunderstandings, set out for Shudjah-ed-dowlah’s Court, with intention to come to an agreement with that Prince about a final division of those territories. Being arrived at that Court, he examined with him the net revenues of those districts that had heretofore constituted Nedjeb-ed-dowlah’s dominions, and it was agreed between them, that whatever was on this side of the Ganga, that is, on the eastern and northern side of it, as Patter-ghur, Chand-poor, Nedjinah, and some other districts, should be annexed to the Province of A8d; and that such parts as were on the other western side, with part of D8ndy-qhan’s and Hafyz-rahmet’s countries, should be annexed to the Provinces of Acbar-abad and Delhi, to which they were contiguous. This partition having given satisfaction to both parties, and the limits having been agreed to and ascertained, the Agreement was explained in a written instrument, which received the usual forms; after which Nedjef-qhan departed to his own country, carrying with him the Prince Zabeta-qhan, whom he had requested from Shudjah-ed-dowlah, and to whom he shewed every demonstration of favour and regard, loading him with presents and distinctions at every opportunity that offered. Shudjah-ed-dowlah, after this departure, turned his thoughts entirely towards bringing to order and submission the Rohillah country, and towards Shudjah-ed-dowlah prepares to enjoy his conquests. incorporating his conquests with his hereditary dominions. But Providence, who had been preparing the causes of his dissolution from afar, had appointed the time, and it was not to be foregone by a moment. A disorder of the venereal kind made its appearance between his belly and his thigh—it was of the species called by the vulgar a Qhyarec, (small cucumber). In a little time it broke open, and commenced suppurating abundantly. As such an eruption had never been known to be of so serious a nature as to endanger a man’s life, he made no great account of it, especially as the known and usual remedies were from time to time applied by some Indian or Armenian Chirurgeons, and especially by some European ones, who were this long time in his service and enjoyed his confidence. Nevertheless the wound increased, and as it seemed to baffle all the powers of physic, a suspicion arose amongst his friends and courtiers about the nature of a wound that yielded to no remedy. And it was then that a strange and universal report prevailed, that having cast his eyes upon Hafyz-rahmet’s daughter, actually in his seraglio, the young lady, who had about herself a full measure of that ferocity and sense of honour so remarkable in women of the Rohillah race^\(41\), submitted to his embraces, but at the moment he was closing with her person^\(42\), she drew a small clasp-knife, which had been dipped in poison by her mother, and thrust it, with all her might, into his groin; from which circumstance people accounted for the rebellious nature of the wound. But this report was certainly without foundation, and is unquestionably erroneous; notwithstanding which it ran then and still continues to run so strong, that there are numbers of people who will admit of no other cause for his death, and who reject the other as fictitious, and as an invention to serve a turn. Be it as it will, Shudjah-ed-dowlah himself, astonished at the state of his health, resolved to return to what he called his home, by which he ment the Palace which he had finished at Fäiz-abad, but which had been commenced and founded, as well as that city itself, by his maternal grandfather, Saadet-qhan. He mounted a Naleky^\(43\), and set out for that desired spot, leaving his second son, Mirza-saadet-aaly, as his Deputy in the new conquered countries, and recommending that young Prince to the care of Sidy-beshir, the Habeshinian, a slave of his grandfather’s, and who being very much trusted both by the father and son, had risen to be one of the principal personages of the Court. He placed him near his son, as a tutor and a guardian, and departed for Fäiz-abad.

Arrived at that Capital, he expected a benefit even from the change of air, but his wound becoming worse and worse, and having by this time considerably affected his health, it was discovered that it had degenerated into a malignant cancer. He now called to his assistance some English chirurgeons, whom he joined to his ancient and trusty ones, and these spared no care or attention, but all to no purpose. Matters now wore a gloomy aspect. For although, according to the Scriptural sentence, that “The moment of death is not to be advanced or retarded by a Remarks on the singular dispensations of Providence. single instant, and delay is undoubtedly beyond the reach of human power,” nevertheless, as the Divine goodness, instead of bringing forth the events of this world by abrupt transitions, hath vouchsafed to make them grow out of one another, by a concatenation of second causes, some of which remain concealed, while others become open to view; these last are often attended to and observed by men of sense, who discover, even in the plainest of them, tokens of an attentive wisdom. And this rule is applicable to Shudjah-ed-dowlah’s dying when young, and to his departing this world with a heart torn by the regret of being deprived of the enjoyment of it, at a time when he had raised his power to a high pitch, had provided every object of enjoyment, and had resolved henceforward to live in a laudable beneficent manner. But I humbly conceive to have discovered the cause. It was too late to remedy all the evils he had caused. It is true that he had many laudable qualifications, and that he lived in a very high style, on purpose to afford subsistence to a greater number of persons; but it is no less true that he used to spoil all the merits of that conduct by two or three ugly customs or proceedings of his, that would render all merit detestable, and doubtless it was in punishment of such excesses that the Divine Avenger, from whose minute recording there is no concealing anything, thought it high time to drive him from this world, at a period of life when he was still young, and wished to enjoy the vigor of his body and the fullness of his power. He stripped His character highly reprehensible. him of the sweets of dominion and life, and obliged him to take to the road of eternity, whilst he was all the while lamenting his fate, and parting with this world with the most heart-felt regret. The first of these ugly actions of his was his faithlessness and perfidy to Mir-cassim-qhan, who although far from being himself a blameless man, certainly had not deserved from Shudjah-ed-dowlah the unworthy treatment he received at his hands. After having made every promise to that fugitive, and having confirmed those promises by writing them with his own hand on a blank leaf of the glorious Word of God; after having recommended the faith of the treaty to God Almighty himself, to the Prince of the Envoys^\(44\), to the Proto-martyr and Prince of the Justs, and to His Highness Saint Abbas, son to Aaly, and grandson to Ab8-taaleb, (upon all whom may peace and grace rest for ever!); after having promised a perfect safety to that fugitive man in his person, honour, and fortune, and having received in immense presents and a variety of services, a full return for the asylum he had afforded him; to change at once so far as to entice his ungrateful servants and soldiers to a revolt, and then to confine his person, together with his consort and children, and after that to confiscate his whole remaining property, without exception, so as to reduce a potent Prince, once a bestower of lacs and treasures, to want the very necessaries of life, and to live on a footing with a wretched beggar, is such a series of shocking and dishonourable actions as no pen could describe without pain and horror. The second of his censurable proceedings, was his merciless disregard of the circumstances of more than two hundred thousand persons in his dominions^\(45\), who all enjoyed either pensions or salaries, or whole villages or lands on which they subsisted. He confiscates all the charity-lands. All these were, with one stroke of his pen, swept away, and confiscated, and immense multitudes of men were left deprived of their accustomed subsistence, most of them being of a sex or of an age that rendered them incapable of providing for themselves. Insomuch that vast numbers of them, ashamed to beg, and wanting the very staff of life, rather than shew their faces in public, and undergo thereby a defilement, shut up their doors, and silently perished in want and misery. Vast numbers of others, overcome by the pangs of hunger, quitted their paternal homes, and turning beggars, lingered out a wretched existence, embittered by endless woe and boundless regret. It is possible that about ten or twenty of those holders of charity-lands^\(46\) may have been arrant hypocrites, and such as were addicted to practices that might excite suspicion, and even fully deserve chastisement. Such people undoubtedly ought to have been ascertained, dragged out of the crowd, and punished according to their deserts, although he himself, after all, seemed inclined to overlook such misdemeanours in others; but he might have remembered that he had succeeded to those Princes and Sovereigns of India, who in humble imitation of the Almighty goodness which bestows its rain and its sun upon the worthy and good, as well as upon the unworthy and wicked, had never thought of depriving any living soul of the subsistence they found it accustomed to enjoy.

The third ugly part of his conduct was his continual disregard to the honor of his servants and subjects^\(47\), and his inattention and carelessness about the rights of possession and property. Whenever he wanted to enlarge a palace, or to raise His heinous disregard to the honor and property of the subjects. some new building, he made little account of pulling down the houses and habitations of his servants, or his subjects; insomuch that numbers of people, not only lost their grounds and materials, but their very furniture and movables, the whole-of which never failed to be reputed fair booty by those shoals of pioneers who crowded upon them at once without warning, and reduced them in a twinkle to distress and beggary^\(48\). Nor did any one, but God himself, listen to the screams and groans of those ejected, forlorn families. But the day of account and retribution was now come. He was informed that he had but few hours to live; so that sending for his mother, consort, and relations, he pronounced his profession of faith^\(49\), and asked their pardon, and on a Thursday, being the twenty-second of Zilcaad, in the year 1188 of the Hedjra, he expired, departing from the caravansary of this fragile world, for the regions of eternity.

One would hardly believe that, with such a strange character, he should have been an object of regret; and yet it is beyond doubt that he has been regretted to an incredible degree. Several persons of importance and credit have affirmed that the report of his death filled the whole city of Faiz-abad with sorrow and grief. Muhabbet-qhan (eldest son to Hafyz-rahmet), who certainly could not be partial to him, and to whose merit it is difficult to render sufficient justice, has more than once told me, that although his family had been ruined by Shudjah-ed-dowlah, and himself reduced to the condition in which I then saw him, nevertheless, on seeing his corpse pass by, he could not contain himself, but shed a flood of tears. He added that he cannot compare the general impression of sorrow felt that day by every one, to any thing but to what is sometimes observed in the last days of the ten first ones of the Muharrem^\(50\), when it is not possible to observe in a numerous assembly one single face that is not unaffected with grief. He protested that the whole city of Faiz-abad was in that predicament, no face being to be met with but was bathed in tears; insomuch that he doubted much whether a single person could be found that day, that had not wept abundantly. It was then remembered that, about a year before his death, a tumour had arisen at his back or about his shoulders, and as both his father and maternal grandfather had died of such a distemper, it was feared lest the tumour at the back might turn out to be of a cancerous nature; and he vowed to send five lacs of rupees to the holy places; a vow which he performed to the full^\(51\), after having fully recovered his health. But as he was himself predestined to die of that distemper, hereditary in his family, he at last perished himself by a cancer. His body having been washed, purified, and wrapped up in a winding-sheet, according to the rites customary in Hindostan, it was taken up by Mirza-aaly-qhan and Salar-djung, brothers to his consort, who, together with the principal Grandees of the Court, and Officers of the army, and the most eminent men of the city, carried it by turns upon their shoulders, all the while preceded and followed by an immense retinue of his horses, elephants, and his whole household, and by crowds of people that had been attached to his person. Whilst the convoy was yet on its march towards G8lab-bagh^\(52\), where the body was to be entombed, his virtuous son, Mirza-amany, that man whom people are pleased to call Assef-ed-döwlah^\(53\), anxious to sit upon the paternal throne, and fearful lest so many Grandees and officers, who were as fully apprised of his incapacity and unworthiness as he was sensible of it himself, should pretend to choose a successor to his father from his other children—Mirza-amani, I say—without any respect to decency, and without any regard to the plainest dictates of common sense in so awful a ceremony, sent trusty persons through the middle of the procession, with orders to bring his two uncles back by all means, and even by force. The two brothers excused themselves upon the impropriety of quitting the procession before its arrival at G8lab-bagh, and on the offence which such a conduct would give to the Mussulman people in general. But meanwhile other messengers coming up with precise orders to bring them by force, the two Lords pronounced a short apology and went away. Some others, who had not been sent for, but who guessed at the sentiments of the deceased’s successor, went back of themselves to secure by such a conduct some part of his good will and favour. Assef-ed-döwlah, after a short consultation with them, sent for Colonel Cleiss, and another Englishman of consideration, who had been in great esteem with Shudjah-ed-döwlah, and he told them, “that a delay would be improper; that the decrees of Providence had been fulfilled, and that they had nothing else to do but to place him upon the throne of his father.” The two Commanders thought so much precipitation improper, and excused themselves upon their waiting for orders. The other insisted, intreated, and spoke much upon that subject; and at last he promised a great sum of money, should they Is installed in the throne by two English Officers. comply with his request immediately. The two Commanders, having talked sometime amongst themselves, agreed at last that this man was the deceased’s eldest son, born of a woman of equal rank to his own, and to whom of course the succession belonged by the rules of hereditary right. “After all,” added they, “what harm will that do to us? On the contrary it will do us good.” They immediately sent for a turbant, rolled it upon his head, and calling for the principal men, actually attending the procession, they commanded them to offer their nuzurs, and to make their bows of acknowldgment. The military music had likewise orders to strike up. The sound of this being heard by the other part of the retinue, which actually attended the procession, gave that multitude at once, as well as every one of the men of distinction that still remained, an insight into the successor’s turn of mind. Quitting therefore the convoy, they returned to the Palace. As soon as they were arri ed, and the Court appeared numerous and frequent, this virtuous son, who doubtless had been this longwhile panting for such days as these, took his seat upon the Mesned of Sovereignty, and received the homages of the whole assembly; and all this was done with so indecent a precipitation, that the music at the Palace was playing in token of rejoicing, whilst the people of no note and character that had remained with the body, were performing the funeral rites over it, and the rejoicings were heard sounding whilst it was actually committing to the earth. The new Prince now being universally acknowledged, brought forwards his ancient steward and friend, appointed him his Deputy all over his dominions, raised him to the grade of seven thousand horse, gave him a military music and the insignia of the Mahi, or fish, and decorated him with the title of Moqhtar-ed-döwlah, or “The Omnipotent of the State.” This was no other than Mir-M8rteza-qhan, brother to Mir-M8rtézévi-qhan. But Iredj-qhan and Sidy-beshir, with some other friends and councilors of Shudjah-ed-döwlah’s, observing how the wind blew, thought proper to provide for their own safety. Iredj-qhan, under pretence of obtaining the patents of confirmation from the Emperor, and of strengthening the treaty of amity and union that had been concluded with Nedjef-qhan, obtained leave to repair to Shah-djehan-abad, and thought himself very lucky to escape from the new Prince’s grasp. In a few days more, the latter, under pretence that he could not agree with his mother and grandmother, quitted the city of Fäiz-abad, and with his whole Court and army he marched to Lucknow. After coming out of the city, he sent his mother a message requesting his father’s treasures. For Shudjah-ed-döwlah, who on his making peace with the English in their camp, had been so zealously assisted by his consort, had from that time conceived so high an opinion of her fidelity, that he used to entrust to her custody every saving he could bring up. Some four messages passed at that time between the son and the mother. At last the latter consented to pay a sum of fifty lacs of rupees, in lieu of all the treasures entrusted to her custody by the deceased Prince, and the son in appearance satisfied, gave her under his hand a general release, as having received the whole amount of his father’s estate.

As soon as he had received the money, he made no more any scruple of exposing shamelessly all the ugliness of his whole character, He was a slave to effeminate affections, and had long ago selected and applied to his use a certain number of the most brawny Talingas or Sipahees, who served him according to his inclinations, and followed him everywhere by day as well as by night, as if they had been his shade. All these were now brought forward upon the stage of the world, complimented with sounding titles and large pensions, raised to grades of honor and to the command of whole Brigades, decorated with rich presents and fringed Palekies, and introduced to Court as men of character, and importance. Amongst this species of men was a Paleky-carrier, or chair-man, of his own, who had particularly hitted his fancy. He was now brought forward likewise, and distinguished by the title of Radja-mahera, or Prince chair-man. Another received the Government of Besvara, and he there drummed himself as well as his master all over the country. In short, it was observed that all his favourites and all those that approached him, were taken from amongst the vilest of man kind. It is with such a Court that he proceeded to Lucknow, where having tarried sometime, he advanced to Atava, which is Anterbid, and the last place of his dominions towards the west, and where he remained encamped a longwhile. At this place he sent for his brother, Mirza-saadet-aaly and for Sidy-beshir, who both obeyed the summons. The latter was lulled asleep by every demonstration of regard and favour, until the new Prince’s emissaries had gained An attempt to seize Sidy-beshir. over to his side all the troops that were under the man’s command. These being secured, a secret order was given to some officers to arrest Sidy-beshir and to bring him to the presence. The latter had received intelligence of the order, and Heroical behaviour of Mir-bahadyr-aaly. was astonished at his being aimed at; but whilst he was deliberating with himself, the troops sent for him were descried from afar. He had with him at that moment one Mir-bahadyr-aaly, a Sëyd of Barr, who was these many years attached to him, and owed to his favour his fortune and his very existence. This man turning to Sidy-beshir bid him get upon his own horse, and fly immediately. “So long as I am alive,” said he, “I will keep them busy after me. Meanwhile be mounted, and without loss of time, fly for your life to the ferry boat on the Djumnah, which is but at a small distance. Cross over at once, and then you shall be in Nedjef-qhan’s country, and of course in a place of safety. And you, added he, speaking to some friends then present, you owe as well as myself your very fortune to this man. See him safe on the other side of the water, and approve yourselves worthy of the favours you have received. Get away. I shall keep these people at bay for full half an hour.” Sidy-beshir mounted and fled; meanwhile Mir-bahadyr-aaly advanced out of the wall of the tent, and engaged the enemies; sabre in hand. He fought with so much resolution and bodily vigour, that for a full half hour no one could approach the door to get in and seize on Sidy-beshir. At last, Who gets himself hacked to pieces in order to save his benefactor. after having performed feats of prowess that did him an infinite honor, he was overborne by numbers, covered with wounds, and stretched on the ground. But meanwhile Beshir had already reached the Djumnah on a full gallop, and finding boats at hand, he got in one of them, and arrived safe in Nedjef-qhan’s country. Whilst he was crossing over to the other side, Bahadyr-aaly, who had cheerfully drank up the cup of martyrdom, was crossing over with a luminous face to the regions of eternity, where he was immediately admitted to the enjoyment of the parterres of Paradise. The soldiers straddling over that hero’s body, got within the tent, and searched for Beshir, but Beshir was not to be found; they found every thing, save the ram of the black flock. After this glorious expedition, Assef-ed-döwlah took from his younger brother the administration of the Rohilcund, a country assigned to that young Prince as his share of the paternal estate, and he bestowed it on S8ret-sing, a Hindoo, who had been appointed Divan of the revenue of that tract, by Shudjah-ed-dowlah himself. In all these transactions M8qhtar-ed-dowlah acted with so unbounded a sway, that Assef-ed-dowlah seemed reduced to a mere cypher. He obtained for Sëyd-mahmed-qhan, his eldest brother, the title of Actydar-ed-dowlah, M8qhtar-ed-dowlah,
Minister of State. or “The Powerful of the State,” and bestowed upon him the Government of A8d. His second brother, Muäzzez-qhan, was decorated with the title of Muäzzez-ed-dowlah, or “The Honoured of the State,” and also complimented him with the Government of Ilah-abad. To these titles he added a household of elephants, horses, furniture, and jewels, with every thing else suitable to their present high stations. In the same manner, he raised every one of his relations, kinsmen, or friends, to offices and to affluence, both in a degree too much above their merits, and at the same time he depressed and neglected every one of those who had been attached to Shudjah-ed-dowlah, or had of late attached themselves to the son. In short, his power and omnipotence rose to such a pitch, that there was not one man throughout the whole State, that dared dispute his will or oppose his pleasure.

Whilst so considerable a revolution was taking place at Lucknow, another, full as considerable, was taking place at Calcutta. After Shudjah-ed-dowlah’s demise, Governor Hushtin had appointed Mr. Middleton to reside in Assef-ed-dowlah’s Court, in the capacity of Agent for the Company, that is, to overlook and superintend the new Prince’s actions and conduct; and he had resided but a short time at that Court, when there arrived Arrival of General Clavering and of two others from Europe. at Calcutta three persons, appointed both by the King of the English and by the Company, to examine Governor Hushtin’s late conduct. These were General Clavering, Colonel Monson, and Mr. Francis, who came directly on the part of the Council of London, which is the Capital of Inghilter (for such is the name of the country inhabited by the English)^\(54\). These three men, for a variety of reasons, mentioned in the preceding sheets, acquired, at the very beginning, an ascendant over Governor Hushtin in the Council, by overruling his opinion in every thing; and they made it a point, in direct opposition to his mind, to displace all the persons he had put in office, and to substitute others. Mr. Middleton was of the former number, on the sole Djan Bristow appointed at the Court of Lucknow instead of Mr. Middleton. reason of his having been appointed by the Governor. In his stead the three persons in question, but especially General Clavering, appointed Mr. Djan Bristow. As this was a very sensible young man, he soon discovered how idiot and incapable were both Assef-ed-dowlah himself and his Minister; in consequence of which discovery he extended his influence in such a manner that he soon became the omnipotent disposer of every thing in Assef-ed-dowlah’s dominions. M8qhtar-ed-dowlah, the Prime Minister, together with all the persons he had put in office, were all imprudent, ignorant men, as I intend to explain in the sequel, having chanced to arrive at Lucknow at that very time. Djan Bristow discovered, in the twinkling of an eye, what kind of men they were: a set of people whose characters there is no describing, as bearing no similitude to any thing of the human kind; with the shape of men, indeed, but with the inclinations, temper, and understanding of brutes, below which even some of them might have been very properly ranked! Djan Bristow, who was soon informed of every detail of their administration, engaged M8qhtar-ed-dowlah to a conference, in which, mixing some compliments with insinuations of his needing a protection for some parts of his conduct which might come to light, he so far worked upon that imbecile Minister’s fears, that he engaged him to make over and cede to the Company the whole Province of Benares, which paid to Government only twenty-five lacs, but yielded seventy to Radja Belvent-sing, its Zemindar. Nor did this senseless man probably give any other share to his imbecile master in this affair, than that of communicating to him his own apprehensions and pusillanimity; and no wonder indeed, since this master was become no better than a mere beast of burthen, both to the Englishman and to the Minister. The donation was signed in due form, and sent to Calcutta with expedition. The Governor, as an Englishman, could not be but extremely pleased to hear of a gift that annexed to the English dominions such a country as Benares; but on the other hand, as he had himself gone to that city expressly for such a purpose, and had in vain requested several times such a cession from Shudjah-ed-dowlah, who as often had declined listening to it under a variety of excuses, he could not see without concern that such a mighty affair should have been brought about in so little time by so young a man as Djan Bristow, who in dignity and station was like a drop of water in the ocean when compared to him. His concern was heightened by this particular circumstance, that this young man was attached to the General’s party, and would necessarily by such a transaction acquire the highest merit with the Company at home, and with the men in power in London. What is very singular, and gives an insight into that improvidence so characteristic in M8qhtar-ed-dowlah’s turn of mind, is, that he finished at once such a mighty affair, without once thinking of stipulating with the Council of Calcutta some conditions of protection to himself, in any future emergency! For it is certain that he had it in his power to make such a merit of that service of his, even in Europe, as might have brought the principal rulers of those parts to conclude with him a treaty that would have secured his influence, as well as his personal safety, against all attempts. The consequence of such a treaty would have been, that no man would have dared to say an angry word to him, so far from thinking of putting him to death; and even in the supposition that he might still have been made away with, his death would have been resented with torrents of blood by a set of men, who would have revenged it at all events, and even by transferring the dominion of those countries from Shudjah-ed-dowlah’s posterity to that of the Minister’s. But Heaven being bent on ruining and destroying the inhabitants of these climes, it happens that it is always the most imbecile and ignorant of men that chance to get at the helm; or if that helm be sometimes managed by men of sense, abilities, and experience, they become quite different from themselves, the moment they have got into that station, where they only seem intent on doing what they ought to abstain from, and in keeping at a distance from what they ought to perform.

In this manner then, Benares, with all its advantages, was severed from Shudjah-ed-dowlah’s dominions, and annexed for ever to the English possessions of Azim-abad and Bengal; and in this manner did Djan Bristow work himself into so much influence, that nothing went forwards, and nothing could be transacted in the A8d, the Rohilcund, and the Anterbid, without his own management or special consent. Assef-ed-dowlah himself, glad to have found a man who so willingly undertook to free him from the burthen of governing, was heard to say several times in an audible voice and in full Court, that Djan Bristow was his brother. “I have left,” added he, “the disposal of all affairs to his hands. Let every one be obedient to whatever he shall command.” To get rid still more of all cares, he took offence at some of his father’s ancient Commanders, and picked up a quarrel with the troops he had disciplined and trained; and fancying that the money spent in keeping up Senseless conduct of Assef-ed-dowlah. those troops was so much treasure uselessly squandered away, he took measures to get rid of them all, that is, to get rid of his own wings and feathers. This event was brought about in a strange manner.

Shudjah-ed-dowlah had formed a corps of four or five thousand men, composed entirely of gentlemen of ruined families from about Shah-djehan-abad and its environs, to whom he allowed a high pay of fifteen rupees per month, after having put them under the command of Seyd-aaly, an able officer, who accoutred and disciplined them in the English manner. They had only match-locks; but frequent training had rendered them so expert at these, that they fired with them as fast as the others did with flint-muskets; and as that corps applied itself diligently to their duty, and it contained even some men of distinction, He disbands his father’s disciplined troops, and discards his best officers. the Prince shewed them a particular regard, and seemed to prefer them to his other troops. Assef-ed-dowlah, who seemed bent on discarding every one of those officers that had distinguished themselves in his father’s service, and who made it his affair to strip himself of his own wings and feathers, resolved in secret to break this valuable corps. He sent for the whole of them, and ordered them to encamp at some distance from the rest of the army. As soon as they were encamped, an order came to them to return their field-pieces to the park of artillery, and with this order they complied, reserving only one or two pieces at most upon their flanks. An order then came to return these two pieces also, together with their muskets and accoutrements. On this order, the men apprehended that nothing less was meant than to disarm them first, and then to break and disperse them, without paying them their arrears. On this discovery, they answered, that they were ready to return both the two pieces of cannon and their muskets, but that their arrears must be discharged previously. The Navvab was incensed at this answer, and turning towards M8qhtar-ed-dowlah, he observed that these people were insolent, and deserved immediate chastisement. The Minister answered, that they were His Highness’s servant, and seemed to be in the right, as they requested no more than their due, adding, that he did not believe they harboured any other design. Assef-ed-dowlah, displeased at this apology, answered: “Then I must go myself, if you do not choose to go.” The Minister reflecting that, whilst the Prince was resolved to fight them in person, it would be improper in himself not to follow his master; and concluding that a refusal would cast a reflection upon his character, and do much mischief, submitted to the order, although with visible reluctance; and putting himself at the head of his own troops and of several bodies that joined him, he marched against those poor people. The latter, without being daunted by the sight, ranged themselves in battle, and although their Commander was dead, and they were destitute of Officers, they stood their ground and fought so bravely, that they had repulsed and beaten M8qhtar-ed-dowlah infallibly, had they been properly commanded, or had they been assisted, though ever so little, by some other corps. But the Minister had such a superiority in numbers, artillery, and ammunition, that he prevailed at last, but not without losing an infinity of men, in killed and wounded. The others, now reduced to a very small number, and these too destitute of ammunition, fled, and dispersed every one his own way. A vast number of men, every one Assef-ed-dowlah’s servants, and every one ready to shed their blood for his sake, were uselessly left on the field of this bloody battle, and that senseless man, instead of weeping for the loss, rejoiced at the event, as if his arms had that day gained a great advantage.

This corps being disposed of in this manner, the wise man turned his views to some other disciplined corps, which had been put by his father under the command of his bravest and ablest eunuchs, at the rate of five or six battalions to each, giving the latter English names of military grades, such as those of Colonels and Generals. These were disciplined and trained in the English manner, and had each of them several pieces of cannon, well mounted and well served. These eunuchs observing The principal Military Officers think of providing for themselves. the turn of mind and particular temper of their new master, had every one of them set up a scheme of their own in their heads, and were thinking how to bring it to a completion. One of these was the eunuch Bessent-qhan^\(55\), a man in great credit with his late master, and who indeed richly deserved his Bessent-qhan, an eunuch, one of them. confidence for his bravery and abilities; he was therefore too high spirited to crouch to M8qhtar-ed-dowlah, and on all occasions pretended to an equality with him. Hence many bickerings had several times arisen between them, which had been made up by the mediation of common friends. But there happened one at this very time which soured their minds to such a degree, that no reconciliation seemed likely to take place, and on the other hand, the Navvab himself seemed very much cooled with respect to his Minister, whose absolute sway and close connections with Djan Bristow he did not relish at all. And he was thinking how to get himself rid of such an overbearing man, when this inclination of his having been guessed by Bessent, who went by the name of the General, the latter offered his services to the Navvab, his intention being to watch a proper opportunity, and to fall at once upon the Minister. In appearance, he seemed to be actuated by the Navvab’s consent, and under his influence, but in fact he had already arranged his project with Mirza-saadet-aaly, and he intended, after having dispatched the Minister, to fall upon the master, with one and the same breath, without giving him time to recollect himself; He offers to serve his master in killing the Prime Minister. after which the tragedy would have been finished by placing Mirza-saadet-aaly upon the throne.

This scheme having been fixed upon, Bessent put in motion so many secret resorts, that the breach between him and M8qhtar-ed-dowlah was made up. Friends interposed, apologies were accepted, and a reconciliation upon fresh terms taking place, a treaty was concluded between them, which was confirmed and strengthened by all those false oaths and those feigned protestations that had become current in that faithless Court. This done, he invited the Minister to an entertainment, that is, to pass the whole day in his house, and the night in looking at an exhibition of dances, after which he was to return home at day-break. As the Minister’s days had been counted, and their term was come, he thoughtlessly accepted the invitation, and repaired to Court, where he obtained leave of absence for one day and night, and then went to Bessent’s house. Meanwhile the latter had assembled some friends, in appearance to do honour to his guest. Amongst these were two sons of Mir-bakyr; the one called M8rad-aaly, and the other L8tf-aaly. He informed these of his intention to dispatch the Minister, and he entrusted them with the business. They accepted the proposal, and got themselves ready for the execution. Whilst they were receiving their last orders, the Minister himself arrived with all the pomp customary in that high office. Bessent came out of his house, and standing at the door, he made a profound bow, received the Minister with every demonstration of respect and honor, and carried him to the Hall of Audience, where he made him sit on a Mesned magnificently fitted for the occasion. It must be observed, that as the season was the hottest of the year, most of the principal men of the army and Court had dug apartments underground, to serve as shelter against the excessive sultriness of the weather. These were called ta-qhanas, or heat-houses, and they used to retire in them for the greatest part of the day. Bessent, in imitation of these, had likewise prepared such a subterraneous apartment; but it was with so much expense and elegance, that one would have thought it to have been fitted on purpose for the occasion. The morning growing hot, Bessent proposed to his guest to strip, and descend into the ta-qhana, and the Minister blinded by his destiny, went down. A moment after, Bessent represented how little it was proper in such sultry weather to remain full dressed, and he proposed to strip. The Minister stripped, and sat in an undress. Some of Bessent’s most agreeable women were introduced at the same time, elegantly dressed and highly perfumed; so that the Minister’s senses were all agreeably struck, and kept occupied at one and the same time. But some of Bessent’s intimate friends have informed me in the sequel, that care had been taken to mix poison in the wine which the Minister had just been drinking, and that he could not have escaped by any means, even supposing that he should have not been killed with an armed hand. The entertainment being over, and the sun past the meridian, he thought proper to dismiss most of his friends to their own homes, and he prepared himself to take a nap, which he did not know to be his last, and in which he was going to be conducted to the Gates of Eternity. By this time none of his friends remained in the house; or if any, they had, as well as all the servants, stretched themselves in some corner, to take their afternoon nap. At this moment M8rad-aaly with his brother and two or three more, descended in the ta-qhanah, and falling upon him with their sabres, they hacked The Prime Minister murdered, by Bessent-qhan’s
management. him to pieces. Some of his servants who happened to be awake, fled instantly, and carried the intelligence to the Minister’s quarters. Bessent, at the same time, repaired to camp, where every thing was previously prepared. He took with him some Companies of Talingas, and two pieces of cannon, and without loss of time, he marched on to the Navvab’s quarters. The guards and sentinels desired them to stand at a distance, and would admit only Bessent with a few men. He went in, and presenting himself with his drawn sabre before the Navvab, he made his bow, and wished him joy on an execution, that had been compassed by his orders, and had delivered him from his enemy, The Navvab, fearful for his own life, asked him, “Why he had come with his drawn sabre, and whether he intended to serve him as he had served the other?” He answered, that he was too grateful a servant to raise his hand upon his good master. “Then throw away your sabre,” replied the Navvab. The man, whose last hour was come, had the impudence to throw his weapon away; which he had no sooner done, than the Navvab making a sign to the people behind the man, they fell upon him and dispatched him in the same manner as he had dispatched the Minister. Whilst this was doing, an uncle of Bessent’s, better known under the name of “The Great Mirza,” chanced to come to Court, as he often used to do, and seeing his nephew stretched on the ground, he drew his sabre, and cried out: That if no one had any business with him, he would have no business with any one.—“No body wishes you ill,” said the Navvab, who now feared that his turn was come, “but please to go out;” and he at the same time, cried aloud to the people who were without, to let him pass. He, therefore, went out; but as he offered no injury to any one, (and he was known to be a man of resolution) he was suffered to go home.

Mirza-saadet-aaly, on the first report of M8qhtar-ed-dowlah’s death, had armed himself, and mounting his horse, he had repaired straight to the quarters of the Ghossäins^\(56\), who were two of the principal Commanders of the army; but he learnt that Bessent was killed. As he had come to camp armed and mounted, so as to be remarked by every one, he was confounded, and knew not what to do with himself, not daring either to attack the Navvab, or to stay where he was. “If you will stand by me,” said he to the Ghossäin, “we shall be able to do great things, and then there will be no command or office above your merit.” The Ghossain excused himself, and Saadet-aaly, finding his own case desperate, requested of him a horse capable of performing a long voyage in one day. The latter sent for his favourite mare, an animal that would travel thirty or forty cosses in one day, and he desired him to make use of her, and to save his life. The latter mounted, and with no other company than that of his preceptor and tutor, Tefezzul-hossein-qhan, and a few servants, he fled unpursued, and continued his journey as far as the Djumnah; where, crossing over, he arrived safe in Nedjef-qhan’s dominions. Nedjef-qhan, hearing of his arrival, mounted, and went out to receive him; after which he carried him to his own Palace, where he gave him a suitable apartment, made him a present of some Districts to defray his expenses, and complimented him with a numerous brigade of some thousands cavalry and infantry. But although he assisted him with the generosity of a Prince, he always behaved to him with the respectful deportment of an ancient servant. And handsomely received by Nedjef-qhan. He was not pleased that Saadet-aaly should come to pay him visits, but he always went to see him himself, and always shewed him every demonstration of respect and honour. Whenever Saadet-aaly chose to go to him, Mirza-nedjef-qhan used to meet him at the gate of his Palace, where, taking him by the hand, he used to carry him to the hall of audience, and to make him sit on his own Mesned; after which he took his seat at a little distance.

On sight of such proceedings of Assef-ed-dowlah, the Commanders, that had served with distinction under his father, became exceedingly suspicious, and every one of them turned his views towards saving himself. But as there remains no employment now in Hindostan for military men, especially since the introduction of Talingas, and a Prince, equally generous and valiant as well as friendly to the soldier, is a being so scarce and so difficult to be found, that it seems that the race of such men has totally disappeared from the face of the earth; so, all those disgusted Officers, after much uneasiness of mind, were obliged to stay where they were, and to go on with dissembling. One of these Commanders was Mahb8b-aaly-qhan, an eunuch that wanted neither valour nor merit. On observing the conduct of his master’s son, he was confounded and at a loss how to act. He commanded a body of about ten or twelve thousand cavalry and infantry, as well as Talingas, armed with flint-locks, and he had been placed by his late master at Atava and Corrah, two places, frontiers to the Marhattas, where he lived in great state, and was much respected by the country. Assef-ed-dowlah who wanted both to ruin and disperse his troops, was nevertheless desirous to prevent his running away, expecting that, forced by the want of employment, he would come with a few friends to throw himself at his feet. The other had no objections, even to that, provided it could be done with safety; else, he intended to make the best of his way to Nedjef-qhan’s army. Assef-ed-dowlah, fearful lest he might carry all his troops with him, conferred on the subject with Djan Bristow, and it was agreed that English troops, under the command of some able Captains, should be secretly sent to seize him; nor was this scheme imparted to any one else. The reason of his wanting to make away with his old troops, and his most valuable servants, was this:—He dreaded their influence in a country which he had not himself any talent to govern; for his whole soul was engrossed by the pleasure of serving as porter to the brawniest of his servants; in having those people perpetually at his elbows by day as well as by night; and in amusing himself with the childish pastimes of cock-fighting, kite-flying, and the like. He knew that government was a penible business that required the whole of an able man’s time. That it was requisite that this able man should be perpetully working himself, and meanwhile inspecting the accounts and conduct of his heads of offices, as well as that of his Commanders and Ministers, without, however, ceasing to conyerse perpetually with them. All these he detested, for they were all impossible to him. On the other hand, he knew that he was precisely the man which the English wanted at the head of a sovereignty; a man incapable of any business at all, save that of enjoying his pleasures; and sensible that they would never endure patiently that any injury should be done him, he was resolved to leave on their own shoulders the whole burthen of governing, and to reserve for himself only the sweets of it. The English, on their side, who are a shrewd, keen-sighted set of people, let him take his own courses, and even paid a regard to the rank and station of that strange species of favourites with which he was so much enamoured. Without minding their special business with him, they contented themselves with governing with an absolute sway every thing relative to revenue and war, and with disciplining troops, and keeping them at all times in readiness for action. Under the veil of such an imbecile Prince, they are in fact the sole masters of all the revenue-offices, and of all the Districts of the country, as well as of every preparative for war. And what is singular, both parties seem to be satisfied, and pleased with their lot. All that can not be denied. But it cannot be denied neither, that meanwhile in consequence of such a partition, that house of Shudjah-ed-dowlah, which had been heretofore inhabited by a real Lieutenant of the ancient and glorious Emperors of Hindostan, which had afforded bread and employment to a lac of soldiers and to a thousand eminent Commanders and noblemen; that house that had constantly presented a sure resource to so many ruined families of the first rank; that house which seemed a copy in miniature of the Imperial Palace of Hindostan; that house is now become a den of thieves, and a tavern for the vilest of mankind; insomuch that it is become impossible to trace out the collateral remains of the families of Saaddet-qhan and Ab8l-mans8r-qhan, and of some other illustrious families. And yet it is undeniable that Shudjah-ed-dowlah, the last of those families had afforded a subsistence to twenty or thirty thousand horse, and to fifty or sixty thousand foot; that his camp afforded fortunes to a multitude of merchants, and a ready livelihood to an infinity of handicrafts-men; and that it bore all the appearance of an Imperial camp. Now, how fallen! His Capital looks like a deserted village, with here and there some wretched, famished, inhabitants; and if any men in good plight appear anywhere in some houses in repair, rest assured that they are no others than a few Bacsariah soldiers and officers: a set of men from Bodjep8r and Bacsar, who, sometime before this revolution had taken place, thought themselves very happy to obtain two or three rupees per month. But if they be not Bacsariahs, then rest assured that they must be either Palace chairmen and servants, or elephant drivers.

To return to our narrative. The English Captains, after having received their instructions, departed at the head of three or four battalions of Talingas, and they approached Mahb8baaly-qhan’s The English lend their assistance. army, as if intending to go forwards, Being arrived close, they sent him a message, informing him that they would be glad to pay him a visit. Mahb8b did not object, and the visit was returned. I know not how the English managed to get into the town; for Mahb8b resided in it, although his army and artillery were encamped without. Three or four days after, the English having at the latter part of the night ranged their men and cannon as for an immediate engagement, were a little before day-break close upon Mahb8b’s camp, where people proved either fast asleep, or gone out of camp, for their necessities; a few only excepted, that served as sentries, a word which amongst the English, signifies watchmen. These, in compliance with their rules, challenged them, and forbade their coming nearer. The English troops, not regarding the order, marched up; when some English Officers advanced within the camp, and said that they wanted to go forwards, and that there was no other road than through this camp. The others answered that they must take another road. The English Officers returned, and advancing at the head of a body of troops, fired into the camp, where by this time some people were in readiness; but where most of the others being either wounded or slain, the rest fled on all sides, leaving their cannon, arms, and baggage to the conqueror. Mahb8b-aaly-qhan, now finding how matters went, and that there remained no other party for him but that of submission, availed himself of the treat that had intervened between the English Officers and himself; and taking his leave of them, he assembled his baggage and friends, and repaired to Court, where Assef-ed-dowlah, who wanted him just in that condition, shewed him much kindness, and gave him a pension.

There was then in those quarters another eunuch of rank and station; it was Letafet-aaly-qhan, who went by the name of the C8midan^\(57\), and, in fact, commanded a whole brigade of three or four battalions. This man, hearing how the others had been used, wanted to save his life and to secure himself; and as he knew that Shudjah-ed-dowlah was by treaty obliged to keep a body of troops at the Emperor’s Court, and he heard that a person was wanted for such a service, he offered himself, thinking it lucky enough to emerge at such a rate. Putting therefore in play certain powerful resorts which he knew, and distributing his money properly, he obtained that office, and departing at the head of his troops, he arrived at Court, where he paid his respects to the Emperor. After which he repaired to Nedjef-qhan’s, to whom he found means to render himself so agreeable, as well as to his principal Commanders, that to this day he lives in plenty and dignity. It was at this time also, that the two brothers of M8qhtar-ed-dowlah, who were too incapable to do any thing for themselves, were arrested and confined. Their property and furniture, as well as that of their late brother, was seized and confiscated. But their misfortune did not end there. They were, as well as some of his friends and servants, exposed for a length of time to a variety of hardships, until it being found that nothing was to be had from them, they were set at liberty. And what is singular, a Djaghir of a lac of rupees a year was settled on M8qhtar-ed-dowlah’s son, his daughter, and his consort, for their subsistence^\(58\); and it was by managing that estate for them that those two wretched men found means to support themselves. They were yet under confinement, when I, the poor man, arrived at Lucknow, where I found that Assef-ed-dowlah, with all his Court, and Mr. Djan Bristow, with all the English Grandees and Commanders had taken up their final residence. The whole Court, as well as the whole army, was there, and there remained no person of consequence at Feiz-abad but two Princesses. The one was the Navvab Begum, daughter of Saadet-qhan, consort to Ab8l-mans8r-qhan, and mother to Shudjah-ed-dowlah; the other was Bho8-begum^\(59\), consort to that Prince, and daughter to the famous Mahmed-issaac-qhan. These two virtuous Princesses, displeased with Assef-ed-dowlah’s conduct and way of life, and attached to a city and Palace that had been built under their eyes and for their residence, by those three successive Princes, would not part with their habitations, but remained where they were.

Let it not pass unnoticed that Shah-djehan-abad was the native place of me, the poor man, as well as that of my father and mother, and of all my paternal and maternal ancestors^\(60\). The former descended from the posterity of Hassen^\(61\), by a branch sprung from Hibrahim, one of those who received the surname of Tebateba, and who shone amongst the most illustrious of that holy race. He quitted the illuminated city of Medina, and came and took up his residence at the sepulchre of that glorious martyr, Aaly, the Rezevian (upon whom may honour and grace rest for ever!). His descendants resided for a long series of ages upon that holy spot^\(62\), watched by Angels, when one of them repaired to Hindostan, where he took up his abode, first in Delhi, and then in Shah-djehan-abad. The maternal ancestors of this the humblest of men, were Seyds of the M8ssevian branch, descended from that illustrious stock, Seyd-ahmed, son to M8ssa, grandson to Djaafer (upon all whom be peace for ever!), who is so renowned in Shiraz, the Capital of Pars^\(63\), under the appellation of Shah-Chiragh^\(64\), and where his tomb is extremely resorted to from all parts, by persons of all nations, numbers of whom daily have their prayers and supplications accepted; and that acceptance signified by miracles stupendous, and innumerable are those prodigies that have ever been, and are to this day, performed under their eyes. Nor is there any thing more notorious all over the world, than that torrent of light that is endlessly pouring from his glorious portico. One of his posterity came to settle in Hindostan, from whom was descended Seyd-zin-el-abdin, my maternal grandfather, who was son to Aaly-verdy-qhan’s aunt. At his death his mother undertook to put Seyd-zin-el-abdin’s orders into execution, which were to marry, as soon as possible, her daughter, who was mother to the poor man; and this being performed, she retired to her house, where she lived seven years, upon the savings which her husband had made in Azm-shah’s service, before he had so unfortunately quitted it. I came into the world about this time, being the year 1140, at Shah-djehan-abad, and was followed two years after by my orother, Seyd-aaly-naky-qhan. I was five years old, and my brother was three, when my grandmother, having sold her house at Shah-djehan-abad, quitted that city, and taking with her both her two daughters, and her two sons-in-law, as well as her whole family, she repaired to M8rsh8d-abad, in Bengal, where Aaly-verdy-qhan was then, in Shudjah-qhan the Nazem’s service, and where she recommended to her nephew the families of her two daughters. Fortune commencing to favour our family, Aaly-verdy-qhan was in a few days after appointed Governor-General of Azim-abad, whither my father followed him, where he settled, and where our family has to this day, that is to the year 1195, lived in affluence, dignity, and splendour; for the houses we had bought, and the lands we had acquired by purchase, gift, or otherwise, during Aaly-verdy-qhan’s administration, and by his favor, are to this day in our possession, thank God! Unluckily I happened, in the year 1188, to stand security for a zemindar, who had these many years the highest obligations to me, and from whom I was very far from expecting such a return, and so much perfidy, and being unexpectedly called upon by Government to pay sixty thousand rupees in his stead, fain I was to comply with my obligation, and to sell my jewels and plate, to the amount of thirty-one thousand rupees, making up the balance by borrowing it from a banker; and in this manner I got out of the hands of some English, and especially of the M8tsuddies and revenue-officers, who seemed but to wait for a signal to come to hostilities with me. I was obliged to put into the banker’s hands, as a security, the Altumgah of land which I possessed, and to look out for a new livelihood; nor was this to be had anywhere, after a very troublesome enquiry. At last it pleased fortune to raise up, for our benefit, General Goddard, a man of a merit so notorious as to need no praise, and of so much benevolence to me, the poor man, and, indeed, to all Indians in general, that hardly such another character can be found among the English. He happened to be appointed Governor of Chennar-gur, and to make some stay at Azim-abad. As I was an old acquaintance of his, I went to see him, and he had the goodness to enquire after my circumstances, and to hear, with apparent concern, the catastrophe that had undone my family. “I am sorry to hear all that,” said he, “but as I see no employment for you here, you had better come with me, and we shall live upon what we can get.” I accepted the proposal, looking upon it to be one of the secret resources which had been kept in store by Providence for me; and in a few days I got myself ready, and followed him to Chennar. It was soon found out that the post in question was no more what it had been, in point of emolument, and did not defray the expenses incident to his station; but as it afforded his commisseration a proper field, he committed to my care whatever concerned the revenue matters of that town Not satisfied with that, he appointed for my lodgings a house that had been fitted up for himself, and sent his own boats, amongst which was his own budgerow, (a vessel comparable to a house, for both spaciousness and commodity) to fetch my family and consort. When they arrived, he gave them a pension of three hundred rupees per month, and commanded his butler to furnish me with as many wax-candles as I should call for. After supplying me in this manner with every thing necessary to a beggar, he used to receive my visits with the utmost distinction, as of an equal. I have already observed that his income at Chennar was much below his expenditure. So that hearing at that time that Assef-ed-dowlah, dissatisfied with his old troops, had dismissed them all, and wanted to raise and discipline new ones, at the head of which he wished to place some English Colonel, he conceived that such an employment would better suit his temper than the stationary life he led at Chennar, and that it would prove likewise more profitable to both himself and me. But as he had no acquaintance with Mr. Djan Bristow, and he did not think proper to make such a request in his own name, he asked my opinion about the matter. I proposed that he should give me a letter of recommendation to another Englishman, a friend of Mr. Bristow, to whom by that means I would find a ready introduction, with an opportunity of sounding the ford without compromising his name. This he approved; and giving me the intended letter, he wished me a good journey. I left at Chennar my family, consort, children and dependants, and with a few attendants only, I set out for Fëiz-abad and Luckow. As the city of Djonp8r was in my way, on my arrival there, I heard that it had become the residence of the venerable and illustrious, our Lord and teacher, Seyd-mahmed-askery, (whose spirit may God Almighty keep for ever refreshed!) a noble personage, renowned for learning and sanctity; and of whom I had heard so much at Chennar by his zealous disciple, Seyd-moluvy-zafer-aaly, (whom God may continue to illume in the other world as he did in this!) that I sent to desire leave to pay him a respectful visit. Being admitted, I spent two whole hours in his company; and having heard from his own mouth a conversation which seemed a compendium of all his excellencies, I departed glad to my heart, and fully satisfied that fame in her encomiums had fallen short of what I had seen with my own eyes, and heard with my own ears. And to this day, I remember that illustrious personage with so much respect, that I think it proper to suspend the relation of my own voyage, in order to afford the reader a glympse into the many excellencies of that illustrious character.

He was of a family of Seyds that ranked these many ages with the principal and most respected ones of the city of Djonp8r.

Although he was an assemblage of all the arts and sciences, he spoke with so much modesty, that whilst every one was retiring from his company with some kind of benefit in his own way, he was praising him as a man of a rare deportment. He lived contented upon a small income, without intending or expecting any thing more. But although he had not learned the sciences in the order they are taught, nor in the manner usual amongst students, he had found means to supply by the keenness of intelligence and the extent of perspicuity, all that might have been wanted from explanation in the knowledge of words; and in the elucidation of sense. By the force of his own genius, he had made himself a repository of all the sciences, practical and intellectual; insomuch that no difficulty in the word, no obscurity in the sense, could stop or embarrass him. No wonder then, if his house was resorted to by all the learned persons of that city and neighbourhood, and by numbers who perpetually travelled thither from far and near, being either learned themselves, or desirous of learning and knowledge.

The natural turn of his genius was modesty. So little inclined was he to depreciate the merit due to others, that he was studious to depress and conceal his own.

“He gave his time to reading lectures, which is the noblest of all occupations. The noblest and most pleasing of all being to bring to light the treasures of hidden knowledge; and in this he had no sordid view. His intention being only ot obey his master’s injunctions.”

Whenever any one introduced in his presence a discourse in dispraise of a man’s character, either directly, or indirectly, he had too much good manners to stop him, or to reprimand him, but would adroitly turn the discourse to some other object, without affording the speaker any subject of offence.

He recounted himself the following story, which does him a great deal of honour:—

I have no objection, said he, to the reputation and high character of Sheh-sadr-djehan, alias Mia-angn8, who is deservedly acknowledged for one of the ablest and most learned professors of the age, and had a particular talent in polemic writing; but who having in time acquired a turn of mind for dispute, had become an enthusiast, and seemed only to look out for an adversary. I had, said he, a great deal of regard for him, and he, on his side, seemed fonder of my fociety, than of that of any other. Being one day in his house, I amused myself with perusing some parts of Mir Hussëin’s book, (on whom may mercy repose for ever!) and as Mia-angn8 knew of my being a Shya, he stopped my reading, and said, come let us sit down together, and examine which of the two sects is the right one, the Shyas, or the Sunnies. But as he was superior to me, not only in knowledge and learning, but also in years, I answered with much respect and deference, that it did not become me to dispute with a person in every respect my superior, and that I was not likely to come off with honor in so unequal a contest. For all reply he repeated his request, and I repeated my excuse; but he continued to intreat me so earnestly, that for fear of giving offence, I was obliged to seem to enter the lists, and after having added, that it little became me to stand a dispute against such a master as he, unless it might be in submission to his own pleasure, I observed that to try the question by the revealed word of God itself in the Coran, and by the sayings of the Prince of Envoys, was not without difficulties, as the first was full of many obscure passages, whilst the latter might be accused of sophistication; but that I believed the matter in dispute might be reduced at once to this plain question: “Whether the most excellent of the sons of men, after the Prophet himself, was Ab8-bekr, son to Ab8-cohafa, or Aaly, son to Ab8-taleb^\(66\)?” That this being once determined, the matter would come to a conclusion of itself, and that it depended upon him to determine it, independently of the word of God, and of the sayings of His Prophet. Now as there is in the world such a variety of matters that indicate the qualities, the attributes, and the workmanship of God, I ask where and how we are to find out which of these branches of knowledge is the highest and the noblest? At these words, he paused a little, and answered, that the noblest and highest of them was the knowledge of God. It is so indeed, replied I, and no man in his senses will deny it. Now amongst these various branches of knowledge of God, which is the noblest and highest? Here he paused again, and answered, the knowledge of the attributes of God. Now, replied I, there are extant several messages, speeches, sentences of Aaly’s, about the unity and the other sublime qualities of God. Do you know any of Ab8-bekr’s? I should be glad to hear them. Here he fetched a deep sob, and answered, “That to this day he had been sunk in ignorance and darkness, and had not been aware of the truth;” and I thank “God,” added he, “that I have got it at last by being in your company. It is you that have converted me.”

But all conversion comes from God. That illustrious Sëyd at that moment was heard to drop some enigmatical verses about Aaly, which is worth our while to repeat Here they are:

This venerable man died at the age of seventy, in the year 1195 of the Hedjra, and he repaired from this fragile world to the mansions of eternity. The words, May God keep cool the place of his repose!^\(67\) contain his chronogram. May God Almighty join him to the assembly of his pious ancestors, upon whom all be greeting and grace!

To return to my voyage. Being arrived at Lucknow, I was introduced to Mr. Djahn Bristow, to whom I explained the subject of my voyage, informing him at last of General Goddard’s intention. He gave his consent, and after having obtained that of the Navvab Assef-ed-dowlah, he wrote to the Council on the subject. After sometime the consent of Council came likewise, and he sent for me to inform me of it. Happy to find how my journey had been successful, I put an end to it, and quitted Lucnow, previously informing the General of the success of my negotiation. But he had been already fully informed, having received the orders of the Supreme Council thereon, and he had set out immediately by the post for Lucknow, leaving budgerows, boats, and harcarahs, and his own moonshy, or Persian Secretary, with orders to bring up my consort and family from Chennar-gur. So great was his kindness for me, and so great his solicitude for whatever concerned by well-being. He had likewise the attention to send me notice of his departure, and of the orders he had left. This letter he entrusted to a sensible messenger of his, who had orders to look out for me on the road, and to give me the letter wherever he could get of my tidings. The letter came to hand, when I was already arrived at Djonp8r. Fain I was then to return to Lucknow, and to embark with my family, which I also found there; and I remained at Lucknow ten months more, my voyage having lasted in all fourteen months, in which time that generous man had assisfed me with sums to the amount of ten thousand rupees. I lived happy with him; and the time was come for his being employed, when my scheme, always dependent on his own, came to be overset entirely. Mr. Djan Baistow was recalled, and Mr. Middleton was sent to Assef-ed-dowlah’s Court in his stead; and this gentleman, with whom the General had connections, and from whose friendship and concurrence he expected every thing, came to declare himself against the scheme he had set up. A disunion succeeded, and a riveted coldness took place between the two friends; and myself being now become sensible of the consequence of such a mutual dissatisfaction, I took my leave and returned to Azim-abad.

I was yet at Lucnow, when it was thought necessary to give a successor to the murdered Minister. No person in that multitude of courtiers and Grandees having been found capable of such an office, it was thought proper to recur to Iredj-qhan, whom we have mentioned to have retreated to Delhi after Shudjah-ed-dowlah’s death, on pretence of renewing the treaties with Shah-aalem and Mirza-nedjef-qhan. Assef-ed-dowlah, being in want of his assistance, wrote him a letter full of expressions of esteem and kindness, requesting his immediate attendance. Iredj-qhan, who made no great account of his master’s protection, on which he reposed very little confidence, wrote to Djan Bristow, who was the acting Minister in Assef-ed-dowlah’s dominions, and he informed him, that amongst several other conditions, which he pointed out, he wanted a safe conduct for his person, honor, and fortune: a safe conduct subscribed by himself, and without which he would not move from the place in which he actually was. This request was no sooner made, Iredj-qhan, Prime Minister of Lucknow. than it was complied with; and he arrived at Lucknow, where having been invested with all the office and all the authority of Prime Minister, he was immediately complimented with a rich Qhylaat, a military music, a fringed paleky, a lofty elephant, and all the other insignia of authority and command. As he harboured a secret resentment against M8qhtar-ed-dowlah, and several persons of his family, he commenced the exercise of his office by giving a severe reprimand to the two brothers of the deceased, and by ordering them into a rigorous confinement, where they were kept for a length of time, and from whence they were not released until after he had wrung from them by dint of violence and ill-usage every thing which could be extorted. This rigorous usage did not fail to concern my natural sensibility. I thought it incumbent upon me to pay some regard to the title of Seyd, which they bore in common with me, (although I am but the last of mankind), and to shew some respect for certain connections which had subsisted between the deceased and my house; for we were both descended from families of the Tebatebah branches, and I therefore exerted my little influence in behalf of the two afflicted brothers, but all to no purpose. The Ministers’s power, however, proved of short duration, and some time after, a Djaghir of one lac of rupees was settled on the deceased’s son, consort, and daughter; the management of which estate afforded likewise a subsistence to the two brothers. It afforded them also the opportunity of coming sometime to Court, and paying their respects to Assef-ed-dowlah and his Ministers; but otherwise they lived in retirement and silence. And this little incident brings to our recollection a nephew of these persecuted brothers, who after having once cut a great figure in the deceased’s time, had in the sequel come to Azim-abad, where he had a lease of the Pergunnahs or Districts of Sanda and Beliah. He was a great friend of mine, and we were greatly attached to each other. This was Mahmed-aaly-qhan. Finding me unexpectedly at Lucknow, he used to visit me as often as he could, and always took care to make long visits. He was then exerting himself to obtain some preferment, and observing how much I was considered by General Goddard, he wanted to avail himself of my interest, and complained much of the avarice and want of sense of M8qhtar-ed-dowlah’s two brothers, as well as of the eunuch that governed the deceased’s family; nor did he ascribe his ill-success to any but to them.

After having spoke so much of the Ministers of the Court of Lucknow, I must say something more of the private life of its Prince, and must acknowledge that although I had frequent opportunities of conversing with Assef-ed-dowlah, and examining his behaviour, he did not appear destitute of sense; and this, after all, is nothing but what has been said in times of yore by the famous Teacher^\(68\), (on whom may grace and mercy repose for ever!) in his renowned Mesnevi:

For although he seemed not destitute of sense, yet his company was composed of the scum of mankind, where, however, one might discover here and there a man of birth, as well as a vile contemptible wretch. He seemed intent only on pastimes, amusements, dances, music, and pleasures; in which sports he spent his time without the least regard to decency or any sense of shame. As to those infamous secret practices to which he had the meanness to addict himself without either scruple or remorse, and with such a feminine ardour, he managed so that there appeared no trace of them either in his discourses or in his public behaviour; insomuch that he might have been taken for a man quite stranger to that way of life. It was remarked that although he sometimes would throw his handkerchief to the stoutest of his musqueteers or to the brawniest of his archers, yet such digressions affected but little the whole tenor of his life; nor would an unacquainted man have taken him to be that strange being who delighted in making himself a porter to those Talingas of his, who by their continual attendance on his person, were called his Orderlies. Every morning, as far as twelve o’clock, was spent in going from garden to garden, and from seat to seat, where he amused himself in looking at his elephants, and every third day he made them fight together. This pastime, and that of retiring in cool shady places with his Orderlies, and some other people of the same stamp, all people skilled in those practices so delicious to him, engrossed his whole soul. But there was another article in which he seemed to take a pleasure, and this was promoting marriages. Salar-djung, his uncle, had promised one of his daughters to M8qhtar-ed-dowlah for his son, but the match had been broke off by the latter’s disgrace and death. Assef-ed-dowlah being informed of it, prevailed by dint of intreaties on the bride’s father to go on with the match, and not content with that, he undertook to furnish the whole expense of the ceremony, which he accordingly did, and with a deal of pomp and magnificence. His disposition was so inclined to such scenes, that whenever he heard of any match being upon the carpet, he sent his compliments to the parents, undertook to perform the part of one, and appointed one of his courtiers to perform the part of the other; nor would he give over his attendance, until the match was brought to a full conclusion. He once undertook the marriage of Caïm-qhan, superintendent of his elephants, and I, the poor man, happening to be present, received His Highness’s commands to attend personally, and to perform my part.

We have observed how addicted he was to pleasures, which none but women could have thought of. He had also all the fickleness of a woman. Amongst the slave-boys bred in Shudjah-ed-dowlah’s house, there was one called Imam-baqsh, a man very quarrelsome and of the worst morals and behaviour in the world. Whilst Assef-ed-dowlah was yet a youth, this fellow had found means to elope to him, and to become one of his favourites, in that particular style to which he was a slave; but the father informed of his retreat, and of the perpetual insolencies and excesses the upstart committed on account of the favor he enjoyed, he ordered him to be confined in irons, in which to all appearance he would have remained, had not some principal Commanders supplicated His Highness to dismiss and banish him, a request which was granted. The man fled to Tanda, where he kept himself concealed, and from whence he found means to keep a correspondence with his young master, who, on his father’s demise, made haste to send him letters of recall. To the amazement of all, he introduced him into high offices, and as by the death of M8qhtar-ed-dowlah, and the resignation A worthless slave-boy made Generalissimo. of Mahb8b-qhan, there were several bodies of Talingas left without Commanders, and which amounted to about thirty or forty thousand men, besides four or five thousand horse, he gave him the command of that whole army. So thoughtless a promotion could not but raise the indignation and discontent of every officer in the army, as well as the jealousy of every man in his dominions. This man by these means was raised to a degree of power, to which the ambition of no Commander of the army, and no Grandee of the Court had yet aspired I remember to have been several times in his company, and to have had some conversation with him; and I can protest that I never saw anything so vile and so vicious; nothing so destitute of all shame, either in words or actions. He seemed to be fitted for the station of a menial servant at two rupees per month, and this, too, on condition that he should mend his vicious way of life.

In fact, he was richly deserving to keep a shop of Bang^\(69\). And yet this man’s favour and power rose to such a height, that no less a man than Hassen-reza-qhan, the Minister, was afraid of his influence, and strove to be upon good terms with him. Whilst he was in the middle of so much power and grandeur, Assef-ed-dowlah’s heart changed at once with respect to him, and a few days after my departure from Lucknow, he became so sick of his company and person, that he ordered him to be banished his dominions, half naked, and on foot, forbidding any one to give him clothes or any carriage whatsoever. Guards were sent to his lodgings, and his whole property was confiscated. From that day no tidings were ever heard of him.

After all these confiscations, it was strange enough to see Assef-ed-dowlah betray the utmost aversion against parting with any of his money, unless it was to pay the pensions due to his Orderlies. Whenever any one besides made bold to ask his pay or his arrears from him, he from that moment became his enemy; nor could he bear to hear of such a demand, and he was ever after ready to shed his blood. Sometime before my arrival at Lucknow, several officers and others had gone in a body, and had asked and received their arrears. Many of these had the wisdom. to disappear immediately, but some others having ventured to tarry, were all seized sometime after, and all blown at a gun; and this execution happened during my stay in that city. It frightened all the world; so that a few days after the Ghossain Fakyr, a Commander of character and importance, having spied a favourable moment, quitted the camp, and with his arms and baggage marched across the country, and reached Nedjef-qhan’s army, with whom he took service; and in the same manner, all the descendants and relations of Saadet-qhan and Ab8l-mans8r-qhan found means, one after another, to quit Lucknow and to repair to Nedjef-qhan’s camp.

We have mentioned that Iredj-qhan had been sent for and Iredj-qhan is sent for, and made Prime Minister. entrusted with the whole management of Assef-ed-dowlah’s affairs as his Prime Minister. This man shewed himself at once capable of his office. He commenced bringing the finances into order, and little by little, both the high and the low accustomed themselves to look up to him as to their centre. In a conference with Djan Bristow, that omnipotent man, he asked him, “What business he could possibly have with the Government, and with the affairs of those countries? A sum of money is yearly due to you by treaty for the maintenance of your Brigade. Do receive that money from me, but meddle no more with any thing. Keep yourself on the footing on which you, as Agent from the Company, have been placed by the treaty subsisting between your Government and Shudjah-ed-dowlah’s family; but if you go one step further, I inform you that your pretensions shall be imparted to the Supreme Council, and that your conduct in those countries shall undergo a discussion there between you and me.” Djan Bristow, little accustomed to such a style, repented his having been so earnest in sending for such a man, and he was examining how he ought to manage with him, when the Minister fell into a bad habit of body. His natural heat by degrees forsook him, and his distemper turned out to be a confirmed dropsy; so that after lingering a month and some days, he departed this The Prime Minister dies. life. After his death, both Assef-ed-dowiah and Mr. Djan Bristow were anxious to appoint a fit man to such an office, and they both turned their eyes on Hassen-reza-qhan. This nobleman had once been Superintendant of Shudjah-ed-dowlah’s kitchen-office, and on that account he was a little known to Assef-ed-dowlah; insomuch that, for some time he was preferred to all others for carrying messages to Mr. Djan Bristow. Being therefore admitted to secret conferences with both parties, he had acquired some credit, and both thought of conferring the office of Naib or Deputy upon him. But he was so slothful and indolent, so averse from entering into coversation with the heads of office and other men of business, (without which, however, there is no governing), so addicted to his pleasures and repose, and in imitation of his master, so averse from all kinds of business, that he declined himself that high office. The by-standers themselves, who knew his genius to the bottom, could not understand why they persecuted the poor man, to make him a Minister at any rate, and to load him with an office of which he was utterly incapable. God knows for what reasons, Mr. Djan Bristow had resolved, not only on keeping this poor man in Is succeeded by Hassen-reza-qhan, a very indolent man. office against his own will, as a Deputy to a Prime Minister, invisible, but also on appointing another Deputy to him for the purpose of executing the penible part of the office. This able man was found out for him by his friend and favourite, Ismail-beg, a Persian^\(70\), who was one of the shrewdest, most artful, and most time-serving men of his age. He had already been long in employment amongst the English, having been entrusted with the Post Office, and with the business of stationing spies, and procuring weekly intelligence from Delhi; offices of trust conferred upon him so early as the times when Shah-aalem and the English had their residence at Ilah-abad. This Ismail-beg had from longhand connections with Haider-beg-qhan, a Cab8lian, whom he introduced to Mr. Djan Bristow, after having entered into a secret treaty with him by which he secured some To whom Mr. Bristow is obliged to give a very active Deputy. pecuniary advantages to himself. The Cab8lian, who was an intriguing man, and one accustomed to sow, that great ones might reap, had been introduced to Mr. Djan Bristow so early as the first appearance of Iredj-qhan’s distemper; and he had been recommended by Ismail-beg as an able man, fit to execute the penible office of the Naib’s Naib or Deputy’s Deputy. This Haider-beg-qhan was, as well as his brother, Mirza-n8r-beg, a man versed in revenue matters, having successively rented most Character of that Deputy. of the Districts of the Province of A8d from Shudjah-ed-dowlah. He was extremely rude and severe in collecting his rents, paid no regard to friendship, was intent on his own profits, and had become nearly insociable. Being greatly in arrears to Shudjah-ed-dowlah, that Prince had made him over to his guards, together with his brother, and these having orders to enforce payment, fell upon them both with such a storm of slaps, blows, and kicks, that the elder brother died under the operation; the younger, who was Haider-beg-qhan, escaped with life, by making proper applications to that Prince’s favourites. Sometime after this event, that Prince died; and this man who had been but a few days ago buffeted by the meanest of the guards, and had despaired of his own life, was now by the prevalence of his fortune, called up from that state of dejection, and ordered to assume the collection of full two corores of rupees, which is in fact to assume the absolute dominion over so much ground. Hassen-reza-qhan, who did not like to be Prime Minister, objected both to his being kept in office himself, and to his being saddled with a Deputy; but he was over-ruled by Mr. Djan-Bristow, who determined that he should be invested with the office of Naïb, or Deputy to Assef-ed-dowlah, and that Haïder-beg-qhan should be Deputy to himself, Hassen-reza-qhan. Rich Qhylaats were put upon their shoulders, with such a difference in the richness, however, as should discriminate their respective relations, and the same nicety was observed in presenting them with elephants, horses, and sets of jewels. From that day Haïder-beg-qhan was engrossed intirely by the affairs of his department; and Hassen-reza-qhan, who had been complimented with a Djaghir of one lac of rupees, turned his views intirely towards cool retreats, pastimes, voluptuous, and secret pleasures, just as if these verses of Hafyz had been addressed to him personally:

He now went less frequently to Court, and he intirely addicted himself to a life of ease and voluptuousness. He seemed to be the man of whom the poet had said:

It was observed on this promotion that every man, who came into office, made it a point to propose to his master a reduction in the troops and pensions; and a revolution taking place accordingly in the affairs, some that had lived in opulence came to want water to drink, whilst streams of that element were pouring of themselves at the very doors of some others, who had not so much as dreamed about it. But it happened that, at the very time when Djan Bristow’s scheme was taking place, and establishing itself solidly, his protector at Calcutta, General Clavering, was quitting this world, the book of his existence having been closed and shut up. The Governor’s party acquired thereby a prevalence; and Mr. Djan Bristow being recalled, Mr. Middleton was sent to reside in his stead. From this sudden change, General Goddard, who then was at Feroh-abad, but who had great connections with the new Resident, had conceived great hopes both for himself and for me; the more so, as this gentleman, on his arrival at Lucknow, had inquired for me from Mr. Djan Bristow’s assistant, and had informed him of his having a letter from the Governor for me, with many recommendations. On this intelligence I waited on that gentleman. He took me into a closet, and putting the Governor’s letter in my hands, he bade me read it; this I did, and I explained the contents. These he seemed to hear with attention and pleasure, then shewed me a deal of kindness, and requested me to come to see him, and to talk with him in private whenever I should have any thing to impart. And matters went on for some time in a favorable manner, when the same Englishman, who seemed to be his assistant, and in fact was his right-hand man, being secretly gained by Haider-beg-qhan, and fearing likewise a diminution of his own influence, should I ever come into office, gave Mr. Middleton to understand that it was very improper in him to make his confidant of a man who held a correspondence with the Governor. This short remark had its full effect, and Mr. Middleton becoming impressed with suspicions on a variety of accounts, at once turned a new leaf with me, and commenced shewing me the utmost neglect. Such a total alteration in his behaviour could not long remain a secret, and concluding that there was nothing to be done for me in those parts, I thought that the only party left was to obtain General Goddard’s leave to repair to Azim-abad, and this he gave not without much reluctance. Sometime after, Mr. Middleton turned a new leaf with General Goddard also, who was his old friend. A frozen coldness took place between them. The General lost his appointment, and I was thunderstruck when I saw him again at Azim-abad, from whence he proceeded to Calcutta. He had the goodness to desire my attendance in that journey and to take me with him, and for some time he expected to recover his footing, in which case he intended to make use of my services, when he was himself appointed to serve in the army commanded for the Decan, as we have said in our former volume; so that I returned to Azim-abad. The dominions of Assef-ed-dowlah remain now as they were, still under the apparent management of Hassen-reza-qhan, who enjoys the emolument and honors of the Deputyship, in retirement and voluptuousness, but really under the government of Haïder-beg-qhan, his Deputy, who undergoes all the fatigue, and assumes all the authority of the collection of the revenue; nor was that Minister’s influence affected by the recall of that same Mr. Middleton, who, on some displeasure conceived against him by Mr. Barwell, one of the Members of the Council, had been dismissed from his office. On the contrary, it received even some accession; for on that antagonist’s going home, Mr. Middleton was immediately sent back, together with Mr. Johnson; and now the whole government at Lucnow is in the hands of those two English gentlemen: a state of things which brings naturally to our remembrance the situation of Nedjef-qhan, their next neighbour.