Siyar al-Muta'ahirin - The Seir Mutaqherin, Volume 1

Promotions at Court—Death of the Vezir—The Emperor refuses the reversion of the deceased’s immense estate—A Persian adventurer sets up a whimsical new sect—The Carnatec ravaged by waters—Troubles in G8djrat, in Adjmir, in Cab8l and in various parts of the Empirẹ—Curious expedient of the Emperor’s to render his person more accessible—He takes a consort—Nizam-el-mulk, made Vezir, endeavours to introduce, but in vain, a reform at Court—The Emperor, to rid himself of Nizam-el-mulk’s gravity, gives him the Government of G8djrat—A girl, called Cö8ki, become a female Minister, rallies at the Emperor—Effeminacy and disorders at Court—Supineness of the Emperor—A war underhand between the Emperor on one side, and Nizam-el-mulk, his deputy, on the other—The latter defeats Mubariz-qhan, and sends Nuzurs of congratulation to Court, as if the Imperial arms had been victorious—The late Vezir Abdollah-qhan poisoned —Ser-b8lend-qhan, appointed General from court, beats Nizam-el-mulk’s troops, and wrests the G8djrat out of his hands— The Marhattas severely handled by Nedjmeddin-ally-qhan, Lieutenant to Ser-b8lend-qhan—Immense acquisitions of some favourites resumed—The victorious Ser-b8lend-qhan neglected and superceded—He beats his rival, the Gentoo Prince, and then goes to visit him alone—The Marhattas, excited by Nizam-el-mulk, make conquests in Hindostan—Malva vigorously defended by its Governor—The Marhattas conquer both G8djrat and Malva—Gaïm-qhan heroically rescues his father, Mahmed-qhan-bangash, from eminent danger—Sedition at Delhi on account of a Hadji murdered by Gentoos—the Marhattas continue their ravages—An infectious stench pervades all Hindostan—A severe frost at Delhi, where the river freezes—Ridiculous expedition against the Marhattas—Terrible rain of thirty hours in Delhi and its neighbourhood—Flagitious enormity of Adjadj8, Zemindar of Corra, who is punished—Introduction to the revolutions of Bengal—Origin and rise of Allyverdi-qhan’s family— Reduced to the utmost misery, he hardly finds money to repair to Shudja-qhan’s Court in 8ressa, where he is employed, and where he approved himself a good officer, a good soldier, and a good financier—Djafer-qhan, Governor of Bengal, thinks of procuring his patent to his own grandson, Ser-Efraz-qhan—But is supplanted by his son-in-law, Shudjah-qhan—Ser-Efraz-qhan submits to his father—Excellent character of Shudjah-qhan— He promotes Alli-verdi’s relations to offices in state—Alli-verdi-qhan, appointed Viceroy of Azimabad, adopts his own nephew and grandson, Mirza-mehmed alias Seradj-ed-dö8la—His excellent conduct in his Government—An expedition against the Marhattas by both the Vezir and Qhandö8ran, who prove defective both in courage and in talents—Saadet-qhan, alone, successful against the Marhattas—His ardour damped by the jealousy of the two Imperial Generals—The Marhattas avail themselves of this suspense to turn the rear of the Imperialists, and to plunder the suburbs of the capital—The Emperor with his whole Council consents to pay a tribute to the Marhattas—Sëif-qhan, an old partisan of the two brothers, turned out of his Djaghir and slain—Ruin of the town of Djan-sita—Affecting description of it—Tremendous signs in the air by which Heaven signifies its wrath.

A LITTLE after this ceremony Abdol-semed-qhan, Viceroy of Lahor, who had set out early with his son, Zeckariah-qhan, his General and Deputy, Aghyr-qhan, and some other noble personages, but could not arrive in time, was admitted to the honour of paying his obeisance, and distinguished by a dress of honour, a circlet of jewels, a poniard, and several other noble presents. Zeckariah-qhan had his grade raised by a thousand horse, and now his command became of full five thousand. Radja Dejhi-sing, and Radja Gurd-hur, not being arrived in time, were on the commencement of Sefer, admitted to the happiness of kissing the ground of the Imperial presence, and they were tranquillized with a remission of their transgressions and past errors. An order was issued a little after to put in force the capitation-tax upon the Gentoos, but it was remitted on an elegant apology which Djehi-sing made for them. Nizam-el-mulk’s petition, congratulating the Emperor on his victory, and wishing him a length of days and prosperous Promotions at Court. reign, was honoured with a glance of the Imperial eye; as did another supplique from Moorshood-cooly-qhan, Viceroy of Bengal, which was fraught with congratulations on the victory, and a prayer for length of days and dominion; it announced likewise the arrival of the revenue from that province, with another large sum by way of Nuzur. Honours and dignities were bestowed that day on a number of nobles. Haïder-c8ly-qhan was decorated with the title of^\(164\) Muëz-ed-dö8lah over and above that of Nassyr-djung, which he had already; as was Zafer-qhan with that of Roshan-ed-dö8lah. The superintendence of the bodyguards was conferred on Saadet-qhan; and Zeckariah-qhan received the Government of Cashmir in lieu of Ynaïet-ollah-qhan, dismissed. But on a Tuesday, being the twenty-second of the first Reby, the Emperor being gone out with a hunting party, an harcara messenger informed him that his Vezir, Mahmed-aamin-qhan, had been seized with so sudden and so excruciating a pain in his bowels, as would deprive him of the honour of holding the Imperial stirrup. The next day his distemper increasing in violence, a total alteration was perceived in that Minister’s person; and his cholic augmenting from moment to moment, rose to such a height that the remedies of physicians and skilful men produced no effect. A terrible vomiting took place, and he threw towards nothingness the garment of his existence; insomuch that on the twenty-ninth of that same month he departed towards the regions of eternity, after a short lived ministry of three months and twenty-two days. His estate, mightily swollen by his confiscation of Hossëin-aaly-qhan’s fortune, and the seizure of his baggage, and by several savings and benefits, was so amazingly great as to be reckoned only by corors, and yet it was left entirely to his heirs; but by his death the people of God were released from the oppression they were likely to suffer. They say that intending to enlarge his palace, and to enclose more ground within its yard, he with a single command of his had dispossessed seven hundred housekeepers of his neighbournood,^\(165\) who all quitted their homes and delivered their keys to his officers. Nevertheless, after his death, all these were returned to their owners by Camer-eddin-qhan, The Vezir Mahmed-aamin-qhan
dies. his son, who on his being acknowledged his heir, renounced the invidious acquisition, and exchanged it for the applause of mankind and the blessing of God. It is on such an occasion that one may observe of Mahmed-shah, who was generally taxed with tenacity and parsimony, that he does not appear to have really had such a character, since on Mahmed-aamin-qhan’s demise, the Imperial treasury was pretty much drained; for the mighty sums drawn from all parts of the Empire by the two brother Sëids, having been very much thinned by their immense levies and preparatives, the Emperor had been very little benefited by what remained in their coffers, the whole having been made away by the pillagers of the army and by his own generals. So that the ornaments of gold and silver which decorated the public and private halls of audience, and which in those days of calamity had been torn away and turned into stamped coin, remained unreplaced to that day; and the halls themselves with the other apartments, wanted a thorough repair immediately. Nevertheless when the list The Emperor refuses to accept the reversion of his estate. of the deceased Minister’s property came to be presented to the Emperor, (and it amounted to several corors, reckoning only the gold, silver, gems and precious stuffs) he paid no attention to it, and ordered the whole to be left to the natural heirs; and yet it was an established custom with all the Emperors of the Babrian family, nay, with all those of the Timurian race,^\(166\) to take possession of the estates and wealth of their deceased Ministers and servants, to the exclusion of the natural heirs, to whom they were pleased to vouchsafe as a favour such a share as they thought they deserved, or it was their pleasure to allow. But, indeed, it was such a custom, and such a law, as no man, no religion, no justice could approve or admit. That a man after having served them his whole life at the expense of his sweat and blood, nay, after having lost his life at their feet and in their cause; after having spent the best of his days, and even the whole of them, in toiling and undergoing every hardship to execute their commands; that such a man should, after his death, have all his labourious savings carried away and confiscated, and should leave his children, consorts, heirs, dependants and friends, engrossed by the thoughts of an approaching distress, and much more solicitous how to subsist the next day, than how to lament his death, is so atrocious an injustice as will revolt the most ignorant mind. It was observed of Aazem-shah, that with so many precedents before his eyes, he was the first of that race, who totally abandoned that custom, and even expressed a detestation of it. One of his richest Ministers being deceased, a list or estimate was, according to the established custom, presented to him of his estate, which in jewels and money alone amounted to an immense sum. The Emperor seemed shocked at the sight of the paper, turned his head from it with strong marks of emotion, expressed his detestation of both the custom, and the reader, and forbade any one under pain of his indignation from presenting to him such papers and such reports for the future. After having been so much taken up with wars and bloodshed, our attention is diverted at once by some events less shocking, but of as interesting a nature.

One Mir-mahmed-hossëin, a native of the holy city of Mesh-hed in Iran,^\(167\) who, for ought I know to the contrary, may have possibly been, as he pretended, a descendant of one of those Sëids called there Ruzuvies, (on whom be peace!) hearing of the extreme generosity and unbounded munificence which Umdet-el-mulk-emir-qhan, Governor of Cab8l, used to exercise towards his countrymen, the Iranians, (generosity spoken of to this day with admiration and wonder) quitted his native city, in hopes of A Persian adventurer sets up a new whimsical sect. preferment, and a more liberal way of life, and came to Cab8l. As he was learned in the Arabic, and in philosophy, as well as some other branches of knowledge; his merit came soon to be spoken of; insomuch that the son of Emir-qhan’s moonshy or secretary, having wished to benefit by his instructions, very naturally gave him some celebrity, and thus the instructor’s name came often to be mentioned with encomiums in Emir-qhan’s presence, who thereby became desirous of seeing such a man, and mentioned his name to Sahab-dji, his consort, daughter of the late Aly-merdan-qhan.^\(168\) The reason of which mention was this:—Sahab-dji had no children of her own; and to console herself of such a privation, she had adopted the daughter of a Sëid who had long been in her husband’s service, which girl she educated with a deal of care and solicitude. Her views were to marry her to some virtuous gentleman of her own country of Iran, whenever any such should happen to come from thence, and it was agreed between herself and her husband, that whenever either of the two should discover any such man, notice of the discovery should be imparted to the other. Sahab-dji desired her husband to examine himself the matter; and that nobleman having sent several times for the man, and weighed his worth in the scales of keen penetration, he conceived such an affection for his person, that he mentioned his name with encomiums to his consort. Sahab-dji pleased with this report, ordered preparatives to be made immediately for the wedding, and in a few days she bestowed her daughter on that shrewd man, who by this event was introduced into Emir-qhan’s family, made acquaintances with the principal men of his court, and got together some money, and even obtained an office. For in a few years after, the superintendence of the perfumery office for the Imperial household was sent him from court on Emir-qhan’s recommendation; and he on his side made friends of several of Emir-qhan’s children born from ladies different to Sahab-dji. His ambition being equal to his artificial turn of mind, he came at last to be considered as an extraordinary personage, on whose sanctity and miracles many persons settled their belief. Hady-aaly-qhan, eldest son of Emir-qhan, with some others, was of the number, and he even seemed the most attached to him. Emir-qhan dying about this time, was received in the arms of divine mercy, and his consorts and family repaired to court; but Mir-mahmed-hossëin, attached by his office to the city of Cab8l, remained there, and after a certain time he prepared a quantity of essence of roses of Pishaver,^\(169\) as well as much rose-water and other perfumes for the Emperor’s use, and that of the principal Lords and Grandees of the court. With such a provision he set out for the capital, in hopes of making himself known to the Emperor, and pushing his fortune at court. Having confirmed himself in his resolution, he set out from Cab8l, and arrived at Lahor, where he learned that the Emperor Aoreng-zib was no more. His hopes of preferment on that side being blasted by that unexpected intelligence, he sold his perfumery in that very city at a high price, and having thereby acquired so large a sum of money as sixty or seventy thousand rupees, he thought it sufficient for the remainder of his life; and putting on a fakir’s garb, and a gṛave sanctified air, he conceived the design of setting up a new religion of his own; and first of all he associated to his mission that very secretary’s son mentioned above, in whom he had discovered much ingenuity and many talents. He observed to him: “That should they join their talents together to contrive a new sect, the consequences of such an undertaking would prove of manifold benefit to themselves. That it would be necessary, first of all, to invent a new language, which might strike by its singularity, and also enable them to receive revelations from above, and messages from heaven in a new set of expressions. That by raising their characters in that manner they would come to be accounted beings of a middling nature and dignity between the Prophets and the Pontiffs sent in times of yore from heaven. That revelations standing as proofs of their mission, they might henceforward raise themselves to so many honours, and to so much credit and power as would prove beyond conception. And that once they had gained the admiration of the multitude, and the staring of the vulgar, and had brought the mob always to throng about their persons, the learned ones and the people of higher nations would in time come to be swayed by the multitude’s belief at last, and would believe themselves, and would be coming in crowds after them; in which case their credit and influence over both, and over both the high and low, would know no bounds.”

As the turn of both their minds was alike, the master’s insinuations took root in the disciple’s heart; and these two men joining their endeavours together, invented a new language, established its rules, wrote a book in it, full fraught with a number of strange expressions and odd imaginations of their own; and by correcting and mending the text alternately, they completed a treatise, which they called Acoza-mucaddess,^\(170\) or the Holy Acoza. As the master was not without learning, he brought forwards a number of words of ancient Persian, and many other expressions which seldom are heard of amongst moderns, and having either translated them or given them a particular termination, he sprinkled them throughout his compositions, which he little by little put into verses. He clothed the whole in a new garb, and gave this his farrago a very extraordinary appearance. But his pretensions were still more strange, and they are of so high a nature, that it is hardly possible to give an intelligible account of them. In one word, he pretended to a Becö8kiët or Becö8kiëty, which novel word he explained by saying: “That it was expressive of the middle dignity and nature betwixt Prophecy and Pontificate; adding with all that all Prophets had not been Becö8cs; but that the last and seal of Prophets had been both, and moreover that the first Becö8c, simply speaking, had been the Prince of the heirs, the King of Saints, that is, His Majesty Saint-aaly, the son of Aab8-taaleb; that Imam-reza had been the eighth; and that down to the Imam the eighth and securer, both the Pontificate and Becö8kiëty had been joined in one and the same person, until the two natures being split asunder, Becö8kiëty descended to himself (Mahmed Hossëin) in one hand, and the Pontificate to His Majesty, the Imam Mahamed-taky on the other, from whom it would be continued to the Lord of Command,^\(171\) (upon whom be peace!) and I Mahmed Hossëin,” added he, “am the last of the Becö8cs.” This manner of counting those gifted with the Becö8kiëty, was that which he used when in company with the Imamians;^\(172\) but when he found himself amongst the people of tradition and assembly,^\(173\) he commenced his account by the four first Qhalifs, and then added four persons more of the Ommiah and Abbass families (that is, those few amongst them that had some^\(174\) little good in their compositions and were distinguished from their kindred by a better character than the rest); after which he reckoned himself the ninth Becö8c. And after such an account he used to say: Gentlemen, I have no business with any man’s religion; but I am come, like a blazing flambeau to illuminate every nation, and every sect. My character, therefore, is of the highest nature, for I am the ninth Becö8c who is to be the seal and last of the Becö8kiety, and to whom it has been recommended to write a book, to invite all nations to his belief, and to promulgate the rites of that new law, the intent whereof is to renew and to refresh some customs and particular tenets. So that I am myself under the immediate influence of inspiration from above, and under an obligation to publish those tenets infused in me from above.

After having set up such pretensions, he used at some of those solemn festivals of the Islamisme, (celebrated by the illustrious Religionists,^\(175\) and held in veneration by the Mohommedans) to assemble his followers, whom he called his Ferb8ds, to whom he then exposed his precepts, and with whom he celebrated certain anniversaries he had set up; and as it is written in the Meäsir-nébévi,^\(176\) that the revelations that descended upon the Prophet were of two sorts, this man to acquire the merit of a resemblance, used to say: That he was in the same predicament; at one time receiving the inspiration in such a manner as that there appeared in heaven a luminous globe or discus, not unlike the sun, in which the words he was to say appeared delineated, and that at last the luminous discus having surrounded him with lights, deprived him of his senses, in which state he was so pained by its presence, and he suffered so much from its operation, that he firmly believed no other man would be able to endure the like. That at another time the revelation would manifest itself by a voice that pronounced those ridiculous mystical words of his^\(177\) Qhyfshan-nom8d-b8d-it: words which he immediately would mouth out to his followers. The rites he had instituted were no less singular. His Ferb8ds in their assemblies after having saluted each other, as it is customary amongst Mussulmen, by the word Selam-aaleïkum,^\(178\) used to add in a lower tone of voice, the sacred words of their sect to wit, Qhyfshan-nom8d-b8d-it. The day in which he said the revelation had descended upon him for the first time, he had denominated the day luminous; and he in on the anniversary of it, used to assemble a multitude of people, to whom he distributed a perfume of Amber with which they rubbed each other’s faces, after which they sung and made rejoicings; and when they were heated with these preparatives, he used to display two standards, and putting upon his head a cap not unlike that used by the Armenians,^\(179\) but a little loftier, he marched at the head of his Ferb8ds towards those mountains about Lahor, where there are to be seen those ancient buildings of Divel Rani’s, which go by the name of the Divel-baqhtiari’s quarters. This journey he always performed in the night time. He reported that he had received his first revelation in a spot like the cavern of Herra;^\(180\) and he used to fast the six days that preceded his rejoicings for the anniversary of the luminous day, in which six days he remained silent, as it was in this nanner, he said, that he recollected any other anniversary or day that had escaped his memory, for which he would order a congregation of his followers to be held accordingly.

Over and above the five stated times of prayer that are of divine obligation every day, he assembled his Ferb8ds three times more, for the same purpose,^\(181\) and his times were first, at sunrising after the Mussulman morning prayer; secondly, at full noon, when the sun is in the middle of heaven; thirdly, at sunset, when the horizon conserves still some redness towards the west. The rites of these his new fangled assemblies were these:— Himself, or his successor, or representative, stood in the middle, his Ferb8ds forming round him four ranks in a perfect square, like the four walls of a house, each rank standing with the face to the quarter of the horizon, then in front, and each of them, at one and the same time, after having pronounced the new fangled words he had learned from his master, inclined his head very low, and turned his body to his left side, in such a manner as that those fronting the north, should turn to the north-west; and those fronting the west, to the south-west; and those fronting the south, should turn to the east; and those fronting the east to the north. After having in this manner exchanged places, they cast their eyes upon the ground, after which raising their heads upwards, they looked at the heavens, and repeated at each time those particular words of theirs. After these six evolutions the congregation, or as they termed it the Did, was over, at which time he assembled a circle about his person, and would say: I am that beneficent being (Good God, what a blasphemy!) that dropped in the world^\(182\) when the younger Fatemah (on whom be peace!) suffered an abortion. He had some other blasphemies and impieties in his mouth besides, which I do not remember positively. But what I know is from what I have collected myself immediately from his two sons, Shah-feghar-ollah, and Shah-did, with whom I have conversed several times, as well as with his principal followers, when I went first to Shah-djehan-abad, which was about the end of Mahmed-shah’s reign, and the beginning of Ahmed-shah’s. This Impostor had appointed four successors to himself in imitation of the four Qhalifs so famous in the Mohammedan history. The first of those was Narshid, that confidant of his, for whom he had coined in his new fangled language the new name of Vedji-bar. The second was Mir-Bakyr, son-in-law to Emir-qhan. There were two more for whom he coined out the two names of Nom8dd-ollah, and Nom8da-nom8d; and in the same manner he imposed new names to his children and to his followers, all of which were drawn from his new-invented language. For whoever presented himself for admission, was sure to receive a new name, which he called a sign; nor was admittance given on any other terms. He had three sons, to the first of whom he gave the name or sign of Nema-nom8d; to the second, that of Feghar; to the third, that of Did. His two daughters were called Nemana the elder, and Nemana the younger; and to his relations from his wife’s side, (whose name he changed into that of Hac-nema) he gave the names of Nema-yar, Nom8d-yar, and Fer-nom8d. To his son Feghar he gave a second name, to wit, that of Nom8d-did,^\(183\) and so of others. In short, that worthless liar quitting Lahor, his residence, came sometimes after to Shah-djehan-abad, where he took up his abode, and as Bhadyr-shah resided at a distance in the former city, his circle of idiots increased daily; so that he drew to his net every ignorant sot whom he could bring within his reach. As he had provided wherewith to subsist, he made a parade of his disinterestedness, nor ever would ask or accept any thing; insomuch that the multitude amazed, and mightily pleased to find he subsisted by such invisible means, gave him the more credit for what he said of himself, and they did not understand. Little by little his followers swelled into such numbers, and those numbers proved so zealous in alluring others to the net, that at last, they formed a mighty multitude. Bahadyr-shah dying about this time, there arose divisions amongst the Princes of the blood, which occasioned dissensions in every city and every town; so that the impostor availing himself of the opportunity, spread his net the wider; and now growing bold and daring, he dropped the veil entirely, brought forth his new book and new language to the light of broad day, gave himself in spectacle to the staring multitude, and fearlessly exchanged the obscurity of his proceedings and assemblies for the broad sunshine of publicity. His skill in argumentation rendered him a formidable adversary; so that whenever any one amongst the gaping multitude attempted at any time to raise objections against either his pretensions or tenets, he was soon outwitted and overmatched by his antagonist, who never failed to overpower his man, over whom he always had the advantage of more expertness at controversies, and a greater knack at syllogisms and sophisms. Hence the multitude confounded at what they were seeing and hearing, flocked to him in shoals; and this was the case during all those dissensions that ended by bringing Feroh-syur to the throne, a Prince exceedingly idiotic and ignorant himself, whilst his two Ministers, eternally busy upon matters of their own, minded nothing else; Hossëin-aaly-qhan being mostly engaged in wars and expeditions, and the other brother, Abdollah-qhan, being eternally engrossed by his pleasures and his insatiable love for women, unless indeed his attention was now and then awakened by the Emperor’s machinations against him, at which time he had too much business of his own upon his hands, to think of the impostures and lies of that worthless man. The new sect therefore continued to spread, and Haddy-qhan, son to Emir-qhan, and a man of the first rank and distinction, became one amongst many others of that impostor’s converts; and his conversion produced so imposing an effect, that the mob took the belief and sincerity of such great men to be an unanswerable argument for yielding implicitly their own acquiescence, and even for going a little farther. But that noble lord’s attachment, as well as that of some others, full as ignorant, whimsical, and sanatic as himself, added so much splendour and credit to that impostor’s person, that in a little time he came to count five-and-twenty thousand men in his assemblies at one time. The Emperor Feroh-syur The Impostor is visited by the Emperor. himself, instigated by some of his lords, men lost to all religion, went once to see that impostor. It was in the night time, and as it were by stealth and incognito, being accompanied only by some eunuchs, without any retinue and without imparting his design to any others. The impostor Nom8d having got notice of a visit from a Prince equally idiotic and ignorant, had the assurance and craftiness to shut up the door of his own room from within, and to make difficulty to open it, whilst the Emperor descended to entreaties and supplications, and was supported by the impostor’s children and disciples, who redoubled their importunities. At last he was prevailed upon to open the door. The Emperor on seeing him, inclined his body, made a bow, and went forwards. Nom8d drawing out a stag’s hide, spread it for the Prince, and said: Here is what will do both for Kings and beggars. Choose which you please. Feroh-syur, who was narrow-minded, and had none but homely conceptions, charmed with his resignation and poverty, conceived from thence a higher opinion of the man’s sanctity; and at his departure, he presented him with a bag containing a thousand rupees and eshreffies mixed, and with a quilted carpet or mimber. The man refused them both; nor was it but after a thousand refusals, that he could be prevailed upon to compliment the Prince with a Coran of his own writing, for which he deducted seventy rupees out of the bag for his own pains (this being his stated price for Corans of his own writing) and returned the rest. The Prince having stood up out of respect to receive the Coran, carried it to his forehead, and making his bow, he returned home. Nom8d, without reconducting the Prince, came out of the room, and finding the bag and money on the ground, he ordered the whole of it to be distributed immediately to his starers-at, an affected piece of self-denial by which he raised his character so high in their opinion, that nothing henceforward could shake it. So that it became of a solidity not to be reasoned against; whilst so much eclat rendered the man intrepid and above all consideration. He now thought it beneath his dignity to make a secret of the festivals and fasts which he had appointed; nor had he the least scruple about displaying full open his standard within the city, and marching in state to his rendezvous; and this he always did at the head of multitudes of his disciples, with whom he resolutely crossed the whole city in parade, without either fear or precaution. So far was he from it, that after having performed there those ridiculous rites of his, he used to return in triumph amongst vast crowds of his followers, who repeated in a loud singing tone of voice those mystical words which he had trumped up.

The reign of Feroh-syur being over, as well as the power and prevalence of the two brothers, the throne fell to the lot of Mahmed-shah, and the vezirship to that of his favourite Mahmed-aamin-qhan, whose ministry lasted only three or four months and some days. But that Minister who died of execruciating pains in his bowels, having chanced some days before his death, to hear for the first time of that impostor, he ordered some of the soldiers, then at his gate, to set out immediately, and to seize and bring that Pimp away (for such was his expression on that occasion), and they had orders to kill him instantly, if he made the least resistance. As it was already past noon when the order was given, and the Vezir had dismissed his people, there were but few men at the gate, and only part of those went to the impostor’s, where they signified the order they had received. At that moment Qhyfshan-nom8d (for so he styled himself) was taking his meal within his room; and hearing the soldiers talk without, he lost his wits, and remained stupified with fear. But having had time to recollect himself, and being a man fertile in expedients, he sent out Did, his youngest son, who was extremely handsome; and putting in his hands a few cakes of mixed wheat and barley, with some dishes of pulse and greens, which he had before him, he added this message: Friends, as you are come to a fakir’s house partake of his fare for a while, until he comes himself. The soldiers equally surprised and struck with the singularity of the message, and the beauty and tender age of the messenger, waited awhile. In the meanwhile Mahmed-aamin-qhan, whose distemper was a violent cholic, being actually seized with a paroxysm of his evil, the news in an instant spread everywhere, and reaching the soldiers, they all left Nom8d, and repaired to their quarters at their master’s gate, being anxious about the arrears due to them. The Vezir, who was actually attacked and overpowered by the worst species of that distemper, had lost his senses and was speechless; but as soon as he could open his eyes, he asked where was that man? It was represented to him that his accident had so much affected all his servants, that their attention had been entirely engrossed by their master’s situation, on which account the seizing and bringing the man had suffered a small delay. The Minister, displeased with the apology, ordered him to be brought without fail to-morrow morning. But in the evening the Minister himself being seized with another violent fit of his distemper, seemed to be so near his end, that his life was despaired of; and Nom8d, who was thinking how to make his escape, but to whom Haddi-aly-qhan and some others of his friends and followers were from moment to moment conveying intelligence of the Minister’s despaired state, at once plucked up courage, and sending for a number of his followers who flocked in shoals to him, he gave broad hints of the Vezier’s being at the agonies of death, an intelligence that was now brought to him explicitly. On this notice he came out of his house with a serene air of satisfaction, and took up his seat in the mosque close to his door; upon which his followers, relations, and friends, immediately filled the mosque and street. But at this very time Camer-eddin-qhan, son to the dying Minister, having been overcome by the fears of the old women of the seraglio, and by the apprehensions of men as weak as the women themselves, he sent at day-break his own Divan with a bag of five thousand rupees to that impostor as an atonement for his father’s misbehaviour, and a price for some Amulets of his own writing, which were requested as a favour. The man who had already received a short note with intelligence of the Minister’s death, now spreading his wings full open, and taking a lofty soar, he was discoursing in a high tone of voice, and saying these very words:—I have shot such an arrow into that Pagan’s heart as will never let him recover. Nevertheless, in imitation of my ancestor, who was martyrized in a mosque,^\(184\) I am come to receive martyrdom in this mosque, although, indeed, would he add after a pause, I cannot receive it since I have been already martyrized once (an expression by which he alluded to the abortion suffered by the younger Fatema). He was yet speaking, when Camer-eddin-qhan’s Divan came in, and laid the money at his feet, as a price for his writing a Taaviz or Amulet, adding at the same time an humble message from the son, expressive of a hope that he would forgive Mahmed-aamin’s transgressions (for such was his expression). The inspired man’s answer was: That an arrow once shot, and a water once spilt, could not come back. This answer having produced a fresh effusion of prayers and supplications, he turned towards his future successor, and bid him write these Arabic words of the Coran:—We have sent the Coran down for the benefit of the believers, nor is there in it any thing for tyrants but loss and disadvantage. The paper being written, he put it in the Divan’s hands, and bade him carry it quickly, although, added he, I know it will avail nothing, as by the time thou shalt be arrived, the man will already have ceased to live. The Divan humbly insisted on his accepting the money, but he refused it constantly, saying: That for his part he would not so much as touch it; but that the poor people present might take it, if they pleased. Hardly had these words come out of his mouth, when those Indian beggars, accustomed to overrun a whole city for the sake of a few pieces of copper, getting up at once, in a moment made away with the whole sum. The Devan, on his return, heard by the way that the Vezir was gone to the place he had deserved; and the intelligence being then publicly conveyed to Nom8d, he got up, dismissed the congregation, and went home with an air of satisfaction and triumph. But meanwhile this miracle of his being rumoured abroad, and exaggerated all over the city, did not fail to produce a plentiful crop of sots and idiots.

Three years after this miracle, Nom8d himself with all his whimsies and artifices died, and was succeeded by his eldest son, Nema-nom8d, who fell out with his brothers, and with several of his father’s followers, on account of the shares of a family estate which he had been presented with by his disciple, Hadi-qhan, and which the father had assigned to Vedji-bar and to his other confidants, in his life time, as an acknowledgment for their faithful services. These disputes did not please Vedji-bar, who more than once observed to Nema-nom8d, that he had better sit quiet and be silent, than to fall out with one, who by his age was not likely to be his guest many years longer. But as Nema-nom8d was already in his father’s lifetime accustomed to bear a sway, and to govern his followers, and he could not suspect that they could His imposture set open by one of his associates. alter or change their notions of his son’s importance, he paid no attention to Vedji-bar’s clamours, a conduct which could not fail to incense the latter, who thought himself equal to his master in every artifice and every imposture, and had, moreover, always acted as the other’s right-hand-man. These dissensions rose so high that, when the congregation of Ferb8ds proved more numerous than usual, he appeared in the middle of them, and with a deal of deliberateness, he delivered himself in these words:—Friends, said he, do you know my handwriting from that of the late Nomo8d’s. He was answered in the affirmative by numbers, who really knew both hands. Upon which he went into a closet, and brought out from thence the flap of his cloak full of a quantity of writings, containing the rough draughts and original minutes of the law book, which the impostor had published. The text appeared evidently written by both hands alternately, with plenty of alterations, interlineations, in either hand, and plenty of erasures. These being handed about for some time amongst the by-standers, most of whom could readily distinguish one hand from the other, the man still standing added these very words: Friends! let me tell you that this new religion and sect have been contrived by Nom8d with your humble servant’s assistance. Had it come from God, it would have come at one stroke,^\(185\) without needing so much erasing, and so many alterations and corrections. These words struck the whole assembly. The writings and evidence being acknowledged on all hands, many who had still some common sense left, smiled at their own credulity, and went away pretty much altered in their belief; and the matter being rumoured abroad, the desertion increased, and those mixed assemblies of impostors and idiots, and knaves and sects, were very much thinned. Nema-nom8d, confounded at such a reverse, made up matters with Vedji-bar. But it was too late, the matter had got abroad; and Nema-nom8d finding how matters went to wreck, retired to an estate in the Döab, with which Hady-aaly-qhan had complimented the family, and it was there he took up his abode, by styling himself Shah-feghar or Saint Feghar, successor to his father’s carpet.

This Shah-feghar or Saint Feghar was a man of a pleasant aspect, and very sensible conversation; nor was he destitute of learning. I, the poor man, knew both him and his brother, Did, as well as Vedji-bar, as well as Mir-bakyr, who all became his successors, each in their turn. I have seen them all, known them all personally, spoken often to them; and what has been delivered in these sheets, are the result of either what I have heard from their mouths, or of what was said by those who conversed with them these many years past. Shah-feghar lived mostly under Mahmed-shah, and he even saw some years of the beginning of Ahmed-shah’s reign. This monarch, who, after Nadyr-shah’s departure, was observed often to amuse himself with fakirs and other religious persons, had given him free access to his person. But after that Prince’s decease, he found means to introduce himself to the Navvab D8javid-qhan, another inspired personage, whose revelations called D8javidian-revelations, several persons out of flattery were collecting into one volume, in writing and arranging which Shah-feghar was associated to some other correctors. Did, his younger brother, died about this time, and was in a few years followed by his elder, Shah-feghar. It was about the beginning of Mahmed-shah’s reign. Most of his father’s sectators and admirers were already dead in Feghar’s lifetime, and more had deserted him since that event; nor did there remain to him but some few idiots stupidly wedded to those whimsies. After Shah-fegar’s decease, and the ruin of Shah-djehan-abad, some of Nom8d’s nearest relations, like the remains of the tribes of Ad and Semood,^\(186\) taking a dislike to that ruined city, repaired to Bengal, where they were recommended by some silly courtiers to Miren, son to Mir-djaafer-qhan, who had assumed the Nizamet or government of that province, and they were so well supported, that Miren complimented them with a spot of ground, since called Cadem-ress8l, and a pension of five rupees a day; but most of these people were already gone to hell, the place of their destination, in Mir-djaafer-qhan’s lifetime, of which Prince I hope to speak at large in the subsequent sheets. Nor did any one remain of that worthless impostor’s race, that I know, except Nema-nom8d-yar, and some of the impostor’s women, who are alive to this day in the year 1194 of the Hedjra.^\(187\) So that the race of that worthless man was put an end to, thanks to God, and we can now revert to our general history.

Mahmed-aamin-qhan, who found that his distemper gained ground, was not satisfied with the denials and answers given him by his physicians, but absolutely insisted upon some relief or some medicine. So that the physicians after consulting together, agreed upon administering a clyster; and as this remedy, although repeatedly given, did not procure any relief, his excrements came out at his mouth, and he took his journey to the other world. They say, that he bore such a cordial aversion to the descendants of the Prophet, and detested so violently those particularly descended from the Prince of Justs, that hearing by the way a man who sung the words Aaly, the Saint of God, he ordered his tongue to be cut off.^\(188\) And there is a common report that in imitation of some pious persons who spread a table of victuals, as an offering to the King of Braves, and humbly waiting for a token of his acceptance, are always excused, he ordered such a table to be spread on his own account, with an intention to give the matter a ridiculous turn. Now that such a token is granted by His Majesty, the King of Braves, to those that have a sincere faith,^\(189\) and that it has been an infinity of times observed by thousands of people, some of which were men of great sense and knowledge, as well as prone to incredulity, is universally known to all the world, and to my humble self in particular, who have often offered such an offering, and as often observed a variety of tokens of acceptance, for which I return my respectful acknowledgments to God Almighty. This the wretched Minister could not bear to hear mentioned in his presence; and his aversion to the Sëids was such, that even his friends, servants, and dependants, made no difficulty to call him a Möaviah and a Yëzid,^\(190\) of which names he seemed to be proud. He once said that he wanted himself to offer such a table of victuals to those two venerable personages of his, in hopes of observing their acceptance by some visible sign, in approbation of his attachment to them, and of giving some check likewise to those blasphemers that pretend to soar so high;^\(191\) and what he said, he put in execution. The entertainment having been prepared in a retired apartment of the seraglio, himself with that broken constitution of his, made a shift to limp thither with a number of choice persons, and to pronounce the Fateha or benediction in the name of those venerable personages of his; after which he went away, shutting up the door of that room, and putting the key of it in the hands of a trusty old woman of his whom he placed close to it, as on the watch, with orders in an hour’s time to open the door, and to see what sign had appeared, so as to make her report to him, that he might immediately repair thither with his courtiers, and convince the incredulous. It happened that the woman was herself a Shyah in her heart, but that she used to conceal her opinions and principles. After a full hour had elapsed she, according to his instructions, opened the door, and saw an ugly black dog sitting quietly upon his hams, and tasting leisurely of every plate, and licking his chops. Struck with the sight, she ran to her master, and out of breath, sceamed out: “Why, my Lord, should you wait for a sign and what do you mean by seeing it? Here he is come himself, and has honoured your table with his presence, and he is actually tasting of every plate.” Mahmed-aamin-qhan getting up with all those present, repaired to the chamber, whilst the old woman fearing for her life, slunk away. The Minister being arrived at the spot, saw with his own eyes, the dog feeding heartily, and being incensed beyond measure at the sight, he wanted to put the old woman to death; but although every perquisition was made, she could not be found. He suspected treachery, and would bite his lips in the excess of his anger and resentment; but without being able to wreck his resentment upon any one, at last he quitted this world and repaired to the place which was fit for him.

It is reported by people of the highest credit, that on Emir-dejmlah being appointed to the government of Azim-abad, the Lords and Grandees of the court went out of the city to wish him a good journey, and to take their leave; but that the late Naamet-ollah-qhan, son to Roh-ollah-qhan, being then taken up with the mourning rites and other customs usual in the first ten days of Moharrem in commemoration of the Prince of Martyrs, Hossëin, son of Aaly, (on whom be peace!) came late, and he excused himself to Emir-djemlah with saying: “That he had been in mourning.” Mahmed-aamin-qhan happened to be present at that visit, and sat on one hand of Emir-djemlah, whilst Naamet-ollah-qhan sat on the other. On hearing the apology, Mahmed-aamin-qhan asked whether any person had died in His Lordship’s palace? Naamet-ollah-qhan answered in the negative, but added that his mourning was on account of the Prince of Martyrs. And pray, my Lord, replied Mahmed-aamin-qhan, were not Hossëin and Yëzid younger sons of the same holy family? And does it become us to mourn for the one, and to reject the other? “The younger son of the holy family, for us,” rejoined Naamet-ollah-qhan, “has been killed, and we mourn for him; whereas your younger son of the holy family did gain the victory. Do you then rejoice on his account?” At these words, the conversation growing warm, they both laid their hands upon their poniards, when Emir-djemlah interposed and made up the matter. After such a digression on that Minister’s turn of mind, we may now revert to public matters.

Mahmed-aamin-qhan being deceased, the Emperor without making any new Vezir, appointed Ynaïet-ollah-qhan, one of the old lords of Aoreng-zib’s court, to act as Deputy in that high office, and he invested him in his new dignity with a rich dress of honour. At that moment His Majesty’s attention was supplicated to the following report: That Nizam-el-mulk, his faithful servant, after having put in order the affairs of the government of Haïder-abad, was coming to the presence, and had arrived as far as Feridapoor, where being informed of commotions excited by some refractory Afghans of Bidjapoor, and by some rebellious Zemindars of the Carnatick, he had hastened thither to put an end to those disturbances. A supplication was at the same time presented from the Sahoo Radja with five hundred eshreffies, in congratulation of his Imperial Majesty’s victory. The Emperor after listening to this report, dismissed Abdol-semed-qhan, governor of Lahor, to his government, whilst Camer-eddin-qhan was invested with his father’s title of Ytimad-ed-döulah or trustworthy of the Empire; but Muëz-ed-döulah-haïder-c8ly-qhan, the valiant, had his surname of Nasyr-djung exchanged for that of Firoz-djung or Victorious in war. Saadet-qhan was honoured with the government-general of Ecber-abad, and Mahmed-qhan-bangash, who had been promoted to the government of Ilah-abad, and had set out for it, having been recalled again within the city on account of his setting up some excessive demands for the lands of his Djaghir, and for some other points, was reprimanded for his artifice, taken into favour again, and appointed anew. At the same time the Imperial Gazette from Haïder-abad brought the following strange news: That the seventh of Sefer of the second year of His Majesty’s reign, there fell, out of season, such an immense quantity The Carnatic ruined by water. of rain in the country of Carnatic, that all the rivers, reservoirs, and pieces of water had overflowed their bounds, submerged the grounds to the distance of ten or twelve cosses at the right and left, and swept away and drowned an infinity of men and cattle, carrying away whole villages and towns, and levelling them with the ground. A mountain in the same country had split in two, crushed under its ruins a whole town with all its inhabitants and cattle, and ruined the whole country around. The Emperor after hearing that news, went a hunting, and took Aghyr-qhan the Turk with him, to whom he spoke Turkish during the whole hunting, taking care to shew him a deal of kindness and good will. Three or four days after, the Emperor of his own motion, and without any one’s mediation and interference, added fifteen hundred horse to his grade, and a thousand more to his command, making him at the same time a present of a Serpitch of jewel-work, and of a kettle-drum; and a few days after, another thousand was added to his grade, and another to his effectual command. So that in a few days he was raised to the grade of four thousand horse, and to the real command of three thousand. At the same time news came from Ecber-abad, that Dilir-qhan, Lieutenant to Mahmed-qhan-bangash, having some disputes about his master’s Djaghir, with a Zemindar of the country of Bundil-cund, he had repaired thither with a body of two thousand horse, in order to examine the disputed grounds by himself; but that the conference having degenerated into a dispute, and this ended in a battle, that officer had been slain with about eight hundred of his men. On this intelligence, the Emperor ordered a letter of consolation with a Qhylaat and Serpitch to be sent to Mahmed-qhan-bangash’s son.

After having interrupted our narrative by relating these little occurrences, we shall revert to the stream of our history. The inhabitants of the province of Adjmir and the city of Ahmed-abad-G8djerat, being dissatisfied with their Governor, who was the Navvab Radja Djehi-sing, they sent some of their body to complain of him at court. They found that the Radja, out of hatred to the two Sëid brothers, and also out of partiality against the Mussulmen in general, with whom he was eternally at variance, had been guilty of various excesses. These complaints having been found grounded, the Radja lost both his appointments, and Haïder-c8ly-qhan was appointed to the government-general of Troubles in G8djerat. the G8djerat, which was conferred upon him in the amplest manner, comprehending the Fojdary of all the districts relieving of the Imperial Qhalissah, together with the Divanship and Controul-office, to all which were added the command and receipts of the city and port of S8ret-bender (Surat). Cazem-phan, one of the Mansobdars of the province of G8djerat, was appointed Naïb-s8bah, or Lieutenant-governor, with three thousand horse added to his grade, and two thousand to command; moreover, he was decorated with the surname of Shudjaat-qhan, and with a standard and a Nagara,^\(192\) as was his brother, Moorteza-c8ly-beg, with the grade of a thousand horse, and the command of five hundred, and the surname of Rostem-aly-qhan. To these distinctions were added the Deputy-governorship of the several Purgunnahs or districts dependant on Bröudah. Distinctions were likewise bestowed on Räy-rag8nat, Divan to Haïder-c8ly-qhan. He was first promoted to an increase of grade and an addition of command, and then ordered to attend to the finances of the G8djerat and of the port of S8ret-bender; and as a compensation to Camer-eddin-qhan, who had heretofore enjoyed the collection of that port, he received the Fodjdari of M8rad-abad, vacant by Haïder-c8ly-qhan’s promotion. The government of the province of Adjmir was bestowed on Muzafer-aly-qhan, a nobleman who had been introduced at court by Qhandö8ran and Radja Djehi-sing-sevai. He was further presented with a Serpitch,^\(193\) of jewels, a Qhylaat, and an elephant, and then dismissed to his government. Atyah-ollah-qhan, son to Yanïet-ollah-qhan, was appointed to the office of Postmaster, as was Fazl-aly-qhan, to the superintendency of the elephant office, vacant by Terbïet-qhan’s dismission, and both received their Qhylaats, or dresses of honour. Saad-eddin-aly-qhan, who had come on the part of Nizam-el-mulk, to pay his obeysance, and who on that General’s recommendation had been promoted to the grade of five thousand horse, with the command of three, and to a Nagara, was now honoured with a Qhylaat.

News came about this time that Radja Adjet-sing’s Naib or Deputy in Ahmed-abad, being informed that his master’s office was vacated, and sensible that he would himself soon meet with his reward for the oppressions he was guilty of against all ranks of men, resolved before a successor should come upon him, to enjoy a full revenge against the inhabitants, by plundering the merchants and sacking the city, and committing as much mischief as he could, before he should take his leave finally. But he was mistaken in his reckoning. There was then in the city a nobleman, called Mehr-aly-qhan, who having been Paymaster of the forces and Deputy-governor on the part of the Radja Adjet-sing, had fallen under the lash of the auditing office, and now lived discontented and upon ill terms with his former master, as well as with the new Governor Haïder-c8ly-qhan, who on his side was dissatisfied with him, as well as with a friend of his, Sefder-qhan-babi. These two men joined together to rid themselves of the Deputy-governor’s violence, and resolved to render such a service as should evince their zeal and acquire some right upon the new Governor’s gratitude and good opinion. Calling to their assistance a number of Afghans and a multitude of inhabitants, they fell upon the Deputy, and after a bloody engagement, in which they killed a vast number of Radjpö8ts, and wounded the rest, they drove him out of the city. The Naïb having taken shelter in the house of a nephew of Sefder-qhan-babi’s, was besieged Troubles in Adjmir. there, and at last got out of the city with the utmost disgrace. In his flight to Djudeïpoor, his country, he took care to plunder some villages and districts that were on his way. Mehr-aly-qhan and his colleague having taken a full revenge of that miscreant, sent word to Naher-qhan, Divan of Ahmed-abad, who was also one of the dependants of the Sëids, requesting him to abstain from meddling with the public money in the treasury and with the affairs of government. The man, who felt himself strong, asked them their authority and wanted to quarrel; and the matter was proceeding to an open rupture, when Shudjaat-qhan arrived with a patent under the hand and seal of Haïder-c8ly-qhan, on sight of which Naher-qhan evacuated the city, after having made peace; and this little disturbance accelerated some promotions intended by the court.

Sëid Nusret-yar-qhan, Soobadar or Viceroy of Azim-abad, received the title of R8c8n-ed-dö8lah, with the addition to his grade of a thousand double horse.^\(194\) Shir-efken-qhan was promoted to the government of M8ltan, and to the title of Yzzet-ed-dö8lah; and news coming from Ecber-abad that Saadet-qhan had besieged four forts betwixt Mahtra and that capital, which served as shelter to a multitude of banditties and Zemindars that infested the country, and had taken them with the loss of four hundred of his men, and a vast slaughter of the besieged, orders were given for sending to that General a letter of congratulation with a Qhylaat and a poniard studded with jewels. The Emperor, at the same time, although by disposition little fitted with that keenness and firmness of temper required for a steady attention to matters of distributive justice, and little inclined to attend to them, yet to shew his inclination to do good, Curious expedient of the Emperor’s to render his person more accessible. and his disposition to afford justice, he ordered that a bell should be made fast to a long chain, and the chain hung down on the outside of the Octagon tower that looks towards the water side, to put it in the power of any one who should think himself oppressed, and could not find admittance at the gate of the castle, to repair to the chain and to ring the bell. The ninth of Shevval the Emperor’s accession to the throne was celebrated with the utmost pomp and magnificence. Before the end of this year, Muzaffer-aly-qhan, having been appointed to the government of Adjmir, was for want of means and a proper equipage, loitering his time at Revari, which is only at three cosses from the capital, when news coming that Radja Adjet-sing had marched to that country from Dj8dep8r with an army of thirty thousand horse, swelled by a number of Zemindars and Radjpt8s, the new Governor was now in earnest obliged to make a further stay. Adjet-sing having meanwhile possessed himself of the city of Adjmir, first of all, published by beat of drum, that all shop-keepers and handicrafts-men should keep themselves quiet and attend to their callings as usual, without any fear; and secondly, to recover his character, much sullied by his former ill usage of the Mussulmen, he sent for the rectors and attendants of the mosques, recommended their performing their religious rites as usual, and appointed a sum of money towards the repairs of those holy places. After which, having assembled all the crown-officers and all the men in station, he produced in the middle of them an Imperial patent signed with the impression of the Emperor’s whole hand,^\(195\) purporting under the most sacred oaths, and most solemn promises, the gift to him of the two governments of Adjmir and Ahmed-abad for life. As the Radja was a friend of the Sëids, and a man of great power, whom it was important to gain over, the patent had been put in his hands, by the Empress-mother, on the first intelligence of Refi-ed-derdjat’s drawing to his end, and of her son Roshan-aqhtar’s being intended to succeed him in the Imperial throne. Of this patent the Gentoo prince ordered authentic copies to be taken by the Imperial Divan, and he sent them under the same cover with supplications of his own, both to Qhandö8ran and to Zaafer-qhan, the two principal Ministers. The purport of his representation was: “That although to deprive him of both governments was contrary to the faith given, yet in compliance with the Imperial pleasure, he had complimented away the province of Ahmed-abad-g8djerat; but that after such a sacrifice, to be deprived of the province of Adjmir also, would so deeply affect his honour in the eyes of his own clan and of the whole world, that he could no more shew himself; and that as honour had been at all times dearer than life to men of generous feelings, he hoped that, out of regard to his situation, they would condescend to leave him one of those two governments, as his life and head were staked on that single point.” This year also in the month of Zilhidj, Troubles in Adjmir. Padeshah-begum, daughter to Aoreng-zib, a Princess that went by the name of Zinet-en-nessa, departed this world.^\(196\)

Qhandö8ran, on receiving this letter, was inclined to abstain from quarrels nnd dissensions, especially as at present a war with the Gentoo Prince seemed to be a work of great difficulty, there being so little money in the treasury; but as Adjmir was a province that adjoined to the territory of the capital, and it contained a vast number of tombs and monuments of ancient and holy personages, it was thought indecent to commit it to any but a Mussulman attached to the Emperor, and more expedient to surrender the G8djerat to the Gentoo Prince. However, the Emperor himself, with all the Grandees of his court, and especially Haïder-c8ly-qhan, were more inclined to fight the Radja and to chastise him for his presumption, than to submit to his terms. Nor was this so easy; for after a deal of examination, none of the Grandees shewed any willingness to accept that task, and Haïder-c8ly-qhan himself proposed to send for Saadet-qhan from Ecber-abad for that purpose. This General who was a man of valour and resolution, immediately obeyed the Imperial command, and he hastened to court with so much expedition, that he seemed to have come in post. He had left orders to his cavalry and troops to follow as fast as they could with his infantry, equipage and artillery. Arrived at court, he amongst other matters, mentioned the propriety of furnishing him with the necessaries requisite for his intended expedition; when it soon appeared that some Grandees, disinclined from attending him in that service, made it a point to traverse his views. Intelligence arrived at the same time that Muzafer-aaly-qhan, incapable to satisfy the claims of his troops upon him, had suffered them to plunder two or three towns of the dependence of Adjmir for their subsistence, and that the mutineers, not satisfied with that, had surrounded and besieged their General, and forced him to part with whatever he was possessed of, in discharge of their arrears, not excepting the horses and the elephants he used; so that finding himself reduced to such a situation, and fearing even for his life, he fled to Amber, and took shelter under the protection of Radja Djehi-sing’s Deputy, from whence he sent back to court both his Qhylaat of his investiture, and his patent of Governor. But his disgrace was not yet at an end; for Adjet-sing’s two sons having put themselves at the head of a great body of troops, penetrated into his government, and sacked and plundered four or five villages of the Imperial territory. Meanwhile a number of banditties and Zemindars joined together, and availing themselves of the turbulence of the times and of Adjet-sing’s countenance, they fell upon the town of Narnol. Bayazid-qhan, the Fodjdar of the place, who had come out to make his round, thinking himself overmatched by their multitude, fled with all his might, and was with the utmost risk and difficulty joined by his nephew who was actually within the town. The principal men of that unfortunate place, finding themselves forsaken by their rulers, resolved to sell their lives, as dear as possible, in defence of their properties, and of the honour of their families; and having fought bravely as long as they could, they closed with the Indian custom or point of honour, that is, after having made away with their families, which they put to the sword with their own hands, they laid violent hands on themselves. The wretched oppressors having at last mastered the town, plundered it so mercilessly as to leave not a rag upon either man or woman, and they carried multitudes into captivity. This piece of intelligence coming to court, Qhandö8ran resolved to march himself and to chastise Adjet-sing, and he sent his equipage or Pish-qhana^\(197\) out of town; but as there was an enmity of long standing between him and the Moghuls of the court, and he was aware how unprovided the public treasury was for such an expedition, he did not go farther, but amused the public with a variety of pretexts and excuses. Haïder-c8ly-qhan, who had hitherto harboured some discontent against him, now offered his services, and he bound himself by the most solemn oaths, to follow his fortunes, whether good or bad. He now submitted himself to his command, and, after having offered to lead the van against the enemy, he ordered his Pish-qhana out of town. That nobleman become hearty in the undertaking, was urging and reproaching him, but to no purpose; for Qhandö8ran being little inclined to prosecute that expedition, was representing secretly to the Emperor: “That should the Radja gain an advantage over the Imperial army, it would be difficult to remedy the disorder with an army, ill paid, an empty treasury, and a court full of factions and dissensions; but that even admitting that he should be beaten and driven from the field, the man would betake to the difficult mountains and deep valleys of his hereditary dominions, where none would have either patience or courage to follow him. In fact, it would have been improper to pursue such an expedition, whilst there was at home so great a want of zeal for the common cause, and such a turn of mind for disunion and misintelligence, as effectually damped every one’s good will.” This representation affected none but Camer-eddin-qhan. On Qhandö8ran’s shewing so much backwardness, he undertook the expedition, but he supplicated that the two prisoners, Abdollah-qhan and Nejm-eddin-aly-qhan, should be set at liberty and made over to him, as he intended to make use of their services in the future campaign. He likewise made some other proposals that did not please the Emperor, and as the setting Abdollah-qhan at liberty was very unwelcome to most of the Grandees, Camer-eddin-qhan’s expedition was nipped in the bud. Some words having been on that occasion exchanged between Camer-eddin-qhan and Qhandö8ran, the latter kept his house for some days, and abstained from going to court; but the Emperor finding it improper that a scission should arise between the two principal Ministers of the Empire, found means to reconcile them, and to put an end to discontent and coldness. Meanwhile between these broils and these reconciliations, the expedition against Adjet-sing came to be totally dropped. It must be acknowledged that repeated letters had passed between that Radja and Qhandö8ran. This Minister, who was endeavouring to sooth his mind, and to reclaim him from his mischievous intentions, had desired him to reflect on the consequences of his revolt, and, in fact, he The troubles in Adjmir put an end to. was reclaimed. At the same time, news arrived at court, that Nizam-el-mulk was coming to the presence. That Viceroy, after having put in order the affairs of the Carnatick, returned to his capital, Aoreng-abad,^\(198\) where he arrived in the first day of Zilhidj, from whence he set out the seventeenth, with intention to repair to the Imperial presence. Being arrived at B8rhanp8r, he sent for Dianet-qhan, a nobleman, sometime ago proposed by the Emperor to the office of Divan of Decan, presented him with a Qhylaat and an elephant, and gave him possession of his office. That Viceroy’s approach being now certain, all further deliberation and councils for the affairs of state were suspended, until he should be arrived.

News came also by the Gazette of Cab8l and Pishavur, that Qhané-zad-qhan, who had been sent by Ser-b8lend-qhan, his father, to quell some disturbances that had risen in Cab8l, had been in his return from thence, stopped at the same place where Mahmed-aamin-qhan, son to Emir-djemlah, had once been plundered. Qhané-zad-qhan now underwent the same fate, being surrounded by such multitudes of mountaineer Afghans as equalled the myriads of ants and the hosts of locusts. The young man having put himself upon his defence, there ensued a very brisk engagement, in which Sheh-mudjahed, an officer of character, who commanded his body of battle, was wounded, and taken with the loss of about eight hundred of his bravest men. Qhané-zad-qhan, after having exerted himself to the utmost, had two horses killed under him, and was himself wounded with a musquet-ball. So that finding it in vain to contend any more, he had quitted the field, and saved his life with a small number of men; but the whole baggage with the tents, elephants, and artillery, fell into the enemy’s hands. The Gazette mentioned likewise that Troubles in Cashmir quelled. Abdol-semed-qhan, Governor of Lahor, whose son, Zekeriah-qhan, had been appointed Governor of Cashmir, hearing of the troubles in that country, and of the turbulence of Eshref-eddin, son to the late Muhtevi-qhan, who had surrounded and besieged his Deputy, he had resolved to punish that insolent. Putting himself at the head of three or four thousand Moghul horse,^\(199\) he marched with so much expedition that he arrived unexpectedly in that country. Eshref-eddin, not daring to stand his ground before such a General, at first kept himself out of the way, and then thinking it safer to submit humbly without dispute and without bloodshed, he surrendered; and the troubles having at once subsided, the country had recovered its tranquillity. But as there were in Cashmir numbers of people that enjoyed pensions from the Imperial treasury, as a charity, and many others that had Djaghir lands or appanages out of the same principle, every one of whom the General thought to have been involved in the late troubles, he ordered all their pensions to be struck off, and their Djaghir lands to be confiscated.

This joyful piece of news seemed to usher another still more agreeable to the Imperial family. On a Thursday, being the twenty-ninth of the forbidden month of Moharrem,^\(200\) of the year 1134 of the Hedjrah, a daughter was born to the Emperor; and on the nineteenth of the victorious month of Sefur, the daughter of the late Emperor Feroh-syur was espoused by that Prince, and the marriage celebrated with all the pomp and magnificence, which the dignity of the Empire required.^\(201\) The contract was read, and the religious rites performed, under the influence of the sign of Leo; and the ceremony having been continued for some time with the entertainments, bonfires, music, and dances, customary in Hindostan on these occasions, the solemnity ended by the Princess becoming the reigning Empress, and the perfumed bride of the Imperial bed.

Meanwhile Nizam-el-mulk was approaching, and that Viceroy after having put in order the affairs of Decan, corrected the abuses, and chastised the turbulent of the Carnatick, had turned his views towards the capital of the Empire, where he arrived, and where on a Thursday, the eleventh of the second Rebi, he had the honour to pay his obeysance to the Imperial presence; and on the fifth of the first Djemadi, being a Sunday of the same year, a little before the sun’s declining from the meridian, he was promoted to the Vezirship, and received, according to custom, the investiture of that high dignity, by being presented with a Qhylaat of four pieces,^\(202\) and the Imperial casket and scrutoire. On the next Sunday, being the third of the month Djemady the second, of the same year, the Nö8-r8z^\(203\) or New-year’s day was celebrated at court with the usual ceremonies; and the Emperor’s title which had been hitherto that of the Master of Success, was now changed into that of the Father of Victory, and the Succourer of Religion. On the sixth of Redjeb, in the same year, the Qhalissa office was committed to Radja Gudjer-mull, and a few days after, the Divanship of the musters was bestowed on Sheh-saad-ollah. Meanwhile Nizam-el-mulk, who was a man of much gravity, of a reserved behaviour, and also very fond of power, undertook, first of all, to bring into order the most important affairs of the Empire, and then to pass from thence to other matters of a more private nature. He was advising the Emperor to assume in public an air of gravity and seriousness, to correct his morals, adapt his behaviour to his situation, repress his servants, divide his time into stated hours for each business, and to appoint a time for rendering justice (an important duty of Princes, and without which they could not expect to satisfy Heaven); in one word, to discharge worthily the duties incumbent on command and sovereignty. All these admonitions were listened to by the Emperor, but not relished That Prince was yet in the fervour of youth and the pride of dominion, and had a disposition of mind wholly addicted to a life of pleasures, amusements, and merriment. Nor were these representations more pleasing to most of the Grandees of the court, and especially to Qhandö8ran, who could not bear to see at court such a man as Nizam-el-mulk, by whom he would be infallibly eclipsed. The Vezir, therefore, was always looked upon with an evil eye, and spoken to with peevish expressions; and one day, Haïder-c8ly-qhan instigated by the courtiers and the principal eunuchs, went so far as to forget himself in his presence. That nobleman, who was himself a man of courage and ambition, and very fond of power, had amassed such sums of money from his Djaghirs and from his Government of G8djerat, as well as by the confiscation of part of Abdol-ghaf8r’s estate, (an eminent Bohra^\(204\) merchant, whose wealth was famous all over the world) that his riches were reckoned by corors; and he became so proud and so aspiring as to entertain thoughts of raising himself as high as had done the late Hossëin-aaly-qhan; a project which, he thought, ought to be set out with by demolishing Nizam-el-mulk. This project of his was much encouraged and supported both by the Emperor himself, and by the other Grandees, who whilst they wished to get rid of Nizam-el-mulk’s gravity by the means of Haïder-c8ly-qhan’s proud temper, were likewise desirous of tearing the latter out of his Government of G8djerat, and of putting an end to his intended expedition, by setting him at variance with a man of so undoubted a superiority as Nizam-el-mulk; and, on the other hand, this Minister who was fond of money, and trusting to his own power, did not seem to decline the task, and at last he undertook the expedition.

In the next year which was the 1135th of the Hedjra, an event happened in the Emperor’s family which could not but afflict his mind. On a Tuesday, the first of Moharrem, at about day-break, Maleka-zemani, the reigning Empress, was brought to bed of a mole of a female appearance; on the fifteenth of the same month, Nizam-el-mulk received in a Qhylaat the investiture of the Government of G8djerat, on Haïder-c8ly-qhan’s dismission; and on a Thursday, being the second of Sefur of the same year, a little after the sun’s declining from the meridian, that Minister set out on his intended expedition.

It appears that B8rhan-el-mulk-saadet-qhan,^\(205\) besides the Government of Ecber-abad which he enjoyed, had had the Government of A8d conferred upon him, although the latter was in the hands of Radja Gurd-hur-bahadyr, who was transferred to the Government of Malva. Saadet-qhan pleased to revisit his ancient government, had left in his stead at Ecber-abad a man of abilities, called Rày-nil-cunt-nagur. This Deputy, who soon had a difference with a neighbouring Zeminder, having gone out one day upon his elephant to take an airing, was shot dead by a Djatt, who had been instigated by the Zemindar, and who taking his seat in a lofty tree, levelled leisurely his piece at Nil-cunt in the middle of his numerous retinue, and having accomplished his purpose, found time to make his escape. Saadet-qhan, informed of this, resolved to defer his revenge until he had taken possession of those two provinces, and established his government; but Qhandö8ran,^\(206\) availing himself of the opportunity, procured that place to Radja Ajdet-sing-seväi; so that there remained nothing to Saadet-qhan, but his new acquisition of A8d.

Adjet-sing, on being appointed, received orders to march against Churamon the Djatt, a powerful Zemindar of the province; and he accordingly besieged his fortress of T8n, resolved to turn him out of his zemindary; and having gained over to his party Budun-sing, nephew to Churamon, he laid close siege to the fortress, and obstined himself so much before its wall, that Mohcum-sing, son to Churamon, took in full assembly the liberty to reproach his father with the miseries the besieged endured. He likewise forgot so far the respect due to a father, as to make use of improper expressions. The father listening to his tenderness for an only son, forbore to chastise him as he deserved; but giving way at the same time to his discontent, he with a thoughtlessness inherent to the Gentoo constitution, took poison and died. The young man, incapable to govern his possessions, and overcome by Adjet-sing’s superior power and genius, was prevailed upon to surrender; upon which, the Radja appointed Budun-sing to govern the zemindary, got this appointment confirmed by the court, and recommended to him to recall his dispersed subjects, and to make the country flourish and prosper as it did formerly. Budun-sing armed with so much support, found means to gain over to his side most of Mohcum-sing’s dependants; and the latter thinking himself secure, fled from the fortress, which was immediately taken possession of, and Budun-sing made his residence in it. About this time Radja Gurd-hur-bahadyr having marched to Malva, the government conferred upon him, soon put that province in excellent order.

We have left Nizam-el-mulk going to take possession of his new Government of G8djerat; and he was actually marching thither with a good army and ạ good artillery, when, to facilitate matters, he contrived the expedient of debauching some of the troops of The Emperor, to rid himself of Nizam-el-mulk, gives him the Government of G8djerat. Haïder-c8ly-qhan’s, whose army consisted chiefly of T8ranian Moghuls, and of Péni, Ghazni and Bani Afghans; and as he had himself a number of officers and whole bodies of those same tribes, he pitched upon the most intelligent amongst them, and sent them under a variety of pretences in Haïder-c8ly-qhan’s camp, where they gained to his interest most of those that were of the same nation. In consequence of this management, several Commanders of note, such as Shudjaat-qhan, Mehr-aly-qhan, and Rustem-aly-qhan, G8djeraties, with Selabet-qhan, and Zeber-dest-qhan, Banies, and Ased-qhan, Ghazni, and many other Commanders both Iranian and T8ranian,^\(207\) quitted Haïder-c8ly-qhan’s camp and dispersed. This General thunderstruck by so general a desertion, fell into a melancholy that preyed on his body, and disordered his mind; and getting himself into a covered chair,^\(208\) he with a number of friends that followed his fortunes, and availed themselves likewise of carriages, took the road to the capital. Nizam-el-mulk being thus left in possession of the field and country, marched up to G8djerat, the capital, took possession of it as well as of the whole country, and after having firmly established his government in it, he committed it to the care of Hamed-qhan, his maternal uncle, who went by the name of the Royal Prince Djungly; and himself departing the country soon after marched southward to revisit his governments^\(209\) of Decan, and his capital, Aoreng-abad. Meanwhile Haïder-c8ly-qhan with what friends and treasures he had in his camp, having marched to the capital, arrived there, and for some days remained unnoticed.

About this time, the New-year’s day, with the usual solemnities, was celebrated on the Sunday of the thirteenth of the second Djemady of the year 1135; and on the night of the Saturday of the eleventh Redjeb of the same year, a Princess was born to the Emperor from Roshen-abady,^\(210\) and she was called Djehan-afroz-bannoo-begum. After some days, Haïder-c8ly-qhan having presented himself at court, was received with much goodness by the Emperor who, compassionating his case, appointed him to the Government of Adjmir, his intention being to chastise Radja Adjet-sing’s refractory temper and presumption. That General, who was a man of courage, and bore hearty enmity to Adjet-sing, accepted the proposal with pleasure, and soon prepared an army and artillery sufficient to enter the lists with the Gentoo Prince. He marched against him and attacked his troops, but the latter declined the dispute and fled. It was at the end of Shaaban, of the same year, at which time a Sëid, son to Cassem the Cutval, was killed with a stroke of a poniard by one of the S8rh-posh guards, who was himself grievously wounded by the other’s sabre, and the fact happened close to the father’s tribunal. In this same year, being the first of Shevval, on a Sunday, Nizam-el-mulk, who was returned from Decan, paid his respects to the presence; and on a Thursday, being the twenty-fourth of Zilcaadah, about an astronomical hour before day-break, a son was born to the Emperor. In the year 1136 of the Hedjrah, it being nearly in the middle of Moharrem, a comet with a long tail made its appearance in the heavens in the sign of Aquarius, and remained visible for ten or twelve days, after which it disappeared, when at the end of the month the Emperor’s eldest son departed this life.^\(211\)

This year a number of promotions took place in the principal offices of the court. Camer-eddin-qhan, son of Mahmed-aamin-qhan, whom we have seen in the Vezirship for some little time, nay, for a few days, was appointed second Paymaster-general and Grand commotion at court. Superintendent of the Gh8sl-qhana or bathing-apartments;^\(212\) the Lord of Lords, Qhandö8ran, was made first Paymaster-general, with the additional command of the bodyguards called Vala-shahies and Ala-shahies;^\(213\) Zaafer-qhan was appointed third Paymaster; and Selabet-qhan, fourth. The Stewardship of the household was given to Shir-ef-ken-qhan,^\(214\) and after him, to his brother, L8tf-ollah-qhan, the Just, Commander of the bodyguards called Soltanies, or Imperials. Emir-djemlah the Terhan or exempt, was made Sadr-el-s8d8r or Grand-almoner. The superintendence of the sanctuary, or sacred apartment of the Ladies, together with the care of the privy purse, was committed to Hafyz-qhydmet-car-qhan, an eunuch of Aoreng-zib’s time; but on his demise, both those offices passed to Roz-afz8n-qhan. Radja Gudjer-mull was appointed to the Qhalissa-office or exchequer, which after him, passed to Iradet-mend-qhan, and after him, to Radja Baht-mull. Sheh-saad-ollah was appointed Divan of the musters; and Haïder-c8ly-qhan,^\(215\) Mir-ateshy or fire-commander, and after him, Saad-eddin-qhan, and again Haïder-c8ly-qhan, from whom that office passed to Muzafer-qhan, brother to Qhandö8ran. The superintendency of the guards, called Qhavvas,^\(216\) was given to Saadet-qhan, with order to take Ahmed-c8ly-qhan for his deputy. Amin-ed-dö8lah was made first Mir-tozec; and Daver-dad-qhan, second; Mubaruz-qhan, Superintendent of the door-keepers, and after him, Agher-qhan; and Mir-hossëin-qhan-coca,^\(217\) Superintendent of the pikemen of the presence, ancient and new. The office Arz-mukerer was bestowed on Aly-mahmed-qhan-coca, as was the inspection of the canal,^\(218\) to Faiz-aly-hamed-qhan. B8-aly-qhan-corbeghy was appointed Superintendent of the upholsterer’s office, or Farrash-qhana, as was Munevver-qhan, of the body of Ahedians. The footman-office was bestowed on Yanaïet-qhan-rasygh, son to Qhan-sadyc the Caraolian. The keeping of the purse of Largesses was entrusted to Behroz-qhan, and of the Imperial pocket, to Djavid-qhan, both eunuchs. The jewel-office was bestowed on Djevaher-qhan; and the kitchen-office on Bahtaver-qhan, as was the coffee-office on Vedjibeh-qhan;^\(219\) and the elephant-office,^\(220\) to Fazl-aly-qhan. Sëid Cotb-eddin-aly-qhan was preposed to the superintendency of the light artillery, as was Yesen-qhan to the command of the S8rh-poshes and of the C8llars.^\(221\) Allah-yar-qhan was made Governor of the citadel of Shah-djehan-abad; and Caïm-qhan, son to Zaafer-qhan, Inspector of the Post and Gazette office,^\(222\) as was the Physician Maasom-aaly-qhan, of the Intelligence-office,^\(223\) and in this manner every one got possession of some office; but Zaafer-qhan alone, seemed to have engrossed the Emperor’s mind. He, therefore, availed himself of his credit to make money, being ever ready to undertake every petition in consideration of a commission of so much per cent. to himself. This was also the custom of a new female favourite which the Emperor now produced to the world. A certain girl, famous under the name of Cö8ki, and daughter of^\(224\) Shah-Djan-mahmed, a fakir, found means to introduce herself so deeply in the Emperor’s good graces, that she was entrusted with the Imperial scrutoire and private signet. This singular favourite was suffered to undersign the Imperial answers to the petitions which she carried within the seraglio; and she availed herself to the full of her credit and influence to make an immense fortune. But what is singular, she was also a woman of much penetration, and fond of reciting verses, and often made some herself extempore. Her boldness was such, that she made no mystery of singing these two distichs of her composition: Cö8ky, a female favourite of the Emperor’s, rallies at him.

The Emperor who was a youth of little resolution and enterprise, thought only of passing his time in pleasures and delices; so that whenever any emergency did happen that required vigour and firmness, he passed it over with condescension, and satisfied with enjoying the company of Umdet-el-mulk-emir-qhan,^\(226\) and of some other young lords, of a lively temper, and of a turn of mind inclined to good fellowship and raillery, he did not give to the affairs of the Empire that attention which their importance required. Hence that respect and awe which the Imperial name used to impose, commenced wearing away little by little from the hearts of men in power and office, one might say from almost every man. Every one was fancying himself of importance, and sitting at home on his own carpet, he entertained thoughts of shaking off constraint, and of assuming independence. On the other hand, Nizam-el-mulk wanted to assimilate the Emperor to his own gravity and manners, and to submit him entirely to his counsels; in short, to wean him from the company of those lively youths in whose society he so much delighted, and especially to resume from Cö8ki’s hands and from the Lords of her party that influence which she enjoyed; but such a proposal could not prove of easy digestion, either to the Emperor or to his favourites. Nor were Nizam-el-mulk’s turn of mind or manners relished at all by them; so far from that, they were an object of their scorn and contempt, and his person, as soon as out of sight, never failed of becoming the constant topic of the most pointed raillery.^\(227\) Nizam-el-mulk, informed of all this, conceived a disgust against the court, and an indignation against the courtiers; and having resolved to rid himself of them by repairing to his Governments of G8djerat and Decan, where he bore an absolute sway, he pretended sickness, abstained from going to court, and Nizam-el-mulk much discontented. remained at home, being already intent upon revenging himself by exciting troubles and raising mischievous commotions which he knew would render his presence necessary. He intended to resign the Vezirship; but being a man of much prudence and consideration, he was inclined to temporise, and often proved dilatory. Meanwhile, this resolution of his having been guessed at by the Emperor and the Grandees that were of his mind, it was agreed to humour that Minister, by accepting his resignation, and letting him live as far from court as he wished, provided he lived satisfied and contented. So that the Vezir himself informed of this inclination of theirs, thought it was so much gain to himself; and both parties yielding something of their pretensions, messages and notes were interchanged, an appearance of union and sincerity took place, and on the second of Sefur, in the year 1136, Nizam-el-mulk came again to court, paid his respects, was honoured with the office of Vekil-m8tlac, or absolute Lieutenant-General of the Emperor, decorated with the new title of Asef-dja,^\(228\) and complimented with every demonstration of favour and regard. The Viceroy, after this compromise, asked leave to go a hunting; but instead of that, he marched towards the Decan, an extensive empire, where he reigned like a monarch to all intents and purposes. Being there in his centre, he bent his thoughts on chastising an indolent Emperor, and curbing a set of thoughtless profligate courtiers. It was already the seventh month since his departure, when the Emperor, without touching in appearance to the two high offices which the Viceroy enjoyed, bestowed the title of Djumlet-el-mulk on Camer-eddin-qhan, i.e., that of Supreme over the kingdoms of the Empire; and that nobleman, in receiving the investiture of that high office, promised to humour Nizam-el-mulk in everything in his power.

But all this seemed to be only a matter of style and form; for as soon as he was departed, the Ministers sensible of his discontent, and resolved to be beforehand with him, dispatched in the greatest secrecy, to Mubariz-qhan-Nazem, or Military Governor of B8rhanp8r, a letter of the Emperor’s handwriting, An underhand war between the Emperor and Nizam-el-mulk. which gave him instructions to fight and kill Nizam-el-mulk, by any means in his power, informing him at the same time, that the patent of the Viceroyalty of Decan would soon follow. Mubariz-qhan finding himself supported by the Imperial power, and being of his own nature ambitious of the high preferments held out to him, resolved to fall on Nizam-el-mulk. He discovered his project to Hibrahin-qhan-péni, brother to the late Dä8d-qhan-péni, and to the families of Sheh Nizam and Sheh Minhadj, families of great power and influence all over the Decan, and which seemed to cherish in their bosoms a decided enmity against Nizam-el-mulk, and his overgrown power; and all these having confederated with Mubariz-qhan, enabled him to raise an army, well-appointed, capable of appearing in the field against such a formidable enemy. The General assembled his troops with dispatch, ranged them with skill, and marched to meet Nizam-el-mulk. The latter informed of his intention, and of his mighty preparations, hastened to encounter him; and the two armies joining battle on a Thursday of the month of Moharrem, in the year 1137 of the Hedjrah, a bloody engagement took place, in which A battle between Nizam-el-mulk and Mubariz-qhan in which the latter is slain. the Imperialists lost four thousand bravemen with four elephants left on the field of battle. Victory declared for Nizam-el-mulk; and Mubariz-qhan with his two sons and his best friends, being slain in the engagement, hastened into eternity. Nizam-el-mulk, after this victory, sent a supplication to the Emperor containing an account of the battle, with the number of those slain on Mubariz-qhan’s side, to which he added his congratulations on the victory of the Imperial troops, with a number of eshreffies,^\(229\) usual as a Nuzur on such occasions, without omitting any part of the property seized in the vanquished camp.

Hitherto the dissatisfaction and dissensions between the court and Nizam-el-mulk, although well known and apparent, had been carried on under the mask of dissimulation and protraction; but after this defeat of Mubariz-qhan, the veil was a little withdrawn, and the Emperor sent for Haïder-c8ly-qhan, whom he knew for a man of power and bravery, and one heartily attached to his cause. That nobleman, on this invitation, quitted Adjmir, and repaired to the capital, where on a Friday, the fourteenth of the second Reby, at about two astronomical hours after sunrising, he had the honour of paying his obeisance to the Emperor, who appointed him to the office of Mir-ateshy, or great Chamberlain and Superintendent of the Imperial household, a distinction to which was added another, that of being complimented for his Qhylaat with a dress of His Majesty’s own wearing. At the same time, the present incumbent of that important office, Saad-eddin-qhan, a T8ranian of Nizam-el-mulk’s recommendation, was dismissed. This Viceroy who was informed of all this, and trusted to his own power and to his late victory over Mubariz-qhan, wrote to Hamed-qhan, his maternal uncle, Governor of G8djerat, to commence hostilities, in combination with Silla-dji and Cunta-dji, two Marhatta Commanders, whom he engaged to make incursions into the Imperial territory. Hamed-qhan, on this intimation, beat the drum of independence, raised the standard of defiance with the motto: Who is this country’s owner to-day? and seizing on all the Djaghirs or appendages belonging to the several Grandees now at court, he dismissed their Stewards from their offices. The Ministers, informed of this, were holding councils amongst themselves, where they agreed in nothing but in not coming to any conclusion at all, and in fixing on no scheme whatever. The Emperor, sensible that the T8ranians had grown too numerous and too powerful in the Empire, resolved to oppose the late Vezir, Abdollah-qhan, his prisoner, to their overgrown influence; and he sent him a trusty person to inform him “That the times were now become such that even he might be of some use to His Majesty.” Abdollah-qhan answered: “That if ever His Majesty should please to overshadow the head of his servant, by stretching over it the Imperial hand of clemency and forgiveness, he, his faithful servant, trusted, that as soon as he should be admitted to the honour of paying his respects to the presence, he would be able to assemble a good body of five or six thousand veterans, with which His Majesty’s Ministers might try his zeal by putting him upon any service they should devise.” This answer, unfortunately for Abdollah-qhan, was no sooner reported to the Emperor, than the enemies and jealous of that nobleman’s family, becoming fearful of the consequences of his being set at The prisoner Abdollah-qhan poisoned. liberty, found means to convey a dose of poison to that much injured Sëid, and to send him to his illustrious ancestors.

We have left Mubariz-el-mulk Ser-b8lend-qhan^\(230\) dismissed from his Government of Cab8l, and Nassyr-qhan promoted to that important office by Zaafer-qhan’s influence. The dispossessed General was now retired to his house in the capital, and but seldom appeared at court. However, on Abdollah-qhan’s repairing to the mansions of divine mercy, the Ministers resolved to avail themselves of Ser-b8lend-qhan’s abilities and character; and this advice was opened by the eunuch, Hafyz-qhydmet-car-qhan, upon whose attachment and sincerity the Emperor reposed the greatest confidence. It was resolved to send him against the revolted Hamed-qhan, and to confer for that purpose upon him the Government of G8djerat, where he was to receive every kind of support; but as Ser-b8lend-qhan had long been out of employment, and it was known that he had consumed his equipage and all his savings, so as to be ill-fitted for taking the field,^\(231\) a coror of rupees was sent him from the public treasury, together with the patent of the Government of G8djerat, and he received orders to chastise the revolted Hamed-qhan, and to recover that country. The General, who was sensible of the military talents of Nedjm-eddin-ally-qhan, brother to the late Abdollah-qhan, supplicated His Majesty for his liberty, and requested to have him for his companion. This request was granted with the better grace by the Emperor, as he had always thought kindly of Nedjm-eddin-aly-qhan, who had been the person sent to bring him away from the castle of Selimgar, and to conduct him to Ecber-abad. Nedjm-eddin-aly-qhan then was released from his confinement, and admitted to the honour of paying his obeisance to the Emperor, who complimented him with a Qhylaat, a sabre, and the title of Bahadyr or Valiant. Ser-b8lend-qhan, who was present at the ceremony, having received leave to proceed on his expedition, took Nedjm-eddin-aaly-qhan upon his own elephant, and they arrived together at the camp that had been pitched out of the city. There Nedjm-eddin-aaly-qhan soon assembled a body of Sëids of Bar attached to his family, and a quantity of cavalry that had served under him; insomuch that he soon found himself at the head of a respectable force. And as, on the other hand, Ser-b8lend-qhan, who had commanded in most provinces of the empire, was known to be a man of great character, and a friend to the soldier, numbers of officers, who even in their retreats had never ceased to be attached to his person, and to wish for the moment of his prosperity, hearing of his promotion, quitted to a man their dispersed homes, and Ser-b8lend-qhan appointed General from Court, beats Hamed-qhan. with what old soldiers they could influence, they flocked to his camp from all parts; so that in a little time he found himself at the head of a numerous well-appointed army. It was after so expeditious a junction that the two Generals thought proper to spend full four months on that part of the country where the road divides partly towards Adjmir and partly towards Acber-abad; for Ser-b8lend-qhan was continually fed with the hopes of being promoted to the Vezirship. But as the star that favoured the T8ranian party, was yet on its ascension, this design, which was pregnant with so many salutary effects, was dropped, and the army after so detrimental a delay, marched at last towards G8djerat by the road of Adjmir. In this interval of inaction Nedjmeddin-aaly-qhan, who had returned to the capital, where he had fallen sick, was, on his recovery, honoured with the Government of Adjmir, and ordered to attend Ser-b8lend-qhan, as his colleague.

Meanwhile the Emperor, disgusted with that spirit of intrigue and dissatisfaction, which Nizam-el-mulk had blown up amongst the T8ranians of the Court and Empire, had conceived suspicions against their whole body, as well as against every one of them, and his aversion increased to such a degree, that he resolved to dispossess them of all influence. Camer-eddin-qhan was the nobleman who first felt his displeasure. The Emperor suddenly took from him some governments and some offices which he as suddenly distributed to others. At the same time Saadet-qhan, an Iranian Lord, received leave to repair to his Government of A8d, where he applied himself to the business of bringing the country into subordination and order. But Ser-b8lend-qhan who had tarried a little more until his colleague, reduced to distress by his long confinement, should have so far recruited his finances as to appear in the field with something like an army and a suitable equipage, thought now of marching against the revolted of G8djerat. So that a few days after that officer, who had been joined by the numerous friends of his family, and by his personal companions, followed his colleague, and at last effected his junction with him. Whilst they advanced, Hamed-qhan, who had disregarded the good advices which Ser-b8lend-qhan had several times conveyed to him, found means to engage Conta-dji and Pila-dji, two Marhattas of the Cäicvar family, to follow his fortunes, and he joined them to his own army, commanded by his Bacshy or Major-General, Aman-beg. But these combined troops having soon been encountered by Ser-b8lend-qhan, in person, they received a great defeat in which Aman-beg remained amongst the slain, after which the vanquished army dispersed. At the end of the battle Sheh-el-häyar the Belgramite, Paymaster to Ser-b8lend-qhan, who had been detached from the Imperial army, having got into the city of Ahmed-abad by one gate, he was taking possession of it, whilst Hamed-qhan was going out by the other, from whence he took shelter in Nizam-el-mulk’s camp. This Viceroy, little discouraged by such a check, engaged some other Marhatta Generals to join Hamed-qhan, and to make an invasion in G8djerat. But this invasion occasioned several bloody engagements, in which the Marhattas were constantly defeated by Nedjm-eddin-aly-qhan, who everywhere exhibited proofs of that valour which was hereditary in his family, and which he held from his glorious and holy ancestors.^\(232\) At last matters came to a general engagement, in which Nedjm-eddin-aly-qhan with an army of sixty thousand horse, and a body of infantry, composed of Arabs, and some other strangers, supported by an artillery of some hundred pieces of cannon of all bores, attacked the Marhattas, gave them a complete defeat, pursued them for a long time, and never gave over the pursuit, or turned his horse about, until he had driven them beyond the Nerbudda. This great victory was obtained in the plains about Cambäet-bender (Cambaye), where the Marhattas left a vast number of dead on the field of battle. It had been preceded by an irruption which they had made into the territories of Nugur and Pil-nugur, towns held by Camer-eddin-qhan in Djaghir, and they were actually occupied in sacking and plundering, when they were suddenly attacked by Nedjm-eddin-aly-qhan, and by Qhanè-zad-qhan, The Marhattas defeated in a bloody battle. son to Ser-b8lend-qhan. The Marhattas after this great victory, being pursued everywhere, evacuated every part of G8djerat. It must be observed that as the victorious army was numerous, it received monthly, a regular supply of five lacks from the capital, which sum was forwarded by Hafyz-qhydmet-car-qhan, that faithful friend of Ser-B8lend-qhan’s, and after his death, by Zaafer-qhan, the intent of which supply was to enable that General to go on briskly with his operations, without troubling himself with contributions; and it was determined to continue the same, until the country could be so far subdued and quieted, as to afford a sufficient revenue to support the victorious army. But on the news of the great victory obtained, the supply was stopped by the advice of Qhandö8ran, and an order was sent to dismiss such numerous troops as had become unnecessary. This order ruined that victorious army, and spoiled all the fruit expected from victory; for before that order had come, such was the dread which the Imperial power had spread universally, that the refractory throughout those countries, did not dare to look up to it but with respect and confusion.

We have said that Zaafer-qhan was the person that had the greatest influence over the Emperor’s mind, and it must be acknowledged that this nobleman had many good qualities; but he was addicted to the love of money, and open to bribery; and just at this very time it came out that the twelve lacks which it was his duty to transmit yearly to Cab8l for the payment of the garrisons of that province, had been regularly curtailed by full six, which he converted to his own use; nor did he act with more reserve throughout that infinity of affairs that passed through his hands. One would think, after so bold a peculation, that he was upon the best terms with every one of the Ministers of state; but it was the very reverse. So that his practices came to be mentioned to the Emperor in such terms that this affair ended totally in his disgrace. That Monarch gave him a severe reprimand in public, and he made him over to the controuling office, which having found a balance of full two corors of rupees against him, obliged him to replace the money in the public treasury. He was moreover disgraced and fell into contempt; and the business of providing for Cab8l, together with some other expenditures, was committed to Qhandö8ran, whose fidelity was now acknowledged. The same charge of corruption and bribery was proved against one^\(233\) Shah-Abdol-ghaf8r, a fakir of the T8ranian party, who got so much ascendency on the Emperor’s mind, as to appoint and to dismiss whomsoever he thought proper amongst the comptrollers of the Qhalissah-office. Grown proud of his power and influence, he had been guilty of many unworthy shameful abuses, that had come to the Emperor’s knowledge. But now he was sent for, publicly disgraced, cast in prison, and exiled into Bengal; and two corors in money having been found in his house, besides an infinity of other effects, the whole was confiscated, and sent to the public treasury. Cö8ky herself, the omnipotent Cö8ky, who had been entrusted with the Imperial signet within the seraglio, and had acquired so much authority as to recommend to offices and charges, having been found to be the associate of those two men, was dismissed with disgrace, forbidden the seraglio, and obliged to refund.

After the many disgraces which had been brought upon Ministers as well as upon the Empire itself, by misconduct, and bad politics, one would be apt to think that the accession of power and influence which Qhandö8ran had now acquired, would have rendered him more cautious; instead of that, he listened only to his dislike against the disgraced Minister Zaafer-qhan, and he was hardly fixed in the vacated office, when he made haste to supercede Ser-b8lend-qhan, that great friend of the disgraced Minister; and he soon appointed Radja Abi-sing-rhator, to succeed him in G8djerat, whither he had orders to repair with the utmost expedition, as well as with injunctions to dismiss Ser-b8lend-qhan to court. Abi-sing, fond of his repose, and proud of his hereditary The Victorious Ser-b8lend-qhan
neglected, and superceded by a Gentoo Prince. dominions, sent a Naib or Deputy to take possession of the new government; but this Deputy having been chastised and expelled with disgrace by Ser-b8lend-qhan, another Deputy was sent with a greater force, and this commander also was received in the like manner. At last Abi-sing, ashamed of being repeatedly foiled with so much disgrace, marched himself at the head of an army of fifty thousand men, mostly cavalry, to which he added a good artillery; with which he entered the G8djerat. Ser-b8lend-qhan, although equally uneasy at the intrigues of the capital, and fearful of the power of Nizem-el-mulk, resolved with that inconsiderable, ill-paid, ill-furnished force which had been left him, to encounter his enemies. Coming out of the city of Ahmed-abad, he encamped at some Farsacks^\(234\) from it; and putting himself at the head of his little army, and of a certain number of friends and old soldiers that would not quit him, he attacked Abi-sing, and fought with so much conduct and bravery, that the Radja thought proper to quit the field of battle, and retire a little farther. Ser-b8lend-qhan, who saw himself equally exposed to the machinations Ser-b8lend qhan, after beating the GentooPrince goes alone to pay him a visit. of the enemies at court, and to the power and intrigues of Nizam-el-mulk in the field, became satisfied with Abi sing’s retreat; and contented with having given him a lesson, he resolved to come to terms with him, and this he compassed in an unexpected manner. About the end of the day, he put on a white plain dress, and rolling a white turban round his head, he with no other escort or retinue than a few Chopdars or Mace-bearers and servants, advanced to visit the Gentoo Prince. Abi-sing at first was extremely surprised and confounded at this intelligence; but as at the same time he thought himself highly honoured by such a visit, he got up, advanced to the gate of his tent-walls, and after the usual embrace, he took the old General by the hand, made him sit on his own Mesned, and shewed him every mark of respect in his power. Ser-b8lend-qhan, after some conversation, turned towards the Gentoo Prince, and spoke to him in these very words: “Young man,” said he, “to your own surprise I inform you that there subsists much friendship between me and you. There was a time when your father and I exchanged turbans^\(235\) as brothers, and I, therefore, look upon you to be my nephew. The little fighting that has passed between us, was with an intent to vindicate my honour, and to approve my character, as a soldier. For there is not the least enmity between you and me; nor do I see why, being an hereditary friend to your family and self, I should abstain from paying you a visit. The Imperial service is the matter in question, and it is for that very service I had come into this country. Now that this has been committed to your care, you are welcome to it, and I wish you may bring the government into proper order. I have not myself any further business with it. I come only to request of you a travelling equipage, and some money to defray my charges.” This speech which was delivered with all the frankness of an old soldier, astonished the by-standers, and the Gentoo Prince more than any. He had his enemy in his power. Nevertheless, struck with the General’s high character, and with the anecdote it brought to his mind, he thought his honour concerned in obliging him to the utmost of his power; and sending for his steward and treasurer, he ordered them to comply with whatever directions Ser-b8lend-qhan should give them. A little before the end of the visit, the General having again mentioned the former friendship that had subsisted between him and the Gentoo Prince’s father, offered to renew the ties of it, and to strengthen them anew. He took down his own plain turban, and put it upon Abi-sing’s head, and raising up the latter’s turban, which was enriched with a variety of gems of mighty value, he put it^\(236\) upon his own; after which they embraced each other again in token of friendship and brotherhood, and he departed content and satisfied to his own camp, where the money and equipage arriving soon after, he quitted the country and took his journey towards the capital. But all this manœuvre gave much discontent at court; and Qhandö8ran informed that contrary to his own pleasure and to the Imperial command, he had dared to come to a battle with an Imperial Governor, after which, only the General had thought of setting out for the capital, he was exceedingly incensed; and he so far exasperated the Emperor against him, that a general order was sent to the guards of the highways to stop him whenever he should make his appearance, with injunctions to hinder his advancing one step farther until he had obtained a pardon for his misdemeanour. Moreover, two hundred guards, extraordinary, were sent; one-half towards the road of Adjmir, and the other half towards that of Acber-abad, in which station they waited his coming. The General being arrived about this last city, was stopped short by the Imperial order, and forbidden from advancing farther. Ser-b8lend-qhan, obliged to tarry for several days at that city in order to deprecate the Emperor’s displeasure and to obtain leave to proceed to court, was set upon by the disbanded troops that accompanied him. They mutinied, rose upon him, and fiercely asked their arrears, and were ready to commit insolencies. Luckily for him, that Saadet-qhan was then in that city. This Viceroy, who remembered to have once served under Ser-b8lend-qhan, and to have been promoted by him to a higher command, was shocked to hear the insults likely to be offered to his old commander; and he sent him a respectful message importing: “That if he were pleased to refer these mutineers and their arrears to him, his faithful servant and grateful well-wisher, he would undertake to satisfy their claims.” This generous message instead of soothing the General’s grief, served only to wound his pride. He politely declined the offer, and answered: “That thanks be to Providence, matters had not come yet to such a height, as that he should prove burthensome to his friends.” After this answer, he went into the apartment of the Ladies,^\(237\) and taking some gold which he kept within for a resource, he discharged the arrears due to those troops, and the tumult subsided of itself.

The inconsiderate and disgraceful insults that had been offered to so meritorious a man as Ser-b8lend-qhan, and the ungrateful and impolitical behaviour of the Ministers in general, put Nizam-el-mulk upon his own guard. He took warning and resolved to give them full occupation henceforward by engaging the Marhattas to invade Hindostan. He applied to Badjiräo, the principal man of the court of Saho Radja,^\(238\) who was a General of a high character in those parts, and of a high pedigree, as drawing his origin from the Radjas Simbha and Seväi, the founders of that Empire. He proposed to him to conquer the Malva from the The Marhatas, excited by Nizam-el-mulk, invade the Malva. hands of Radja Gurd-hur, the actual Governor of that fine province, and to recover the G8djerat from the hands of Radja Abi-sing-rathor; or at least to ruin and desolate those two countries, so as to render them of no use to his enemies. Nothing being more welcome at all times to the Marhattasthan such proposals, Badjiräo and the other Marhatta rulers assembled a mighty army, with which they invaded both the Malva and the G8djerat at one and the same time. In the latter they gained several advantages over Abi-sing’s Lieutenants and plundered a great extent of country; but this was not the case in Malva. Radja Gurd-hur, who commanded in that country with a small body of troops, could not bear to see his country ravaged; and being a man of valour and even of temerity, he engaged several times Badjiräo, after having in vain requested assistance from the capital. His repeated supplications to the throne, and his representations to the Ministers, produced nothing; and that brave man, having consumed his small Which is vigorously defended by its Governor. force in that war of endless skirmishes, at last fell himself, and was stripped of the garment of existence. He was succeeded in his command by Radja Dïa-bahadyr, a relation of his, and son to the brave Chébiléram, who pursuing Gurd-hur’s plan, did not cease to harass the Marhattas, giving them no rest, and taking none himself; and he wrote to the principal Ministers: “That so long as he lived, he would prove like a wall in the passage of the enemy towards Hindostan; but that after his death the Ministry might depend upon their spreading like an inundation all over the Empire.” None of these representations produccd anything, and that brave man was at last slain in an engagement, in which he departed the confines of this fragile world. It was in the year 1143 of the Hedjra. The Minister little affected by this death, appointed Mahmed-qhan-bangash to succeed him, with full powers to manage the affairs of Malva, and the latter advanced as far as Oodjëin; but as the country was ravaged on all directions by the Marhattas, he could not take root in it, and the court dissatisfied with his lukewarmness, gave his government to Radja Djehi-sing-seväi. It was in the year 1145, and this was also done by Qhandö8ran’s advice. The new Governor, who inclined to the Marhattas, by principle of religion, proved full as lukewarm in his administration, and did nothing worth notice. However his advice prevailed; for three years after, the court, whether out of weariness, or out of some new principle in politics, thought proper to confer the government of that country on Badjiräo himself; and in that manner the Malva passed under the Marhatta dominion. Nor did the G8djerat meet with a better fate. The Marhattas availing themselves of Abi-sing’s incapacity and neglect, made The Marhattas conquer both the Malva and the G8djerat. themselves masters of the whole country; and this conquest, which occasioned an infinity of losses to the inhabitants, served only to exhibit in glaring colours, all the incapacity of the Minister, and all the weakness of the administration. To remedy such disorders required the strong hand of valour, and the curbing grasp of zeal and prowess; but this was more than could be expected from a set of men destitute of personal courage, and lost to all sense of honour. And, indeed, what figure can the fox cut in the lion’s den; and what can be expected from a wooden sword opposed to a keen steely blade? Qhandö8ran having fancied to himself that the evils that were undermining the Empire of Hindostan could be remedied by dint of policy, and lost countries recovered by art and cunning, expected to bring every thing into order again by a knack at negociation, and by tricks of legerdemain. He even had the folly to think that such powerful enemies as Nizam-el-mulk and the Marhattas, might be reduced to order by keen raillery, and overawed by a battery of bon mots playing in proper time. This was just lighting a fire upon the surface of a piece of water. But in general this Minister was exceedingly unlucky. Every scheme which he projected, turned out to the detriment and dishonour of the Empire; so that the factious Grandees, sensible of the debility of administration, were confirmed in their schemes of independence and revolt. The field of dissension grew wider and wider; and the materials of a revolution becoming daily more abundant, seemed now to be assembled in heaps. Such a state of things required quite another man than Qhandö8ran, and to lop off that towering tree of insubordination and independence which was perpetually shooting forth new branches on all sides, required the sinewy arm of some active valorous Prince, who after having felled it down with repeated blows of his battle-axe, should find sagacity enough in himself to dig out all its roots, and to tear them one by one. Nothing less could answer the necessities of the State than the exertions of such vigorous Ministers, as a Zulficar-qhan and a Hossëin-aly-qhan, two men, who with a strong arm, would have bent the necks of refractoriness within the string of their bows, and strangled it at once.

The Marhattas, now established in their conquests of Malva and G8djerat, found their views enlarged; and encouraged by the stillness and pusillanimity of an administration that seemed motionless, and gave but faint signs of life, they now commenced aspiring to some more acquisitions, being continually busy in providing quarrels with the Imperial Governors, their next neighbours. Little by little they stretched their feet within the frontiers of the provinces of Ecber-abad and Ilah-abad, drove the Fodjdars next to their own conquests, and insensibly extended their limits to the detriment of the Imperial territory. Whilst the Marhattas were perpetually encroaching on the Imperial territory, Mahmed-qhan-bangash, styled the Ghazenfer-djung, or Lion in War, had assembled a good army from his own clan, i. e., from the Rohilla Afghans, and a train of artillery from his fortresses, which he marched into the country of Bundelcund, a dependence of Ilah-abad, with intention to make a conquest of it, and to drive away the Radjas Chetersal and Naga, the most powerful Princes of that region. He advanced into the very heart of the country, made himself master of all the strongholds, and having seized on the capital, he resolved to take his rainy-quarters in it, in order to accustom his new subjects to the yoke. The dispossessed Radjas, with the other Princes of that tract, sensible of the weakness of the Empire, and making as little account of the Minister’s resentment, as of his influence and attention, turned their views towards the Marhattas of the Great Nagp8r,^\(239\) (a city and region that ought to be reputed a dependence of Aoreng-abad, since it is in the province of Barar, which is on the back of the Bundelcund) or possibly they applied to the Generals left by Badjiräo at Oodjëin, the capital of his new conquest of Malva. Be it as it may, the dispossessed Radjas, on promising a sum of money and a cession of part of their territory, obtained an army of Marhattas, with which they returned into Bundelcund, where Mahmed-qhan-bangash had thought himself so secure in his conquest, that he dismissed the greatest part of his Afghans to their homes, retaining Mahmedqhan-ban-
gash invades the Bundelcund, and is besieged. only a small body; and as he had been too little time in the country to be informed of all its inlets and passes, the dispossessed Princes found means to be upon him, before he had any advice of their coming. He had hardly time to mount his horse and to march with what little force he found under his hand; but being soon overpowered by numbers, and obliged to quit the field, and to think of some place of shelter, he after wandering two or three days, found a fort called Djëit-gur, where he had just time to throw himself with his troops and followers, and where he was immediately besieged; and the Radjas with their Marhattas were so intent in their business, that not a blade of straw could find its way to the fort. As a great multitude of all sexes and ages had taken shelter in it, a scarcity of provisions was soon felt, and it soon ended in a complete famine. Cows, horses, and asses came soon to be eaten; things horrid became food; and a dead beast attracted a thousand eyes. Nor was it possible to receive any supply without, or to get out of the fortress. Such a state of distress could not long remain concealed from Mahmed-qhan’s family. On the first Heroically rescued by his own son, who saves his father’s life. news of the blockade, his consort and children had quitted Feroh-abad, the place of their residence, and had repaired to the capital, where with cries and tears they had implored the Minister’s assistance, and the Emperor’s attention. No man took notice of them, or minded their desolation, and this forlorn family in despair applied, as a last resource, to their own tribe and clan, the Afghans of the Rohil-cund. The mother sent her veil round amongst their principal men, and Caïm-qhan, the eldest son, addressed them himself. Such a spectacle produced a full effect. The Afghans touched with the deep distress of so principal family, resolved to make an effort in its behalf, and to save their countrymen from impending destruction; and having put up with the little money and jewels which the mother and son could afford to distribute amongst them, they assembled in numbers, and appointed that son himself to lead them to action, as their General. The Afghans by incessant marches, arrived in the nick of time, attacked the besiegers, and getting to the gate of the fortress, they drew out Mahmed-qhan-bangash and their countrymen, and carried them safe to Ilah-abad: an action ever memorable, by which this worthy son immortalised himself, in saving his father’s life. But the Ministers likewise performed their part from the capital; and as a punition to Mahmed-qhan-bangash, for his having miscarried in his expedition, lost a battle, and suffered himself to be blockaded, they deprived him of his Government of Ilah-abad, which was trasferred to Ser-b8lend-qhan, whose misdemeanours were now forgiven. This General accepted the employment, but sent thither his son, Qhanèzad-qhan, as his deputy, and himself remained in the capital, but however, without much appearing at court, his discontent being such that he mostly kept himself in his own house.

A strange accident closed the end of this year. The Qhass-qhana Strange events at the end of the year 1135, and at the beginning of the next. of Haïder-c8ly-qhan’s^\(240\) took fire of itself, and smothered its master. But the beginning of the next year was no less remarkable in singular events. On Wednesday, the eighteenth of the second Djemady, in the year 1136, two or three hours after sunrising, Mahmed-yar-qhan, nephew to Shäistah-qhan the ancient Lord of Lords, a nobleman who so early as the times of Aoreng-zib, had always enjoyed the government of the province of Shah-djehan-abad or Delhi, departed his life on a sudden, and repaired to the mansions of divine mercy; and a few days after, being a Friday, the office of Mir-ateshy or Grandmaster of the household and of the artillery, vacant by Haïder-c8ly-qhan’s demise, was entrusted to Muzafer-qhan, brother to Qhandö8ran. In this same year the magazine of powder that went by the name of B8rhan-el-mulk’s, having taken fire, blew up, and carried with it the steeple of Firoz-shah’s, with the buildings adjoining; and the whole was torn from its foundations and thrown at some distance. In this year also the brave Nedjm-eddin-aly-qhan repaired to the mansions of divine mercy, and his Government of Adjmir was bestowed on Muzafer-qhan, who was already entrusted with the high office of Mir-ateshy or Grandmaster of the Imperial household. On the Wednesday of the tenth of the second Djemady, in the year 1141, the Emperor felt an accession of fever and sickness, but it ended in a full recovery. In the same year, being the month of Shaaban, news came to court that the Marhattas of G8djerat had advanced into the contiguous country of Radja Abi-sing’s. The Gentoo Prince who had just been expelled from that kingdom, finding his hereditary dominions attacked, obtained leave, and repaired in all speed to Djodehi-p8r-Merta, his capital. About the end of this same year, it being a Friday, the Pendjabi shoemakers and some other Mussulmen tradesmen, rising in a body, excited a great disturbance. In the disorders usual in the days of Hooly,^\(241\) one of their body, a man highly respected for his having been in pilgrimage to Mecca,^\(242\) happened to be killed by the Gentoo jewellers, and that too, unjustly. His brethren, shocked to see their complaints unattended to by a set of inattentive Ministers, who rather inclined to favour the adverse party, and unminded by a group of Grandees, little addicted Great sedition at Delhi, on account of a Hadji, murdered. to religious considerations, and who paid no attention to the account they would have one day to render in the other world, left the body for three days together unpurified and unburied,^\(243\) resolved not to meddle with it unless they had revenged the man’s death. The Grandees, taken up, every one of them, with concerns of their own, were busy amongst themselves, and not one of them thought of affording either justice or consolation to those injured people. The shoemakers incensed at such a neglect, raised a sedition, took possession of the great mosque, and forbade divine service to be performed or any prayers to be said, or any body of Mussulmen to assemble there, until their wrongs were redressed. The Cazi of the city having attempted to pacify them, met with nothing but insults and disgraces. The tumult being upon the increase, at last attracted the attention of the Court, and Camer-eddin-qhan the Vezir, as well as Zaafer-qhan the Minister, were sent on a Friday to perform their devotions, and to see divine service performed in the cathedral. They came with their own retinues and a number of other Lords, and were preparing to commence prayers, when the afflicted and much injured people commenced cursing and reproaching them for their maladministration, as well as their shocking supineness and odious lukewarmness in whatever concerned religion; and proceeding from words to deeds, they fell upon them and put them to flight. Zaafer-qhan being closely pursued, took shelter under the bucklers of the Afghan soldiers that accompanied him. The shoemakers pursuing their blow, continued throwing their slippers at those guards and at the Lords and their soldiers, and put them to flight again. The Vezir alone stood his ground, and on his ordering some unboxed rockets to be fired and thrown over their heads, the seditious were reduced to silence, and impressed with some fear, and the tumult subsided a little. The Vezir finding them reduced to some It is appeased by the Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan. order, addressed them in modest terms, and by employing, by turns, expressions of severity and consolation, he prevailed upon them to disperse. The Poet has said:—

The tumult had risen to such a height, that most of the Grandees were insulted, and as the people were preparing to proceed farther, some great event, as terrible as the Day of Judgment, might have taken place, but for the Vezir’s exertions.

At the end of the year, between the months of Shevval and Zilcaadeh, there arose, for forty days together, out of the ground, such an abominable stench all over the city, that the poor and rich being equally affected by it, were attacked by an epidemical fever that filled the houses with sick. The shops and markets were shut up, the streets became desert, and the city looked like a place forsaken by its inhabitants. People said that they had never seen or heard of such a calamity. The stench and sickness^\(244\) commenced at Patna, and Ilah-abad, from whence it An infection pervades all Hindostan. proceeded to Ecber-abad and Delhi, and continued spreading over Paniput and Serhend, until it extended to Lahor, where it stopped. By a favour of divine Providence, none of the sick died; they all recovered, except a very few, whose last hour was already arrived. This strange event was followed by a stranger one. The winter proved so very severe this year in Shah-djehan-abad Strange frost in Delhi. and old Delhi, and its environs, that the water would freeze in vessels of copper which were all burst. Running waters, and the river itself froze likewise. This happened for three nights together in the month of Redjeb, of the year 1143. It also rained ice in several places. This frightful year ended by an expedition which the Emperor undertook.

On a Tuesday, being the fifth of Redjeb, of the year 1145 The Emperor under pretence of a hunting party sets out on an expedition. of the Hedjra, he set out of the citadel of Shah-djehan-abad with his Vezir, Camer-eddin-qhan, the Lord of Lords Qhandö8ran, and his whole court, and marched to Eaz-abad and Berhot and Soniput, where he encamped, spending a whole month in the pleasures of a general hunting. Returning from thence, he alighted at a seat and garden called Betel-caatra,^\(245\) where he amused himself with the beauty of the place; from thence he advanced to the banks of the river Djumna, which he crossed at Feroh-bahsha’s seat and garden, where he stayed ten or twelve days. There hearing that the Marhattas had made an incursion as far as Ecber-abad, he resolved to march and to chastise that race of freebooters; and advancing two stages more as far as the little river of Heniden, he encamped at the Sera^\(246\) of Bunghil, where he stopped seven or eight days. But the freebooters having dispersed and quitted those parts, on the report of his march, he returned by Talputt to Feridabad, and on the month of Sevval, he under the auspices of fortune and prosperity, alighted at his palace, the seat of glory and royal pomp.

This hunting party of the Emperor’s seemed to be only a prelude to something more serious. For on the sixteenth of Ramazan, in the year 1146 of the Hedjra, about three hours and-a-half after sunrising, Muzafer-qhan, brother to Qhandö8ran, and Grandmaster of the household, received orders to march and chastise the Marhattas. He was invested with a Qhylaat, which he put on, and without giving himself time to go home, he marched at once out of the city, and encamped at the seat of Djivandas. It is true that the Marhattas, after having completed the conquests of G8djerat and Malva, had continued their ravages and incursions, on finding that no one moved from the capital to oppose their usurpations; but it is no less true, that they had been satisfied with settling contributions, and then had rested a little. However, so soon as they saw that no notice was taken of their motions, they recommenced again, assumed the dominion of those districts, and by encroaching upon one or two territories more, they kept the Imperial frontier in a retrogading posture; till at last through perpetual encroachments and continued industry, on one hand, and the most shameful neglect and most barefaced supineness, on the other, they possessed themselves of all the territories as far as G8aliar, which is a famous and important fortress of Hindostan, and quite in the neighbourhood of Ecber-abad. Elated with these successes, they talked of nothing but of new conquests, being encouraged thereto chiefly by Nizam-el-mulk who blew the coals of animosity and confusion, and excited them incessantly to new expeditions. The Marhattas, sensible of the weakness of the Empire, and convinced of the pusillanimity of its Ministers, did that as a compliment to Nizam-el-mulk’s interests, which they would have done of themselves without any such motive or invitation. Assured, then, of so powerful a support, they advanced to the very gates of G8aliar, and pushed their contributions as far as Ecber-abad, on one side, and as far as Adjmir, on the other. Qhandö8ran, who was too knowing not to feel the consequences of such encroachments, but who thought it improper to march himself against them, sent his brother, Muzafer-qhan, to put a stop to those encroachments. This was a man so full of his own valour and prowess that he endlessly talked of it. The Emperor dismissed him with a deal of distinction, and he set out at the head of the Imperial troops, as well as of those belonging to several Lords, who to the number of two-and-twenty were commanded to attend him. So that the whole formed a fine spectacle, and a vast multitude that covered the plain. Muzafer-qhan, invested with full power, and at the head of a numerous army and a numerous artillery, put his foot in the stirrup of authority and command, and marched out to encounter the enemy, resolved to give the Marhattas battle. But these freebooters accustomed to wage war only by skirmishes and incursions, without ever coming to a general engagement, never made a stand before him, but kept him marching and pursuing, as far as Serondj, where The Marhattas continue their encroachments, and despise the General sent against them. Muzafer-qhan thought proper to stay. On this the Marhattas returned, surrounded his camp, and by continual skirmishes, so straitened his quarters, that provisions and necessaries became scarce in his army; but he contented himself with conserving his person, and waiting for orders from his brother and from the Emperor. An order for his return being at last arrived, he was satisfied with bringing his army entire, and he returned to the capital, where on a Tuesday, being the thirteenth of Moharrem, in the year 1147, he had the honour to pay his obeisance to the presence, and was complimented with a plate full of jewels and gems; after which, he repaired to his own palace which had been at all times the scope of his wishes, and where alms were distributed by him, exvotoes^\(247\) paid by his friends, and Nuzurs offered by his favourites and flatterers, in thanksgivings to Providence for its exertions in extricating so illustrious a General from the manifold dangers of that mighty expedition. All, all with one common voice extolled the amazing abilities and the astonishing conduct he had exhibited in that dangerous campaign, and they felicitated him and themselves on his safe return, as on a piece of good luck that had been beyond their most sanguine hopes; but yet people that knew the man, and were unconnected with him, did not fail to mention often the following verse:—

This year the forgiven Prince Aaly-tebar,^\(248\) son to Aazem-shah, took his journey towards the mansions of divine mercy, it being the sixth of Moharrem, and he was buried close to his mother, Kirpa-p8ry,^\(249\) in the mausoleum she had built for herself. On the twenty-fourth of the second Djemady, in the same year, the trustworthy of the Empire, the Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan, and the Prince of Princes, Qhandö8ran, were both appointed to chastise the Marhattas. Both these heroes set out together, and after having fought the Marhattas for a long time together, they returned to the city together; and this expedition ended like that of Muzafer-qhan’s. On the return of these Generals to the capital, the accursed freebooters attacked and plundered the town of Sanbehr, which is only at a hundred cosses from Shah-djehan-abad. The Fodjdar of that place, by name Fahr8, to redeem himself and the town from sack and plunder, agreed to give them four elephants, and three lacs of rupees, with some other effects; and he punctually performed his part. But the freebooters after having been paid to the full, laid their hands upon his person, and plundered him so effectually, that he was left with no other property in the world, than the clothes on his back. The Cazy or Chief Justice of the place, unwilling to trust to those infidels, gave way to what they call in Hindostan, a point of honour, i.e., he put to the sword his consort, his children, and his whole family, and then taking to his arms, he with a few friends defended his house to the last drop of his blood; and it cannot be denied, but that he behaved valiantly, and performed feats of prowess and bodily strength. It was after such calamities all over the Empire, that the elements seemed to have conspired against the inhabitants of the capital. On the eighteenth of the second Reby, of the year 1148, in the evening of the Wednesday, a rain commenced that continued for A terrible rain of thirty hours. thirty hours together with so much violence, that most of the houses fell down in the capital, and the little stream at the Sera of Roshen-ârâ, rose to such a height, that several streams of five feet in depth, ran through all the streets; and news came that the city of Ecber-abad had likewise felt the same calamity at the same time.

Whilst the Empire laboured under the confusion we have mentioned, and every one was making his particular profit of the troubles to push his own point, no wonder that a Zemindar, i.e., a man restless and refractory by nature and by trade, should aspire at independence. Adjadj8, a Zemindar of the Checlaw of Corra, availed himself of the weakness of the Ministry to revolt against the Fodjdar of that district, under whose command he was; and having killed him, and plundered his effects, he moreover took possession of his family. The Fodjdar was no less a person than Djan-nessar-qhan, brother to the Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan. The latter shocked at the enormity of the crime, sent Azim-ollah-qhan, his kinsman, to punish the Zemindar, and to Flagitious enormity of a Zemindar. rescue the deceased’s family and consort from his hands. But Adjadj8 who was accustomed to mischief, and knew how far he had become obnoxious, quitted his usual residence to Azim-ollah-qhan, and retired to some part of his country which he knew to be of difficult access. This retreat having betrayed Azim-ollah-qhan into a mistake of the man’s being but of little consequence, he concluded that his commission was not an object worth his while, and he made only a short stay in the country, where he left Qhadjem-beg-qhan, a T8ranian, with some other commanders, whilst himself was repairing to the capital. But no sooner did Adjadj8 hear of the other’s departure, than become prouder than ever, he yielded to the violence of his temper, and quitting his strongholds, he suddenly fell upon Qhadjem-beg-qhan, and his troops, which he put to the sword. Camer-eddin-qhan, on hearing such an intelligence, was confounded; but being himself too deficient in personal courage and in firmness of mind to remedy evils of such a nature, he applied to Saadet-qhan, Governor of A8d, whom he entreated, if he had any regard for the Moghul name, and any zeal for the Mussulman religion, to come and chastise that turbulent sce??erat. Saadet-qhan, who was a man of personal prowess, and a jealous assertor of his religion, no sooner received the letter, than he resolved to undertake the expedition. He was already upon his march to the capital on some other business, when receiving Camer-eddin-qhan’s letters he quitted the main road, and struck upon his right, with intention to chastise the Zemindar. The latter wanted to amuse this General also with fair words, but finding that the other would not catch at such a bait, and being besides a man of much pride and courage, as well as elated by his late successes, he resolved to stand his ground and to fight, and he only waited for the enemy’s arrival to commence the attack. It happened that the Viceroy fatigued with his day’s journey, was just retiring to his tent to take some repose, when Adjadj8’s spies, who were just at hand, went and informed their master that the Viceroy was a tall stout man, dressed in green, with a flowing white beard, and they added that he had just got into his tent. The Zemindar who just waited for such an opportunity, getting directly from out of his ambuscade, presented himself at the head of his troops. On sight of this Saadet-qhan got upon his elephant, and was exerting himself in putting his troops in battle. He advanced with what people were at hand, and in the condition they were at that time. It happened that Saadet-qhan having stripped himself of his dusty clothes, had just put on a white apparel; and that one of the foremost of his commanders who advanced to engage, was Ab8-t8rab-qhan, the T8ranian, one of his ancient and best officers, who was that day dressed in green, and was remarkable by a long flowing white beard, as well as himself. Adjadj8 having spied that officer upon an elephant, took him to be Saadet-qhan himself, and with a number of bravoes that followed him, he ran on a full gallop to that part, and soon joined the elephant, when brandishing his spear, he gave the old officer such a violent blow, as pierced him through and through, the spear coming out at his back, and lodging itself into the board of the häodah. Saadet-qhan’s foremost troops intimidated by the man’s prowess, and by the execution done by that select body which accompanied him, commenced to fluctuate, and to lose courage; when Saadet-qhan himself with a chosen band flew to their assistance, and after having discharged showers of arrows on him and his followers, he closed at once with him, and engaged sabre in hand. At this very moment a Gentoo officer, called Durdjun-sing, a relation of the Zemindar’s, but from a long time in Saadet-qhan’s service, having discovered the man, pointed him out to his master, and spurring his horse, The Zemindar is chastised. he engaged him with reproaches mixed with blows; and Adjadj8 receiving at the same time two wounds, one by a stroke from Durdjun-sing, and another by an arrow from Saadet-khan, fell down and was undertrodden. From this moment a zephyr of victory seemed gently to raise the drooping standards of that General; and the divine favour blowing in full upon his troops, gave his troops a complete victory. The victorious General took possession of the enemy’s camp, and ordered the Zemindar’s head to be sent to the Emperor, and his skin, stuffed with straw, to be presented to the Vezir; after which leaving to Abb8l-mans8r-qhan, his nephew and son-in-law, the greatest part of his troops, with the command of the country, he pursued his march to the capital, and on the seventh of Redjeb, in this same year, he paid his obeisance to the Emperor, to whom he presented a Nuzur of one thousand and nine eshreffies, with a curious poniard and sabre. The Emperor honoured him with a rich Qhylaat, to which he added a poniard and a sabre, enriched with jewels, a horse, and an elephant. Two months after, he was recalled to the field again by letters from Abb8l-mans8r-qhan, from Sheh-abdollah, and from some other commanders of his, who repeatedly informed him that the Marhattas, whom Adjadj8 had called to his assistance, were at hand.

About this time, it being the sixth of Zilcaad, in the same year, Yad-gar-qhan the Kashmirian, a particular friend of Qhandö8ran’s, and a shrewd, subtile, well-spoken man, was dispatched to Radja Djehi-sing-seväi, and to Badjiräo, the Marhatta Generalissimo, which latter had been heretofore sent by the Radja Sahoo, with orders to make conquests in Hindostan. The envoy was entrusted by the Emperor with a patent for the two provinces, Malva and G8djerat, which Badjiräo held already by the tenure of the sword, and with a commission to gain that General over to the Imperial service, by a promise of mighty honours and a variety of rewards. Radja Djehi-sing’s part was to act as mediator in this affair. It was in this same year and on the fourteenth of Zilhidj, at about three hours before midnight, that Zaafer-qhan departed his life, a Lord that had acquired a character for many valuable qualifications, but especially for his munificence and the benignity of his disposition. He had contracted an intimacy with Shah-bigah, a fakir, whom he had made the director of his conscience, having taken him for his tuteler saint, and submitted to his directions in every thing. But it is time now to leave those small occurrences (and, indeed, whatever came to pass at the capital had this long while ceased to deserve a better appellation); and let us turn our eyes towards those eastern parts of the Empire which, after having lain in obscurity and oblivion for such a length of time, now emerged at once to become a theatre fertile in those important events that have paved the way for the conquest which strangers have made in them, and which they have stretched as far as the neighbourhood of the capital of Hindostan. The scene opens at Azim-abad.

I am not informed which Governors succeeded Nusret-yar-qhan in the government of that province. I only know that in the year 1140, Fahr-eddö8lah, brother to Zaafer-qhan, having obtained the government of that province, remained five years in it; but as he was a man that could neither read nor write, and was light-headed besides, his actions savoured of neglect and ignorance. He was also very proud, and very prone to anger, and at the same time so inconsiderate, that for a small subject, he fell out with Sheh-abdollah, a man of consequence in those parts, who seemed to be the main hinge of all the Government business in that province, for he had been for a length of time always employed by every Governor, either as his deputy, or as a general-farmer of the revenue. He had connections with almost all the Zemindars, was greatly respected by every one of them, and had acquired the good-will of the troops, as well as of every individual in the province, where he was universally respected. Fahr-eddö8lah incited by a sense of jealousy, set up several chicanes against him, and he made him so uneasy, that the other thought it expedient to quit his house at Azim-abad (a house which he had bought with his own money), and to repair to the other side of the Ganga, where he had built a mud-fort, about the town of Sevan, and bought several villages with a deal of ground, where he now retired much discontented. The Governor not satisfied with this retreat, crossed the river after him, and besieged him in the said castle; and he wanted no less than to obtain possession of the fort, and to seize and ill use his person. The man reduced to extremities, applied to Saadet-qhan, Governor of A8d, his next neighbour, to whom he exposed his situation, with the subject of the difference; and on his being sent for by him, he sallied out of the fort, forced bravely his passage through Fahr-eddö8lah’s camp, and effected his retreat by a valorous action, in which he eluded Fahr-eddö8lah’s inimical designs, and approved himself a soldier as well as a financier. Sheh-abdollah being arrived at Saadet-qhan’s court, was received with distinction and honour; and the inimical Governor having missed his prey, returned to the capital, where he some time after commenced a quarrel with Qhadja Mutaassem, whom he greatly disobliged. This Qhadja or fakir was no less a man than a brother of Qhandö8ran’s, who under the garb of a fakir, and the resignation of a religious retired from business, lived at Azim-abad in all the splendour of a nobleman of the first rank. Shocked at the imprudence and the imperiousness of the Governor’s behaviour, and at the levity of his actions, he quitted Azim-abad, and repaired to the capital, where on his brother’s enquiring about the subject of his coming, the other informed him of the Governor’s tyrannical conduct. The Minister who had already heard of it, procured Fahr-eddö8lah’s dismission from his appointment, and having annexed the Government of Azim-abad to that of Bengal, he sent the patents of it to Shudjah-qhan, who on the demise of Djaafer-qhan, his father-in-law, had Introduction to the revolutions in Bengal. succeeded him in that government. And as those Eastern countries are now going to cut a capital figure in our history, it will not be improper to introduce their actual ruler to the reader’s acquaintance.

Shudjah-eddö8lah,^\(250\) alias Shudjah-qhan, the then S8bahdar or Viceroy of Bengal, was a native of B8rhanp8r, a city in Decan, and by origin an Afshar, which is a tribe of Turks dwelling in Qhorassan, a province of Iran.^\(251\). He was one of the principal men of that city, and having contracted an alliance with Djaafer-qhan, another man of consequence of the same city, he lived with that nobleman, who in Aoreng-zib’s time had become Divan of Bengal, and in process of time had obtained likewise the Nizamet or Military Government of the same province.^\(252\) By means of the alliance between them, every preferment obtained by Djaafer-qhan proved an accession of influence to the son-in-law likewise, and the father-in-law having joined in his person the distinct offices of Divan and Nazem of the two Governments of Bengal and Oressa, procured the S8bahdary or Viceroyalty of the latter province for Shudjah-qhan, who went and established his residence there, not only in order to inspect himself the affairs of his government, but also because there had arisen such a diversity of tempers and opinions between these noble persons, that they could no more live together upon those terms of concord which decency prescribed. The son-in-law therefore wished to live at a distance from his father-in-law. He was a man of a moderate temper and a lover of justice, and he bore a character for many valuable qualifications that had acquired him the esteem and respect of all the world. Djaafer-qhan was the very reverse of him, and universally known for such. Another subject of difference was the dislike taken at Shudjah-qhan by his consort, Zinet-en-nessa-begum,^\(253\) daughter of Djaafer-qhan, and mother of Ser-efraz-qhan. This Princess, who was of a virtuous disposition, and a pattern of chastity, had her heart alienated from her husband, not only on account of his being upon such bad terms with her father, but especially on account of his excessive proneness to the love of women. She parted with him, and taking her son with her, she chose her residence in Moorshood-abad, a city founded by her father, and named with his title which was Moorshood-c8ly-qhan, where she lived in great splendour, and where she would have probably continued to enjoy tranquillity, had not fate suscitated a man predestined to overturn her family, and to change the face of these countries. There appeared at this time at court a person called Mirza-mahmed, husband to a lady, who being herself of the Afshar tribe, was allied to Shudjah-qhan. This Mirza-mahmed had with him an elder son Origin of Aali-verdyqhan’s family and power. of his, by name Hadji Ahmed, and a younger son, Mirza-mahmed-aaly, since known under the name of Aaly-verdy-qhan, and the title of Mehabet-djung. This Mirza-mahmed had been in the service of Aazem-shah the forgiven; and on his master’s death, he was reduced to the utmost poverty and distress, having lived a long time out of employment, and being obliged to support a family equally numerous and indigent. In this extremity Mirza-mahmed-aaly, son to Mirza-mahmed, betook himself to the expedient of sending his mother and father to the court of Shudjah-qhan, and this happened in the beginning of Mahmed-shah’s reign. That Governor glad to oblige a relation, conferred several favours on Mirza-mahmed, took him into his service, and shewed him so much kindness, that Mirza-mahmed-aaly, the son, resolved to repair likewise to the court of Bengal and Oressa, a resolution which he effected with the utmost difficulty, on account of his being entirely destitute of the means of performing so long a journey. He at last arrived at the court of Oressa, and being a man of a keen genius, of an insinuating Aali-verdy approves himself a man of great and manifold abilities. turn of mind, and of a temper capable of the most delicate affairs, to the niceties of which he knew how to adapt himself, he soon joined to these civil qualifications, the military ones of an intrepid bravery, and an undaunted prowess, and he acquired so great a character, that Shudjah-qhan congratulated himself on the acquisition of so excellent a subject, and looked on his arrival as upon an event of unexpected good luck, that prognosticated the rise of his protector’s family; insomuch that Mirza-mahmed-aaly rose in favour and in credit from day to day, and was promoted to the highest offices; and now the plant of inclination and attachment having taken a firm footing between these two persons, and its strength having been tried and confirmed by experience, Mirza-mahmed-aaly sent for his brother, Hadji Ahmed, with the consorts, children and relations of the whole family, which then lived at Shah-djehan-abad; and the latter having accordingly assembled the whole of them, he travelled into Bengal, from whence he repaired to the court of Oressa, where being arrived, he was, as well as his younger brother, taken into favour, and promoted to offices and employments; and as the two brothers were both men of abilities, of much versatility of mind, and of such a preseverance as was capable of surmounting the greatest difficulties, they strengthened so much Shudjah-qhan’s government, as to become the foundation of that elevation to which it rose in the sequel. Particular arrangements were introduced into the department of finances, and the revenues greatly augmented by their application and their industry; but Mirza-mahmed-aaly, who to the political abilities of his brother, joined a brilliant character, as a soldier, and had always displayed a greater extent of genius, than either his father or brother, came soon to eclipse all his relations, as well as all the persons in Shudjah-qhan’s service, in so much that he became in time exposed to the shafts of envy, both from relations and strangers. This envy had risen to a pitch, when his protector, who kept several of his agents at court, obtained for him a grade of honour with the appellation of Mahmed-aaly-verdy-qhan,^\(254\) a distinction which jealousy could not bear.

All this while Djaafer-qhan continued displeased with his son-in-law, and as his life was drawing to an end, he conceived the project of procuring the Nizamet of Bengal for Ser-efraz-qhan, his grandson by Zinet-en-nessa, a young Prince, who had already the Divanship or Intendance of that province. Full of that scheme, he wrote to his agents at court, and spared no pains and no expense to obtain an object that had now become the wish of his heart, and on the completion of which he expected to be succeeded by his grandson in both those offices. This project having come to the knowledge of Shudjah-qhan, the latter applied to both Aaly-verdy-qhan, and to Hadji Amed, his brother, for advice. The two brothers agreed in giving one and the same counsel, and in pointing at one and the same method of succeeding. They, first of all, recommended some acquaintances of theirs, men of talents, and of a ready speech, to be dispatched immediately to the court of Shah-djehan-abad, with full powers to treat; and then, they brought the minutes of the supplications which it became necessary to write to the Emperor, to the Vezir, and to the Prince of Princes, Qhandö8ran. These were drawn up in an elegant, conciliating style, calculated to sooth and to persuade, and they requested the patents of Divan and Nazem in Shudjah-qhan’s name, for both the provinces of Bengal and Oressa. With these credentials, the envoys were dispatched to the capital and ordered to make the utmost dispatch. Other trusty men of the military kind, were at the same time dismissed upon some pretence from Shudjah-qhan’s service, but in fact, were only dispatched by various roads to Moorshoodabad, with orders to keep themselves disjointed, but in the environs of Djaafer-qhan’s palace, so as to be night and day ready to execute such new orders as would be sent after them. But as the rainy season was at hand, and it was foreseen that the inundation would necessarily preclude all communication from Cateck to Moorshoodabad, a vast number of boats of all sizes, and for all uses, were therefore provided, and a multitude of boatmen assembled and kept in pay to the end that, on the very first intelligence of Djaafer-qhan’s demise, Shudjah-qhan might, without hinderance, proceed to Mooshoodabad immediately. A secret post was also established betwixt Cateck and Shah-djehan-abad, not only for the sake of receiving as soon as possible the desired patents, but also for being every day furnished with intelligence from both that capital and Moorshoodabad. At last a letter of undoubted credit having informed Shudjah-qhan, that Djaafer-qhan had hardly five or six days to live, he set out from Cateck, taking with him Aaly-verdy-qhan, and such a number of friends and troops as he thought sufficient, and he proceeded hastily to Moorshoodabad, sometimes by water, and sometimes by land, just as opportunity served. He had a son by a lady different from Djaafer-qhan’s daughter. It was Mahmed-tacky-qhan, and him he appointed his deputy at Cateck. Whilst he was proceeding with so much expedition, he received certain intelligence that Djaafer-qhan was dead, and a few days after, being yet upon the road, he received the patent for which he had applied to court. This spot proving so auspicious to him he stopped awhile, and called it Mubareck-menzil, or the auspicious stage. From thence he proceeded with as much expedition as a simple courier, and in a few days he arrived at Moorshoodabad, where without giving himself time to take breath, he directly repaired to the Chehel-s8t8n, a place raised by Djaafer-qhan on forty pillars^\(255\) for such solemnities; and sending for the Vacaa-naviss or gazetteer, and the Sevaneh-naviss or crown-intelligencer, with some other But is supplanted by his son-in-law, Shudjah-qhan. Crown-officers, and the principal men of the city, he produced his patents, got them read aloud by those two officers, and having procured himself to be acknowledged as the lawful S8bahdar of the two provinces, he took possession of the Mesned, sat in it, and ordered the Imperial music to strike up in rejoicing; after which he received Nuzurs of acknowledgment and congratulation from every one present. What is very singular, is that his son, Ser-efraz-qhan, an unsuspecting young man, fast asleep in the lap of ignorance and security, was actually at a country-seat about two miles from the city, in the full confidence that he was the designed and undoubted heir of Djaafer-qhan, his grandfather, in his offices and estate, and that there was no man daring enough to dispute his title; nor did he know any thing of what was passing within the city. The first intelligence he had, was from the sound of the Imperial Nagara^\(256\) and from the music which had struck up. Confounded and astonished at the intelligence that was soon brought him, he stopped short, and asked his principal courtiers, and the principal officers of his troops, what they, thought was to be done? Most of them answered unanimously, “that as his father had received and proclaimed his patents; had taken possession of the Mesned of command as well as of the palace and the city; had been peaceably acknowledged; and was master of the treasury; there remained no other party, but that of submission.” This unanimous opinion of theirs having Ser-efraz-qhan submits to his father. been submitted to by the young man, he left his retinue behind, and taking only a few servants, he advanced briskly; and whether he would or not, he kissed his father’s feet, presented his Nuzur, congratulated him on his accession, and dropped every thought of dispute and contention. This inauguration being over, Shudjah-qhan turned his mind (and he had an excellent one) towards putting in order the affairs of Government and finance.

His chief counsellor and adviser was Aaly-verdy-qhan; but he availed himself likewise of the abilities of Hadji Ahmed, the latter’s brother, and of those of Räy-aalem-chund, an ancient Divan Excellent character of Shudjah-qhan. or Minister of his, who was really a Hindoo of merit, and such as deserved all the confidence and trust reposed in him. He also called to his councils several well-wishers of his, and especially Djagat-seat-fateh-chund, a famous banker of those days, whose wealth was reckoned by corors, and who has never had his equal. All this assistance was only for public business, but in private matters, and in every difference between man and man, he would trust to no one whatever; but sending for the parties, and listening patiently and leisurely to the tales of each, he accurately summed up the reasons of both sides, and with much subtility drew up his conclusions from them, pronounced the sentence, and had it executed with dispatch and punctuality. No recommendation, no entreaties from the nearest relation, would avail, if they proved to militate against the justice arising from a thorough examination of the case. His equity and humanity were no less conspicuous to the Zemindars and other landholders of Bengal. These, under Djaafer-qhan’s administration, had been mostly kept in prison and confinement, and tormented in such a variety of manners, that it would be a pity to spend any paper or ink in describing or mentioning them. It is doubtless of such characters and morals that the Poet Saady had in view when he wrote these verses:—

Shudjah-qhan, after having firmly established his Government, dismissed such Zemindars and other landholders, as he found to be innocent, and free from crime or fraud; as to the others, he ordered them to be all brought into his presence and to form a circle round his person; and this being done, he asked them, how they would behave in future, should he release them from the miseries of confinement and restore to them the blessing of liberty and the sweets of free air? The poor people, who had been for years languishing in confinement, and had undergone a variety of torments and racks, surprised at this address, broke forth in encomiums on his generosity and goodness; and after supplicating Heaven to grant him a long series of prosperous years, they unanimously raised their voices, and promised that henceforward they would pay their rents with a thousand times more punctuality than they had done heretofore, and would, moreover, prove obedient and dutiful in whatever services his goodness might think fit to command. This promise they couched down in a particular writing, which was authenticated by the proper formalities, and after having opposed their hands and seals to it, they confirmed their promises with the most sacred oaths, and with the most solemn execrations against anyone that should act contrary to its tenor. This matter being over, Shudja-qhan sent for a number of rich Qhylaats, in which they were dressed, every one of them according to their respective rank and station; insomuch, that there was not a man in that assembly that did not receive a suitable present. After that ceremony they were all dismissed to their regretted homes, with injunctions to transmit henceforwards their rent by the means of Djagat-seat.

It is in consequence of so much benignity of temper, and such a celestial distribution of justice, that the kingdom of Bengal, which in books is called the terrestrial paradise, came to enjoy so much prosperity, as to exhibit everywhere an air of plenty and happiness quite analogous to the title it bore. The inhabitants of that happy region enjoyed under his government every ease and benefit, which a Government founded on justice and benignity could bestow; and every one of them were unanimous in offering up their supplications to Heaven for his conservation and prosperity. As soon as the Zemindars were dismissed, he turned his He promotes Aally-verdi’s relations to offices in State views towards the distribution of offices and employments; and first of all, he continued his eldest son, Ser-efraz-qhan, in the Divanship of Bengal, as he did Mahmed-tacky-qhan, his second son, in the Government of Oressa. The Government of Djehan-ghirnagur-Daca he bestowed on his son-in-law, M8rshood-c8ly-qhan. The family of his friend and favourite, Aaly-verdy-qhan, could not fail to partake of that distribution of graces and employments; and as the favourite had three nephews, to whom he had given his three daughters, they were promoted equally. Säyd-ahmed-qhan, second son of Hadji Ahmed, was appointed to the Fodjdary of Rungp8r, and Zin-eddin-ahmed-qhan, the youngest, to that of Acbar-nagur, vulgo Radjemahal. But Nuvazish-mahamed-qhan, the eldest, was invested with the office of Paymaster of the forces.^\(257\) These were particular offices. For in the general affairs of government and finance, he had formed a kind of council, composed of Aaly-verdy-qhan—Hadji Ahmed—the Räy-räyan^\(258\) —Aalem-chund, and the Djagat-seat-fateh-chund; and these were invested with the power of binding and loosing, and acted as his Chief Ministers. Matters remained in that state, until Fahr-eddö8lah being dismissed from his Government of Azim-abad, that province was annexed to the Viceroyalty of Bengal, and the patents of it were sent to Shudja-qhan by Qhandö8ran, his particular protector.

Shudja-qhan on being invested with the new Government, turned his thoughts towards discovering a proper subject to send thither, as his Deputy, and several persons were proposed to him by his council, to all of whom he objected. At last he resolved to send one of his two sons. But Zinet-en-nessa, his consort, would not consent to her being parted from her son, who acted already as Divan of Bengal, and on the other hand, she objected to Mahmed-tacky-qhan, as to a stranger; so that her husband at last became of the same opinion. He reflected that the Bahar was a country that required a curbing hand; that it bordered on the A8d, the Ilah-abad, the Barar, and the dependencies of Aoreng-abad, with the Governors of which countries it ought to keep a correspondence; and he concluded that such a post could not be properly filled by any but by Aaly-verdy-qhan. On his proposing him to his council, his choice was unanimously approved, as none Aaly-verdy-qhan appointed Viceroy of Azim-abad. of his counsellors had any views of his own, and they paid many encomiums to the penetration of his mind, in singling out the very man wanted. The appointment being published, Shudjah-qhan resolved to decorate Aaly-verdy-qhan with new titles, and new honours and dignities. The title of Bahadyr or valiant, and that of Mehabet-djung or the formidable and majestuous in battles, an addition to his military grade that should raise the whole to the command of five thousand horse, a fringed Paleky,^\(259\) a standard, and a kettle-drum, were the new honours which he wanted to confer upon him, and for which he immediately applied through his agents to the Emperor, and to his favourite Minister, Qhandö8ran. Zinet being informed of the new appointment, expressed her approbation; and willing to confer an obligation on Aaly-verdy-qhan, she sent for him to the gate of her apartment, and having ordered a rich Qhylaat to be put upon his shoulders, she conferred upon him the Government of Bahar, as from herself.^\(260\) And it was only after this investiture, that Shudjah-qhan himself sent for him, and presented him, on his part also, with the Qhylaat of the Deputyship or Niabet of Azim-abad, to which he joined the patent of it, with an elephant, a sabre, and a quantity of jewels. A number of troops was appointed to serve under him; after which he was dismissed, with injunctions to bring the province under a proper order and subordination. History ought to remark that a few days before this elevation, a grandson was born to Aaly-verdy-qhan from his youngest daughter,^\(261\) married to his youngest nephew, Zin-eddin-ahmed-qhan; and as he had no son of his own, he called him Mirza-mahmed, Birth of Mirza-Mahmed-
Seradj-eddö8la, grandson and nephew to Aaly-verdy-qhan,
by whom he is adopted. after his own name, adopted him for his son, and had him educated in his own house. He ascribed to his auspicious birth, that sudden flow of honours, dignities, and favours; and on that account he redoubled his affection for him. Aaly-verdy-qhan, before his departure, obtained leave to carry with him two of his sons-in-law, with several of his relations, and after a prosperous journey, he made his entry in Azim-abad; and having stayed a whole year in the province, he returned to Moorshoodabad to pay his respects to his benefactor and master, was received with every mark of distinction and favour, and sent back to his Government; nor was it long before he received the patent of those dignities and those honours that had been devised for him by his protector. He received from Court the fringed Paleky, and the standard and kettle-drum, with the other insignia of his dignity; and these did not contribute a little to the exaltation of his character in the minds of the people, by adding so much lustre to his pomp and retinue. But he was not dazzled by them. Being a man of wisdom and industry, endowed with a lofty enterprising mind, ever intent on high designs, he soon observed how precarious was his situation, and he therefore commenced his administration by introducing order in the city, augmenting and inuring his forces, gaining the hearts of the subjects, attaching the military to his person, and chastising and bringing to order the Zemindars and other refractory persons and insurgents of the province. Above all, he made it a standing rule to bring into his service as many military of character as he came to hear of in the neighbouring provinces; and by these means he in a little time found himself at the head of an army, well-appointed, and furnished with everything that could insure success. Intent on adding to his power, and preparing himself for higher achievements, he was alert in chastising such of his dependants as attempted to go astray from the path of duty, and he made them serve for an example. He had taken into his service one Abdol-kerin-qhan, an Afghan-Rohila, who commanded fifteen hundred of his countrymen, and had such an opinion of his own strength and prowess, as to make little account of others, and in reality he deserved the high opinion he had conceived of his ownself. Aaly-verdy-qhan who had made use of him in many an arduous occasion, could not be but satisfied with his services; but he wanted likewise to reduce him to the rules of subordination, and to repress that forwardness of his, which prompted him to stretch his feet beyond the carpet of obedience and submission. The Afghan, proud of his prowess, minding no superior, and fearing no one, set his master at defiance, and continued to be guilty of actions that strongly savoured of an assuming refractory temper, and of a spirit of independence that spurned at control. Aaly-verdy-qhan reflected, that to dissemble with him any longer would only add to his presumption, and excite that of others, and that to connive at his excesses and insolencies any more, might prove highly imprudent, and even dangerous; and he was convinced at the same time, how exceedingly improper it would be in a person of his high station to defer the punition of a headstrong man, whose punition ought to be held up interrorem to others. The day then being fixed for that execution, Aaly-verdy-qhan ordered a number of his trustiest men to keep themselves in the Hall of Audience, and to fall upon him with their sabres as soon as that Afghan should enter, and presume to answer to a reprimand which he intended to give him. Effectively the next day the man, as usual, presented himself with ten of his followers, armed; but as he had always at the gate a couple of hundred of his men ready to support him, and he was himself a man of great personal strength and prowess, it was not an easy matter to come at him, or to find people that could match the man. Three such men having been pitched upon at last, were ordered to attend and to dispatch him. The next morning the execution took place; so that the smoke that used to arise from the heads of the refractory, was at once dissipated. The soldiery began to tremble, and many of the Zemindars, who had hitherto proved refractory, and had acted with all the freedom and insolence to which the weakness Aaly-verdy-qhan’s excellent conduct in his Government. of the former administration had accustomed them, were set upon one after another, and severely chastised. Some were torn out by the roots, and some, that were guilty likewise, but who had shewn tokens of submission and attachment, were not only forgiven but taken into favour, and they attached themselves to his person. In consequence of such a vigorous administration, which never abated from its vigilance, he found means both to conserve Shudjah-qhan’s good-will and esteem, and to strengthen his own power and influence.

But before we go on with that great man’s history, it is proper we should enter upon some events that have happened either in the capital of the Empire or in its environs; after which we shall resume our account of Aaly-verdy-qhan and the affairs of Bengal.

We have already mentioned that Yad-ghar-qhan the Cashmirian had been sent from Court to the Marhatta camp to commence a negociation with Badjräo by the mediation of Radja Djehi-sing-seväi, and that these two envoys had been entrusted with the patents of the Governments of both Malva and G8djerat for that Marhatta General. As this extraordinary step and this condescension on the Emperor’s part did not produce the effect expected, and as it was so far from extinguishing the flames of the Marhatta ambition, that it seemed to have added fuel to that nation’s presumption, to have inspired them with higher and higher notions of themselves, and to have excited new encroachments and fresh insolencies on their part, it was resolved to have recourse to force. On the seventh of Zilcaadah of the year 1149 of the Hedjra, about six hours after sunrise, the Lord of Lords Qhandö8ran departed on an expedition for chastising those freebooters. That General on receiving his leave was honoured with a belt, and that Minister with a view to acknowledge this mark of distinction, set out immediately, without so much as going home. He marched out of the city and encamped at Talpat, which is nine cosses from Shah-djehan-abad. On the twentieth of the same month, the Supreme Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan was equally honoured with a belt, and set out likewise on the same expedition; and to change his station,^\(262\) he went and encamped at Char-bagh.^\(263\) On that same day Qhandö8ran, at the head of his own troops, and of those numerous bodies of Imperial cavalry that had been put under his command, to the amount of about forty thousand horse, marched forward with a numerous train of artillery, and all the necessaries for a campaign, and he encamped in the territory of Ecber-abad. There he was joined by several eminent Radjas with their troops, and his forces now became so numerous, that his army covered the An expedition against the Marhattas by both Qhandö8ran and the Vezir. plains, and struck the eyes with admiration and terror. It was expected he would advance directly upon the enemy; instead of that, he who had set out to fight the Marhattas, contented himself with loitering his time at about forty cosses from the capital. Most of his troops, divided betwixt fear and hope, like men in suspense betwixt life and death, were anxiously waiting for what might happen. Nor did the Vezir Camer-eddin qhan behave with more earnestness. This Minister had set out at the head of a numerous body of Moghuls and Hindostanees, attached to his person, and in his own pay; and he had joined them to a whole army of T8ranin Moghuls, all ancient servants of the Emperor, and all in such high estimation, that the whole province of Serhind had been assigned to them for their pay. With such a numerous army he had marched towards Adjmir, with intention to make and end of the Marhattas. He had with him every necessary for a campaign, and an infinity of volunteers, who fought for opportunities to signalise themselves and to acquire promotion. The pomp and eclat of his march are hardly to be described; but after marching a little on the frontiers of that province, he stopped short to wait for the arrival of the Marhattas. Such was the cant expression. Here he was joined by Mahmed-qhan-bangash, who having quitted Feroh-abad, his residence, (a town which was built and named in honour of Feroh-syur, his protector) was come with a good body of troops, and he waited also for the arrival of the Marhattas. But not one of those illustrious warriors, and not one of those famous Generals had resolution enough to advance himself on those devoted freebooters, to give them a thorough defeat, and to acquire a character in the Empire by chastising them properly for their repeated insolencies. Qhandö8ran without moving from his place, was perpetually contriving schemes, the purport of which he communicated to Djehi-sing; and the latter after having added what further occurred to his mind, transmitted the whole to the Vezir. As to Radja Abi-sing-rhator, instead of repairing to camp, he retired to his capital, where he addicted himself to a course of intoxication, which he kept up by the use of opium. He slept the The Imperial Generals prove defective both in courage and in talents. whole day, and spent the whole night in asking what was to be done; but yet he knew so well his own backwardness that whenever he was sent for by Qhandö8ran, he used to exculpate himself by alleging the necessity of defending his own hereditary dominions, and by bringing forwards some such futile excuses. On the other hand, Camer-eddin-qhan, the Vezir, sometimes out of himself, and sometimes intent only on conserving his army, spent his time in consulting with his friends, and with the T8ranians, his countrymen. But his suspense continued, and he kept his eyes fixed on the succour which he expected from Nizam-el-mulk. The latter, who had quitted the court, exceedingly disgusted with the Emperor and with his favourite, Qhandö8ran, paid but little attention to the troubles that were ruining Hindostan. He even wished to see the Ministers as well as all the Grandees humbled to the dust, by any means whatever. On the other hand, the Emperor had conceived too strong suspicions against him, and was too much obseded by Qhandö8ran, to resolve on an application to him; he had even so bad an opinion of all the T8ranian Grandees of his court, that he made it a point to abstain from consulting any of them. Meanwhile, whole days and nights passed in consultations and incertitude, and no decisive part was taken; and indeed, no principle of life and action could be communicated by those impotent Lords, and those Monsubdars and dignitaries so fertile in excuses, who swarmed in the capital as well as in camp, and most of whom were men of no capacity at all. As to those amongst them, that were capable of thinking, they did not dare to open any advice that might clash with Qhandö8ran’s opinion, and the Emperor himself, whose favourite he was, and on whose mind he had acquired an unbounded influence followed by an absolute power over the whole Empire, was unwilling to listen to anything that might give him umbrage. That Prince used to write both to Qhandö8ran, on one hand, and to Camer-eddin-qhan, on the other, whatever came into his mind; and these two did not fail to excuse themselves by far-fetched reasons, and out-of-the-way considerations. Letters and consultations were perpetually passing and repassing between the Emperor and Qhandö8ran, and as an open communication was maintained betwixt the city and camp, it came at last to be the general wish of the Court, that an agreement should take place with the Marhattas. Qhandö8ran himself, now fully sensible, that to give a complete defeat to those freebooters was more than he could perform, and much beyond his courage, thought it best to leave both peace and war in a profound obscurity, and to envelope them both in a cloud of delicate policy that left every thing in suspense. Such a management he thought to be a shrewd stroke of politics, but meanwhile to extricate himself from his difficulties, he set out on his return to the capital. Things were in this woeful state, when by one of those strokes of Providence, and by an unexpected piece of good fortune, news came that the Marhattas had been chastised by Saadet-qhan in the manner they deserved, and this intelligence tranquillised the minds of the whole Court.

This exertion was more unexpected, as Saadet-qhan had no other Government than that of A8d, and no other office or command than that of the Pikeman of the presence. In number of troops and in plenty of money he was reputed inferior to most of the Grandees of the Empire, and moreover his Government being on the north of the Ganga, he seemed to have no concern at all with those that were on the south of that mighty river, and still less, with the Marhattas themselves. But he was likewise a man of Sadet-qhan alone is successful against the Marhattas. great personal courage, full of a sense of honour, jealous of the glory of the Empire, always intent on some high undertaking, and fond of military glory and renown. Shocked to see the pusillanimous behaviour of men at the head of such numerous armies, and fired with indignation at the incessant encroachments and endless insolencies of the Marhattas, he resolved to avenge the honour of the Empire, and to take that task upon himself, as a particular business of his own. Full of those high notions, he reviewed his troops, (and these were always kept in readiness) augmented their number, furnished them with such ammunition and such a quantity of provisions as he thought necessary, and joining to them a train of artillery, he quitted A8d, his capital, taking with him his nephew and son-in-law, Ab8l-mans8r-qhan, and he marched at the head of his army, firmly resolved to fight the Marhattas. With this view, he crossed the Ganga, and wanted likewise to cross the Djumna, in order to give assistance to Radja Behdäor, a friend and a dependant of his. This Radja being besieged in his fortress by an army of Marhattas, had applied to Saadet-qhan for assistance. The latter answered him by this short note:—Be sure not to be dismayed, and be sure not to give them one farthing; for look, I will be with you instantly. After writing so much, he set out. But as the Radjas of Bundelcund had joined the Marhattas, and both were intent in watching the fords of the Djumna, such a passage was become difficult, and not to be performed in haste; and meanwhile the Radja, his friend, had received a great defeat, and was reduced to the last extremity. At the same time, Malräo, who was one of the greatest Generals of Badjiräo’s army, having found means to cross the Djumna, and to turn Saadet-qhan’s rear, without his suspecting anything of the matter, had fallen at once upon the province of Atäya, and was actually burning and sacking every thing from the gates of that city to the seat of Moty-bagh, which is close to Ecber-abad; wherever he passed he left nothing but slaughter, desolation and ashes. From thence he turned towards the towns of Saad-abad and Djelàïr, and was going to serve them in the same manner, when Saadet-qhan, on the 22nd of Zilcaadah, of the year 1149, suddenly appeared in the Marhatta’s rear like a storm that threatens destruction from afar, and finding the freebooters dispersed, he fell so vigorously upon them, that he never ceased killing and slaughtering until he had chased them beyond Ytimad-abad, which was at four cosses distance from the field of battle. Heaps of dead were to be seen everywhere, and the road, for eight miles together, was strewed with corpses. Three Generals of character were taken prisoners, and Malräo himself being severely wounded, thought himself happy to make his escape with a few followers. The main of the runaways, having thrown away their booty fled towards the Djumna, and having in their hurry and consternation, mistaken one place for another, they plunged in to a part of the river that had no ford, where disappearing in the eddies of annihilation they perished in shoals. Malräo with the few that kept pace with him, found with infinite pains his way to Badjiräo’s camp, to whom he presented himself in the most dismal condition, for this Generalissimo of the Marhatta Empire was then encamped at Cöutélé, a little town inhabited by Sëids, close to Gwaliar. Whilst that wretched was flying, Saadet-qhan was pursuing incessantly at the rate of ten cosses a day and more, until he reached the town of Deholp8r-bari, which is at eighteen cosses from Ecber-abad, and on this side of the river Chunbul, where he had heard that Badjiräo was encamped with the main army, and where he intended to attack and serve that Generalissimo in the same manner, he had served Malräo, so soon as he should have done with the remains of the runaways. He wished by such a double victory to recover the sullied honour of the Hindostanies; but finding after a fruitless pursuit that not one man of that accursed race was to be discovered, he returned to his own camp, where he gave two days’ rest to his troops. At the end of that time, he published that every trooper should keep himself ready to march with four days’ provisions and water, and that if anyone should be found in his tent after the hour of departure, his horse would be hamstrung,^\(264\) and himself carried in derision round the camp. Meanwhile he ordered a number of ox-skins and other leathern vessels to be filled with water, and a vast quantity of cakes to be baked, to the end that the troops might not want for either victuals or water, in the intended pursuit. Some light artillery he loaded upon elephants, and a quantity of wall-pieces and swivels upon camels; and having distributed his water and provisions upon his mules, camels, and other beasts of burthen, he published that he was resolved to pursue the enemy beyond the Chunbul, and that he would be the first at the head of his troops to throw himself into the water, and the foremost to give his men an example of courage and perseverance. Whilst he was setting out on this expedition which had now engrossed his affection, letters came from Qhandö8ran. That Minister had heard of Saadet-qhan’s bravery and decisive conduct, and stung to the quick by a success that reflected so much dishonour upon himself, he wanted either to join that General and share in the honour of the expedition, or by withholding him from it, to make him a sharer in his own inaction and disgrace. With these ideas he wrote him several letters, in which “under the most sacred oaths, he assured him that he was setting out to join him, and recommended his waiting a little until he might proceed with him on the destruction of those freebooters, but by all means advised him to avoid all precipitation.” Saadet-qhan, who had just mounted his horse, found himself stopped short by these letters of the Minister’s, and greatly at a loss how to act. Nevertheless, he thought proper to suspend his march, and three or four days after, he was joined by Qhandö8ran who, on the His ardour damped by the Vezir and Qhandö8ran’s jealousy. approach of the Marhattas, had been ordered by the Emperor to join Saadet-qhan with several other Lords and Commanders. All this while the Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan was encamped at thirty cosses from the capital, on the high road of Adjmir; and Mahmed-qhan-bangash, with his body of troops, was also on that side, waiting the arrival of the enemy. On the junction of Qhandö8ran with Saadet-qhan, six or seven days were spent in visits and entertainments, and this delay having been perceived by the Marhattas, they availed themselves of it to recover breath from Saadet-qhan’s pursuit; and turning suddenly his rear, they marched The Marhattas avail themselves of this suspense to turn the rear of the Imperial army and plunder the suburbs of the Capital. straight to the capital, which they rightly supposed to be empty of troops. This they did with so much rapidity, that on the eighth of that Zilhidj of that same year, they were at Toghl8c-p8r, under the command of Badjiräo, Generalissimo of that nation. As that town was filled with an immense multitude of Mussulmen and Hindoos from the city, who had flocked thither both on a principle of devotion, and on parties of pleasure, they were all leisurely plundered. An immense booty was made here, and the Marhattas having passed the night near Qhadja C8t8b-eddin’s Monument, the next day, which was Arefat^\(265\) day, they plundered the street inhabited by the jewellers, and sacked and burned all the shops of that town. About noon they proceeded farther, and sacked the town of Palem, from whence the shoals of runaways and wounded flying into the city, filled it with dreadful accounts of what they had seen and felt; and the citizens, without further inquiry, lost both their courage and senses, filled the city with a general uproar, and the whole soon became one continued scene of dismay and confusion. The Emperor, hearing of this sudden approach of the enemies, ordered the few Lords and troops that were about his person, to sally forth and to repell the Marhattas. On his order, Emir-qhan, Radja Bahqt-mul, and Mir-hassen-qhan-gocal-tash, with Munevver-qhan, brother to Zaafer-qhan, and Abdol-Maab8d-qhan, and the Hindoo Shï8-sing, Colonel of the corps called Amberies, with many other Commanders, sallied forth, and advancing out of the city to an advantageous post near the Cazis-sera and the Laal-catra, they extended their ranks, and presented battle to the enemy. Mir-hassen-qhan and Shï8-sing, who had more courage than either experience or prudence, advanced farther, although Emir-qhan who was endowed with both, repeatedly sent them word to stop, and to observe that to fight the Marhattas at this particular time, so as to part from their main, was a step utterly improper. He thought it better that they should keep together with the others. But this advice made no effect on those two imprudent men; they would not hear it, and continued advancing. The Marhattas at first appeared at a distance by one or a few at a time, until they had drawn them farther and farther into the plain, and then they all at once fell upon them, and with their short spears and long swords commenced such a terrible execution as threw the whole into the utmost dismay. A man wounded found means to escape, and running up to Emir-qhan, he had the boldness to reproach him with backwardness and neglect. “What are you doing here,” said he, “whilst a Sëyd and an Imam is cutting down?”. Emir-qhan who was a man fertile in bon-mots, and of such a turn of mind that for any thing in the world he would have not missed an opportunity of giving way to his vein for raillery, heard the message with a smile, and even at such a moment he had the sang froid to answer: “Friend, we are perfectly satisfied with twelve Imams; if some one has a mind to be a thirteenth and chooses to be cut down, we have no objections to it.”^\(266\) As the people of Hindostan have not that skill^\(267\) in the art of fighting on horseback, which characterises the Marhattas, most of them were slain, and their leader, Mir-hassen-qhan, with the few that remained with him, made his retreat, wounded, and hardly alive; and the runaways despoiled of their arms and horses, crept back every one to his house. Emir-qhan and the other Commanders, after having tarried at their post the whole day, on the dusk of the evening returned to their tents. Meanwhile the plundering and sacking of Toghl8c-p8r, and the danger which threatened Shah-djehan-abad, having been rumoured abroad, the Lords at the head of the armies in the environs of the capital, knowing that the Emperor was left alone, and that the Marhattas had suddenly disappeared, hastened to Court with the rapidity of so many couriers. The Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan who was the nearest of all, being only at thirty cosses, arrived the first, and having had on the ninth of Zilhidj a skirmish with the Marhattas, he, on the next day, which was the day of the sacrifice, encamped in the suburbs of the capital, at which sight the Marhattas retired a little farther. Saadet-qhan on his side, quitted Ecber-abad where he was, and having measured sixty-five cosses in two days,^\(268\) he arrived on the evening of the second day at Talpat which is close to the city. Qhandö8ran who had set out with him, arrived some time after, and the third day Mahmed-qhan-bangash joined them. As the Marhattas had already felt the weight of the blows dealt out by Saadet-qhan, and they had plentifully drank of the water^\(269\) that flowed from his sabre, they did not like to see him again, and in such numerous company, and being besides heavily loaded with booty, they wheeled round and retreated, burning, and sacking, and utterly destroying in their retreat the towns of Rivari and Bat8di; after which, they marched on to Malva and G8djerat, their new conquests, ruining and destroying every thing in their journey, but without tarrying anywhere. The result of all those troubles and movements was The Emperor with his whole council consents to pay a tribute to the Marhattas. that the Emperor observing that of so many Generals and Lords, not one but Saadet-qhan had thought of attacking the Marhattas or of pursuing them, and that they had all of them availed themselves of some excuse to remain where they were, without moving a foot, he fell into a state of despondence, and concluded with his whole council that it would be expedient to put an end to all his anxiety by paying them a chöut or tribute.

That Prince although completely convinced that Nizam-el-mulk was the contriver and director of this incursion, was likewise sensible how difficult it would be to punish him for such a conduct; and thinking it better to use policy, he wrote him several letters full of kindness, gave him the title of Assefdja,^\(270\) raised his military grade to eight thousand horse, and flattered his pride so much, that the other resolved to come to Court. Leaving therefore his second son, Nizam-eddöulah-nasr-djung,^\(271\) for his Deputy and Lieutenant in the kingdom of Decan, he set out for the capital; but the rumour of his coming being spread everywhere, Qhandö8ran hurried with all his might the agreement with the Marhattas, to prevent his having any concern in the treaty. It was stipulated that they would henceforwards approve themselves the servants of the Imperial court, and obey His Majesty’s commands, as well as the directions of his Ministers, without keeping up any correspondence with Nizam-el-mulk, or siding with him in any manner. This was the purport of the agreement. But the Marhatta General perceiving the pusillanimity and cowardice of the Grandees at court, and sensible of the want of discernment in the Minister, made a treaty with both parties, and kept fair with both the Court and Nizam-el-mulk. The latter being arrived at Shah-djehan-abad, on the 16th of the first Reby, in the year 1150, paid his respects to the Emperor, and about a month after, the Qhylaat of the two Governments of Malva and G8djerat were conferred on his eldest son, Ghazi-eddin-qhan, on the dismission of Djehi-sing and Badjiräo. On the Friday following, news arriving of the decease of Abdol-semed-qhan, the famous Viceroy of Lahor, a Qhylaat of consolation was bestowed on the Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan, his brother, and other Qhylaats of condolence were sent likewise to that General’s family at Lahor, together with a particular one to Zekeriah-qhan, his son, who received thereby a confirmation of the Governments of Lahor and M8ltan. At the same time Nizam-el-mulk, in obedience to the Emperor’s command, marched out to chastise Badjiräo, and he advanced to Acbar-abad; and having fixed as his Deputy in that city, a relation of his own, he marched to Malva by crossing the Djumna at Acbar-abad, and having passed to Atva, he recrossed that river at Calpi, and arrived in the Bundelcund, where he arrested the Radja or Prince of the country. From thence he advanced to Bhopal, which is a town of the dependency of Malva. Badjiräo, hearing of his design, came out from the Decan at the head of a mighty host, and meeting Nizam-el-mulk on the plains of that town, several bloody engagements took place; but as none of them proved decisive, the latter who now received intelligence that Nadyr-shah had invaded Hindostan, thinking the Marhattas but a small object in comparison, preferred an accommodation with Badjiräo, and leaving those enemies behind, he returned to the capital with all expedition.

Troubles and evils of this magnitude were reckoned but small objects by a set of traitorous Grandees, who intent only on ruining each other, made no account of the consequences, if they could but compass their private ends. Nor did they make any scruples, when necessary for their purpose, to shed the blood of Mussulmen, and to slaughter a whole race of Sëyds. Sëif-eddin-aaly-qhan, one of those noble persons attached to the late Abdollah-qhan, had, on that Vezir’s defeat, retired upon his paternal estate, where he subsisted upon a small revenue afforded by a Djaghir of Imperial gift, and a Taallook of land^\(272\) which had been hereditary in his family. This slender subsistence, just enough to support life, he shared with a number of old, impotent, or ruined persons of his family and dependence, and it was this small estate that proved an eyesore to Camer-eddin-qhan, and to the T8ranians, who unable to bear the sight of a Sëyd, and cherishing in their bosoms an enmity to the whole race, were resolved to extirpate every relation of Hossëin-aaly-qhan’s. With this intention Camer-eddin-qhan appointed one Hushmet-qhan to the command of the checlaw or division of Soharen-poor, who had orders to take possession of, and confiscate, the lands and estates held by Sëif-eddin-aaly-qhan and the other persons and dependants of Hossëin-aaly-qhan’s family. That wretched being arrived on the spot, extended the hand of usurpation and violence on the possessions of the Prince of the children of Adam,^\(273\) and wanted to deprive Sëif-eddin-aaly-qhan and those unfortunate people of that little which constituted their very subsistence. Reduced to the last extremity, and at a loss how to escape from the claws of that wretched, they, according to the sentence, Despair knows no laws, rose in their own defence, and deprived their oppressor of the garment of life. This act of necessity was highly resented by the Vezir and his brother, Azim-ollah-qhan; and those men that had put up patiently with Djan-nessar-qhan’s death, and with a miscreant Gentoo’s taking possession of a Mussulman’s consort and family; those men that had made so small account of so black a crime, and had so little sense of honour and shame, as to have not thought so much as once how to take Ruin of the town of Djan-sita. an adequate revenge for such an enormity; those very men now looked upon such an act of necessity, and the killing of Hushmet-qhan by a Sëid’s hand,^\(274\) to be a flagitious affront that concerned the honour of Government, and reflected upon the unsullied character of its Ministers; and nothing now could expiate such an enormity, but spilling the blood of an illustrious Sëid, and putting to the sword a whole family of needy people. The expedition was thought of importance enough, to require no less an appointment than that of that second Aboosofian,^\(275\) his own brother, Azim-ollah-qhan, who with the remains of the army of Damascus, that is, with a body of T8ranians under his command, and a body of Rohilas under that of Aaly-mahmed-qhan-Rohilah, joined some other troops of Ferid-eddin-qhan, and Ozmet-ollah-qhan’s, both Sheh-zadas of Lucknow, the latter of whom was Fodjdar of M8rad-abad on the part of Camer-eddin-qhan, and they marched to destroy the nobleman in question, and all the Sëids of Barr.^\(276\) Those wretches animated by a diabolical spirit of revenge, being arrived in that country, ranged their troops in order of battle; and Sëif-eddin-aaly-qhan on his side having put himself at the head of his dependants and kinsmen, and the few that chose to stand by him in that critical moment, both parties advanced against each other, the injured Sëid being resolved to defend his honour, life and property. He was inferior in numbers, and destitute of artillery and of some other necessaries; nevertheless, he drew so much strength from his own despair, that he repulsed Azim-ollah-qhan, and made him lose a great deal of ground. He was even going to send this wretched with his miscreants to their destined seats at the bottom of hell, when another army of accursed Rohila Afghans made its appearance on the Sëid’s flank, and poured such a violent fire of musquetry and rockets, as made all those Sëids, with their Lord at their head, drink of the cup of martyrdom. After that they advanced to Djan-sitah, a town where the unfortunate Sëid had taken up his residence, as having been built and peopled by his illustrious ancestors, and listening only to the dictates of insolence and avidity, they plundered and sacked it, throwing themselves on the houses of those unfortunate Sëids; nor were they ashamed to lay their prophane hands upon those chaste Sëidanee matrons that had never set a foot on a street, and to expose their nakedness^\(277\) to the open air, after having covered their heads with the ashes of woe and defilement. That unfortunate town became for some days a picture of the Last Day’s desolation. The cries and lamentations that incessantly came from so many impotent people, striped of their all, and the screams that rose from those desolate habitations, emptied of their contents, found their way as far as the cupola of the seventh Heaven. For it is reported by persons worthy of credit, that for several days together, after the perpetration of all these enormities, such an uncommon redness overspread the horizon morning and evening, that it seemed as if the hem of tyrannical heaven had been steeped in the blood of those unfortunate people, and the eye of the day and night had been shedding tears of blood on the fate of those afflicted women. These violences exercised upon Sëids, and the consequent redness of the horizon, gave room to the conjectures of those that were versed in history; and persons skilled in unravelling physical causes, and who, to that knowledge of times and phenomena, added an acquaintance with the niceties and particulars that are the result of the heavenly bodies, were all unanimous in affirming, that this country would infallibly be afflicted by some general massacre and a variety of miseries, as a punition for the Vezir’s blind obstinacy, and as a chastisement for the violences exercised by that accursed Azim-ollah-qhan on the descendants of the Prophet. For they affirmed that such and the like calamities had always been portended by such an extraordinary redness of the sky.