Akbar-nāmah - The Akbarnāma of Abū Fazl, Volume 1

When his Majesty was freed from anxiety about Qandahār he placed before himself the conquest of Kābul, and with this intention left his Majesty Firdūs-makānī's garden and halted at the Gumbaz Safēd (the white dome) above the shrine of Ḥasan Abdāl. The thought of the expedition continually occupied his mind, and he was perpetually holding conferences about it with far-sighted loyalists and devoted friends. Many of the Persians were wearied of their long expatriation and went off without leave, while some departed after obtaining leave by importunity. Budāgh Khān and the others who were in attendance on the Shāh's son opened, from want of consideration, the hand of tyranny and oppression over the subject population, and thought of increasing their own substance by such unhallowed proceedings. High and low used to come from the city, imploring justice, and his Majesty Jahānbānī was in a difficulty for if he were to rebuke the oppressors, the Shāh would be vexed, while, if he did not execute justice, the hand of the unjust would not be withdrawn from the subjugated, and this would call down the Divine displeasure. As the time was not convenient, he remained perturbed, and put off remedying the evil till another season.

When the expedition to Kābul had been determined upon he was compelled to ask Budāgh Khān^471a for accommodation for some of his ladies and for his goods and chattels. He candidly acknowledged that in accordance with his promise he had made over Qandahār to the Persians, but said that he could not set the foot of resolve in the stirrup of toil until he had disposed of his people,^472a and his mind were at ease concerning them. Budāgh Khān in his ignorance of affairs made objections and unlike a wise man was neither alert in carrying out the Shāh's orders, nor in obeying the king's mandate, which was the root of the matter. The chief officers represented that they had a great enterprise in hand, and that there was nothing for it but to seize Qandahār. They would thus undertake whatever was before them with a light heart. His Majesty referred to the kindnesses of the Shāh and declined to vex the latter's servants, and thought they must submit to their unreasonable conduct. He began to consider if he should go to Badakhshān and should join M. Sulaimān to himself before attacking Kābul. But as a strong motive for haste in conquering Kābul was his desire to behold the Shāhinshāh and to share to the full in that light of the garden of the Khilāfat, knowing that by heaven's decree all providential victories depended on the auspicious existence of that splendour, his eager desire to attain that object revealed itself from time to time. Just then the Shāh's son became a beholder of the gardens (riyāẓ) of mercy, and a visitor of the pools (ḥiyāẓ) of pardon (i.e., he died). The confidential officers represented that winter was at hand, and that it was impossible for them to convey the women and children and the baggage (partāl) along with them into the hill-country.^472b The Shāh's son was dead, and it was not right to leave Qandahār to the Turkamāns, especially when they were so headstrong and were by their tyranny ruining the country and casting down the pillars of peace. Moreover, though they had been commissioned to bind constantly the girdle of service on their souls' waist, and to serve continually the sublime expedition they had been perverse and been drunken with the wine of negligence, and had not shown zeal in submitting to orders. On the contrary they had transgressed the supreme commands, and had openly and secretly gone into opposition and had suspended over their countenances the veil of shamelessness. It behoved his Majesty to shorten their oppressive arms so that they should not reach the skirt of the poor and needy in this city which was the first fruit of the Divine favour. God forbid that such a proper design should produce a cloud in the mind of the Shāh. Inasmuch as it was a long march to Kābul and the Hazāra and Afghāns were more numerous than ants or locusts, and as they (the Persians) were stumbling-blocks in their path, and above all, as they were intriguing^473a with M. Kāmrān, the first thing to do was to get hold of a refuge so that their minds should be at rest. At this moment there was no place better for this purpose than Qandahār. It was therefore in accordance both with reason and justice that Budāgh Khān be told that he must, nolens volens, give up Qandahār. If he did not comply, the city must be besieged and taken possession of; and let a loving letter be written to the Shāh, explanatory of the facts of the case and the necessities of the position, and replete with candour and friendship. As the noble Shāh was a mine of wisdom and justice he would regard the transaction as one to be approved of. The leading spirit in this matter was Ḥājī Muḥammad, the son of Bābā Qushqa. His Majesty Jahānbānī said “I admit it all, but 'twere base to lay siege to the place, to unsheath the sword of battle, and to put a whole party to death. Though they 've left the path of moderation (i‘tidāl), I do not approve of immoderation (bē-i‘tidāl) on the part of my servants. If this course be taken Budāgh Khān's men will perish, and such a result will look ill in the eyes of good men. It is much better that you devise some plan whereby we may get possession of the fort without war or tumult.” Accordingly he sent a messenger to Budāgh Khān, with the request that as they were marching against Kābul he would keep M. ‘Askarī in prison in Qandahār so that his Majesty's mind might be at rest. Budāgh Khān thought the proposal advantageous to himself and agreed to it. It was arranged that the courageous heroes of the battlefield should proceed to the environs of Qandahār and lie in ambush there and then suddenly, when they got an opportunity, should enter the fort. Bairām Khān and a body of troops were told off for the Gandigān^473b Gate, while Ulugh Mīrzā, Ḥājī Muḥammad and another body of troops were deputed to the Māshūr Gate, and Muayyad Beg and others were stationed near the New Gate. Those tigers of the jungle of courage made a rapid night-march and lay in ambush near Qandahār. When the “true dawn” appeared Ḥājī Muḥammad presented himself before all the others at the Māshūr Gate. By chance^474a some forage-camels were going in; he advanced under their cover, and tiger-like^474b suddenly entered the gate. The warder saw him and challenged him. He said that he was bringing M. ‘Askarī by Budāgh Khān's orders so that he might be confined in the Fort. This pretext did not avail, and the warder was about to shut the gate when Ḥājī Muḥammad severed his arm with a blow of his sword. Some others came up from behind, and all the Persians who were there, and offered battle, were killed. Bairām Khān entered by the Gandigān Gate, and the Fort came into the possession of the King's servants. The Persians fled and took refuge in the citadel. At midday his Majesty Jahānbānī arrived and having entered by the Gandigān Gate took post at the Āqca (white) bastion. Thus that fortunate city became by the glory of his arrival an alighting stage of peace and tranquillity and a station of justice and beneficence. All, small and great, raised pæans of joy at this happy advent. Budāgh Khān came forward, through the intervention of Ḥaidar Sulṭān, and paid the homage of ashamedness and apologised for his offence. His Majesty encompassed him with princely favours and dismissed him. He made over the city to Bairām Khān and wrote to the Shāh that as Budāgh Khān had acted contrary to the Shāh's orders, and been slack in his duty, he had taken Qandahār^474c from him and made it over to Bairām Khān who was a dependant^475a of the Shāh.

Meanwhile M. ‘Askarī, unmindful of the royal clemency, and of his life's having been spared made his escape. After some days an Afghān came and reported that the Mīrzā was in his house, and asked that some one might be sent to seize him, but without letting it be known from whom the information came. His Majesty Jahānbānī appointed Shāh Mīrzā and Khwāja ‘Ambar Nāẓir and they brought him out of the Afghān's house from under a woolen carpet (palās), and conducted him to the Presence. His Majesty from his innate clemency, and his observance of his Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdūs-makānī's testament^475b which was made for all mankind and especially for the brothers, forgave anew his crimes and faults and made him over to Nadīm^475c Kokaltāsh who was one of his Majesty's special confidants. He divided the territory of Qandahār among his officers. Tīrī^475d he gave to Ulugh Mīrzā, and the parganas of Lahū he assigned to Ḥājī Muḥammad for his maintenance. Zamīn Dāwar was given to Isma‘īl Beg, Qilāt^475e to Sherafkan,^475f Shāl to Ḥaidar Sulṭān. In this manner all the officers got jāgīrs appropriate to their positions. Khwāja Jalālu-d-dīn Maḥmūd, who had committed extortion^475g in the city on M. ‘Askarī's men and on others, was delivered over to Mīr Muḥammad^475h ‘Alī.

When the holy heart was relieved of the affairs of Qandahār, and when, by the blessing of Divine aid, and by the royal efforts, destiny and deliberation had come into accord (taqdīr muāfiq-i-tadbīr āmad), he in an auspicious hour left her Majesty Maryam-makānī in Qandahār and addressed himself to the subduing of Kābul. One of the endless bounties and unexpected favours was that a large caravan had come from Hindustān and the merchants had made good bargains by purchasing ‘Irāq horses from the Turkomans (the Persian auxiliaries of Humāyūn). As the lights of prestige were streaming from the cheek of circumstance, the leaders of the caravan came and represented that if their horses were taken into the service of the grand army and an order be given for payment after the conquest of Hindustān they would be greatly pleased and would feel that they were fortunate. “Glorious will be our fortune,” they said, “if by giving this aid we may come to be numbered among the loyalists of the sublime dynasty.” His Majesty Jahānbānī regarded the proposition as a heavenly aid, and a providential contribution, and having acceded to their request, he ordered that purchase-bonds for the horses should be written out at the rates desired by the vendors and be given to them. He himself came to the ridge near Bābā Ḥasan Abdāl and ordered Ulugh Mīrzā, Bairām Khān, Sherafkan and Ḥaidar Muḥammad Ākhta Begī (master of the horse), to set apart the horses for the royal stables, and then to select those for the officers and others according to their rank. One thousand horses purchased by the privy purse (sarkār-i-khāṣṣa) were given away in accordance with each one's requirements. The hearts, both of the merchants^476a and the soldiers, were soothed and gladdened. Dawa Beg Hazāra, wishing to be distinguished for serving both in person and property, led^476b the way by night to the fort of Tīrī, where his clan was. When the army arrived there, the headmen brought according to their ability horses and sheep as presents. They did good service, and as the place had pleasant pastures (alanghā) his Majesty remained there for several days to recruit and to enjoy himself. Her Highness Khānzāda Begam fell ill here, and the illness lasted, and she died.^477a His Majesty performed the rites of mourning, and grasping the strong rope of patience, the glory of the awakened of hearts and the mark of the intelligent, he engaged in charities and works of beneficence such as befitted a princely family and might be a sweet savour to the soul of that generous matron. He then marched under the guidance of a lofty fortune towards Kābul. Near Qandahār M. Hindāl did homage and was received with unbounded kindness. His Majesty was much delighted at his coming, which was the preface to the advent of many others. Officers hastened from Kābul in troops. But by reason of contrariety and mingling of air-currents a sickness and pestilence broke out on the march in the camp, and there were many travellers to the city of annihilation. Among them was Ḥaidar Sulṭān. As the untowardness of the atmosphere was great, and the force became small M. Hindāl represented that they ought to return to Qandahār for the winter and march against Kābul in the beginning of spring and after making the army efficient. His Majesty said nothing to his face, but when the meeting was over he sent him this verbal message by Mīr Saiyid Barka: “When I did not know that you would come, or that Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā would leave^477b (Kāmrān) I proceeded towards Kābul in reliance on the Divine favours, why should I delay now because an unforeseen circumstance (the pestilence) has occurred? If this thought has come into your mind on account of the fatigues and pains of your men you can go and repose this winter in Zamīn Dāwar which I have given to you, and when the knot of Kābul has been untied you can rejoin our service.” The Mīrzā was greatly ashamed on getting this message and begged forgiveness. His Majesty advanced with good intent and a confident hope, and braced up his heart to carrying through the business. On the march Jamīl Beg, brother (younger) of Bābūs, whom M. Kāmrān had made guardian of Āq^478a Sulṭān his son-in-law and had placed in Ghaznīn, came and kissed the threshold, and begged the forgiveness of Bābūs' offences. His request was granted.

When the army halted at the station (yurt) of Shaikh ‘Alī, which is in the neighbourhood of Paghmān (na‘mān in text) and Arqandī, M. Kāmrān became disturbed at the approach of the world-conquering standards and sent forth Qāsim Barlās with a body of troops. He ordered his artillery-officer, Qāsim Mukhliṣ Tarbatī to take his arsenal to Jalka Daurī near Bābūs Beg's house, and to draw it up there. He also brought inside the fort all the men's families who were living outside. When he had strengthened the fort he came out from Kābul with pomp and insouciance and encamped near the quarters (yurt) of Bābūs Beg. He employed himself in reviewing and marshalling the troops. Qāsim Barlās had proceeded with a body of troops to Takīya Khimār^478b when Khwāja Mu‘aẓẓam, Ḥājī Muḥammad and Sherafkan hastened from the royal camp and displayed their superiority. By the Divine aid—which was the vanguard of conquering fortune—Qāsim Barlās could not withstand them and turned to flee. When only a small space remained between the two forces M. Hindāl was at his own request appointed to the vanguard. The army had passed the defile of the “Khwāja's ridge” and had halted in the neighbourhood of Arqandī when Bābūs and Jamīl Beg and a number of their men, and with Shāh Bardī^478c Khān who held Gardēz, Bangash and Naghz came and submitted. They were received with unbounded favours. After that, Muṣāḥib Beg, son of Khwāja Kalān Beg, came with many men and enjoyed the fortune of service, and was exalted by princely favours. Meanwhile Bābūs represented that it was no time for dallying and that his Majesty should mount his horse as all the men were coming over. His Majesty Jahānbānī mounted the swift steed of fortune. On this occasion he sent for ‘Alī Qulī Safarcī and Bahādur the sons of Ḥaidar Sulṭān who were in mourning for their father and loaded them with favours and kindnesses. After a time Qarāca Khān came and did homage. M. Kāmrān read his own downfall in the pages of the royal fortunes and sent Khwāja Khāwand Maḥmūd and Khwāja ‘Abdu-l-Khāliq to apologise for his offences. He made sundry requests through the Khwājas, who arrived when the two armies were less than a mile apart. His Majesty accepted^479a his homage and postponed decision on his petitions. He promised further favours to the Khwājas and dismissed them with honour. Out of humanity and kindness he ordered a suspension of hostilities. The object of the Mīrzā in sending the Khwājas was to cause delay and make the king's soldiers slacken their march and to get time for himself, and he was waiting for the darkness of night so that he might by making a long night-march remove himself to a distance. When then the veil of nocturnal gloom had darkened the earth he from an obscured understanding and a benighted soul could not resolve upon experiencing the pleasure of doing homage and withdrew in all haste into the citadel. Then he took his son M. Ibrāhīm and his wives and went off to Ghaznīn by Bīnī^479b Hiṣār. When his Majesty Jahānbānī heard of his flight he sent Bābūs with a number of trusty men to Kābul to prevent any molestation of the inhabitants or sepoys, and to make them all hopeful of the royal favour. He appointed M. Hindāl and a body of troops to pursue the Mīrzā and proceeded himself to Kābul with victory at his foot and fortune as his stirrup-companion. In an auspicious moment the drummers of dominion beat high the great drum (kūrāka) of prestige and the standard-bearers of victory advanced the stelliform^480a standards of glory to the starry sphere. On the night of the 13th of the Jalālī month of Āẕar corresponding to the night of Wednesday, 12th^480b Ramaẓān, 952 (18th November, 1545), the conquest of Kābul, the beginning of countless victories, was accomplished by heavenly aid, and the gates of joy and success opened to the hearts of mankind. Two hours of the night had passed when his Majesty exalted the plain of Kābul by the radiance of his advent. Navīdī^481a found the chronogram of this victory to be Kābulrā girift, He took Kābul. Another is the hemistich “be jang girift mulk-i-Kābul az we,” “without a battle he took the country of Kābul from him.”

When the gates of joy and gladness opened at the glorious indications of the personality of his Majesty the Shāhinshāh, and the foundations of dominion were thereby renewed, his Majesty Jahānbānī regarded not the defeat of M. Kāmrān, nor the conquest of Kābul, but abode in expectation of the blissful footsteps of his Majesty the Shāhinshāh until they brought to him, in an auspicious moment, that world-intelligence who at that time was, so far as regarded the existence of his bodily elements aged three years^481b two months and eight days. His Majesty obtained spiritual and temporal felicity by beholding that blisful nursling of light divine, and prostrated himself in thanksgiving for the safety of the young shoot of fortune's garden, and for the glorious acquisition of the lamp of the family. In the presence of this glorious fortune, and before this abundant bliss he opened the gates of liberality and beneficence for all mankind. On the morning after that world-illuminating day his Majesty Jahānbānī sat on the throne of fortune and attainment, and received the homage (kōrnish) of the pillars of the state and of the soldiery and servants, while at the same time the nations were made fortunate by kissing the threshold, and raising the hands of supplication implored from God the enduring glory of the Khilāfat, and the uprearing of the standards of empire. His Majesty threw open the gates of justice and beneficence before all people and tranquilly spent the winter aloft in the citadel in serving the Creator and in comforting His creatures. Of the events which happened about this time there were the deaths of Yūnus ‘Alī and Mūyīd^482a Beg who were leading officers of the Court. At the same time it came to the ears of his Majesty that Khwāja Mu‘aẓẓam was plotting to run away in company with Muqaddam Beg,^482b and to convey themselves to M. Kāmrān. This vexed greatly his noble heart. He exiled Muqaddam Beg to Kashmīr and discarded Khwāja Mu‘aẓẓam. By the felicity of his Majesty's presence and his bounteous shade the country of Kābul became an abode of security and peace and a resting-place of Divine mercy.

'Tis ever the way of noble grantors of desires and auspicious-minded lords to seize opportunities for liberality, and to fulfil a choice worship, whose acmè is the conquest of affections, under the guise of Use and Wont—a course whereby they are protected from the dulled vision of blear-eyed mortals. Accordingly now that fortune's breeze was blowing afresh, and the rose-garden of attainment had bloomed anew, the custom of circumcision, as applied to the new growth of fortune's garden, and fresh offshoot of the palm of glory and grandeur, was made an occasion for the contentment and enrichment^483a of mankind. In the prime of spring, when the spirit of plants was in motion and the nightingale of delight was on the wing—

Verse.

“Violets raised their head from the stream's lip
Earth was ambergris-perfumed from the fragrance of flowers,
The fragrant breeze of morn, let us say
Carried a thousand musk-bags in her bosom.”

He ordered that an encampment should be made in the Urta^483b Bāgh, a most delightful spot, and that affection might all the more be won—and this in truth is the giving of thanks to the Almighty, he threw open the gates of joy and pleasance, and in renewal of the splendours of Kaikāūs and of Kaiqubād it was directed that their Highnesses the Begams should grace the entrancing garden with their presence, according^484a to their ranks and conditions, while the Amīrs and the city-magnates should occupy the Cār Bāgh. All the Amīrs bound the girdle of endeavour on the waist of joy and undertook these arrangements. The city magistrates, and leading men exerted themselves in an admirable fashion, while the artists and craftsmen vied with one another in decorating the shops, and in promoting the briskness of the bazar. Soon there was such ornamentation as exceeds description. Every day his Majesty Jahānbānī came and adorned the banquet, and he distinguished everyone by sympathetic expressions suitable to their rank and condition. Before the festival (of the circumcision) took place Qarāca Khān, Muṣāḥib Beg, and other familiars of the Court, who had been sent to convey her Majesty Mariam-Makānī, arrived from Qandahār, and her blissful advent increased the rejoicings.

It occurred to his Majesty Jahānbānī that he should make manifest to great and small the touchstone-capability (‘iyār-i-dānish) of the Shāhinshāh, from whose brow there streamed while yet of tender years, thousands of rays of light divine. He therefore arranged a princely festival in the pavilions of chastity. All the great ladies attended in the gynaeceum.^484b For the instruction of the spectators his Majesty the Shāhinshāh was brought in on the shoulder of respect and placed on the auspicious Divan, and in conformity with orders her Majesty Mariam-Makānī entered in the train of the other ladies, and without being distinguished in any way. The design of the king was that the prince (lit. the light of the eye-pupil of the Sulṭānate) should single out his honoured mother from the crowd of ladies. By light divine his Majesty, without difficulty, hesitation, or mistake, and in virtue of his abiding intelligence and innate discernment took refuge with his saintly mother, and put himself into her arms. On beholding this glorious act—surprising to the minds of the superficial and to persons who are swayed by what is usual—a shout arose among the spectators, and they recognised the power of the eternally-nourished one, and prodigy of fate's worship. All perceived that this was not the work of the bodily senses which put a difference between childhood and adolescence. Rather it was nought but spiritual intuition and Divine teaching. 'Twas holy light breaking forth from its ambushes by the instrumentality of this nursling of Fortune's garden.

Of a truth, the veil of distance can be no hindrance to what is eternally conjoined, nor apparent remoteness any impediment to spiritual propinquity. And when we consider the matter what room is there for remoteness? For, in this firstling of Life's rosebush there is perfect contact with the Primæval, and the diffusive lights of being, the perfecting (takmīl) of the bodily frame, and the burnishing (taṣqīl) of the senses assume form pari passu (darja ba darja). And there is close relation with the glorious world of the Holy and the Absolute to whose verge there is no entrance for the darkness of ignorance, or the plethora of heedlessness. Nor is it hidden from those who can look far into the world of mystery that though this sublime Master seemeth to have been engendered amid bodily elements and from protoplasm (mawadd-i-hayyūlānī) yet as regards the source of his nature and the root of his being his forefathers and foremothers have been procreated from him so that spiritually and in an esoteric sense he is the Father of Fathers. And to his Majesty Jahānbānī—that curtain-raiser of celestial mysteries—it was manifest that the Cosmoplast of the outer world had brought this nursling of Creation's Spring into the field of actuality in order, firstly, that he might experience the stages of mortal life, and secondly, that he might bring together and compose the distractions of the world. In short he (Humāyūn) under the guise of the rite of circumcision offered thanksgiving to the Bestower of spiritual and temporal blessings. Each day there was a novel, royal feast, and thanks were returned to the world-adorning Creator. The great ones of realm and religion came from all parts, and were made happy by royal gifts. Among these, Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā had the honour of performing obeisance. The brief account of him is that on the first^485a uprearing of fortune's standards on the borders of Qandahār he separated from M. Kāmrān, as has already been described, and proceeded to Badakhshān. As he could not succeed there, he set off in order to enter his Majesty Jahānbānī's service. At the time that the sublime army proceeded from Qandahār to conquer Kābul, the Mīrzā after experiencing the world's hardships arrived at Qandahār. Bairām Khān showed him every hospitality there, and then in accordance with orders he had the felicity of paying his respects to his Majesty Jahānbānī at that joyous time (the circumcision festival). He had the good fortune also to do homage to the Shāhinshāh and to be made fortunate by the glances of favour.

During this joyful season, which was the time of the adorning of pleasure's springtide, and the period of decking the garden of dominion and prestige, at a moment when the constellations were shedding light from favourable aspects upon mortals the meeting for the decorating of the young plant of the Divine rose garden, to wit, for the circumcision of his Majesty the Shāhinshāh, was held with thousands of rejoicings. The materials (asbāb) for the joy of mankind were brought together, the gates (abwāb) of joy were opened for mortals. Small and great shared in the princely gifts, and high and low experienced the royal favour. The world's pains (kulfathā) ended in pleasure (ulfat) and the world's differences changed into unison. The captains presented their gifts, and were exalted by grand favours. In the midst of these celebrations his Majesty for the cheering of hearts, which is a great buttress of sovereignty, proceeded towards Khwāja Reg Rawān,^486a and ordered festivities. A world obeyed order was issued that the amīrs should wrestle^486b with one another. His Majesty himself by means of the balance of inspection picked out equally-matched antagonists. His Majesty wrestled with Imām^486c Qulī Qūrcī and M. Hindāl did so with Yādgār Nāṣir M. After that he went to Khwāja Se^487a Yār to visit the arghawān groves. Then he returned and bade preparations be made for a great feast. He distributed fiefs, presents, and robes of honour to the servants of the threshold in accordance with their deserts. M. Hindāl obtained Ghāznīn and its dependencies while Zamīn Dāwar and Tīrī were given to Ulugh Mīrzā. All those connected with the Court received gifts in proportion to their conditions, and the tribes of mankind abode with tranquillity and ease of heart in the shade of abundance, and the light of favour.

Among the events which occurred during the festivities was the arrival of the ambassadors of Shāh Ṭahmāsp. They brought congratulations on the victory and delivered suitable gifts. At their head was Walad Beg whom his Majesty welcomed with princely favours. Another was the arrival of Shāh^487b Qāsim Taghāī who brought a petition and gifts from M. Sulaimān. But the Mīrzā's excuses for not coming in person had not the honour of being accepted by his Majesty, and a peremptory order was issued for his attendance and he was informed that his reputation for sincerity and loyalty depended upon his appearing in person^487c to do homage. Another thing which happened about this time was the arrival of Mīr Saiyid ‘Alī who was eminent in Afghānistān and Balūcistān for his possessions and for his honesty. He resided near Dūkī which is an appurtenance of Sind.^487d He greeted the threshold with the foot of integrity and the head of sincerity, and became a recipient of royal favours. Dūkī was awarded to him. About the same time Lavang Balūc, who was a leader among his people, came along with his brethren and did homage. His Majesty received him likewise with favour and granted him Shāl and Mastang. These visitors were granted their desires and dismissed rapidly lest the wild nature of such dwellers in clachans (rūstā parwardān) should prove too strong for them, and delay be inimical to their constitutions.

Among the things which happened about this time there was this, that Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā from an ill-fatedness and an inward wickedness made a confused jumble of all favours, past and subsequent, and placed them in the alcove of oblivion and contumaciously took his stand on the path of wickedness and perversity. He gave ear to wretches of whom Muẓaffar the foster-brother of M. ‘Askarī was the ringleader, and continually harboured evil thoughts. When these facts came, one after the other, to the knowledge of his Majesty, and were confirmed by honest intelligencers, especially when ‘Abdul Jabbār Shaikh, who was a most trustworthy person, and was intimate with one of the plotters and shared his counsels, came and detailed the circumstances after inquiry, the holy heart of his Majesty Jahānbānī Janna-t-āshiyānī became disgusted and he had Muẓaffar Kōka seized and put to death. Then he sent for Yādgār Nāṣir M. and reproached him by the mouth of Qarāca Khān. The substance of the rebuke was as follows: “We thought that when we had passed over your grievous offences, and had bestowed boundless favours on you, you would take warning and atone for your transgressions, past and present, and that even the ungrateful might have a limit and some discretion.” The Mīrzā cast aside shame, and sometimes was silent and sometimes denied or feigned ignorance. His Majesty, after making categorical^488a statements (of his offences) and after royal reproofs, directed Ibrāhīm Isḥāk Āqā and others to confine him in the Kābul citadel (the Bālā Ḥiṣar) near the room where M. ‘Askarī was imprisoned.

One of the things that happened at this time was the death of Caghatāī Sulṭān, who was a young Mogul prince and the unique of the age for beauty and character. His Majesty Jahānbānī regarded him with affection and distinguished him by favours. He felt his loss deeply, but reflecting on the Divine decree which hath assigned existence absolute to the other world, and to this world only contingent existence, he wisely took refuge in submission and self-surrender. Mīr Amānī uttered this chronogram.

Verse.

Sulṭān Caghatāī was the rose of Beauty's rosarium,
Of a sudden, Death led him to paradise,
In the rose-season he designed leaving this garden,
Hearts were ingulphed in blood from grief for this likeness of a rosebud,
I sought his date from the bereaved nightingale,
Sighing he said “The rose hath left the garden.”^489a

When the disaffection of M. Sulaimān became confirmed, and it was made certain that he had twisted away his head from the burden of commands, and that the idea of sovereignty was paining it, and that he was inwardly troubled by this vain imagination, his Majesty Jahānbānī, in the beginning of 953 (March 1546), turned the rein of intention towards Badakhshān. One of the Mīrzā's rebellious acts was that after the taking of Kābul he laid hold of Khūst and Andarāb, which were in the possession of M. Kāmrān,^490a and had been assigned to one of the royal servants. As moreover, by theory and practice the whole of Badakhshān did not belong to M. Sulaimān, his Majesty desired also to take away Qandūz and its dependencies and to make them over in fief to one of his followers, and bade him be contented with what his Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdaus-makānī had given to his father. When his Majesty's dominions should be enlarged, his fief too would be increased. In consideration, however, of the Mīrzā's circumstances Qandūz was left as it was. The Mīrzā ignorantly averted his face from his benefactor, and openly smote the door of opposition, and had the khuṭba read in his own name. His Majesty resolved to extinguish the flames of disaffection. He left his Majesty the Shāhinshāh under God's protection and set out in a propitious hour, and halted at Yurat Cālāk.^490b He took M. ‘Askarī along with him. He had anxieties about Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā, and when the army reached the Ulang of Qarā Bāgh^490c he determined that he would relieve him of the pangs of existence and thereby give peace and security to the State. For the match of his strife, and the spark of his contentiousness were like to consume all the families. An order to this effect was sent to Muḥammad ‘Alī Taghāī who had charge of Kābul. He out of complete simplicity and want of perspicuity returned for answer, “I have never killed a sparrow, how can I achieve the killing of the Mīrzā.” His Majesty passed over his simplicity and charged Muḥammad Qāsim Maujī with this most proper service and he in the night-time sped the arrow of death by a bowstring.^491a When the holy heart was at rest from the malevolence of the Mīrzā, his Majesty marched under the Divine guidance towards the Badakhshāns (Badakhshānāt). When he arrived at Andarāb and had encamped at the garden of ‘Alī Qulī Andarābī, M. Sulaimān owing to his evil fortune advanced to offer battle and drew up at the village of Tīrgirān^491b which is a dependency of Andarāb. When his Majesty heard this, he sent forward M. Hindāl, Qarāca Khān, Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān and a number of other brave men. A great battle ensued between the royal army and the Mīrzā. The latter protected himself by a trench and stood firm, while Mīrzā Beg Barlās and a body of archers discharged their arrows from behind it. M. Hīndāl, Qarāca Khān and Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān displayed their valour and Khwāja Mu‘aẓẓam and Bahādur Khān were wounded by arrows, and had to dismount. Walad^491c Qāsim Beg, Ja‘far Beg and the bodyguards, and Aḥmad Beg, and Dūghān^491d Beg who belonged to the Shāh's special bodyguard and who in company with the ambassador served his Majesty in this fight, came to the ground in consequence of their horses falling. The result hung in the balance till a body of devoted servants such as Shaikh Buhlūl, Sulṭān Muḥammad Fawrāq, Laṭīfī of Sahrind, Sulṭān Ḥusain Khān, Muḥammad Khān^492a Jalāīr, Muḥammad Khān Turkamān, M. Qulī Jalāīr, M. Qulī,^492b brother of Ḥaidar Muḥammad Khān, and Shāh Qulī Nāranjī^492c relying on the invisible Opener attacked M. Beg. And having by God's help crossed the trench, they raised their swords and briskly attacked the foe. The latter could not maintain themselves or abide the onset and fled, reckoning dispersion and route as a gain. On every side the braves of the field of action and lions of battle's jungle advanced on the plains of victory. Ere his Majesty had mounted his swift steed the reverberation of victory sounded in his ears. The voice of exaltation burst forth. M. Sulaimān did not remain firm but went off towards the defiles of Khōst by way of Nārīn^492d and Ishkamish. Tūlak of Ṭālīqan, M. Beg Barlās,^492e and Avīs Sulṭān who was a scion of the kings of Moghulistān separated themselves from M. Sulaimān and did homage. M. Hindāl and a body of heroes were ordered to seize the fugitives and his Majesty himself took part in the pursuit. Many Badakhshānī horses fell into the hands of the brave warriors, and his Majesty arrived by the Pass of Shāshān^492f at the valley of Khōst. M. Sulaimān fled miserably with a few followers to Kūlāb.^492g The Badakhshān nobles and soldiers came in crowds and did homage and everyone of them was treated with consideration and with favours suitable to their position. On account of the abundance of fruits his Majesty remained several days in Khōst^492h and was the accomplisher of the wishes of the people. For the purpose of hunting waterfowl and partridges and for fishing he proceeded to Warask.⁴⁹²ⁱ There he practised the netting^493a of birds (ganjishk) which is a speciality of that place. From thence he went to Kalāōgān^493b and from there to Kishm.^493c M. Sulaimān did not think it advisable to remain in that neighbourhood and so had crossed the Āmū and was there in perturbation with a few followers. One thing that happened at Kishm was that a servant of Shāh Ṭahmāsp named Khusrū^493d had fled and entered his Majesty Jahānbānī's service. He had used some improper language about the Shāh, and Dūghān Beg, Ḥusain Beg and Ja‘far Beg of the Shāh's bodyguard and who were in attendance on his Majesty, on hearing of this met Khasrū in the Kishm bazaar and killed him. His Majesty disapproved of this lawlessness and imprisoned them, but after some days he, at the intercession of Ḥusain Qulī Sulṭān Muhrdār, drew the line of forgiveness over their offence.

When the affairs of Badakhshān had been settled, Qandūz and its dependencies were given to M. Hindāl, and much of Badakhshān was divided in fiefs among the officers. Mun‘im Khān was made taḥṣīldār of Khōst, and Bābūs was sent to collect the revenues of Ṭālīqān.^493e His Majesty resolved that for the better management of the affairs of Badakhshān and for the comfort of the subjects and soldiery he would make Qil‘a Ẓafar his winter-quarters. He therefore proceeded in that direction; but when he came to Shākhdān, between Kishm and Qil‘a Ẓafar, he fell ill and so had to halt there for nearly two months. At the beginning of this illness he lay unconscious for four days, and on this account unpleasing rumours became rife, and men left their fiefs and came in. M. Hindāl left his post with improper ideas and in concert with other officers came as far as the bank of the Kōkca, and the partizans of M. Sulaimān raised their heads here and there. But Qarāca Khān came with a number of loyalists and pitched his tent in the royal courtyard and confined M. ‘Askarī who was likely to be seditious, bringing him into his own tent. Qarāca acted as a personal attendant, and waited on his Majesty during his sickness. No one entered the Presence except Khwāja Khāwand Muḥmūd^494a and Khwāja Mu‘īn.^494b On the fifth day, which was the beginning of the convalescence, his Majesty showed signs of improvement, and Mīr Barka entered and paid his respects. When his Majesty's glance fell upon him, the Mīr became agitated and showed a desire^494c to sacrifice himself as a thanksgiving for his Majesty's recovery. His Majesty said “Mīr,^494d God hath spared (bakhshīd) me.” The Mīr gave some hints of the confusion of affairs and of the rectitude of Qarāca Khān. His Majesty had him called, and spoke benignantly to him, and expressed his sense of his services. At the same moment he sent a rescript of favour to the ornament of dominion, the tender plant of the stream of sovereignty, the head and trunk of fortune's springtide, to wit, his Majesty the Shāhinshāh, by the hands of Faẓīl Beg, lest any evil tidings should have reached there and have dimmed the radiant heart of that nursling of Divine light, or should have caused commotions in that country. By a happy coincidence Faẓīl Beg arrived with the firmān of favour on the morning after the night on which the distressing news of his Majesty's illness had reached Kābul. The coming of the glad tidings dispelled grief and was productive of universal order and steadfastness. The flames of discord died down, and M. Hindāl hastened back to his place, and everyone else went back to his jāīgīr.

Among the occurrences of this year was the killing of Khwāja Sulṭān Muḥammad Rashīdī^495a who held the office of Vizier. The short history of this event is as follows: Khwāja Mu‘aẓẓam in conjunction with sundry vagabonds, whose brains were ruined, adopted some bigoted^495b phrases of the religious views of some heretical, worthless fools who had no power of reflection in their natures, and were entangled in wordy wranglings, whose nostrils took in naught of the fragrance of truth and justice and in the tree of whose understanding there was no fruit produced by the flowers of knowledge, and having conceived faithless bigotry to be faith he came into the quarters of the Khwāja on the night of 21st Ramaẓān, 16th November, 1546, just as the day's fasting was over, and broke his fast by giving him of the water^495c of the sword of ignorance for his final draught. Then fearing the wrath of the king, which is typical of Divine chastisement, he took to flight. When this news came to the ears of his Majesty he sent men to seize him and his companions, and a strict order was despatched to the authorities in Kābul, which was the residence of those ill-starred ones. Muḥammad ‘Alī Taghāī, Faẓīl Beg and others, who were in the service of his Majesty the Shāhinshāh, and were managing the affairs of Kābul, on receiving the command seized Khwāja Mu‘aẓẓam and his companions and imprisoned them.

When there appeared at Shākhdān signs of convalescence in the burning frame (mizāj-i-wahhāj) of his Majesty Jahānbānī he seated himself in the guarded litter of the Divine favour and proceeded towards Qil‘a Ẓafar. Maulānā Bāyazīd who was an eminent physician and had been nominated as tutor to his Majesty the Shāhinshāh, and whose grandfather had been in the service of that Alexander^496a and Aristotle (Sikandar-Makānī Arisṭō-Nishānī) Mīrzā Ulugh Beg, and had been distinguished among all the mathematical observers, performed excellent service during this illness. When his Majesty reached Qil‘a Ẓafar he soon recovered his health, and his equilibrium was restored. By the completion of the recovery of his Majesty Jahānbānī joy and delight came into the hands of the desires of mortals. In accordance with orders a grass^496b house was built and he often distributed justice and happiness therefrom. From it Sherafkan, the son of Kūc Beg, received investiture of Kahmard, Ẓuḥāk and Bāmīān. And from excess of kindness his Majesty announced that when the army arrived at Kābul he would add Ghōrband to his fiefs. His Majesty took the pleasure of tasqāwal^496c —hunting which in the Badakhshān language is called shikār-i-nihilam.

The dread residence of his Majesty in Badakhshān wrought dismay in all Tūrān. The Usbeks gathered together and were full of apprehension, and could find no suitable remedy for their fears.

'Tis an ancient canon and an established ordinance that when God the Creator of the world wills to set an elect one on the throne of sway over mortals and by establishing him on a kingdom-adorning seat to place in his mighty hand the bridle of men's hearts, He maketh him in the beginning of his course the alighting-place of divers difficulties and the receptacle of sundry afflictions to the end that he may the more fully appreciate the force of the unending favours which stand ready for him in the hidden world; so that by becoming conversant with the varied stages of existence he may come to know personally Grace and Wrath, expansion and contraction, joy and sorrow. All this is clear to those who are familiar with ancient records, and are cognisant of old stories. But inasmuch as the personality of the holy product of the meeting^498a of the two seas of the Divine Power (Jalāl) and the Divine Beauty (Jamāl), his Majesty the Shāhinshāh, to wit, is by virtue of the Eternal Decree designated for all the stages of knowledge, and as the world-adorning Deity created him a wise-hearted^498b Teacher and an illuminated, farseeing soul needing not the instruction of any of the sons of men, the apparition of those calamities was not to acquaint him with Grace and Wrath, nor to burn away carnalities and mortalities. Rather did the order of the manifestations of the glories of opposing qualities and the notes of conflicting attributes unveil themselves as of course and in their full perfection. And there was an illustration^498c of this in his carly years, for at that time his holy soul kept aloof from inappropriate teaching. These truthful remarks will make it clear to the wise and the admonished that it is in the eyes of the superficial that such facts^499a are regarded as arising from abundance of instruction and a surplus of knowledge, while in the eyes of those who see the truth they are but the inevitable refulgence of a personality imbued with wisdom from of old. And whenever the bitter^499b waters of affliction are to be poured into the lips of one who stands afar off from the courts of Unity, and is a bewildered wanderer in the desert of astoniedness, there is in the first place a curve (lit. a fold or wrinkle) of magnificence cast into his forehead^499c of acceptance and he is made the originator of divers act of ingratitude, and the shower-forth of varieties of injustice and tyranny, till he be flung into eternal wrath and everlasting punishment. This is a figure of the condition of M. Kāmrān who fell out with his benefactor and elder brother, his eternal superior, chosen one of God, king of the age, and just ruler, and wrought the destruction in life, estate and honour, of many a servant of God.

In fine, a strange disaster occurred during this time of enjoyment, when the capacious soul of his Majesty was a palatial garden of mirth and rejoicing. A desolating report came that M. Kāmrān was strife-mongering and that he had suddenly fallen upon the city of Kābul and brought it into his possession, and that Sherafkan had, heedless of the end of things, gone over to the Mīrzā. His Majesty Jahānbānī's sanctified heart was troubled, firstly, by the fate of his Majesty the Shāhinshāh; secondly, by sympathy for the citizens and subjects, who are a trust from the Creator, and who should be tended not less carefully than the children; thirdly, by the rebellious proceedings of the Mīrzā and the results thereof. He addressed himself with celestial genius to the remedying of these disturbances, and displayed suitable solicitude for putting an end to the outbreak. And Abūl Faẓl, the writer of this noble record, turns away from amplitude of language, in order that he may give an account of events, and hastens towards narration, and gives a brief and parenthetical account of the circumstances so that the lips of those athirst for the waters of words may be satiated.

The description of the occurrence is as follows. When the army of fortune took Qandahār and came to the environs of Kābul, and all the Kābul army and all the people of that country were delighted at the good tidings of his Majesty Jahānbānī's advent, and separated from the Mīrzā and came in crowds and did homage, the Mīrzā turned away from the path of advice and the road of obedience and loyalty and becoming a bewildered wanderer in the desert of perturbation and want took the road to Ghaznīn. He forsook the blessing of service and absconded. M. Hindāl, Muṣāḥib Beg and a number of others were sent after him, as has been related in the account of the taking of Kābul. But when no trace of him could be found, and it was not known which way he had gone (lit. no dust rose up from his path) the pursuers returned in obedience to the royal commands and came to Kābul. This Mīrzā brought himself in all haste to Ghaznīn. The rulers and inhabitants of that place were favoured by fortune, they strengthened the fort and did not open the gate of inclination for him. The Mīrzā's false representations were unsuccessful; so he hastened from these to the house of Khiẓr Khān Hazāra. He treated the Mīrzā with hospitality and brought him to Tīrī, and from thence to Zamīn Dāwar. Ḥisāmu-d-dīn ‘Alī, the son of Mīr Khalīfa, was in Zamīn Dāwar. He strengthened the fort and fought bravely, and courageously guarded the fort. When this news was brought to his Majesty he made over Ghaznīn to M. Hindāl and Zamān Dāwar and its appurtenances to M. Ulugh, giving him also a standard, a kettle-drum and a tuman tūgh. He also sent an order to Bairām Khān to join Yādgār Naṣir M., who had come there (Qandahār) to act loyally, to M. Ulugh and to send them against M. Kāmrān. He also sent a rescript to Yādgār Nāṣir M. to act in concert with M. Ulugh in putting down M. Kāmrān and by means of this service to move upwards on the steps of amendment of his past crimes. The Mīrzās went together from Qandahār to Zamīn Dāwar, and when the news of their approach reached the Mīrzā's camp, the Hazāras dispersed into the wilds and M. Kāmrān withdrew. He hurried off to Bhakkar and took refuge with Shāh Ḥasan Arghūn. M. Ulugh Beg took firm possession of his fief; and Yādgār Nāṣir M. made as it were, a pilgrimage to the service of his Majesty. In Kābul he learnt the bliss of service as has already been stated. M. Kāmrān came to a halt in Sind and married the daughter of the Ruler of Tatta, who had already been betrothed to him. He had stayed there for some time devising mischief when the news came of his Majesty Jahānbānī's illness, which had occurred in Badakh-shān. After that there came other bad news. The Mīrzā asked help from the Ruler of Tatta and resolved to go to Kābul. The ruler of Tatta thought this a great opportunity and sent a body of troops with the Mīrzā. Some were of opinion that he should first seize Qandahār, and then go to Kābul. But as Qandahār was secure under the control of Bairām Khān, Kāmrān set before himself the capture of Kābul and boldly hastened there. Near Qilāt he fell in with a number of Afghān merchants who were bringing horses. He arbitrarily took the horses from them and gave them to his men. From thence he hastened to Ghaznīn, and arrived there unexpectedly. Zāhid Beg was holding the fort for M. Hindāl and was spending his time in drunkenness and negligence. He was completely intoxicated on the night when the Mīrzā arrived. By the help of the butcher ‘Abdu-r-raḥmān, the Mīrzā's men secretly ascended, and got possession of the fort. Zāhid Beg was brought drunk before the Mīrzā, and the wretches cast him in his drunkenness from the pinnacle of life into the abyss of annihilation. The Mīrzā left his son-in-law Daulat Sulṭān in Ghaznīn, and leaving there also a number of men from Bhakkar under the leadership of Mulk Muḥammad, who was a confidential servant of the Ruler of Tatta he went as rapidly to Kābul. He arrived there at dawn without warning. He first went to the headdress-maker's gate. He learnt that Muḥammad Taghāī was in the hot bath, and it would appear that there too (referring to what occurred at Ghaznīn) drunkenness had brought him into the stupor of cropsickness. ‘Alī Qulī Ūghlī, one of the Mīrzā's bodyguard, entered the bath and brought out Muḥammad ‘Alī naked. The Mīrzā gave him his ablution with the water of the sword, and entered the fort. Pahlwān Ashtar, who had charge of the Iron Gate, opened it in accordance with a compact, and the Mīrzā entered the city, which now came into his possession. On the morning when this occurrence took place, Ḥājī Muḥammad ‘Asas^502a came and saluted the Mīrzā. The latter said ‘How have I gone and how have I come back’! ‘Asas replied “You went in the evening and you came in the morning.” The Mīrzā went up to the citadel and took up his quarters there. Shamsu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān Atka brought his Majesty the Shāhinshāh with all reverence before M. Kāmrān. The Mīrzā, on beholding that theatre of miracles involuntarily became gracious and gentle. He shewed him various favours, but from short-sightedness put his Majesty, who was under the shadow of the protection of God, into the charge of his own men.

When M. Kāmrān had brought Kābul into his possession, he practised various kinds of cruelty and opened his hands to shed people's blood and to seize their property. He caused Mihtar Wāṣil and Mihtar Wakīl, who were special royal slaves, to be blinded. Ḥisāmu-d-dīn ‘Alī, son of Mīr Khalīfa, whom his Majesty had summoned to his personal service, and whose fief he had transferred to Ulugh Mīrzā, had come about this time to Kābul and Kāmrān in revenge for his firmness at Zamān Dāwar had him castrated and put to death in a most horrible manner. Cūli Bahādur too, who was a loyal and approved servant, was put to death, and Khwāja Mu‘aẓẓam, Bahādur Khān, Atka Khān, Nadīm Kōka and many other household servants were put into prison. The Mīrzā thus prepared for himself spiritual and temporal ruin, and an evil name in realm and religion, He was continually tempting and ruining men by deceitful letters.^502b Among such was Sherafkan who was induced to desert; and Ḥasan Beg Kōka and Sulṭān Muḥammad Bakhshī were by lies brought to separate themselves (from Humāyūn). Insincere, low dispositioned ones of narrow capacity for the idea of a small advantage put the dust of the world into the cup of their avarice and trod the path of disloyalty. And it appears that the main cause of the capture of Kābul was the discord of men and their negligence and want of vigilance and circumspection. For at that time Muḥammad ‘Alī Taghāi was Dārōgha of the city for his Majesty Jahānbānī, but he continually took the path of carelessness, and did not apply the rules of wariness. Faẓīl Beg too set up for himself a separate scheme (lit. a separate shop) in the city and had ideas of becoming independent (of Muḥammad ‘Alī). From smallness of capacity and inefficiency they opposed one another and struck an axe on their own foot. When Kābul fell into the hands of the Mīrzā he set about collecting troops and in arranging for sedition. A large number collected round him. One day he was seated on the top of the citadel, and Walad Beg, Abūl Qāsim and many others of the Shāh's bodyguard, who had got leave and were proceeding towards Persia came to pay their respects to the Mīrzā. His Majesty the Shāhinshāh was also adorning the Mīrzā's banquet with the light of his presence. All the Mīrzā's confidential servants were set upon rapacity (darpai akhẕ ū jar), and the men round about, who were like flies at the stall of a sweetmeat-seller, were falling upon one another. A good service presented itself to Abūl Qāsim, and he whispered to Walad Beg that it would be a loyal act if they who were thirty active men should do a brave deed in unison, finish off the Mīrzā, and glorify this young plant of the springtide of dominion and fortune, to wit, his Majesty the Shāhinshāh. Walad Beg, who was not a man of war, showed backwardness towards this proposal and said “We are travellers, why should we intermeddle”? As the top-thread of every act is bound to some special point of time what possibility was there of its appearing before that?

When the news of M. Kāmrān's strife and sedition reached the ears of his Majesty Jahānbānī he resolved, in spite of the extreme cold, and the abundance of ice and snow, to hasten by the defile of Ābdara,^504a and to extinguish the flames of sedition. His first step was to send a gracious missive to M. Sulaimān, pardoning his offences and restoring that dismayed desert-wanderer to house and home, and exalting him by conferring on him the territories which his Majesty Gīti-sitānī Firdaus-makānī had bestowed on his father. He confirmed M. Hindāl in possession of Qandūz, Andarāb, Khōst, Kahmard and Ghōrī and its neighbourhood, and thereupon he, under the guidance of God, and in a most auspicious hour, turned the reins of intent towards Kābul. On account of the protracted continuance of the ice and snow he stayed for some days in Ṭālīqān.^504b The Uzbegs looked upon his Majesty's return as a great gain and a grand escape, and one and all abode in peace and tranquillity. In fact the whole of Tūrān was relieved from the dread of the grand army. When the snow had abated his Majesty moved from Tālīqān towards Qandūz. M. Hindāl showed him hospitality there, and in order to gratify the Mīrzā his Majesty took up his quarters near the town in the garden of Khusrū Shāh. After the ‘Īd-i-Qurbān^504c he marched by the pass of Shibartū^504d to the pass of Rēgak,^504e and halted at Khwāja Seh Yārān (Three Friends). Sher ‘Alī, who posed as one of the trusty and sincere followers of the Mīrzā, had strongly fortified the Ābdara defile; but what can outward force do against inward (i.e., Divine) aid? or human strength against the Divine support? He fled before M. Hindāl and Qarāca Khān, but when the victorious cortége had passed through he came up from the rear and fell upon the baggage and the tents. When his Majesty had encamped at Cārīkārān, a large number, heedless of favours and of promises and covenants, deserted and joining M. Kāmrān obtained dignities (darajāt, lit. ascendings) which in reality were degradations (darakāt, lit. descendings). Among these were Iskandar Sulṭān and M. Sanjar Barlās son of Sulṭān Junaid^505a Barlās, sister's son of his Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdaus-makānī. His Majesty stayed in the borders of Zamzama, and exerted himself to strengthen the weak-hearted and the wavering. By compacts and covenants he knit up the hearts of the disheartened and convened a council. Those who received permission to speak represented that as M. Kāmrān had enclosed the city and made himself strong the proper course for them was to leave Kābul and to encamp at Būrī and Khwāja Pushta, so that they might be able to provision the troops. All agreed to this, and they marched from Zamzama. When they had gone a little way it came into the inspired mind of his Majesty that it was not advisable to go to Khwāja Pushta for many of the men had their families in the city, and would desert in consequence. And many perhaps would think that the army was going to proceed to Qandahār. The proper thing to do was to summon up one's courage and take possession of the enclosing lines (shahrband). If the Mīrzā came out to fight, so much the better; and if he did not, the men would not desert, and also they would be sheltered to some degree from the inconveniences of the rainy season. He sent for Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān and communicated to him this secret inspiration. He approved of the plan and it was settled accordingly. Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān with a body of troops proceeded by the way of the Minār pass while his Majesty set out by the Payān pass to conquer the city. The victorious troops had, under the leadership of M. Hindāl, reached the neighbourhood of Dēh-Afghānān and were near the shrine of Bābā Shashpar when Sherafkan came out at the head of a large body of M. Kāmrān's best men, and a hand to hand fight took place. Many of the imperial troops did not stand their ground. But M. Hindāl remained firm, and gave proof of courage and devotion. When this state of things became apparent to his Majesty he directed Qarāca Khān, Mīr Barka, and many others of the stamp of Shāh Qulī Nāranjī^506a and the like to advance and give a lesson to the rebels. They went forward, Mīr Barka being ahead of them all, and meanwhile Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān, and the body of men who had been dispatched in the direction above mentioned, came up, and the enemy was defeated. Sherafkan was made prisoner and brought before his Majesty. He being a mine of grace and gentleness was willing to confine him for some days so that he might get a lesson while in chains and return to his duty. But at the request of Qarāca Khān, and the urgency of all the loyalists who were enraged at his ingratitude and insincerity, he was put to death. His Majesty then proceeded towards Kābul by the way of the khiyābān^506b (avenue) while the imperial braves pursued the fugitives and arrived at the Iron Gate. Mīrzā Khiẓr Khān and a number of the Arghūnīān troops went off to the Hazārajāt. The wall (shahrband) fell into the possession of the imperialists, and his Majesty halted that day in the garden of Qarāca Khān. Many of the evil-disposed rebels, who had been made prisoners on the field of battle, were executed and Sher ‘Alī was disconcerted^506c and took refuge in the citadel. Those who were distracted^506d there obtained repose.

His Majesty Jahānbānī visited afterwards the Dīwānkhāna and Urta Bāgh gardens, and took up his quarters on the hill of ‘Aqābīn^506e which is over against the fort. Guns and culverins (ẓarbzanhā) were placed in position and discharged. Every day M. Kāmrān's men came out and had hand to hand conflicts. Mahdī Khān, his relation Calma Beg,^507a Bābā S‘aīd Qibcāq, Ism‘aīl Kūz,^507b Mullā Mabtalāī Aujī, and some other ill-fated ones fled from the victorious army, and joined the Mīrzā. His Majesty Jahānbānī ordered Qarāca Khān, Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān, and a number of others to seek for an encamping ground in front of the Yārak gate^507c for that was the proper place for taking post. He also directed that the siege-operations should be brought nearer to the fort, and that the charge of the batteries should be distributed, and the Mīrzā be pressed more closely. The persons deputed were searching for a site when 30 or 40 men came suddenly out from the Yārak gate. Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān attacked them and as they were not able to keep their ground they fled towards the fort. Meanwhile Sher ‘Alī came from inside the fort and engaged Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān, and inflicted a severe wound on his right arm. During this conflict the imperialists pressed forward and drove Sher ‘Alī inside the fort. They lifted up Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān, who was faint and powerless, and carried him to his quarters. He was ill for a long time, and it was reported that he was dead. His Majesty sent a messenger to him requesting that he would get on horse-back and come to the batteries. He mounted his horse in obedience to the request, and the market of the foes-joy fell flat. One day M. Sanjar son of Sulṭān Junaid who had gone off with the brand of faithlessness on his brow came out and attacked. His horse became unmanageable^507d and carried him as far as the Violet-Garden. He was made prisoner and brought before his Majesty who granted him his life, but sent him to prison. Muḥammad Qāsim^507e and Muḥammad Ḥusain who were sisters' sons of Pahlwān Dōst Mīr Barr^508a and who are now among the great officers, and have attained to high rank, threw themselves down from a bastion between the Iron Gate and the bastion of Qāsim Birlās, and in the ‘Aqābīn received the blessing of doing homage and like a brace of eagles^508b (‘aqābīn) clutched the prey of everlasting good fortune.

While this fighting was going on a large caravan arrived from abroad (Wilāyat)^508c at Cārīkārān. There were many horses in it and other goods. M. Kāmrān sent Sher ‘Alī with a body of trusty adherents to take possession of those goods, though Tardī Muḥammad Jang Jang, who was one of the Mīrzā's trusted followers, protested, and plainly said that if his Majesty Jahānbānī should hear of it and send his men and block their way so that they should not be able to rejoin the Mīrzā, they would be lost, and at the same time the Mīrzā's purpose would not be affected. The Mīrzā had his eyes fixed on the goods and would not receive this warning, and sent his men under the leadership of Sher ‘Alī. As soon as the news reached his Majesty Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān was appointed to the service of restraining those tyrants from their plunder. Ḥājī Muḥammad represented that the force had gone off at night and had done their work, and that if they followed them and failed to meet with them, they would escape. He suggested that the points commanding the roads and fords should be seized so that they should not be able to get inside the fort. His Majesty Jahānbānī agreed and himself came down from the hill and gave directions for occupying the stations and places of access. Sher ‘Alī and Tardī Muḥammad Jang Jang and the others who had reached the merchants forcibly took possession of their goods, and much thereof was plundered. On returning they wanted to enter the fort, but found the roads and fords closed against them. Tardī Muḥammad and Sher ‘Alī had an altercation and Tardī Muḥammad Jang Jang said “See, my words have come true”! Though they looked right and left, they could find no way of re-entering. They were dumbfounded and withdrew, and waited for an opportunity of getting in by stratagem.

One day Bāqī Ṣāliḥ, who was one of the valiant men of the garrison, eagerly brought M. Kāmrān near the Iron Gate, and boastingly said that by one sally he would bring Sher ‘Alī in by this gate. When they opened the gate a number of the Mīrzā's braves came out. The men of the battery, such as Muḥammad Qāsim Khān Maujī, Qāsim Mukhliṣ, and Jamīl Beg came forward and showed alacrity and courage. Sumbul Khān and 60 or 70 slaves did good execution with their muskets. Jamīl Beg was martyred, and Bāqī Ṣāliḥ, who was the cause of this disturbance, was killed^509a by a bullet, and Jalālu-d-dīn Beg, who was one of the Mīrzā's confidants, was severely wounded. Many others also were wounded. They failed in their object and closed the gate of the fort. Sher ‘Alī despaired of entering the fort and hurried off to Ghaznīn. His Majesty Jahānbānī despatched after him Khiẓr Khwāja Khān, Muṣāḥib Beg, Ismāīl Beg Dūldāī, and a large body of troops in order that they might by dint of courage make those luckless ones prisoners. They came up with Sher ‘Alī at the Sajāwand pass, and an engagement took place. The imperialists were victorious, and many horses and goods fell into their hands. Many prisoners were also made. Sher ‘Alī escaped with a few men to the Hazārajāt and took refuge in the house of Khiẓr Khān.^509b The imperialists returned victorious with much booty and were rewarded by boundless favours. The plundered merchants, who had taken protection at the holy court, were told to take whatever goods and horses they recognised, and thus many horses and goods were restored to their owners. This occurrence was a revival of fortune. The rebel prisoners were brought in front of the batteries and publicly put to death with varied punishments so that those who were slumbering on the bed of error might be aroused.

When there was no entrance or egress by any gate, and by no door could he obtain victory^509c for his designs, and no road was open save that of failure, M. Kāmrān set himself in his evil mind to punish sheltered striplings and innocent children and to defile pure-skirted ones. He made over^510a the wife of Bābūs to the people of the bazaar, and spilled upon the ground, with cruel tortures, the blood of his three boys, one of whom was seven, the other five, and the third three years old, and flung them down from the top of the fort to near the batteries of Qarāca Khān and Muṣāḥib Beg. He also hung upon the battlements Sirdār Beg the son of Qarāca Beg and Khudā Dōst the son of Muṣāḥib Beg, and sent a message to them to come and see him, or to let him depart, or to withdraw the king from the siege. Otherwise he would kill their sons as he had done those of Bābūs. Qarāca Khān, who was then prime minister, cried out with a loud voice, “God save His Majesty the king. Our houses and homes and our children must one day perish, and their non-existence cannot be avoided. What better thing can there be than their coming to an end in the path of their master and benefactor. What are children when our lives are a sacrifice for His Majesty. Depart from those vain thoughts, and come and humbly submit, which will prove your salvation and be the ornamentation of your life, so that as your well-wishers we may do for you the utmost in our power. Why do you frighten us by killing our children? If our children be really put to death, revenge for that is at hand.” His Majesty sent for Qarāca Khān and Muṣāḥib Beg and soothed them by sympathetic words and favours. The Mīrzā struck at men's honour and reputation by most unseemly conduct towards their women and children. He suspended the wife of Muḥammad Qāsim Khān Maujī by the breasts^510b (pistān basta). And inasmuch as the Mīrzā was sick with vexation and envy, every opposition which he in appearance made against His Majesty Jahānbānī was really resistance and opposition to the Almighty Creator. Every act of such a tyrant must inevitably fail of success, and in the end becomes the cause of his temporal and spiritual ruin.

M. Kāmrān in his folly and want of wisdom brought, for the sake of his own protection, that nursling of the garden of sovereignty and that new fruit of the springtide of the Khilāfat—viz., his Majesty the Shāhinshāh—in front of the guns, and kept him in a place where it was difficult, on account of the marksmen (qadr-andāzān) of the victorious army, for an ant or a grasshopper to pass. What humanity was this? Or what beast of prey or demon has such principles? Why did the tongue of him who gave such an order not grow dumb, and the arm of him who executed it not refuse its office when it encompassed that tree of fortune and planted it for such a purpose? The eye which could not see the manifest claims of his Majesty Jahānbānī—an elder brother, a venerated father's representative and a benefactor—; how could it perceive the world-adorning beauty of his Majesty the Shāhinshāh when concealed within the veil of honour, and when it was immature and in the dawn? How shall a heart which from the anguish of envy is trodden under foot of sorrow and is at enmity with Almighty God, perceive the rays of Divine light when enclosed in a human form? How shall he who cannot see the right path for himself divine the proper course for another? And inasmuch as the Divine Wisdom watched over that exhibition of hidden lights and kept him in the shelter of guardianship and the shadow of protection from evils and perils, and was surety for the safety of that Unique of the Age, it did not bring those wicked tyrants in a moment to the punishment of their deeds. Rather the design and intent of Providence with regard to those regardless ones had predetermined that they should be tossed about in the world and cast into the ashes of calamity and contempt, and by the revolutions of Time, degree by degree, and step by step, be brought^511a into dissolution (gudāẕish), and that the wicked actions of that oppressor should be flung gradually into the bosom of retribution, so that by beholding the final retribution other wrong-doers might take warning. Assuredly, when such things are looked upon with a purged vision, the recompense and retribution which comes into evidence by degrees and step by step is severer and more fatal in its exhaustive torments!

When the evil act (the exposure of Akbar) of this unspeakable crew was executed, the hands of the marksmen trembled, the arrows flew crooked, and the lintstocks congealed. Sumbul Khān, the master fireworker, felt his ardent soul grow cold, and thought within himself, “What can have happened”? God be praised! What evil-thoughted ones imagine to be failure and so press on in their wickedness becomes a means of perfection and an adminicle of security! This was instanced here. Firstly, that by being protected in so perilous a place by God from the strokes of seldom-missing marksmen, and of wondrous musketeers, shame was wrought for the wicked and blackhearted, and the beauty of instruction was conferred on the seekers after righteousness; and, secondly, that the miracle of fires displaying coldness and of lintstocks not becoming alight was manifested. When Sumbul Khān's eyes fell on the object-spot (masqaṭ-i-tīr, the lighting-place of the arrow), his powers of vision were quickened and he recognised his Majesty the Shāhinshāh. The horror of the sight almost drove the souls out of the bodies of the spectators, and the gunners became as dead men (qālab tahī kunand, emptied their bodies). The mystery became revealed to Sumbul Khān, and he understood why the fires had gone out. In a moment he withdrew his hand from the battery, and the dejected crew of traitors (firqa-i mutafarriqa-i bāghīa) were respited for a time from the severity of the royal artillery. Wherever God's protection stands sentinel o'er His Chosen One, what power have human stratagems to do him wrong? Though fools exhibited the unbecoming act, yet the Divine plan required the revelation of the mystery and was the exponent of this truth, so that mortals might have an explanation of the miracle and that every one might, in proportion to his intellect and capacity, reflect upon its nature and might, according to the measure of his understanding, comprehend good and evil. In short, wicked men compassed this event in order to lighten their sufferings and the pressure which was upon them, but the far-seeing and discriminating reckoned the move as causing the speedy downfall of those workers of iniquity.

In the meantime, M. Ulugh Beg came from Zamīn Dāwar and Qāsim Ḥusain Shaibānī^513a from Qilāt, and Khwāja Ghāzī, who had remained in the Shāh's camp, and Shāh Qulī Sulṭān,^513b who was related to Bairam Khān, came from Qandahār, and a number came in from Badakhshān. H.M. assigned them a battery by the Yārak Gate. Those right-minded men girt up their loins for service and the valiant heroes displayed more and more alacrity and energy and pressed the Mīrzā more and more closely. When all his schemes failed, he turned like a fox to fawning and to feline hypocrisy and came forward with protestations of shame and repentance and with blandishments. He represented through Qarāca Khān that he regretted the past and was desirous of entering into service and of making amends for the past, so that he might win over his Majesty's appreciative heart by acceptable services. Might now his life and estate be under the o'ershadowing protection of his Majesty's clemency as the offering of his shame and penitence. His Majesty by virtue of his noble nature accepted his statements and ordered the siege-operations to be slackened. As M. Hindāl, Qarāca Khān, Muṣāḥib Beg and many of the other officers had not freely quaffed the sweet waters of loyalty they, from regard to their own interests, which is a note of old, discord-loving service, did not wish the Mīrzā to make his submission. Why should I mention sincerity and loyalty? These are priceless jewels and rarely-found gems. If they be scarce among Turanians, in whose country they have long ceased to be procurable, what marvel is it? But they had not even the practical sense, which is the surety for one's own loss and gain, to do good in return for good. Those blind-hearted ones returned evil for good. Worse than this; they perpetually prepared the element of bloodshed and trouble for mankind, with the evil idea that thereby their own greatness and affluence would be increased. How were their thoughts linked together, or what consistent ideas did they possess? If they had understood even the lowest stages of loyalty, which carries with it so many blessings, they had never approved of thus endamaging themselves. If they were unacquainted with the sanctuary of loyalty, what had become of the bazaar of common sense that this faction did not come to know of it? If the ear of their understandings did not tell them of this, would that they had known the depression of sorrow and so not have struck so sharp a hatchet into their own feet.

At length that faction for their own evil designs terrified the Mīrzā, and sent a message to him saying, “with what hope do you remain in the fort, or with what hope will you come to the Presence. Day by day the siege-operations are becoming more and more complete, you should get out quickly by a certain battery;” and they referred him to the battery of Ḥasan Qulī Āqā. The Mīrzā, in accordance with this advice, came out by the Delhi Gate at the place which they had pointed out to him, on the night of Thursday, the 7th Rabī‘ al-awwal 954, 27th April, 1547, and absconded. He went towards Badakhshān, thinking that he might perhaps do something with the help of M. Sulaimān, or, failing that, might be helped by the Uzbegs. His Majesty Jahānbānī appointed Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān and a body of troops to pursue him, and entered the city of Kābul, which had been a wilderness of rebellion, and made it by his advent a pleasant home of friendliness. His Majesty the Shāhinshāh, a station of endless marvels, went forth to meet him and was made fortunate by entering the Presence. The chaste ladies also did homage. His Majesty Jahānbānī on beholding his Majesty the Shāhinshāh, displayed in heart and countenance fresh light and glory. What greater blessing could there be than this, that the eyes of a Jacob should be brightened by the beauty of a Joseph? Or what sublimer repose could there be than that the heart of such a sage (ṣāḥib dil) should be comforted by union with such a darling? In thanksgiving for the safety of the holy personality (Akbar), and for his well-being, he made vows, prayers, and alms, and applied fresh balm to the wounded hearts of mankind which were bleeding from the oppression of circumstances. Each one was soothed and comforted by manifold sympathies and consolations, and the distractions of pained hearts were changed into concords.^515a His Majesty Jahānbānī and his Majesty the Shāhinshāh took their seat with the lustre of dominion and the magnificence of prestige on the throne of victory and the masnad of honour. Though Ḥājī Muḥammad and the others who had been sent in pursuit of M. Kāmrān came up with him, they out of the glamour and fascination of old and disloyal service, let him^515b go as if they had not seen him. The Mīrzā slipped away but Āq Sulṭān^515c and a number of other followers were made prisoners. They were subjected to a just scrutiny and each received a punishment suitable to his offences. Among them, Sulṭān Qulī Atka, Tarsūn Mīrzā, a relation of ‘Abdullāh Mīrzā, Ḥāfiẓ Maqṣūd, Maulānā Bāqī Īrghū,^515d Maulānā Qadam Arbāb, and many others who were the ringleaders of strife and sedition were punished capitally. M. Kāmrān resolved upon flight, and arranged with his men that he would take refuge at the hill of Istālif, and that he would collect troops and prepare war. At the end of the night he went secretly towards Badakhshān along with ‘Alī Qulī Qūrcī by the way of Sanjad Dara. After a thousand (haẓār) distresses he passed on from the Hazārajāt with thousands of disgraces and ignominies towards Badakhshān. M. Beg, who was one of his confidents, and Sher ‘Alī joined him with a few men near Ẓuḥḥāk. When they got to Ghōrī he sent a message to M. Beg Birlās the ruler of that place and summoned him to his presence. He replied that disloyalty, the note of the wicked, would not come from him. The Mīrzā wished to pass by Ghōrī but one of his servants (qalaqcīān qu. qalūqcīān) abused him and said, “Why do you go with this fellow, (meaning the Mīrzā), who if he was the son of his Majesty Gītī Sitānī and had a drop of his spirit would never have let off the governor of Ghōrī so tamely or have left him scatheless.” The Mīrzā was stung by his taunts and said, “Why do you talk so idly and why don't you reflect? I am acting in this way because of your want of preparation; would I have let the thing pass in this way if you were equipped for war”? The madman again spoke roughly to the Mīrzā, and he turned back and fought with the governor of Ghōrī. The latter was defeated and Ghōrī fell into the Mīrzā's hands. Thus he got possession of some munitions of war. He left Sher ‘Alī there and went on to Badakhshān. He sent a messenger to M. Sulaimān and M. Ibrāhīm, inviting them to assist him, but they wisely did not give up their loyalty to the king, and were on their guard against helping the Mīrzā.

M. Kāmrān, being led away by his vain thoughts, went on towards Balkh in order that he might take refuge with Pīr Muḥammad Khān and with his help get possession of Badakhshān. His Majesty Jahānbānī appointed Qarāca Khān to the Badakhshānāt, so that he might in concert with M. Sulaiman and M. Hindāl and the other officers get possession of M. Kāmrān or drive him away. Qarāca Khān came to Badakhshān and went to Ghōrī along with the Mīrzās. Sher ‘Alī and some of M. Kāmrān's men were garrisoned there. Brave fightings took place and gallant men on both sides were killed. Among them was Khwāja Nūr, who was one of M. Hindāl's great men. Mullā Mīr Kitābdār, who was a favourite of M. Hindāl, also obtained martyrdom. At last the besieged could resist no longer and fled, and the fort fell into the hands of the king's servants. Meanwhile news came that M. Kāmrān and Pīr Muḥammad Khān had arrived from Balkh. The Mīrzās did not engage, but turned back into the defiles while Qarāca Khān proceeded towards Kābul. His Majesty Jahānbānī on hearing of the confusion in Badakhshān turned his rein in that direction. When he reached Ghūrband, Qarāca Khan came and did homage. But as Qarāca Khān's baggage had been plundered on the way^516a back (to Ghūrband?) by the Aimāqs, he was permitted to go to Kābul in order that he might collect materials and quickly join. His Majesty, on his account marched from Ghōrband and halted at the village of Gulbihār and occupied himself in making excursions and in hunting till Qarāca Khān arrived. After Qarāca Khān came, though the season was over, his Majesty adhered to his first resolve and proceeded towards Badakhshān. As the designs of Providence were not in accordance with this expedition, the passes of the Hindu Kōh were made difficult by snow, and a strange confusion occurred in the pass so that it was difficult to cross. In accordance with expediency, he returned to Kābul, resolving that in spring he would turn towards Badakhshān.

As it is fixed and recorded in the Academy of Divine knowledge, which is the “guarded tablet” of sempiternal writings— and all the arts and sciences in that sanctuary of the presence are the offspring of instruction's school—that the possessors of the new material of reason are to be brought, on the emergence of articulate speech, to learn the combinations of letters (ḥurūf-i-murakkaba) and to acquire general knowledge, viz., that which has been put together by united cares and intellectual essays, and by special progressions and classifications to walk in the beaten paths of reason, so this scholar of the Divine Academy and graduate of God's college was, in compliance with use and wont, taken to man's school on 7th Shawwāl of this year, 20th November, 1547, being the fourth^519a year, fourth month and fourth day of the eternity-conjoined life of his Majesty the Shāhinshāh. The weighty office was conferred on the Mullāzāda Mullā (teacher the son of a teacher) ‘Aṣāmu-d-dīn Ibrāhīm. Though in the eyes of the superficial his Majesty was taken to be taught, yet according to the view of the far-seeing he was carried to the lofty position of teacher. A strange thing was that his Majesty Jahānbānī, who was acquainted with celestial sciences and versed in the mysteries of the stars, had fixed, in consultation with acute astrologers and time-knowing astrolabe-conners, a special hour for the initiative of his Majesty's instruction, such as might happen once during cycles and lifetimes, but when the master-moment arrived that scholar of God's school had attired himself for sport and had disappeared! In spite of all endeavours and of sedulous search on the part of royalty, no trace of him could be found. The enlightened-hearted perceived from this wondrous mystery that the design was that this lord of lofty wisdom and special pupil of God should not be implicated and commingled with ordinary human learning, so that at the time of the revelation of this Khedive of subtlety it might be apparent to mankind that the knowledge of this king of knowers was of the nature of a gift, and not of an acquirement. In spite of this truth, however, letters and the current sciences manifest themselves gloriously in his Majesty's sanctified mind, whether they be those committed to writing by scientists, or such niceties and secrets as come from Wisdom's source without the intervention of teaching and being taught (ta‘līm ū ta‘allum). Accordingly when masters of wisdom, lords of the mathematics, those possessed of exoteric sciences, and the inheritors of all the arts, whether general or specific, reach the carpet of the holy Presence, they from a consciousness of their own ignorance sink the head of ashamedness in the collar of hesitancy, and abide in amazement. The inspired nature of his Majesty is strongly drawn to the composing of Híndī and Persian poetry and is critical and hair-splitting in the niceties of poetic diction. Among books of poetry, he recites off-hand the Maulavī's^520a Maṯnavī and the Dīwān of the “mystic-tongue,” and takes delight in their verities and beauties. The following weighty verse is a product of his Majesty's meditations.

Verse.

'Tis not the chain of insanity on the neck of the afflicted Majnūn;
Love hath laid a loving hand on his neck.

He has also strung glorious thoughts in the Hindī language, which may be regarded as masterpieces in this kind.

Verse.

Oh Thou congeries of excellencies, how may I express thee!

In fine, after they had kept him for some time with that meritorious teacher, engaged in recitations which were worse that none, those who only regarded externals dwelt upon the inefficiency of the tutor and set themselves to get rid of him. That helpless one was superseded, and Maulānā Bāyazīd was appointed. They did not know that the taskmasters of creation were taking care that the inspired mind of this nursling of Divine light should not become the reception chamber of inky impressions or the alighting-stage of the sooty types of the exoteric sciences.

During this auspicious time his Majesty Jahānbānī was in Kābul arranging for the distribution of provinces and for an expedition to Badakhshān, and for bringing to an end the affair of M. Kāmrān. M. Kāmrān came to despair of help from M. Sulaimān and M. Ibrāhīm, and went off with evil thoughts to Balkh in order that he might with Pīr Muḥammad^521a Khān's help obtain possession of Badakhshān. When he arrived at the village of Aibak^521b the Governor thereof received him courteously, but kept him under surveillance, and reported the circumstance to Pīr Muḥammad Khān. The latter regarded the Mīrzā's advent as a boon and sent trusty persons to welcome him. He conveyed the Mīrzā with all respect to his own house, and showed him hospitality. He also accompanied him to Badakhshān. The Mīrzās, in accordance with their resolve, retired to the mountainous borders of Badakhshān, and much of that country came into the possession of M. Kāmrān. Pīr Muḥammad Khān left a body of troops for M. Kāmrān's assistance and returned to his own country. The Mīrzā came to Kishm and Tālīqān, and sent Rafīq Kōka, and Khāliq Bardī with a body of Caghatāī and Uzbeg troops to Rūstāq. M. Sulaimān and M. Ibrāhīm collected the people of Kūlāb and came against Rūstāq. They came from Qil‘a Ẓafar and Khamalinkān^521c and fought bravely against Rafīq Kōka and the others, but by heaven's decree they were defeated and had to withdraw to the hill country. His Majesty Jahānbānī was pleasing his enlightened heart in Kābul, and his determination was that he would go to Badakhshān. As his servants' hearts were not sincere, this design abode under the veil of dilatoriness and delay (ta‘awwuq ū tawaqquf), and meanwhile Qarāca Khān, who had rendered good service and had become a station for endless favours, let the goblet of his understanding brim over, for the vessel was tiny and the wine plenteous, and without reflecting on his performances, rank, and condition, and on the lofty position of his master, set his foot outside of the path of moderation. So at length out of the stupidity which is natural to the immoderately exalted he uttered words which even the drunk and mad do not use. Among them was the expression of his wish that Khwāja Ghāzī, who as a reward for his abilities and good service had been appointed to the office of Dīwān, should be sent to him bound in order that he might put him to death,^522a and that his office should be given to Khwāja Qāsim Tūla.^522b As such a measure did not commend itself to his Majesty Jahānbānī, who was a spring of justice and compassion, Qarāca Khān, who in his vain thoughts imagined himself to be the pillar of the victorious dominion, seduced, in the blackness of his fortune, and inversion of his horoscope, a large body of men from the path, and went off towards Badakhshān. Bābūs, Muṣāḥib Beg, Ismāīl Beg Duldāī, ‘Alī Qulī^522c of Andarāb, Ḥaidar Dōst Moghal, Shaikham Khwāja Khiẓrī and Qurbān Qarāwal with nearly 3000 veteran horsemen, all of whom had been enticed by him, went off by Kotal Minār en route for Badakhshān and so trod the wilderness of error.

When his Majesty heard of this he wished to go off at once in person after those ill-fated ones who had turned away from the altar of auspiciousness. From observance of the favourable hour (for starting), he delayed setting out himself and despatched some of his followers to pursue the wretches. According as each of his loyal servants came up he was sent off, and so Tardī Beg Khān, Mun‘im Khān, Muḥammad Qulī Barlās, ‘Abdullāh Sulṭān and other loyalists hastened off, one after the other. Near midday, when the auspicious moment had arrived, his Majesty Jahānbānī mounted the horse of victory. A number of gallant youths pressed forward, and coming up with the rearguard of those headstrong ones, engaged them and overcame them. At the end of the day they came to close quarters with Qarāca Khān at the river;^522d night interposed to save the lives of those black-hearted ones, and they fled under its protection. They crossed by the Ghorband bridge, breaking it down afterwards. Those who had followed them returned, and did homage at Qarā Bāgh. His Majesty Jahānbānī's world-adorning mind decided to return to Kābul, and there to make preparations and to proceed against Badakhshān. The short-sighted fugitives left Tamar ‘Alī Shighālī, who was Qarāca Khān's vakil, in Panjshīr, that he might collect news there of affairs in Kābul, and having crossed a pass in the Hindū Kōh joined M. Kāmrān in Kishm. His Majesty Jahānbānī returned next day and refreshed the Urta Bāgh by the sunshine of his presence. He gave appropriate nicknames to all those sordid ones who had not recognised their duties to their king, and had been unfaithful to their salt. Thus he styled Qarāca Qarā Bakht (black fortune), Ismāīl Khirs (bear), Muṣāḥib Munāfiq (hypocrite), and Bābūs Daiyūs^523a (wittol). And he sent orders to M. Hindāl, M. Sulaimān, and M. Ibrāhīm to make preparations and to await the coming of the grand army. An order was also issued for Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān's coming from Ghaznīn to the Presence.

During this time when the preparations for an expedition against Badakhshān were engaging his mind, he was continually consulting prudent old men and wise young men, in whose foreheads there shone the jewel of sincerity. All those who had neither stout hearts nor clear vision urged the marching to Qandahār in order that preparations might be made there, and that thereafter they might proceed to quell the sedition of M. Kāmrān. Those who held in their hands the diploma of wisdom with the emblazonment of valour supported the royal idea of proceeding to Badakhshān. One day he said to Muḥammad Sulṭān,^523b “What do you say”? He replied, “M. Kāmrān is uplifted by the desertion of those ingrates. It seems likely that he will anticipate us and come into these territories. It appears to me that if the imperial army cross the Hindū Kōh first it will be victorious, otherwise—God forbid it—the dice will fall in another fashion.” His Majesty Jahānbānī said “The downfall of the uplifted has been repeatedly witnessed. “If he be uplifted, we are supplicants at God's Court.” He also repeated this verse.

Verse.

Let no one exult in his own strength,
For pride casts the cap from the head;

and he concluded, “What sense is there in delaying, God willing, we'll at this very^524a moment cross the pass.”

When the expedition had been determined upon—and the measure was a most necessary one, they set off at an auspicious hour on Monday, 5th Jumādā-al-awal, 955, 12th June, 1548, and encamped at Alang Cālāk.^525a After two or three days, they moved from there to Qarā Bāgh, where they remained ten or twelve days on account of some state-affairs. In spite of some rumours about his disloyalty, Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān came as a well-wisher, and Qāsim Ḥusain Sulṭān, who was in Bangash, also came and did homage, and was favourably received. At the same stage, M. Ibrāhīm under the guidance of an auspicious star came post-haste and paid his respects. The lights of special favour were shed on the forehead of his fortune. One of the wonderful things which were the heralds of countless victories was that when he was about to proceed to Badakhshān, his Majesty was standing in the ewer-room. Suddenly it occurred to his sanctified mind that “if this white bird (referring to a cock which was always in the room) come upon my shoulder and crow, it will be a sign of victory.” As soon as he had this thought, the auspicious bird came flying and flapping its wings like a humā, perched on his shoulder, and cast an auspicious shadow over the head of fortune. His Majesty returned thanks, and ordered that a silver ring be put on the bird's foot.^525b

Among the occurrences which were suitable preludes to victory was this that when M. Ibrāhīm arrived at Panjshīr^525c Tamar Shighālī intercepted him. Malik ‘Alī of Panjshīr joined the Mīrzā with his clan, and M. Ibrāhīm bravely engaged Tamar ‘Alī Shighālī, and routed him. He brought Malik ‘Alī of Panjshīr along with him as a precautionary measure, and introduced him to his Majesty Jahānbānī. This simple-minded well-wisher of the State was incommoded by having to travel with M. Ibrāhīm, on account of groundless anxieties about his lands,^526a and after a quarrel it came to fighting. Though the Mīrzā had but few men with him he displayed great superiority and conducted his own party to the Presence. Next day Malik ‘Alī sent his brother and preferred excuses for his offence, and he also sent the head of Tamar ‘Alī. His Majesty rewarded the messenger with a robe of honour and other presents, and sent a soothing letter to his brother. He wrote that the Mīrzā had not understood him, that his hereditary^526b loyalty was patent to his Majesty's heart, and that when his Majesty came to his territory he would treat him with royal favours; his Majesty also treated M. Ibrāhīm with much favour and called him his son. After bestowing royal benignities on him he gave him leave to depart in order that he might go and get M. Sulaimān ready with his army, and the munitions of war. He was to await the arrival of the royal army near Badakhshān. When it reached Tālīqān, they were to come and join. The noble lady Miriam-Makānī and his Majesty the Shāhinshāh, the light of the eyes of the Sulṭānate and the rose tree (gulbun) of the rose garden of the spring of the Khilāfat, were sent off from the village of Gulbihār^526c to Kābul. Muḥammad Qāsim Maujī was appointed governor of Kābul and sent with them. He was to continually serve his Majesty the Shāhinshāh, and also to manage thoroughly the district. When his Majesty had halted at the village of Bāzārak^526d in the Tūmān of Panjshīr, Ḥājī Muḥammad (son of) Bāba Qushqa, Qāsim Ḥusain Sulṭān, Tardī Beg, Muḥammad Qulī Barlās, ‘Ali Qulī Sulṭān, Mīr Laṭīf, and Ḥaidar Muḥammad Cūlī were sent as an advance-guard.^527a As soon as they had crossed the Hindū Kōh, Mahdī Sulṭān,^527b Tardī Muḥammad Jang Jang, and the party who were in the fort of Andarāb, fled. In accordance with the royal orders, Tardī Beg and Muḥammad Qulī Barlās hastened to Khōst in order to seize the families of the fugitives which were there. M. Kāmrān, being drunk with the wine of arrogance, was in Qil‘a Ẓafar. Though the runaway officers in Tālīqān requested the Mīrzā to guard the roads, and to block the route from Kābul, they were not successful. Mullā Khirad Zargar, who was then in close contact with M. Kāmrān, and was a constant sedition-monger, made great efforts in this respect, but could not attain his object. At last Qarāca Khān and his party took the precaution to send Muṣāḥib Beg to bring the families from Khōst, lest a force should come from Kābul and make them prisoners. Just at this time Tardī Beg and Muḥammad Qulī arrived at Khōst, and Muṣāḥib Beg took off the families to Tālīqān. Apparently this was done by the connivance which is the result of long service.

When the royal standards approached Andarāb, M. Hindāl arrived from Qandūz, and brought in Sher ‘Alī as a prisoner. His Majesty Jahānbānī honoured the Mīrzā with various favours. Among these was that he should pay his respects on horseback.^527c The short account of the affair of Sher ‘Alī is that before the arrival of the imperial troops in the Badakhshānāt, and when M. Kāmrān was in power there, Sher ‘Alī in his arrogance always behaved disrespectfully to the Mīrzā, and urged the taking of Qandūz and the bringing in of M. Hindāl. At last the Mīrzā appointed him to Qandūz, and M. Hindāl by the royal good fortune succeeded in making him prisoner. The thing happened thus. One night many of the infantry soldiers of Qandūz surrounded his house (tent?). He fled and flung himself into the river, and broke his arm, and was caught in his own snare. When the Mīrzā brought him before his Majesty Jahānbānī, the latter did not regard his improper actions, and drew the pen of forgiveness over his offences, and having given him a robe of honour nominated him to Ghōrī. For his far-seeing mind looked to his nature and his capabilities, and as he found in him manliness and administrative ability, he passed over so many great crimes, each of which was deserving of condign punishment, and distinguished him by favours. For in the scales of appreciation he found that the subjects of reward were more than those of retribution.^528a

After M. Hindāl had been honoured by royal favours, an order was issued that Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān and a number of others should advance as a vanguard (manqulā), and that the Mīrzā should head them. All were to obey the Mīrzā—who would always be a supporter of dominion—and not to fail in good service, so that each might be rewarded in proportion thereto. In the middle of Jumādā-al-ākhir 955, 22nd May, 1548, the camp reached the Qāẓī's Alang, which is a village of Andarāb. The Qāzī of Andarāb and the men of the Tūqbāī^528b and Sālqāncī tribes, and the Balūcīs and a number of soldiers and of the Aimaqs of Badakhshān, and of the servants of Muṣāḥib Beg did homage, and received royal favours. From thence the army proceeded, march after march, to Tālīqān. Most of the fugitive officers, as well as Mīrza ‘Abdullāh and a number of M. Kāmrān's men, were in garrison there. An order was issued to M. Hindāl and the officers with him to cross the Bangī^528c river and engage. Just then M. Kāmrān^528d hastily brought his men from Qila' Ẓaffar and Kishm and joined the unholy crew. On Saturday, 15th Jamāda-al-ākhirī^529a an engagement took place on a rising ground which they call khalsān (?) The royal army had not yet crossed the river and there was some distance between the advance-guard and the main body. In accordance with the Divine Will, the imperial vanguard was turned back and had to recross the river. The enemy proceeded to plunder.^529b M. Kāmrān was stationed on the same rising ground with a few men. Meanwhile his Majesty Jahānbānī arrived on the river bank and wished to cross in front of the enemy. Sundry faithful informants represented that the river was in a pool^529c there, and that a mile higher up there was a mill, and that as the place was stony, it would be easy to cross there. They went there, and when they got nigh the mill, Shaikham^529d Khwāja Khiẓrī, the kalantar (headman) of the Khwāja^529e Khiẓrīs was brought in a prisoner. The tinqatārs who were by his Majesty's rein were bidden to strike the faithless runagate. They so fisted and kicked him that the spectators felt certain that his black soul could no longer have connection with his body. In that place they captured Ismāīl Beg Dūldai and brought him to the presence. His Majesty granted him his life, forgave him his offences at the intercession of Mun‘am Khān, and made him over to him. His Majesty then proceeded to the height where M. Kāmrān was. He appointed Fataḥ Ullah Beg, brother of Rūshan Kōka to the vanguard, and sent forward with him a number of devoted heroes. A gallant engagement took place, and Fataḥ Ullah was unhorsed. Just then the royal standard (kaukab), which is the preface of conquest and the advance-guard of victory, made its appearance; the Mīrzā gave up heart and had no power to resist. He fled to the fort of Tālīqān, and set himself to strengthen it. The imperial army proceeded to plunder. A dispute arose among the attendants (qalaqcīān) about the goods, and his Majesty gave orders for haral,^530a i.e., that every one should keep what came into his hands, and others had no claim to it. In that victory no one had even a hair of his head injured, excepting ‘Alī Qulī Khān. Isaḥaq^530b (Isaac) Sulṭān, Tardī Beg, the son of Beg Mīrak, Bābī Jūjak, and a number of others who had boldly followed the victorious were made prisoners. M. Hindāl and Ḥājī Muḥammad brought their prisoners to the Presence, and his Majesty treated them according to the laws of justice and equity, and distributed favour and chastisement suitable to their deservings. And he returned thanks to the Court of the True Disposer, who is liberal without stint and bounteous without solicitation.

Next day he commenced the siege and distributed the batteries. One day a shot from the battery which was in charge of Mun‘am Khān, Muḥammad Qulī Barlas and Ḥusain Qulī Sulṭān Muhrdār, struck Mubāriz Beg and killed him. His Majesty, who was a mine of compassion, lamented^530c greatly and exclaimed, “Would that his brother Muṣāḥib Beg had been killed in his stead.” With brotherly feeling, or rather out of general amiability, he, in spite of M. Kāmrān's many crimes, became kindly disposed to him and sent him an admonitory firmān which might be an armlet of dominion and fortune and a neck-charm of grace and favour. After various high-thoughted counsels this was written, “O evil brother and beloved war-seeker, refrain from courses which are productive of conflict and cause the affliction and destruction of countless men. Have compassion on the men of the city and of the army. To-day they are all killed; to-morrow is the judgment.

Verse.

The blood of that race is on thy neck,
The hand of that crowd upon thy skirt,
'Twere^531a far better to think on peace
And bring to pass the ways of gentleness.

He sent this auspicious rescript along with Naṣib Rammāl.^531b As the Mīrzā, being drunk with folly, had turned away from fortune and put dominion behind his back, the sage advices were of no avail. In reply to that roll of grace and preamble of knowledge, he uttered^531c the following verse—

Verse.^531d

Who'd to his bosom strain dominion's bride
Must kiss the gleaming falchion's lip.

Naṣīb Rammāl conveyed to the royal hearing the account of the Mīrzā's recalcitrance and an order was given for strengthening the batteries. Meanwhile, Mīrzās Sulaimān and Ibrāhīm arrived with all their forces and were made partakers of royal favours. Cākar Khān, son of Wais Qibcāq also arrived with the men of Kūlāb and formed a supplement to the army of fortune. During this period of one^531e month of the siege the gates of victory opened more and more for the imperialists, while the knot of affairs grew tighter for M. Kāmrān, and he became more and more straitened. At last he became hopeless of the success of tricks and stratagems, and also came to despair of the help from Pīr Muḥammad Khān Uzbeg, which he in his short-sightedness looked for. Involuntarily he put his hands to the saddle strips (fitrāk)^532a of obedience and submission. By means of this device he saved himself this time from the whirlpool of danger and brought the ship of safety from out the tumult of the waves to the shore of salvation. With this design, he made various supplications and cries for help. One day he fastened a letter to an arrow and shot it into the camp. Its purport was that he had not recognised the claims of his Majesty to reverence. I have seen what I have seen, and now I repent of the past and wish that leave may be granted to me to circumambulate the Holy K‘aba so that I may be cleansed from the sin of rebellion and the anguish of ingratitude, and may become fit for proper service. My hope is that this boon may be granted to me through the intervention of Mīr ‘Arab^532b of Mecca.” The Mīr was distinguished among all. the devotees of the age for honesty and transparency and had applied himself to alchemy. His Majesty Jahānbānī Jinnatāshiyānī had a regard for him, and on this expedition he kept close to the royal stirrup and was adorning the army of prayer (lashkar-i-du‘ā). When the petition of supplication reached the royal hearing, he sent for the Mīr and spoke to him about it. The Mīr said that he would write an answer and send it into the fort. He wrote as follows.^532c “Know, O men of the fort, that salvation is in sincerity and safety in submission, and peace be upon whoever followeth the right path.” When M. Kāmrān had understood the purport of this writing, he wrote back by the same method that he would submit to whatever the Mīr should order. His Majesty Jahānbānī, inasmuch as kindness and benevolence were of his nature's essence, sent off the Mīr, who proceeded to the fort and expounded the doctrines of verity which in reason's reservoir are more sweet than limpid streams, but more bitter to the sensual taste than the juice of the colocynth. In his exposition and application he did not leave out a single point, and at every sentence of reproof the Mīrzā, as he had received a lesson from the crapulous headaches following on his debauches, held down the head of submission and cried, “I've sinned, I've sinned, I'll do whatever you order.” The Mīr said, “The atonement is that you arise and with a sincere soul and contrite heart come with me and do homage.” The Mīrzā, either from sincerity or deceit set off, but when they got near the gate, the Mīr, who could perceive the temporary nature of the feelings, became aware that they were without root.^533a He stopped, and said to the Mīrzā, “As you have set out to kiss the threshold and have emerged from the circle of sedition, and have escaped from a state of rebellion, the proper thing for auspiciousness and repentance is that you send the runaway officers to the Court with their necks bound, that you yourself recite the khuṭba in his Majesty's name, and that you secretly depart and go off to the Ḥijāz.” The Mīrzā accepted the advice and agreed to everything, but added,^533b “Entreat his Majesty to suffer Bābūs to depart along with me, for he is an old servant, and I am desirous of atoning to him on this journey for what I have done to him.” When the Mīr returned and reported the circumstances to his Majesty, he asked pardon for the Mīrzā's offences, and his Majesty, on account of his constitutional kindness, forgave him and ratified all that the Mīr had arranged.

On Friday, 12th Rajab, 955, 12th August, 1548, Maulānā ‘Abdul Bāqī the Ṣadr recited the khuṭba in his Majesty Jahānbānī's name, and his Majesty went off from there to a garden^534a in the neighbourhood. The batteries were dismantled, and an order was given that Ḥājī Muḥammad should be present with a body of troops, that the Mīrzā was departing with a few men, as had been arranged, and that until his exit from the dominions they should guard the borders. ‘Alī Dōst Khān Bārgbegī, ‘Abdal Wahhāb, Sayid Muḥammad Pakna, Muḥammad Quli Shaikh Kamān, Laṭifī Sahrindī and a number of others were appointed to guard the gate of the fort and to bring in the runaway officers and to let the Mīrzā pass with the sanctioned companions. The Mīrzā came out in accordance with the compact. On the way, one of M. Ibrāhīm's servants recognised as his own a horse which one^534b of M. Kāmrān's servants was riding, and told this to M. Ibrāhim, who sent people to bring away the horse. When this was brought to his Majesty's ears, he, in his courtesy, disapproved of the proceeding and censured M. Ibrāhīm, and he, out of shame and narrowness of disposition went off without leave to Kishm. Ḥājī Muḥammad, too, was blamed as the insult to the Mīrzā had been committed with his knowledge. A gracious firmān containing apologies, with a robe of honour and a horse were sent along with Khwāja Jalālu-d-dīn Maḥmūd the Mīr Bīyūtāt (to Kāmrān). When the night was somewhat advanced, Qarāca Khān was produced with a sword tied to his neck. When he came in front of the torches an order^534c was issued for removing the sword; his guilt was forgiven, and he was honoured by being allowed to do homage. And his Majesty said^534d in Tūrkī, “'Tis the fortune of war, such accidents as this must happen.” He was ordered to stand on the left, below Tardī Beg Khān.

Next they brought Muṣāḥib Beg with a quiver and a sword at his neck. When he came near the torches an order was given for removing the weapons. Similarly they brought Sardār Beg the son of Qarāca Khān. His Majesty said “'Tis the elders' fault, what fault have the children committed?” In this manner the other officers were brought in one after the other and heard the news of pardon. Last, came Qurbān Qarāwal, a personal servant of his Majesty and with shame and downcast looks did obeisance. His Majesty said in Tūrkī, “What ailed you, and what made you go away.” He replied in the same language, “What is the use of inquiring about the complexion of those who have been made black by the hand of God's power”?^535a Ḥasan Qulī Sulṭān Muhrdār, who was always allowed liberty of speech, recited this verse in the assembly.

Verse.^535b

When a lamp has been lighted by God
Who puffs at it burns his own beard.

All the officers felt uneasy at the appropriateness^535c (of the quotation) to Qarāca Khān who had a long beard. Next day his Majesty marched from there and encamped in a pleasant meadow on the bank of the Tālīqān^535d river. On Wednesday, 17th Rajab, M. Kāmrān came back, under divine guidance, and did homage. The explanation of this remarkable occurrence is as follows. In Bādāmdarah^535e M. Kāmrān was expatiating to M. ‘Abdullah in thanksgiving for the royal favours and was expressing his surprise at his Majesty's passing over so many crimes and acts of disrespect. M. ‘Abdullah asked him what he would have done if he had been in his Majesty's place. Kāmrān replied that he would not have forgiven or forgotten Then, said M. ‘Abdullah, you have an opportunity of making atonement, how would it be if you availed yourself of it? The Mīrzā asked what he meant, and M. ‘Abdullah^536a said, “We are this day in a place where the king's arm cannot reach us. The right thing is for us to go post haste with a few men and make our submission, return thanks to his Majesty and beg pardon for our offences, and render acceptable service.” M. Kāmrān approved of the idea and set off with a few men; when he came nigh the camp he sent Bābūs to do obeisance and to report his coming. His Majesty Jahānbānī rejoiced at the coming of the Mīrzā and ordered that first Mun‘im Khān, Tardī Beg Khān, Mīr Muḥammad Munshī, Ḥasan Qulī Sulṭān Muhrdār, Bāltū Beg, Tuwācī Begī, Tākhcī Beg and many others should go forth, and after them that Qāsim Ḥusain Sulṭān Shaibānī, Khiẓr Khwāja Sulṭān, Iskandar Sulṭān, ‘Alī Qulī Khān, Bahādur Khān and many others should go, and thirdly, that M. Hindāl, M. ‘Askarī, and M. Sulaimān should go to welcome him. And on the same day he ordered that the chains should be taken off M. ‘Askarī's feet.

Next morning the princes and officers came and paid their respects in accordance with forms which his Majesty had prescribed, and his Majesty Jahānbānī took his seat on the throne and held a general audience. M. Kāmrān hastened forward to kiss the carpet and paid the obeisances of supplication and the prostrations of sincerity. His Majesty Jahānbānī graciously observed, “The ceremonials of reception (dīdan-i-tōra) have been observed, now come and let us embrace like brothers.” Then he clasped the Mīrzā to his bosom, and wept so violently that all those present were touched to the heart. The Mīrzā after making profound obeisances sat on the left^536b in accordance with the royal indication. His Majesty said in Turkī “Sit close by.” The right side was pointed out to M. Sulaimān. In like manner the princes and officers sat on the right and left according to their degree. All the intimate courtiers, such as Ḥasan Qulī Muhrdār, Mīr Muḥammad Munshī, Ḥaidar Muḥammad, Maqṣūd Beg Akhta sat close together (dar dingal). A great festival was held. Qāsim Cangī, Kocak Ghicakī, Makhlaṣ Qabūzī, Ḥāfiẓ Sulṭān Muḥammad Rukhua, Khwāja Kamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain, Ḥāfiẓ Muhrī and others of this enchanting band took their seats near the festive circle^537a (qūr) and discoursed delightful music. Among the younger men (īkkahā) there were Kākar ‘Alī, Shāham Beg Jalāir, Tūlak Qōcīn and others standing behind the circle (qūr). Fruits and varied dishes were set out in royal fashion. In this assembly Ḥasan Qulī Muhrdār said to M. Kāmrān, “I have heard that it was stated before you that some one had said in Pīr Muḥammad Khān's presence that whoever did not cherish hatred as big as an orange against Martwẓa ‘Alī was not entitled to be called a Musalmān, and that you remarked thereupon that it behoved a servant of God to have such hatred as big as a pumpkin.” The Mīrzā became very angry and said, “Then it seems people take me for a heretic”^537b (khārijī). There was general conversation (?) and his Majesty Jahānbānī scattered pearls of speech. The meeting lasted till the end of day. In this joyful assembly M. ‘Askarī was made over to M. Kāmrān, and allowed to go to his quarters. As the Mīrzā had come in a hurry, tents, &c., were erected for him near the royal residence. Next day a counsel was held with the princes and officers about an expedition against Balkh. Everyone spoke according to his opinions. His Majesty ordered that when the army arrived at Nārī whatever appeared proper should be carried into execution. Nārī is a village from which there is a road to Balkh and another to Kābūl.

On the fourth day they marched from this delightful station and at night encamped at the spring of Bandgasha which is near Ishkamish where a joyful assembly was held. To that memorable place his Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdūs Makānī had come in former times, and Khān Mīrzā and Jahangīr Mīrzā had presented themselves there and placed the head of obedience on the line of command. And his Majesty Firdūs Makānī had in commemoration of his having halted there, and of the coming of his brothers and of their making their submission recorded the date on a rock. His Majesty Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī who had come to this delightful spot in accordance with H.H. Gītī-sitānī's precedent also recorded the date of his coming, and of the homage of M. Kāmrān, and the assembling together of the brothers. And these two dates of two mighty kings on one stone-tablet are like the writing of the portico of time on the page of night and day, being two closely intertwined memorials.^538a From thence his Majesty proceeded to the village of Nārī^538b and proceeded to distribute the territory of Badakhshān. Khatlān,^539a which is commonly known as Kūlāb, was given to M. Kāmrān as far as the (river) Mūk^539b and Qarātigīn. Cākār Khān was M. Kāmrān's prime minister and was sent along with him. ‘Askarī M. was also sent along with the Mīrzā, and Qarātigīn was given to him as his fief. Though M. Kāmrān was not satisfied with his fief yet in consideration of his having been granted his life he did not make any objection.^539c Qila' Ẓaffar, Tālīqān and several other parganas were assigned to Mīrzās Sulaimān and Ibrāhīm. Qandūz, Ghūrī, Kahmard, Baqlān, Ishkamish and Nārī were conferred on M. Hindāl, and Sher ‘Alī was sent along with him. It was arranged that the expedition against Balkh should take place next year. After the princes had thus been made recipients of royal favours his Majesty decided upon going to Kābul. In a final meeting, agreement and engagements, which are the passwords of those who arrange temporal affairs, were interchanged and everyone having been committed to God, the Disposer of men whether great or small, was permitted to depart, but of brotherly affection he called for a cup of sherbat and after taking a little of it he tendered it to M. Kāmrān, and an order was given that each prince should in his turn partake of the royal draught (ālūsh, see Vullers s.v.), and pledge themselves to unity and concord. In accordance with the lofty command they together with the bond of brotherhood tied the knot of sincerity and friendship. Each prince received a standard and a kettle drum, and thereby was proclaimed to have obtained the dignity of a confidential relationship. Mīrzās Kāmrān, Sulaimān and Hindāl were honoured with tamantoghs^540a and went off from here to their fiefs. The royal cortege marched to Khūst and halted in that delightful spot. His Majesty then went on by Parīān towards Kābul. Parīān is a fort of which his Majesty Ṣaḥibqarānī laid the foundations after he had chastised the Hindus of Katūr.^540b His Majesty repaired it and gave it the name of Islāmābād. When the victorious standards arrived there Pahlwān Dost Mīr Barr was ordered to repair the broken down fort, and the task of supervision was assigned to various officers. His Majesty remained there ten days and by Pahlwān's exertions the fort received shape in the course of a week, and was furnished with gates, battlements and embrasures.^540c His Majesty left Beg Mīrak in charge of it.

When the world-adorning mind was relieved from the business of the fort he turned his attention to the silver mines, but it appeared that the receipts did not equal the working-expenses. From there he proceeded and encamped on the bank of the Panjshīr river near the pass of Ushtar Karām.^540d He reached the environs of Kābul in the beginning of winter when the ground had become white with snow and waited there for some days in expectation of a suitable time and propitious hour. His Majesty the Shāhinshāh in whose coming there were thousands of prosperities and good omens came out to welcome him. The Atgah Khān and a number of the courtiers tendered their service. His Majesty exulted and expanded at the auspicious sight of that eye-pupil of the Khilāfat and new moon of glory, from whose temples there shone the auspiciousness of the two worlds, and prostrated his forehead in thanksgiving to Almighty God. On Friday, 2nd Ramẓān, which was the auspicious time, he, attended by victory and conquest, cast the shadow of his advent over the city, and prostrated himself on the floor of prayer. Blessings and congratulations arose from the people, and at this time Samandar^541a came from Kashmīr with petitions and presents from M. Ḥaidar. In the letter were eloquent praises of the climate, of the spring and the autumn, of the flowers and fruits of Kashmīr, and pressing entreaties that he would visit that lovely region. There were also fitting expressions about the conquest of Hindustan, and incitements were held to the world-conquering genius. His Majesty out of the abundance of his goodness sent a diploma of victory full of favourable expressions to the Mīrzā. And he mentioned therein his secret designs upon India. He was constantly engaged in plans for strengthening the Khilāfat and for improving the affairs of the State, and applied his intellect to this object in accordance with the methods which the times called for. Among them was his dismissing to the Ḥijāz Qarāca Khān and Muṣaḥib Beg who were ringleaders in hypocrisy, and deserving of all kinds of punishment. His idea was that perchance in times of exile, which is a file of the immoderate in spirit, they might think of the time of fortune, and recognising its blessings to some measure might refrain from following evil. They went off and stayed in the Hazāra country, and at length the clemency of his Majesty Jahānbānī accepted the inaudible^541b excuses of those ingrates. At the same time he sent Khwāja Jalālu-d-dīn Maḥmūd on an embassy to Persia along with gifts and rarities in order that the foundations of affection might be renewed, and love be confirmed.

Among the occurrences of this year was the martyrdom of M. Ulugh Beg, the son of Muḥammad Sulṭān. The brief account of this affair is that the Mīrzā was proceeding from Zamīn Dāwar, which was his fief, towards Badakhshān in order to pay his respects to his Majesty Jahānbānī, Khwāja M‘uaẓẓam also accompanied him from a desire to kiss the threshold, and to atone for his offences. When they came near Ghaznīn the news of the grand army's victory arrived and Khwāja M‘uaẓẓam prevailed upon the Mīrzā to go against the Hazāras so that they might attack and harry a tribe who were always practising plunder and robbery. From the inconsiderateness which is the natural stock of youthful arrogance and is the madness of pride they did not observe proper strategy and showed rashness in fight. The Mīrzā drank the last draught from the goblet of the scimetar, and his Majesty exalted Tardī Muḥammad Khān by assigning Zamīn Dāwar to him as his fief and sent him off in order that he might bring that country into order. In the same year the ambassadors of ‘Abdu-r-rashīd Khān, son of Sulṭān Sāīd Khān, the ruler of Kāshghar arrived bringing valuable presents. They were welcomed with favours and allowed to return quickly. At the same time ‘Abbās Sulṭān, one of the Uzbeg princes, gained auspiciousness by kissing the threshold, and was received with favour. His rank was exalted by his marriage with the chaste Gulcihara Begam, a younger^542a sister of his Majesty.

Among the occurrences of this year was the martyrdon of M. Shāh, brother of M. Ulugh Beg. He was coming from Ushtar Karām, which was in his fief, with the intention of paying his respects, but when he reached the pass of Minār, Shāh Muḥammad, brother of Ḥājī Muḥammad, in revenge for M. Muḥammad Sulṭān's having killed Kōkī, the paternal uncle of Ḥājī Muḥammad in India, lay in ambush and shot him with an arrow at the top of the pass, and raised the Mīrzā on that summit to the glorious degree of a martyr.

Though the conquest of India and the removal of weeds from that garden held a foremost place in his Majesty's mind, and though he was also anxious to visit Kashmīr, he postponed these enterprises and undertook^543a the expedition to Balkh, which had been previously determined on, and for which preparations had been made.

In the beginning of 956^543b (February, 1549), when the season had become milder, he sent Bāltū Beg, one of his confidants, to M. Kāmrān with the information that he was proceeding against Balkh in accordance with agreements, and that M. Kāmrān should co-operate in this and meet him when he should arrive at the borders of Badakhshān. Orders were also sent to Mīrzās Hindāl, ‘Askarī, Sulaimān and Ibrāhīm to make arrangements for carriage and to prepare their men and join quickly.

The grand expedition started, but because of arrangements and the disposal of business and the coming of Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān from Ghaznīn, there was a delay of nearly a month in Cālāk.^543c From this stage Khw. Dōst Khawānd was sent to Kūlāb to bring in M. Kāmrān.

Khw. Qāsim Buyūtāt, a former vizier, Khw. M. Beg, who was dīwān-i-ḥāl,^543d but owing to whose want of guiding-power (bī rashidī) Khw. Ghāzī had seized the charge of affairs—and Khw. Maqṣūd ‘Alī who was M. Kāmrān's factotum, made with others an inquiry, through the instrumentality of Mīr Barka, into the affairs of Khw. Ghāzī and Rūh. Allāh. Mun‘im Khān, Muḥammad Qulī Khān Barlās, Farīdūn Khān and Maulānā ‘Abdu-l-bāqī, the ṣadr, were appointed to audit the accounts. Husain Qulī Sulṭān^544a who was one of his Majesty's intimates, was the superintendent in this affair. The result of the inquiry was that Khw. Ghāzī and Rūḥ Allāh and a number of other condemned^544b clerks were held to ransom. Muḥammad Qulī Sulṭān was appointed to take an account of Khw. Ghāzī's property, and Khw. Sulṭān ‘Alī, who, by the favour of his Majesty,^544c had received the title of Afẓal (most excellent) Khān, was raised from the position of mushrif-i-buyūtāt to that of dīwān-i-buyūtāt.

At this time, M. Ibrāhīm came post and did homage and was welcomed with favours.

When his Majesty's mind had been set at rest about the necessary arrangements for the expedition, he marched to Istālif. Here ‘Abbās Sulṭān^544d Uzbak absconded. His Majesty marched slowly, as he waited to be joined by the Mīrzās. When he heard that they had started, and that M. Kāmrān was getting ready, he went by Panjshīr and encamped at Andarāb. In imitation of his Majesty Ṣāḥib-qirānī, he halted for three days at a stage^544e where that fortunate prince had laid foundations. Thence he went to Nārī, where there is a meeting of the ways. Having crossed the Nārī Pass, he traversed the plain of Nīlbar,^544f the spring beauty of which is famous and pre-eminent above that of other parts of Badakhshān. Near this flowery spot, Mīrzās Hindāl and Sulaimān did homage and were encompassed with favours. Here at M. Sulaimān's request, M. Ibrāhīm was permitted to go to Badakhshān^545a that he might protect the country and look after the local army.

From the neighbourhood of Baqlān,^545b Mīrzās Hindāl and Sulaimān and Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān and a number of experienced and energetic men were sent on in advance, that they might set free from the Uzbeks the town of Aibak, a dependency of Balkh which is famed for its cultivation, the abundance of its fruits, and the excellence of its climate.

At this time, Sher Muḥammad Pakna—one of the personal attendants (yasāwalān) killed a leopard with an arrow and presented it. Ḥusain Qulī muhrdār, represented that the Turks regarded it as unlucky to kill a leopard when on an expedition, and said that, at the time when Bairām Ughlān^545c made him prisoner and brought him before Kistan Qarā,^545d the ruler of Balkh, and they were making preparations in Jajaktu^545e and Maimana for marching to Herāt, someone killed a leopard and for this reason the expedition was stayed. His Majesty paid no heed^545f to this story, and held firmly to his resolution of going to Balkh.

Next day the advance force arrived at Aibak. Pīr Muḥammad Khān, the ruler of Balkh, had sent his guardian, Khw. Bāgh^545g and a number of experienced men such as Īl M., Ḥusain Sa‘īd Bai,^546a Muḥammad Qulī M. and Jūjak M. to guard Aibak and provide for its defence. They reached it at about the same time as the imperial army and had no resource but to enter the fort of Aibak and secure themselves there. His Majesty arrived and set himself to take the fort and distributed the batteries. In two or three days the garrison asked for quarter and came out and did homage and Aibak fell into the hands of the imperial servants.

His Majesty held a royal festival and consulted with the atālīq about the conquest of Transoxiana. The atālīq represented that he was not a fit person to consult about such matters, but his Majesty replied that he bore marks of honesty, and that he should, without hesitation, say what he thought. Then the atālīq said that as the serviceable men of Pīr Muḥammad Khān had fallen into his Majesty's hands, he should put them all to death and go on in the career of victory, for Transoxiana would fall into his hands without a battle. His Majesty replied that it is ignoble to break one's word and that this is especially so in the case of princes; that he had granted quarter and could not recede from this. The atālīq replied that if his Majesty did not approve of this plan, he might keep him prisoner and make a treaty to the effect that all the country on this side of Khulm should be his own and that an auxiliary force should be supplied (i.e., by Pīr Muḥammad) whenever the expedition against India should take place. As the eternal will and stablished decree had gone forth against these two propositions, what was written by the pen of fate appeared to the Lord of Purpose to be preferable.^546b His Majesty stayed there several days. Though the climate of Aibak and its abundance of fruit were a motive for staying, yet the chief reason was the non-arrival of M. Kāmrān. The wise and far-seeing used to insist that if this delay had not taken place, Pīr Muḥammad Khān would not have been able to resist, and would either have been put to the rout or obliged to make peace on such terms as his Majesty chose. For ‘Abdu-l-‘azīz Khān^547a and the other Uzbek Khāns would not have been able to come to help. Since there was long delay, they had time to come to the assistance of the enemy. The Uzbek officers who had been taken prisoners, were sent to Kābul with Khw. Qāsim makhlas, one of the trusted of the Court, but his Majesty took the atālīq with him and marched by way of Khulm. Two or three days later, they passed Khulm and halted at Bābā Shāhū. Next day they encamped near the shrine^547b which is a well-known landmark, and scouts brought information that a large body of Uzbeks had arrived under the leadership of Waqqāṣ Sulṭān and Shāh Muḥammad Sulṭān Ḥiṣārī.^547c

His Majesty drew up his troops and set his foot in the stirrup of victory. A slight engagement took place between the advance guards and, at the time of en amping, Shāh Muḥammad Sulṭān Ḥiṣārī attacked the camp with a large force. Brave men like Kābulī Khān,^547d brother of Muḥammad Qāsim maujī, Sher Muḥammad Pakna and Muḥammad Khān Turkmān distinguished themselves. Kābulī fell and the enemy being unable to resist took to flight. Ūkīn Ughlān, a man of distinction among the Uzbeks, was made prisoner and brought to the presence. A dispute arose between Muḥammad Khān Turkmān and Saiyid Muḥammad Pakna, each claiming the honour of this feat. His Majesty asked Ūkīn who had brought him down. He pointed to Muḥammad Khān and said, “He first aimed a blow at me and the wind of it unhorsed me. When I recovered myself and stood up, this other man,” pointing to Saiyid Muḥammad Pakna, “struck me on the face with his sword.” His Majesty blamed Saiyid Muḥammad saying, “He was thrown down by Muḥammad Khān; you were ungenerous to strike another's catch (said).” He gave the prize of valour to Muḥammad Khān and made over Ūkīn to Pīr Muḥammad akhta to be cared for.

In spite of the signs of victory, hypocritical, disloyal officers continued to show faint-heartedness and were continually uttering false reports about M. Kāmrān and spreading them among themselves. Though everything disgraceful which they ascribed to the Mīrzā had the appearance of truth, for he was capable of it and of more, yet in this instance, they fastened false charges on him.

In fine the Uzbeks gave battle next day in great force and tried to gain the victory, ‘Abdu-l-‘azīz Khān, son of Ubaid Khān, being in the centre, Pīr Muḥammad Khān on the right and Sulṭān-i-ḥiṣār on the left. His Majesty also drew up his army, he himself occupying the centre, M. Sulaimān the right wing and M. Hindāl the left, while Qarāca Khān, Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān, Tardī Beg Khān, Mun‘im Khān and Sulṭān Ḥusain Beg Jalāīr with his brothers were in the van. After mid-day the armies encountered one another and a great battle raged till evening. Brave men trod the field of courage and drove off the enemy's front ranks across the canals and into the outer defences (kūcaband) of Balkh. His Majesty in the strength of his mental vigour and wisdom, wished to pursue and to take his standards across the canals. His hypocritical followers while pretending to agree, gave wrong advice, and ignorant friends supported their opinion out of ignorance, and thereby made the opinion of enemies to prevail. They did not permit the crossing of the canals and uttered timorous speeches, sometimes alleging the paucity of their men and the number of the enemy; sometimes speaking of M. Kāmrān's going to Kābul and of their fears lest the soldiers' families should be made prisoners, and sometimes urging that they ought to wait for M. Kāmrān. Pressing these and other matters, they recommended a retreat. At length, after a thousand struggles with his spirit, it was agreed to proceed to Daragaz which is a strong position, and to stay there some days and collect the Aimaqs and other soldiers and so to get together the materials of victory. During that delay accurate news of M. Kāmrān would arrive. In the event of his having marched against Kābul, it was not proper for them to torment themselves (kāftan)^549a in these parts. At a future time, they could with whole heart, conquer Balkh, nay, Transoxiana and, by the help of God, they had been constantly successful up to this day and would continue so. For every reason it was right to withdraw and proceed to Dara-gaz. His Majesty seeing the general feeling, was helpless and ordered a march in that direction.

Thus the already captured Balkh was let go on account of the discord of the disloyal. Shaikh Bahlūl was sent to turn back the van which had crossed the stream and driven back the Uzbeks and entered the fortifications (shahrband). M. Sulaimān and a number of other valiant men were appointed to be the rear-guard.

As the whole aim of the disaffected and black-hearted was to confound the army, this compulsory retreat to Dara-gaz, which happened also to be on the route to Kābul, was represented as a return thither, and the march of M. Kāmrān was on every-one's tongue. Men lost heart and separated in different directions. Though his Majesty Jahānbānī sent Ḥusain Qulī Sl. muhrdār who was one of his confidants, and a number of others also, to turn back the disheartened crowd, it was of no avail, as proposition and disposition did not coincide (taqdīr mūāfiq-i-tadbīr nabūd). And in fact the decree of the Omnipotent was to this effect in order that the vast country of India might be sheltered from the mischief of tyrants and the inflictions of oppressors and become the descension-point of the blessings of a holy personality, and the abiding-throne and theatre (takhtgāh-i-abd dastgāh) of his Majesty, the Shāhanshāh, the Shadow of God; and that many thousands of good seeds might be shed over the wide fields of earth and the hope-plots of the sincere. To sum up; God, the World-adorner, revealed such a victory as this under the guise of conditions which might prove a lesson and a warning to the wise, and thereby brought to pass the things of counsel and wisdom. For had this disaster not occurred, the work of the helpless ones of India would have been hindered by the undertaking of the conquest of Transoxiana; and the setting-in order of those lands which are a haven for the pilgrims of the seven climes, had sunk under the veil of delay.

In brief, when the enemy became aware of the unpleasing occurrence (i.e., the retreat), they put their own confused affairs in order and came in pursuit. His Majesty Jahānbānī displayed splendid courage and performed achievements whose eulogy might be the frontispiece to the model-battles of the world. In that jungle of tigers of war, his world-traversing dun-coloured^550a steed which bore the name of tasarru-n-naẓirīn^550b and had been presented to him by Muḥammad Khān,^550c the governor of Herāt and which he was riding, fell from being wounded by an arrow. Ḥaidar Muḥammad akhta presented that leader of faith and dominion with his own horse and was exalted by this piece of service. As the Divine protection was hovering over that Lord of Sovereignty's throne, he was brought into a place of safety. Most of his followers, when they beheld symptoms of defeat, dispersed in all directions in a cowardly and ignominious manner.

The names of the chief officers of the army are as follows: Mīrās Hindāl and Sulaimān, Qarāca Khān, Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān, Tardī Beg Khān, Mun‘im Khān, Khiẓr Khw. Sl.,^550d Muḥammad Qulī Khān Jalāīr, Iskandar Khān, Qāsim Ḥusain Khān, Ḥaidar Muḥammad ākhta-begī, ‘Abdu-l-lāh Khān Uzbek, Ḥusain Qulī Khān muhrdār, Muḥibb ‘Alī Khān (son of) Mīr Khalīfa, Sl. Ḥusain Khān, Bāltū Sl., Muṣāḥib Beg, Shāh Bidāgh Khān, Shāham Khān Beg Jalāīr, Shāh Qulī Nārānjī, Muḥammad Qāsim maujī, Laṭafu-l-lāh of Sihrind, ‘Abdu-l-wahhāb Aujī,^551a Baqī Muḥammad parwāncī, and Khaldīn.^551b

Three days later, his Majesty halted at the top of the pass^551c of the Four Springs and here Muḥammad. Qulī Shaikh Turkmān^551d who had hit on the right road, heard of the royal party and joined it.

From this place, his Majesty wrote an affectionate epistle to his Majesty the Shāhinshāh, and to the chaste ladies who were in Kābul, the abode of peace and sent it by Beg Muḥammad ākhta-begī. He also sent a friendly letter to Rashīd Khān, the ruler of Kashghār who had always shewn loyalty and devotion, informing him of his arrival and telling him how his evil-minded brother, M. Kāmrān, had by constraint of his natural character, elevated the hideousness of discord over the beauty of concord and so had completely depressed the side of love and loyalty. Many of his followers too had shewn a want of courage. Certainly the expedition had not redounded to the joy of well-wishers; on the contrary, it had been a cause of sorrow and distress. In the same letter, he expressed his thanks for his safety and he inserted excellent counsels such as might comfort a loving heart.

Leaving that place, he arrived after one night's interval, at Ghūrband and on the next night, at Khwāja Sīyārān. Thence he went to Qarā Bagh and thence to Ma‘mūra.^552a His Majesty, the Shāhanshāh, came out to meet him here and was affectionately received. From this place he went in an auspicious hour to Kābul.

M. Sulaimān went off to Badakhshān and M. Hindāl to Qundūz, Mun'im Khān accompanying him. All the other officers followed his Majesty to Kābul. Shāh Bidāgh Khān who had given proofs of courage, remained a prisoner with the enemy, as did also Mīr Sharīf bakhshī, Khw. Nāṣiru-d-dīn ‘Alī mustaufī, Mīr Muḥammad munshī, Mīr Jān Beg dārogha-i-‘imārat, and Khw. Muḥammad Amīn Kang. All the other servants were safe.

When the atālīq and other Uzbeks who had been made prisoners at Aibak, were released and went to their own country, and gave account of the royal kindness and liberality, Pīr Muḥammad Khān was astonished, and sent his prisoners in a humane manner to Kābul.

His Majesty, recognizing that his return was really advantageous, set himself to arrange his kingdom and engaged in the conduct of things spiritual and temporal. Khw. Jalālu-d-dīn Maḥmūd had been sent on an embassy to the king of Persia, but from various causes had delayed in Qandahār and he was now recalled. Khw. ‘Abdū-ṣ-ṣamad and Mīr Saiyid ‘Alī who were celebrated for their skill in painting, came with the Khwāja and were graciously received. Khw. Sl. ‘Alī, known as Afẓal Khān, was raised^552b from the position of mashrif-i-khizāna to that of vizier; while the whole charge of the dīwānī was made over to Khw. M. Beg.

The account of M. Kāmrān is as follows. When his Majesty, out of his kindness and affection, forgave his grave offences and gave him Kūlāb and appointed Cākar Beg of Kūlāb, the son of Sl. Wais Beg, as his co-adjutor and went to Kābul, no long time intervened before the Mīrzā behaved badly to Cākar Beg and drove him out: He placed the great favours which had been bestowed on him in the niche (ṭāq) of forgetfulness and giving way to evil thoughts, watched for his opportunity. During the time that His Majesty Jahānbānī was in Kābul, he was continually making false promises that he would come; and His Majesty, out of his candid nature and straightforwardness,—which are the characteristics of magnanimous natures,— believed his false words and went off to Balkh. The Mīrzā looked upon this opportunity as fair gain and again determined in his perfidious heart, that he would go to Kābul. The rebellious designs which were leavening his mind, came near the surface, and at his instigation, narrow-minded and disloyal officers practised various hypocrisies in that expedition, as has already been related. But as His Majesty returned and cast the shade of his justice on Kābul, M. Kāmrān left M. ‘Askarī in Kūlāb and went off to fight M. Sulaimān. The latter hastened away without fighting from Tālīqān to Qil‘a Ẓafar.

M. Kāmrān made over Ṭālīqān to Bābūs Beg and proceeded towards Qil‘a Ẓafar. Mīrzās Sulaimān and Ibrāhim not thinking it expedient to fight left Isḥāq^553a Sultan in Qil‘a Ẓafar and went off to the defiles of Badakhshān. They took post in the village of Jirm and awaited the Divine retribution. M. Kāmrān, having disposed of M. Sulaimān went off to Qundūz. He began by making false pretences to M. Hindāl and proposed a union with him. M. Hindāl did not hearken to him and stood by his obligations, whereupon M. Kāmrān laid siege to Qundūz. M. Hindāl neglected no point in defending the fort and when M. Kāmrān could not succeed, he joined the Uzbeks and asked their assistance. A large body of Uzbeks came to help him and joined him in the siege. M. Hindāl in order to cause confusion and deceive the foe, which in fact is a guidance on the high road of success, devised an excellent plan, viz., he wrote a letter as from M. Kamrān to himself, full of a renewal of peace between them and of deceiving the Uzbeks, and after the manner of experts, he gave this false document to a courier who was intentionally to throw himself into the hands of Uzbeks. When, on searching the courier, the letter was found, and when it appeared from its contents that the two Mīrzās were going to act in concert and make the Uzbeks a target for the arrows of evil, the latter were confounded and withdrew from the siege and set off for their own country. The affair of the fort remained unaccomplished and just then, news came that Cākar Beg was besieging Kūlāb and that M. ‘Askarī had been defeated and was shut up therein. Also that M. Sulaimān had joined with Ishāq Sl. and had got possession of Qil‘a Ẓafar and had then imprisoned Ishāq Sl. M. Kāmrān was bewildered at this news and withdrawing in despair from Qundūz, he sent Yāsīn Daulat and Bābūs with a body of troops against M. Sulaimān and himself hastened to Kūlāb and made Cākar Beg retire. M. ‘Askarī came out and did homage to M. Kāmrān who took him with himself, and went off to put down M. Sulaimān. They had halted near Rūstāq, when a large force of Uzbeks who had come on a plundering expedition (yurtāwalī)^554a under the leadership of Sa‘īd Beg, passed by the encampment and made a raid on it. Mīrzās Kāmrān, ‘Askarī and ‘Abdu-l-lāh Mughal escaped with a few men to Tālīqān. When the Sa‘īd afore-named knew the rights of the matter, he sent back the baggage^554b to the Mīrzā with all respect and apologized for the plundering. Mīrzās Hindāl and Sulaimān thinking the opportunity favourable, set out to put down M. Kāmrān who not deeming it advisable to remain in Badakhshān, went off to Khost in order that he might, by the route of Ẓuḥḥāq and Bāmīān withdraw into the Hazāra country. There he would learn the real state of Kābul and either proceed there or go elsewhere.^554c As the disloyal officers of His Majesty Jahānbānī were always urging the Mīrzā to come to Kābul, he fraudulently sent ambassadors to the Court and represented that his object in coming was to apologize for the past and to serve his Majesty. His hope was, he said, that His Majesty would with royal kindness, forgive his crimes and sins.

Verse.

I've come again to worship the dust of thy feet,
If submission be ordered, I'm ready to pay it.

“My hope is that on this occasion, I may by good service, obtain release from the heavy burden of shame.” His Majesty from the purity of his own nature, regarded his gold-incrusted copper as genuine, and accepted it according to the standard for fine gold.