Akbar-nāmah - The Akbarnāma of Abū Fazl, Volume 1

HIS MAJESTY JAHĀNBĀNĪ JANNAT-ĀSHIYĀNĪ NAṢĪRU-D-DĪN MUḤAMMAD HUMĀYŪN PĀDSHĀH-I-GHĀZĪ.

Theatre of great gifts; source of lofty inspirations; exalter of the throne of the Khilāfat of greatness; planter of the standard of sublime rule; kingdom-bestowing conqueror of countries; auspicious sitter upon the throne; founder of the canons of justice and equity; arranger of the demonstrations of greatness and sovereignty; spring of the fountains of glory and beneficence; water-gate for the rivers of learning; brimming rain-cloud of choiceness and purity; billowy sea of liberality and loyalty; choosing the right, recognizing the truth; sole foundation^283a of many laws; both a king of dervish-race^283b and a dervish with a king's title; parterre-adorning arranger of realm and religion; garland-twiner of spiritual and temporal blossoms; throne of the sphere of eternal mysteries; alidad^283c of the astrolabe of theory and practice; in austerities of asceticism and spiritual transports, a Grecian Plato^284a (Aflāṭūn-i-Yūnānī); in executive energy and the paths of enterprise, a second Alexander (Iskandar-i-ṯānī); pearl of the seven oceans and glory of the four elements; ascension-point of Suns and dawn of Jupiter; phœnix (Humā) towering to the heights of heaven,—Naṣīru-d-dīn Muḥammad Humāyūn Pādshāh-i-Ghāzī,—May God sanctify his soul!^284b

Great God! 'twas as if the veil of humanity and the elemental screen had been cast over a holy spirit and a sacred light. The open plain of language narrows in the quest of his praises, and the parade-ground of indication remains league upon league distant from the city of his virtues. God be praised that the time is night when I may withdraw my hand from lofty genealogy and plunge it in the skirt of my real intent. I now essay an abridged account of the astonishing actions of his Majesty Jahānbānī Jannat-āshiyānī for this is at once a preliminary nigh to my far-seen goal and a commentary forming part of the history of my saint and sovereign (Pīr ū Pādshāh). By unveiling the reflected godhead^284c of the divine lord, I shall satisfy the thirsty-lipped^284d with the sweet waters of knowledge and bring my own parched heart near the shore of the sea of the comprehension of the holy virtues of the exquisitely perfect one. Avaunt! Avaunt! How may the praise of the perfections of this unique pearl come from one like me? It behoves his panegyrist to be like himself but alas, alas! where is anyone like that unique pearl of the ocean of knowledge? I confer a lustre on my own words and I compass an achievement for myself inasmuch as I make my heart familiar with sacred knowledge and give unto my tongue the glory of spirituality.

O searcher^285a after the knowledge of events, arouse thyself, and receive the announcement that the auspicious birth of his Majesty Jahānbānī Jannat-āshiyānī occurred on the night of Tuesday, 4th Ẕīqa‘da, 913 (6th March, 1508) in the citadel of Kābul and from the holy womb of her chaste Majesty Māham Bēgam.^285b

That pure one was of a noble family of Khurāsān and related to Sulṭān Ḥusain Mīrzā. And I have heard from some reliable persons that just as the honoured mother of his Majesty, the king of kings, was descended from his Holiness Shaikh (Aḥmad) Jām, so also was Māham Bēgam connected with him. His Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdūs-makānī married her when he was residing in Herāt to condole with the sons of Sulṭān Ḥusain Mīrzā. Maulānā Masnadī found the date of his Majesty's birth to be Sulṭān Humāyūn Khān; and Shāh-i-fīrūz-qadr (Victorious Prince) and Pādshāh-i-ṣaf-shikan (Rank-breaking king) and also the saying “Khush bād” (May he be happy) give the date of this fortunate epoch, as discovered by the learned of the Age.^285c Khwāja Kilān Sāmānī^285d has said:—

Verse.

It is the year of his fortunate birth,
May God increase his glory.
I've taken one alif from his date,
That I may blind two evil eyes.

The accession of his Majesty took place in Agra on 9th Jumāda'l-awwal, 937 (29th December, 1530), and Khairu-l-mulūk (Best of kings)^286a is the chronogram. A few days later, he made an excursion upon the river and placing the barks of pleasure in the stream of joy, gave away on that day, a boat full^286b of gold, and by the largesse laid a golden foundation of dominion. Bravo! the first grace bestowed on him upon whom is conferred the sovereignty of the world, is munificence and liberality.

Verse.

Not every man is exalted.
He becomes head who is kind to men.
The lion became king of all beasts
Because he was hospitable in the chase.

And one of the learned found the date of this wave of giving in the words kishtī-i-zar (boat or tray of gold=937).

From the commencement of his career till his accession when he had arrived at the age of 24,^286c the notes of success and fortune were conspicuous on his destiny's forehead and the lights of glory and empire streamed forth from the tablets of his greatness and glory. How should not his lustrous temples radiate greatness and magnanimity when he was carrying the light of the king of kings and was the custodian of the granary of Divine knowledge? It was the same light which was shewn forth in the victories of his Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdūs-makānī and that gloriously appeared in the dawnings of the world-conquering rays of his Majesty Ṣāḥib Qarānī. And it was this same light which from the time of the ocean pearl-shell Alanqūā, displayed itself from the royal shells and pearls under the veils of women in travail. It was the same light by whose splendour Ughaz Khān was made glorious, and it was the same light which was preparing and increasing from Adam till Noah. The secrets of the revelation of this light, and the strange notes of its manifestation are beyond the circle of restraint and limitation, nor is everyone capable of recognizing this secret substance or of understanding its subtleties. To sum up; His Majesty Jahānbānī was illuminating the world with the power of this Divine light, which through so many cycles and epochs had been concealed under various garbs, and the time of its apparition was now at hand. Accordingly the glory of spiritual and temporal greatness was radiating from the arch of his Majesty's shining forehead. Perfect modesty and exceeding courage were conjoined in his holy nature, and all his lofty energy was devoted to fulfilling the desires of his great father; and the excellence of intrepidity being united with consummate majesty and dignity, out of his magnanimity and high-thoughtedness, he paid no regard to self and held himself of no account. Consequently he was glorious for right-mindedness and lofty courage in every enterprise that he engaged in and every service that he undertook. In the whole of his auspicious life, he adorned the world by joining knowledge with power, and power with compassion and clemency. In many sciences and especially in mathematics, he had no rival or colleague. His noble nature was marked by the combination of the energy of Alexander and the learning of Aristotle. He displayed great justice in carrying out the provisions of the will for the distribution of territories and exhibited thorough equity or rather exceeding kindness and beneficence therein. But superiority in spiritual perfections (which is real sovereignty), that was his own by God's grace; none of his brothers shared in the dainties of that table of inheritance.

Everyone connected with the Court received offices and pensions. Mīrzā Kāmrān obtained Kābul and Qandahār as his fief: Mīrzā ‘Askarī, Sambal; Mīrzā Hindāl, Sarkār Alwar. Badakhshān was made over and confirmed to Mīrzā Sulaimān; and the nobles and great officers and the whole of the victorious army were brought into obedience by proper measures. Everyone who breathed disaffection, e.g., Muḥammad Zamān Mīrzā, son of Badī‘u-z-zamān Mīrzā, son of Sulṭān Ḥusain Mīrzā (who had been in the service of his Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdūs-makānī and been distinguished by being made his son-in-law,^288a but who had from short-sightedness and deficiency of judgment opened the sleeve of contumacy), bound the cincture of service on the waist of obedience. His Majesty, after five or six months, turned his attention to the conquest of Kālinjar^288b and besieged that fort for about a month. When the people within became distressed, the governor submitted and sent twelve mans^288c of gold with other presents. His Majesty had regard to his supplications and entreaties and forgave him. From thence he proceeded towards Cunār and besieged it.

Let it not be concealed that this sky-based fortress was in the possession of Sulṭān Ibrāhīm and was held for him by Jamāl Khān Khāṣṣa Khail Sārangkhānī.^288d After the catastrophe of Sulṭān Ibrāhīm, Jamāl Khān's life came to an end from the evil design^288e of a worthless son, and Shēr Khān sought the widow (who was called Lāḍ Mulk, and was adorned with beauty and charm) for his wife and by this contrivance got possession of the fortress. When Shēr Khān heard of the approach of the conquering army, he left his son, Jalāl Khān^288f with a number of trusty persons, in the fort, and came out himself. He sent clever ambassadors and wove crafty speeches. His Majesty, recognizing the circumstances of the time, accepted his proposals and Shēr Khān sent his son, ‘Abdu-r-rashīd^288g to serve his Majesty Jahānbānī so that he might himself remain guarded from the blows of the imperial armies and might arrange the materials of pride and presumption. This son was for a long time in the service, but when his Majesty came to Mālwa, to subdue Sulṭān Bahādur, that worthless one fled from the imperial army. In 939, when Biban and Bāyazīd the Afghāns rose in rebellion, his Majesty proceeded to the eastward. Bāyazīd was killed in battle against the warlike heroes and this rubbish was cleared away, and Jaunpūr and the neighbouring territories, having been given to Sulṭān Junaid Barlās, his Majesty returned to the capital.

As the echo of his Majesty's victories and conquests was high-sounding in various kingdoms, Sulṭān Bahādur, the ruler of Gujrāt, sent, in 940, experienced ambassadors bearing valuable presents to him and set in motion the processes of friendship. His Majesty received his overtures with imperial kindness and set his heart at rest by sending him diplomas of amity. In the same year, a city was founded on the banks of the Jumna, near Delhi, which received the name of Dīnpanāh.^289a One of the learned of the Age found the chronogram Shahr-i-pādshāh-i-dīnpanāh (City of the King, Defender of the Faith=940). After that, Muḥammad Zamān Mīrzā and Muḥammad Sulṭān Mīrzā with his son, Ulugh Mīrzā, took the path of hostility and rebellion. His Majesty turned the reins of resolution against them and encamped on the Ganges near Bhūjpūr. Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā was sent across the river with a large force against the rebels, and by Divine help, he gained a victory. Muḥammad Zamān Mīrzā, Muḥammad Sulṭān Mīrzā and Walī Khūb Mīrzā were made prisoners. Muḥammad Zamān was sent to Bīāna and the other two were blinded and thereby cast down from the pillar of respect. Muḥammad Zamān Mīrzā did not recognize the kindness with which he had been treated, but got out of prison by presenting a forged order.^289b He then fled to Gujrāt to Sulṭān Bahādur.

Many of the delightful countries of India which had not been conquered in the time of his Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdūs-makānī on account of want of leisure and shortness of time were subdued by his (Humāyūn's) arm of dominion and strength of fortune.

When Mīrzā Kāmrān heard of the demise of his Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdūs-makānī, he, out of an inordinate spirit, made over Qandahār to Mīrzā ‘Askarī and proceeded to India in hope that some advantage might accrue to himself. But whene'er felicity's diadem hath exalted the head of a fortunate one and the Divine protection is watching over him, what save evil (tabāhī) can happen to the evil-disposed (tabāh)? It is stated that at that time Mīr Yūnus^290b ‘Alī was, in accordance with the orders of Gītī-sitānī Firdūs-makānī, Governor of Lāhōr. Having laid his plans, Mīrzā Kāmrān one night pretended to be enraged with Qarāca Bēg^290c and used violent language towards him. Next night Qarāca Bēg fled with his soldiers from the Mīrzā's camp to Lāhōr. Mīr Yūnus ‘Alī regarded his coming as of much importance and received him with great kindness and frequently invited him to his own quarters. They were on friendly terms but Qarāca was watching his opportunity, till at length on one night when there was a convivial party, and Yūnus ‘Alī's best soldiers were away at their quarters,^290d he seized him and, putting him in prison, placed his own men in charge of the Fort gates. He then hurried off a message to Mīrzā Kāmrān. The Mīrzā (who was in expectation of this), came post to Lāhor and took possession of the city. He released Mīr Yūnus ‘Alī, apologized to him and said that if he would remain, he might continue to be Governor of Lāhōr. Mīr Yūnus ‘Alī did not consent to serve him and taking leave, went off to his Majesty Jahānbānī Jannat-āshiyānī. Mīrzā Kāmrān appointed his own creatures to the parganās of the Sirkār^291a of the Panjāb and took possession up to the Satlaj (which is known as the Water of Lūdhiyāna). Then he craftily sent skilful ambassadors with protestations of loyalty and sincerity and begged that he might be confirmed in the province. His Majesty Jahānbānī, partly because the sea of his liberality had been set in motion, and partly from a desire to observe the precepts of his Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdūs-makānī, made over the province to him and issued a decree appointing him to the charge of Kābul, Qandahār and the Panjāb. The Mīrzā returned thanks for this unexpected favour and sent presents to the Court. He followed this up by opening the gates of correspondence and by sending eulogiums of his Majesty Jahānbānī. Among them was the following ode:—

Ode.

May thy beauty increase each moment;
May thy star be splendid and fortunate;
May every mist which rises on thy way,
Be the dimming of the light of my own eyes.
Should dust arise^291b on Laila's path,
May its place^291c be Majnūn's eyes.
Whoe'er moves not round thee like the limb of a compass,
May he be ejected from this sphere.
Be victorious^291d while this world endures,
May Humāyūn be the Cyrus (Khusrū) of epochs.

And in truth his prayer was heard, for by reason of his disloyalty, he was ejected from the sphere of respect or rather from the sphere of existence, as will be stated in its own place. In short, his Majesty out of his magnanimity, looked to his outward loyalty and made him the recipient of princely favours and from exceeding kindness, rewarded him for the ode by bestowing upon him Ḥiṣār Fīrūza (Hissar). The Mīrzā always kept up appearances and continued in obedience and became the receptacle of many favours. In 939,^292a (1532-33), Mīrzā Kāmrān made over the government of Qandahār to Khwāja Kilān Bēg. The cause of this was that when Mīrzā ‘Askarī was coming to Kābul he encountered the Hazāras on the way and was defeated by them. Mīrzā Kāmrān was displeased by this and took away Qandahār from him.

When the mind of his Majesty Jahānbānī was at leisure from the affairs of his dominions, he, in 941 (1534), turned the rein of intent towards the eastern quarter and the conquest of Bengal. The standards of felicity had reached the town of Kānār,^293a within the limits of Kālpī, when it came to the royal hearing that Sulṭān Bahādur, under the pretext of besieging Citōr, had gathered a large body of men under Tātār Khān, son of Sulṭān ‘Alā'u-d-dīn, and that he was entertaining wild projects. His Majesty after an enlightened consultation, despatched, in Jumāda'l-awwal 941 (November-December, 1534,) a force to quell the enemy, and himself beat high the drum of return.

It is not unknown to the circumspect that Sulṭān Bahādur was ever engaged in high-flying imaginings, and was always holding in his palate the bruised thorn^293b of evil wishes. But as, before he became the ruler of Gujrāt and was but a private individual, he had seen with the eye of warning a specimen of his Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdūs-makānī's way of fighting in the campaign against Sulṭān Ibrāhīm; he could not bring himself for any consideration to resolve on encountering the victorious soldiers of that illustrious family. And this view he repeatedly expressed to his confidants. When Tātār Khān came and waited upon him, he was continually filling his mind with vain propositions and was representing that it was easy for him to advance beyond the sacred ground of respect. For a time Sulṭān Bahādur was not caught, but at length he one day laid bare the truth, and said to Tātār Khān: “I have been a witness^294a of the superiority of those splendid soldiers; the Gujrāt army is no match for them, so I shall by craft and contrivance win over his (Humāyūn's) army to myself.” Accordingly he opened the doors of his treasuries and lavished gold and thereby gained over as many as 10,000 men, who had the skill^294b to appear as soldiers without being in reality such. During this time Muḥammad Zamān Mīrzā escaped from confinement by the connivance of his custodians,^294c the servants of Yādgār Bēg Ṭaghāī,^294d and came to Gujrāt. The lord of that country, on account of the crude plans that he was concocting, regarded the arrival of the Mīrzā as a gain and treated him with great consideration. His Majesty Jahānbānī wrote to Sulṭān Bahādur that treaties and engagements required that all who had turned obligations (ḥuqūq) of service into disobligations (‘uqūq) and had fled to his (Bahādur's) dominions, should be sent back or at least be driven out from his presence, so that their unanimity (his own and Bahādur's) might be evidenced to the world. Sulṭān Bahādur, either from inexperience or the intoxication of the world, wrote in reply “Should a high-born man take refuge with us and be treated with consideration, there could not be in this any breach of good feeling or of sincerity, nor any detriment to treaties. For instance, in the days of Sikandar Lōdī, there was perfect friendship betwixt him and Sulṭān Muẓaffar (Bahādur's father), yet his brother Sulṭān ‘Alā'u-d-dīn and many Sulṭāns' sons came upon occasions from Agra and Dehli to Gujrāt and were received with kindness. Never did this cause a breach of friendship!” His Majesty Jahānbānī sent a suitable missive in reply, to this purport, “The note of steadfastness in the path of observance of treaties is simply this, that any act which can shake the pillars of loyalty be utterly eschewed so that the cheek of concord be not scratched by the nail of enmity.” He also enclosed these two couplets in the rescript.

Verse I.

O Thou who vauntest a loving heart
Hurrah a million times, if heart and tongue accord.

Verse II.^295a

Plant the tree of friendship that the heart's desire may bear fruit,
Uproot the sapling of enmity that yields countless ills.

“Beware, a hundred thousand times beware; listen to my advice with the ear of understanding and send that abandoned one (makhẕūl) to the foot of the throne, or withdraw the hand of favour from him and let him not abide in thy dominions. Else how can reliance be put on thy friendship? Strange it is that you liken this matter to those of ‘Alā'u-d-dīn and others like him. What analogy is there between the cases? That affair was one thing, and this is another. Mayhap you have learnt from books of history that in spite of the refractoriness of Ildarīm Bayāzīd, his Majesty Ṣāḥib Qarānī (Tīmūr) was constitutionally indisposed to invade Rūm, inasmuch as Bayāzīd was engaged in a war with the Franks. But as Qarā Yūsuf Turkmān and Sulṭān Aḥmad Jalāīr had fled to him, his Majesty by sundry good counsels forbade him to entertain them. When Bayāzīd refused to accede to this, his Majesty showed what his might was.”^295b

Sulṭān Bahādur out of a weak head and foolishness did not write a sensible reply. Meanwhile Tātār Khān kept saying vain things^296a to Sulṭān Bahādur, calculated to deceive narrow intellects, and kept urging that he himself might be sent towards the imperial dominions, representing that the royal army had grown pampered and comfort-loving, and was no longer such as the Sulṭān had seen. In consequence of the misrepresentations of strife-mongers, Sulṭan Bahādur made preparations for despatching Tātār Khān and sent to the fort of Ranthanbhūr twenty krors of the old coinage of Gujrāt^296b —equal to forty krors of the current Dehlī coinage—to be used under Tātār Khān's instructions for the hiring of new soldiers. He also sent Sulṭān ‘Alā'u-d-dīn, father of Tātār Khān, with a large force towards Kalinjar, to stir up a disturbance in that quarter. Likewise he deputed Burhānu-l-mulk Banyānī^296c and a body of Gujrātīs to proceed to Nāgōr and make an attempt on the Panjāb, dividing his forces with the idea that the imperial army would thereby be thrown into confusion. Though able and experienced men told him that his forces should march in one direction, they were not successful, and though both by hints and plain speech they delineated on the board of manifestation the inauspiciousness of treaty breaking, it was of no avail. He gave way to the vain thought that as the Lūdiyān party claimed the sovereignty of Hindūstān, the supporting of them (talāsh-i-īshān) did not interfere with his promises, and that the consequences of a violation of engagements would not recoil upon himself. He sent Tātār Khān on a bootless quest towards Dihlī and, keeping both aloof from and in touch with him, addressed himself to the siege of Cītōr^297a so that he might both capture the fortress and be an intermediary for helping the Lūdiyāns when occasion offered. Be it known that Sulṭān ‘Alā'u-d-dīn bore the name of ‘Ālam Khān. He was brother of Sikandar Lōdī and paternal uncle of Sulṭān Ibrāhīm. After Sulṭān Sikandar's death he contended with Sulṭān Ibrāhīm, and in the territory of Sihrind set up a claim to the sovereignty and giving himself the title of Sulṭān ‘Alā'u-d-dīn, marched towards Agra with a force of double-faced Afghāns. Sulṭān Ibrāhīm came out to fight, and the two factions met near Hōdal.^297b Sulṭān ‘Alā'u-d-dīn not finding himself strong enough to engage in a pitched battle made a night attack, but was unsuccessful and had to return with loss. Fraudulently and with evil intent he went to Kābul,^297c and in the war with Ibrāhīm he was with the victorious army. After the conquest of India his Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdaus-makānī became cognisant of his hidden motives and sent him to Badakhshān.^297d With the help of Afghān traders he escaped from Qil‘a Ẓafar and came to Afghānistān, and from thence to Balūcistān, and finally reached Gujrāt.

In short, when the armies set out Tātār Khān laid hold of the treasure and set about recruiting soldiers. Nearly 40,000 cavalry, Afghāns and others, gathered round him, and he came to Bīāna and took it. When this news was brought to his Majesty Jahānbānī, who had marched to subdue the eastern countries, he turned the reins of attention, and with the greatest rapidity arrived at Agra, the capital. He despatched Mīrzā ‘Askarī, Mīrzā Hindāl, Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā,^298a Qāsim Ḥusain Sulṭān, Mīr Faqīr ‘Alī,^298b Zāhid Bēg and Dōst Bēg with 18,000 horse to put down this disturbance. His Majesty remarked that the putting down of this large army, which was approaching Dihlī with evil designs, would be in reality the extirpating of the other armies; it was therefore best to address one's efforts to the subduing of it. When the victorious army drew near the opposing force, fear fell on the latter and there were daily desertions, so that it gradually decreased and in brief space dwindled down to 3,000 horse. As Tātār Khān had obtained his army by great importunity and had spent vast sums of money on it, he neither could make up his mind (rāī) to retire, nor could he make head (rūī) in war. At last he washed his hands of life, and came to an engagement at Mandrāil.^299a After having for a while struggled hand and foot, he became handless and footless and was made the target of fatal arrows, and the harvest of blood-shedding heroes. On the dispersal of this army what the inspired mind had foreseen came to pass, for the two other forces broke up of themselves on the report of the victory and felicity of the conquering army.

Though the world-conquering heart (of Humāyūn) was void of the thought of the conquest of Gujrāt so long as its ruler trod the path of harmony and sincerity, yet when the Creator wills to adorn a country with the splendour (far) of a lawgiver's advent, He inevitably prepareth the means therefor. The actions of the ruler of Gujrāt are a proof of this, for he, out of native arrogance, the assaults of flatterers, abundance of intoxication and intoxicated men, poverty of prudence and of the prudent, broke without object, treaties and visible ties, and became author of many impropor acts. Thus it grew imperative for the lofty spirit (of Humāyūn) to march his army towards Gujrāt. Accordingly in the beginning of Jumāda-l-awwal, 941, (8th November, 1534), the foot of determination was placed, in a happy hour, in the stirrup of felicity, and the reins of prowess were directed to the subjugation of Gujrāt. When the army approached the fortress of Rāīsīn,^300a the garrison submitted entreaties together with rich presents, representing that the fort was his Majesty's, and themselves his Majesty's slaves, and that as soon as the affair of Sulṭān Bahādur was settled, of what use would the fort be? In fact, as the object in view was the conquest of Gujrāt, the army did not delay here, but marched on towards Mālwā. When the army had encamped at Sārangpūr^300b the news of its arrival reached Sulṭān Bahādur who was then besieging Cītōr. He awoke from the sleep of carelessness and sought the advice of his followers. Most were of opinion that as the matter of Cītōr could be settled at any time and the garrison was not giving any annoyance at present, the proper course was to put off the reduction of the fort and to march against the royal army. But Ṣadr Khān, who was prominent for knowledge and eloquence, and who ranked high in the congress (jirga) of soldiers and was renowned for wisdom and counsel, said that the proper thing was to finish the matter of the fortress, already nearly accomplished, and that as they had come out against infidels, the King of Islām would not come against them. Should be do so, they would then be excused if they abandoned a holy war (ghazā) and attacked him. This view commended itself to Sulṭān Bahādur, so he went on with the siege, and on 3rd Ramaẓān, 941, (8th March, 1535), subdued the fort of Cītōr. Thereupon he marched against the illustrious army which was then encamped at Ujjain.^301a When the news of Sulṭān Bahādur's audacity reached the royal hearing, his Majesty also accelerated his movements, and the two armies encamped in the territory of Mandasōr,^301b belonging to Mālwā, on the opposite banks of a lake which for greatness and breadth was a sea. An engagement took place between the van of his Majesty Jahānbānī's army commanded by Bacaka Bahādur, and Sulṭān Bahādur's van under Sayyid ‘Alī Khān and Mīrzā Muqīm, who had the title of Khurāsān Khān, in which the latter was worsted. Sulṭān Bahādur too was worsted (shikasta) in his heart. Tāj Khān and Ṣadr Khān said to him “Our army is flushed with the victory of Cītōr and has not yet greatly felt the force of the royal army; it will address itself to battle with a stout heart. We should without delay go forth to fight.” Rūmī Khān^302a who commanded the artillery, and all the others, said to the Sulṭān “We have a grand park of artillery; when we have such a force of firearms, what sense is there in swordplay? The proper course is to make a bulwark of gun carriages (arāba lit. carts) and then having put a moat round this, let us first use those arms of long range so that the enemy may be diminished day by day, and be dispersed, Fighting with arrows and swords has its own proper place.”

In the end this plan was adopted. There were constant encounters and the Gujrātīs were always defeated.^302b

The following was one of the fortunate occurrences. One day a number of heroes and choice spirits were banqueting and became heated with wine. Everyone was exhilarated and talked of his exploits. One of them, who was further gone than the others, fell to saying, “How long shall we boast of the past! To-day the enemy is before us. Let us up and at them and so give a specimen of our valour.” Ere the reflecting portion of the army could know their design, those wine-flown revellers, about 200 in number, accoutred themselves and set out for the hostile camp. When they approached, a Gujrātī noble, with about 4,000 men who were on guard outside the camp, advanced, and then ensued such an engagement as beggars description. The Gujrātīs gave way and retired to the camp discomfited, whilst the battle-lovers returned in triumph. The report of this daring robbed Sulṭān Bahādur's army of repose and after it they seldom came outside their fortification of gun-carriages. The victorious soldiers went everywhere, hindering the transport of corn, so that there arose great scarcity in the Gujrātī camp.

On the ‘Īd of Ramaẓān, (4th April, 1535), Muḥammad Zamān Mīrzā advanced with 500 or 600 men, and the other side also came forward to fight. After making two or three discharges of arrows the Gujrātīs dispersed, and by this stratagem brought the victorious army within the range of the guns. All at once they opened fire, and on that day some of the king's men were destroyed. After 17 days, when the auspicious hour had arrived, his Majesty Jahānbānī resolved that an attack should be made on the camp of Sulṭān Bahādur. Meanwhile the fear and distress of the Gujrātīs increased daily, and the conditions of misfortune became more marked. At length by the Divine favour, on the night of Sunday,^303a 21st Shawwāl, (25th April), Sulṭān Bahādur grew distracted, and ordered that his cannon and great mortars^303b should be crammed full of powder and set fire to so that they should burst. When evening came, Sulṭān Bahādur got out by a slit in the enclosure (sarā-parda), accompanied by Mīrān Muḥammad Shāh^303c and a few others of his intimates and set off for Māndū, taking first the road to Agra in order to throw out pursuers.^303d Ṣadr Khān and ‘Imādu-l-mulk Khāṣakhail took, with 20,000 horse, the direct road to Māndū.^303e Muḥammad Zamān Mīrzā went off towards Lāhōr with a body of men in order to stir up a commotion there. That day there was a strange uproar and confusion in the Gujrātī army, nor was the real state of matters known in the royal camp. His Majesty Jahānbānī remained under arms with 30,000 men from evening till morning and awaited the good news of a mysterious victory. At length after one watch (i.e., three hours) of the day it became known that Sulṭān Bahādur had fled to Māndū. The heroes of the victorious army came to the camp of Sulṭān Bahādur and set about plundering it. A quantity of spoil, including many elephants, and horses fell into their hands. Khudāwand Khān^304a who had been both preceptor (ustād) and finance-minister (wazīr) of Sulṭān Muẓaffar was made prisoner and was treated by his Majesty with great favour and made one of his servants. Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā, Qāsim Sulṭān, and Mīr Hindū Bēg were despatched with a large force to pursue the routed army.

Verily, whoever consorts with men of darkened understanding, become darkened. Especially shall an evil day come upon the man who violates treaties and engagements, and comes forward as a juggler, and plays the game of deception against such a world-lord who is the cynosure of sincerity and rectitude. In fine, after Ṣadr Khān and ‘Imādu-l-mulk had departed, his Majesty's army went straight to the fort of Māndū. His Majesty followed in the wake of his troops, and halted at Na‘lca,^304b and drew his camp round the fort. Rūmī Khān^304c deserted the hostile army and entered his Majesty's service and received a robe of honour. On the 14th day^304d Sulṭān Bahādur after passing by circuitous routes entered the fort of Māndū by the Cūlī Mahesar^304e Gate. A talk of an agreement took place, according to which Gujrāt and the recently acquired Cītōr should remain with the Sulṭān, while Māndū and its territory should belong to his Majesty Jahānbānī. Maulānā Muḥammad Parghālī^304f on his Majesty's side and Ṣadr Khān on behalf of Sulṭān Bahādur sat down together in the Nīlī Sabīl^305a to make arrangements. At the end of the night the sentinels of the fort left off pacing to and fro, and about 200 soldiers of the victorious army entered at the back, some by placing ladders and some by ropes. Then throwing themselves down from the wall, they opened the fort gate there and brought in their horses and mounted them. Other soldiers entered by the gate. The news was brought to the officer in charge of the works,^305b Mallū Khān of Māndū, who had the title of Qādir Shāh. He got on horseback and galloped to the Sulṭān who was still asleep. He (Bahādur) was awakened by Qādir Shāh's cries and, between sleeping and waking, took to flight, and rushed out with three or four others. On the way Bhūpat Rāī,^305c son of Silhadī, who was one of his companions, came up from behind and joined him with about twenty horsemen. When they got to the gate opening on the esplanade, about 200 horsemen of the victorious army came forward to intercept them. The Sulṭān was the first to attack them and he was seconded by some others. At last he and Mallū Khān and one other follower cut their way through and reached the fort of Sungad.^305d Bahādur lowered down horses from there by ropes, and then letting himself down he after a thousand troubles took the road to Gujrāt. Qāsim Ḥusain Khān was standing near the Fort. An Uzbak named Būrī who had deserted from the Sulṭān's service and become the servant of Qāsim Ḥusain Khān, recognised the Sulṭān and informed the Khān. But the latter, owing to his length of service,^306a treated what he heard as unheard and so Bahādur carried off half-a-life into safety, and was joined by 1,500 men by the time he had reached Cāmpānīr. When he got there, he sent as much of his treasures and valuables as he could to the port of Diu.^306b

Now that the narrative has come so far, we cannot avoid giving some account of the beginning of this auspicious victory. As the victorious heroes were so rapid in getting into the fort of Māndū and in performing prodigies of valour there, no authentic news of their success emerged in the early morning. When two hours of day had elapsed his Majesty Jahānbānī heard of the entry, &c., and mounting his horse proceeded towards the fort and entered by the Dihlī gate.^306c

Ṣadr Khān and his men were meanwhile fighting at the entrance to his house, and though he was wounded he continued firm. At last, the nobles seized his rein and conducted him to Sungad. Many people went with him and took refuge there, and among them was Sulṭān ‘Ālam. The victorious soldiers plundered the houses of the enemy for three days, and then an order was issued for restraining the spoilers. Reliable persons were sent to Ṣadr Khān and Sulṭān ‘Ālam, who inspired them with confidence. After long parleys of little moment, they gave the besieged quarter and brought them out, but as Sulṭān ‘Ālam had several times committed sedition and rebellion, he was hamstrung^306d and let go. To Ṣadr Khān royal favours were shown. Three days after this victory, his Majesty came down from the fort and proceeded by forced marches to Gujrāt, accompanied by 30,000 chosen horsemen, while the camp was ordered to follow stage by stage.

When the victorious troops came near Cāmpānīr they halted, and drew up by the side of the Piplī Gate near the tank of ‘Imādu-l-mulk which is three kōs in circumference. When Sulṭān Bahādur heard of this, he strengthened the fort and went out by another gate, on the side of the Shukr tank, and fled to Cambay. By his instructions the town (Cāmpānīr) was set on fire, but when his Majesty Jahānbānī arrived, he directed the flames to be extinguished. Leaving Mīr Hindū Bēg and the rest in Cāmpānīr he took about a thousand horse and set off rapidly in pursuit of Sulṭān Bahādur. As soon as the Sulṭān came to Cambay he hastened to Diu, after setting fire to a hundred warships (Gharāb), which he had prepared against the Portuguese, lest the soldiers of the sublime army should embark on them and pursue him. On the same day that he left for Diu, his Majesty Jahānbānī reached Cambay and encamped by the seaside. From thence he despatched a force in pursuit of Sulṭān Bahādur. When the Sulṭān reached Diu, the victorious soldiers returned from its neighbourhood with abundance of booty. By the favours of heaven were Māndū and Gujrāt conquered in 942 (1535). Whoever is stayed upon God and whose standard is a good intention, will assuredly have his desire placed within his bosom.^307a

In the beginning of Sh‘abān of this year, (25th January, 1536), Mīrzā Kāmrān marched from Lābōr to Kābul, and after a great battle won a victory over Sām Mīrzā,^307b the brother of Shāh Ṭahmāsp Ṣafavī. The short account of this is as follows. Sām Mīrzā came to Qaudahār with a large body of Qizilbāshīs (Persians). Khwāja Kilān Bēg had strengthened Qandahār and defended it for eight months. Meanwhile Mīrzā Kāmrān marched from Lāhōr with a full equipment. A great battle took place between him and Sām Mīrzā. Aghzīwār Khān, one of the great officers of the Qizilbāshīs and Sām Mīrzā's tutor, was taken prisoner and put to death, and many of the Qizilbāshīs perished.^307c Mīrzā Kāmrān returned victorious to Lāhōr, and the disturbance caused by Mīrzā Muḥammad Zamān was put down. The explanation of this is briefly this. It has been already mentioned that after the defeat of Sulṭān Bahādur, M. Muḥammad Zamān marched against Lāhōr with the idea of stirring up strife there. When he came to the borders of Sind, Shāh Ḥusain, the son of Shāh Bēg Arghūn and the ruler of Sind, did not give him a place in his own territory, but pointed out Lāhōr to him as M. Kāmrān had gone towards Qandahār, and suggested that as such a rich country was unprotected he should go there. The ill-fated Mīrzā came to Lāhōr, thinking he had got an open field, and besieged it. Meanwhile M. Kāmrān arrived near Lāhōr and beat the drum of superiority. M. Muḥammad Zamān was disconcerted, and saw no resource except to return to Gujrāt. Driven out and abandoned, he went there. In this year Mīrzā Ḥaidar Gūrgān came from Kāshghar^308a viâ Badakhshān and joined M. Kāmrān in Lāhōr. Next spring Shāh Ṭahmāsp came in person to the district of Qandahār, and Khwāja Kilān Bēg put all the wardrobes, pantries and other offices in order and sent the keys of the store-houses and of the fort to the Shāh, saying that he had no means of holding the fort and was unable to give battle, and that it was inconsistent with loyalty and his duties as a servant to his master that he should come and do homage to the Shāh. Hence he thought it proper to set his houses in order and to make them over to his guest and for himself to withdraw. He then went by way of Tatta and Ucc^308b to Lāhōr. M. Kāmrān for a month would not allow him to pay his respects, saying “Why could you not have waited till I arrived?” After various transactions M. Kāmrān made his preparations and marched against Qandahār for the second time, leaving M. Ḥaidar in charge of Lāhōr. Before this Shāh Ṭahmāsp had put Bidāgh Khān Qajār,^308c one of the great officers, in charge of Qandahār and had departed. M. Kāmrān arrived and laid siege to Qandahār, and Bidāgh Khān capitulated and retreated. The Mīrzā got possession of Qandahār, and after putting it into a condition of defence returned to Lāhōr.

Whither have my words strayed? It is certainly better that I withdraw my hand from these affairs and attach myself to the thread of my design.

When his Majesty Jahānbānī was encamped at Cambay with a small force Malik Aḥmad Lāḍ and Rukn Dāūd who were officers of Sulṭān Bahādur, and leading men in Kōlīwāra, arranged with the Kōlīs and Gawārs^309a of that country that as there were few men with his Majesty Jahānbānī there was a suitable opportunity for making a night attack. They accordingly made preparations. By good fortune an old woman who had heard of this came to the royal enclosure and told one of the attendants that she had urgent business and wished to have a personal interview. As she was very importunate and appeared to be honest she was admitted to the presence, and communicated the plot of the night attack. His Majesty said “Whence comes this well-wishing of yours.” She replied “My son has been confined by one of your servants and I want him released as a reward for this well-wishing. If I have spoken falsely, punish both me and my son.” In accordance with orders, her son was produced, and a guard placed over them both. As a measure of precaution the troops were got into readiness and drawn off. Near dawn 5 or 6,000 Bhīls and Gawārs fell upon the royal enclosures, his Majesty Jahānbānī and the troops having retired to a rising ground. The Gawāns came and proceeded to plunder, and many rare books, which were real companions and were always kept in his Majesty's personal possession, were lost. Among these was the Tīmūr-nāma,^309b transcribed by Mullā Sulṭān ‘Alī and illustrated by Ustād Bihzād, and which is now in the Shāhinshāh's library. To sum up in a short space of time the breeze of salvation's morn breathed from fortune's ascension, and the brave warriors turned upon that mob and discomfited and scattered those hapless wretches by discharges^310a of arrows. That old woman's face was brightened, and she gained her desire. The majesty of the royal wrath, and the onslaught of o'ermastering rage boiled over and an order was issued for plundering and burning Cambay.^310b After that the pursuit of Sulṭān Bahādur was abandoned, and the army returned to Cāmpānīr. The fortress^310c was besieged for four months. Ikhtiyār Khān, who was sprung from a family of Qāẓīs in Narīād^310d which is a town in that country, and who was, for his justice and ability one of the Sulṭān's, confidants brought great exertions to bear on the defence of the fort.^310e In addition to all these protections and precautions it happened that from time to time sundry mountaineering (kūh-naward) woodcutters entered by ravines, which from the density of trees and jungle were difficult for foot passengers to traverse, and of course impracticable for traffic, and for the sake of gain brought corn and ghee to the foot of the fort in order to sell them at a high price, while men in the fort let down money by ropes and drew up the goods.

As the siege was long drawn out his Majesty Jahānbānī would sometimes visit the different sides of the fort and search for a possible entrance for his army. On one occasion he went forward from the side of Hālul, which is a garden, and fell in with the people who were coming out of the jungle after selling their corn and butter. An order was given to find out what their business was. They said they were woodcutters, but as they had no axes or hatchets with them, their story was not accepted. They were told that they would not escape punishment unless they told the truth. Being helpless they confessed the truth. Upon this they were bidden to go forward and to point out the place. When his Majesty saw it he recognised that it was 60 or 70 yards^311a high and very smooth,^311b so that it would be very difficult to climb. By his Majesty's orders 70 or 80 iron nails were brought, and driven into the precipice right and left at distances of one yard. The young heroes were bid climb these degrees of daring (mi‘rāj-i-mardānagī). Thirty-nine had ascended when his Majesty himself wished to climb. Bairām Khān begged him to delay till the men ahead had got higher up. Saying this he himself stepped up, his Majesty Jahānbānī followed him and was the 41st. Standing^311c there he had about 300 men drawn up by this iron ladder. An order was given that the victorious army, which was stationed at the batteries, should attack the fort. The garrison were thrown off their guard, and addressed themselves to repel the men from without and were looking down from the battlements when suddenly the 300 braves came from behind, and overwhelmed the garrison with showers of arrows. And when they realised the fact that his Majesty Jahānbānī in person had ascended the stairs of victory, the bewildered foe crept into hiding-places. The drum of victory beat high, and Ikhtiyār Khān went off to a higher point called Mūlīya^312a and there took refuge. Next day they gave him quarter and sent for him. Together with his practical knowledge (dānish) and his management of state affairs he was fully possessed of sciences, especially mathematics and astronomy. He was also skilled as a poet and composer of enigmas. He was honoured by being allowed to sit in the assembly of the learned, and was distinguished by princely favours, and was admitted among the intimates of the threshold of sovereignty. One of the eloquent found the date of this victory “Awwal hafta-i-Māh-i-Ṣafar,”^312b i.e., first week of Ṣafar (943)=19th-26th July, 1536.

As the country of Gujrāt was in the possession of the servants of the empire up to the Mahindrī,^312c and as no one was appointed to administer the territory on the other side (the West), the peasantry wrote to Sulṭān Bahādur and announced that the collections were ready and that a collector of these was necessary; if one were appointed, they would discharge their obligations. All the officers to whom the Sulṭān spoke on the subject remained silent. ‘Imādu-l-Mulk however had the courage to come forward, and he agreed to accept the office on condition that there should be no questioning afterwards as to any land or authority that he should give to any one in order to execute the work of the collection. He proceeded with 200 horse towards Aḥmadābād. On the way he gave written grants,^313a of land to those whom he knew. When he arrived at Aḥmadābād he had collected 10,000 cavalry. He gave everyone who possessed two horses a lak of gujrātīs. In a short time he had gathered 30,000 cavalry. Mujāhid Khān, Governor of Jūnagaḍh joined him with 10,000 horse.

At this time his Majesty Jahānbānī on account of the conquest of the fort of Cāmpānīr and of the falling of abundant treasure into his hands was holding magnificent banquets and was constantly arranging royal entertainments on the banks of the Dū Rūya tank. One of the paramount conditions of authority is that special servants and those in near attendance should have certain fixed rules to abide by, and that in every section of them there should be some discreet and prudent person appointed who may continually look after their rising and sitting, their going and coming, and take precautions against evil companionship, which is the father and mother of wrong ideas. Especially is this required at a time when details are veiled from a Lord of the Age by the multiplicity of business. It is fitting that in such circumstances he should appoint right-speaking, right-acting intelligencers who may always bring him correct information of the real state and of the gist of the doings of this body of men. Otherwise many of the narrow-minded become from length of service less susceptible of the prestige of royalty, and the wine of familiarity carries them out of their senses, and leads them into the stumbling of eternal ruin. And great seditions emerge from this intoxication. Accordingly they became apparent on this occasion. The story of this is that on the night of the rejoicing and banquetings on account of the marvellous victories, some feeble souls who were fated to be admitted to the verge of the sublime assemblage, viz., book-bearers, armour-bearers, ink-horn-bearers and the like, happened to have gone to the gardens of Hālūl,^313b the scent of whose flowers might cure the melancholy, and whose heart-expanding breeze might give motion to congealed^313c blood, and to have started a winefeast. In this state of exultation which had put to flight sense and reason, they took up the Ẓafarnāma and read of the beginnings of the victorious career of his Majesty Ṣāḥib Qirānī (Tīmūr)— how that prince had with him, in the vernal prime of his glory, forty chosen companions, and how one day he took from each a couple of arrows and after tying them all together, gave them to each companion to break. Though each put the bundle across his knee and exerted all his strength, it was of no use. But when he opened the bundle, and gave each two arrows every one broke them. His Majesty had then observed “we are forty persons, if we are united like this bundle of arrows victory will attend us wherever we go.” In accordance with this right thought and lofty idea they girt up their loins of courage and went forth to conquer.^314a

Those ignorant fools when they heard this story did not reflect that each one of the forty was a heaven-aided host. They thought merely of the external circumstances and so fell into ruinous imaginings. When they reckoned themselves up they found they were four hundred, and in their madness and folly they conceived that unanimity among 400 persons must be exceeding wrong, and formed the notion of conquering the Deccan. Under this hallucination they proceeded to tread the broad and downward path to destruction. Next day though search was made for those near yet so far (nazdīkān-i-dūr), no trace of them could be found. At last an intimation of their wild idea was obtained, and a thousand men were sent to seize them. They soon brought to Court those fortune-buffeted and doomed men, bound neck and hand. It was Tuesday,^314b a day when his Majesty wore the red vesture of Mars and sate on the throne of wrath and vengeance. The crowd of criminals were brought forward, section by section, and each of them received sentences fitting their destiny, and the requirements of complete justice. Some they bound and made trodden under the feet of mountain-like elephants. Many who had carried their heads beyond the line of respect received distinction by the removal of the burden of their heads from their bodies. A number who, not distinguishing between their feet and their hands, had clapped their hands at seditious thoughts were made handless and footless. A set of them who from arrogance (khud-bīnī lit. self-contemplation) had not kept their ears for the royal commands found ears and nose gone from their places, others who had laid the fingertip of intent on the edge of misfeasance saw no more the figure of a finger in their hand.^315a

After executing these judgments and orders the time of evening prayer arrived. The Imām, who was not void of obtuseness, at the first genuflection recited the Sūra ‘A-lam tara kaifa’ “Hast thou not seen how.” After the conclusion of the service the order of vengeance^315b was issued that the Imām be thrown under the foot of an elephant because he had designedly and allusively recited the chapter of the elephant, and had degraded justice to tyranny, and had uttered an evil presage.^315c Maulānā Muḥammad Parghālī^315d represented that the Imām did not know the meaning of the Qurān. But as the fire of wrath was darting tongues of flame he got no reply except abusive epithets. After a time when the light of the Imām's simplicity shone on the marge of his holy heart and the conflagration of the flames of wrath was stayed, he expressed much regret and spent the whole night in sorrow and weeping.^316a

After the completion of this affair Tardī Bēg Khān was left in Cāmpānīr, and the royal standards proceeded towards Aḥmadābād, and encamped on the bank of the Mahindrī.^316b ‘Imādu-l-Mulk had the courage to advance, and to make a march for each one that the royal army made. Between Narīād and Maḥmūdābād^316c he encountered Mīrzā ‘Askarī who was in the van and several stages ahead (of the main body). A great battle ensued, and the Mīrzā was worsted until Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā, Qāsim Ḥusain Khān and Hindū Bēg arrived with a large body of men and unfurling the flag of fortune proclaimed to the enemy the approach of the imperial ensigns with a “Lo, the sublime army has arrived.” The utterance of this word, and its sound reaching the ears of the enemy were simultaneous with Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā's victory and the defeat of the foe. As Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā was ahead of all, the brunt of the battle fell upon him. On the side of the enemy ‘Ālam Khān Lōdī^316d and some others offered opposition till ‘Imādu-l-mulk retired half dead. Darwēsh Muḥammad Qarāshīr, father of Shujā‘at Khān,^316e obtained martyrdom in this engagement. Meanwhile the flashing of the royal standards appeared and victory upon victory disclosed itself. After the arrival of the sublime army 3 to 4,000 of the enemy were slain. His Majesty asked Khudāwand Khān^317a if there was likelihood of another battle, and he replied that if that leprous slave, meaning ‘Imādu-l-mulk, had been personally in the fight, it was over, and if he had not been there was likelihood of another bloody bout. Men were appointed to inquire into this matter, and from two wounded men, who were lying half dead among the dead, it was ascertained that ‘Imādu-l-mulk had commanded in person. Next day the grand army marched on and then halted, M. ‘Askarī going on as before in front. When the army had encamped on this side of the Kankārīyā^317b tank M. ‘Askarī represented that if the whole camp entered the city, the inhabitants would be harassed. An order was given that provost-marshals (yasāwalān) be stationed at every gate of the city and that they should admit no one except M. ‘Askarī and his men.

The army encamped on the delightful spot of Sarkāj, and on the third day his Majesty, attended by many of his courtiers, came to the city. After that he gave his attention to the affairs of Gujrāt and settled them in a proper manner. Hindū Bēg was stationed there with a large force in order that he might go wherever he was required. Pattan was given to Mīrzā Yādgar Nāṣir; Broach, Nansārī and the port of Surat to Qāsim Ḥusain Sulṭān;^317c Cambay, and Baroda to Dōst Bēg Īshak Āqā; and Maḥmūdābad to Mīr Būcaka.

When the affairs of Gujrāt had been settled his Majesty proceeded towards the port of Dīu. When the army was leaving Dandūqa, which is 30 kōs (W. S. W.) from Aḥmadābād, representations came from Agra, the capital, to the effect that as his Majesty was far from the seat of Government rebellious men had raised the head of disaffection, and extended the arm of strife. Couriers too arrived from Mālwā and reported that Sikandar Khān^318a and Mallū Khān had sallied forth and fallen upon Mihtar Zambūr the Jagīrdār of Hindīā^318b and that he had taken his property with him and came to Ujjain, and that all the soldiers who were stationed here and there in that province had collected there, that the authors of strife had assembled in great numbers and were besieging the city, and that Darwēsh ‘Alī Kitābdār (librarian) had received a gunshot wound and had died, and that the rest of the besieged had asked for quarter and had submitted. His Majesty thereupon determined to return and to make Māndū his capital for a time, so that Mālwā might be cleared of rebels, and also that the newly conquered Gujrāt might be brought into order, and also that the flames of disaffection which had blazed forth in the settled portion of the empire might be extinguished. Accordingly having made over Gujrāt to M. ‘Askarī and a number of officers he turned his rein and halted at Cambay. From thence he went to Baroda and Broach and from thence to Surat, and from thence to Āsīr^318c and Burhānpūr. He stopped seven days in Burhānpūr and then marched on and passing under the fort of Āsīr established himself at Māndū. As soon as the disaffected heard the sound of the return of the royal standards, they were troubled and crept into corners. His Majesty found the climate of Mālwā agreeable to his constitution and made many of his servants jāgīrdārs thereof. And the gates of success and satisfaction of desires were thrown open to the world.

Of a surety, a grandee who does not recognise the force of kindness and prestige, and takes the road of ingratitude, smites his own foot with a hatchet,^319a and of his own act falls into the hell of ruin. The story of the doings of Mīrzā ‘Askarī and the officers of Gujrāt is a proof of this, for owing to the smallness of their capacities a little success made them give way to rebellious thoughts. From immoderate living there arose the beginnings of mutual strife and their actions were darkened by the mist of dissimulation. Accordingly after about three months the enemy stirred up commotion. Khān Jahān of Shīrāz and Rūmī Khān, who had the name of Ṣafar and who is the builder of the fort of Surat, united and took possession of Nausārī which was held by ‘Abdullāh Khān, a relative of Qāsim Ḥusain Khān Ūzbēg. ‘Abdullāh Khān left that quarter and came to Broach. About this time they also took the port of Surat. Khān Jahān marched by land to Broach, while Rūmī Khān came there by sea with warships carrying guns and muskets. Qāsim Ḥusain Khān lost his head (lit. lost hands and feet), and hurried to Cāmpānīr, and then from there went on to Aḥmadābād to Mīrzā ‘Askarī and Hindū Bēg in search of help. Sayyid Isḥāq who had received from Sulṭān Bahādur the title of Shitāb Khān (the swift Khān) took possession of Cambay, and Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā went off from Pattan to Aḥmadābād at the summons of ‘Askarī Mīrza. Daryā Khān and Muḥāfiẓ Khān set out from Rāīsīn and were going towards the Sulṭān at Diu, when finding Pattan empty (i.e., undefended), they took possession of it. From want of union and want of counsel things came to such a pass that one Ghaẓanfar^319b (the lion), a servant of Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā deserted with 300 horse and joined Sulṭān Bahādur. He invited the Sulṭān to come (to Aḥmadābād) and letters of loyalists followed in succession, so that Sulṭān Bahādur marched towards Aḥmadābād, and soon halted near Sarkēj. ‘Askarī Mīrzā, Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā, Hindū Bēg, and Qāsim Ḥusain Khān proceeded with nearly 20,000 horse and confronted the Sulṭān in the rear of Asāwal. They faced him for three days and nights, and then, as they were neither loyal to his Majesty Jahānbānī nor clear-headed they, out of a darkened understanding and evil thoughts, went off without fighting to Cāmpānīr. Much mischief ensued.

'Tis evident how far they carried the eating of the salt and the breaking the salt-cellar on the table-top^320a and how in the domain of thanksgiving they trod the arena of crime and the field of little service. Good God, I understand their lack of fidelity, which is a priceless jewel and of rare occurrence in this wicked world, but why should they drop from their hands the coin of common sense which is negotiable every where? In fine, Sulṭān Bahādur who had been in a thousand anxieties, grew bold and pursued them. Sayyid Mubārak of Bukhārā was at the head of the vanguard and came near the imperial army. Yādgar Nāṣir Mīrzā who commanded in the rear turned and fought bravely with the result that many of the Sulṭān's vanguard were killed, while the Mīrzā was wounded in the arm. The enemy halted at Maḥmūdābād, and the Mīrzā joined the main army. As M. ‘Askarī had lost heart he incontinently crossed the Mahindrī which was in front of him, and many of the soldiers lost their lives in its floods. The Sulṭān arrived at the edge of the river and the Mīrzā went on to Cāmpānīr. Tardī Bēg Khān made arrangements for their entertainment, and then went back to his post.

Next day the Mīrzās sent a treacherous message to Tardī Bēg Khān to the effect that they were in distress, and their army in evil case, and begged that he would send them by way of assistance a portion of the fort treasures in order that they might give it to their soldiers. When they had refreshed themselves, they would use diligence to attack the enemy. They were reporting to Māndū, where the imperial camp was, but it would take a courier six days to get there. Tardī Bēg Khān did not consent to this, and the Mīrzās plotted to seize him so that they might get hold of the whole of the treasure, and establish the sovereignty in the name of M. ‘Askarī. If they defeated Sulṭān Bahādur so much the better, but if not, as his Majesty Jahānbānī liked the Mālwā climate, and the territory of Agra, the capital, was undefended, they would go there. Tardī Bēg Khān came down from the fort and was going to wait upon the Mīrzās when he got wind of this plot. He hastened back to the fort and sent word to the Mīrzās that it was not fitting for them to remain there. They sent back a message that they were leaving, but asked him to come that they might discuss sundry matters with him and bid him farewell. He knew their design and returned a suitable answer, and next morning opened fire on them. The Mīrzās went off with evil intentions and proceeded by Ghāt Karjī^321a towards Agra. So long as the victorious (?) army was in the neighbourhood of Cāmpānīr the Sulṭān did not cross the Mahindrī which is 15 kōs from Cāmpānīr. But when news came that the Mīrzās had retreated and gone off towards Agra with evil designs, the Sulṭān crossed the river and came to attack Cāmpānīr. Tardī Bēg Khān, in spite of the strength of the fort, and the store of preparations there abandoned the fort and took the road of safety. He reached Māndū and had the honour of paying his respects. He made known to his Majesty the Mīrzās' evil intentions and his Majesty on being apprized thereof hastened by way of Cītōr so that the Mīrzās might not get to Agra before him. By good fortune he came up with them on the way, near Cītōr. The helpless Mīrzās submitted to his Majesty and he out of innate kindness and clemency did not regard their offences and made universal forgiveness, the intercessor for their faults. He made liberality to supplement forgiveness and distinguished them by princely gifts.

One of the evils of the time which were the cause^321b of his Majesty's returning from this country to Agra was that Muḥammad Sulṭān Mīrzā and his son Ulugh Mīrzā, who had deviated from the highway of obedience and become rebellious, as has been already mentioned, emerged at this time, owing to their constitutional worthlessness, from the corner of contempt and raised the head of molestation. Thus did those who had been appointed to blind him receive a lesson.^322a They now attacked pargana Bilgrām^322b and then proceeded to Qanauj. The sons of Khusrau Kōkaltāsh,^322c who were there asked quarter and yielded up Qanauj to them. M. Hindāl who was in Agra, went forth to quell this disturbance, and the two armies met after he had crossed the Ganges at Bilgrām. A battle ensued, and as the vogue of rebels and strife mongers is like a grass-fire the flames were extinguished in a moment by the blowing of Fortune's gale. The north^322d wind of victory blew and the victorious army pursued and came to Oudh.^322e There Ulugh Bēg M. and his sons had gathered an army and again offered battle. Meanwhile the news came of the arrival of the victorious army from Gujrāt to Agra. The wretched enemy again fought and were again defeated. Mīrzā Hindāl returned victorious and kissed the sublime threshold. When the grand army of his Majesty Jahānbānī arrived at Agra Bhūpāl Rāī, governor of Bījāgaḍa (in Nimār), finding the fort of Māndū undefended boldly entered it, and Qādir Shāh returned to Māndū, and also Mīrān Muḥammad Fārūqī came there from Burhānpūr. Sulṭān Bahādur after staying about two weeks in Cāmpānīr returned to Diu. When his Majesty Jahānbānī and the invincible fortune of his family had turned away from Bahādur with glories of power and majesty, an event^322f which he thought to be to his advantage became the cause of his ruin. For after being routed by the victorious army, and after beholding the impact of the majestic troops he sent persons with presents to the Feringhī Viceroy^323a who was the Warden of the Ports, and invited him to come to him. At the time when M. ‘Askarī went off from Gujrāt and the Sulṭān had come to Diu, the Viceroy arrived there by sea with ships and soldiers. When he learned the state of affairs he grew apprehensive, lest now that the Sulṭān was independent of his help he would act perfidiously after an interview. He therefore feigned illness and sent messengers to the Sulṭān to say that he had come in compliance with his request and would wait upon him as soon as he was better. The Sulṭān left the highway of caution and on 3 Ramaẓān 943 (13th February, 1537), at the close of the day, went by boat to inquire after the Viceroy's health. As soon as he arrived he saw that the illness was feigned, and reporting that he had come he immediately proceeded to return. The Feringhīs thought that “when such a prey has come into our grasp it will be well if we get some harbours out of him.” The Viceroy intercepted him and requested him to stay till some presents should be brought before him. The Sulṭān said “send them afterwards,” and saying this he hastily went towards his own vessel. The Feringhī Qāẓī^323b stopped him and bade him wait and the Sulṭān impatiently drew his sword and clove him to the waist. He then jumped from their vessel on to his own. The Portuguese boats which were round about closed in upon her and a fight began. The Sulṭān and Rūmī Khān^323c flung themselves into the sea. A Feringhī acquaintance of Rūmī Khān drew him out, but the Sulṭān was drowned,^323d and his attendants also perished. The chronogram is Faringiyān-i-Bahādur-kush^324a (943=1531). And some used to say that he (Bahādur) came to the surface and reached the shore in safety. And subsequently there were reports in Gujrāt and the Deccan of his having been seen by people. For instance, on one occasion a person appeared in the Deccan whom the Niẓāmu-l-Mulk acknowledged, and played Caugān (polo) with. A crowd gathered round him, and the Niẓām perceiving this resolved to put him to death. On that same night he disappeared from his tent, and people concluded that the Niẓām had destroyed him. One day Mīr Abū Turāb^324b who is one of the Gujrāt grandees, related that Mullā Quṭbu-d-dīn of Shīrāz, who was Sulṭān Bahādur's preceptor, was at that tlme in the Deccan and that he took an oath that the man was certainly Sulṭān Bahādur, and that he had spoken to him of certain matters only known to themselves, and had received intelligent replies. It cannot be said that in the wide kingdom of God's power such things are impossible.

In fine, when Sulṭān Bahādur had thus disappeared in the sea, and his officers were sitting in the dust (i.e., were in mourning), Muḥammad Zamān Mīrzā put on blue clothes as mourning for the Sulṭān, and by hypocritical means got a portion of the treasures of Gujrāt into his possession, while another portion fell into the hands of the Feringhīs, and some was plundered. He also called himself the son^325a of Sulṭān Bahādur's mother, and sometimes demanded from the Feringhīs satisfaction for the murder, and sometimes secretly sent them large sums of money in order that they might use their influence in having him acknowledged as sovereign (lit. recite the Khuṭba in his name). So that for some days they read the Khuṭba in his name in the Ṣafā^325b Mosque. And he for some time went about as an adventurer till at last ‘Imādu-l-mulk brought an army against him and defeated him. From thence he being helpless and ashamed cast a glance of hope towards kissing the threshold of his Majesty Jahānbānī, as will be hereafter related in its proper place. But leaving such matters, to speak of which is to indulge in amplifications and rhetoric, I proceed to my proper subject.

When his Majesty Jahānbānī Jannat-āshiyānī arrived at the capital the audacious spirits of that neighbourhood who had raised the head of refractoriness, and extended the neck of dispute came into subjection and obedience, and made tribute the material of their own peace and safety. The dominions became adorned with repose and steadfastness.

When the world-adorning mind had finished the affairs of those regions, (i.e., Agra and the territories referred to at end of last chapter) his princely genius addressed itself to the arrangements for an expedition to Gujrāt, so that he might again turn the reins of his intent towards that province and might, contrary to former dispositions, make over its management to men whose behaviour should show steadiness in administration, and whose proceedings should not be characterised by mutability and confusion. He purposed that when his mind was at ease with regard to the settlement of the province, he would return to the capital. Meanwhile news came of the emergence of Shēr Khān and of his commotions in the eastern provinces. Hence the design of subduing Bengal, which had entered his Majesty's heart before the affairs of Gujrāt and had been put off on account of the latter now revived, and orders were issued to make preparations for an expedition to Bengal. It was decided that Shēr Khān should be put down and the territories of Bengal subdued.

This Shēr Khān belonged to the Afghān tribe of Sūr. His old name was Farīd, and he was the son of Ḥasan, the son of Ibrāhīm Shērākhail. Ibrāhīm was a horse-dealer, nor had he any distinction among the crowd of tradesmen. His native country was the village of Shamla^327a in the territory of Nārnūl.^327b His son Ḥasan developed some nobleness^327c and from trading took to soldiering. For a long time he was in the service of Rāīmal, the grandfather of Rāīsāl Darbārī,^327d who is at present honoured by being in the service of his Majesty the Shāhinshāh. From there he went to Caund^327e in the territory of Sahasrām and became a servant of Naṣīr Khān Lūḥānī who was an officer of Sikandar Lōdī. By service and ability he surpassed his fellows, and when Naṣīr Khān died, he entered the service of his brother Daulat Khān. After that he was enrolled among the followers of Baban who was one of the grandees of Sulṭān Sikandar Lōdī, and achieved a certain amount of distinction. Many things were accomplished by his management. His son Farīd pained his own father by his arrogance and evil disposition, and separated from him. For a time he was in the service of Tāj Khān Lōdī and for a while he was in Oudh in the service of Qāsim Ḥusain Uzbak. For a long time he was servant of Sulṭān Junaid Barlās.^327f One day Sulṭān Junaid Barlās had taken occasion to introduce him and two other Afghāns who were in his service to his Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdaus-makānī. As soon as the farseeing glance of his Majesty fell upon him he remarked “Sulṭān Barlās, the eyes of this Afghān, (pointing to Farīd) indicate turbulence and strife-mongering, he ought to be confined.” He received the other two favourably. Farīd got apprehensive on seeing his Majesty Gītī-sitānī's look, and fled before Sulṭān (Junaid) could make him over to his men. Meanwhile his father died and his property fell into his hands. In the territory of Sahasrām, and in the jungles of Caund, which is a pargana of Rohtās, he began to give trouble by practising theft,^327g robbery and murder. In a short space of time he by craft and unrighteousness surpassed the rebels of the age. Accordingly Sulṭān Bahādur of Gujrāt sent him a subsidy by the hands of merchants and summoned him to his side. Farīd made the money into capital for sedition, and sent excuses for not going. He occupied himself in usurpations, attacks and in plundering towns and villages. In a short time many rascals and vagabonds gathered round him. Meanwhile the governor^328a of Bihār who was one of the Lūḥānī nobles, departed this life, and there was no one left to take up the thread of his duties. Shēr Khān and his vagabonds made a raid and got hold of much property. Then he returned to his own place, and suddenly attacked Ulugh Mīrzā, who was near Sirwa (Sirū). By craft he got the better of him. From there he turned and attacked Benares, and when he had acquired troops and property he went to Patna and took possession of that country. He fought a battle at Sūrajgaṛh^328b which is the boundary of the territories of the ruler of Bengal, and won a victory. That country also came into his hands. For a year he carried on war against Nuṣrat Shāh,^328c the ruler of Bengal, and for a long while he besieged Gaur.^328d

One remarkable circumstance was that Shēr Khān came to hear of an eminent astrologer in the service of the Rājā of Orissa. As he had vain and rebellious thoughts he sent for this astrologer to get information about his success. The Rājā would not let him go, but the astrologer wrote to Shēr Khān that he would not prevail over Bengal till the lapse of a year, and that he would prevail on a particular day, on which the Ganges would be fordable for an hour. By fate, what was written came to pass.^328e

Verse.

I heard from a sage that wisdom is plentiful,
But that it is scattered about among mankind.

During the time that the royal standards were engaged in conquering Mālwā and Gujrāt, Shēr Khān seized his opportunity and made great progress. The above is a sketch of the beginning of his career. The remainder of his story, the last of his actions, and his wretched end will be narrated in a parenthesis of the account of his Majesty Jahānbānī, so that the authors of strife and contention may take warning therefrom.^329a

In fine, as the idea of an expedition to the eastern provinces had become fixed in the mind of his Majesty Jahānbānī, Mīr Faqr ‘Alī, who had been one of the great officers of his Majesty Fīrdaus-makānī Gītī-sitānī was appointed to the charge of Dihlī while Agra was entrusted to Mīr Muḥammad Bakhshī, who was one of the trusted servants of the State. Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā, his Majesty's cousin, was sent to Kālpī which was his jāīgīr in order to manage that quarter. Nūru-d-dīn Muḥammad Mīrzā^329b who was married to his Majesty's sister Gulrang Bēgam and was the progenitor of Salīma Sulṭān Bēgam, was appointed to the charge of Qanauj. His Majesty having in this manner arranged the officers of his kingdom went off to the eastward by boat, along with his chaste and veiled consorts. Mīrzā ‘Askarī and Mīrzā Hindāl accompanied him, while among the officers were Ibrāhīm Bēg Cābūq,^330a Jahāngīr Qulī Bēg, Khusrau Bēg Kōkaltāsh, Tardī Bēg Khān, Qūc Bēg,^330b Tardī Bēg of Etāwā, Bairām Khān, Qāsim Ḥusain Khān Uzbak, Būcakā Bēg, Zāhid Bēg, Dōst Bēg, Bēg Mīrak, Ḥājī Muḥammad (son of) Bābā Qushqa,^330c Yā‘qūb Bēg, Nihāl Bēg, Rōshan Bēg, Mughul Bēg and a large number of other distinguished men. The army proceeded by land and by water whilst his Majesty, sometimes sitting in a boat and sometimes riding on horse-back, deliberated on the affairs of state and proceeded towards the fort of Cunār where was Shēr Khān. When the army drew nigh to Cunār, M. Muḥammad Zamān came from Gujrāt with the dust of confusion on his forehead and the drops of shame on his cheek, and had the happiness to be permitted to kiss the lofty threshold. The brief account of this occurrence is as follows. His Majesty's dear sister Ma‘ṣūma Sulṭān Bēgam,^330d the Mīrzā's wife, had in Agra petitioned about the Mīrzā's guilt and had received an order of reconciliation. His Majesty from his innate goodness, drew the line of forgiveness over his offences and directed that he should be sent for. When the Mīrzā arrived near the grand army, a number of high officers were sent to meet him, and when he was a day's journey off, M. ‘Askarī and M. Hindāl went out in accordance with the lofty commands and embraced him. M. ‘Askarī saluting him by raising his hand up to his breast, while M. Hindāl saluted^330e by putting his hand on his head. They brought the Mīrzā with respect to the camp and that day the Mīrzā, in accordance with the king's command, was conveyed to his own tent. Next day he was brought to the lofty pavilion and having done homage, was treated with royal favours. Twice was he exalted in one assemblage by a special khil‘at, a belt, a sword and a horse. Bravo! At the gate of God's elect, sins are requited (lit. bought) by benefits, and wickeduesses are reckoned as virtues. There is such plenty in the store-house of divine grace that His peculiar mercies are co-ordinate with offenders; in proportion as they increase their crimes and sins do they obtain increase of grace and forgiveness. This attribute is the more appropriate to princes in that they are the shadows of God, so that by passing over offences no harm is done to the breadth of their mercy and the amplitude of their power; and the wretch who is ashamed of his evil deeds, obtains an order of release from the pit of torture. In short his Majesty Jahānbāuī Jannat Āshyānī, in spite of rebellion so great that (even) to pardon it were improper, became an expounder of the Divine ethics and returned good for evil. God be praised! His Majesty, the Shāhinshāh of the Age, (Akbar) hath these noble qualities and weighty ethics; they are part of his nature and of the essence of his holy soul, and in the meting out of punishment he practises a consideration and hesitation such as no other king has been adorned with from the cycle of Adam until now. In this book a few instances will be given out of many. May God Almighty increase daily this family and may He, in reward of this generous nature bestow plenteous blessings on his Majesty's life and dominion!

In short when Shēr Khān was apprized of the uprearing of the victorious standards, he left his son Quṭb Khān and many others in Cunār, and after strengthening the fort, departed to Bengal. He conquered that country in war and obtained much booty. When the world-conquering army of his Majesty Jahānbānī Jannat-āshiyānī encamped near Cunār, he applied himself to the taking of the fortress. Rūmī Khān who was the paragon of the age for overcoming grand forts and sky-high castles, and who had left Sulṭān Bahādur after the victory of Mandasōr, and been enrolled as one of his Majesty's servants, and exalted by the office of Mīr Ātash (Director of Ordnance) constructed a covered way (sābāṭ) upon boats and arranged such a roof (saṭḥa) with strong partitions (?) on the top of a platform of planks that the ingenious and skilful bit the finger of astonishment in admiration of the workmanship.^331a And he carried such mines under the walls that when they were fired, Time and the Terrene (zamīn ū zamān) were shaken. Quṭb Khān fled, and the remainder of the garrison asked for quarter and came out. The fort fell into the possession of the king's servants. As for those admitted to quarter, they were about 2,000 in number, though his Majesty Jahānbānī had ratified Rūmī Khān's promise and had pardoned (?) them, yet Mu'ayyid Bēg Dūldai,^332a who was one of the confidential officers, added to the order that their hands should be cut off, and represented that this was the king's command; such was the usurpation^332b of authority that he displayed! His Majesty Jahānbānī censured him for this. Rūmī Khān received royal favours, and his influence and renown were increased. In return for his services the fort was made over to him, but in a few days he became by destiny an object of envy to the world and passed away, poisoned.

When his mind was free of this affair, the expedition to Bengal presented itself before him. Naṣīb Shāh,^332c the ruler of Bengal, came wounded to the world-protecting Court, and implored help against Shēr Khān. This was an additional reason for conquering Bengal, and another call to him to proceed there. His Majesty comforted him by his princely sympathy, and distinguished him by royal favours. As the expedition had now been determined upon, Jaunpūr and its territory was made over to Mīr Hindū Bēg who was one of the great officers, while Cunār was given to Mīrak Bēg. Preparations having been made, the army proceeded by land and water. When Patna became the camping ground, the loyal servants of the Court represented that the rainy season had arrived, and that if his Majesty delayed the Bengal expedition until this season had passed over, this would be consonant with the rules of conquest, since the passage of cavalry into Bengal at this season was very difficult, and would be productive of destruction to the soldiers. The ruler of Bengal looked to his own interests and represented that Shēr Khān had not yet confirmed himself in Bengal, and that to march speedily against him would be a means of extirpating him with ease. His Majesty out of consideration for this oppressed one, and from the plausibility of his statements, gave orders for the advance. In Bhāgalpūr he divided the army, sending M. Hindāl across the river with 5000 or 6000 men to march along its banks on that side. When the army had encamped at Monghyr, news came that Jalāl Khān, the son of Shēr Khān, who after his father's death took the name of Salīm Khān,^333a with Khawāṣṣ Khān, Barmazīd,^333b Sarmast Khān,^333c Haibat Khān Niyāzī,^333d and Bahār Khān^333e with about 15,000 men had come to Gaṛhī which is, as it were, the gate of Bengal, and that having strengthened it they were meditating strife and sedition.

The account of this affair is as follows: When Shēr Khān heard of the approach of the imperial army he could not bring himself to fight but went off by way of Jhārkhand,^334a so that when the grand army came into Bengal, he might go to Bihār and stir up commotion in that province, and also that he might place the spoils of Bengal in safety. He left Jalāl Khān and a large body of men near Gaṛhī and arranged that when the conquering army approached and he himself had got to Shērpūr,^334b they should make haste to join him, and should avoid fighting. His Majesty deputed from Bhāgalpūr Ibrāhīm Bēg Cābūq, Jahāngīr Qulī Bēg, Bairām Bēg, Nahāl Bēg, Rōshan Bēg, Gurg ‘Alī Bēg, Bacaka Bahādur, and a large force consisting of about 5000 or 6000 men. When the imperial army arrived in the neighbourhood of Gaṛhī, Jalāl Khān departed from his father's instructions, got together his army and attacked the camp. The men of it had not put themselves in order for fighting so as to combat properly. They were not properly drawn up, and the enemy was numerous. Nor were the former ready for battle. Bairām Khān turned several times and attacked the enemy, and dispersed them. He made gallant efforts but from want of management he was not properly supported, and things did not go satisfactorily. ‘Alī Khān Mahāwanī,^334c Ḥaidar Bakhshī and several other officers attained the glory of martyrdom. When this news came to the hearing of his Majesty, he rapidly proceeded to the spot. On the way the sea-adorning boat which was his special barge, was sunk at Colgong. When the royal army came near the black-fated Afghāns, the wretches fled. Mīrzā Hindāl, who had been appointed to Tirhut and Purnīyā was, at his own request, permitted to depart to his new fief, so that he should come from thence with a proper equipment to Bengal. His Majesty Jahānbānī proceeded from there, march by march, to Bengal, and by the Divine aid conquered it in 945.^335a Shēr Khān and the other Afghāns having taken the choicest treasures of Bengal^335b went off by Jhārkhand towards Rohtās, and got possession of it by means of stratagem.

The short account of this is as follows: When Shēr Khān arrived in the neighbourhood of Rohtās, which is a very strong fort, he sent messengers to Rājā Cintāman,^335c a brahman, the owner of the fort, reminding him of past favours, and after making a foundation of friendship, he represented to him that he was in a difficulty, and begged him to treat him with humanity and to receive his family and dependants into the fort, and thus make him (Shēr Khān) pledged to be his benefactor. By a hundred flatteries and deceptions the simple-minded Rājā was persuaded by the tricks of that juggler. He, a stranger to friendship's realm, prepared six hundred litters, and placed in each two armed youths, while maidservants were placed on every side of the litters. By this stratagem^335d he introduced his soldiers and took the fort. Having placed his family and soldiers there, he extended the arm of sedition and blocked the road to Bengal.

His Majesty Jahānbānī found the climate of Bengal agreeable and sat down to enjoy himself. The army finding a plentiful country gathered the materials of insouciance. At this time too M. Hindāl was led by evil companions and authors of strife to entertain wicked designs, and went off in the height of the rains and without permission, towards Agra. Though admonitory mandates were sent to him they were without effect. After some days he arrived at the capital and arranged his seditious plans. In the inner-chamber of his brain, which was void of the divine halo, he concocted the desire of sovereignty. Shēr Khān, seeing the propitiousness of the time, extended his strife and sedition. He came and besieged Benares; he soon took it and put to death Mīr Faẓlī the governor. From there he went to Jaunpūr which was held by Bābā Bēg Jalāir, the father of Shāham Khān, he having been appointed after the death of Hindū Bēg. Bābā Bēg brought Jaunpūr under discipline and sedulously strengthened it. Yūsuf Bēg, son of Ibrāhīm Bēg Cābūq, was marching from Oudh to Bengal. He joined Bābā Bēg, but was always scouring the country with an advanced guard and was ever in quest of an engagement. Jalāl Khān got news of this, and made a rapid march with 2,000 or 3,000 men. Yūsuf Bēg saw the dust of the army and was eager to fight. Though his comrades pointed out to him the largeness of the enemy and the smallness of his own force, it was of no avail, and he bravely drank the last draught in the neighbourhood of Jaunpūr. Next day the enemy invested Jaunpūr. Bābā Khān Jalāir gave proof of courage and skill in defending it, and sent off reports to the Mīrzās and officers. He also made repeated representations to the Court (at Gaur). Mīr Faqr ‘Alī came from Dihlī to Agra, and proffered sound advice to M. Hindāl. After much discussion he brought away the Mīrzā from Agra to the other side of the river. He also appointed Muḥammad Bakhshī to give what help the time allowed of, in despatching Mīrzā Hindāl quickly to Jaunpūr. Mīr Faqr ‘Alī then went off from there to Kālpī to get Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā equipped for the army, and to arrange for a meeting of the Mīrzās in the territory of Karra,^336a and for a march onwards from there. At this time Khusrau Bēg Kōkaltāsh, Ḥājī Muḥammad (son of) Bābā Qushqa, Zāhid Bēg, Mīrzā Naẓar and many others, out of crookedness and strife-mongering absconded from Bengal and came to M. Nūru-d-dīn Muḥammad who had been left in Kanauj. The Mīrzā reported their arrival to M. Hindāl, and requested that they should be personally received. M. Hindāl sent friendly letters to them by Muḥammad Ghāzī Tūghbāī,^337a who was one of the Mīrzā's confidants. He also wrote explanations of their arrival to Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā and Mīr Faqr ‘Alī. The officers who were with M. Nūru-d-din Muḥammad, did not wait for an answer but came on to Kūl (‘Alīgarh) which was in Zāhid Bēg's fief. Hindāl's messenger heard of this on his way and hastened to join them. These short-sighted disloyalists opened their raving mouths and plainly said, “Henceforth we do not serve the king; if you, as you have already purposed, will have the khuṭba read in your own name, we will enter into your service and render you faithful allegiance; otherwise we shall go to Mīrzā Kāmrān where happiness and a welcome are waiting for us (lit. are in our bosom).” Muḥammad Ghāzī Tūghbāī returned and secretly delivered the officers' message and said, that one of two things was inevitable. Either Hindāl must have the khuṭba read in his own name and send for and caress the officers, or they must be laid hold of by stratagem and be confined. M. Hindāl, whose head was always itching after folly, looked upon this opinion as a valuable find, and with promises of kind treatment sent for those irreflecting traitors and spoke soothingly to them, and confirmed them in their evil imaginings.

When the alienation of Benares and Jaunpūr was reported to his Majesty Jahānbānī and the deceitful designs of M. Hindāl became known to him, he despatched Shaikh Buhlūl who was one of the great Shaikhs of India and the recipient of royal favours, from Bengal that he might proceed quickly to the capital, and by sage advice restrain the Mīrzā from evil thoughts and induce him to act with one accord in extirpating the Afghāns. The Shaikh arrived post-haste, just when the officers were propounding their wicked schemes and were near drawing M. Hindāl away from the straight path. M. Hindāl went out to welcome him and brought him with honour and respect to his own house. The Shaikh's weighty words strengthened M. Hindāl in the intention of serving with which he had gone forth. Next day Muḥammad Bakhshī was brought in order that all the preparations for the army—gold, camels, horses, accoutrements—might be made. Muḥammad Bakhshī represented that there was no money for the soldiers, but that there was abundance of materials and stores, and that he would carry out everything as was desired. Four or five days had not passed since this conversation when M. Nūru-d-dīn came in haste from Qanauj. And apparently all that the officers had plotted together was strengthened by his coming. Muḥammad Ghāzī Tūghbāī was sent a second time to the officers and they reiterated what they had said before, and made this condition, that, as an indication that their proposals had been accepted, Shaikh Buhlūl, who was the king's envoy and was confounding their schemes, should be publicly put to death, so that everyone might be assured that M. Hindāl had separated himself from the king, and that they (the officers) might serve him with minds at ease. The Shaikh was engaged in arranging for the march of the army, and was looking after the ordering of the accoutrements, when the messenger^338a returned. In accord with M. Nūru-d-dīn Muḥammad the unbecoming proposal was ratified, and M. Nūru-d-dīn Muḥammad seized the Shaikh, by M. Hindāl's orders, in his house and taking him across the river, ordered him to be beheaded^338b in a sandy spot near the Royal Garden. The abandoned officers came and did homage to the Mīrzā, and in an inauspicious hour and in a time of confusion the khuṭba was read in M. Hindāl's name. The troops then marched^338c on. Though the chaste Dildār Āghāca Bēgam, M. Hindāl's venerable mother, and the other Bēgams counselled him, it was absolutely of no avail. The tongue of his actions uttered this verse.

“Advice of man is wind in mine ear,
But 'tis a wind that fans my fire.”

When M. Hindāl had the khuṭba read in his name and came before his mother, that cupola of chastity had a blue^339a cloth over her breast. The Mīrzā said, “What kind of dress is that you have donned at such a time of rejoicing?” That cupola of chastity replied, out of her foresight, “Why do you regard me? I am wearing mourning for you; you are young (he was only 19) and have, from the instigation of irreflecting sedition-mongers, lost the true way; you have girded your loins for your own destruction.” Muḥammad Bakhshī^339b came and said, “You have killed the Shaikh; why do you delay about me?” The Mīrzā treated him kindly and took him with him. When Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā and Mīr Faqr ‘Alī heard of this bad business they made a rapid march from Kālpī viâ Gwālyār, and coming to Dihlī took measures to strengthen the city and to provide for the fort. The Mīrzā had reached Ḥamīdpūr, near Fīrōzābād^339c when the news came that Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā and Mīr Faqr ‘Alī had arrived at Dihlī. The Mīrzā and the officers consulted together and proceeded to invest Dihlī. Many of the petty jāgīrdārs round about came and did homage to the Mīrzā, and he made march after march and besieged Dihlī. Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā and Mīr Faqr ‘Alī exerted themselves in holding the fort, and sent an account of affairs to M. Kāmrān and begged him to come and quell the sedition. He set out from Lāhor and when he came near Sōnpat,^339d M. Hindāl hurried off to the province of Agra without having accomplished his purpose. When M. Kāmrān approached Dihlī Mīr Faqr ‘Alī came and had an interview with him, while Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā continued to hold the fort as before. Mīr Faqr ‘Alī induced M. Kāmrān to proceed to Agra, and M. Hindāl not having the resolution to remain there went off to Alwar. M. Kāmrān, after he came to Agra, desired that cupola of chastity, Dildār Āghāca Bēgam to soothe M. Hindāl and to recall him to obedience. That matron (kadbānū), the pavilion of chastity, brought M. Hindāl from Alwar and introduced him to M. Kāmrān with his shroud (fūṭa) round his neck. The Mīrzā (Kāmrān) behaved with propriety, and next day he forgave the seditious officers and held a levee for them. The Mīrzās and officers joined together and crossed the Jumna in order to put down the rebellion of Shēr Khān. But as auspiciousness did not guide those highborn ones they did not obtain the blessing of such a glorious service.

In fact when by celestial aid the country of Bengal had come into possession of the imperial servants, and its capital had become the headquarters of the army, and the great officers had obtained large territories in fief, they gathered the materials of enjoyment and pleasure and opened the gates of negligence in the front of their lives. The pillars of sovereignty paid less attention to administration, and strife-mongers, of which wretches this wide world is never free, raised the head of discord and sedition. The time was at hand when slumbering strife should lift up her downcast eyelashes. Fissures found their way into the foundation of circumspection. Information such as could be depended upon did not come to headquarters, or if one thing out of many became known to any of the confidants, he had not the courage to communicate it, for the arrangement then was that no particle of unpleasantness should be bruited in the august assemblage. When by degrees the truth about the rebellion in Hindūstān was conveyed by real well-wishers, who, in disregard of their own advantage, represented the true facts, his Majesty Jahānbānī called together the pillars of the state and determined on the return of the Grand Army. Though from excessive rain the country was under water, and the rivers were tempestuous, and it was not the season for campaigning, yet on account of the emergency it was considered that a return was necessary for the preservation of the empire. The charge of Bengal was ordered to be entrusted to Zāhid Bēg,^340a but that worthless one took up the presumptuous ways of an old servant, and having given way to evil desires, absconded and joined Mīrzā Hindāl. His Majesty made over Bengal to Jahāngīr Qulī Bēg and left a large force to support him. He then in the height^341a of the rains turned his bridle and set out for the capital (Agra).

When Shēr Khān heard of the returning of the royal army, and of the departure of the Mīrzās from Agra he withdrew from Jaunpūr and proceeded towards Rohtās. His plan was that if the sublime standards should come against him, he should avoid a battle and return by the Jhārkhand route, by which he had come, and aim at Bengal, (qr. Gaur the capital). And if this should not happen (that Humāyūn's army should follow him) and if the imperial army should proceed towards Agra and an opportunity offered itself, he would follow in its wake and attempt a night attack. When the sublime army of his Majesty Jahānbānī arrived at Tirhut,^341b Shēr Khān came to know the smallness of the force and the disorganization of the royal camp, and waxed audacious (shīrak)^341c and advanced with a large and fully equipped army.

He got under his control all the country round about the army, and no one was able to procure information about the enemy's manoeuvres. Ibn ‘Alī Qarāwalbēgī (chief scout) went and brought authentic news which were communicated to his Majesty through M. Muḥammad Zamān. Though the grand army had crossed the Ganges, and was marching to the capital, yet when news was brought of Shēr Khān's arrival and of his being close by, the flames of the royal wrath were kindled, and out of his perfect majesty and dominion he turned his reins towards him. Though it was represented to him that at such a time, when the army was in the highest degree without equipment—it having travelled such a distance through mud—it was improper to march against the foe and to hasten to the field of battle and that what was proper was to halt somewhere and recruit the army and then to undertake the crushing of the enemy,—such views were not acceptable to his Majesty and so he crossed the Ganges and marched against the foe.

It behoves us to know that it is an ancient canon and fixed principle that, when the stewards of the kingdom of Divine destiny assign to an individual an article of price, they open beforehand the gates of failure and cast him into a tumult of anguish, so that felicity may not remove the unique pearl from its place, and that by this experience sorrow may be fulfilled and things brought to an equilibrium. Accordingly,—as the apparition of the light-increasing star of mortals, which by showing itself in dreamland from out of Qācūlī Bahādur's bosom had exalted the vigilant by the blessing of expectation, was drawing nigh,—the countenances of the thoughts of the meditative and farseeing are not scarred if before this there appeared some misfortunes. Thus did such things happen at the hands of sundry black-hearted, unwashed Afghāns, to a force which might have conquered the universe. Thus was it that, contrary to the advice of ministers, the army marched against the Afghāns, and came face to face with Shēr Khān at the village of Bihīya^342a which is a dependency of Bhōjpūr.^342b There a black^342c river called the Karmnāsā (Text, Kanbās) flowed between the two armies. The royal army made a bridge over it and crossed. Though the royal army was small and many were without equipments, it was victorious in every skirmish, and the Afghāns were slaughtered on every side. But the period of encountering and slaying was prolonged, and the great brethren, (Humāyūn's brothers), each of whom could have conquered a clime, placed, out of shortsightedness, a stumbling block in the way of their own fortune, and did not act harmoniously. The blessedness of learning what service was at such a crisis did not help their destiny. Though admonitory rescripts were sent to them, the impressions on these inspired tablets took no form in the minds of those iron-hearts. Shēr Khān, out of craft, sometimes sent influential persons to the sublime porte to knock at the door of peace, and sometimes cherished wicked thoughts of war. At length he deceitfully and fraudulently left a body of infantry and inefficient men, together with his artillery, in face while he himself marched two stages to the rear and then encamped. The royal army, which had all along been victorious, did not understand the craft of that trickster, so they followed and encamped. When an event is going to happen in accordance with destiny, carelessness on the part of the sagacious comes in to help. In this way great remissness ensued in keeping watch. At length Muḥammad Zamān Mīrzā showed utter negligence on a night when it was his watch. That fox (Shēr Khān) who was waiting for an opportunity, made a night march and in the morning presented himself at the rear of the camp. His army was divided into three bands (tōp), one led by himself, one by Jalāl Khān, and one by Khawāṣṣ Khān. The royal troops had not time to buckle their saddles or to close their cuirasses. His Majesty Jahānbānī when he became apprized of the army's negligence, was confounded by this specimen of fate's workshop, and the thread of resource dropped from his hand. As he was mounting, Bābā Jalāir and Qūc Bēg^343a arrived, and he bade them go quickly and bring away the noble lady Ḥājī Bēgam.^343b Those two faithful and zealous servants drank the wholesome sherbet of martyrdom at the door of honour's enclosure. Mīr Pahlwān Badakhshī also and many others obtained the blessing of offering up their lives around the enclosure of chastity. The time was very brief; her Highness could not come out, but as the Divine protection and defence was her surety and safeguard, the boisterous blasts of the evil-minded could not impinge on the sanctuary of the harem of chastity, nor the mists of black-hearted men touch the hem of the curtain of the illustrious recluses. Divine^344a spirits from the glorious sanctuary of sublimity defended the veiled ones of the chamber of chastity with the wands of the door-keepers of^344b jealousy; wicked thoughts did not find their way into the hearts of those wretches, and Shēr Khān sent^344c off with all honour that cupola of chastity in perfect security and observance of seclusion.

In fine, when his Majesty came to the bridge, he found it broken. There being no other resource he plunged with his steed into the water like a river-traversing crocodile. By fate he got separated from his horse. Just then, as Providence was watching over his Majesty, a water-carrier became the Elijah^344d of his course, and by the help of his (the water-carrier's) swimming, he emerged from that whirlpool to the shore of safety. On the way his Majesty asked him his name. He answered, “Niẓām.” His Majesty replied, “A very Niẓām Auliyā.”^344e He showed him kindness and favour and promised that when he safely sate upon the throne, he would give him royalty for half a day. This anguish-fraught affair (qiṣṣa-i-pur-ghuṣṣa) occurred on 9th Ṣafar, 946, (7th June, 1539), on the bank of the Ganges at the Causa^344f ferry. M. Muḥammad Zamān, Maulānā Muḥammad Parghalī,^344g Maulānā Qāsim ‘Alī Ṣadr, Maulānā Jalāl of Tatta and many officers and (learned) learned men sank in the waters of annihilation. His Majesty in company with M. ‘Askarī and a few others rapidly proceeded to Agra. M. Kāmrān was exalted by kissing the threshold, and after some days, M. Hindāl was brought from Alwar by the intervention of M. Kāmrān and his (Hindāl's) mother, and did homage with shame and downcast looks. His Majesty from his innate clemency forgave his offences and made many inquiries about his welfare. When from causes beyond control a destined event suddenly made its appearance, he at once sought to remedy it. He engaged himself in collecting arms and in retrieving the position. Officers and soldiers came from the provinces and had the honour of performing their obeisances. At this time the honest water-carrier presented himself at the foot of the throne in reliance on the great promise. His Majesty Jahānbānī, who was the crown-giver and throne-conferrer of the land of generosity and urbanity, when he saw the friendless water-carrier afar off, immediately gave his Cyrus (khusrau)-covenant a place on the throne of fulfilment, and having vacated the seat of sovereignty in favour of the Elijah of the path, he set the water-carrier, in accordance with his promise, upon the throne for half a day, thereby equalling him to the monarch of midday. Having excepted sundry kingly powers and functions which his capacity could not have comprehended, he exalted him by conferring on him the dignity of command, and wiped away, with the swelling sea of munificence, the dust of want from the countenance of his condition and of that of his tribe. Every order which during that incumbency on the kingly throne, issued from the water-carrier, was executed forthwith. M. Kāmrān on beholding such loftiness of soul displayed the wrinkle of cavil on the forehead of criticism, and a pretext (for displeasure) was furnished to his trouble-seeking heart.

After this affair of deceit (that of Causa) Shēr Khān made an attack on Bengal. He came to the extremity of Bihār, and then halted there and sent Jalāl Khān with a force of troublers against Bengal. In a short time there was a battle with Jahāngīr Qulī Khān who bravely maintained the contest. Inasmuch however, as the design of Providence was otherwise, the Bengal officers did not act harmoniously in putting down the rebellion, but sought their own comfort and did not combine in this war. After struggles and trials Jahāngīr Qulī was unable to keep the field, and had to retreat and take refuge with the landholders (zamīndārān). He came forth thence on a false^345a treaty and engagement and was despatched, along with many others, to the plains of annihilation. Shēr Khān being at ease about Bengal went towards Jaunpūr. This he subdued and made long the arm of strife. He sent his younger son, Quṭb Khān, with a large body of vagabonds against Kālpī and Etāwa. When news of this reached the august ears, Yādgār Nāṣir, M. Qāsim Ḥusain Khān Uzbak, who held these parts in fief, and Iskandar^346a Sulṭān, who had charge for M. Kāmrān of some estates in Kālpī, were sent against Quṭb Khān. These lions of bravery's field encountered the foxy tricksters and fought a great battle. By the Divine aid, they gained the victory and Quṭb Khān was slain.

His Majesty Jahānbānī stayed for a while in Agra, the capital, arranging his troops, and conciliating his brothers and relatives and amending their secret dispositions. Though he washed the dust-stained cheek of Kāmrān with the limpid waters of counsel, he could in no wise cleanse it, and however much he scoured the rust of contrariety with the burnisher of advice, the brightness of concord could by no means be developed in the mirror of his fortune. And in such a crisis, when, even if there were internal dissension, outward concord was necessary to safeguard his own fortunes, and at such a time, when together with other resources he had 20,000 tried soldiers with him, and when by the abounding and beneficent favours and prestige of his Majesty Jahānbānī, territory from Kābul to Dāwar Zamīn^346b in the north, and to Samāna^346c in the south was in his possession, he, being contentious and wanting in his duty to so eminent a king, elder brother and benefactor, alleged illness and with abundance of carelessness and absence of circumspection, held himself aloof from such important service. Almighty God returned to him in this workshop of recompenses (this world), the fruit of his deeds and in the forefront of life he beheld by his own^346d eyes the punishment of his actions. Some of these results will be briefly described with the pen of manifestation in their proper place.

When his fortune was departed, the omen came true.

He had some chronic diseases, and instead of being aroused by those secret monitions, he out of perversity, grew stubborn^347a in the path of discontent against his benefactor, and in the displeasing of his superior. First he sent Khwāja Kalān Bēg with a large force to Lahor, and then turning away from the qibla of fortune, himself followed him. He became an author and architect of destruction and detriment, drawing^347b evil on friends and attracting good to foes. Though his Majesty Jahānbānī said, “Prince, if you may not give the blessing of companionship and must throw away such an opportunity, make your men join me,” the Mīrzā in direct opposition to his Majesty's desire perverted even the king's men and took them with him. Mīrzā Ḥaidar, son of M. Ḥusain Gūrgān,^347c who was the cousin^347d of his Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdaus-makānī, had come with M. Kāmrān to Agra, and had enjoyed the privilege of serving his Majesty Jahānbānī, and had been treated with abundant favours. Mīrzā Kāmrān made his own ailment an excuse and laboured to induce him (Ḥaidar) to accompany him. The Mīrzā showed himself favourably inclined towards M. Kāmrān and proceeded to excuse himself (to Humāyūn), and out of want of consideration brought forward the matter of leave. His Majesty observed, “If kindred be the point for consideration, you are equally related to us both; if loyalty and truth be regarded, the tie to me is closer. If glory and manliness be sought, you should accompany me for I am marching against the foe. As to what M. Kāmrān is representing about his illness, you are not a physician nor a druggist, that you should go with him. What the Mīrzā imagines about Lāhor's being a place of safety, is idle for, if anything is clear as the result of his holding back from this expedition, it is that he will not find a corner of safety in India. Your action cannot be divested of two difficulties. Should I succeed, what face can you put on the matter or what respect will you have? You will not from shame be able to lift your head from the ground, so that death will be preferable to life. If, which God forbid, the result be otherwise, it will be impossible for you to remain in Lāhor. Whoever has suggested such a thing to M. Kāmrān is either wrong in his brain, or he is treacherous and has concealed the truth and entered on the path of flattering.”^348a In fine, M. Ḥaidar happily found the path of good counsel and gloriously associated himself with the army of honour. M. Kāmrān out of his abundant forces contributed 3,000 men under the command (bāshlīqī) of M. ‘Abdu-l-lāh Mughul, and did not himself obtain the blessing of service.

As the wondrous artists of fate's picture gallery pursue divers methods of painting and decoration, it is matter for thanksgiving and not for complaint if their workmanship on this occasion be not in accordance with desires. Hence God the world-artificer removed concord from the illustrious brotherhood and converted combination into separation. His Majesty went with few forces against many enemies, and out of a stout heart and native courage heeded not the paucity of friends and the plurality of foes.

When the sublime army reached Bhōjpūr,^349a Shēr Khān came with a numerous force to the other side of the Ganges and encamped. His Majesty determined to cross the river with his small army, and in a short time a bridge was put together at the Bhōjpūr ferry. About 150 heroes made themselves ready for the fray and plunged into the river like sea-lions, heedless of the waves and whirlpools. Like river-traversing crocodiles they rusbed into the treacherous deep and crossing over, routed the numerous enemy. After giving proof of their courage and accomplishing their object, they were returning to the camp, and when they came near the bridge the Afghāns brought forward the elephant Girdbāz,^349b which had remained with the enemy at the battle of Causa, to break down the bridge. That enormous elephant approached the head of the bridge and broke its supports. Just then a cannon ball from the royal camp amputated^350a the legs of the elephant Girdbāz, and the enemy which was pressing on, was put to flight. The gallant men who had signified their devotion returned in safety.^350b The plan of campaign was that the army should march along the river bank to Qanauj. They proceeded warily and slowly, march by march. On the way the enemy's boats came in sight. A gun was fired from the royal artillery, and a large boat of the foe was broken to pieces, and was shivered by the dashing of the waves of vengeance. For more than a month the armies confronted one another near Qanauj. At length Muḥammad Sulṭān Mīrzā and his sons^350c Ulugh Mīrzā and Shāh Mīrzā—who traced their genealogy up to Ṣahib Qirānī, and were daughter's^350d grandsons of Sulṭān Ḥusain Mīrzā and had been exalted by serving Gītī-sitānī Firdaus-makānī, and who, after his death, had set themselves in opposition to his Majesty Jahānbānī Jannat-āshiyānī, (as has already been alluded to)—finding neither glory nor profit in vain strife, and that strife-mongering against their benefactor was unsuccessful, returned to the threshold of his Majesty Jahānbānī and proffered the prostration of obedience. His Majesty from his perfect kindness and liberality regarded their committed offences as uncommitted, forgave them and treated them with royal favours. But as they were radically bad and ungrateful, they again out of worthlessness and inaptitude took to flight at such a crisis and withdrew their feet from the sphere of constancy and patience. They also pointed the way of desertion to other wretches, so that many took the path of disloyalty and withdrew themselves. To his Majesty Jahānbānī it appeared the proper course to cross the river and to engage at any cost, so that any form which was to emerge from the screen of secrecy might show its full face. If they delayed, things might take another (i. e. adverse) turn and a large number might desert. With the view then of putting an obstacle in the way of desertion, a bridge was made and a crossing ordered. A trench was dug in front of the army, and the artillery carriages were put into position and redoubts (mūrcalhā) constructed. Opposite to this, Shēr Khān drew up a crowd of rebels and encamped after digging a trench. Every day the young men on each side came out and engaged. Meanwhile the sun entered Cancer,^351a and the rainy season began. The clouds gathered with tumult, like rutting^351b elephants, and distilled moisture. The encampment became flooded, and they were compelled to seek for high ground which should be free from water and mud, and where the tents, the artillery-park, &c. might be placed. It was arranged that the army should be drawn out on the morning of the ‘Āshār day, (10th Muḥarram) and that if the enemy should come out of his trenches and advance, they would fight, and if he remained stationary, they would encamp in the selected spot. With this view they mounted their horses on 10th Muḥarram 947 (17th May, 1540), and drew up their lines. Muḥammad Khān Rūmī and the sons^351c of Ustād ‘Alī Qulī and Ustād Aḥmad Rūmī, and Ḥasan Khalfāt, who were the directors of the artillery, arranged the gun-carriages and mortars, and stretched chains according to rule. The centre was dignified by the presence of his Majesty; M. Hindāl had the fore-centre; M. ‘Askarī the right wing, and Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā the left.

M. Ḥaidar writes^351d in his Tārīkh-i-rashīdī “His Majesty on that day stationed me on his left so that my right was close to his left, and from me up to the end of the left centre there were twenty-seven bannerets.^351e Shēr Khān arranged his forces in five divisions, two, which were the largest, stood in front of the trench, and then advanced. Jalāl Khān, Sarmath Khān, and all the Niyāzīs faced in front of M. Hindāl. Mubāraz Khān, Bahādur Khān, Rāī Ḥusain Jalwānī and all the Kararānī faced Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā and Qāsim Ḥusain Khān. Khawāṣṣ Khān, Barmazīd and many others came opposite M. ‘Askarī. The first encounter was between M. Hindāl and Jalāl Khān. A wondrous hand to hand fight occurred and Jalāl Khān fell from his horse. The royal left wing^352a drove back the enemy to their centre. When Shēr Khān saw this, he made an onset in person with a large force, while Khawāṣṣ Khān and his companions fell upon M. ‘Askarī. As soon as the Afghāns attacked, many officers did not stand their ground but gave way. His Majesty twice attacked the foe and threw them into confusion. Though it is not reckoned that the king himself should share in a fray, yet at that time of testing manhood, how could rules be adhered to? Hence two lances were broken in his Majesty's hands on that occasion and the claims of endeavour and courage were satisfied. But the brothers did not show brotherhood, and the captains did not keep the foot of fortitude in the circle of steadfastness, but from superfluity of naughtiness were negligent, and brought disaster on their lord. It would seem as though when this externally and internally great man, who saw with the eyes of truth and was capable of contemplating mysteries, went on this expedition with such a small army, full of hypocrisy, empty of sincerity, it had crossed his lofty mind that it was many degrees better to hasten to the city of annihilation on the steed of valour and to urge on the horse of his life to the goal of nothingness, than to be courteous to friendship-affecting enemies, to league oneself in hypocrisy with them, and to play the game (nard) of altercation (radd ū badl) with unfair gamesters. Better a mirage (sarāb) than a river (ābī) which must be drunk^352b in company with those wretches (ābrūyān)! Such to men of the world clearly appeared to be the case from his method of personal onset. Some of the loyal and single-hearted smote the hand of intercession and solicitude on the stirrup of dominion and forcibly withdrew him. This I say looking to the processes of the world of secondary causes. But in the world of reality, it was God, the world adorner, who withdrew him! Inasmuch as the ascension of the birth-star and the glorious celebration of the apparition of his Majesty, the king of kings (Akbar), were drawing nigh, the wondrous Creator manifested such strange marvels! One school of sages considers that such events are intended to quicken the attention and to arouse the noble-minded, and are not of the nature of recompense for actions. Accordingly it was held by ancient philosophers that worldly calamities were a process of polishing for the elect, and of rusting for the crowd. A number of the enlightened and pure-hearted are of opinion that such occurrences are a process of education. When the stewards of fate's workshop are advancing a chosen vessel to a lofty rank, they first make him compact of all worldly states, of joy and sorrow, health and sickness, ease and labour, expansion and contraction, so that he may be fitted for the lofty rank of sovereignty. And many of the swift traversers of the fields of contemplation are agreed that the reason of such trials is because it is God's will that whenever the boon of greatness is to be bestowed on an auspicious one and the time of attaining that blessing be close at hand, there should be in that period's antechamber a station of labours, and a vent of trials; and that the dust of blemish should mark the skirts of his grandeur and glory so that when he hath ascended to the perfect stage and the most distant height, this mole-stain may prove his charm^353a against the fatal^353b eye. To speak more clearly; as the times of the appearances of the Holy Light in mortal manifesters and human ascension-points—such as was the holy office of her Majesty Alanqūā—were made resplendent in mysterious withdrawals and apparitions of divers individuals, and so planted themselves in the visible^353c world, and were acquiring, under God's special supervision, the acmé of development, so,—now that the period of the showing forth of the final cause of that Light, to wit, the holy incarnation of his Majesty, the king of kings, was at hand,—untoward occurrences were made the prophylactic charm of this great blessing. Such was the beauteous fashioning of Creation's workshop! And now I return from the unveiling of mysteries to the thread of my narrative.

In fine, when defeat (shikastī), which was to lay the foundation of the righting (durustī) of the world, made its appearance, the officers fled without fighting to the bank of the Ganges, which was about four miles (a farsakh) distant, and as the requital of their disloyalty and ingratitude, sank in the whirlpool of disappointment, giving the vessels of their lives to the boisterous waters of annihilation in recompense of their unrighteousness. His Majesty Jahānbānī mounted with firm foot on an elephant and proceeded across the river. He descended from the elephant at the water's edge and was looking around for an exit. As the bank was high, no way out presented itself. One of the soldiers who had been saved out of the whirlpool came there and seizing his Majesty's sacred hand drew him up. In truth he then, by help of heaven's favouring hand, drew to himself fortune and power. His Majesty asked him his name and birthplace. He made answer “My name is Shamsu-d-dīn Muḥammad, my birthplace is Ghaznī, and I am a servant of M. Kāmrān.” His Majesty made him hopeful of princely favours. Just then Muqaddam Bēg,^354a one of M. Kāmrān's officers, recognised his Majesty and enrolled^354b himself among those who had received the gospel of good fortune. Acting upon this, he brought forward his horse, and obtained the news of distinction from royal promises. His Majesty proceeded from there towards Agra, and was joined on the way by the Mīrzās. When they came to the environs of Bhangāpūr^354c the villagers closed the market against the king's men, and behaved in an unruly manner, attacking every one who fell into their hands. When the august mind was informed of this, M. ‘Askarī, Yādgār Nāṣir M. and M. Hindāl were ordered to attack the villains and to chastise them. Nearly 3,000 horse and foot of the insolent knaves had gathered together. When the royal order arrived, M. ‘Askarī delayed to proceed and Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā gave him some strokes with his whip, saying that it was from his discord that things had come to such a pass. Still he did not take warning, and Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā and M. Hindāl obeyed and went against the crowd. A great fight ensued, and a large number of the ill-fated villagers (gūwārān) were killed. The Mīrzās after giving them a lesson returned, and M. ‘Askarī who had come to complain, was reprehended. His Majesty Jahānbānī hastened on to Agra. The provinces were in confusion and sedition raised its head on every side. Next morning his Majesty proceeded to the dwelling of that great exemplar, Mīr Rafī‘,^355a who was sprung from the Ṣafavī Sayyids, and was incomparable for knowledge and wisdom, and was the choice favourite of princes. He took counsel with him, and the final conclusion of his Majesty was that he should go towards the Panjāb. If M. Kāmrān were helped by the sovereignty of reason and auspiciousness, and should bind on himself the girdle of good service and come actively forward to help, the rift of strife might still be closed. With this right intention he proceeded to Lāhor. M. ‘Askarī went to Sambal and M. Hindāl to Alwar. On 18th Muḥarram (26th May, 1540) Qāsim Ḥusain Sulṭān joined the king near Dihlī through the influence of Bēg Mīrak, and a large body of men collected for the king's service. On the 20th he again set out, and on the 22nd M. Hindāl and M. Ḥaidar joined him in Rohtak.^355b On the 23rd his Majesty halted there. The garrison shut the gate of the city in his face, thereby opening the doors of disgrace for themselves. His Majesty addressed himself to the attack and in a short space of time chastised the garrison. On 17th Ṣafar the army arrived at Sihrind and on the 20th Mīr Faqr ‘Alī closed life's litter while on the march. When the army approached Lāhor and were near Daulat Khān's sarāī, M. Kāmrān came forward to meet him and did homage. His Majesty alighted in the garden of Khwāja Dōst Munshī which is the most charming spot in Lāhor, while M. Hindāl took up his quarters in the garden of Khwāja Ghāzī, who was then M. Kāmrān's dīwān. After that M. ‘Askarī came from Sambal and settled himself in the house of Amīr Walī Bēg. At this time the fortunate Shamsu-d-dīn Muḥammad who had given his hand at the river-bank, arrived and was exalted by princely favours. On the 1st^356a Rabī‘u-l-awwal, 947, all the noble brothers and Amīrs and other servants collected but in spite of so many lessons and celestial warnings, these fine fellows(‘azīzān) were not taught and did not bind the girdle of sincerity on the waist of resolve. Several times they gathered together on his Majesty's service, and deliberated and made vows and promises of unity and concord, and took the great and godly as their witnesses. Khwāja Khāwand^356b Maḥmūd, brother of Khwāja ‘Abdu-l-ḥaqq and Mīr Abu-l-baqā frequently took part in the deliberations. At length one day all the Mīrzās, nobles and grandees having been assembled, wrote out a deed (taẕkira) of concord and unanimity, and to this auspicious minute all the officers gave their signatures.

When this record of confidence had been executed, the deliberations began. His Majesty gave lofty counsels and uttered excellent words. With his pearling tongue he said,^356c “The miserable end of those who deviate from the straight highway of concord is known to all. Especially since not long ago when Sulṭān Ḥusain Mīrzā beat the drum of death in Khurāsān, he left eighteen^356d capable and fortune-favoured sons and yet, in spite of all their array of wealth, in consequence of fraternal discord, the kingdom of Khurāsān (which for so many years had been a centre of peace), became in a short space a centre of calamities and was transferred to Shāhī Bēg. No trace remained of any of the sons except of Badī‘u-z-zamān who went^356e to Turkey, and all the sons of the Mīrzā had been reviled and reprobated by high and low. With what difficulty had his Majesty Gītī-sitānī-Firdaus-makānī conquered a Hindūstān—so vast a country! If through your disunion it pass from our possession into the hands of nobodies (nākasān) what will the wise say of you? Now is the time to siuk the head into the bosom of good counsel and to exsert it from jealousy's collar, so that you may attain headship among mankind, and be a means of gaining the favour of God.”

Every one of the authors of compact and of the lords of confederacy forgot the recent agreements, and each declaimed according to his own good pleasure. M. Kāmrān said, “What occurs to me is that the king and all the Mīrzās should spend some days unencumbered in the mountains while I take their families to Kābul. When I have put them into safety, I shall return and join you.” M. Hindāl and Yādgār Naṣir Mīrzā said, “At present we cannot fight the Afghāns The thing to do now is to go to Bhakkar and to subdue that country. By its means we shall conquer Gujrāt, and when these two kingdoms have fallen into our hands and we have brought the business to an end, the deliverance of this country (India) will be effected in an admirable manner.” M. Ḥaidar said, “It is proper that all the Mīrzās should settle down after securing the slopes from the mountains of Sihrind to those of Sārang.^357a I engage that with a small force I will in two months get possession of Kashmīr. When that news comes, let every man send his belongings to Kashmīr, for there is no safer place. It will take Shēr Khān four months to arrive and he will not be able to bring into the hill country the gun-carriages and cannon which are the support^358a of his warfare. In a short time the Afghān army will be ruined.”

As their words and their hearts were not in unison, the meeting ended without any conclusive speech. Whatever proposals were brought forward, and whatever sound advice his Majesty communicated in the hope that perchance the lamp of wisdom might be lighted for M. Kāmrān and that he would turn away from his dark ideas and come to the abode of candour, the Mīrzā did not alter what he had said. All his endeavour was that every one should be ruined, and he counted it a gain that he himself might go to Kābul and secure a corner for his own enjoyment. He was perpetually occupied with evil thoughts, and fortune-conferring words did not arouse him. Ostensibly he breathed unanimity and would say, “I shall come forth in some fortunate hour and shall gird on the belt of courage and fight the foe with singleness of heart.” But secretly he was strengthening the foundations of opposition, and this to such an extent that out of wickedness and blindness, he privately sent Qāẓī ‘Abdu-l-lāh his ṣadr to Shēr Khān, that he might establish friendly relations with him, and made a contract of affection with him. He sought the fulfilment of his desires from the help of enemies, and he wrote a letter to the effect that if the Panjāb were secured to him as formerly, he would soon bring affairs to a successful issue!

After these occurrences Shēr Khān came to Dihlī, but did not advance further. He saw that what had happened was due to his good fortune, and was apprehensive lest if he went on further, his affairs would retrograde. He was extremely frightened about the combination which he heard was making progress in Lāhor. Meanwhile the seditious ṣadr (ṣadr-i-pur-ghadar) who added vile malice to natural baseness, arrived. Shēr Khān whose centre was pivoted in craft, warmly embraced him, and was a thousand times emboldened^358b by the good news of disunion. He gave him an answer in accordance with the Mīrzā's requests. That wretch (the ṣadr) instigated him to make a hostile advance, and held out prospects of desertion. Shēr Khān sent a crafty fellow along with him to ascertain the real state of affairs and then return. M. Kāmrān received Shēr Khān's ambassador in the garden at Lāhor, and held a feast on that day. He also by entreaties induced his Majesty Jahānbānī to come there. That crude, short-sighted Mīrzā again sent the same wretch (his ṣadr) to Shēr Khān. On this occasion the betrayer of his salt came to the bank of the Sulṭānpūr river, and brought forward disloyal proposals and encouraged Shēr Khān to cross the river. Thereupon Muẓaffar Turkmān, who was stationed on outpost duty near the Sulṭānpūr river, came and reported to his Majesty that the enemy had crossed the river (the Bīās) and killed his brother's son Junaid Bēg, who from his qualities of mind and body was a persona grata at Court.

In the end of Jumāda-l-ākhir his Majesty Jahānbānī and the Mīrzās crossed the Lāhor river (the Rāvī), which was fordable, and marched stage by stage to the Cīnāb. As his Majesty Jahānbānī was resolved to attempt Kashmīr, he sent a body of troops in advance with M. Ḥaidar to that province. For, when M. Kāmrān made a rapid march to Qandahār to contend with Sām Mīrzā, he left M. Ḥaidar in charge of Lāhor. Khwāja Ḥājī, ‘Abdu-l-mākrī,^359a Zangī Cak, and many of the nobles were opposed to the ruler of Kashmīr and came to Lāhor in order that by their intimacy with M. Ḥaidar they might obtain an army from M. Kāmrān and so get possession of Kashmīr. Though M. Ḥaidar exerted himself, their wish was not fulfilled. When M. Hindāl raised a disturbance by having the khuṭba read in his own name, and M. Kāmrān marched from Lāhor to Agra, M. Ḥaidar by great exertions contrived to raise an army and to despatch it from the capital^359b under the charge of Bābā Jūjak^359c who was one of Kāmrān's superior officers. His design was that this force should proceed to Kashmīr under the guidance of the Kashmīrī nobles aforesaid, and take possession thereof. Bābā Jūjak was negligent in setting out and meanwhile the disaster of Causa ferry, which was a blow to eternal dominion, came to be known. He gave up the expedition, and the Kashmīrī nobles tarried in Naushahr,^360a Rajaurī and the hollows of the hills in the expectation of some event. But they were continually writing letters to M. Ḥaidar full of the advantages of conquering Kashmīr, and the Mīrzā used to bring these to his Majesty Jahānbānī's notice. His holy heart grew daily more and more eager to visit the charming country of Kashmīr, and meanwhile he gave permission to the Mīrzā to proceed in the first place to Naushahr with a body of troops. If the Kashmīrī nobles, who were always urging the expedition, should come forward, Sikandar Tūpeī, who was a fief-holder in that neighbourhood, was to join him with his troops. When he got to the passes, Amīr Khwāja Kalān, who was one of the high officers of his Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdaus-makānī, and of whom some account has already been given, was to come and help. As soon as the news of Khwāja Kalān Bēg's arrival should reach his Majesty Jahānbānī he would proceed in person towards that province. His Majesty was on the bank (the right or west bank) of the Cīnāb when M. Kāmrān and ‘Askarī Mīrzā went off to Kābul with Khwāja ‘Abdu-l-ḥaqq and Khwāja Khāwand Maḥmūd. Muḥammad Sulṭān Mīrzā, Ulugh Bēg Mīrzā and Shāh Mīrzā on hearing, in the territory of Multān, about the separation, joined M. Kāmrān on the bank of the Indus. In the beginning of Rajab, 947, M. Hindāl, Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā and Qāsim Ḥusain Sulṭān succeeded by importunity in taking his Majesty Jahānbānī off to Sind, though his intention had been to march to Kashmīr. Khwāja Kalān Bēg, who had promised to accompany his Majesty Jahānbānī Jannat-āshiyānī, went off from Siyālkūt and joined M. Kāmrān. Sikandar Tūpcī withdrew to the Sārang hills. In the same Rajab, after his Majesty Jahānbānī had gone towards Sind at the Mīrzā's instigation they, after going some stages, left him out of thoughtlessness and the suggestions of Bēg Mīrak, who had abandoned his service and joined them. Meanwhile Qāẓī ‘Abḍu-l-lāh arrived with some Afghāns. M. Hindāl's scouts seized them and brought them before him. The ill-fated Afghāns were put to death, but the wretch ‘Abdu-l-lāh having still some breaths of his life remaining, escaped punishment at the intercession of Mīr Bābā^360b Dost. For twenty days the Mīrzās wandered in the desert of astonishment. They had no idea what to do or where to go. They were severed from fortune and auspiciousness, and having left dominion's fellowship, they had lost their object. As they had not followed the path of purpose, they were astonished and confounded. His Majesty Jahānbānī had gone by way of the desert towards Bhakkar, and was wending his way according to guess and conjecture. They found no water, and there was no grain, but went on under the guidance of endurance and with the rations (zād) of reliance upon God. At length one day they heard the sound of a kettle-drum. On inquiry, it was found that M. Hindāl and Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā were three kōs away and were pacing the valley of search. His Majesty Jahānbānī sent Mīr Abū'l-baqā, who had left the society of M. Kāmrān, and become a companion of the sublime army, to the Mīrzās to give them information about the camping ground, and to speak wise words and advise them to come and kiss the sublime threshold. The Mīr in accordance with these instructions counselled the Mīrzās and acted as their guide to the blessing of service. They proceeded in harmony towards Bhakkar. Khawāṣṣ Khān and a large army of Afghāns was coming up in the rear, but though the imperial army was very small, the former had not the courage to give battle. In the end of Sha‘bān (last days of 1540) when the camp reached Ūc^361a the Amīr Sayyid Muḥammad Bāqir Ḥusainī, who was the frontispiece of Sayyids and of the ‘Ulamā of the age, expired and was buried there. His Majesty grieved much for his death, but as this evil earth is a scene of departure and dismissal (guẕashtanī u guẕāshtanī), he displayed that resignation to the Divine command which is the ornament of those whose regard is fixed on the station of submission (maqām-i-taslīm). When they had encamped near the residence of Bakhshūī Langā one of the landholders and grandees of that part, an order of grace and a mandate of favour was sent together with a glorious khil‘at by Bēg Muḥammad Bakāwal, and Kacak Bēg, and hopes were held out that he should receive the title of Khān Jahān, a flag and a kettle-drum, and he was invited to do loyal service and to send corn to the camp. He came forth to meet the envoys, saluted them, and behaved with respect. Though he had not the good fortune to come and kiss the threshold, yet with regard to what was ordered, he showed obedience and alacrity, and also sent a proper present. Likewise he arranged for traders to bring articles for sale at the royal camp, and he provided many boats for crossing the river on the way to Bhakkar. Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā went on with the advance guard, and on 28th Ramaẓān (26th January, 1541), the army reached the neighbourhood of Bhakkar. Two days before this Qāẓī Ghiyāṯu-d-dīn of Jām, who was connected with the illustrious family,^362a and was adorned with gifts and graces, was raised to the office of ṣadr.

When by God's help they had passed through so many perils on the way and had reached the territory of Bhakkar, they pitched their tents at Lūhrī (Rūhrī) which is on the river bank^362b and opposite Bhakkar. His Majesty took up his quarters in a garden on the environs which was unequalled for pleasantness and delight. Charming houses had been erected there and were made illustrious by his presence. The other gardens and houses were divided among his followers. M. Hindāl went four or five kōs and encamped, and some days afterwards made his station on the other side of the river. Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā also settled afterwards on that side. Sulṭān Maḥmūd of Bhakkar, who was a servant of Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain Bēg Arghūn, laid waste the Bhakkar territory and strengthened the fort. He also took away the boats from this (the east) side of the river, and anchored them under the fort. This Shāh Ḥusain Bēg was the son of the Mīrzā Shāh Bēg Arghūn who, when his Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdaus-makānī took Qandahār from him came to Tatta and Bhakkar and brought all that country into his subjection.

When the majestic army established the light (far) of its rendezvous at Lūhrī, a lofty mandate was sent to Sulṭān Maḥmūd calling upon him to pay his respects and to deliver up the fort to the royal servants. He represented in reply that he was the servant of Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain, and that so long as the latter did not come, it would not be consistent with loyalty for him to present himself, nor could he make over the fort without Shāh Ḥusain's permission. Such and such like were the expressions of inability that he used. His Majesty accepted his excuses, and sent Amīr Ṭāhir ṣadr and Mīr Samandar, two of his confidential servants, to M. Shāh Ḥusain at Tatta, and dignified him by promises of favour. M. Shāh Ḥusain received the envoys with respect, and sent Shaikh Mīrak, the flower of the descendants of Shaikh Purān whom all the Arghūns reverence and rely upon from old times, as a messenger, and with a suitable present, to accompany the royal ambassadors to the Court. He represented that the district of Bhakkar yielded little, while that of Ḥājkān^363a was rich and populous and possessed much corn; that it was fitting that his Majesty should turn his reins towards it and take it into his possession, and that in that way the army would be comfortable, and also he (Shāh Ḥusain) would be at hand with his service. It was a fortunate and auspicious circumstance for him that his Majesty should now come to those parts, and that in course of time his fears and apprehensions would disappear and he would do himself the honour of paying his respects. He also represented that after he had had the gratification of paying his respects, his Majesty would, with a little exertion, be able to bring Gujrāt into his possession, when the other territories of Hindūstān would fall into his hands. That sordid one converted duties (ḥuqūq) into disobediences (‘uqūq) and coming forth by the door of deceit and dissimulation, made a display of false though fair-seeming expressions. His Majesty appointed M. Hindāl to Pātar^363b and its territory, and himself spent five or six months in the pleasant spot of Lūhrī in the hope that the ruler of Tatta would enter on the right path. During this interval he honoured M. Hindāl by visiting him in his camp at Pātar.

As the period of the appearance of the light of fortune and the rise of the star of glory and grandeur,—which should give grace to spiritual and physical beauty and be the perfect beautifier of this world and the next,—were approaching, so did the apparatus for the attainment of this grand blessing and the notes of the existence of this supreme gift become more and more prepared. The waiting eyes of the heavenly saints of many thousands of years were brightened by the bounteous advent of that nursling of light, and the dim evening of earthly hopes assumed the beauty of the morning from the glory of the coming light of that great pearl of the Caliphate's diadem. For it was on this expedition and in a most excellent season and point of time, that in the year 948^364a he brought Her Highness Maryam-makānī, the sacred and noble lady, the glory of whose chastity and purity and the light of whose sovereignty and sainthood, show forth from her lustrous brow, into the bond of matrimony, with lordly ceremonies and royal rites. A festival of fortune was arranged, and coins from the treasury of gifts were showered on the head of the world, and hearts were rejoiced by blissful favours. Khwāja Hijrī^364b of Jām rendered good service in this auspicious affair. Thereafter the yoke-fellows of blessing and fortune proceeded towards the camp. For a time the territory of Bhakkar was their place of residence. Gradually, owing to the disloyalty of the landholders, corn became dear and the country was made desolate. Imbecile apprehensions and improper schemes passed into the minds of the Mīrzās who were his Majesty's companions,—such thoughts as might be entertained and impressed on the minds of the insincere—till at length M. Hindāl, at the instigation of Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā who was always secretly in opposition, and by the stirring up of Qarāca Khān who held the government of Qandahār on M. Kāmrān's behalf, set off and went to Qandahār. He also sent a man to Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā to tell him of his own departure, and to call upon him to do likewise.

When his Majesty heard of this he went on Tuesday, 18th Jumāda'l-awwal, 948 (September,^365a 1541), to the quarters of Mīr Abū'l-baqā and held a conference with him. He then sent him, under the most respectful circumstances, as an envoy to Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā, that he might bring him from the danger-spot of error to the straight path of rectitude. The Mīr went and by judicious counsels brought the Mīrzā back from the path of opposition to the highway of concord, and by his faithful and truthful utterances withheld him from improper schemes. He settled that the Mīrzā should cross the river and acknowledge service, and should henceforth remain steadily in the fore-court of submission and devotion. The conditions were that when Hindūstān should be conquered, the Mīrzā should get one-third, and that when they arrived at Kābul, he should have Ghaznī, Carkh and Lōhghar,^365b which his Majesty Gītī-sitānī, Firdaus-makānī had given to the Mīrzā's mother.^365c On Wednesday the Mīr proceeded to return after fulfilling his mission. The men of the fort of Bhakkar got news of his departure and sent a force against his boat, and discharged a shower of arrows on the Mīr. He received several dangerous wounds, and died next day. His Majesty Jahānbānī was exceedingly grieved at this, and said with his truth-speaking tongue, that the oppositions and contumacies of brothers, the ingratitude of those whom his salt had nourished, and the helplessness of comrades and friends whereby the kingdom of India had been lost and many troubles had appeared, were all but one side to (i.e., were all equalled or balanced by) the loss of the Mīr; nay, those calamities did not equal this one. And in truth the Mīr's eminence was such as he in his appreciation declared it to be.^366a But inasmuch as passing wisdom and right-thinking were rooted in his Majesty Jahānbānī's sacred person and were supreme there, an event like this, which might have been a place of stumbling to the saints of faith and might, made him draw nigh to perfect wisdom and swayed him to submission and resignation. Even in such a wisdom-robbing catastrophe, which might have displaced many a man's foot of patience, this wise and God-fearing one took counsel with God-given reason and submitted to the Divine will. Or if by reason of the onsets of circumstance, and the constraining power of his temperament, he could not attain to this blissful retreat, he put aside sighing and crying, as is the manner of those whose hearts are tied and bound to outer things, and was contented with the narrow pass (tangnāī) of long-suffering patience. Praise be to God that though his Majesty was at first, owing to his humanity, somewhat overcome by cares and afflictions, yet under the guidance of right reason he became cheerful under worldly troubles and recognised good in the Divine decrees, according to the fashion of the pious and steady of eye who bind nosegays and gather fruit in the rose-garden of submission and resignation, and who come to contemplate with truth-discerning eyes the flowers of such gardens. Five or six days after this presaging disaster, Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā crossed the river and had the good fortune to do homage to his Majesty Jahānbānī, who gave him a gracious reception. Meantime Shaikh Mīrak, the ambassador from Tatta, received his congé and a rescript was sent to the ruler of Tatta, to the effect that his representations were accepted on condition that he faithfully came and did homage. The ruler of Tatta for a time gave out that he was coming. As his words were unillumined by sincerity's lamp, they did not attain the glory of performance. At length his Majesty Jahānbānī granted Bhakkar and its territory to Yādgār Nāṣīr Mīrzā and in the beginning of Jumāda'l-ākhir, 948, (latter half of September, 1541), marched against Tatta. Having given to the Mīrzā that bad country which by the benediction of kingly justice had turned its face towards civilization and became rich in corn and vegetables, he moved forward. Near the castle of Sehwān, Faẓīl Bēg the brother of Mun‘im Khān, Tarash Bēg, elder brother of Shāham Khān, and others, to the number of about twenty were proceeding by boat when a party came out from the castle and attacked them. They disembarked and assaulted the foe who fled into the castle. Some of these tigers of valour's forest went up to the fort, but as they were not supported, they withdrew and joined the camp. On 17th Rajab his Majesty Jahānbānī reached Sehwān and invested the castle. Previous to this, the garrison had laid waste the buildings and gardens in the environs. During the siege the ruler of Tatta advanced, and blocking the way, prevented corn from reaching the camp. Owing to the protracted siege and the scanty supplies of corn, the base and dishonest began to desert and even the feet of great men, whose notions of rectitude had departed, came to slide from their places. For instance, Mīr Ṭāhir ṣadr, Khwāja Ghiyāṯu-d-dīn of Jām, and Maulānā ‘Abdu-l-baqī went off to the ruler of Tatta's camp, while Mīr Barka, Mīrzā Ḥasan, Ẓafar ‘Alī, son of Faqr ‘Alī Bēg, and Khwāja Muḥibb ‘Alī Bakhshī hastened off to Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā. At this time it came to his Majesty's ears that Mun‘im Khān, Faẓīl Bēg and many others had joined together and were intending to withdraw. His Majesty as a precautionary measure imprisoned Mun‘im Khān, their ringleader. I shall now stop this part of the narrative, and give some account of Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā.

He made Lūhrī his residence when his Majesty left him at Bhakkar. Twice did the garrison attack him by surprise, and, willing or unwilling, the Mīrzā showed courage in these engagements. Muḥammad ‘Alī Qābūcī (i.e., door-keeper) and Shēr-dil, both of them related to Mun‘im Khān, bravely drained the wholesome cup of martyrdom. On a third occasion, they (the enemy) had the daring to leave their boats and draw up their forces on the sands. On this occasion the Mīrzā's men showed such superiority that nearly 300 or 400 of the enemy were killed, and the hot sand was saturated with the evil blood of those victims. Such fear fell upon the enemy that they did not again venture to come out. Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain increased his craft and led the Mīrzā out of the straight path. He sent his seal-bearer, Bābar Qulī, to him, representing that he was old and had no sympathiser,^368a that he would give him his daughter in marriage and make over his treasures to him, that he did not wish to spend uselessly the few remaining days of his borrowed life, and that they two together might conquer Gujrāt. In fine he deceived that simpleton by lying promises,^368b and the latter being void of understanding and crooked in thought, stained his forehead with disloyalty. If he had had a particle of magnanimity or a glimmering of discernment, he would never even for valid promises have planted his foot in the circle of disloyalty, nor have hearkened to the interested representations of the perfidious, but would have practised honesty and kept his head erect!

When his Majesty Jahānbānī saw the straits to which the army was reduced, he sent a messenger to Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā requesting him to fall quickly upon the ruler of Tatta, who was blocking up the way, so that the army might emerge from the strait of difficulty into ample space. Though the Mīrzā had in his heart became alienated, yet he preserved appearances a little by sending out an advance-camp. But with the same crudity of thought, he delayed and loitered in marching out. Thereupon his Majesty Jahānbānī sent Shaikh ‘Abdu-l-ghafūr, who was sprung from the Shaikhs of Turkistān, and whom his Majesty had made one of his intimates,^368c to contrive that the Mīrzā should advance quickly. But that worthless fellow walked crookedly and as the saying is,—

Verse.^369a

This very road on which you are going leads (also) to Turkistān.

He perverted his mission and by his improper language so affected the short-sighted Mīrzā that he even neglected appearances and recalled his advance-camp. When his Majesty Jahānbānī perceived that the times were so unpropitious, and that the army's difficulties were beyond conception, he saw that it was useless to remain longer near the fort (Sehwān), and proceeded on 17th Ẓī'l-qa‘da (23rd February, 1542), towards Bhakkar and Lūhrī. At this juncture one of Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā's censurable acts was, that at the instigation of the ruler of Tatta, he seized and sent to him Gandam^369b and Hāla, who were loyal zamīndārs, and had shown their loyalty by collecting boats, &c. That^369c unrighteous one put them to death in punishment for the meritorious act of this service. His Majesty passed over this vile act and a hundred like it and was always for conciliation, thinking that perchance he (the Mīrzā) would write words of regret on the page of his actions and come into the house of amendment. When the sublime standards reached the borders of Lūhrī, Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā came out with a body of men to attack the camp. His Majesty on hearing this immediately got on horseback. Hāshim Bēg, who was one of the Mīrzā's right-thinking confidants, on hearing of this shameful proceeding, went quickly to him and violently seizing his rein, turned him back. He chided and reproved him, and speaking bitterly and harshly, said “Apparently gentlemanly feeling, shame, respect and reverence have left the world. In what religion and by what canons of reason and sense, is it allowable to exhibit such levity and to set oneself up against one's benefactor?”

Verse.

Good was that commander's saying,
Watch the measure of thy work,
Plant thy foot on the pedestal of thy ability,
So that thou make thyself a place on the sky-top.
Whoever does not quit his own affairs,
Eats the fruit of whate'er he sows in this world.

By such wise counsels he brought the Mīrzā back to Bandar^370a Laharī. Meanwhile many, such as Qāsim Ḥusain Sulṭān, followed the path of error, and separated from his Majesty, and came over to Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā's side.

When by the requirements of the mysteries of Divine wisdom and by the subtleties of eternal counsel, which arrange within the cover of every failure (nāmurādī) many materials of success (asbāb-i-murād), there was no form of success in Sind and when the decisive test for man's unmanliness had been applied, and the disloyalty of the army, the unhelpfulness of brothers, the folly of kindred and the unfavourableness of fortune had been revealed, his Majesty desired to don the dress of the recluse and the ascetic and to strike with the foot of longing into the desert path of the travellers on God's way, and to take up the circumambulation^370b (ḥalqa) of the ka‘ba of purpose and the thread of the skirt of resolution, or to retire into a hermitage, preferring the cell of ease to the beholding of his contemporaries, and wishing to be far removed from this world full of care (āsīb) and worldlings full of craft (farīb). All his right-thinking comrades who in weal and woe had waited on his stirrup and kept close to the reins of his society, besought him to abandon this idea and represented that the thing to be done now was to cast the shadow of fortune's Humā^371a on the country of Māldēō and there to recruit his spirits, for Māldēō had repeatedly sent representations of devotion and made protestations of loyalty; that he had an army and an arsenal; that evidently he regarded this as a favourable opportunity and that when he was at the stirrup of good fortune, he would become a spring of good service, and that by degrees, the secret hopes and wishes of his Majesty's well-wishers would be fulfilled. His Majesty from a regard to the ideas of these faithful ones ordered a march towards that country. He sent a gracious rescript, together with salutary counsels, by Ibrāhīm Bēg Īshak Āqā to Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā, for perchance he might become conscious of his base acts and come to tread the path of repentance, and might depart from villany and display the grace of propriety. The following verse was endorsed on the letter:

Verse.

O thou moon-cheeked one, others' eye and lamp,
I burn! How long wilt thou plaster others' scars?

As the slumbrous-witted Mīrzā did not possess an awakening spirit, the expostulation made no impression on him. With the same old vain hopes he took the road of disloyalty and stayed behind in Lūhrī. His Majesty Jahānbānī proceeded to Ūc on 21st Muḥarram 949, and from thence went towards Māldēō on 18th^371b Rabī‘u-l-awwal, and on the 14th idem halted at the foot of Dilāwār.^371c On the 20th he encamped at Ḥaṣalpūr,^372a and on 17th Rabī‘u-l-ākhir he encamped twelve kōs from Bikānīr. On the way the far-seeing members of his retinue became apprehensive of the deceit and perfidy of Māldēō and represented this to his Majesty. They continually suggested that cautious action which is the illuminated border of fortune's rescript. At length Mīr Samandar, who was at the head of men of sense, was sent on rapidly to Māldēō. He returned when he had penetrated the secrets of his heart, and represented that though Māldēō was making protestations of sincerity, it was evident that he did not possess the true light. When the standards of fortune approached his territory, Sankāī (or Sangāī) of Nāgōr, who was one of Māldēō's confidants, came to the camp under pretext of trade and sought to purchase a valuable^372b diamond. As his demeanour did not savour of rectitude, his Majesty Jahānbānī bade them impress on this (would-be) buyer that such jewels were not to be obtained by purchase. They either fell by the shimmer of the flashing sword into the hands of him for whom Providence destined them, or were obtained by the favour of great monarchs. In fine, his Majesty was rendered even more cautious by the arrival of this cheat, and applauded the acuteness of Samandar. Again acting on vigilance and prudence which are the net with which princes work, especially in times of trouble and difficulty, he sent Rāī Mal Sūnī with instructions to go quickly to where Māldēō was and to report what he discovered. If unable to write, he was to communicate by means of a pre-arranged signal. That is, the signal of Māldēō's faithfulness was to be the messenger's clasping all his five fingers, and that of opposition and hypocrisy was to be the clasping of his little finger. The camp moved on two or three stages from Phalūdī^372c which is thirty kōs from Jōdhpūr, the abode of Māldēō, and stopped at the Kūl-i-jōgī (the recluse's pond). Rāī Mal Sūnī's courier arrived there, and clasped his little finger. This signal explained the state of matters, and afterwards it clearly appeared that the thoughts of this black-fated scoundrel were deceit and perfidy, and that he had an evil intention in sending a large body of men under pretence of setting off the welcome. His Majesty turned his reins towards Phalūdī. Yet many people are of opinion that Māldēō was in the first instance well-intentioned, and desirous of doing service, and that afterwards he was diverted from the right path either by learning the distressed condition of the troops and their small numbers, or by the false promises of Shēr Khān and by perceiving his ascendency. Or he was withheld from help and service by his (Shēr Khān's) threats. In any case he abandoned the path of counsel and auspiciousness and turned the page of loyalty. The general opinion, however, is that from beginning to end his protestations of service and his sending petitions of obedience were all based upon hypocrisy and hostility.^373a

In short, as at that time the adorners of the pinakothek of fate were engaged in decoration of another sort, nothing that his Majesty undertook came to any result, and trouble and wickedness appeared in every place when there was a prospect of good and of welfare. When the gilding of those counterfeit troops^373b was subjected to the test, and the perfidy of Māldēō's unrighteous thoughts had been revealed in the ante-chamber of his Majesty's sacred heart, he ordered Tardī Bēg Khān, Mun‘im Khān and a number of his other servants to go out and stop the advance of the evil-minded ones and prevent them from putting foot in the sublime camp. After thus keeping them in check, they were to return but if an opportunity offered, they should defeat them. His Majesty marched on with a few devoted followers and with his veiled ladies. Among the soldiers were Shaikh ‘Alī Bēg Jalāir, Tarsūn Bēg, son of Bābā Jalāir, Faẓīl Bēg and others, the total number being about twenty. There were also some domestic slaves and some faithful menials. Of learned^374a men there were present Mullā Tāju-d-dīn and Maulānā Cānd the astrologer.^374b

When the camp had left Phalūdī and arrived at Sātalmīr,^374c Māldēō's army appeared in sight, whilst the officers who had been despatched to check them, had lost their way and gone off in another direction, so that there was a passage for the enemy to the royal standards. His Majesty, who was a rock of power and a world of courage, placed the foot of steadfastness on the skirt of resolution and dignity, and turned against them with God-given reason and innate understanding. Many of the ladies were dismounted and their horses given to fighting men, and the troops having been distributed into three^374d bands, were sent against the foe. Shaikh ‘Alī Bēg with three or four trusty brethren advanced and attacked the enemy, who were huddled together in a defile. To attack them and to put them to flight was one and the same thing. A large number of them were killed, and by the Divine aid the king's servants obtained the victory. His Majesty Jahānbānī after returning thanks to God proceeded towards Jesalmīr, where he encamped in the beginning of Jumāda'l-awwal. At this stage the officers who had lost their way and whose minds had been distressed by agitations^374e experienced the blessing of service, and made the dust of the royal camp the collyrium of fortune's eye. The Rāī of Jesalmīr, who was called Rāī Lōnkaran,^375a took up, out of wickedness, the position of hostility and set guards over the water-pond, so that the royal army which had experienced the toils of the desert and had come from a wilderness of mirages to this evil halting-place, was put to trouble from want of water. The tigers of fidelity's forest advanced and showing their superiority, defeated that vile crew. From thence they proceeded on towards the bounty-encompassed fort (ḥiṣār-i-faizinḥiṣār) of Amarkōṭ on 10th Jumāda'l-awwal (23rd August, 1542). After difficulties from hunger and thirst, the glory of arriving at that guarded fort (haṣn-i-haṣīn); which is the ascension-point of glory and storehouse of fortune's jewel, was conferred upon them. The ruler of the fort, who was called Rānā Parsād, regarded the sublime advent as a glorious adornment and tendered acceptable service.

One of the marvels (barakāt) resulting from the sacred existence of his Majesty, the king of kings, which moved the wonder of the acute of the time, was that in that propitious period when her Majesty Maryam-makānī was pregnant with that Unique of creation's workshop, she one day when she had been rapidly traversing the desert, had a longing for a pomegranate. In that waterless and grainless Sahara where it was difficult to find any trace of corn, the caterers for the holy court were in despair, when suddenly a man brought a bag (anbān) full of millet (jawār) for sale. When they took him into the tent and were emptying his bag, suddenly a large, juicy pomegranate emerged. 'Twas a cause of joy and gladness, and an astonished world ascribed it to a miracle.

Some^375b days were spent in that delightful spot, and it was there that Tardī Bēg Khān and many others who had accumulated goods and wealth—all of it acquired by the abiding good fortune (of the royal house)—grudged giving it in such a time of distress and difficulty, even when his Majesty asked for it! By the help of the Rāī of Amarkōṭ his Majesty got possession^375c of the goods, and out of his perfect kindness, liberality and justice, distributed a portion among his followers for their expenses, but returned the bulk of it to those low-minded, narrow-souled ones. God be praised! How have the necks of contemporaries—from the blessing of his Majesty the king of kings and shadow of God's holy essence—come into the noose of zeal and loyalty, so that whilst in that past age great officers and those holding high trusts did not ascend to even a low stage of loyalty, and were at such a crisis niggardly of wealth which they had gathered by the blessing of their master's favour, at the present day the despised and they who stand a great way off from devotion's court, have with respect to self-sacrifice, a delight in climbing to the loftiest stages of perfect loyalty, even though they be in the position of being abused and reproached! How much more then they who are the élite of the court and bystanders of the pedestal of the sublime throne! May Almighty God hold aloft, for epochs and cycles, this chosen one from eternity on the masnad of bounty, and on the throne of the khilāfat, that he may conduct the affairs of the world and of mankind.

As^376a his Majesty Jahānbānī had in his mind the firm intention of marching forwards and as the time of the appearance of the Lord of Time and the Terrene was at hand, he, having ascertained the propitious hour, committed, on 1st Rajab, 949 (11th October, 1542), the litter of her Majesty Maryam-makānī and some faithful followers to the world-upholding Creator, and with fortune and prestige set out on his expedition.