Akbar-nāmah - The Akbarnāma of Abū Fazl, Volume 1

When the arrival of M. Kāmrān at the borders of Kābul was approaching, a number of the loyal and farseeing represented that there should be a limit to simplicity and optimistic views of persons. Seeing that the fraud, lying and disaffection of this ingrate had been tested many times, it was right and proper that caution should not be thrown away again, and that the army should be ordered to march out, and the banners of victory be unfurled for the suppression of the rebellious. If indeed the Mīrzā had repented of his evil deeds, and had entered on the path of concord, and were desirous of doing homage, he would receive distinction from the royal favour (in going out to welcome him), and if on this occasion also he was persistent in perversity, the rules of precaution would be observed on our side. On hearing these weighty words His Majesty determined to march towards Ghūrband, which was the Mīrzā's route, and he set out in that direction in the middle of 957 (June-July, 1550). He left His Majesty the Shāhanshāh as prince in Kābul and put Qāsim Khān Berlās at the head of affairs. Qarāca Khān, Muṣāḥib Beg and many others, white without and black within, who were always stirring up strife, were rejoiced and wrote seditious letters to M. Kāmrān, pressing him to come to Kābul and saying that they, and many others, would welcome him and would disperse the King's well-wishers by unfitting suggestions, and that Kābul would easily fall into his hands.

'Tis marvellous how actions which, with complete inconsistency, they regarded as improper when practised on themselves by equals and associates, viz., promise-breaking, evil-devising, and lying, should all be performed by them against their Master and benefactor! Their blinded eyes opened not to the hideousness thereof, nay, they regarded its repulsiveness as a beauty, and counted it as part of their wisdom of strategy. Though they understood loyalty and right dealing and looked for them in their servants, yet they were so overcome by their own baseness as to play the game of deceit and infidelity against such a pure-hearted Master! And what wrongheadedness also! I can imagine that they could not comprehend the glorious merits of this holy personality, but where was their common sense! That which they expected from their own servants they would not render to that aggregation of benevolences and to that bestower of so many favours, any one of which deserved a life's devotion, but on the contrary they acted in the very opposite way to one who was their Master and benefactor, and requited him with negligence and wrong advice. But alas! What marvel is it that he who has been kneaded of strife and malice, should show such behaviour? What joy have the born-blind in the glory of the sun? The sincerity's eye of this crew has been filmed over with hypocrisy and become void of light, and their breast of love has been narrowed by the tumour of pride! How can such recognise a Master's rights to gratitude, or perceive the beauties of a benefactor? What place then is there for thanksgiving for boundless favours? The wild steeds of the o'er mastering passions of such self-pleasers have not such docility^557a that their bridles can be tightened by the hand of chiding, or their reins turned by the outspread fingers of counsel!

At length His Majesty, in accordance with the decrees of fate, marched from Kābul and encamped at Qarā Bāgh. From thence he went to Cārīkārān and from there to the river Bārān. It happened that there was a stream on this stage and that His Majesty crossed it on horseback, whilst his followers went off in different directions seeking for a safe passage. His Majesty did not approve of this and instanced in reproof of this disaffected crew, the conduct of the devotees of Shāh Ism‘āīl Ṣafavī, who flung themselves down from a sky-high mountain to seize his handkerchief and made for themselves a lofty foundation of fame and life-sacrifice. Such was His Majesty's sound opinion of his followers on this occasion, and such was their pusillanimous circumspection. In fine Qarāca Qarābakht and Muṣāḥib Munāfiq and others, who were burning torches of sedition, represented, directly and indirectly, that they had to do with mountains, and that there were many defiles; that the Mīrzā would have few men with him, and that the loyal should be stationed on different roads, so that the Mīrzā should not be able to come out. The whole idea of these evil-minded ones was to disperse the army so that M. Kāmrān's purpose might be effected. His Majesty Jahānbānī, who in his noble nature only believed good of men, thought the plan of these traitors a good one and sent Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān Kōkī, Mīr Barka, M. Ḥasan Khān, Bahādur Khān, Khw. Jalālu-d-dīn Maḥmūd, Calpī Beg, Muḥammad Khān Beg Turkmān, Shaikh Bahlūl, Ḥaidar Qāsim Kōhbar, and Shāh Qulī Nāranjī to Ẓuḥḥāq and Bāmīān, and appointed Mun‘im Khān and a large body of troops to Sāl Aulang. Qarāca, and Muṣāḥib, Qāsim Ḥusain Sl. and a number who remained with His Majesty, drew up daily an account of His Majesty's position and sent it to M. Kāmrān, and were continually representing to His Majesty that this time the Mīrzā had no other idea but to serve him.

When there were few loyalists in attendance, and the convention of hypocrites was powerful, M. Kāmrān, who had been confounded by the royal pomp and the large army and had been unable either to quit the service (of the king) or to go forward and do homage, having become acquainted by the brokerage of the hypocrites with their treachery, turned off from the road by Ẓuḥḥāq and Bāmīān towards Dara Qibcāq^558a which is a dependency of Ghūrband. Yāsīn Daulat, Maqdum Kōka and Bābā Sa‘īd led the advance, while he himself was in the centre. His men were arranged in two bodies. It was midday when His Majesty was apprised by a peasant^558b of that quarter of the coming of M. Kāmrān, and of his evil intentions. Qarāca who was the ringleader of the ill-disposed, represented that if one listened to the tales of a man like this and placed reliance on such false rumours, hearts would be divided, and the people (Kāmrān's followers) would become apprehensive. Should there be a desire to give battle on account of this news, and should warlike preparations be made, certainly when M. Kāmrān heard of them, he would desist from his desire of entering into service. Meanwhile the news of the Mīrza's coming and of his wicked intentions became stronger and more continuous. Wondrous to relate, the hypocrisy and inmost thought of those hypocrites had not yet been revealed on the mirror of His Majesty's mind. Nought entered his holy heart save good thoughts of people, till at length it become established that the enemy was coming and coming with a hostile intention. An order was given that all who were with him should mount their horses. He himself put the foot of courage in the stirrup of enterprise and in a short time there was a hot engagement. Pīr Muḥammad ākhtā, who was one of the devoted followers and Muḥammad Khān Jalāīr and many other brave men moved forward. Pīr Muḥammad ākhtā, who was athirst for the stream of life-sacrifice, brought his foot into the circle of conflicts and so watered the sword of battle in slaying the foe, that he himself was swept away by the foam. M. Qulī made his steed so rush about in the field of contest that after slaughtering crowds of wretches he, in the press and confusion, fell wounded^559a from his horse. His son Dōst Muḥammad could not endure to see him in the power of the foe, and ran to his help. While his father yet lived, he killed his adversary, and had such combats that he too was swept away, and disappeared. His Majesty Jahānbānī got upon a rising ground and calculated the strength of friend and foe. By seeing the manner in which some of his servants were killed, and by seeing others go in crowds over to the enemy, the truth of the fraud and treachery of those scoundrels became apparent to him. His native valour and intrepidity were stirred up, and seizing a lance he himself rushed against the foe. They were scattered before him, but an arrow wounded his horse and Beg Bābāī of Kūlāb came from behind, and knowingly^560a or unknowingly struck him a blow with his sword. His Majesty turned round and gave him an angry look which caused him^560b to stumble. Mihtar^560c Sakāī known as Farḥat Khān came and put that wretch to flight, and M. Nijāt tendered his piebald horse to His Majesty who took it and gave the Mīrzā his. Meanwhile ‘Abdu-l-wahhāb, one of the yasāwal came and telling how the officers had joined with M. Kāmrān, seized His Majesty's rein. “What time was it,” he said, for fighting. The bucket of success must at one time come up full from the waters of hope and at another, it must, by a revolution of the wheel, go down empty.”

Hail! eternal fate! which rules the beggar and the king, and directs the cycle of fortune and misfortune, which holds the key of deliverance for those in bonds, and causeth the exalted to fall. Until men have passed through the dark night of the hours of affliction, they know not the glory of the world-warming sun, and until the thirsty lips have sought the desert mirage, they are not watered at the spring of desire. This event is a proof of this, for on that day there was the apparition of the eventual salvation of His Majesty. He proceeded to Ẓuḥḥāq and Bāmīān whither he had sent many of his loyal officers. ‘Abdu-l-wahhāb, Farḥat Khan, Muḥammad Āmīn, Sabdal^560d Khān and others accompanied him. Muḥammad Āmīn and ‘Abdu-l-wahhāb were ordered to form the rear guard. On account of weakness and of the distress from his wound, he took off his cuirass and made it over to Sabdal Khān who, out of stupidity, flung it away. Next day many of his servants joined him. One day he sent Shāh Budāgh Khān, Tūlak Qūcīn, and Majnūn Qāqshāl—ten in all,—towards Kābul to serve as a rear guard and also to keep a look out, but Tūlak Qūcīn only returned. He was received with favour on that market day of testing and raised to the office of Qūrbegī. The confidential servants were summoned and a council was held. Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān whose fief was Ghaznīn, and on whose heart's fireplace dissimulation was preeminently concocted, recommended a march to Qandahār. This however was not approved of. A number of the right-thinking recommended marching to Badakhshān, and then proceeding to Kābul along with Mīrzās Sulaīmān, Hindāl and Ibrāhīm. A party of devoted heroes suggested that to-day M. Kāmrān was intoxicated with the mischievous wine of the hypocrites and narrow-souled ones and off his guard, while they had the good fortune to be at the feet of His Majesty. On what other day would they be successful?^561a The proper thing was that they should all with one heart march to Kābul. There was a confident hope that they would be able to dispose of M. Kāmrān without going to Badakhshān. As recent evidence had been obtained of the deceit and hypocrisy of very many of the nurslings of the Court, reliance was not put upon this opinion and the cautious course seemed to be to proceed to Badakhshān. Accordingly he ordered a march by the route of Yekka Aulang. At such a time as this Ḥājī Muḥammad obtained leave for his brother Shāh Muḥammad and his men and sent them to Ghaznīn! His Majesty with his own holy hand wrote a letter to His Majesty the Shāhinshāh announcing his safety and made it over to him (Shāh Muḥammad) in order that he might by every possible^561b means convey it to him. He also sent verbal messages of victory and promises of his coming. And he bade him (Shāh Muḥammad) go quickly to Ghaznīn and make every effort for keeping it safe till his return which, he trusted, would soon occur. Though the loyal represented that to separate hypocrites from himself at such a time was to put the reins of hypocritical actions into the hands of these unreliables and forward the schemes of the seditions, and though every one represented, either openly or by hints, that he (Ḥājī Muḥammad), was sending his brother to M. Kāmrān, and that he himself was seeking to be a household-spy and a deceiver of simple believers, His Majesty did not give heed and granted leave to Shāh Muḥammad. Next day he proceded towards Kahmard. Many faithless ones separated from his service, but all who observed the limits of loyalty and were careful of their good name, stayed with him and bound the girdle of service on the waist of fidelity.

After^562a travelling three days on this road, Tūlakjī and Sānqājī, the headmen of the Aimāqs who live there, brought horses and sheep to the utmost of their power and presented them. They rendered acceptable service. His Majesty encamped at night near one of their settlements. When he mounted his horse in the morning, news was brought that a large caravan had arrived under the charge of Mīr Saiyid ‘Alī of Sabzawār. Merchants from Irāq and Khurāsān had many horses and other goods with them and were on their way to India. At the end of the day the chiefs of the caravan were admitted to the Presence. The providential arrival of this large party was the beginning of celestial victories. The prudent and farseeing merchants recognised a great auspiciousness for themselves in the favour of so great a prince, and in assisting him; and tendered all their horses and goods as a present. His Majesty perceived that this was an aid from heaven and took^562b a portion of the goods at four or five times their value, and divided them among his followers and intimates. He also set aside presents for each of the princes of Badakhshān. The remainder he returned to them that they might sell the articles wherever they chose. Next day he arrived at Kahmard. Ṭāhir Muḥammad, son of Mīr Khurd was there. He recognised the arrival as a great favour and paid his respects, but either from meanness or not having materials, he could not with regard to his entertainment, succeed in wiping the sweat of shame from the face of his service. From there after two days and a night (shab darmīyān) they arrived at the bank of the river Bangī. From the other side a man^562c called out “O men of the caravan,” have you any news among you of the King? When His Majesty heard him, he forbade any one to give news, and asked the man who he was, and who had sent him, and what news there was among them about the King. The man answered that he was sent by Naẓarī of Sāl^563a Aulang to get news of the King, and that the report among them was that the King had come out of the battle wounded, and that after that no one had seen him. The Mīrzā's men had found the royal jība (cuirass or corselet) which the King had worn on that day and had brought it to the Mīrzā who had rejoiced thereat, and had instituted feasts. His Majesty summoned him to his presence and asked him if he knew him. He replied that the Divine effulgence does not remain hid. His Majesty said, “Go and convey the good tidings to Naẓarī, and tell him to make himself ready, so that at the time of my return he may perform acceptable service.” Next day he crossed by a ford and reached the village of Aulīyā Khanjān.^563b Here M. Hindāl joined him and was exalted by tendering presents. After that he encamped at Andarāb. Mīrzās Sulaimān and Ibrāhīm did homage and formed the part of loyalists.

As the narrative has proceeded so far, it is necessary that before His Majesty Jahānbānī shall have assembled his army and marched to the conquest of Kābul, the pen should take up the account of M. Kāmrān from the beginning of his treachery till his coming out from Kābul, which was the beginning of his punishment, so that the lips athirst for the wine of words, may be moistened from the watering place of this supplement.

When the stewards of destiny brought forth from a hidden quarter, for the confirmation of the royal, ever-during dominion, and for the confounding of the masters of hypocrisy, such a victory in the guise of defeat, and such joy in the garb of sorrow, and when His Majesty Jahānbānī proceeded by the arrangement of devoted loyalists, towards Ẓuḥḥāq and Bāmīān, M. Kāmrān was amazed at the appearance of so wondrous an event, such as he had never imagined as likely to happen. The hypocrites joined him in crowds, and that foolish one was excited and delighted by the coming of those triflers and stretched out the arm of oppression upon the faithful who were firmly grasping the pinnacle of fidelity to the king. On the very field of battle Bābā Sa‘īd brought Qarāca Qarabakht wounded before the Mīrzā. The latter was gracious and inquired about his evil-ending condition. He replied that Bābā Sa‘īd had wounded him unawares and the Mīrzā proceeded to console that cheat by baseless favours. After that Bābā Dōst yasāwal and a number of others brought forward Ḥusain Qulī muhrdār, who was one of the devoted loyalists, that evildoer struck with his own sword this faithful servant and ordered him to be cut to pieces in his presence. Thus this fundholder^564a in loyalty's treasure-house sold in his benefactor's service a fleeting life and a contingent existence for the coin of fidelity, and thereby became for ever a sharer in the banquet of the true and the loyal. They also brought in Tākhjī Beg who was a Caghatāī officer and reckoned among the faithful. Him too they put to the sword without hesitation. After that Beg Bābāī of Kūlāb came forward and told the story of the wounding of His Majesty. The Mīrzā was jubilant and sent Yāsīn Daulat and Maqdum Kōka and a body of men in pursuit. Qāsim Ḥusain Sl. had on this day shown treachery and blindness of heart. From the trepidation and fear which cling to the skirt of the disloyal, he took refuge on the side of the mountain and in his confusion did not know whether to advance or fly. Ḥasan Ṣadr and a number more were sent to him and they, by soothments and encouragement, brought him in. The Mīrzā left the field of battle and came to Cārīkārān. Here a man brought His Majesty's special corselet to the Mīrzā who was so exultant that he could not contain himself for joy (lit. his clothes were not large enough for him). He marched from thence and besieged Kābūl. Qāsim Khān Barlās was in the service of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh, and was looking after the security of the fort. Though the Mīrzā made false promises to him, he would not sever the strong cord of fidelity which bound him to His Majesty Jahānbānī, till false rumours were spread and the corselet (jība) was sent. The fort was taken by dint of hundreds of false promises and by staking lying tales. The new fruit of the garden of creation and nosegay of the spring of horizons, viz., His Majesty the Shāhinshāh who was perfuming the nostrils of the age, and from whose brows of fortune there radiated the light of the Divine Khilāfat, was made a prisoner. But the Divine protection, which is ever near him, watched in the old fashion over that prince, outwardly small but grand in reality.

M. Kāmrān having taken possession of Kābūl, set about arranging his affairs and organising his army. He gave in fief to M. ‘Asharī, Jūī Shāhī which is now known as Jalālābād, in accordance with the auspicious title of the Shāhinshāh. It is a delightful spot and a partition (barzakh) between India and foreign countries, being replete with the advantages of the one and exempt from the evils of the other. It was Munīm Khān who gave it its holy apellation and who colonised it. Ghaznīn and its territory were given to Qarāca Khān and Ghūrband and its neighbourhood to Yāsīn Daulat. In this manner fiefs and grants were made to his followers. The royal servants were laid hold of, Khw. Sl. ‘Alī the dīwān being imprisoned, and the hand of oppression was opened and money and goods were taken from him and used for evil purposes. But the Mīrzā was ever in dread of the approach of the royal army, and could not pass his days in tranquillity. The direction of affairs was with Qarācā Khān and Khw. Qāsim the Mīr Buyūtāt, and by means of oppression and tyranny materials which in fact were no materials were got together, forgetting the verse:—

Verse.^565a

Who take dirams by force and give gold for ornamentation,
Dig up the foundation of the mosque^565b and gild the palace-roof.

About three months were spent in this way till the sound of the approach of His Majesty Jahānbānī from Badakhshān rose high in the province of Kābūl. The Mīrzā collected soldiers and zamīndārs from the Hazāras and others and set off with a full equipment. He left Bābā Jūjak and Mullā Shafāī in Kābūl, and took His Majesty the Shāhinshāh,—the marks of auspiciousness in whom were apparent, and were acknowledged by small and great and by friend and foe,—with him, either to bring himself good fortune or for greater security. Nor was he aware that God, the giver of life and adorner of the world, had assigned the benign influences of both worlds which were implanted in this holy personality to his friends, not to his foes. What lustre does antimony give to the blind?

Now that this parenthetical narrative has been completed, we must return to our subject and briefly describe the remaining occurrences of His Majesty Jahānbānī.

When His Majesty Jahānbānī had encamped at Andarāb and the Mīrzās had waited upon him, as has already been related, he, in a short time, got together an army and prepared to march through the passes of the Hindū Kōh. As there were a number of traitors and false-hearted ones in attendance, His Majesty, in order to conciliate and to give repose to the exoteric, came down from the heaven of his nature (fiṭrat)^567a and took his seat on the earth of the spirit (ṭabī‘at) of the age and brought forward the proposition of an oath, which is regarded by the worshippers of form as of great weight, suggesting that he should administer a special oath to each section (girōh) to the effect that they would accompany him with one heart and will. And he observed that, though the creative, Divine pen was the recorder of duties, and though it was the Divine help which caused and stablished in the right way the actions of the loyal, and though his own empire-viewing mind was at rest with regard to them all, yet he desired to in some measure enlighten the hearts of worldlings who could see nothing except what was symptomatic (sabab) and that the countenance of truth might display her perfect beauty in the mirror of their actions.^567b Upon this Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān Kōkī, who had no reverence and no sincerity of heart, represented that in accordance with orders they would all take the oath, let His Majesty take an oath also, to the effect that he would listen to and carry into effect what they, the loyalists, should in their right thinking perceive and should represent to him. M. Hindāl who was imbued with devotion and had a knowledge of affairs, said “Ḥājī Muḥammad, what sort of story is this you are saying, and what kind of oath is this? Never have servants said such words to their masters, or slaves to their lords.” His Majesty who was a mine of urbanity—and a sea of generosity, said, “So be it. We shall do whatever Ḥājī Muḥammad wishes and shall, in his loyalty, suggest.” After making confirmatory oaths and agreements, they marched from that place.^568a

When the grand army came near Ushtar Grām M. Kāmrān, according to his wont and in his folly, made preparations for war and having collected a body of troops marched against the royal army. When there was only a little distance between the two armies His Majesty Jahānbānī in adherence to his affectionate nature sent M. Shāh,^568b a relative of Mīr Barka who belonged to the illustrious Saiyids of Termiz, to the Mīrzā, and conveyed weighty advices such as might be earrings for the ears of men of fortune and prestige. The gist of them was that to take always the path of opposition and to abandon the high-way of concord was remote from wisdom. God forbid that all this contention should take place about Kābul. Respect obligations, old and new, and observe the ways of peace and candour, and be of one heart and accept companionship in the conquest of India. The Saiyid performed his mission, and peace was agreed upon, but on the condition that as Qandahār belonged to His Majesty, Kābul should belong to Kāmrān; upon these terms he would enter into service and take part in the conquest of India. As His Majesty was kind and affectionate, he sent the ambassador a second time, along with Maulanā ‘Abdu-l-bāqi Ṣadr and sent a message that if Kāmrān was sincere and really wished to take the road of concord, he should give his dear daughter in marriage to the unique pearl of the khilāfat, viz., His Majesty the Shāhinshāh, so that His Majesty might bestow Kābul upon them, and that they two (Humāyūn and Kāmrān) might unite in destroying the darkness of the great country of India, and might make that last which had become the stage of wicked men and of calamities, an abode of peace and tranquillity. Both Kābul and Hindūstān would then in reality belong to the two of them. The Mīrzā wished to accept these wise suggestions but Qarāca Qarābakht, who was the centre of his power, did not agree and said “Our heads^569a and Kābul.”

In fact on that day the Eight Stars^569b were in front of the Mīrzā and, according to astrologers, to fight under these circumstances is to be◌defeated, and so the Mīrzā by stratagems put off the fight to another day. The victorious army (Humāyūn's) was anxious to engage, but Ḥājī Muḥammad did not want this, and His Majesty in deference to him, delayed to give battle. Meanwhile Khw. ‘Abdu-ṣ-Ṣamad and many others who had gone to a distance during the battle of Qibcāq, took advantage of their opportunity and joined His Majesty, and brought tidings of the vacillation and confusion in the hostile army. Half the day had passed when His Majesty put the foot of firmness in the stirrup of intent, and having drawn up his forces, and arranged them in right and left wings, centre and vanguard, ordered an advance. The centre derived glory from his own presence, the right wing was made illustrious by M. Sulaimān, and the left wing by M. Hindāl. M. Ibrāhīm had charge of the vanguard. Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān and other tried heroes had charge of the reserve.^569c On the other side, M. Kāmrān was in the centre, M. ‘Askāri on the right, Āq Sulṭān on the left, and Qarāca Khān on the vanguard. The two armies moved on, in appearance like two iron mountains, and approached each other. Mihtar Sahbāka and a number of faithful servants who had after the affair of Qabcāq entered, from necessity, the service of the Mīrzā, galloped off and joined the victorious army. Near the river Mūrī, M. Ibrāhīm in his high courage, took the lead. The soldiers on both sides fought bravely. At this time the head of Qarāca Khān was brought before the world-traversing steed (of Humāyūn) and all were freed from the malice of that troublesome traitor. An order was given that the guilty head of that faithless one should be stuck up at the Iron gate of Kābul so that it might be a warning to the seditious. Thus the words which he himself had uttered “Our heads and Kābul,” were brought to pass. I have heard from reliable persons that a low follower of the Mīrzā seized the traitor and wished to take him before His Majesty Jahānbānī as an atonement for his offences and that Qambar ‘Alī Sahārī^570a who was a servant of M. Hindāl and whose brother had been killed in Qandahār by Qarāca, was following and that he took off his (Qarāca's) cap (ṭāqīya) and struck him on the crown of the head with his sword, splitting it, and then cutting off the head brought it to His Majesty.

During this conflict and tumult, in which the royal servants fought with devotion, knowing that it was the end of the contest, M. Kāmrān could not maintain his ground and took to flight. He went off to Afghānistān by the Pass of Bādpaj^570b (the windy pass). The victorious army betook itself to plunder and got hold of much property. The enemies of the State were seized and put to the sword, many of them lowered the veil of shame over their faces and made the tears of repentance their intercessors and after a thousand reproaches, were enrolled in the list of servants of the State. M. ‘Askarī fell into the hands of the heroes of the army (‘Askar). A victory such as might be the introduction to countless victories, was obtained and was the subject of thousands of rejoicings. But the heart of His Majesty was very anxious about the safety of the jewel of empire's diadem, viz., His Majesty the Shāhinshāh, for he bad heard that on this occasion M. Kāmrān had brought him with him. His Majesty could get no comfort from his distraction until Ḥasan Ākhta brought that rosebush of fortune's rose-garden, and cypress of the parterre of sovereignty before him. Recognising his advent as the beginning of fortune, he returned thanks to God for his safety and the realisation of his hopes, and with excessive joy, he clasped that Divine nursling to his bosom. After his devotions he distributed charities,—which are the practical form of thanksgiving,—and drew to himself the hearts of the poor and the widowed and orphaned by abundant presents. And he rewarded every one of the devoted servants either because of the happy issue of events with regard to the eye-pupil of the Khilāfat or as a guerdon (jaldū) for good service. His Majesty Jahānbānī announced that in future he never would be separated from this new fruit of the garden of the Khilāfat,—for thousands of good auspices were infolded in his footsteps,—and he recognised that the glorious victory came from the blessing of the advent of this sublime pearl. At this joyous time two camels loaded with boxes and without drivers were seen on the field of battle. His Majesty said “every one is having his plunder, let mine be these two camels!” He went himself and taking their nose-strings, ordered that they should be made to kneel and that the boxes should be opened, so that he might see what was inside. By a beautiful coincidence it was found that the special, royal books which were lost at the battle of Qibcāq were in these boxes and in perfect condition. This was the occasion for a thousand rejoicings. Khw. Qāsim Mīr buyūtāt, who was the kindler of the fire of strife, was consumed in the flames of this battle by the fire of his own deeds, and so commotion and depravity were set at rest. On this day a joyous assemblage was held in Cārīkārān.

When by the favour of God, the gates of victory had been opened and the seditious had been punished, Kābul became on the following day the alighting place for blessed feet and a station of everlasting auspiciousness. First, His Majesty entered the citadel and had the joy of receiving his chasto ladies. After that he, according to his wont, proceeded to the Ūrta Bāgh and freshened it by his fortunate presence. There he made arrangements for his subjects and dominions, rewarding the good servants and punishing the bad. Dīndār Beg, Ḥaidar Dōst Mughal Qānjī, and Mast ‘Alī^572a Qūrcī who had on many occasions shown disloyalty, were capitally punished in accordance with their deserts, and the public benefit. He exercised his genius in the distribution of justice. M. Sulaimān was loaded with gifts and dismissed to Badakhshān. M. Ibrāhīm remained for some days, as a special mark of favour, and then was sent to Badakhshān. And it was settled that in an auspicious hour he should be married to His Majesty's daughter Bakhshī^572b Bānū. His Majesty's world-adorning heart engaged in the arrangement of affairs and exalted all the servants by his affability and benevolence.

At this time, when, by God's help, Kābul had become the seat of the thrones of sovereignty and the spot irradiated by the lights of the Khilāfat, the village of Carkh—which belongs to the tūmān of Lahūgar,—was assigned to His Majesty the Shāhanshāh. The enlightened drew an omen from this mysterious gift, and beat the drum of rejoicing high o'er the nine spheres (carkh). His Majesty gave to Ḥājī Muḥammad the office of household-administrator (wakālat-i-darkhāna, mayoralty of the palace), which is a very great post,—and bade him mend his ways. But as, owing to his narrow understanding, he was intoxicated with his courage and proud of his reputation, evil thoughts continually held him in the prison of affliction (gham), and he was always ungrateful and showing improper desires. His Majesty Jahānbānī, from his lofty nature and a tolerance which was boundless, used to pass this over; for the excellent principle of this ruler was that the plant of the human life,—which is the product of the Divine workmanship and the fruit-bearing growth of the garden of fate, should not be pulled up for every defect, especially in the case of one who was distinguished among his equals for wisdom or courage or for any other fine quality. But that evil-constituted wretch thought, in his folly and wrong-headedness, that this was a weakness (in Humāyūn), and so made it an incitement to still greater madness; while His Majesty always winked at such conduct and loaded him with favours. At this auspicious time, His Majesty continually kept open the gates of justice and distributed favours upon which the administration of the terrene and terrestrials depends, and knit together the distractions and dispersions of the time.

M. Kāmrān, after his defeat, went off from the village of Ushtargrām, in the most wretched circumstances,—such as were the just result of his ingratitude and the fruit of his oblivion of benefits,— with eight followers (viz., Āq Sl.,^574a brother of Khiẓr Khw. Khān, Bābā Sa‘īd Qibcāq, Tamar Tāsh atga, Qatlaq Qadam, ‘Alī Muḥammad, Jōgī Khān, Abdāl, and Maqṣūd qūrcī),—by way of Dih-i-sabz, and joined the Afghāns. M. Hindāl, Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān, Khiẓr Khw. Khān and the others who had gone in pursuit, did not exercise proper diligence and returned. The Afghāns blocked the Mīrzā's path and plundered him, and he, fearing lest he should be recognized, shaved all the hair from his face (cār ẓarb zada) and came, disguised as a qalandar to Malik Muḥammad of Mandraur, one of the leading men of the Lamghānāt, who recognized old obligations and tended him. M. Kāmrān was not in the least awakened by all these disasters,—every one of which was, in the eyes of the wise, a strong whip of warning and of arousing from the sleep of negligence,—but again stretched himself out in slumber. A number of soldiers who had the form of men but neither the heart to perceive what was right nor the eye to feel shame and who were always practising sedition and treachery, gathered round him.

When this news came to the sublime camp, the market of hypocrites grew brisk and the loyal were distressed. At such a time as this, when the flame of sedition and strife had become tongued, Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān went off to Ghaznīn without leave. His Majesty Jahānbānī, from desire to temporize and also from his perfect appreciation (of the man), regarded this disgraceful proceeding as love of opposition (? nāzjang)^574b and did not approve of it. He appointed Bahādur Khān, Muḥammad Qu‘lī Barlās, Qīdūq Sl. and a number of heroes to suppress M. Kāmrān. When the army of fortune came near the Mīrzā, he withdrew to the defiles of ‘Alīgār and ‘Alīshang. The officers followed him and he, leaving that country, sought protection with the Afghān tribes of Khalīl and Mahmand. The vagabonds who had gathered round him, were again dispersed. The victorious troops turned back at the village of Ghazū-i-shahīdān. Now that His Majesty's mind had obtained a respite from the wickedness of M. Kāmrān, he, in order to increase the sympathy of M. Sulaimān and to do him yet more honour, proposed a marriage to him. Khw. Jalālu-d-dīn Maḥmūd and the chaste Bībī Fāṭima were sent to ask for the hand of Khānam, the daughter of M. Sulaimān, for when this should be arranged, His Majesty's mind would be at rest as regarded Badakhshān and M. Sulaimān would be conciliated. M. ‘Askarī was also sent with Jalālu-d-dīn to be made over to M. Sulaimān. And an order was issued to M. Sulaimān that he should send on M. ‘Askarī to the Ḥijāz by way of Balkh. M. Sulaimān recognized the coming of the envoys as a distinction and neglected nothing that could do them honour.^575a In obedience to the royal order, he sent off M. ‘Askarī towards Balkh. The Mīrzā could not, from shame and repentance, settle there but set off on his long journey, taking with him the travelling-companion of impatience. The measure of his days became full between Syria and Mecca in the year 965.^575b M. Sulaimān agreed that the marriage with His Majesty Jahānbānī should take place on the arrival of the begams (of Humāyūn's court) and the nobles, and on his daughter's becoming older: and he respectfully dismissed the embassy with letters full of apology and submission.

Inasmuch as habit is, as they say, a fifth^576a humour of the body,— whoever is addicted to evil ways is like the scorpion, and in stinging is without the power of self-control. How much more they who are constitutionally bad and in whom habit accords with nature. Accordingly M. Kāmrān again inclined towards his disposition and practice and made his evil deeds the instrument of his own punishment. He gathered together a number of Afghāns from the Khalīl and Mahmand tribes and a troop of vagabonds who could not distinguish good from evil, and set about plundering and ravaging. His Majesty Jahānbānī, who was the giver of peace to the world and the age, recognized that the ending of such tumults was a part of worship, and he resolved to act in accordance therewith. He sent Khw. Ikhtīyār and Mīr ‘Abdu-l-ḥai, who were confidential courtiers, to Ghaznīn, to convey a gracious letter to Ḥājī Muḥammad and recall him from the darkness of evil thoughts to the light of recognition of duty. While His Majesty was making his preparations, he heard that M. Kāmrān was besieging, with a number of vagabonds, a fort near Cārbagh, in the vicinity of Jalālābād. He therefore did not wait for Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān, but went off with all rapidity towards Jalālābād. When M. Kāmrān heard this, he was amazed and fled. He again betook himself to the defiles and went off from there by Bangash and Gardīz, thinking that he might join Ḥājī Muḥammad. For this perverse wretch held with M. Kāmrān.

The story of Ḥājī Muḥammad is as follows. As the time of his ruin approached, evil thoughts came forth more and more from his impure heart, and he dismissed the royal ambassadors with pretences and false promises of his coming. At the same time he sent a messenger to M. Kāmrān, asking him how long he was going to wander about in the hills and deserts, and telling him to come quickly in his own direction so that they might act in concert. By chance Bairām Khān, who was going to Qandahār in His Majesty's service, arrived at Ghaznin. Ḥājī Muḥammad, who was longing for the Khān (bā khān tawaqān būd), went out to meet him and fawned upon him, seeking to bring him into the fort under the pretext of a feast and to shut him up there. The Khān proceeded towards the fort when Mīr Ḥabash, who was with Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān, gave a signal to the Khān, and he, being put on his guard, thereby made an excuse and renounced his intention of entering the fort, and encamped at a fountain outside the city. There he soothed Ḥājī Muḥammad and prevailed upon him to accompany him to Kābul. He sent the news of his own arrival and of the bringing of Ḥājī Muḥammad; and His Majesty, having heard that M. Kāmrān was coming to the territory of Kābul, proceeded to Kābul with all haste. M. Kāmrān advanced to within one stage of Kābul and then, when he heard of the arrival of the Khānkhānān and of his having Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān with him, he again withdrew in confusion to Lamghān. One day Hājī Muḥammad wished to enter Kābul by the Iron Gate, but Khw. Jalālu-d-dīn Maḥmūd, who was in charge of Kābul, would not permit him to enter the fort and sent him a harsh message. That face-blackened one became suspicious and went off to Qarā Bāgh, under pretext of hunting; and then, passing by the Kutal-i-minār went to Bābā Qucqār (i.e., Bābā ram); then by the Dāman-i-kōh of Bihzādī and Lalandar,^577a went quickly off to Ghaznīn. Just then the victorious standards of His Majesty Jahānbānī, who had gone towards Kābul to quell the disturbance of M. Kāmrān, arrived at Sīāh Sang. Bairām Khān was exalted by paying homage. His Majesty Jahānbānī ordered that no one should enter the city, for he was going in pursuit of the Mīrzā, so that he might, once for all, free God's creatures from daily disturbance. But as his mind was not at ease about Ḥājī Muḥammad, the officers were unanimous that he should be secured about him and then set out after the Mīrzā. His Majesty came to the city and appointed Bairām Khān to look after Ḥājī Muḥammad and instructed him to act with dissimulation and by every contrivance possible to bring him in.

Bairām Khān tamed Ḥājī Muḥammad by suitable devices and after promises and oaths, he came to the village of Gulkār^578a and embraced the Khānkhānān. The latter brought him to the presence of the forgiving prince and begged for the remission of his offences. Four or five days later they all went together towards the Lamghānāt which was the retreat of the Mīrzā. In spite of the recent forgiveness of so many crimes, Ḥājī Muḥammad acted as if he had never committed them, and again had the audacity to enter on still worse schemes. He shewed disgraceful conduct and disgusted the holy heart. His Majesty went off with a large body of men, and when the standards of fortune reached Jalālābād, the Mīrzā retreated to the defiles of Kanūr and Nūrgal, and all sedition-mongers crept away. The Khānkhānān was appointed to follow the Mīrzā, and the latter, not being able to maintain himself in Kanūr^578b and Nūrgal went off to the Indus (Nīlāb). The Khānkhānān returned and did homage in Daka.^578c

At this time His Majesty took into consideration general utility and the public tranquillity, and ordered the arrest of Ḥājī Muḥammad and his brother, Shāh Muḥammad—who was capable of being Hājī Muḥammad's instructor in wickedness. And these two ungrateful brothers—who in their service looked to nothing but material advantages and their own credit; who were given over to cupidity and ingratitude; who looked for a great price in exchange for their inferior goods, and who were unmindful of benefits, were caught by their own wickedness. His Majesty, in accordance with his just nature, ordered that the services which the low-thoughted service-sellers had voluntarily or involuntarily rendered during their careers, should be entered by them in a list, and that one of the honest servants should write out their offences, so that by putting them into the balance of justice, the real facts about these two evil-doers might be patent to mankind. The record^579a of their good deeds remained unwritten, while their sins came to 102 great culpabilities,— each one of which might have been a ground of imprisonment and death and degradation. Good God! there is one man who after good service is trembling and downcast, lest his (Akbar's) glance fall upon his work and there be a suspicion that he, a simple-minded man, is selling his services, or that he is ill-conditioned. And the more honest his service, the greater his apprehensions! And there is another kind of man who sells things not done at the rate of things done; who passes off bad deeds as good ones; who after tricking out his blemishes,^579b looks for favours, and indulges himself in self-commendation.

When by this thorough investigation it was proved to the world that these two disloyalists deserved the punishment of their own wickedness, and that it was time the skirt of the age should be cleansed from the dirt of their existence, their fierce and brutish natures—which infected them in the cage of the raw material of humanity,—were drawn forth by a halter from human shape, and consigned to a fitting place, and they, or rather the world, was granted deliverance from their hideous nature. Ghaznīn was assigned to Bahādur Khān and his (Ḥājī Muḥammad's) other fiefs were distributed among the (royal) servants.

The winter was spent in that neighbourhood, in travelling and hunting, and in feasting and rejoicing. In the beginning of spring, when the humours are in a state of equilibrium, general receptions were held, and after petitions and tendering of gifts, a number were enrolled in service. The dust of the Mīrzā's strife and disturbance was laid, and His Majesty Jahānbānī went by Bādpaj to the river Bārān. On the night that the army was near Bādpaj, there was much rain and snow and many suffered. When hunting and sight-seeing were ended, Kābul was made the seat of dominion, and Bairām Khān was sent to administer the affairs of Qandahār. Khw. Ghāzī was sent with him to convey presents and to go on an embassy to the ruler of Persia. Ghaznīn, Gardīsh, Bangash and the tūmān of Lahūgar (Logar)^580a were bestowed on M. Hindāl. Qundūz, which belonged to the Mīrzā, was conferred on Mīr Barka and M. Ḥasan. M. Hindāl was granted leave to go to Ghaznīn and Mīr Barka received permission to go to Qundūz. Jūī Shāhī and its territory were assigned to Khiẓr Khw. Khān. Before Mīr Barka reached Qundūz, M. Ibrāhīm got possession of it by trickery from Muḥammad Ṭābir Khān, and Mīr Barka returned to Kābul. His Majesty Jahānbānī allowed the good services of the Mīrzā to be an atonement for his action and left him in possession of Qundūz. At this time, Abū'l-ma‘ālī was introduced into the service through ‘Abdu-s-samī.’ Shāh Abū'l-ma‘ālī traced his descent from the saiyids of Termiẕ. His personal beauty made the good and right-thinking look for goodness of nature, and his forwardness was tolerated on account of his courage. Consequently he became a favourite with His Majesty Jahānbānī. Some of his insolencies and extravagancies will be related in their proper place.

M. Kāmrān spent some days in the cell of contempt and disgrace, and then hearts which had been set at rest, were again agitated by the news of his strife-mongering; and wayfarers reported to His Majesty that he had come back from the Indus (Nīlāb) and had again raised the head of sedition in the district of Jūī Shāhī, in concert with a band of vagabonds. His Majesty summoned M. Hindāl from Ghaznīn and issued marching-orders to the neighbouring jāgīrdārs. In a short time M. Hindāl did homage, and the devoted and dutiful followers gathered round. His Majesty Jahānbānī ordered an expedition to extinguish the flames of sedition, and M. Kāmrān, on hearing of this, retreated unsuccessful. When the victorious standards had neared Surkhāb, Ḥaidar Muḥammad Ākhtā-begī, who was in the advance-guard, had, with many devoted men, gone ahead of the royal camp and halted on the banks of the Siāh Āb, which is between the Surkhāb and Gandamak. M. Kāmrān, who did not find himself able to engage in a pitched battle, made a night attack on him. Ḥaidar Muḥammad showed lion-like courage and made a gallant fight, and received conspicuous wounds, which are in appearance and in reality red-lettered diplomas (ṭughrā). He remained firm and did not give up his ground. Though many things were plundered, the Mīrzā failed and had to return disconcerted. After some days when the village of Japrīār, which belongs to the tūmān of Neknahār,^581a had been made the camping ground,—inasmuch as vigilance and caution are the components of alertness,—batteries were arranged and a trench and bulwark made. At the end of the day two Afghāns brought word that M. Kāmrān intended that night to make an attack with a large body of Afghāns. His Majesty Jahānbānī brought the rules of circumspection to bear and stationed men at every point. On the night of Sunday, 21st Ẕī'l-qa‘da, 958 (20th November, 1551), when a quarter of the night had passed away, M. Kāmrān fell upon the camp with a large body of Afghāns. His Majesty Jahānbānī mounted his horse and stood on a height behind his tent, and summoned to his presence the glory of foreheads and the great pearl of the diadem of the Khilāfat, to wit, His Majesty the Shāhanshāh. The servants of the exalted threshold were all in the entrenchments and doing their duty bravely. The flames of battle were blazing. In the midst of this tumult and confusion ‘Abdu-l-wahhāb yasāwal, who was in the entrenchments, was struck by a bullet and became a martyr. The market of conflict grew hot until the shining moon,—which is the mirror-holder of the world,—raised her head from the quarter of fortune and brightened the earth with her effulgence. The light of victory radiated from the brows of dominion, and the adversary sought safety in flight. The imperialists were victorious and raised the standards of composure. The hearts of all had become tranquil when suddenly an unpleasant report came to the royal hearing, that M. Hindāl had left this evil world. Joy became bitter and exaltation was changed into abundance of sorrow. Alas! ‘tis the way of this transitory world that if a breath go forth in joy, next moment the smoke of grief ascends from the breast of the afflicted.

Verse.

Never is heaven's eye brightened by the morning,
Without the evening twilight's suffusing it with blood.

There is neither capability of dallying for enjoyment therein, nor permission for persistent grief. Though the Mīrzā left this unstable world and departed from this unenduring hostel, he gained the glory of martyrdom and at once acquired a good name in the visible world and an exalted rank in the world of reality. Hail! O Thou little-receiving and much-giving who, on the departure of borrowed life, hast given such permanent grandeurs! His Majesty who was a mine of gratitude, was so affected and sorrowful at the death of so noble a brother that his feelings cannot be described or hinted at. But as he was wise and farseeing, he turned from lamentation to resignation and sought comfort in the pleasant abode of submission to the Divine Will.

The account of this melancholy affair is as follows. When M. Hindāl heard of the projected night attack he put the entrenchments in order, and he had gone to take some repose, when the noise of the Afghāns arose. An undescribable number of Afghāns came into each battery, and many entered the Mīrzā's. The night was dark. The Mīrzā addressed himself to the repulsing of the wretches, while his own men were confused and hastened to look^583a after their horses. Meanwhile the Mīrzā came face to face with the Afghāns. Nūrm^583b Kōka and many others behaved badly. The time for using bow and arrow passed and he grappled with one of the foe, and by main force overthrew the born villain. The brother of that wretch, Jaranda^583c by name and belonging to the Mahmand tribe, sent the Mīrzā to the other world by a poison-stained spear. Some of M. Kāmrān's companions used to relate that that evil-natured Afghān got hold of a case which contained the Mīrzā's special thumb-stalls and brought it before M. Kāmrān, not knowing with whom he had played this disastrous game. He described the occurrence. When the Mīrzā's eye fell on the thumb-stall case, he knew what misfortune had happened and flung his turban on the ground, saying that M. Hindāl had been martyred.

In short the soul of the Mīrzā travelled on that dark night to the abode of annihilation without its being known, and his body remained where it fell. Meanwhile some of his servants were coming back, when Khw. Ibrāhīm Badakhshī observed that there was a black cuirass (qalmāq) on the body. As it was dark and the tumult still continued, he did not approach it. Then it occurred to him that M. Hindāl had been wearing a black cuirass. He turned round and looked at it and recognised the Mīrzā. In accordance with patience and deliberation which are the watchwords of the wise, he carried^584a off the body to the Mīrzā's tent and made it over to the doorkeepers; and he wisely took steps to conceal the melancholy occurrence so that the enemy might not rejoice nor be encouraged, and also that the imperial servants might not be disheartened. He reported that the Mīrzā was much fatigued, and was also slightly wounded, and that no one should make any noise or tumult close by. He himself went up on the rising ground and conveyed congratulations on the victory as from the Mīrzā. The illuminated soul of His Majesty Jahānbānī received a ray of intelligence from this statement. In fine the Mīrzā's bier was deposited in Jūī Shāhī, and after some time was brought to Kābul. The body was placed in the Guẕargāh, near the holy tomb of His Majesty Getī-sitānī Firdūs-makānī, and buried at his feet. Mullā Khurd Zargar who was in the Mirza's^584b service, composed an elegy of which the first couplet was,—

Verse.^584c

One night sorrow made a night-attack on the apple of mine eye,
Owing to the onset of blood, my beloved departed.

This chronogram is also his,—

Verse.

Hindāl Muḥammad, a king of glorious title,
Suddenly, in the dead of night, became a martyr,
As a night-attack (shabkhūn) caused his martyrdom,
Seek the chronogram from shabkhūn^585a (958).

Mīr Amānī uttered this enigmatical chronogram,—

Verse.^585b

A cypress left the garden of glory.

The Mīrzā was born in 924^585c (1518) and so it was said:—

Verse.

The chronogram was kaukab-i-burj-i-shāhanshāhi (924), (the kaukab of the king of kings' tower).

Next day His Majesty Jahānbānī went from there to Bihsūd, where he encamped in order that he might, once for all, set his world-adorning heart at rest with respect to the strife of the seditious and then make Kābul, by the glory of his sublime court, an abode of peace and tranquillity.

As, from his early years, the notes of greatness and the glory of government shone from the lustrous brows of that new fruit of the tree of sovereignty and that splendour and nosegay of the garden of the khilāfat and fortune,—to wit, His Majesty the Shāhīnshāh,—at this time, when he was ten years old, all the servants of M. Hindāl, together with all his Jāgīrs, viz., Ghaznīn, etc., were assigned to him, so that, by the practice of rule, he might exhibit favour and severity in the management of men; and by administration of a part, he might become accustomed to administer the whole. One of the wonderful things of fate was that some days earlier, the turban of this light of the eyes of dominion came off in a crowd when he was riding in the seryice of His Majesty Jahānbānī. M. Hindāl was there and from perfect reverence, he took off his own fortunate cap (tāj) in the midst of that crowd and placed it on the star-brushing head (i.e., of Akbar). The far-seeing drew the omen from this that the time when the Shāhinshāh would wear the diadem and wield authority, was nigh at hand. The Almighty, in recompense for this deed, elevated the Mīrzā to the rank of martyrdom which is equivalent to life and joy eternal. His Majesty the Shāhinshāh—who is the Divine nursling,—shewed such marks of greatness, graciousness and appreciation of men, in winning hearts, that grief for the Mīrzā left men's souls and they became possessed of constant joy.

Verse.

O God! so long as the world hath lustre and colour,
The heavens gyration and the earth stability;
Grant him enjoyment of life and youth;
Above all, give him abundance of existence.

The names of the principal servants of the deceased Mīrzā who entered into the service of the Shāhinshāh, are as follows;—(1). Muḥibb ‘Alī Khān; (2). Nāṣir Qulī; (3). Khw. Ibrāhīm; (4). Maulānā ‘Abdu-l-lāh; (5). Ādīna Tuqbāī; (6). Samānjī; (7). Qarghūjī; (8). Jān Muḥammad Tuqbāī; (9). Tāju-d-dīn Maḥmūd bārbegī; (10). Tīmūr Tāsh; (11). Maulānā Ṯānī, now known as Ṯānī Khān;^587a (12). Maulānā Bābā Dost^587b ṣadr, who was highly regarded by the Mīrzā; (13). Mīr Jamāl^587c who was also a favourite with the Mīrzā; (14). Khaldīn Dōst Sahārī. Bābā Dōst was also a servant of the Mīrzā but, as in the educational canon, nothing is worse than bad company, he, on account of his bad character was not taken on. Though Muḥammad Ṭāhir Khān was an old servant of the Mīrzā, yet, inasmuch as he had not been able to keep charge of Qundūz,^587d he was excluded from the glance of the truth-discerning eye, and was not made a companion on this auspicious expedition. As the Court of this bestower of glory on the earth, was a test of the jewel of humanity, the condition of every one of these men who was of good disposition and pure character, became better day by day, and they attained lofty positions. And it is to be hoped that they will remain to the end in that condition. Everyone who was evil had the veil stripped from his acts and was so dealt with as to be a warning to all who were evil or negligent.

As the village of Bihsūd became the camp of the pavilions of fortune, an order was given to build a strong fort. His Majesty the Shāhinshāh was sent off^587e in order to strengthen the city of Kābul and that he might there practise the methods of spiritual and temporal sovereignty. His Majesty himself remained at Bihsūd under the Divine aid and exercised vigilance with regard to M. Kāmrān. The army remained there for four or five months. The Mīrzā, from want of sense, (az bī istiṭā‘atī) was each day the guest of a clan and each night took refuge with a landholder. From a defect of nature, he remained veiled in self-conceit and excluded from the auspicious service and fellowship of such a benefactor, and was for ever indulging in seditious thoughts.

At this time, a set of superficialists who were in the service of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh and were oblivious of an internal abode of wisdom, wrote to His Majesty Jahānbānī and complained about his Highness. His Majesty, notwithstanding that he was aware of the inner light of the Shāhinshāh, had regard to externals, and sent a gracious letter containing instructions and admonitions, full of kindness and paternal affection and not at all of a censuring or cautioning character. For what need has he who has been taught at the Divine school,—of human instructions? or what concern has the nursling of Heaven with such didactics? In that letter this verse of Shaikh Niẓāmī was quoted.

Verse.

Sit not idle, 'tis not the time for play:
'Tis the time for arts and for work.

He was first taken before Mullāzāda Mullā ‘Aṣāmu-d-dīn to be taught. As this teacher was devoted to pigeons, the servants reported against him. His Majesty discharged him and made over the duty of outward instruction to Maulānā Bāyāzīd. He performed this duty, but as the world-adorning Deity did not wish that His own special pupil should become tainted by exoteric sciences, He diverted him from such pursuits and made him inattentive to them. The shallow thought it was the fault of the teachers and reported against them, but as the latter were right-thinking and of good character, the complaints were not accepted or acted upon. At last His Majesty had an inspiration, to wit, that for the purpose of instructing that pupil of the Divine school, lots should be cast between Mullā ‘Abdu-l-Qādir, Mullāzāda Mullā ‘Aṣāmu-d-dīn, and Maulānā Bāyazīd, so that he, on whom the lucky chance should fall, should be exalted by being made the sole teacher. It happened that the lot fell on Maulānā Abdu-l-Qādir, and an order issued for the removal of Maulānā Bāyazīd and the appointment of Maulānā ‘Abdu-l-Qādir.

It is not hidden from the wise and acute that the appointment of a teacher in a case like this, springs from use and wont, and does not pertain to the acquisition of perfections. For him who is God's pupil, what occasion is there for teaching by creatures, or for application to lessons? Accordingly his holy heart and his sacred soul never turned towards external teaching. And his possession of the most excellent sciences together with his disinclination for the learning of letters were a method of showing to mankind, at the time of the manifestation of the lights of hidden abundancies, that the lofty comprehension of this Lord of the Age was not learnt or acquired, but was the gift of God in which human effort had no part. His Highness in that period assimilated external glory and temporal dominion in abundance, but feigned ignorance of inward perfections and spent much time in sport, and practised wisdom under a veil of concealment, so that even the farseeing failed to notice it.^589a But, as his genius was soaring, he was making a perfect veil for himself out of grand external performances. And he put his heart into acts so that though their beauty was not evident to the superficial yet the profound perceived the desigus. Among them was his continually giving his attention^589b to that wondrous creature the camel and his delight in the marvels of Divine power. He used to observe and contemplate the strange make and ways of camels, which were the biggest animals in that region and, under the guise of amusement and metaphor, made serious reflections on the darvish-like constitution of those beasts—their endurance and patience; submission and resignation, their passive obedience even should the leading cord be in the hand of a child,—their being satisfied to eat thorns, and their endurance of thirst. He also applied his thoughts to the delight in an Arab horse which is a grand subject of dominion and exaltation, and carried off the ball of excellencies and of philosophy (hunarpardāzī, love of science) with the polo-stick of the Divine help and of sempiternal instruction. And sometimes he opened the wings of his genius in the spacious atmosphere of meditation upon God and brought his contemplative mind to study the sport of pigeon-flying.^589c He scattered grain in order to allure their timid breasts and proceeded from the superficial joy and ecstacy of these handfuls of wings and feathers to the recuperative and visible raptures of the lords of perfection, and thereby participated in the joys of the spiritual world. He carried his heart from the flying of these aerial fliers to the lofty soaring of the swift-winged ones of holy heaven, and under the guise of sport performed the work of adoration. Sometimes he would apply himself to coursing with dogs and thus occupy himself with sensuous things. Outwardly it was cynegetics, inwardly it was quickening the senses. Apparently his heart was fixed upon dog-fancying, in reality he was conducting his companions in the methods of government. And^590a although he was pursuing his quests under the veil of irrecognition and kept himself attired in the garb of superficialists, he could not hide his sweet savour or his brilliancy. Divine glory ever shone from his lustrous brows, and the attributes of spiritual and temporal leadership were conspicuous in the irradiated countenance of that elect of God!

One day he was engaged in hunting on the slope of the Safīd^590b Sang hills and had put hunting-dogs into the charge of his immediate attendants in order that they should lie in^590c wait. And certain men had been sent up the mountain to drive the deer down into the plain. When the deer came to the obstacles, the servants had been caught by the dog of carnal appetite, and as in their folly they thought only of His Highness's tender years and boyish appearance, they had set themselves to eat and so did not slip the dogs in time. When he became aware of this, his inward sovereignty was aroused, and he issued an order that their necks should be bound with cords as if they were dogs, and they be led round the camp. He so sate on the masnad of severity that the old and experienced were amazed and placed the finger of surprise in their mouths. When this occurrence came to the ears of His Majesty Jahānbānī, his heart was greatly delighted and he remarked that he would soon come to great sovereignty and attain everlasting dominion.

Shāham Khān Jalāīr used to tell how one day His Majesty Jahānbānī bade him go and see what the new fruit of fortune's springtide was doing. “When I went,” he said, “I found him lying down. His lustrous countenance was serene and he looked as if he were asleep. In truth he was holding converse with the holy ones of heaven's court (the angels). His blessed hand moved occasionally as is seen in the recuperative states of the lords of contemplation. From time to time there fell from his pearl-dropping tongue such expressions as “God willing, I'll bring the cream of earth's surface under my sway and fulfil the desires of the sorrowful of the seven climes.” “The Khān used to say that when he saw this condition and heard these words, he became amazed, and great awe fell upon him, so that he could not stand. He went aside and remained stupefied. Several times did he (Akbar) speak in this fashion.

A laudable behaviour of His Highness at this time and one which showed his lofty and farseeing nature was that whenever any flatterers or black-hearted persons, who see nothing but their own personal loss or gain, or rather think their^591a loss is their gain, would say “May you soon be king of the seven climes” or “May you be the Lord of the Age” he would be much displeased and say “Those people in their little sense want to show themselves wellwishers. God forbid that they know anything of the palace of wellwishing! They are imagining evil for me in thinking of the decease of His Majesty Jahānbānī, and are gathering my temporal good from my spiritual ill. Or rather they are casting trouble into the country of welfare and raising the head of sedition. For the spiritual and temporal good fortune of children lies in their hopes and wishes being always for the preservation of their august fathers, and they wish them long life. For he who does not act rightly by his temporal God how shall he conduct himself properly towards his spiritual God?” Let men admire the lofty understanding, the pure nature, and the right thinking of this spiritually and temporally great one (Akbar)! In fine, greatness and glory shone in every action of His Highness. What the mature and experienced attained to by thought and care, this cherished one of God's glance acquired with small application in the beginning of his career. And every knowledge and science that the learned and the studious gathered with difficulty, came into the hands of this exhibitor of wondrous powers without meditation or care. Ripe wisdom made the hope-eye of the world shine on beholding this light of the eyes of sovereignty, and made men exult in the firm wisdom and deep knowledge of this nursling of God. But till the time of the revelation of the Khilāfat, it was veiled and hidden, and he passed his time under God's protection and free from the mischief of the deceit and treachery of ill-wishers.

When winter came to an end in the village of Bihsūd and the violence of the cold was over; and when it was known that M. Kāmrān, with a few retainers, was spending his days amongst the Afghān clans, most of the officers were of opinion that, as the Mīrzā had now no power of opposition, His Majesty should leave there a body of troops, and should proceed to Kābul. But a party of the far-seeing represented that as the weather was now temperate, it was advisable to attack and plunder the Afghāns; and that it was improper to return until this faction,—the material of strife and sedition;—had been thoroughly subdued. Thus both M. Kāmrān who was secretly living amongst the tribe and who was making ready the constituents of dissension, would fall into their hands, and also, the root of the disturbers would be dug up.

His Majesty Jahānbānī preferred this view, and guided by victory, mounted the steed of fortune in order to fall suddenly upon the clans and pour the dust of defeat on their heads. A number of impetuous heroes and wielders of the sword, such as Muḥammad Khān Jalāīr, Sl. Muḥammad Fawāq, Shaikh Bahlūl, Shāh Qulī Nāranjī, were appointed under the leadership of Sl. Ḥusain Khān to go forward in advance. The wind was very cold that night and the way was long, so they halted mid-way to ease their men and cattle. In the morning, they mounted and went on.

As the tribes had scattered here and there, it was not known in which the Mīrzā was. In this time of perplexity, Māham ‘Alī Qulī Khān and Bābā Khizārī who were on the way from M. Kāmrān to Malik Muḥammad of Mandraur, fell into the hands of the royal servants. They asked in which tribe the Mīrzā was. Māham ‘Alī led the inquirers astray and indicated a tribe other than that in which the Mīrzā was. Bābā said, “He is frightened, he does not know what he is saying. The Mīrzā is in such and such an encampment and I will show the way.” The advance-guard reached the place at early dawn, attacked it, sent many to the abode of annihilation and captured a number of women and children. Some of the heroes entered the tent where the Mīrzā was sleeping, and Shāh Qulī Nāranjī declares that he was one of them and that there were two persons within. One of them was caught and the other contrived to escape. In the morning, it was seen that the captive was Beg Mulūk whom the Mīrzā always kept in his sight, and that it was the Mīrzā who had gone out. Some of the vagabond Afghāns, such as Shaikh Yūsuf Kararānī and Malik Sangī, stood up to fight and then flung the dust of disgrace on themselves by running away. Their goods fell into the hands of the royal servants. The victory was won before the arrival of the royal standards. The Mīrzā was not able to remain in those parts and went to India.

When His Majesty's heart was freed from the business of chastising the rebellious and when, by God's favour, a great victory had been gained,—such as might be a preface to victories,—he left the district and returned to Bihsūd. When it was ascertained that the Mīrzā had escaped, under circumstances befitting thankless ingrates, and had gone to India, His Majesty Jahānbānī went to the Bāgh-i-ṣafā^594a which is the delight of hearts and may be styled a cleanser (ṣafā-bakhsh) of the picture-gallery of the soul, and there made a festival with pomp and splendour.

As the days were lengthening and there was the beginning of the splendour of spring and of the freshness of avenues (khiyābān) and of the delights of the heart opening streams, he sent a number of special individuals under charge of ‘Alī Qulī of Andarāb to Kābul to fetch that spring-blossom, His Majesty the Shāhinshāh, together with the chaste ladies; so that he might, by beholding the wonders of early spring and by reading the pages of the rose-garden, gain admittance to the enclosure of recognition of the Divine artist and might lay the foundations of thanksgiving.

Their Highnesses arrived in a short time, and His Majesty gave endless thanksgiving gifts, which are a means of attracting yet more favours from the true Benefactor. After a time of enjoyment, he proceeded in an auspicious hour, to Kābul.

As His Majesty Jahānbānī perceived that the splendours of guidance and of capacity for affairs of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh were increasing daily, he determined, now that things were quieted, to separate him for a few days from his person in order that his greatness might be tested, that all might know his abilities, and also that he might have practice in the art of rule. For whoever in his youthful years, and also when by himself, shall make prudence his guide, and show magnanimity in all his ways, and who shall, without pluming himself on his own grandeur, exercise justice and equity to the humble and needy, and he whom real union (with his parent or guardian) shall suffice and whom physical remoteness shall not make sad,—assuredly he it is who can become the Unique Pearl of the Khilāfat. As the glories of such qualities were believed to be, or rather were known with certainty to be, written on the tablet-forehead of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh, he was sent to Ghaznīn in the beginning of 959, (end of December, 1551). The Atka Khān, Khw. Jalālu-d-dīn Maḥmūd and all the servants of M. Hindāl were attached to him in this happy enterprise, the general management being with the Khwāja aforesaid. He spent six months there in vigilance and prosperity, and as spiritual and temporal supremacy was ever visible in him, right actions and laudable manners, such as are not seen in mature and experienced men, displayed themselves in this fortunate and happy-starred youth. And he was continually winning hearts by his right ways and his worship of the right. He always strove to comfort the distracted. He was always bent upon pleasing that class of men who expend themselves in the domain of privation and who, having girt up the loins of effort for the purification of manners and the knowledge of God, have taken the path of poverty and renunciation, turning aside from ease and sorrow, and the praise and blame of worldlings, and concerning themselves solely with the Unique and Companionless One (God).

At that time there was in Ghaznīn Bābā Bilās^597a who was one of the enthusiastic God-knowers and immersed in the sea of contemplation and who spent his days in the cell and the hermitage of obscurity. His Highness frequently went to see him. And that seer of the workshop of holiness read temporal and spiritual supremacy in the lines of his forehead and congratulated him on his external and internal kingship, and gave him the good news of long life, and lofty distinctions. When it was near the time that he should obtain respite from the hunting and travelling in Ghaznīn he, in accordance with an indication from His Majesty Jahānbānī Jannat-āshyānī, set about his return. The reason of his recal was that His Majesty Jahānbānī was ever engaged in business in Kābul. All his time was divided and apportioned, and not a moment of night or day was spent in frivolities or idleness. But together with his dispensing of justice, and comforting the brokenhearted and surveying the work of the kingdom, he took pleasure in travel and field-sports. One day he had gone riding to Zama^597b which is one of the delightful villages of Kābul, and had accidentally fallen from his horse, and sustained bodily injuries. As prudence is closely associated with dominion, he, out of precaution and reflection on the end of things, sent a letter recalling His Majesty Shāhinshāh. By the happy influence of his advent His Majesty attained a perfect recovery.

In the winter of the end of 959 (November, 1552), His Majesty Jahānbānī determined upon proceeding to Bangash which is a winter-quarters for Kābul. The design of this expedition was both to chastise the rebels of that quarter, and also to recruit his army. For the sake of auspiciousness, he took with him His Majesty the Shāhinshāh, as being closely connected with his good fortune, and proceeded towards Gardīz and Bangash. The Afghāns received proper punishment, and their goods fell into the hands of the soldiery. The first tribe attacked was the ‘Abdu-r-raḥmānī,^598a the last was the Barmazīd. Fatḥ Shāh^598b Afghān,—who in his folly and unwisdom thought himself wise and led others astray,—fled from the onset of the victorious army, and on his way fell in with Mun‘im Khān and a body of troops who were marching to join the king. All his goods and chattels came into the hands of the soldiery and he was wounded and forced to take flight. During this turmoil the delegates (wukalā') of Sl. Adam Gakhar, the chief of the Gakhar clan, arrived with a letter and were graciously received. The contents of the letter were that M. Kāmrān had come in distress to his territory; that Sl. Adam, in whose head was the breath of loyalty, did not wish the Mīrzā to spend his days in this vagabond fashion; that if His Majesty would come, he would produce the Mīrzā in order that the latter might make amends for his crimes and become a servant of dominion's threshold; and that Sl. Adam himself would also do homage.

Be it known that the Gakhars are a numerous clan and that they live between the Bihat (Jehlam) and the Indus. In the time of Sl. Zainu-l-‘ābidīn of Kashmir, there came a Ghaznīn officer, named Malik Kid,^599a a kinsman of the ruler of Kābul, and took this country by force from the possession of the Kashmīrīs. He was succeeded by his son, Malik Kalān, and he again by his son Bīr (or Pīr).^599b After him came Tatār Khān who had much contest with Sher Khān and his son, Salīm Khān. He regarded himself as attached to His Majesty's family, for at the time when His Majesty Getī-sitānī Firdūs-makānī conquered India, he entered his service and did good work. He was especially devoted in the war with Rānā Sānkā. He had two sons, Sl. Sārang and Sl. Adam. After Sārang the headship of the tribe fell to Sl. Adam. The sons of Sārang Kamāl Khān and S‘aīd Khān submitted but were secretly disaffected. Jōgī Khān, a confidential servant of M. Kāmrān, arrived with as Sl. Adam's ambassador and tendered a petition from the Mīrzā, full of smooth and baseless words.

Abū'-i-faẓl, the writer of this compendium of wisdom, and the chronicler of the deeds of this noble family, has his mind fixed on the history of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh and on the diffusion of information concerning his glorious rule. It is to satisfy the thirsty readers of this precious chronicle that he has given,—as a sidepiece,—an account of the lofty line from Adam down till now, which is the era of the heir of the universe. It is indispensable to tell briefly the evil acts of M. Kāmrān and of his receiving retribution therefor by his own acts.^599c Although the dignity of this noble record is too exalted for the entry of such matters, yet in order to complete the narrative, it is impossible to avoid treating of the low as well as of the high.

Let it not be hidden from the listeners to these strange occurrences,—every one of which is a sermon from a sacred pulpit,—that when that morning, as has been related, M. Kāmrān was defeated and escaped with a thousand risks from the hands of the swordsmen, he was unable to remain in any one place. From the ruin of his understanding,—the fruit of ingratitude,—and notwithstanding reverses, each of which might have guided him to the highway of auspiciousness,—he did not submit himself to a master so gracious and forgiving, when the dust of remorse and repentance should have covered his face and when he should have come, with shame and apology, to kiss the threshold and atone for his crimes,—but he, the destined pervert, went off to India for the purpose of presenting himself before Salīm Khān, son of Sher Khān, (who in addition to inborn ingratitude, had his brain perturbed by the wine of insouciance and the ferment of pride), and to obtain from him auxiliaries for his disloyalty. Good God! what kind of reason had he to go to his deadly foe to compass the ruin of so great a friend? Why should he submit to indignities to this end? and wish him (Salīm) to assist him to contend with his benefactor? To sum up; evil thoughts brought the Mīrzā to this, and with a few followers, he took the road to India. From the neighbourhood of the Khaibar, he sent Shāh Budāgh Khān to Salīm Khān who was in Ban,^600a a town of the Panjāb. The Mīrzā's ambassador arrived there and performed his mission. Salīm Khān perceived that the success of the Mīrzā's wishes was beyond his (Salīm's) power and therefore dissembled. He sent some money for expenses by the envoy and arranged that he (Kāmrān) should wait where he was, and he promised to send him help, and to assign him an income. Before the ambassador had returned to the Mīrzā, Alī Muḥammad Asp also was sent to Salīm Khān. To sum up this long story, which might better have been shortened;— when the Mīrzā arrived within four kos of Ban, Salīm Khān sent his own son, Āwāz Khān, Maulānā ‘Abdu-l-lāh of Sulṭānpūr and a number of his officers to welcome him. The Mīrzā was received by the Afghān leader (i.e., Salīm) in a manner unfitting for enemies or street-dogs.^600b His companions were Bābā Jūjak, Mullā Shafāī, Bābā Sa‘īd Qibcāq, Shāh Budāgh,^601a ‘Ālam Shāh, Raḥmān Qulī Khān, Ṣāliḥ dīwāna, Ḥājī Yūsuf, ‘Ali Muḥammad Asp, Tāmartāsh, Ghālib Khān, Abdāl Kūka and many other broken men whose names had better not be given. As the acts of ingrates and the thoughts of the unfaithful are not for good and meet with disaster in the end, whatever happened to them was the consequence of their actions. The Mīrzā was disgusted with the bad manners of this ignorant crew (i.e., the Afghāns) and continually reproached Shāh Budāgh in private, who had instigated him to come.

When Salīm Khān's mind was at rest about the affairs of the Panjāb, he set off for Dihlī, taking the Mīrzā with him under false promises. He kept saying that he would let him go but did not do so. His idea was to imprison him in one of the strong forts of India. When the Mīrzā perceived how things were, and that there was no hope of assistance nor of his own release, he resolved to escape. He sent Jōgī Khān, his trusted servant, to Rāja Bakhū who was twelve kos from Mācīwāra and asked for help. The Rāja received the messenger kindly and promised his protection. One day when Salīm Khān had crossed the Mācīwāra river, the Mirza left Yūsuf aftābcī in his (Kāmrān's) sleeping suit and arranged with Bābā Sa‘īd to go on for a long time reciting something so that it might be supposed the Mīrzā was lying down. He himself changed his clothes and put a veil over his face and then went out by the enclosed side and hastened to the refuge which had been agreed upon. The Rāja gave him a proper reception and when it was reported that an army was coming to search for him, sent him on to the Rāja of Kahlūr whose was the safest place in the neighbourhood. He too, from fear of enemies, sent the Mīrzā on, giving him a guide to Jammū. But the Rāja of Jammū from the cautiousness of a landholder, would not allow him to enter his territory. Dismayed and confused, the Mīrzā went off to Mankōt. There he was almost captured, and again changing his apparel, he went on, in woman's garb, towards Kābul, in the company of an Afghān horse-dealer. Meditating evil, he went to Sl. Adam Gakhar thinking that perhaps he might induce the Gakhar tribe to act with him and to do things which ought not to be done. But Sl. Adam approved of loyalty. He kept the Mīrzā, by various pretexts, under surveillance and sent to represent the matter at the sublime Court. The Mīrzā also, when he saw disappointing indications in the behaviour of the tribe, was compelled to adopt feline ways and to send a petition, as already stated. Though he tried to induce the Gakhars to join him, he had no success. He did not trouble himself about escaping because he had no refuge; moreover owing to the guard kept over him and to his own fatigue, he saw that it would be difficult to get away. He was obliged to subsist with this people and he learnt that every harmful thought becomes null and void which is entertained by the ill-wisher to a dominion adorned by the Divine splendour and safe-guarded by its protection; and that such an ill-wisher sinks into eternal punishment.

When the envoy of Sl. Adam had represented the state of affairs, His Majesty determined to make an expedition into India as far as the Gakhar country. He sent Khw. Jalālu-d-dīn Maḥmūd to guard and govern Kābul and marched on himself, taking the Shāhinshāh with him, for the furtherance of good fortune. He bound the girdle of determination on the waist of energy that he might end the affair of M. Kāmrān and ease the world from his strife and sin. When the standards of victory reached the Indus, he sent Qāẓī Ḥamīd, the chief judge of the victorious camp, to Sl. Adam, requesting his presence. He also sent the Mīrzā sage counsel and exhortations, to the effect that he should scour from his heart the rust of opposition and discord. When later, he crossed the Indus, there was no sign of Sl. Adam who apparently was affected by the misplaced apprehensions of a landholder. His Majesty despatched Mūn‘im Khān to soothe him and bring him in. He also sent a few words to the Mīrzā such as might guide him to fortune. Mūn‘im Khān was moreover to ascertain from their actions and manners what were their secret thoughts and to report accordingly. He displayed his abilities and after cajolery and stratagem, Sl. Adam brought the Mīrzā and did homage near Parhāla. His Majesty gave a feast which was kept up all night. Spite of so many crimes,—each one deserving condign punishment,—M. Kāmrān was encompassed with favours. All loyal officers and prudent well-wishers represented that though the kindness and benevolence of His Majesty always required that in his Court, the mantle of pardon should clothe great criminals,—yet foresight and firmness demanded that the oppressor and injurer of mankind should receive his deserts, so that the dust of wickedness might be wiped from the face of men's safety. Fore-casting care made it proper that the outward appeasement of one man,—and he an ill-wisher,—should not be preferred to the satisfaction of many distinguished loyalists. What shock would there be to the wall of justice if, to bind up the broken-hearted and heal the wounds of lacerated breasts, the portrait of a tyrant were erased from the world's picture-gallery? Especially when this course involved thousands of advantages. The obliteration of this worthless figure would be in every way pleasing to God and in accordance with general laws. Such ingratitude and rebellion were not of the character to give hope of security or to permit his actions to be regarded as not done. The matter had passed beyond bounds; it could no longer be coped with (ṭāqathā ṭāq shuda). It was advisable for him and for all that he should become a traveller to the world of non-existence, that so God's creatures might be saved from thousands of ills and the record of his deeds become no blacker. People's goods had long been subject to plunder and rapine through the turmoils of this wicked rebel: their property and honour had gone to the winds of strife and the lives of so many men had been valued as dust; and the jewel of sincerity,—which is the neck-ornament of the virtues,—had been lost in the mists of trouble. Now the proper course was to release such a man from the claws of final retribution and to give mankind tranquillity, under the shadow of justice.

His Majesty Jahānbānī looked to the wisdom and benevolence of the Causer of causes (God), and declined to engage in this affair. (Nor would he believe) that the world-adorning Initiator would, in spite of his omnipotence, make a man so unutterable, (i.e., as M. Kāmrān). Besides taking this profound view, his discerning eye approved of the admonitions of His Majesty Getī-sitānī Firdūs-makānī and would not agree to the proposition. His officers, who had witnessed the various bloodsheds and strife caused by this insolent shedder of blood,—were again firm in their request: they took legal opinions which were attested by the law-officers; and they brought a paper signed by the great of realm and religion and laid it before His Majesty. These documents His Majesty sent to M. Kāmrān who having read the record of his deeds and the punishment (proposed), returned the message that those who to-day had put their seals for his death, were the men who had brought him to this pass. The spirit of clemency moved His Majesty and, spite of the general insistance and of the existence of so many reasons, would not let him shed the Mīrzā's blood. At length for the general welfare, a special order was issued and they deprived the Mīrzā of sight. ‘Alī Dōst bārbegī (master of the ceremonies), Saiyid Muḥammad Pakna and Ghulām ‘Alī shash-angasht^604a were told off for this duty.

They entered the Mīrzā's tent. He thought they had come to kill him and at once ran at them with his fists. ‘Alī Dost said, “Mīrzā, compose yourself: the order is not for death. Why are you agitated? As justice demands,—for you blinded Saiyid ‘Alī^604b and many other innocent persons,—you will behold in your own eyes the retaliation thereof.” On hearing this, the Mīrzā agreed to submit to the royal commands and endured the insertion of the needle. They blinded both his eyes,—the sentinels of a seditious heart. These loyal servants took the precaution of using the lancet many times. The Mīrzā being thankful that his life was spared, uttered no remonstrance. With his natural kindness, His Majesty expressed his regrets and marched onwards. Many affectionate and loving words rose to his lips. This catastrophe occurred in the end of 960 (Nov.-Dec., 1553). Khw. Muḥammad Mūman of Farankhūd^604c found the chronogram, nīshtar (lancet) = 960).

On the same day, the Mīrzā sent to Mun‘im Khān to request him by all means in his power, to obtain for him from His Majesty the services of Beg Mulūk. The petition was at once granted and Beg Mulūk was sent. The Mīrzā,—owing to the great affection he bore him,—took his hands and placing them over his own sightless eyes, recited this verse;—

Though a veil be drawn over my eyes,
I behold thee with the eye which has oft seen thy face.

After this occurrence, His Majesty set off to chastise the Jānūhā^604d who were vagabonds and impediments of the road. The wretched rebels slipped their necks from the collar of obedience and were killed fighting with the heroes of victory. Khw. Qāsim Maḥdī and others of the army of fortune attained the glory of martyrdom.

His mind being at rest about this affair, His Majesty resolved to go to Kashmīr, an intention he had cherished for years. His officers thought it inadvisable and abused Kashmīr, likening it to a well^605a or prison, in order to induce the holy heart to renounce the enterprise, for, they said, “The noise of the march of the army of fortune has caused commotion in India and Salīm Khān is coming to the Panjāb with great preparation; whilst on our side, there has been no due preparation.” “If we go forward and the Afghān army approach us, how can we pass it and go on to Kashmīr? Perhaps the Kashmīrī affair will be a long one and if so and black-hearted Afghāns secure the passes, what will be the end of it? The proper thing is to give up the idea of the expedition and to return to Kābul now that the traitor has been removed from our midst. When military preparations have been made, we will set the foot of courage in the stirrup of energy and by the might of daily-waxing success, shall easily destroy the Afghans.” His Majesty heard these words, and gave them no heed but despatched His Majesty the Shāhinshāh with many officers to protect Kābul and turned his own rein towards Kashmīr and desired to set forth. Acting on the evil teaching of their huckster-natured officers,—who looked to nothing but their own profit,—most of the servants and soldiers left their masters and set out for Kābul. Except officers, none remained to serve His Majesty. By this shameful conduct,—far removed from the path of loyalty and obedience,—the composure of the noble soul was disturbed. He ordered the trusty by all means to turn back the men and not to hesitate, if necessary, to put any to death. Meanwhile he sought an omen from the glorious Koran. It chanced that the story of the faithful Joseph came up. Those who had leave to speak, set themselves to explain this and considered it carefully. Khw. Ḥusain of Merv submitted that what had been said about Kashmīr,—viz., that it was like a well or a prison,—was true; for the story of Joseph names both these things.

When disunion showed itself amongst those with him, His Majesty, being compelled to abandon his intention, moved towards Kābul. When he was encamped on the Indus, M. Kāmrān petitioned to be allowed to go to the Ḥijāz. As His Majesty was now desirous of giving him pleasure, he consented. On the night of dismissing the Mīrzā^606a on his journey, he went with a number of chosen followers to his quarters. After paying due respects, the Mīrzā recited this verse.^606b

The fold of the poor man's turban brushes the sky,
When the shadow of a monarch like thee falls on his head.

Later on, this verse was on his tongue;—

Whate'er comes on my life from thee is cause for thanks,—
Be it shaft of cruelty or dagger of tyranny.

Although the second couplet inclines to thanks, a critic can see that it runs over with censure. His Majesty who was a world of compassion and gentleness, took no heed of this but expressed commiseration. With his inspired tongue he said, “He who knoweth secrets and things hidden, is aware how much ashamed I am of this thing which did not come about with my goodwill.^606c Would that you had done it to me ere this happened.” The Mīrzā woke from the slumber of negligence and comprehended both the measure of his crimes and the extent of the princely mercies. He fell into a state of shame and supplication and asked Ḥājī Yūsuf what persons were present. Ḥājī Yūsuf named them, viz., Tardī Beg Khān, Mun‘im Khān, Bābūs Beg, Khw. Ḥusain^607a of Merv, Mīr ‘Abdāl-ḥai, Mīr ‘Abdu-l-lāh, Khanjar Beg and ‘Ārif Beg. The Mīrzā said, “Friends, be ye all witnesses that if I knew myself innocent, I would assert the fact at this time of distinction when His Majesty visits me; but I am certain I was worthy of death. He has granted me life and has given me leave to depart to the Ḥijāz. For the beneficence and favour of His Majesty, I offer a thousand thanks because he has not exacted retribution commensurate with my wickedness and misconduct.” After this he passed on to recommendations for his children. His Majesty gladly promised to care for them. Having encompassed the Mīrzā with kingly favours, he bade him adieu. It had been stipulated that the Mīrzā should not lament in the presence and he therefore restrained himself, but, as soon as His Majesty had gone towards his own tent, he wept and lamented.

Next day an order was issued that any of the Mīrzā's servants who wished to accompany him, might do so. No one came forward. Those who had boasted of their affection, abandoned it. Calma kūka,^607b —(who by his perfect loyalty and fidelity to His Majesty the Shāhinshāh obtained the title of Khān ‘Alam and who gave his life for his benefactor and the master of mortals, as will be told in its place),—was standing there. He was His Majesty's table-servant (safarcī) and the recipient of royal favour. His Majesty Jahānbānī asked him whether he would go with the Mīrzā, or stay with him. The excellence of Court service and the abundance of royal favour notwithstanding, he preferred the path of fidelity to temporal delights and answered, “I see that it befits my position^607c to serve the Mīrzā in his dark days of helplessness and black nights of loneliness.” His Majesty who was the touch-stone of knowledge of men and their accurate balance, highly approved of his faithfulness and though he set value on his services, he let him go. He made over to him the money and goods fixed upon for the expenses of the journey and sent him to the Mīrzā. Beg Muluk, notwithstanding his close connection with the Mīrzā went with him some stages only and then returned,—a proceeding exceedingly disapproved by His Majesty and, notwithstanding external agreeableness,^608a he became disregarded.

The Mīrzā went by the Indus to Tatta and thence to his destination (Mecca). He performed the pilgrimage three times, and on the 11th Ẕī'l-ḥijja, 964 (5th. Oct., 1557), at Mecca,^608b he was borne away to non-existence, uttering these words, in response to the Divine call, “Here I am for Thee.”^608c

As the series of words about M. Kāmrān has now been folded up, I hasten to my proper subject, and record that, as the evil Afghāns had destroyed the fort at Bikrām, known as Peshāwur, where His Majesty was encamped, he determined to rebuild it and leaving a body of his well-wishers in it, to proceed to Kābul:—for the completion of this fort would be the beginning of the conquest of India. The officers wanted to get back to Kābul and were unwilling on any account soever to delay in this place. His Majesty Jahānbānī set himself energetically to the task and in a short time, had the fort rebuilt. Pahlwān Dost mīr barr divided the work, according to orders, amongst the officers and it was soon finished. Sikandar Khān Uzbak was left in charge and His Majesty moved towards Kābul.

Later on, the Afghāns made a great attack on the fort but Sikandar Khān defended it manfully, and they were repulsed. In the beginning of 961 (Dec., 1553), Kābul was made glorious by the arrival of His Majesty. The ladies came to wait upon him and offered congratulations. He however said that congratulations had their proper place and that the affair of M. Kāmrān was not one for congratulation because it was as if he had struck at his own eyes. Gracious letters were issued to the officers. One was sent also to ‘Abdu-r-rashīd, ruler of Kashghār, who had all along been mindful of kinship and amicably disposed. The letter told what had occurred and was sent by prudent hands. While His Majesty was superintending affairs of state and distributing rewards and punishments, a son was born to him from the chaste womb of Māh Jūjak Begam, in this year, on the night of Wednesday, 15th Jumāda'l-awwal (19th April, 1554), and after the passing of two dāng^609a of the sign Sagittarius. His Majesty named him Muḥammad Ḥakīm. As the chronograms^609b of his birth were both Abū'-l-mafākhir and Abū'-l-faẓāīl, he received both patronymics (kanyat). The gates of joy were opened and thanks were rendered to God. At about the same time, Khānish Begam, daughter of Jūjūq M. of Khwārizm, gave birth to a son whom they named Ibrāhīm Sl. He soon went to the blessed country (‘ālam-i-qads).

Verse.

He was a flash from high heaven:
Birth and death touched.

In the beginning of the winter of this year, His Majesty determined to go to Qandahār rather than to India, as a number of strife-mongers had made false representations about Bairām Khān. Accordingly he went there. The government of Kābul was entrusted to ‘Alī Quli Khān of Andarāb, and the Divine nursling, eye-pupil of the Khilāfat, prop of glory, His Majesty the Shāhinshāh accompanied his father as far as Ghaznīn. The prince's vakils, who were in charge of Ghaznīn, were assiduous in discharging the duties of hospitality. When the royal standards moved onwards from Ghaznīn, the prince returned to Kābul. Bairām Khān recognised the advent of the king as a great favour and returned thanks for it, with a heart full of loyalty, he did homage at the village of Shorāndām, ten^610a leagues out from Qandahār, and His Majesty was convinced that the reports about him were not true. He arrived at Qandahār in an auspicious hour. Splendid feasts were held. Among the distinguished servants present there were Shāh Abū'l-ma‘ālī, Mun‘īm Khān, Khiẓr Khw. Khān; Muḥibb ‘Ali Khān, (son of) Mīr Khalīfa, Ism‘aīl Dūldai and Ḥaidar Muḥammad ākhta-begī. Of the Ahl-i-Sa‘ādat (learned or literary men) there were Khw. Ḥusain of Merv, Maulānā ‘Abdu-l-bāqī the Ṣadr and others. Bairām Khān neglected no punctilio of civility and the whole winter was spent in Qandahār in enjoyment. And during this time, whatever was necessary for the king's privy purse, was all defrayed by Bairām Khān. He had all the court servants brought into the houses of his own servants, where their entertainment was provided for. All this time His Majesty Jahānbānī enjoyed sensual and mental recreations^610b and pleasures spiritual and temporal and had feasts and entertainments and visited the hermitages of dervishes and the cells of pure religionists, and distributed largesse in accordance with their conditions. Among others, he frequently visited Maulānā Zainu-d-dīn Maḥmūd Kamāngar^611a (the bow-maker) who was one of the determined opponents of sensuality, and holy words were spoken on both sides. There were conversations about the attainment of desires in time and eternity.

Khw. Ghāzī, who had gone on an embassy to Persia and had come to Qandahār with presents before His Majesty had arrived there, returned to employment and was, on account of his meritorious services, raised to the lofty office of dīwān. About the same time Mu‘aẓẓam^611b Sl. came from Zamīn-Dāwar and entered into service. Mihtar Qarā, who was one of the trusted followers of Muḥammad Khān of Herāt also came with valuable offerings and was received into service. He brought representations of fidelity and was encompassed with favours. And for the sake of the State and for the delight of hearts, he had a qamargha hunt in the neighbourhood of Shōrāndām. This pleased the officers and His Majesty took an omen from it for the capture of his desires.

One of the evil things which happened in Qandahār was the killing of Sher ‘Alī Beg by Shāh Abū'l-ma‘ālī. A brief account of the affair is, that about this time, Sher ‘Alī Beg, the father of Qarā Beg mīr shikār, came without leave from Shāh Ṭahmāsp, the ruler of Persia, and entered the royal service. Shāh Abū'l-ma‘ālī, being intoxicated by Court favour and by his honours and courage, set his foot outside the circle of moderation, and did extravagant things. And as the evil bigotry of rebellious people had damaged the brain of his faith, he frequently and openly said in the court of His Majesty Jahānbānī, that he would kill this heretical fellow. Out of the favour he bore him, His Majesty regarded this as a pleasantry and gave no heed to the matter. At length, Abū'l-ma‘ālī, being drunk with the wine of bigotry, one night attacked that stranger and poured his blood upon the ground! His Majesty was much displeased, but the close, though superficial relationship^611c was a veil of faults and prevented him from punishing the evil deed.

When the excellent loyalty of Bairām Khān was made clear and it became apparent to all that his foot was firm in the path of obedience and good service, His Majesty confirmed him in the government of Qandahār which it had been his recent intention to give to Mun‘im Khān. He took Zamīn-Dāwar from Khw. Mu‘aẓẓam and gave it to Bahādur Khān, the brother of ‘Alī Qulī Khān. His mind being now at rest about the affairs of his kingdom, he returned to Kābul with the intention of conquering Hindustān. He gave leave of absence to Bairām Khān in order that he might make preparations for this expedition and join him as soon as possible. His Majesty took Walī Beg^612a and Ḥājī Muḥammad Sīstānī with him because people were continually telling tales of them and putting together the materials of strife. Near Ghaznīn, he was met by His Majesty the Shāhinshāh and it was a meeting like the conjunction^612b of favourable planets. Muḥammad Qulī Khān Barlās and Atka Khān (Shamsu-d-dīn) and many others did homage and at the end of 961 (Oct., 1554), Kābul received celestial glory by his advent.

At this time, Mun‘im Khān was raised to the office of guardian of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh. Though, from use and wont, His Majesty gave the name of guardian (atālīq) to the elder man, yet in reality he sent him like a child, to learn wisdom from that exhibitor of universal reason. Mun‘im Khān returned thanks to Heaven for this great gift and prepared a glorious feast. He also tendered fitting gifts and arranged the materials of his own exaltation. In this year, Ulugh Beg, the son of Halhal Sl. arrived on the part of the ruler of Persia, and tendered gifts which were a cause of increasing joy. His Majesty continually looked after the administration of justice and also engaged himself in preparations for the conquest of Hindūstān. At this time one of the dervishes who was famous in foreign lands (wilāyat) had sent a pair of boots as a gift: His Majesty Jahānbānī said that he drew an omen from these boots favourable to the conquest of Hindūstān for it was a common saying that Turkistān is the head, Khurāsān the breast and Hindūstān the foot (of the world). He said this omen was like that mentioned by His Majesty Ṣāḥib-qirānī, viz., that in the year in which he moved from Transoxiana to conquer Khurāsān and when he arrived at Andarkhūī, a village in which lived a dervish named Sangī Atā^613a who was famous for purity of heart and for his miracles,—His Majesty Ṣāḥib-qirānī went to visit him. By way of already-made (mā ḥaẓar) breakfast, the dervish placed before him the breastbone of a sheep. His Majesty (Tīmūr) observed to his courtiers that he drew an omen, from this breast, for the conquest of Khurāsān because Khurāsān was called the breast of the world.

Bairām Khān arrived on the day following the feast of Ramẓān (the ‘Īd,—2nd Shawwal,—31st August). His Majesty, for the sake of giving greater pleasure and out of the affection he bore him, had the feast repeated and gave an entertainment more splendid than that of the ‘Īd. On this joyful day, which was made the test day for horsemen and dextrous archers, the royal cavalier of the plain of fortune and nursling of the spring of glory, to wit, His Majesty the Shāhinshāh, felt disposed to engage for a time in shooting at the qabaq and to show his archer's skill to the generality and thus to lead them on the way of devotion. The first time he aimed at the qabaq,^613b — which experienced marksmen had failed to hit,—his arrow struck the ligature of the golden ball. At this all the people shouted. Such a thing appeared wonderful to the superficial, but what marvel was there in it to those who have beheld with awakened eyes the real spectacle of the mysteries of the lord of the world. How is it strange that he who is a mine of substantial wonders, should display external marvels? Bairām Khān composed an excellent ode on His Majesty's qabaq-shooting and presented it at the feast. The opening couplet is as follows;—

Thine arrow has snatched the fastening of the ball from the crook:^614a
It has made the curve like a meteor grazing the Pleiades.

During this time of enjoyment when the thought of the conquest of Hindūstān was lighting up the hearts of loyal servants,— petitions came from the faithful in Hindūstān and brought to the royal ears news of the death of Salīm Shāh and of the confusion of the country.

As the thread of the story has been drawn out so far it is necessary that the chronicles give a short account of India so that the condition of impatient awaiting may not befal the intelligent members of the congregation of understanding. The brief account is, that when on 11th Rabī‘u-l-awwal, 952 (23rd May, 1545), Sher Khān, after having established his power by wickedness and tyranny and having ruled five years, two months and thirteen days,—went to the abode of nothingness, his younger son, Salīm Khān, eight days afterwards, took his father's seat by the instrumentality of the officers. He ruled eight years, two months and eight days. For some time he had to carry on a war with his elder brother ‘Ādil Khān and with Khwās Khān. This last was one of Sher Khān's slaves, and obtained^615a a reputation for sanctity among the commonalty by making a fair show, (āblatarāzī, perhaps, “plastering the boil”) by trickery (gurbzat) and by seizing men's property and by distributing the acquisitions of the learned among the base and ignorant. As contention with one's own master,—even though he be worthless,—does not prosper, the schemes of those strifemongers did not succeed. Salīm Khān also contended for a time with the Niyāz tribe who ruled the Panjāb, their leader being Haibat Khān. They were overcome and in the defiles of the mountains of Kashmīr fell into the abyss of destruction. He also was occupied for some time in fighting with the Gakhars, and did not prevail, for his servants could not get the better of them, and they (the Gakhars) were loyal to the holy family (the Tīmūrids). He completed the fort of Rohtās which Sher Khān had begun, and he had a presage of evil when he was in the Siwālik hills and founded the fort of Mānkōṭ as a refuge for himself. For a long time he laboured under apprehensions on account of the Afghān vagabonds and his own bad life, and spent his days in the fort of Guālīār. Though he dealt equitably with the peasantry, he treated the soldiers very harshly. On 22nd Ẕī'l-qa‘da, 960 (October 30th, 1553), he died from a malignant ulcer which formed in one of his lower members owing to the issue of corrupt matter. According to his will, Fīrūz Khān, who was of tender age was appointed his successor, but after a few days Mūbāriz Khān, who was Fīrūz's maternal uncle, put that innocent one to death, and himself assumed the sovereignty, taking the name of Muḥammad ‘Ādil. He was the son of Niẓām Khān, younger brother of Sher Khān. This Niẓām had one son and three daughters, and a strange thing was that the son became a ruler and the husbands of the three daughters rose to high rank,—for one was Salīm Khān, another Sikandar Sūr, and the third was Ibrāhīm Sūr. A brief account of these last two will be given hereafter. Hīmū who, by evil speaking, evil plotting and calumny which, as rulers have to study mankind, gives them pleasure, and this to such an extent that the pleasure hides from their penetrating gaze constitutional faults and innate wickedness,^616a rose from low degree to high rank and became the prime minister of that tyrant, who spent all his time in sport and amusement and bodily lusts, and neglected affairs. Confusion was produced in the world. Now that we have come so far it is proper that a brief account should be given of Hīmū.

Let him who searches out the marvels of God's power take a long view and get an instructive warning from the account of Hīmū. Outwardly he had neither rank (ḥasb) nor race (nasab), nor beauty of form, (ṯūrat) nor noble qualities (sairat). Perchance the incomparable Deity raised him to high position for some occult reason which was hidden from the eyes of the acute, or perhaps He sent one worse than themselves to chastise the wicked of the age. In short that evil-looking one of puny form and lofty designs was ranked among the petty hucksters of Rewārī^617a which is a township of Mewāt. For his family, (nasab), he belonged to the Dhūsar tribe which is the lowest class of hucksters in India. At the back of lanes he sold saltpetre (nimak-i-shōr) with thousands of mortifications (ba hazārān bīnimakī) till at last he by means of astuteness, became a government huckster under Salīm Khān, of whom a short account has already been given. By masterpieces of feline trickery, he gradually made himself known to Salīm Khān by evil-speaking and business capacity. He was always getting people into trouble. Apparently he was behaving loyally towards his master, in reality he was seeking his own ends, and decking his own household with the goods of the oppressed. Avaunt; avaunt! he was preparing destruction for his lord and striking the axe into his own foot. Here the great ones of the world^617b made a big mistake for these much-occupied ones from their wishing to know about men give place to wicked talebearers, either in order to learn hidden things about them or to punish evil-doers. Though they make an engagement with themselves that they will not use the information for attacking the reputation and honour of the good and loyal, yet the outwardly well-seeming but inwardly base crew of men seize their opportunity and for their own advantage attack the loyal with their smooth tongues,—while the great sometimes, owing to the multiplicity of business, forget the engagements with themselves and become suspicious of the loyal and raze the foundations of their own power.

In short this wicked man soon got a place in Salīm Khān's affections by misrepresentation, and obtained a footing in the administration. When the measure of Salīm Khān's life was full, and the period of the sway of the evildoers of India had come to Mubāriz Khān aforesaid who was Salīm Khān's cousin, Hīmū found him careless of worldly affairs and annexed the whole of the administration and rose to lofty offices. Nothing remained to Mubāriz Khān, who was commonly known as ‘Adlī (tyrant), except the name (of king). Hīmū undertook all appointments and dismissals, and the distribution of justice. In his foresight he got possession of the treasures of Sher Khān and Salīm Khān and of their elephant-stud. He was freehanded in disposing of their accumulations. His base debtors worshipped him and did his behests. For some days he took the title of Rāi and then he fastened the title of Rāja on himself and assumed the style of the Rāja Bikramājīt. Thus did he in his folly apply great names to himself. From foresight he preserved the nominal sovereignty for ‘Adlī and waged great wars against his opponents. By his valour and daring he was victorious and performed great deeds. He became famous for courage and capability. By degrees he advanced so far as to venture to encounter the sublime army of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh. But as this holy personality was the touchstone of the good and bad, his counterfeit coin was tested and his black existence annihilated by the lights of world-illuminating justice! This will be related in its proper place.

Now that one out of a thousand of Hīmū's evil behaviours has been described, I proceed to a brief account of Hindūstān.

When the sovereignty came to Mubāriz Khān, the affairs of India became worse than before. In fact both father and son (i.e., Sher Khān and Salīm) behaved properly in the management of affairs. Alas! that they should have spent their days in disloyalty and ingratitude! If these two had been servants of the sublime threshold of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh, and if the home administration had been entrusted to the father, and the guardianship of the marches to the son, they would have been encompassed with royal favours, and have gained, by good service, an existence which the wise regard as real life. Such workers deserved such a master. As for the vulgar form of rule which is brought about by rebellion, it is regarded by the wise as an existence inferior by many degrees to death.

In short when Salīm Khān died, Mubāriz Khān showed such behaviour as may no other person evince! Aḥmad Khān Sūr the sister's husband of Salīm Khān who had charge of the Panjāb, became a claimant for the sovereignty and styled himself Sikandar Khān. And Muḥammad Khān, who was nearly connected with Sher Khān and was the Governor of Bengal, aimed at general supremacy. Ibrāhīm Khān Sūr who was also a relation, set about obtaining the rule of India while Shaj‘at Khān, who was commonly known as Sajāwal Khān, raised his head high in Mālwa. The vagabond Afghāns gathered together and caused confusion. Sikandar collected the army of the Panjāb and other vagabonds and meditated an attack upon Āgra. Mubāriz Khān and Ibrāhīm advanced with the same intention. At last by the wishes of Hīmū, Mubāriz Khān went off to the eastward, and a battle took place near Āgra, between Sikandar and Ibrāhīm. Ibrāhīm was defeated and had to retire, while his father Ghāzī Khān Sūr, who governed Bīāna, sheltered himself in the fort. Sikandar's affairs became prosperous, and he got possession of the country from the Indus to the Ganges. He collected an army and wished to march eastwards to dispose of the claimant to the throne and to become sole monarch. At this time the reverberation of the advance of His Majesty Jahānbānī Jannat-āshyānī for the conquest of India rose high. Tātār Khān and Ḥabīl Khān and a large body of troops were appointed to defend the Panjāb. Muḥammad Khān, the Governor of Bengal, determined to rid himself of Mubāriz Khān and other competitors. After some other events, a great battle took place near Capparghatta between him and Mubārīz Khān and Hīmū, and Muḥammad Khān fell. The treasures of Sher Khān and Salīm Khān came into Hīmu's hands. He sank into the enjoyment of corporeal pleasures, and in appearance his circumstances improved. At this time he fought battles with Ibrāhīm and other competitors. He was everywhere victorious. And though he did not know how to ride a horse and was always carried about in an elephant-box (ṣindūq-i-fīl qr. hauda) he in his courage and audacity freely spent the money which had come of itself into his hands, and did great deeds such as men could not conceive. As Sikandar was established in Āgra, he went off to Bihār and Bengal. Khiẓr Khān, the son of Muḥammad Khān took his father's place and assumed a great title, calling himself Sl. Jalālu-d-dīn. He applied himself to the management of Bengal. Mubāriz Khān and Hīmū determined to go to Bengal, but spent some time in getting rid of their opponents. But I leave these details, which I have no inclination to describe in the closet of neglect, to proceed to my legitimate subject.

Let it not be concealed from those waiting for strange impressions and the listeners for glorious news, that when the truth about the confusion in India and the tumult and uproar in this centre of peace and tranquillity, of which some hints have been already been given, again came to the hearing of His Majesty Jahānbānī Jannat-āshyānī, he addressed himself to the expedition, already determined upon in the recesses of his foreseeing mind, and having committed all the chaste ladies of his family in Kābul to the Divine protection, he appointed Shāh Walī bakāwal-begī the guardian of M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm. The service of the ladies and the affairs of the province of Kābul were entrusted to Mun‘im Khān, and His Majesty set out in the middle of Ẕū'l-ḥijja 961, (about 12th November, 1554), in a propitious hour and at a time which the heavenly motions made glorious, and the aspects of the stars made supreme. The nursling of Divine light, His Majesty the Shāhinshāh to wit, was then, as regards his elemental life, twelve years and eight^620a months old. The perfect understanding of that great one of both worlds was beyond computation. He was made the forefront of the army of spiritual and temporal victories. On the day of starting an omen was taken from the dīwān of Ḥāfiẓ. As a great work was being unveiled the heralds of glad tidings from people and places spake loudly and with thousands of tongues. Among them this holy master-couplot (shāhbait) on the front of the noble page emerged as a preamble of victory and was like the writing on the forehead of dominion.

Verse.

“Ask dominion from the auspicious bird (murgh-i-humāyūn) and from his shadow
^621aFor the crow and the kite have not the master-plume of genius (text, himmat, but Ḥāfiz, apparently wrote daulat).

Though the practically wise applied this truthful verse to the dominion and victory of His Majesty Jahānbānī, the far seeing of wisdom's Court understood it as announcing the great khilafat and the supreme sovereignty of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh and waited at the gate of the expectation of the upward ^621b flight of the holy bird. His Majesty Jahānbānī laid firm hold of the strong hand of the Divine favour and grasped the stout cable of heavenly tidings and went off with few men—they did not amount to 3000,—but with large help from the armies of Providence, which could not be calculated by intellectual accountants. Bairām Khān obtained leave for the purpose of setting some royal matters, and of arranging his equipment and remained in Kābul. His Majesty Jahānbānī went from Jalālābad^622a down the river on a raft, and encamped at Bikrām (Peshawar) in the end of Muḥarram 962, (near end of December, 1554). Sikandar Khān Uzbak who had done good service, was made the subject of favours and on that day was raised to the rank of Khān. On 5th Ṣafar, (31st December, 1554), the bank of the river Sind, known as the Nīlāb, was made the camping ground, and three days were spent there. Here Bairām Khān arrived from Kābul, and with sundry intelligencers brought the good news that Tātār Khān Kāshī^622b who had been appointed with a large force to guard the fort of Rohtās had, in spite of the strength of the fort etc., fled merely on hearing of the uprearing of the royal standards on the borders of the Indus. His Majesty took into account the good offices, old and new, of Sulṭān Adam Gakhar and sent him a gracious letter inviting him to come and do homage. As he had not a happy star, he made landholder-like excuses and represented that he had concluded a treaty with Sikandar who had taken his son Lashkari along with him. Should he come and do homage, he would both break his compact, and incur the risk of having his son killed. The imperial servants represented that it was proper to order the victorious army to look after him (Sulṭān Adam) before advancing further, and that it was not wise to move on and leave such a disaffected person behind. His Majesty, who was a mine of gentleness and generosity, said that he belonged to a family which was faithful from of old, and that recently he had done good service, as already related, and that to punish him now was not in accordance with prestige, especially as he had used humble language and had made apologies.

When the grand army crossed the Indus, the Afghāns who were collected in the neighbourhood of Rohtās retreated and the army continued to advance. Every day a delightful spot presented itself, and cities and villages came under the shadow of justice and enjoyed the luxury of tranquillity. And now that we have come so far, it is proper, before detailing events, to give the names of such of the companions of the stirrup of victory as were of high rank.

When the army arrived at the auspicious town of Kalānūr, Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān, Ashraf Khān and Farḥat Khān were sent to Lahore to have the glorious name (of Humāyūn) proclaimed from the pulpit and placed upon the coinage, and also to give the inhabitants of that great city an order of protection from the mischief of strifemongers. Bairām Khān, Tardī Beg Khān, Iskandar Khān, Khiẓr Khān Hazāra, Ismā‘īl Beg Dūldai and a large troop were sent against Naṣīb Khān Panj Bhaiya (?) who was stationed at Harhāna (Harīana) while His Majesty himself went on to Lahore. The nobles of that country came forward to welcome him. They offered up thanks for this glorious favour and gave large presents. High and low were treated with royal favours according to their degree. On the 2nd Rabī‘-ṣ-ṣānī, (24th February, 1555), the illustrious city of Lahore, which is in fact a great city of India, was made glorious by his advent, and all classes and conditions of men were freed from the evils of the times, and attained the objects for which they had been long waiting on hope's highway.

In the end of this month news came that an Afghān named Shāhbāz Khān had collected a number of Afghāns in Dīpālpūr and was indulging in evil intentions. His Majesty Jahānbānī sent to that quarter Shāh Abū'-l-Ma‘ālī ‘Alī Qulī Khān Shaibānī, ‘Alī Qulī Khān Andarābī, Muḥammad Khān Jalāīr and a number of brave officers. A hot engagement ensued, and both sides exposed their lives. The Sayyidzāda Abū'-l-Ma‘ālī who was intoxicated with the world and proud of his beauty, got into difficulty but ‘Alī Qulī Khān and other heroes performed wonders. The enemy was defeated and many of them were levelled with the dust. The imperial servants returned victorious. Now that I have proceeded so far it is necessary that I give a brief account of the victorious army which was placed under the leadership of Bairām Khān.

Let it not be hidden from the inquirers into events that when Bairām Khān arrived near pargana Harhāna (Harīāna), Naṣib Khān Afghān made a small resistance—suitable to his nature,—and then fled. Great booty in money and goods fell into the hands of the heroes. Families also were captured. As Bairām Khān had heard from His Majesty Jahānbānī that he had vowed there should be no imprisonment when he should, by God's help, conquer India, and that the servants of God should not be confined, he got on horseback and collected together all the families of the Afghāns and sent them with trustworthy people to Naṣīb Khān. And he sent as the proceeds of this victory, which might be regarded as the preface to countless others, presents of elephants, etc., with a petition of his own to the world-protecting court of His Majesty Jahānbānī. Having offered up thanks for this agreeable victory, he left that place and advanced further. When he came near Jalandhar, the Afghāns thought it prudent to fly, and owing to the disputes which occurred in the victorious army, they were able to save their lives and the best of their property. The short account of this is that Tardī Beg Khān wanted to go after the dispersed Afghāns and Bairām Khān did not approve of this and did not give him permission. Tardī Beg Khān sent Bāltū Khān to Bairām Khān in order that by all means possible he might get leave to pursue them. Bāltū Beg came and delivered his message and Khwāja Mu‘aẓẓam Sulṭān spoke harshly and abused him. Bāltū Khān retorted and the Khwāja used his sword and wounded Bāltū Khān in the arm. When His Majesty heard of this he wrote a letter of admonition and sent Afẓal Khān to explain matters. He conveyed His Majesty's counsels to the officers and brought about a reconciliation. Bairām Khān halted in Jālandhar, and assigned parganas in the neighbourhood to the various officers and sent them to their several posts. Sikandar Khān was appointed to Mācīwāra. He went and thinking he had it in hand, advanced further, and took possession of Sihrind. Much property fell into his hands. Meanwhile Tātār Khān, Ḥabīl Khān, Naṣīb Khān, Mubārak Khān and a number of Afghān soldiers arrived from Delhi. Sikandar Khān did not think it prudent to remain in Sihrind and came to Jālandhar. Bairām Khān did not approve of this and was angry. He said that Sikandar should have kept his ground at Sihrind and have sent word to him. After much discussion the great officers took hold of the saddle-straps of the royal, everduring fortune and advanced from Jālandhar. When they came to the borders of Mācīwāra, Tardī Muḥammad Khān and many officers did not think it advisable to cross the Satlaj. As the rainy season was near at hand the proper thing to do, they said, was to secure the ferries and to halt. When the violence of the rains was over, and the air had become temperate, they could cross the river. Bairām Khān and the farsighted perceived that it was right to cross the river and spoke properly in this sense. At length by the exertions of Mullā Pīr Muḥammad, Muḥammad Qāsim Khān of Nīshāpūr, Walī Beg and Ḥaidar Qulī Beg Shāmlū, Bairām Khān crossed the river. Tardī Beg Khān and the other officers were obliged to do likewise. The army of fortune was divided into four bands. The centre was controlled by Bairām Khān, the right wing by Khiẓr Khān Hazāra, the left wing by Tardī Beg Khān, while Sikandar Khān and a number of active men were appointed to the vanguard. As the desires of the prince of the world were limited to the laws of justice and were in accordance with the Divine Will, the work of his ministers was daily more and more victorious. When the Afghāns heard of the smallness of the victorious army and of its having crossed the river, they hastily came up with a large force. The two forces encountered one another towards evening and a great battle took place. The farseeing soldiers chose a place near Bijana^626a (?) for the battle field and stood firm. All distinguished themselves, but at last night intervened. Even then they continued to discharge arrows. By a happy chance, which was the beginning to the victory, fire broke out in a very large village of thatched houses and this was like the lighting of thousands of lamps for the guidance of the troops. It was found on inquiry that this Divine aid was wrought by the exertions of the enemy. And what they had thought was for their advantage turned to their loss. In fact by means of this illumination, which was the vanguard of victory, the conquering heroes obtained information concerning the position of the enemy and were enabled to work havoc with their arrows. The foe did not know the position of the victorious army and shot in the dark and at random. When about three watches of the night had passed, the enemy was unable to resist any longer and took to flight. A great victory was gained. Elephants and much other property fell into the hands of the imperial servants. The chief of the booty was sent with a loyal petition to the Court. Next day they advanced and halted in Sihrind and ‘Alī Qulī Shaibānī who had come up with the rear, was sent on with a body of troops.

One of the wonderful things was that when His Majesty heard that Tātār Khān had arrived with a large and well equipped army at Mācīwāra, he remarked to a number of eager spirits that the place was a great distance off and that whatever the Divine Will intended would take place before they could arrive. The best thing therefore was for them to take refuge at the sublime threshold and to implore victory from the almonry of Divine aid. At the same moment he raised high the hands of supplication and asked for the success of the advance forces of the royal army. Many days had not passed when the official report of the victory arrived and much booty was brought to the Court. On consideration, it was found that the day of prayer and the day of victory coincided. He paid the devotions of thanksgiving for the Providential victory and opened the hand of liberality for mankind.

When Sikandar heard what had taken place, he marched against the royal army with 80,000 horse and a complete equipment. Bairām Khān with abundant prudence and courage remained firm in Sihrind and took measures to defend the fort. He sent representations one after the other requestiug the advance of His Majesty. As the latter was at that time suffering from cholic, he sent in his room the parterre-adorner of the khilāfat, viz., His Majesty the Shāhinshāh who always had victory at his stirrup. The cortēge of this khedive of the world had not gone far from Lahore when His Majesty Jahānbānī perfectly recovered, and on account of the distress of separation, and also out of precaution joined in the march. He directed that Farhat Khān should be the shiqdār^627a of Lahore, Bābūs Beg the faujdār of the Panjāb, M. Shāh Sulṭān the amīn and Mihtar Jauhar the treasurer. On the night of 7th Rajab, (29th May, 1555), the territory of Sihrind was illuminated by the royal advent. The officers did homage, and the drums of rejoicing were beaten. For fifteen days the officers had kept their ground in the face of such a large army and had occupied themselves in garrison-work. The royal tents were erected in a garden near the city. The arrangements for battle were suitably made and the army was distributed into four divisions. One was called by the honoured name of His Majesty Jahānbānī; another by that of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh; a third by that of Shāh Abū'-l-Ma‘ālī; the fourth was entrusted to Bairām Khān. Each division bound the girdle of effort on the waist of their lives. The heroes displayed a willingness to risk their lives, and on each side men drank the last draught in the cup of the sword. On both sides humanity and gentleness were practised so that the bodies of those who had sacrificed their lives, were reverently made over to their friends. The shortsighted looking to the plurality of the enemy and the paucity of the king's forces, became pale from unbecoming apprehensions, but the farsighted read the inscription of victory on the countenances of the imperial^628a servants and daily became more and more steadfast. Especially did His Majesty Jahānbānī, who was a world of resolution, hearten every one by fitting behaviour, and inspire them with courage.

Though His Majesty the Shāhinshāh used his tender age as a veil and lived secluded, yet, as God the Creator willed that the real state of this great one of the age should be made manifest,— involuntarily did wondrous works, each of which was a competent witness to his lofty nature (shāhide ast‘adil), hasten to the world of manifestation. Among the unusual things which at this time revealed themselves on the part of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh, was this, that he came out on the roof of a house in the city and contemplated with his clime-comprehending glance the hostile army. It was so great an army that no one could imagine its being defeated, but he said that in a short time “our” men would disperse it. His entourage who knew of his far-sight and had often beheld his marvels, rejoiced at this tidings, and offered thanks to God. Things like this look strange to custom-worshippers and formalists. But the worshippers of truth, and the esoteric do not regard this occurrence or hundreds like it as strange when coming from one so eminent temporally and spiritually.

At this time Khwāja ‘Ambar Nāẓir, who was an old servant, came from Kābul and applied for employment. His Majesty Jahānbānī made him over to the nursling of Divine light. Forthwith he entered into his service and used to explain to him the manners and customs of India, and he brought Indians before the Unique of the age. As the star of the men of India was powerful, their ways became pleasing to him. This was the first time that he conceived an inclination for hunting with the cīta (hunting leopard), and the first place where he saw the sport. For Walī Beg the father of the Khān Jahān^630a presented as peshkash a cīta which had come into his hands from the Afghāns at the battle of Mācīwāra and was called Fateḥbāz (the gamester of victory). The farseeing who were in his entourage made conjectures about countless victories on seeing this strange form. The keeper of this cīta was called Dūndū and on account of his good qualities, he received the title of Fateḥ Khān.^630b And at this day when the insignificant well-wisher, Abū'l-faẓl, is writing this noble volume with a pen perfumed with sincerity, Fateḥ Khān is in the service of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh and reckoned among the especial huntsmen. His Majesty who always dressed himself in outward disguises, and clothed himself in other garb, and kept his splendour hidden under various veils, made another screen for his beauty by his regard for this strange animal. But the rays of the sun and the fragrance of musk cannot be hid. On that day when fortune drew me to learn wisdom and to beatitude, and when by having the blessing of service, I became cognisant of the perfections of this chosen one of God, what prostrations of thanksgiving did I not perform, and what successes did I not obtain from this auspicious service! I was exalted spiritually and temporally, and I cleansed the chamber of my heart from superfluous desires. Now that the time of thanksgiving has arrived and that I wish to record my impressions—so that I may both give thanks and that a lamp of vision may be put in the path of the walkers in darkness, I am unaffectedly disturbed by the fact that I am in service and that there is a commercial nexus. Would that I had no outward acquaintance (with Akbar), and that I were not in the list of visible servants! so that the outwardly-seeing but inwardly-blind might not reckon this individual among the crowd of flatterers, and that men might, through my apparent exclusion be led to the goal and attain felicity. Good God! panegyrics have been written of old about ascetics who had not a tithe of the tenth part of the excellencies of this Khedive of the Age, nay, many of them had naught but external semblance, and yet, because there was no reciprocity in the matter, men void of insight imagine that these are not flatteries but are representations of the truth! But now, at this day, when the story of the Leader (peshwā) of mankind, whether spiritual or temporal, is about to be told, I who have tracked the spirit of the age must bear on my heart's shoulder the burden of men's ill-understanding! But forasmuch as my first thought was to pay in some small measure my debt of gratitude, I am not saddened by this man-troubling burden (bār-i-mardamāzār). And wherefore should I be? And now rejoicing in my good intention I pass on as a swift nocturnal linkman! Many have gained the Truth and ta'en the highway of loyalty! I now leave this subject, to which there is no end, and return to the point in my narrative where I was.

In fine, His Majesty Jahānbānī waged a masterly war for about forty^631a days, and by taking thought, and by making preparations gave support to the hearts of the loyal and enabled them to adorn the field of battle. At length, on 2nd Sh‘abān of the year in question (962), 22nd June, 1555, which was the watch-day (naubat-i-taraddad)^631b of the servants of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh Khwāja Mu‘aẓẓam, Atka Khān and others went forth and did manfully. On the other side Kālā Pahār, brother of Iskandar, came forward and fought. Though it had not been intended that on that day there should be a general engagement, yet as something was to emerge from the curtain of fate, gradually the flames of conflict burst forth and rose high. The victorious troops advanced from all sides and steadily took post, so that there was a glorious battle-array.

Verse.

Two iron mountains moved from their places,
You'd say earth was moved from top to bottom,
Two armies drew their poniards in front of each other,
The centre and wings were drawn up in line,
The rush of arrows and the clash of swords,
Tore the marrow of elephants and the entrails (zehra, lit., gall-bladder)^631c of tigers.

By the auspicious influence of the fortune of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh, a great victory was gained, and much booty fell into the hands of the imperial servants. A large number of the luckless foe went to the world of non-existence. Sikandar went off with his men to the Dāman-i-kōh of the Panjāb. Khwāja Musāfirī,^632a one of the gallant men, came in his path. When Sikandar saw that a man was going to attack him, he turned, but though he put his hand to his sword, he could not draw it. After many attempts he disengaged himself from him and came away from that dangerous place. What else but this can happen to those intoxicated with the world and proud of their glory? His Majesty Jahānbānī in the midst of the worldly success, which is a wine that overthrows men, was wise and made supplications to God. And he conducted himself with perfect wisdom towards all classes. What marvel then that he was successful! Obedience to wisdom the Sulṭān (Sulṭān-i-khird) fits the work to the desire. Firstly; it makes the intention good. Secondly; effort is made in work suitable to one's condition. Thirdly; when good results are obtained the credit of them is not given to oneself. And no author is recognised except the omnipotent God. In fine His Majesty in order to teach the superficial, and in order to show respect to the various degrees of supplication, did not confine himself to inward thanksgiving, but had recourse to external acts, and prostrated himself in prayer to God. Though when India was last conquered, the victory of His Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdūs-makānī was a masterpiece, as has been already described, yet the wise and acute know that it was not like this present marvel. In fact^632b there have been few instances in past times of such a victory as this which was obtained by few against many and which came solely from the great throne of God. Just at the time of this victory there was an excessive storm of wind and rain. As this caused the destruction of a number of oppressors and ingrates, it may be regarded as belonging to the successes of the servants of the State, and as a mark of the destruction of the contumacious. But as it prevented a pursuit of the fugitives and gave them after a thousand agonies a release from danger it may be regarded as a respite to an ill-fated crew.

When by Divine aid such a great gift had been revealed, His Majesty sat on the throne of justice and appraised the services of the loyal and devoted. In order to bring out the jewel of the sincere from the potsherd of service-sellers the question arose, in whose name should the proclamation of victory be recorded? An order was given that everyone should lay in his claim. Shāh Abū'l-ma‘ālī, who was drunk with the wine of negligence, wished that the record of the glorious victory should be in his name. Bairām Khān who was conscious that the coming to India was by his exertions, and who, up to the time of the victory, had, in opposition to a crowd of men, supported the world-adorning views of His Majesty Jahānbānī and had conducted the conquest of the countries and the uprooting of foes, was keenly desirous that the proclamation should bear his name. The farseeing and wise who knew that the victory was due to the felicity of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh and nursling of Divine light, opened their eyes and ears in surprised contemplation of the speakers, and the experienced and the just, knowing that this great victory which had shed its rays on the day assigned to the watch (naubat-i-mansūbān) of the light of the garden of the khilāfat was due to the presence of his Majesty the Shāhinshāh, were astonished at the utterances of those men (Abū'l-ma‘ālī and Bairām). At last, His Majesty Jahānbānī became by inspiration cognisant of the truth, and ordered the victory to be inscribed in the name of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh and thereby gratified the loyal far and near.

One of the strange occurrences of this time was the arrest of Khwāja Mu‘aẓẓam. The brief account is that a letter containing some lines by the Khwāja came to hand. In his contemptible understanding and wickedness, he had written improper things to Sikandar and had represented himself as his well-wisher. His Majesty was greatly surprised and called upon the Khwāja for an explanation. As he could not deny, he said^633a that his well-wishing (daulat-khwāhī) referred to His Majesty and that he had purposely contrived that the letter should come into His Majesty's hand in order that he should show him more favour, and cause him to be the performer of good service. His Majesty ordered him into confinement and placed him in charge of Mīr Qālī. After arranging the matters of Sihrind, His Majesty proceeded by way of Sāmāna towards Delhi. When he came to Sāmāna he sent Abu'l-Ma‘ālī with a number of officers such as Muḥammad Qulī Khān Birlās, Ismā‘īl Beg Dūldai, Muṣahib Beg, Ibrāhīm Khān Uzbek, and others to Lahore so that if Sikandar should come out from the hills, they might hold him in check. The charge of the Panjāb was made over to Shāh Abū'l-ma‘ālī. On account of the pleasant climate of Sāmāna, and the violence of the rains ordered a halt there for some days. While then, a report came from Sikandar Khān Uzbek, stating that by God's help he had come to Delhi and that the enemy had not withstood him, but had fled. The proper thing now was to exalt the site of India's throne by establishing there the masnad of the Lord of the Age. On receipt of this news His Majesty marched from Samāna, and on Thursday 1 Ramaẓān, 20th July, 1555, alighted at Salīmgaṛh which is on the north of Delhi and on the bank of the Jamūnā. On the fourth of the same month he entered the city and became established on the throne of the khilafāt.

On this day and while on the march His Majesty the Shāhinshāh struck a nīlagāo (an antelope, portax pictus) with his sword and took it as a prey so that the huntsmen were surprised,^634a while the acute obtained a sign of his capturing the booty of a sublime intention, and were made glad. His Majesty Jahānbānī who from the beginning of this blessed campaign till he came to Delhi and conquered India had given up the eating of animals now turned his thoughts towards the making a beginning (of eating flesh). On this day he rejoiced exceedingly and ordered that a piece of the nīlagāo be dried and kept in order that when after the Ramaẓān he should be disposed to eat animal food, he might make his first meal from this flesh. He then returned thanks to God.

All the servants of the threshold of the Khilafāt received high offices and noble fiefs. Sirkār Ḥiṣār and its neighbourhood were given as a jāgīr to the servants^635a of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh. Omen-takers recognized this as the fort^635b for the distresses of the world, and again drew a presage for the daily increasing dominion of His Highness. Bairām Khān was presented with Sihrind and various other parganas. Tardī Beg Khān was sent to Mewāt, Sikandar Khān to Agra, ‘Alī Qulī Khān to Sambal, and Ḥaidar Muḥammad Khān Ākhta Begī to Bīāna, which is near Agra. By the blessing of the royal advent, and the beatitudes of the spiritual and temporal khedive, India was made a garden of dominion and auspiciousness. Mankind attained good fortune. His Majesty stayed in the fort of Delhi and was continually engaged in pleasing God, and he watered the rose-garden of sovereignty with the stream of justice. He forever kept before him obedience to the Creator, and the prosperity of his creatures and so adorned the throne of the khilāfat.

Among the occurrences which were the cause of increasing his joy, was the arrival of Shāh Walī^635c Atka from Kābul. He brought news of the health of the chaste ladies, and also many details. He gave the joyful news that God had given a son to Māh Jūjak. His Majesty returned thanks to God for this good news and gave a feast and poured the coin of desire into the lap of mankind. He gave that rose of fortune the name of Farrukh Fāl, and rewarded Shāh Walī for his news by the title of Sulṭān and sent him back to Kābul with presents. He also gave him letters of greeting and affection.

Among the occurrences of this time was the arrival of Rustam Khān who was a leading man among the Afghāns. The brief account of this affair is that when the Atka Khān and a number of the royal servants proceeded towards Ḥiṣār, they halted on the day of Khūrdād 6th Shahryūr = Wednesday, 25th Ramẓān, two kos from Ḥiṣār. Rustam Khān, Tātār Khān, Aḥmad Khān, Pīr Muḥammad of Rohtak, Bījlī Khān, Shihāb Khān, Tāj Khān, Ādam Khān Qiyām Khānī and a number of Afghāns came out of Ḥiṣār and prepared to fight. Though the Afghāns were nearly 2,000 in number and the royal servants about 400, a great engagement took place and by Divine help the victory was gained, and seventy of the enemy were killed. Rustam Khān fled and strengthened the fort of Ḥiṣār. The contenders of fortune besieged it for twenty-three days. When Rustam found himself in difficulties he came to terms. He was sent to Court along with about 700 men of note in the charge of Mīr Laṭif and Khwāja Qāsim Makhlaṣ, and he did homage along with many others. After some time an order was given that he should get a proper jāgīr, but on the condition that his sons should be guarded in Bikrām in order that they might enter on the path of favour and also that the road of vigilance and caution might not be abandoned. That simpleton rejected this condition, which was a means of confirming his obedience, and was about to abscond. When this was found out, he was imprisoned and committed to the charge of Beg Muḥammad Īshak Āqā.

One of the occurrences of this time was the affair of Qambar Dīwāna. The short account is that he was one of the common men or rather of the unknown men of the camp. When after the victory of Sihrind, the royal standards went on to Delhi, this Qambar gathered together a number of his own set of vagabonds and indulged in plunder and rapine. Booty was continually coming into his hands, and was distributed by him, and out of cunning, he was continually sending petitions to the Court. Proceeding from Sihrind he went fighting on and got possession of Sambal. There he established himself and sent his adopted son, who had received the name of ‘Ārifu-l-lāh to Budāōn. Rai Ḥusain Jalwānī, who was a leading officer among the Afghāns, was there and was got rid of without a struggle. From there Qambar ‘Alī went on to Kānt Gōla^636a and devastated that country. There he fought an irregular (bītuzukāna, without method) battle with Rukn Khān a leading Afghān and was defeated. From there he came to Budāōn. Though this madman was always sending petitions and making representations of obedience and good service, his words and his deeds did not agree. He extended his foot beyond his carpet and made men Khāns and Sulṭāns of his own motion, and gave them standards and drums! Frenzy took possession of him and often from madness or assumed madness and fraud, he gave up his own house to be plundered. There continually appeared in him irregular proceedings which were allied to madness. When then facts repeatedly came to the notice of His Majesty he issued an order to ‘Alī Qulī Khān Shaibānī to send him to Court, and to punish him if he resisted. Just when the madman, having been defeated by Rukn Khān, had come to Budāōn, ‘Alī Qulī Khān after having settled the affairs of Mīrat came to Sambal. After arranging matters there he came to Budāōn. Though he sent a person to call him, Qambar did not appear, and said “Just as you are a slave of the king, so am I one of the office-bearers of the expedition, and I have got this province by the sword.” At last ‘Alī Qulī Khān took to arms and when Qambar was defeated, he took refuge in the fort of Budāōn, and sent a petition to Court. When His Majesty got this account of him, he sent Qāsim Makhlaṣ to encompass him with favours and to bring him to kiss the threshold. Before Qāsim had reached Budāōn, and brought this message of deliverance, ‘Alī Qulī Khān had killed him. The short account of this is that when Qambar strengthened the fort, and the siege was being protracted, ‘Alī Qulī Khān sent to him Muḥammad Beg Turkamān and Mullā Ghiāṯu-d-dīn. He imprisoned these envoys, and they secretly won over a number of people to their side and having by craft overcome the garrison, they made Qambar a prisoner. ‘Alī Qulī Khān sent his head to Court. The just heart of the king was grieved at this and he sent a firmān of rebuke to ‘Alī Qulī Khān. He asked why he went to war when he Qambar) was making proffers of obedience and wished to submit, and why did he kill him without orders after getting him into his power? His Majesty repeatedly said to those near him that he had wished to see this man and that if he had found on the tablet of his forehead truth and rectitude, he would have shown him favour and have educated him.

One of the occurrences of this time was the ingratitude of M. Sulaimān. The brief account of this is that when the royal standards went off to India, Tardī Beg Khān, who held Andarāb and Ishkamish in his jāgīr, was ordered to join. Muqīm Khān remained behind to look after the jāgīr. M. Sulaimān thought this a good opportunity to get hold of the territories. First, he tried craft, and sought to win over Muqīm Khān to his side. When this failed, the Mīrzā threw off the mask and besieged Andarāb. Muqīm Khān was compelled to come out with his family, and by fighting his way through he got away from that dangerous spot and came to Kābul. One of the occurrences of this time was the killing by Ḥaidar Muḥammad Khān Akhta Begī of Ghāzī Khān^638a the father of that Ibrāhīm who had had an itching desire for a throne. The story is as follows: When Ḥaidar Muḥammad Khān was sent to Bīāna, Ghāzī Khān, who was the governor, could not resist and took refuge in the fort. Relying upon the promises and engagements which were held out by Ḥaidar Muḥammad, he came out; but Ḥaidar Muḥammad fixed his eyes on his goods and chattels and broke his promise, and put him to death with the sword of injustice. When His Majesty Jahānbānī heard of this, it did not commend itself to his just mind. As he (i.e., Humāyūn) was at a distance, and had only recently come to India he ostensibly refrained from inflicting punishment on him but he announced that Ḥaidar would never again bind^638b on his belt. And in truth what the fate-interpreting tongue had uttered remained in force till he left this world. Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān who was the Mīr Bīyūtāt (i.e., officer in charge of buildings, &c.), was sent to inquire into the matter and to appraise the property. His Majesty went on, in ways well-pleasing to God, in taking care of his subjects, in building up the world, and in giving repose to mankind.