Akbar-nāmah - The Akbarnāma of Abū Fazl, Volume 1

At this time, when the hoping eyes of the watchers of the night of expectation were opened and the door of hopelessness was closed for the world, the exaltation-point (sharaf) of the birth of his Majesty, the king of kings and shadow of God, displayed its countenance. As has already been stated, that nursling of Divine light emerged from the womb of concealment into the world of manifestation on the night of Sunday,^377b 5th Rajab, 949 (15th October, 1542), in order that all the sorrows of mortals might end in everlasting joy; that the sorrow-pelted heart of his Majesty Jahānbānī might receive the balm of assuagement; that the perturbed outer world might assume kosmos and the rent-spiritual world be composed; that the spectators of Divine power (i.e., the angels) might rejoice over the spectacle of the accomplished fact and the expectants of the spiritual and temporal world have their desire satisfied; that to Wisdom there should come a master, to Justice a gracious father, to Perception a wise friend, to Law a righteous king, to Love an acute appreciator; that universal peace might have a wise daysman; that an adorner of the outward and a shewer-forth of the inward might appear. God be praised that in adequate correspondence with hope, there shone a dawn of union after a dark night of distraction, and that a morning of joy succeeded an evening of gloom. The desire of celestials was accomplished, the glory of terrestrials revealed. When this darkness-destroying refulgence and universe-lighting flash came from holy heaven and unveiled itself in that land of roses,^378a swift messengers hastened to convey the good news. While they were yet on the way, the heart of his Majesty Jahānbānī,—for his far-seeing eye was on the watch on account of the secret intimation,—became a thousand hearts from the life-giving good news. He prostrated himself in thanksgiving to Providence who had made fortune's rose bloom in the thorn-brake of misfortune, and had in the emptiness of failure, cast thousands of fruitions into his bosom. Within and without, there was a feast of joy, and all addressed themselves to enjoyment. The noble and the humble, the rich and poor, the small and great, opened the hand of rejoicing, and beat the feet of delight in that feast of fortune, and secured endless favours. An account of this sublime feast, which was the celestial ‘Īd and the world's New Year, and of the arrival of the honoured cradle of his Majesty, the king of kings, at his Majesty Jahānbānī's sublime camp, and of other occurrences which are the adorning frontispiece of this auspicious rescript and the illuminated border of this mandate of fortune, has been incorporated in the beginning of this lofty-titled volume; for this real Pinacothek,^378b wherein are depicted the wondrous events, noble deeds and glorious victories of his Majesty, the king of kings, is fashioned in accord with the initiative of the exaltation-point (sharaf) of the holy nativity, and whatever else has been traced by the pen of supplication is but ancillary to this and but a diluent^378c or vehicle of the discourse, and has a real connection with that subject. God be praised! The imposing record of this ever-during progression has been accomplished even from Adam, down to this period (Akbar's birth), generation after generation. That it may go on, the veil is being withdrawn from the countenance of narration.

In short, as his Majesty Jahānbānī Jannat-ashyānī was a world of urbanity and generosity, he had stayed his desire of retirement for the sake of his loyal companions, and with his far-seeing eyes had set about the ordering of the world of interdependencies, as is the special purpose of the existence of princes, and had proceeded towards Māldēō's country. Māldēō that ravening demon (dēv-maāl-i-dad-sīrat) did not comprehend the magnitude of the blessing—such as he could not see even in a dream, and behaved in an unworthy manner. Of necessity and at the request of his devoted followers, his Majesty proceeded back to Sind on the chance that the rulers of that country might awake from the slumber of negligence, and amend the past. Though the world-adorning mind did not approve of this, still in accordance with fate he agreed to return. When the sublime army came near the boundary, it became known that the Arghūnīāns were assembled in Jūn and were prepared to fight. His Majesty Jahānbānī sent forward Shaikh ‘Alī Beg Jalāīr, whose ancestors were of hereditary devotion and loyalty from the time of the uprearing of the standards of glory of his Majesty Ṣāḥib-qirānī (Tīmūr), together with a body of brave men. He himself followed. As Shaikh ‘Alī had at his back the victorious army, he went forward bravely with a few men and soon scattered the foe. The breeze of victory's morn blew from the orient of the sword and the horizon of the bow, and the sun of fortune burnt up the darkness of that field of nemesis. The army encamped near Jūn.^380a To that town of lofty threshold (qaṣba-i-rajī‘-‘ataba) there came from Amarkot, the birth-place, the honourable litter of her Majesty Maryam-makānī and the sublime cradle of his Majesty, the king of kings, attended by fortune and happy augury. Accordingly a detail of the circumstance has been made an adornment to the Introduction. As this spot was on the banks of the Indus and was eminent among the cities of Sind for its many gardens, streams, pleasant fruits and amenities, the army stayed there for some time. There were continual fights with the Arghūnīāns who were always defeated. Shaikh Tāju-d-dīn Lārī,^380b who was one of his Majesty Jahānbānī's favourites, became a martyr here.^380c One day Shaikh ‘Alī Beg Jalāīr, Tardī Beg Khān, and a body of men were despatched to attack the neighbouring district. Sulṭān Maḥmūd of Bhakkar and a large number of people fell upon them. Tardī Bēg was remiss in fighting, but Sher ‘Alī Bēg stood firm and in that battlefield (razm) which is the banquet-table (bisāṭ-i-bazm) of the brave, quaffed with unaltered mien the sherbet of martyrdom. The heart of his Majesty Jahānbānī was grievously wounded by the fate of so faithful a follower, and some other untoward circumstances having occurred, his heart cooled towards the country of Bhakkar and he determined to go to Qandahār. Just then, on 7th Muḥarram 950 (13th April, 1543) Bairām Khān arrived alone from Gujrāt and laid a balm on the wounded spirit of his Majesty, and was a cause of cheerfulness and joy. One of the wonderful things was that as he was coming to the camp, he had first to pass over a battle-field. Before he could make his obeisance or reveal himself, he had to prepare for war and to fight bravely. The victorious soldiers were amazed, and thought “he comes from the secret army (of God).” When it transpired that he was Bairām Khān, a shout was raised by those standing in battle-array, and the heart of his Majesty Jahānbānī rejoiced. On account of this arrival, they continued for some^381a days to halt in that land of roses (gulzamīn).

The brief account of Bairām Khān is as follows. After exposing his life in the unfortunate affair of Qanauj, he went to Sambal. There he took refuge with Rāja Mitter Sen, one of the great landholders of that country, in the town of Lakhnūr^381b and for a while remained there under protection. When Sher Khān heard of this, he sent a messenger for him, and the Rāja being helpless, sent the Khān. They met on the road^381c to Mālwa. At the beginning of the interview, Sher Khān rose up to receive him and in order to attract him, spoke crafty words to him. Among his remarks was this, “Whoever keeps his loyalty, stumbleth not.” “Yea,” replied Bairām Khān, “whoever keeps his loyalty, shall not stumble.” He contrived, after a thousand difficulties, to escape from near Burhānpūr in company with Abū'l-qāsim, the governor of Gwāliyār, and set out for Gujrāt. While they were on their way, Sher Khān's ambassador who was coming from Gujrāt, got information about them and sent people who arrested Abū'l-qāsīm,—who was remarkable for the beauty of his person. Bairām Khān out of nobleness and generosity stoutly asseverated that he was Bairām Khān, while Abū'l-qāsim heroically said, “This is my servant; he would sacrifice himself for me, beware and withdraw your hand from him.” Thus it was the case of

Verse.^382a

“Leave me, seize the hand of my friend.”

In this way Bairām Khān escaped and went to Sulṭān Maḥmūd in Gujrāt. Abū'l-qāsim was taken before Sher Khān, and from failure^382b to appreciate him, that mine of magnanimity was martyred. Sher Khān used frequently to remark that “as soon as Bairām Khān said in the assembly ‘Whoever keeps his loyalty shall not^382c stumble,’ we gathered that he would not come to terms with us.” Sulṭān Maḥmūd of Gujrāt too, though he tried to induce him to stay with him, could not succeed. He (Bairām) got leave to go on pilgrimage and came to Sūrat. Thence he hurried off to the country of Hardwār^382d and from there he came to the feet of his own master (ṣāḥib) and the benefactor of mankind in the village of Jūn.

In the pages of Divine knowledge, which are “the guarded tablets”^384a from and for eternity, it is laid down that when the diadem of distinction is set on the marvellous head of a world-adorning creature in the temporal and spiritual enthroning-room, there are emitted, from the auspicious birth-hour of that glorious one, flashings and wonders (bawāriq-i-ḥālāt-ū-khawāriq-i-‘ādāt) from the folded pages of his record, each of them a mysterious herald loudly proclaiming in the reason's ear of mankind the glorious progression of his power, and by such revelations augmenting the felicity of mortals. One of the marvellous proofs of this is that when seven months complete had elapsed from his Majesty, the king of kings', auspicious birth, and when he had in his fortune and felicity entered on the eighth, a strange circumstance occurred. On an evening which was seized of the light of fortune's morn, Jījī Anaga—that cupola of chastity— was nursing the first fruit of the garden of holiness, and grieving over the opposition to her by that veil of chastity—Māham Anaga, and by many others. She was very sad because they had represented to his Majesty Jahānbānī Jannat-āshyānī that Mīr Ghaznavī's wife (i. e., herself) was practising incantations so that his Majesty, the prince of mankind, should not accept anyone's milk but her own. At this time, when none else was present, his Majesty, seeing that there was privacy, became vocal, and Messiah-like^384b opened his wondrous mouth to comfort Jījī Anaga's afflicted heart. “Be of good cheer,” he said, “for the celestial light of the khilāfat shall abide in thy bosom and shall bestow on the night of thy sorrow the effulgence of joy. But see that thou reveal this our secret to no one, and that thou dost not proclaim untimely this mystery of God's power, for hidden designs and great previsions are infolded therein.” Jījī Anaga declared, “This life-fraught intimation brought me into rapture, and sorrow's knot was at once loosed from off my heart. This portent which gave me from the eternal throne the sole and undisputed charge of a child of light, expanded my heart, one becoming a hundred and a hundred a thousand.^385a Day by day the doors of joy and gladness opened wider and wider before me, and having established myself on thanksgiving for this great blessing, I addressed myself to my duties, heart and soul. The glory and dominion of two worlds were revealed to me. But I kept this mystery sealed up till that nursling of dominion became the throne-adorner of the regions of world-conquest. One day he had gone forth from Dihlī to hunt in the district of Pālam,^385b and there an enormous and terrific serpent, such as might move the heart of the daring,^385c appeared on the line of road. On this occasion his Majesty exhibited the miracle of Moses, and without the hesitation which comes even to generous hearts, put forth his white^385d hand and approaching the serpent, courageously and in the strength of a sacred intimation, seized its tail with his holy hand and quelled it. Yūsuf Muḥammad Khān,^385e brother of Mīrzā ‘Azīz Kōkaltāsh beheld this token of power and in his astonishment came and told me. On that occasion I told my dear son that sealed and hidden-away mystery which I myself had seen and heard, and said, ‘His Majesty did that wonderful thing in his tender years, 'tis not strange if in his maturity he has performed this miracle, for every act hath its time and every speech its season. The reason of my not mentioning this marvel till this point is that no one to whom I told it, would have believed it, but on the contrary would have taxed me with weakness of intellect. The taste of such a story would have been bitter to their wishes' palate. Moreover I was not at liberty to reveal it. Now, my son, that I have heard from you the story of the serpent, I have opened my lips to tell of the mystery which marked his tender years, while the other is a sample of his riper age. My honoured son! in that exhibitor of miracles such indications and stages of development (‘alāmāt ū maqāmāt) are not surprising.” Though Abū'l-faẓl, the composer of this noble record had heard these two anecdotes from a person of veracity, yet he also received them direct from that receptacle of chastity (Jījī Anaga). But what the writer has seen with his own eyes and has understood by his own contemplation, concerning the perfections and miracles of this nursling of Divine light, exceeds mortal conjecture and human comprehension. In truth what was recounted by the venerable mother of M. ‘Azīz Kōka is astonishing to the exoteric (aṣḥāb-i-ẓāhir), but what this humble one hath witnessed is awe-augmenting to the esoteric (arbāb-i-bāṭin).

It is the Eternal will and the Divine design that when the glorious robe of a king's fortune is being embroidered with the fringe of perpetuity and the props of his throne of greatness and sovereignty made strong and glorious by the pillars of fixity and permanence, sundry accidents which have the appearance of retrogressions and withdrawals are brought in front of his path. In truth these are apparent and not real, and the impediments are in the end subjects of thanksgiving. The short-sighted regard such as defects and become astonished. But they of uplifted eyes recognise them as the mole on Fortune's cheek, and regard them as a note of the subjugation of the evil eye. The fortunate man regards every evil which comes in his way, as the complement of perfection, while the unfortunate man regards them as his destruction, spiritual and temporal, and collapses into the collar of lamentation. The retrogradations of the planets—the regents of the seven^387a celestial climes—are an illustration of this and typify the design. Though the world-illuminating sun be hid from sight by cloud and vapour, yet in truth 'tis no mighty screen which has been lowered over mortal eyes, nor has any defect reached those glorious halls (the sun's). When it seemeth to be a cause of concealment, the strong blast of Divine power casts the vapour headlong and relegates it to the black earth. The phenomena of sunrise and sunset too are torch-bearing indicators of this. For the status and condition of the Treasury of Light when in the East are identical with his status and condition when under the veil of the West. And the condition which he hath when in the zenith and when in declination from the meridian, is absolutely the same as his condition when in the nadir of mid-night.^388a The difference is in the earth-born beholders and in the imaginations of the dwellers in a handful of clay. Assuredly the pinacles of his glory is all the holier because the thoughts of detrimental have touched its fringe. In accordance with these propositions, whoever cherisheth evil thoughts against tiara'ed lords of bliss, and diademed lords of fortune, is caught at last by the exemplary punishment of his deeds, and becomes a primefactor of his own destruction. These truths are mirrored in the presage-full history of his Majesty Jahānbānī Jannat-āshyānī for in brief space was the skirt of his Majesty's fortune, which had been sullied by misfortune, washed and cleansed at the fountain-head of fruition, while all the ingrates received the punishment of their designs and deeds. The stack^388b of their lives and fortunes was consumed by the lightning of Divine wrath, and the note of the existence of those wretches was erased from the Book of Time. Accordingly the difficulties (maṣā'ib) and fatigues (matā‘ib), of adversity (‘usr) and the stations (mawārid) and ascensions (maṭāli‘) of prosperity (yusr) are being set-forth in the order of their time and place.

In fine, as his Majesty Jahānbānī Jannat-āshyānī's holiness-expressing soul had grown aweary of this world's vain show, and had turned away her lofty contemplation from the territory of Sind, it occurred to his sanctified mind to offer peace to the ruler of Tatta and to march to Qandahār. When the sublime cavalcade should arrive there, he would commit his Majesty, the king of kings, and the elect ones of his Court to God's protection, would plant his own foot on the highway of asceticism and retreat and ascend the steps of ecstacy and rapture and phœnix-like (humāwār), pet the pinnacle of love 'neath the wings of genius. As he had gained spiritual abundance by circumambulating the altar of the heart, he would, by conveying the sacred litter (maḥmil)^388c to the ka‘ba of clay at one semblance and substance. As the spiritual pinacothek had been constructed, he would also adorn the visible temple. Thus would hearts be conciliated and a method of truthful guidance be furnished to the simple-minded followers of forms.

He was occupied with these thoughts when the ruler of Tatta on understanding his intention, recognised his own gain therein and despatched a petition for peace. As the soaring falcon of his Majesty's genius had spread her wings for the chase of the phœnix (‘anqā) and had withdrawn her far-seeing gaze from lower game and let it fall on lofty eyries, his petition reached the place of acceptation. The Arghūnīāns whose affairs were in distress, tossed the cap of joy to the skies on hearing the gladtidings of peace, and regarding the project as the goal of desire and as an unlooked for boon, forwarded a large present^389a and made various apologies.

His Majesty auspiciously and prosperously left Jūn for Qandahār viâ Sīwī (Sībī) on 7th Rabī‘ul-ākhir, 950 (11th July, 1543). M.‘Askar on hearing of the approach of the royal cavalcade, and acting by M. Kāmrān's orders and from his own wickedness, strengthened the fort (Qandahār) and proceeded with evil intentions with a large body of troops towards the sublime camp in order that he might by help of villainy take his Majesty prisoner. Meanwhile Amīr Allāh Dōst, one of the learned of the age and who had on several occasions acted as M. Kāmrān's Agent^389b (vakīl) and Shaikh ‘Abdu-l wahhāb^389c a descendant of Pūrān^389d were coming to solicit, in marriage on Mīrzā Kāmrān's behalf, the daughter of Shāh Ḥusain Beg Arghūn. On hearing of the approach of the sublime army, they took refuge in the castle of Sīwī. His Majesty Jahānbānī sent an exalted mandate to Mīr Allāh Dōst, summoning him to his presence, but he out of worthlessness, chose exclusion from the honour of service and made the excuse that the garrison would not let him leave.

When the army came to the territory of Shāl, which is about 30^390a farsakh (150 miles) from Qandahār, Jalālu-d-dīn Beg, an officer of M. Kāmrān and who had a fief in the territory, had left people to capture any scouts and by them two of the royal servants who had gone on in advance to Sar-cashma^390b were arrested and brought in. One of them managed to escape from their clutches and came and reported what he had learnt of their evil designs by observing their ways and language. His Majesty Jahānbānī, on perceiving the ingratitude of this crew, gave up the idea of proceeding to Qandahār, and turned off towards Mashtang;^390c Pāyanda^390d Muḥammad Waisī took leave and went to Qandahār. With him was sent an autograph letter to M. ‘Askarī, strong^390e in expressions such as might appeal to a little-loving, disloyal brother, and containing warnings and instructions. But where was the reason-harkening ear, and where the heart of right understanding? Treating these remonstrances as unheard, he continued to go on in his villainy. Qāsim Ḥusain Sulṭān,^390f Mahdī Qāsim Khān and many others of ‘Askarī Mīrzā's servants remonstrated against his going lest his Majesty should grow desperate, and out of dire necessity proceed to Persia, and less great calamities should occur. Abū'l-khair and a number of wicked men uttered flattering, house-subverting words, outwardly specious but inwardly productive of evil and ruin, and confirmed him in his faulty resolves. On that day's morning which was his downfall's evening,^391a the Mīrzā proceeded with evil intent towards Mashtang. When he had advanced one or two kos, he asked his servants, if any of them had been that way. Jai Bahādur Ūzbak, who was Qāsim Ḥusāin Sulṭān's servant and had on this expedition taken service with the Mīrzā, said, “I know this road thoroughly, and have repeatedly gone and come by it!” The Mīrzā replied that he was speaking the truth for he had been a jāgīrdār^391b there, and he bade him go on ahead and lead the way. He objected that his pony was knocked up, and the Mīrzā signed to Tarsūn Barlās, one of his servants, to give him his horse. He objected about his own necessities but had to surrender the animal. Jai Bahādur, who had served the king in India, advanced a little by auspicious guidance and then putting his horse to the gallop, went off to Bairām Khān's tent, and unfolded^391c the facts of the case. Baīrām Khān went with him to his Majesty Jahānbānī, whom he informed of the evil intentions of that ingrate (‘Askarī). His Majesty sent to Tardī Beg and some others for horses. Those base, narrow-eyed men turned away from the perception of their good fortune (in thus having an opportunity of serving Humāyūn) and refused to give them. His Majesty wished to mount his horse (perhaps Jai Bahādur's) and go and give them a lesson. Bairām Khān deprecated doing this, as the moment was critical and there was no time for dallying. “Let the ingrates be left to God's vengeance, and let his Majesty follow his own course.” On hearing this representation his Majesty, attended by a few devoted followers, took the road of the desert. He gave up the idea of Qandahār and Kābul and proceeded towards Persia (‘Irāq) with the intention of going to the Ḥijāz (Mecca, &c.), and as a desert-traverser, entered on the path of separation (firāq). Khwāja Mu‘aẓẓam, Nadīm Kōkaltāsh, Mīr Ghaznavī, and Khwāja ‘Ambar Nāẓir were directed that his Majesty, the king of kings, was in the cradle of guardianship and under the protection of the Divine love, and that affliction's dust could not reach his fortune's skirt, but that they should by every possible means bring her Majesty Maryam-makānī to the king. Those right-minded ones made haste and performed acceptable service. After going a little way, night came on darker than the hearts of unacknowledging ingrates. Bairām Khān represented that his Majesty was aware of Mīrzā ‘Askarī's lust for gold and property; that at this time the Mīrzā would be secure and at ease, and be sitting in a tent with two or three clerks, and looking at the list of the goods and chattels in his Majesty's camp. The proper thing for them was to rely upon the Divine favour, and to come suddenly on that tent, and settle his business. That though the Mīrzā had become alienated, all his servants had been brought up on his Majesty's salt, and that they would inevitably come forward and serve him. His Majesty approved of this proposal from the practical point of view, but out of his pure nature and well-meaningness he declined to adopt it, and said they had now set out for a foreign land and had entered on a long journey, and that he would not give up his plans.^392a Once more he committed his Majesty, the king of kings, to the protection of the God of Glory, the repeller (dāfi') of evils, and supporter (rāfi') in dangers, and taking the eternal counsels as his guide and the everlasting favour as his helper in place and out of place, he fixed the saddle of dominion on the steed of enterprise, and the foot of forward-faring in the stirrup of trust and proceeded on his way.

When Mīrzā ‘Askarī with his evil intentions approached Mashtang he sent on his ṣadr Mīr Abū'l-ḥasan that he might go to his Majesty Jahānbānī, and that if the latter was meditating departure, he might by trick and stratagem detain him. The Mīr arrived just when his Majesty Jahānbānī was mounting his horse, and sought to turn him by alleging sundry messages from the Mīrzā. His Majesty, by God's guidance, did not listen to his vain words, but rapidly went off. M. ‘Askarī came up afterwards and sent Shāh Walad, Abū'l-khair and many others of his men to guard the camp and not let any one go out of it. He heard from the Ṣadr Mīr Abū'l-ḥusain the story of Jai Bahādur's warning and of his Majesty Jahānbānī's departure. Tardī Beg Khān and the other faithless servants came and paid their respects to the Mīrzā who made them all over to trusty men of his own.

A short-sighted man, who does not reflect on the evil day or on a bad end and who enters on the path of wicked designs and of shamelessness, in reality strikes an axe into the foot of his own well-being, and prepares for himself misfortunes and heaven-sent adversities. These things are not hidden from the readers of the pages of the world's history! When Mīr Ghaznavī came and paid his respects to M. ‘Askarī, the latter said, “We came to do homage to the king, wherefore has his Excellency gone off by the desert?” Then he inquired where the Prince was, meaning his Majesty, the king of kings. Mīr Ghaznavī said he was in his quarters. The Mīrzā said “Good, let a camel-load of fruit be taken to him from the commissariat (rikābkhāna); I am coming too.” At night he and one or two clerks examined^393a in his tent some of the things which had been brought from the royal stores (sarkār); they wrote them down and the state of affairs was exactly as Bairām Khān had conjectured and had represented. Next day at breakfast time (about 9 A. M.) he had his drums beaten and moved from his quarters to the royal encampment. He alighted at the door of his Majesty Jahānbānī's residence (daulatkhāna) and had all the men, one by one, small and great, arrested. He made over Tardī Beg Khān to Shāh Walad, and he put all the unfaithful servants in charge of his own men and took them off to Qandahār. Many of them he destroyed by hardships and torments, and from Tardī Beg Khān he took all his hoard so that he soon got the retribution of his deeds. But no, no! how could this be retribution for such crimes? if we called this typhoon of evils one revolution (girdī)^393b in the descending of retribution, it would still not be appropriate.^393c

Verse.^394a

If a wicked and ill-fated man
Become good by a teacher's instruction,
In the end the mystery is explained
For then his true nature is revealed.

It is clear to those who can discern the mysteries of fate, that when the fortunate hand of an eternally elected one be decked with sovereignty's signet, and the dominion-head be exalted by the khilāfat's diadem, the rays of glory are ever shining on the forehead of his career. One of the wondrous indications and celestial portents which occurred at this time in relation to his Majesty, the king of kings, was as follows. When Mīrzā ‘Askarī came to the royal camp and began his improprieties, Mīr Ghaznavī and Māham Āghā^394b brought his Majesty the king of kings before him on the shoulder of honour and in the bosom of security. Though the Mīrzā directed his countenance towards him and had a jubilant^394c air and wore a forced smile, his Majesty, even then an aggregate of the perfections of a mature man of the world, spite of his tender years, was in no way elated (shigufta). Restraint^394d of spirit was manifested on his brow. The Mīrzā changed his tone^394e and said, “We can see whose this child is. Why should he be elated at seeing us?” The Mīrzā's ring was hanging from his neck by a red ribbon and after a little while the child in accordance with infantive ways— no! no! by Fortune's guiding hand, put his hand to the ribbon and sought to take it. The Mīrzā immediately took the ribbon from his neck and gave it to his Majesty, the king of kings. The acute in the assembly saw in this an auspicious prognostic that bye-and-bye the seal of dominion and the ring of sovereignty would bear his Majesty's name, and that water flowing from the fount of Divine bounties would become a river. From thence his Majesty the Shāhanshāh went, protected by the Divine aid, in company with M. ‘Askarī towards Qandahār. Standing and sitting, sleeping and waking, rays of greatness and command streamed from his Majesty's forehead, and the lights of God's knowledge were manifested. On the road Kōkī Bahādur, one of M. ‘Askarī's confidants, came near his Majesty's (Akbar) camel litter and said to Mīr Ghaznavī that if he made the prince over to him he would take him to the king. The Mīr replied that as the king himself had not taken him, 'twas evident there was a reason for leaving him; nor could he venture without high authority to take action. Bahādur said, “I've formed the desire to serve his Majesty and hence I come at such a time of desolation to do so. I wanted to perform this service and now that you don't exalt me by this blessing, give me a token from his Majesty, the king of kings (Akbar), that I may give it to his Majesty.” Mīr Ghaznavī gave to Bahādur his Majesty's cap, the diadem of the moon of auspiciousness, and thereby exalted him.

M. ‘Askarī brought his Majesty, the king of kings, to Qandahār on 18th Ramaẓān, 950 (16th December, 1543), and assigned him a residence in the citadel near himself. Māham Āghā, Jījī Anaga and Atka Khān were made eternally fortunate by serving him, and longed for the diffusion of the light of holiness. The Mīrzā made over this nursling of fortune who was growing up in the shadow of the Divine protection, to his own wife Sulṭān^396a Begam, and that cupola of chastity out of her abundant wisdom, lovingly and devotedly tended him. To appearance she watched over him, but in reality she was keeping herself alongside of light absolute, and so receiving illumination, and day by day she was beholding more and more the glory (farr) of greatness proceeding from the light-increasing brows of that world-blessing.

Evil thoughts respecting one who is God-supported and in whose person God-nourished light exists, can only terminate in good, and out of contrariety nothing can come except service and benefit. Accordingly Eternal Providence was tending him at that time when paternal affection and maternal love should have been responsible for his needments (takafful-i-muhimmāt) and he was in the hands of deadly enemies, so that the foot of loyalty of the far-sighted of wisdom's kingdom might be the more established, and that a guiding lamp might come into the hands of the short-sighted and simple, and that the facts of the Divine watchfulness and of heavenly guardianship might be manifest to friend and foe. I have heard from the sacred lips of his Majesty, the king of kings, as follows: “I perfectly remember what happened when I was one year old, and especially the time when his Majesty Jahānbānī proceeded towards ‘Irāq and I was brought to Qandahār. I was then one year^396b and three months old. One day Māham Anaga, the mother of Adham Khān, (who was always in charge of that nursling of fortune), represented to M. ‘Askarī, “It is a Tūrkī^396c custom that when a child begins to walk, the father or grandfather or whoever represents them, takes off his turban and strikes the child with it, as he is going along, so that the nursling of hope may come to the ground (i. e., may fall down). At present his Majesty Jahānbānī is not here; you are in his room, and it is fitting you should perform this spell which is like sipand^397a against the evil eye. The Mīrzā immediately took off his turban and flung it at me, and I fell down.” “This striking and falling,” his Majesty deigned to observe, “are visibly before me. Also at the same time they took me for good luck to have my head shaved^397b at the shrine of Bābā^397c Ḥasan Abdāl. That journey and the taking off my hair are present before me as in a mirror.”

What is there extraordinary about this or a hundred things like it, to any one in the blissful chambers of whose heart there is an enkindled lamp?

As the thread of the narrative has extended so far, it is unavoidable that for the moistening of discourse (sīrābī-i-sukhan), I say something about the remaining events of Sher Khān, about Mīrzā Ḥaidar's going to Kashmīr, about the condition of M. Kāmrān who went to Kābul, and M. Hindāl who hurried off to Qandahār, and Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā who made opposition and remained in Bhakkar, o that the searcher after instruction may take warning, and by the strength of a happy fortune, spend his days prudently and righteously.

It is known that Shēr Khān after crossing the Bīāh (Beas) advanced slowly, and in spite of all his warlike equipment acted with great circumspection. He was greatly afraid lest the heroes of the royal army should coalesce and advancing into the field of warfare should exact vengeance from him and bring to nothing all his treacherous machinations. He had sent a large force ahead, but was very cautious about engaging. After some days, when the defection of M. Kāmran, and the opposition of the other brothers became known far and wide, he came to Lāhōr. From thence he advanced as far as Khushāb,^398b and was for some days in Bhera^398c and its neighbourhood. He sent a summons to Sulṭān Sārang^398d Ghakkar and Sulṭān Ādam who were leading landholders in that neighbourhood, but as they had been clients of his Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdūs-makānī, and had prospered by the favour of that exalted family they did not listen to his overtures. He advanced to Hathīāpūr^398e in the Ghakkar territory and sent a large force against them. The Ghakkars fought bravely and defeated the Afghans so that many of them were captured and sold. Shēr Khān wished to march against them in person. He consulted his followers and they advised that as this tribe had strong mountains and remote (zamīnhā-i-qalb, heart, i.e., internal) territories, they should be dealt with by degrees and by policy. The proper course was to leave a large army in that neighbourhood which could both watch the royal army and also devastate the country of the Ghakkars. It was also desirable that a strong fort should be built for the carrying out of these two objects. Thus by a counter move these men would be impeded by their own impediments (az tanganāī-i-khud batang āmada) and their stubborn heads be brought low. For himself, the proper course was to turn back and apply himself to the administration of the vast country of India. In consequence of this advice he laid the foundations of the Fort of Rohtās^399a and having left a large force there he marched back and came to Āgra. From thence he came to Gwalior where Mīr Abū-l-Qāsim was sheltering himself, but was obliged by want of provisions to surrender. Shēr Khān became supreme, and divided all India, except Bengal, into 47 divisions. He introduced the branding^399b of soldiers' horses and carried into effect some of the many plans of Sulṭān ‘Alā'u-d-dīn which are set forth in the Tārīkh-i-Fīrūzshāhī,^399c and which he had heard of. After that he proceeded against Pūran^399d Mal the Raja of Raisīn and Candīrī. He got the Raja out of the fort by a dishonest treaty and promises and by the efforts of sundry misguided lawyers^399e and wretched ignoramuses he destroyed the very men to whom he had given quarter. Thence he came to Āgra and after the manner of the governors^400a (ḥukkām) of Bengal established serais on the roads at the distance of every kos.

After a dangerous illness in Āgra^400b he marched against Māldēō the lord of Ajmīr, Nāgor and many other cities. When he had by fraud and guile^400c disposed of that territory he hastened to Citūr and Ranthanbūr. There too he practised his juggleries so that the custodians of the forts sent him the keys. Having got rid of everything there he entered the territory of Dhundīra.^400d From there he went to the fort of Kālinjar and laying siege to it, he made covered approaches (sābāṭhā) and drove mines against it. On 10th Muḥarram,^400e 952, or 5th March, 1545, he was consumed by flames of fire which had spontaneously arisen out of the smoke-sighs^401a of the oppressed. The chronogram of his combustion was found in the words “(a)z ātish murd:” “Died from fire (=952).” Though in taking this splendid citadel his life came out of its elemental quadrilateral,^401b yet the fort came into possession. He governed Hindustan by fraud and craft 5 years, 2 months, 13 days. Eight^401c days afterwards his younger son Jalāl Khān took his place, and calling himself Islām Khān took the title of Shāh. He surpassed even his father in wickedness. As the sway of those two seditious impostors was alongside of the crescent-moon^401d world-lighting splendours of the standards of the everlasting dominion like the light of fireflies,^401e semblance without substance, the mysterious design of God for the sake of some purposes, which were infolded in His wisdom's ambushes, let it prank for a few days and then levelled it with the dust of ruin, and so the world escaped from the grip of the existence of those tyrannous mischief-makers.^401f

The story of M. Ḥaidar is as follows:—When he had got assistance from his Majesty Jahānbānī, he proceeded towards Kashmīr, as already related. When he got to Naushahr,^402a the officers whose names have already been given, loyally came forward and did homage, and again showed him how he could enter Kashmīr and take possession of it. The Mīrzā advanced by the passes in reliance on the Divine aid and the royal fortune. Meanwhile a schism occurred in the Emperor's army. As has been already stated, Khwāja Kilān Beg either from his own inclination or at the instance of M. Kāmrān, abandoned the enterprise and joined M. Kāmrān, while Muẓaffar Tūpcī^402b went off to the Sārang^402c hills. None remained with M. Ḥaidar save a few old servants and the troops whom his Majesty Jahānbānī had deputed to his assistance. But as there was much strife and dissension and confusion and anarchy in Kashmīr, he was warmly supported by the eagerness of the Kashmīrīs, and on 22nd Rajab, 947 (22nd November, 1540), he entered by the pass of Pūnc^402d and conquered Kashmīr without a battle or a struggle. For at that time it had been long without an established ruler, and the ministers tyrannously held the country in their own possession, and while giving to one of the claimants the name of monarch, themselves exercised the authority. At that period a person called Nāzuk Shāh—having a name that was no name^402e was the reputed sovereign. Under such circumstances in whatever direction there might not be union, or plan, or counsel, or judgment, to that quarter did the affairs of the country drift. It was the winter-quadragesima^403a and there was heavy snow. When Kācī Cak saw^403b that M. Ḥaidar was disposed to make himself independent, he, using the craft and perfidy which are indispensable to Kashmīrīs, left Kashmīr and went before Shēr Khān. For his object in bringing in M. Ḥaidar was his own aggrandisement and when that was not achieved, but when on the contrary things assumed a different shape, he withdrew his hand and entered on another scheme. Ho now tried another course and gave Shēr Khān the sister of Isma‘īl, the son of Muḥammad Shāh.^403c When he had made himself acceptable by this means he took ‘Alāwal Khān,^403d Ḥasan Khān Sarwānī and others to the number of 2,000 men and came to Kashmīr. Meanwhile Abdāl Mākrī, who was his backer, died of dropsy, and M. Ḥaidar having left his family in Andarkōt,^403e which is a very strong place, was in a protected position. The people of Kashmīr all deserted him and but few persons remained with him. He spent three months in the mountain defiles, and then on Monday, 20 Rabī‘u-ṯ-ṯānī, 948 (16th August, 1541), a battle took place, and by God's help he gained the victory. Though the enemy, consisting partly of Afghān auxiliaries and partly of faithless Kashmīrīs was more than 5,000 horse, yet as their action was based on faithlessness and disloyalty, it did not succeed and they were defeated. Many of the enemy were slain, and a party of them were made prisoner. Kashmīr came absolutely into the possession of the Mīrzā, and the Kashmīrī preacher (khaṭīb) Maulānā Jamālu-d-dīn Muḥammad Yūsuf found the chronogram fatḥ-i-mukarrar (victory repeated=948). Though the use of the word “repeated” (takrār) might be applicable to the present expedition of the Mīrzā, yet as he himself has pointed^404a out in his history, the reference is to the fact that he once came^404b to Kashmīr by the pass of Lār, as the agent of Sa‘īd Khān, the ruler of Kāshghar, and got possession of it on 4th Sha‘bān,^404c 939 (1st March, 1533). But towards the end of Shawwāl of that year, (May 1533), he made peace with the Kashmīr ministers, and with Muḥammad Shāh who was then the nominal ruler. The Shāh's daughter was given in marriage for Iskandar Sulṭān, the Mīrzā's son,^404d and the Mīrzā returned by the way he had entered.

When on this (last) occasion a providential victory was gained, and Kashmīr was conquered, he for ten years zealously applied himself to its administration and clothed that charming land, but of desolated^404e appearance, with cities^404f and civilization. He sent for artists and craftsmen from all quarters and laboured for its renown and prosperity. Especially was music^404g in brisk demand and varieties of instruments were introduced. In short, the outward condition of that country, that is, its worldly state, acquired solidity. But owing to the Mīrzā's frigid^404h and insipid bigotries, the result of imperfect development, the essentials for Kashmīr, viz., unanimity and fidelity, found a bad market. And to this day there is an odour of bigotry about the Kashmīrīs, for there is a powerful influence in association, and especially is a strong impression produced by the ways of princes who are vigorous. It is to be hoped that by the blessing of his Majesty, the king of king's truth and chastity (ḥaqīqat ū ḥaqqānīyat) Kashmīr, spiritual and temporal, may attain unity, and that the articles of worship and religion may become current, unadulterated by hypocrisy and bigotry.

One of the capital and most inauspicious mistakes of the Mīrzā was that in spite of such victory he read the khuṭba and struck the coin in the name of Nāzuk Shāh after the fashion of the Kāshmīrī ministers. He should have fulfilled his duty of loyalty towards his Majesty Jahānbānī and have impressed the darāhim and danānīr and the pulpit rostra with his Majesty Jahānbānī's sacred name. Apparently he was temporising and was not giving currency to disloyalty, for when Kābul^405a was taken he honoured himself by having the khuṭba read in his Majesty Jahānbānī's sacred name.

In 958 (apparently October, 1551) he became, in a night attack by the Kashmīrīs, a traveller to the region of non-existence. The short account of this is as follows:—

The Mīrzā transgressed the law of justice,—dominion's watchman, —and took to living for his own lusts and pleasures. He let fall from his hands prudence and the bearing of burdens, those two arms of felicity. The fraud and seditiousness of the Kashmīrīs which had been subverted by the Mīrzā's skill and sagacity, again stood up and the hypocritical and wicked faction took the road of deceit and in friendly garb did the work of enemies. Their best stroke was the separating his army from him by stratagem, and the scattering of his capable servants. Some were sent towards Tibet, some to Paktī, and some to Rajaurī. ‘Īdī Rīnā and Ḥusain Mākrī, son of Abdāl Mākrī, gained over Khwāja^406a Ḥājī, the Kashmīrī pedlar (baqqāl), who was the manager of the Mīrzā's affairs. They drew a great many to their side and marched against the Mīrzā. Ghāzī Khān and Malik Daulat Cak also joined them. Near Khānpūr, between Hīrapūr and Srīnagar, which last is the chief city of Kashmīr and the seat of government, they made a night-attack on the Mīrzā. He had approached the quarters of Khwāja Ḥājī to release Qarā^406b Bahādur, who was a prisoner. Suddenly he lost his life at the hands of Kamāl Dūbī,^406c though some say one of his own servants unknowingly hit him with an arrow.^406d

As a short account of Mīrzā Ḥaidar has been given, I shall now record the actions of M. Kāmrān. On that ill-omened occasion when M. Kāmrān chose separation from his Majesty Jahānbānī and proceeded towards Kābul, he on arriving at Khushāb treated chiefship and pre-eminence (sarī ū sarwarī) as an affliction, and time,^407a the gamester, as his ally and had the khuṭba read in his own name. Improprieties of this kind will ever be manifested by him who maketh not far-seeing wisdom and instruction his counsellor and beloved associate. He knoweth not the duties of love nor the paths of generosity. He regardeth others' bane as his good, and scattereth evil seed in good men's fields. It is manifest what sort of crop will spring from such a sowing and tilling. And how shall the tree of his hopes yield the wished-for fruit? There is no permanency for him who takes no thought of the issue of things, nor any bond in fortune fastened to oneself by violence. What stability is there in a lofty palace wanting foundation; it soon falls to pieces like a minaret of ice! What fixity has a first night's moon which like a blinding flash of lightning vanishes in the twinkling of an eye? M. Kāmrān's sovereignty was quickly gone, like the freshness of a rose, and his fortune departed like the soon-dying breeze of spring!

To be brief; he came by way of Dhankōṭ^407b to the bank of the Indus. Muḥammad Sulṭān and Ulugh Mīrzā who had gone into the Multan territory but had been unable to maintain themselves there, came and saluted M. Kāmrān on the river-bank. The Mīrzā tarried there for a while, and when the rebels fell into difficulties about corn, he made a bridge and crossed the river. Thence he came to Kābul and there he opened the gates of enjoyment in front of his own existence and spent his days in the indulgence of his pleasures and lusts. And Jamshīd^408a of Merv's saying, “Until the tiger leave the jungle, the pasturage is not open for the deer; nor till the falcon seek her nest, has the partridge freedom to fly,” was verified in this instance. M. Kāmrān gave Ghaznīn and its territory to ‘Askarī M. and sent Khwāja Khāwand Muḥammad on an embassy to Sulaimān M. in Badakhshān with the request that he would submit and make M. Kāmrān's style and coinage current in Badakhshān also. M. Sulaimān sent back the ambassador re infectâ and M. Kāmrān got enraged at this and led an army into Badakhshān. Near the village of Bārī^408b an engagement took place and when M. Sulaīmān saw his own weakness and M. Kāmrān's strength he sent an envoy to knock at reconciliation's door. He caused the khuṭba to be read and coinage to be issued in M. Kāmrān's name; and the latter also took some Badakhshān territory from M. Sulaimān and gave it to his own men and then returned full of success. Meanwhile news came that M. Hindāl had taken possession of Qandahār. M. Kāmrān collected an army and marched against the city and besieged the fort for six months. M. Hindāl's supplies falling short, he asked for quarter and delivered up the fort. M. Kāmrān gave Qandahār to M. ‘Askarī and returned to Kābul, bringing M. Hindāl along with him. For some days he treated M. Hindāl with severity but afterwards out of brotherhood and from hypocrisy in the guise of concord, gave him the fertile tract of Jūī Shāhī, which now bears the name of his Majesty the king of kings, and is called Jalālābād. The ruler of Sind also submitted^408c and now fortune was ministering the materials of negligence till M. Sulaimān broke his compact and seized of the territories which M. Kāmrān had detached from Badakhshān. M. Kāmrān a second time led his army thither and a battle was fought near Andarāb.^409a M. Sulaimān was defeated and took refuge in Fort Ẓafar. M. Kāmrān followed him and besieged the fort. He stopped the coming of supplies and many of the inhabitants of Badakhshān came and did homage to him. As M. Sulaimān despaired of his soldiers, who were only eye-servers (cashm-i-wafā dāsht) and also as the fort was in difficulties from want of supplies, he was obliged to submit. M. Kāmrān left Qāsim Birlās, Mīrzā ‘Abdu-l-lāh and many others of his partisans under the charge of the said Birlās in Badakhshān, and himself went back (to Kābul). Khwāja Ḥusain^409b of Merv found the date of this occurrence in the words “Jum‘a hafdahum-i-māh-i-Jumāda'ṯ-ṯānī.” (Friday, Jumāda II, 17th, 948=October 8th, 1546). He kept M. Sulaimān and his son M. Ibrāhīm in confinement. When he returned, he put the city into fête for a month, and spent his days in insouciance. He remembered not his God, nor did he deal justice to the oppressed. Till at length the fortune-star of his Majesty Jahānbānī's gracious heaven ascended, and coming with dominion and auspiciousness, lodged his punishment in his bosom, as will be related hereafter.

Whoever behaves improperly to his benefactor and advances along the path of insincerity, receives the punishment of his actions in this world (lit. in the same condition). The account of M. Hindāl is of this tenor. He, at such a crisis and time of strife and sedition, left the service of his Majesty Jahānbānī, and taking the road of faithlessness proceeded towards Qandahār. When Qarāca Khān, who was governing Qandahār for M. Kāmrān, heard of the Mīrzā's arrival, he came out of the fort and respectfully embraced him. He made over the territory to the Mīrzā. Many days had not^409c elapsed when M. Kāmrān came and took possession thereof. He imprisoned the Mīrzā and treated him with severity, as has already been briefly stated.

It is certain that the end of the unfaithful, like the commencement of their deeds, is rejection by every heart (mardūd-i-dilhā). The wise do not place reliance (i‘tibār) on unstable reliability (i‘tibār). They wait in expectation of these ingrates receiving their portion so that they may be thankful and rejoice at their getting the punishment which is due for transgressions of rectitude, inasmuch as this will be a warning to mankind, and also an adminicle of the repentance of the wicked. Accordingly when Yādgār Nāṣir M. had been led from the right path by the deceit and perfidy of the ruler of Taṭṭa and had remained in Lohrī (Rohri), he stayed nearly two months there after the departure of his Majesty Jahānbānī. At last it became clear to him that the proposals of the ruler of Taṭṭa were all pretence, and his representations based on lies. Being helpless he abandoned his projects and proceeded towards Qandahār, though Hāshim Beg who was one of his truth-speaking well-wishers and well-pleasing (riẓā-jūī) followers, told him that his joining M. Kāmrān and his leaving the service of his Majesty Jahānbānī were not approved of, and that the world was a place of retribution, and that he should reflect upon this. And it is a thing certain that the mind of him whose day of calamity is at hand, becomes darkened, that he displays audacity in injuring his benefactor, and that he reckons the advice of the right-thinking as wind and does not admit it into the ears of his understanding, and that he regards the weighty words of the wise as fables and fictions.^410a Accordingly Yādgār Nāṣir M. being unblessed, went toward Qandahār. He arrived at the time when M. Kāmrān had brought the fort of Qandahār to extremity, and did homage to him; and accompanied him to Kābul. M. Kāmrān sent a person to the ruler of Taṭṭa and requested him to send with all respect her Highness Bilqīs-makānī Shahrbānū^410b and her son M. Sanjar, for they had separated from Yādgār Nāṣir M. and had remained in the Bhakkar territory. The ruler of Taṭṭa sent them in a suitable manner, together with a large number of persons who had separated from his Majesty Jahānbānī Jannat-āshyānī and were in that territory. By mistake or design it occurred that these people were sent by the route of the waterless and forageless desert. Many of them perished and when the remainder came to Shāl, fever broke out among them. Her Highness Bilqīs-makāni^411a died. Out of 2000 or 3000 men who were wandering in that caravan, only a few escaped with their lives and reached Qandahār.

Since the swift courser of the events-traversing pen has made some strides afield and has borne the words to their goal, let it now return to the track and resume its long journey. A brief account shall now be given of the finally victorious progress to Khurāsān and ‘Irāq which came to pass to his Majesty Jahānbānī, and of his passing, with Providence for guide, through waterless deserts (fayāfī), saharas, and wastes.

When his Majesty, in accordance with the ordinance of the Eternal, planted his foot in the valley of resignation and took the path of the perilous wilderness (cūl), he honoured the attendants on his auspicious stirrup by the title of Cūlī.^412a By the infinite goodness of God, Malik Hātī Balūc, captain of the banditti, did homage in this howling wilderness (cūl-i-pur-haul), and conducting his Majesty to his abode, exerted himself in his service. He also became his guide out of that dread valley and brought him to the territory of Garmsir (i. e., the warm region). Though Mīr ‘Abdu-l-ḥai, the magistrate (kalāntar) of that territory, owing to unbefitting cautions, did not himself come forward and obtain the grace of service, yet he was assiduous in the performance of the rites of hospitality.

Khwāja Jalālu-d-dīn Maḥmūd^412b had come to that quarter to make collections of revenue on behalf of M. ‘Askarī. His Majesty sent Bābā Dōst Bakhshī to him to guide him aright and to bring him into his service. The Khwāja recognised this as a great opportunity and hastened to accept service. He poured out every thing he had in his store, in cash and in kind, among the troops. His Majesty Jahānbānī received him with favour and committed to his prudent judgment the duties of the mīr-sāmānī-i-sarkār-i-khāṣa.^413a His Majesty spent several days in this region giving charming counsels and instructions to his faithful followers, and showing by heart-touching argument the world's faithlessness and the instability of external circumstances. He turned back their secular spirits from the pursuit of such things and directed them to the true goal and to the real point which it behoves the student of the masters of mind to pay attention to. His Majesty's lofty soul was engrossed by the thought that as the things belonging to detachment and seclusion increase day by day, he should seek some lonely corner, and withdrawing himself, outwardly and inwardly, from other matters should give himself up to God alone.

But his nobleness and humanity did not allow of his saddening the hearts of the followers of his fortunes by such mortification of desires. Nor did this faithful band withdraw their hand from service on account of these occurrences nor permit such a perfect personality, worthy of the true khilāfat, and whose like as a superintendent of things external and internal it would be hard to find in the course of revolving cycles, should restrain his arm from the world and amputate the series of everlasting sovereignty. All the aspirations of this family (ṭabaqa) are, inwardly for truth, and outwardly for humanity, and so it works for the production of universal concord. God be praised! the Unique Pearl of that abounding ocean, his Majesty the king of kings, to wit, hath attained such sway in full measure. In spite of the cares of conquering and upholding the visible world, he hath attained complete immersion in the billowy ocean of the empyreal and divine universe. And the step of his genius on the towering ascents of sublimity is firm and assured.

In fine, his Majesty determined, in accordance with the Divine will and his native nobleness to write a loving letter to the ruler of Persia and to turn the reins of intent towards that country. Should the ruler of Persia recognise hereditary right and show love and liberality, he would again give his attention to mundane matters and secure the hearts of his faithful band. Should it turn out otherwise he would in the liberty (ikhtiyār) of a hermitage, devote himself without liberty (bī-ikhtiyār) to his generous nature. Accordingly on Thursday, 1st^414a Shawwāl, 959 (28th December, 1943), he sent a letter by Cūlī Bahādur^414b to the effect that by order of the superintendents of destiny, who have attached so much deliberation and knowledge to every act, an urgent cause had arisen for procuring a speedy interview. After a brief sketch of his adventures this line was written under the cover.

Verse.

What has passed over our head, has passed,
Whether by stream, or hill, or wilderness.

His Majesty desired to spend some days in the Garmsir but Mīr ‘Abdu-l-ḥai of Garmsir sent to represent to him that it was rumoured that M. ‘Askarī had despatched a large force, and that possibly—which God forbid—they might come there, and things thus become irretrievable. If he went to the country of Sīstān, which belonged to the King of Persia, he would be protected from that reckless crew. His Majesty reflected on the paucity of the sincere, and the plurality of the lords of opposition and discord, and recognised the fact that to stay in that country was to act carelessly, and so he proceeded towards Sīstān. He crossed the Hīrmand (Halmand) and halted at a lake^415a into which its waters flow. Aḥmad Sulṭān Shāmlū, the governor of Sīstān, recoguised the advent as an unexpected blessing and tendered acceptable service and showed alacrity in offering hospitality. His Majesty spent some days in that pleasant country, the arena of the cavaliers^415b of fortune's plain, in the sport of catching waterfowl.^415c And in order to comfort his faithful comrades he busied himself with worldly matters and was a spectator of the wonders of destiny. Thence he proceeded to (the city of?) Sīstān.^415d Aḥmad Sulṭān sent his mother and his wives to wait on her Majesty Maryam-makānī, and tendered all the revenues (amwāl) of his district as a present. His Majesty accepted a little of these in order to do him pleasure, and returned the remainder. In this halting place Ḥusain Qulī M. the brother of Aḥmad Sulṭān, who had come from Mashhad to pay his respects to his mother and brother, in order that he might bid adieu to them before he went on pilgrimage, was honoured by an audience.^415e His Majesty questioned him about religion and faith. He submitted that he had long studied the creeds of the Shī‘as and Sunnīs, and had perused the books of both sects. The Shī‘as maintained that the reviling and cursing of the Companions was meritorious and a means of religious progress, whereas the Sunnīs held that to blaspheme the Companions was an act of impiety. After consideration and meditation he had satisfied himself that no one can become impious by thinking he is doing right.^416a His Majesty much approved this remark, and with great kindness and condescension offered him the honour of service. As he was about to go on pilgrimage and had made his arrangements accordingly, he was debarred from this boon. Here also Ḥājī Muḥammad (son of) Bāba Qāshqa, and Ḥasan Kōka left M. ‘Askarī and joined the noble army. They recommended that his Majesty should proceed towards Zamīn Dāwār because Amīr Beg, the governor, thereof was coming to serve, and Calma^416b Beg, governor of the fort of Bast, was also solicitous of the honour of employment; (and said also) that soon many men of M. ‘Askarī would separate from him and enter his Majesty's service; and that Qandahār and its territory would come into the possession of the royal servants. When Aḥmad Sulṭān heard that they were giving this advice and were deterring his Majesty from going to Persia, he came to his Majesty and submitted, out of well-wishing and affection, that the expedition to Persia was worthy of his genius and that the faction which was dissuading him from going, was only actuated by fraud and treachery. As Aḥmad Sulṭān had by his devotion and sincerity established himself in his Majesty Jahānbānī's heart, his representations were accepted and acted upon. The Emperor determined to proceed to ‘Irāq. On account of this affair Ḥājī Muḥ. Kōka was for some days excluded from the presence. Aḥmad Sulṭān attended on the stirrup, and wished to be a guide for the road, by way of Tabas^416c Kīlakī. As his Majesty had set his heart on visiting Herāt, he took the road by the fort of Ūk.^416d

When the loving letter of his Majesty Jahānbānī Jannat-āshyānī reached Shāh Ṭahmāsp, he regarded his Majesty's auspicious advent as an unlooked for blessing and felt delighted. He wished that the glorious shadow of the auspicious humā (humā-i-sa‘ādat-i-humāyūnī) might fall on the crest of his own fortune, and that the experience of this grace might form the inframing border for the record of the splendour of his family.^417a In acknowledgment of the blessing he bade the drums of rejoicing beat for three days in Qazwīn.^417b And he wrote a reply full of respect and veneration and of wishes for his Majesty's speedy arrival, with thousands of lands and encomia, and sent it along with various gifts and rarities by his special courtiers. This verse was written on the border (‘amwān) of the letter.

Verse.

“A humā of auspicious soaring falls into our net,
If for thee there chance a passage to our abode.^417c

He sent back the messenger after doing him special honour, and expressed all manner of thankfulness and gratitude, and recalled old friendship. He also wrote to the governors of the cities and towns that at every city and halting-place where the august progress should rest, the leading men and the inhabitants, high and low, should keep the occasion as the fête, day of the royal family, and should go out to welcome his Majesty and should engage in royal feastings; also that they should provide at each stage proper materials and furnishings, food and drink, and fresh fruits, such as might be worthy of his Majesty's regard. An exact copy of the ordinance which was addressed to Muḥammad Khān, the governor of Herāt, is here set forth that it may be a code of regulations for the intelligent and that those alive to the ways of humanity may, by looking at this frontispiece of urbanity, act with philanthropy, honouring and reverencing the unfortunate who have experienced fate in its heights and depths, and may not abate one jot of kindness towards them.

This august order has been issued so that the asylum of dominion, workshop of Majesty and sun of power and prestige, Muḥammad Khān^418a Sharafu-d-dīn Ughlī Taklū, tutor^418b of our precious and upright son,^418c governor of Herāt,—the seat of sovereignty,—and mīr dīwān,^418d who hath been exalted by divers royal bounties and benefits, might know that the contents of his report, lately despatched to the court, the asylum of glory,—through Kamālu-d-dīn Shāh Qulī Beg, the asylum of nobility and brother of Qarā Sulṭān Shāmlū,^418e arrived on 12th Ẕī'l-ḥijja^418f (8th March, 1544), and that its distinguished purport has become known and understood from beginning to end.

As to what has been written concerning the approach of the fortunate vicegerent (nawwāb-i-kāmyāb, i. e., Humāyūn), sphere-rider, sun-cupola, pearl of success and sovereignty's ocean, goodly tree ornamenting the garden of government and world-sway, world-illuminating light of the portico of sovereignty and glory, soaring cypress of the stream of auspiciousness and fortune, aromatic tree of glory and majesty's rose-garden, fruit of the tree of the khilāfat and of justice, king of land and sea (barrain u baḥrain), world-warming sun of felicity's heaven, exalted full-moon of the zenith of the khilāfat and world-rule, altar and exemplar of just princes, greatest and best of the khāqāns, the lord of majesty, high-born sovereign of supremacy's throne, exalted king of the kingdom of the dispensation of justice, khāqān of Alexander-type, glorious potentate, an enthroned Solomon, lord of guidance and assurance, world-guardian, lord of diadem and throne (tāj u takht), ṣāḥib-qirān (lord of conjunction) of the world of fortune and prestige, crowning diadem of famous khāqāns, the aided by God, defender of the Faith (Naṣīr-ud-dīn) Muḥammad Humāyūn Pādshāh. May the Almighty grant him greatness in accordance with desire until the last day! How may it be told what joy and delight have been caused by this.

Verse.

Good news, O courier of the morn,^419a thou bringest of the friend's advent.
May thy tidings be true, O thou ever the friend's intimate.
May that day come when, in the feast of meeting,
I shall sit, having my heart's desire, breathing in unison with the friend!

Recognising that the untroubled progress and approach of this king, the angel of honour, are a great boon, be it known that, in guerdon of the glad tidings, we have bestowed the territory of Sabzwār^420a on that asylum of dominion (i. e., Muḥammad Khān the addressee) from the beginning of Aries^420b of the year of the Hare. Let him send his dārōgha and vizier there, that the regular revenue and the extraordinary civil receipts thereof may be perceived from the beginning of the current year, and be expended for the requirements of the victorious troops and his own necessities. Having acted, paragraph by paragraph, and day by day, in accordance with the procedure set forth in this edict (nishān), let there be no remissness concerning the paramount instructions.

Let him appoint five hundred prudent and experienced men, each of whom shall have a led^420c horse, a riding mule, and the necessary accoutrements, that they may go forth to meet the king, the lord of fortune,—with one^420d hundred swift horses which have been sent from the sublime court for the use of his Majesty, together with golden saddles; and let the asylum of dominion select from his own stable six swift horses, quiet, of good colour and strong, and such as may be fit for the riding of that royal cavalier of the field of glory and success; and let him place on them azure and embroidered saddles, with housings of gold brocade and gold thread, such as may befit the riding-horses of that majestic king; and let him make over each horse to two of his own servants, and despatch them. A splendid, special side-dagger ornamented with exquisite jewels which came to us from the fortunate vicegerent, the pardoned prince of sublime seat, the king our father—May God make his proof clear!— together with a golden scimitar (shamshēr) and a jewelled girdle, have been sent to the Alexander-principled king, for victory and conquest and good augury. Four hundred pieces of velvet and satin from Europe and Yezd have been sent, so that one hundred^421a and twenty coats may be made for the king's special use, and that the remainder may be for the servants attached to the victorious stirrup of that fortunate prince; also two-pile gold-brocaded velvet carpets and coverlets (namad takya)^421b of goat's hair with satin lining, and three pairs of large carpets twelve cubits (square?), four Gōshkānī^421c of fine silk,^421d and twelve tents, crimson, green and white, have been sent. May they arrive safely!

Let arrangements be made day by day for sweet and pleasant drinks, with white loaves kneaded with milk and butter and seasoned with fennel seeds and poppy seeds. Let them be well made and be sent to his Majesty. Let them also be sent for each member of his staff and for his other servants. Be it also arranged that at the places where his Majesty will halt, there be arranged and pitched, on the previous day, cleansed, pleasant, white, embroidered tents and awnings of silk and velvet, and also pantries and kitchens and all their necessary out offices, so that every requisite apparatus be in readiness. When he, in his glory and fortune, shall direct a halt, let rose-water-sherbet and wholesome lemon-juice be prepared and poured out, after having been cooled with snow and ice. After the sherbet let conserves of maskān^422a apples of Mashhad, water-melons, grapes, &c., with white loaves made as already directed, be tendered; and let care be taken that all the beverages be examined by the protector of sovereignty,^422b and that rose-water and grey ambergris be added to them. Each day let five hundred dishes of varied food be presented, together with the beverages. Let the asylum of dominion, Qazzāq^422c Sulṭān, and the acme of nobility, J‘afar Sulṭān, together with your (other?) descendants and your clan to the number of one thousand persons, go forth to offer welcome three days after the five hundred shall have set out. And during those three days let the said officers and the various troops be inspected. Be careful to give your servants tipūcāq and Arab horses, for there is no finer decoration for a soldier than a good horse; and let the uniforms of the one thousand be coloured and smart. And be it arranged that, when the officers come to wait upon his Majesty, they kiss the ground of service and honour with the lip of respect and render their service one by one. Be it seen to that, on the occasion of riding, &c., there be no altercation between the officers' servants and his Majesty's,^422d and that no annoyance of any kind happen to the king's servants. During the time of riding and of marching, let the officers remain with their own^422e troops and serve the king from a distance, but at the time of being on guard,^422f let each officer display his alacrity in the vicinity of the quarters which shall have been fixed (for the Emperor); and let them, having taken in their hands the staffs of service, serve in the manner that one would serve one's own king, and let them adopt and bring into practice the utmost attentiveness. Let this mandate be shown to the governor of every territory to which he (Humāyūn) may come, and care be taken that that officer render his service. Let entertainments be so conducted that the total of the food, sweetmeats and liquids be not less than 1,500 dishes. The service of, and attendance on the asylum of sovereignty, will be in charge of the asylum of dominion up to Mashhad, the pure and holy. And when the officers aforesaid come to serve, every day there will be produced in the sublime banquet of that king, 1,200 dishes of varied food, such as may be fit for a royal table. And let each of the aforesaid officers, on the day when he is host, tender a present of nine horses, of which three will be for the king's special use, one for the chief amīr Muḥ. Bairām Khān Bahādur,^423a and the five others for such of the select officers as may be fitting. Let all nine horses be produced for his auspicious inspection, and mention which of them are for the fortunate Nawwāb, and also mention which is for such and such an officer,—that having been previously arranged by you,—for such statement, though it may appear improper, is right and will not look wrong; but by every possible meaus keep the servants in attendance pleased, and show the utmost sympathy and assiduity. Soothe the hearts of this body of men which have been clouded somewhat by the revolutions of unequal fate, with affection and sympathy, as is proper and pleasing at such seasons. Continue this practice throughout till they come to our presence. Thereafter, what is proper will be executed by ourselves. After food has been partaken of, let sweetmeats and comfits^423b prepared from candy (qand) and refined sugar (nabāt), and various conserves, and rishta-i-khaṭāī^423c (Chinese threads), which shall have been perfumed with rose-water, musk^424a and grey^424b ambergris, be brought in. The governor of the province^424c (wilāyat) after performing the duties of service and hospitality, shall put his mind at ease about his province, and escort (his Majesty) up to Herāt, the capital, not omitting the most minute points of service and attendance. When he shall arrive at twelve farsakhs from the said province,^424d the asylum of dominion (i. e., the governor) will leave one of his experienced officers^424e in charge of our dear and excellent son, that he may take care of the city and wait on the son. The remainder of the victorious army from the city and province, and its boundaries, consisting of the Hazāra,^424f Nikodārī and others, to the number of thirty thousand, which number must be exact, shall go forth with the asylum of dominion to offer welcome. Tents, awnings and necessary furnitures will be conveyed by strings of camels and mules, so that a well-ordered camp may come under the Emperor's auspicious glance. When (the governor) is honoured by attendance on his Majesty he will, before making any other remarks, convey to him many prayers for his welfare on behalf of ourselves. And on the same day that he be distinguished by service he will halt in accordance with the rules (tuzak) and regulations of an army in camp. The asylum of dominion, when he has come on duty, will request leave, in order that he may entertain his Majesty, and will establish himself for three days in those quarters. On the first day he will invest all his (Humāyūn's) troops with handsome khil‘ats of satin and brocade (kamkhāb) from Yezd, and of silk (dārā'īhā) of Mashhad and Khāf, and let them all have velvet cloaks (bālāpōsh),^424g and let there be given to every soldier and servant two Tabrīzī tūmāns^424h for his daily expenses; and provide varied food in accordance with the rules already prescribed. And let there be a royal assemblage, so that tongues may speak in praise of it and shouts of approbation reach the ears of mankind. Let there be made a list of his troops, and let it be sent to the sublime court. Let 2,500^425a Tabrīzī tūmāns be taken from the funds of the Privy Purse which are coming to the said capital, and let them be spent for necessary purposes. Let the utmost zeal be displayed in service, and let the march from the said quarters to the city occupy four days, and let the entertainment of each day be the same as on the first. And it is proper that at every entertainment the honoured sons of the asylum of dominion bind, like servants and waiters, girdles of service on their loins and perform worshipful ministration, and that, in thanksgiving that such a king, who is a gift from the gifts of God, has become our guest, they display the utmost alacrity in service; and do not let there be any failure, for the more zeal and devotion are displayed in respect of his Majesty, the more will be the approval by us. And on the day before he will reach the city, let there be erected at the head of the avenue (khiyābān) of the Bāgh ‘Īdgāh tents with crimson satin on the inside, fine^425b linen between, and Ispahān linen (miṯqālī) on the top, which, during these days, was reported as being prepared. And let care be taken that at every place where his Majesty's gracious heart may take pleasure, and in every flower-garden that may be remarkable for its air, its streams, its amenities and delights, his Majesty be approached by you in an agreeable way, with the hand of respect placed servant-wise on the bosom, and that it be represented to him that that camp and army and all its paraphernalia are a present (pēshkash) to the fortunate Nawwāb. Also, while on the march, do you continually keep him pleased by conversation of a reassuring character. And do you yourself on the day before he will arrive at the city, leave that station after obtaining your dismissal, and proceed to serve our son. Next morning bring out the dear son from his residence for the purpose of giving a welcome. Put on him the suit which we sent him last year on New Year's day, and leaving one of the grey-bearded confidential officers of the Taklū family (Uīmāq-i-taklū) who may be approved of and trusted by the asylum of dominion, in the capital, mount the son on horseback. And, for the time that he is proceeding to the city, let the asylum of dominion place Qazzāq Sulṭān on duty (with Humāyūn), and let^426a tents and camels and horses be presented, so that, when the fortunate Nawwāb mounts his horse next day, the camp may also march, and let the aforesaid^426b asylum of dominion be the guide. When the son shall come out of the city, strive that all the troops mount in the prescribed order,^426c and that they proceed towards the welcoming. When near that king, the Court of Majesty, viz., when the space intervening be an arrow's flight, let the asylum of dominion advance and beg the king not to dismount. If he agree,^426d let him return immediately and dismount the happy son, and let the last go quickly and kiss the thigh and stirrup of that king of Solomon's Court and show all the points of service and respect and honour which are possible. Should the fortunate Nawwāb not agree, and should he dismount, let the son dismount before him and do homage and, his Majesty having first mounted, let our son kiss the king's hand and mount, and proceeding on thus, ride according to etiquette to the camp and the fixed quarters. And let the asylum of dominion be in attendance on the king, and close to the son, so that, if the king should put any questions to the son, and the son, out of bashfulness, be unable to reply, the asylum of dominion may make a proper reply. And in the quarters aforesaid let that son show hospitality to the king according to this routine, viz., at about 9 A.M. let 300 dishes of varied foods be at once presented by way of refection. Between the two prayers (at midday) let 1,200 courses of varied foods be presented on langarī dishes known as muḥammad khānī, and also on other plates of porcelain, gold and silver, placing covers of gold and silver over them. After that, let sweet conserves, such as may be available, and sweetmeats and comfits—be presented. After that let seven handsome and good horses be taken from the son's stables, and velvet and satin trimmings be placed on them, with girths of fine linen woven with silk, and let white girths be placed on red, and black girths on green velvet housings. It is proper that Ḥāfiẓ Ṣābir Qāq,^427a Maulānā Qāsim Qānūnī, the harpist, Ustād Shāh Muḥammad,^427b the hautbois player, Ḥāfiẓ Dōst Muḥammad Khāfī, Ustād Yūsuf Maudūd,^427c and other famous singers and musicians who may be in the city, be always present, and whenever his Majesty desire it, please him by singing and playing. And let everyone from far and near who may be worthy of that assemblage be in attendance so that he may be present when called upon, and that they may by every possible means make his hours pleasant to him. Further let gerfalcons^427d (shunqār), and hawks, saker^427e (cargh), sparrow hawks^427f (bāsha), royal^427g falcons (shāhīn), peregrine^427h falcons (baḥrī) and the like which may be in the son's establishment, or that of the asylum of dominion or his sons, be presented, and let all his servants have silk khil‘ats of every kind and colour suitable to each—coloured velvets, waved silks (khārā⁴²⁷ⁱ ) and takma-kalābattūn,^427j and gold brocade. And on arrival at the quarters, let his servants be brought before our son, who shall, with the munificent ways which are hereditary with him from his ancestors, entertain them, giving each a suit of clothes and a horse befitting his condition, and let not the largesse (to each) exceed three tūmāns. Also let twelve times nine pieces of silk, including velvet, satin, European and Yezdī kamkhāb, and bāfta-shāmī (Syrian cloth) and other choice materials (be taken), and let three hundred gold tūmāns be placed in thirty purses, together with the silk aforesaid, and let there be given to every soldier and servant^428a three Tabrīzī tūmāns, which are equal to 600 shāhī.^428b Let him spend three days in the Avenue and in the underground-channel country (kārīzgāh). And order that, during these three days, various artificers make a cahār-tāq-bandī^428c from the gate of the Cahār Bāgh which is a royal palace, to the Avenue which is in the Bāgh ‘Īdgāh. And let one of the officers aforesaid be a coadjutor with each artificer, so that by their mutual rivalry every craft and excellent device may be executed. This is excellent that, as the king hath exalted this country by his distinguished advent, he should first come to a city which is the light of the eyes of mankind. Let there then be brought before his alchemic eye genial and sweet-spoken persons, such as are in this city, so that he may have cause for cheerfulness. On the third day when your mind shall be at rest with regard to the cahār-tāq, the City-Avenue, and the brightening up of the Cahār Bāgh let heralds be appointed in the city, its wards, and the environs, and the neighbouring villages, to proclaim that all the men and women of the city shall assemble on the morning of the fourth day in the Avenue (khiyābān), and that in every shop and bāzār, where carpets and cloths shall be spread in order, the women and maidens^428d will be seated, and, as is the rule in that city, the women will engage in pleasant^428e sayings and doings with the comers and goers. And from every ward and lane let the masters^429a of melody come forth, so that the like of it will not be seen in any other city of the world. And bid all the people come forth to offer welcome. After all this has been arranged, let the king be respectfully asked to put the foot of dominion in the stirrup of auspiciousness, and to mount on horseback. Our son will proceed alongside of his Majesty, but so that the head and neck of the latter's horse be in front.^429b You, the asylum of dominion, will follow close behind, so that, if he should put any questions about the buildings, the palaces, and gardens, you may make suitable reply. And when he shall come with auspiciousness to the city, he will visit the Cahār Bāgh. And let him alight in the small garden which was made at the time of our residence in that delicious city for the purpose of our living there and of reading and writing, and which is at present known by the name of Bāgh Shāhī. And make the baths in the Cahār Bāgh white and clean, and also the other baths, and make them fragrant with rose-water and musk, so that, whenever he is inclined, he may have a place for bodily repose.

On the first day our son will show hospitality with abundance of provisions, and when he shall have gone to his repose, you, the asylum of dominion, will display hospitality in the manner that will be described below.^429c When he (Humāyūn) enters the city, you will make a report on the same day and despatch it to the sublime court. And let it be arranged that Mu‘izzu-d-dīn Ḥusain kalāntar (magistrate), of Herāt, appoint a good writer who is a man of experience, to write a full diary from the day that the 500 make the reception (istiqbāl) to the day that he comes to the city, and let it be sealed and despatched by the asylum of dominion, and let all the stories and remarks, good or bad, which pass in the assemblage, be reduced to writing and be sent by the hands of trusty persons, so that we^430a be fully informed of all that occurs.

The entertaining by the asylum of dominion will be as follows:— Three thousand dishes of food, sweetmeats, syrups (shīra) and fruits will be prepared, and the necessary furniture will be arranged as follows:—First, fifty tents and twenty awnings, and the large store-tent^430b which was reported to have been prepared for his Majesty's special use, with twelve pairs of carpets of twelve cubits and ten cubits, and seven pairs of carpets of five cubits, nine strings of female camels, 250 porcelain plates, large and small, and other plates and pots, all with bright covers, and also tinned (qalqal‘ī karda), and two strings of mules let the asylum of dominion present on the occasion of his entertainment; and let the officers conduct their entertainments as follows:—Let them present food, sweetmeats and comfits to the extent of 1,500 plates, and also three horses, a string of camels and a string of mules, which shall have first been seen and approved by the asylum of dominion. The governors of Ghūrīān, Fūshanj,^430c and Karshū will show hospitality in their own country. The governor of Bākharz,^430d in Jām, and the governors of Khāf, Tarshīz,^430e Zāwahā and Muḥawwalāt^430f will entertain at Sarāī Farhād which is five parasangs^431a from Mashhad.^431b

When his Majesty Jahānbānī Jannat-āshiyānī came near Farāh,^432a the Shāh's ambassador and his Majesty's messenger arrived, and his Majesty was made aware that the king of Persia regarded his advent as a great gain and was delighted at it. His Majesty, being a mine of courtesy, could not resist going to ‘Irāq and so pleasing his faithful companions. He placed the foot of resolve in the stirrup of dominion and went on with a firm determination towards Herāt. At every stage some one of the notables and grandees of Khurāsān came out to meet him, and waited upon him as if he had been one of his own confidential courtiers. The sound of the royal cortége opened the gates of joy for the inhabitants, and the people of many towns, such as Jām,^432b Turbat,^432c Sarakhas,^432d Isfarāīn,^432e came to Herāt in expectation of the sublime advent. When the couriers of Tātār^432f Sulṭān, and of the nobles of Khurāsān, who had gone forth to welcome him, reported to Muḥammad Khān that the sublime procession had come near the Ziyāratgāh^432g the latter himself came out, accompanied by the nobles such as Wais Sulṭān, Shāh Qulī Sulṭān and the distinguished men of learning such as Mīr Murtaẓā Ṣadr, Mīr Ḥusain of Kerbalā and other excellent persons, and by the people generally. At the head of the Bridge of Mālān,^432h which is a famous resort in Herāt, they met him and conveyed to him the Shāh's felicitations and those respectful greetings which are magnanimity's essence. It had already been arranged that the roads should be swept and watered from the Mālān Bridge up to the Jahānārā Garden, and that the grandees and the ingenious men (ẓurafā)^433a of the city should come from either side and wait upon him. When the royal party arrived at a certain^433b stage Sulṭān Muḥammad Mīrzā came and welcomed him, and paid his reverential respects. That fortunate Prince and the other great officers treated him with all honour and respect. From the Ziyāratgāh to Pul-i-Mālān, and from thence to the Jahānārā Garden—a distance of three or four leagues, the whole plain and the heights were filled with spectators from the city and the villages, and the crowd and the rejoicings were such as never occur but at the ‘Īd and on New Year's day. On 1st Ẕīlqa‘da,^433c 950 (27th January, 1544), he alighted at Bāgh Jahānārā. Muḥammad Khān gave a royal feast and tendered large presents. At the first assembly Ṣābir Qāq, the foremost reciter in Khurāsān and ‘Irāq, chanted an ode of Amīr Shāhī^433d to the air Sihgāh^433e so that even rapt devotees were moved by it. In truth it was very appropriate and affecting. It began thus—

“Blest the abode to which such a moon hath come,
August the world where there is such a king.”

When he came to the verse

“Be nor grieved nor glad at terrestrial pain or pleasure
For the world is sometimes this and sometimes that”

His Majesty Jahānbānī was touched and deeply affected, and poured presents into the skirts of his hopes.

As Herāt and its sights pleased him much, and the New Year festival was at hand he stayed several days there. Whenever he rode out sight-seeing Muḥammad Khān was in attendance and paid his respects and scattered gold on each side of his Majesty. Every day he visited some famous spot, and on each occasion there was a joyous assemblage. Everything was managed on a prescribed plan. Sometimes his heart was solaced with the Kārīzgāh, (the place of underground channels) and sometimes the Bāgh Murād, the Bāgh Khiyābān, the Bāgh Zāghān,^434a and the Bāgh Safēd^434b were visited. In every flowering spot there were particoloured assemblages. Also on these days he visited the shrines of the great saints, especially that^434c of Khwāja ‘Abdullāh Anṣārī, the Saint of Herāt. May his grave be holy! Ascetics, religious persons, lofty-souled men and famous men of learning were honoured by his company.

When the festivities of the New Year were over and the places of recreation had been visited, he proceeded towards Holy Mashhad by the way of Jām. At this time Aḥmad Sulṭān, Governor of Sīstān, who had accompanied his Majesty hitherto, took leave to go to his own province. On 5th Zīlḥajja^434d he reached Jām and visited the shrine of His Highness Zhinda Pīl Aḥmad-i-Jām. When he approached Mashhad Shāh Qulī Sulṭān Istajlū who was the governor of the province, came out to welcome him, accompanied by the leading Saiyids, and all paid their respects. On 15th Muḥarram, 951, he reached Holy Mashhad and visited the shrine of (Imām) Riẓavī,— may the blessing of God be upon him! He spent some days in the precincts of that noble building. Thence he went to Nīshāpūr. Shamsu-d-dīn ‘Alī Sulṭān, who governed there, came with great and small and paid his respects, and was prompt with various services. His Majesty visited the turquoise^435a mines in that neighbourhood, and from thence went to Sabzawār and from thence to Dāmaghān. Among the marvellous things of that place is an ancient fountain^435b which has a talisman from of old, to wit, whenever any dirty thing falls into the fountain a storm arises, and the sky grows dark from the force of the wind and the dust. This too he examined with the eye of prescience. How many things are there not in the wondrous workshop of the Creator, the understanding of which does not come within the scope of our thoughts and imaginings? From Dāmaghān he went on to Bisṭām^435c and as the shrine of Baḥrṭamī^435d Shaikh Bayāzīd Bisṭāmī (may his grave be sanctified) was not on the line of road he turned aside to visit it. From thence he proceeded towards Samnān^436a and halted at Ṣūfīābād^436b where is the tomb of Shaikh ‘Alāu-d-daula Samnānī (may his grave be sanctified!).

Whether on the march or when halting, it was his Majesty's excellent practice to visit the shrines of Divine worshippers and to seek inspiration from the mental and physical circumambulation of the awakened of heart.^436c At every station that he reached the governors and grandees came forward to do him homage and on many occasions there came from the Shāh affectionate messages and splendid presents.

As the cavalcade reached Rey^436d the Shāh left Qazwīn with the intention of going into summer quarters and proceeded towards Sulṭāniya^436e and Sūrlīq. His Majesty Jahānbānī halted at Qazwīn,^436f which was at that time the Shāh's capital. The grandees and inhabitants generally came out to welcome him. He remained some days there, visiting the remarkable buildings and holy places in the city, and taking up his abode in the house of Khwāja ‘Abdulghanī who was the city Magistrate (Kalāntar) and where the Shāh had formerly resided. From there he sent Bairām Khān to the Shāh, whose cortége had nearly reached its destination when Bairām Khān arrived. He conveyed his message and then returned from that stage^436g with joyful foot. Thereafter his Majesty proceeded to Sulṭāniya. The Shāh was encamped between Abhar^436h and Sulṭāniya. When his Majesty arrived near that residence the great officers came, one after the other, and paid their respects. After that Bahrām Mīrzā and Sām Mīrzā, the Shāh's honoured brothers came and welcomed him. In Jumāda-al-awwāl, 951 (July, 1544), the Shāh himself welcomed^437a him with all the observances of respect and honour, and had an interview with him in which all the conditions of reverence and veneration were fulfilled. In a noble palace, on the gilding of which skilful artists had long been engaged and in which they had displayed miracles^437b of craftmanship, an enchanting picture-gallery received its inauguration by the interview with his Majesty Jahānbānī. A regal assemblage took place, and in accordance with the canons of magnanimity and the requirements of condolence and exalted inquiries after welfare there was sympathy and mutual discourse. The gates of sincerity and honouring having been unclosed, those of sociability and gaiety opened of themselves, and high converse ensued. Mīrzā Qāsim^437c of Gūnābād in his book of poems (Maṯnavī) in which the Shāh is celebrated has spoken as follows of the interview between those two illustrious potentates:—

Verse.

Two Lords of Conjunction in one banquet-hall
Made a syzygy like the sun and moon,
Two lustrous visions for Fortune's eye,
Two blessed ‘Id for month and year,
Two stars making heaven resplendent
Side by side in one spot like the Farqadain,^437d
Two eyes of the world in companionship
Joining in courtesy like two eye-brows,
Two auspicious portents in one sign (burj),
Two glorious pearls in one casket (darj).

The Shāh observed “The glorious Creator and Bestower of Worlds made the conquest of India, achieved by his Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdūs-makānī, the key of the treasure-house of universal sway for your world-compassing sword. Every failure and infirmity which hath in these days appeared in administration and world-rule arose from the disservice and discord of disloyal brothers. Over this you had no control. In mundane affairs fraternal unanimity is of high import, and is a disentangler of perplexities. In this present regard ourselves as your younger^438a brother and know us to be a helper and a supporter, for—our life on it—we shall succour you to the height of your desire. We acknowledge old ties, and shall fulfil whatever assistance may be necessary. Should we be required to go in person as your auxiliary we will go.” He spoke many sincere words and such as bore the impress of magnanimity. For several days they held Cyrus-like festivities. His Majesty the Shāh entered personally into all the arrangements, and every day had a novel entertainment. There was increase of formal and spiritual beauty, and day by day he waxed more and more friendly and affectionate. How can feasts be described when so great a Shāh was in his own person the caterer? What gold-embroidered velvet and silken^438b canopies there were and what numbers of wrought pavilions and lofty tents there were!

Far as the eye could reach, silken rugs and precious carpets were laid^438c out and thereby were spread pleasure and joy. What account can be given of how in the important matter of the distribution of presents and rareties he gave his personal attention to the subject? How tell of the choice horses of Media with embroidered and golden saddles and the splendid housings and trappings, of the adorned mules of Bard‘a,^438d of the strangely^438e shaped camels, male or female, with valuable coverings, of the many scimitars and daggers set with jewels and the like, of the fine linen, and the robes (pōstīn) of the marten (kesh) and the red^438f fox, the ermine (sanjāb), and the squirrel^439a (tīn), and also the dresses of gold brocade, velvet, silk (tāja), satin, figured silks from Europe (mushajjar-i-Firingī), and Yezd, and Kāshān? Many basins, ewers, and candlesticks of gold and silver set with rubies and pearls, many gold and silver dishes, ornamented tents, grand carpets, the marvel of the age for size and beauty, and other regal articles were brought one by one before his Majesty's holy glance. Money and goods were distributed to all the followers, and royal courtesies were interchanged.

His Majesty Jahānbānī on the day of the great festival presented to the Shāh as the gift^439b of a traveller a diamond^439c of great value— worth the revenues of countries and climes, together with 250 Badakhshān rubies. Without a doubt, all the expenditure which the Shāh, whether from his privy purse, or through his officers, incurred on account of his Majesty Jahānbānī from the time of his entering the country to his exit therefrom was hereby repaid more than four times over. From thence they went to Sulṭānīya and there held Cyrus-like festivities. In the intervals between these glorious seasons of fortunate conjunctions a cloudiness of heart was created on both sides through the instigation of sundry strife-mongers,^439d but the turbidity did not last long, and was washed away by the waters of cleansing. His Majesty the Shāh made every day new arrangements for pleasure and joy. Among other things he ordered the amusement of a hunting-drive (shikār-i-qamargha), and his army drove the beasts of the plain a ten days' journey up to a spring known as the Sāvūq Bulāq^439e which is the first stage of the Zailāq Bīlāq.^439f His Majesty Jahānbānī and the Shāh entered the hunting-ground together and gave new lustre to the arts of horsemanship and game-slaying. After that Bahrām Mīrzā, Sām Mīrzā, and after them Bairām Khān, Ḥājī Muḥammad Kōkī, Shāh Qulī^440a Sulṭān Muhrdār (seal-keeper, or chancellor), Rōshan Kōka, Ḥasan Kōka, and many others of his Majesty Jahānbānī's trusty followers were permitted to enter the qamargha. Several of the Shāh's officers were bidden to enter, such as ‘Abdālla Khān Istajlū, son-in-law of the great Shāh Isma'īl, Abūl Qāsim Khalfā, Sīūndak^440b Sulṭān, Qūrcī Bāshī Afshār, Badar Khān Istajlū and some others. After a time a general permission to enter was given. Everyone of the soldiers and troopers engaged in seizing and binding^440c the game. Meanwhile Bahrām Mīrzā, who had a grudge against the Khalfā intentionally^440d shot an arrow at him so that he died. Out of consideration for the Mīrzā no one mentioned this to the Shāh. After this troops were sent away in order that a fresh qamargha might be made at Sulaimān's^440e Pool (Ḥauẓ-i-Sulaimān). When they assembled, hunting, more majorum, was resumed, and here they spent some time also in playing^440f polo and in archery.^440g On this day as the archery was keen (lit. the qabaq-bāzār was hot) Bairām Beg received the title of Khān and Ḥājī Muḥammad Kōkī that of Sulṭān. At the close of this reunion the list^441a of the 12,000^441b horse who had been designated to march with the Shāh's son Prince Murād as the king's auxiliaries was presented to his Majesty together with the list of supplies which were to be despatched along with his Majesty Jahānbānī. The following is the list of the exalted persons who were appointed to take part in the great expedition:—

1. Mīrzā Murād.

2. Badāgh Khān Qājār,^441c the Mīrzā's tutor.

3. Shāh Qulī Sulṭān Afshār, governor of Kirmān.

4. Aḥmad Sulṭān Shāmlū, son of Muḥammad Khalīfa.

5. Sanjāb Sulṭān Afshār, governor of Farāh.

6. Yār ‘Alī Sulṭān Taklū.

7. Sulṭān ‘Alī Afshār.

8. Sulṭān Qulī^441d Qūrcībāshī a relation of Muḥammad Khān (governor of Herāt).

9. Ya‘qūb Mīrzā, ṭaghāī (maternal uncle) of Sulṭān Muḥammad Khudābanda (Ṭahmāsp's eldest son).

10. Sulṭān Ḥusain Qulī Shāmlū, brother of Aḥmad Sulṭān governor of Sīstān.

11. Adham Mīrzā, son of Dēō^441e Mīrzā.

12. Tahamtan Mīrzā, son of Dēō Sulṭān.

13. Ḥaidar Sulṭān Shaibānī.^441f

14 & 15. His sons ‘Alī Qulī and Bahādur.

16. Maqṣūd Mīrzā Ākhta Begī, son of Zainu-d-dīn Sulṭān Shāmlū.

17. Muḥammadī Mīrzā, grandson of Jahān Shāh Mīrzā,^442a known as Shāh Yezdī^442b Beg.

18. Kacal Istajlū.

19. ‘Alī Sulṭān Culāq,^442c sister's son of Muḥammad Khān.

20. Abū'l-fatḥ Sulṭān Afshār.

21. Ḥasan Sulṭān Shāmlū.^442d

22. Yādgār Sulṭān Mōṣlū (i. e., of Mōṣul).

23. Aḥmad Sulṭān Alāsh Aghlī Istajlū.

24. Ṣāfī Walī Sulṭān, descendant^442e of the Ṣūfīs, Khalīfa of the Rūmlū.

25. ‘Alī Beg Ẕūlfiqārkush.^442f

26. Muḥammadī Beg Kitābdār (librarian) Qājār.

Likewise there were nominated 300 cuirassiers of the Shāh's bodyguard^442g with fitting equipments. After the conclusion of this reunion an order was given that there should be a third hunt^442h in Āq-i-Ziyārat which is the last stage before the summer-quarters of Sūrlīk.⁴⁴²ⁱ Various rejoicings and festivities occurred, and all the paraphernalia of delectation were gathered together. In the charming spot of Miyāna,^443a which is famous for its salubrity, the Shāh came to his Majesty Jahānbānī's quarters, and wished him god-speed and the two sovereigns bade adieu to one another with mutual respect and in an auspicious hour.

His Majesty Jahānbānī proceeded from thence to Ardabīl and Tabrīz in accordance with the precedent^443b set by his Majesty Ṣāḥib Qirānī. The litter of her Majesty Maryam-Makānī, together with her attendants, was sent by the straight road towards Qandahār, Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān being put in charge of the troops and sent to wait on the litter of the cupola of chastity. The 12,000 horse who had been appointed to attend on the victorious stirrup were sent away to get their accoutrements, &c., so that when his Majesty Jahānbānī arrived at the Hilmand the Prince (Murād) might join him there with the army. His Majesty Jahānbānī first proceeded to view Tabrīz, and when he came near it the governors and grandees came out to welcome him at a dam^443c which Mīrzā Mīrān Shāh had constructed on the stream which comes to Tabrīz from the slope of the Sahand.^443d In accordance with the Shāh's orders the governor put the city in fête, and decked^443e her for his Majesty's enlightened gaze, and himself performed the rites of hospitality. The games of hockey^443f and wolf running^443g for which Tabrīz was famous, but which had been interdicted on account of riots, were revived by the Shāh's orders for his Majesty's delectation. His Majesty visited the splendid buildings, the memorials of ancient kings—and the pleasure-parks of the city. Fresh illustrations were thereby brought to his mind of the bypast (guẕashtagān) monuments of the earth, of the revolutions (sargashtagān ), of the mansions of the skies, of the passing away (guẕashtagī) of the inconstant universe, and of the breaches (gusistāgīhā)^444a of the unstable earth, and they brought to his lips truthful words about compassing the favour of the Creator. He became wrapt in some old verses, and in ecstacy he recited aloud this quatrain:—

Quatrain.

Alas that substance hath slipped from the palm,
And that many hearts (lit. livers) have bled at death's hand;
None cometh^444b from that (other) world that I might inquire
How it fared with the travellers thereto.

Mullā Quṭbu-d-dīn^444c Jalanjū of Bagdad waited upon him in this illustrious city and attended him as far as Holy Mashhad. The exquisite and magical Khwāja ‘Abdu-ṣ-ṣamad^444d shīrīnqalam (sweet pen) also entered into service in this city, and was much esteemed by that connoisseur of excellence. But from the hindrances of fate he could not accompany him. One of the wonderful good omens was this that when his Majesty came to Tabrīz, as he was very keen about astrolabes, spheres^445a (kura) and other instruments of observation, he bade his equerry Paik Muḥammad search diligently in the city for spheres (kura). That simpleton brought some colts (karra) with their mothers!^445b His Majesty was pleased and purchased them as a good omen. After leaving Tabrīz he went to Ardabīl. When he arrived at Shammāsī^445c all the Shāikhzādas and the other grandees and nobles came and paid their respects. He stayed a week in Ardabīl and then went to Khalkhāl^445d and from thence to Ṭāram^445e and from thence to Kharazbīl.^445f As the air and fruits of that place were remarkably excellent, especially the seedless^445g pomegranates, he remained there three days. In Sabzawār he rejoined his camp. Here her Majesty Maryam-Makānī gave birth to a daughter.^445h From the beginning of his march towards Kābul and Qandahār, at every stage that he came to, the rulers and grandees tendered presents and exercised hospitality. At this stage Mīr Shamsu-d-dīn ‘Alī Sulṭān performed acceptable service, and on the day of the entertainment rope-dancers exhibited their skill. When he came to Mashhad the Holy the Governor and nobles strove to do him honour. He waited some time in this city to allow for the gathering of the Shāh's army. From here he sent one ‘Abdu-l-fattāḥ Kurkīrāq^446a to demand the subsidy^446b (sāwarī) which had been assigned upon Herāt, and the latter died on his way back. From the same place he sent Maulānā Nūru-d-dīn Muḥammad Tarkhān to summon Shaikh Abū'l-qāsīm Jurjānī and Maulānā Ilyās of Ardabīl who were adorned with external and internal excellencies. At Kābul they came into his service. He was greatly pleased by the arrival of these two distinguished men with whom he discussed the Durratu-l-Tāj.^446c And during the time he was in Mashhad he continually held discourses with the learned and eloquent who waited upon him and were benefited by the alchemy of his companionship, Maulānā Jamshīd^446d the enigmatist, who was an aggregate of excellencies, repeatedly had the honour of visiting him. One day Mullā Ḥairatī^446e presented the following to the amending glance of his Majesty:—

Verse.

Whiles my heart, whiles my liver is consumed from love of the fair,
Every moment love makes a fresh scar;
My state is like that of the moth and the lamp,
For if I approach my wings (bāl-ū-param) are burnt away.

His Majesty who was a genuine artist (khallāq-i-ma‘ānī) and a paragon of acuteness, gave this excellent turn (taṣarruf) to it:—

Verse.

I go forward though my wings be burnt.

The Maulānā sincerely prostrated himself before his Majesty's exquisite emendation. From Mashhad he went to the caravanserai of Ṭarq^447a and from there he went by way of the fort of Gāh^447b to Sīstān. Here the Prince and the Shāh's officers joined him. From thence they went to Garmsīr. Mīr ‘Abdu-l-Ḥai of Garmsīr came out of the fort of Lakī^447c with a quiver bound round his neck and did homage and excused himself for his offences and for his shameful conduct in remaining aloof from service on the occasion of his Majesty's march (into Persia). As his Majesty's disposition was forgiving and benevolent, he accepted his apologies and encompassed him with favours.

Since the narrative has proceeded so far, it is indispensable that something should be said of the officers who served the State during their exile.

The head of the faithful servants was Bairām Khān, who throughout waited on the stirrup of his Majesty Jahānbānī Jannat-āshiyānī as if he were his good Fortune (cūn sa‘ādat). The second was Khwāja Mu‘aẓẓam who was the uterine^447d brother of her Majesty Maryam-Makānī. From the beginning of his career he was not free from turbulence of brain and heat of disposition. Gradually his forwardness (bībākī) and bloody-mindedness (saffākī) increased beyond bounds. His last action will be described in its proper place. The third was ‘Āqil^447e Sulṭān Uzbeg, son of ‘Ādil Sulṭān, who by his mother's side was a grandson of Sulṭān Ḥusain Mīrzā. Though in the beginning he was among the subsidised officers, in the end he was named among the excluded (baḥirmān mausūm gasht).

The 4th was Ḥājī Muḥammad^448a Kōkī, the brother of Kōkī who was one of the great officers of his Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdūs-makānī. Ḥājī Muḥammad was of singular courage and the Shāh often said that kings stood in need of such a servant. On the day of the qabaqandāzī he hit the qabaq and received a (jaldū) present from the Shāh.

5th, Rūshan Kōka, foster-brother of his Majesty Jahānbānī Jannat-āshiyānī. On the journey the jewellery was entrusted to him. As he proved unfaithful in this trust it was necessary to put him in prison for some time. He was pardoned and released.

6th, Ḥasan Beg, brother of Maḥram Kōkī. Though he was foster-brother of Kāmrān Mīrzā he was long in the service of his Majesty Jahānbānī. He was of generous nature, affable, and a confidant. He was drowned at the Causā ferry.

7th, Khwāja Maqṯūd^448b of Herāt—a man of pure disposition and of integrity; he was noted for his trustworthiness and sincerity, and was one of the tried servants of her Majesty Maryam-Makānī. He was ever assiduous in her service. He had two auspicious sons who were foster-brothers of the king of kings. One was Saif^448c Khān, who drank the wholesome cup of martyrdom in the year of the conquest of Gujrāt. The other was Zain^448d Khān Kōka, distinguished for fidelity and intelligence, and who became the object of the favour of the king of kings and one of the great officers.

8th, Khwāja Ghāzī of Tabrīz. He was a skilful accountant and also acquainted with histories and chronicles. When the sublime army left Lahore for Sind he separated from M. Kāmrān and joined his Majesty. He was appointed Mushraf-i-dīwān^448e (accountant). After that he was for a long time excluded from the Court. At the end of his life, when the vigour of his understanding was impaired, he was admitted to the Court of the king of kings.

9th, Khwāja Amīnu-d-dīn^449a Maḥmūd of Herāt who surpassed all the world in the science of accounts (fann-i-sīyāq) and who also wrote in shikasta admirably. He was very subtle (mūshigāf, lit. hair-splitting) in matters of business and knowledge of arithmetic.

His Majesty made him for some time Bakhshī to the king of kings. At the time of the latter's sovereignty he attained to high office and was exalted by receiving the title of Khwāja Jahān.

10th, Bābā Dōst Bakhshī. He also was distinguished for his knowledge of accounts and always displayed great aptitude in the affairs of the dīwānī.

11th, Darvesh Maqṣūd Bangālī. He came from the Ziyāratgāh of Herāt and was a man of integrity. He was left behind with Jahāngīr Qulī^449b Beg in Bengal and was the only one who escaped. His Majesty Jahānbānī Jannat-āshiyānī was especially gracious to him, and afterwards his Majesty the king of kings showed him great favour. He spent a long life in the ranks of offerers up of prayers (for Akbar).

12th, Ḥasan^449c ‘Alī Īshak Āqā. He was distinguished for courage and activity. He had done good service, but one Ya‘qūb^449d by name who was a favourite of his Majesty Jahānbānī having used improper language, some evil-disposed Qizilbāshīs (Persians) laid an ambush for the young man in a deserted^449e village near Tabrīz and assassinated him. As there was a coolness between him and Ḥasan ‘Alī it was reported that the latter had instigated the murder. On this account he could not accompany the sublime army but remained in Persia. When Kābul became the royal residence he was allowed to kiss the threshold.

13th, ‘Alī Dōst Bārbegī,^450a son of the aforesaid Ḥasan ‘Alī. He came afterwards and joined in Holy Mashhad. From first to last he was distinguished in Herāt (?) for service and devotion.

14th, Ibrāhīm Īshak Āqā. He was a devoted servant of the Court.

15th, Shaikh Yūsuf^450b Cūlī who called himself a descendant of Shaikh Aḥmad^450c Yasavī. He was a humble-minded man of agreeable qualities.

16th, Shaikh Buhlūl^450d who claimed to be descended from the Turkī Shaikhs. He was a good servant.

17th, Maulānā Nūru-d-din.^450e He was acquainted with mathematics, astronomy and the astrolabe. He had entered into the service of his Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdūs-makānī along with Qāẓī Burhān^450f of Khāf. He was one of the courtiers of his Majesty Jahānbānī. His Majesty the king of kings exalted him by the title of Tarkhān.

18th, Muḥammad Qāsim Maujī. He enlisted into the service of his Majesty Jahānbānī Jannat-āshiyānī in Badakhshān. He was related to Mīr Muḥammad Jālabān,^450g and in Badakhshān he acted as a raft-conductor (jālabānī). In India in the reign of his Majesty the king of kings he was admiral. He had a charming residence on the bank of the Jumna, and there too he brought the ship of his life to the shore of extinction.

19th, Ḥaidar^451a Muḥammad Ākhta Begī, (in charge of the geldings). He was an old servant.

20th, Saiyid Muḥammad Pakna^451b (the stout?). He was a brave man and good at his hands (Ṣāḥib-i-qabẓa). In Herāt he carried off the qabaq.

21st, Saiyid Muḥammad^451c Qālī. In Bakkar he was for some time Mīr ‘Adl. He had the right to sit in the illustrious assembly.

22nd, Ḥāfiẓ Sulṭān Muḥammad Rakhna. He came to Bakkar in the garb of a faqīr and entered into service. He recited touching verses.^451d Gradually he was numbered among the envoys^451e and obtained honour in the time of his Majesty the king of kings. At Sahrind (Sirhind) he made a charming garden worthy of being celebrated.

23rd, Mīrzā Beg Balūc, whose father had been in Khurāsān hazāra-i-Balūc.

24th, His son Mīr Ḥusain. Both were excellent servants.

25th, Khwāja ‘Ambar Nāẓir,^451f a confidential eunuch of his Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdūs-makānī. From his Majesty the king of kings he got the title of I‘tibār Khān (the trusty Khān). He was attached to the litter of her Majesty Maryam-makānī.

26th, ‘Ārif Tūshakcī. He was on the list of purchased (or captured) slaves, but claimed to be a Saiyid. By favour of his Majesty the king of kings he obtained the title of Bahār^452a Khān and rose to high office.

Among the faithful servants and slaves were Mihtar Khān, treasurer (khazīnadār), Mihtar Fākhir Tūshakcī, Mullā Balāl, librarian, Mihtar Taimūr in charge of the sharbats (sharbatcī), Mihtar Jauharī^452b ewer-bearer, Mihtar Wakīla, treasurer (khazāncī), Mihtar Wāṣil, and Mihtar Sumbul Mīr Ātash (Master of Ordnance). Others were Sulṭān Muḥammad Qarāwal-begī (huntsman), ‘Abdn-l-wahhāb in charge of the pantry, Jabāī Bahādur, Tūlaq Yātishnavīs.^452c

Bravo! Oh fortunate ones of lucky star who with good intention and firm foot came forward in the paths of testimony and in stations of Divine trial, and served their benefactor.

Verse.

I know not why helpers are backward,
For by service men attain to position.

When the grateful (lit. shade-scattering)^453a report of the approach of his Majesty Jahānbānī became vivid, and the news of his army was spread in Kābul and Qandahār, the blowing of these spring-breezes of victory caused the hope-buds of expectants to open and a current to set in the resolution-stream of the irresolute.

Verse.

Eternal bounty from measureless store
Cast to the city a report of his advent.
The hope-field of the hopeless smiled,
The success-garden of the success-less grew verdant.

The loud reverberation overset M. Kāmrān, and as the season of awakening and of contrition was past, he advanced further in evil ways, and gave way to wicked thoughts. In the first place he sent Khiẓr Khān Hazāra's brother and Qurbān Qarāwalbegī (head of the vanguard) to bring the nursling of light, to wit, the Shāhinshāh from Qandahār to Kābul. When they arrived M. ‘Askarī took counsel with his associates about sending his Majesty. All who were of sound sense said it was not right to send him and that when his Majesty Jahānbānī Jannat-āshiyānī approached the proper thing to do was to send to him with all reverence the child of dominion so that by means of this fair nosegay of fortune's parterre he might obtain for himself forgiveness of his offences. Some others said it was proper to send him to M. Kāmrān so as not to lose his favour, for, as regarded the other suggestion, it was too late now for a reconciliation with his Majesty Jahānbānī. In the end the Mīrzā put aside the sound advice and sent his Majesty Shāhinshāh in the depth of winter, and in snow and ice to Kābul. His sister Bakhshī Bānū Begam^454a was sent with him, and also Shamsu-d-dīn of Ghaznīn who had received the title of Atka Khān, Māham Anaga, mother of Adham Khān, Jījī Anaga, mother of M. ‘Azīz Kōkaltāsh and a number of other servants. In order that they might not be recognised, the nursling of light was called Mīrak on this journey, and his sister Bīja.^454b When they arrived at Qilāt (Kelat-i-Ghilzai) they put up at night in the house of a Hazāra. Owing to the radiance (far) and majesty which were manifest on his Majesty's forehead, men recognised him as soon as they saw him, and in the morning there rose to the lips of the master of the house the statement that the prince had been brought there. As soon as Khiẓr Khān's brother heard this remark he set off at once, and hurried on to Ghaznīn. The attendants beheld, hour by hour, and moment by moment, notes of greatness in the prince from his earliest years and marvelled at the Divine Creation while watching the wondrous lights of his development. Among them was this that when they had marched from Ghaznīn and had come to their halting-place, the lamp in the house went out and the place was in darkness. His Majesty, the essence of whose nature had affinity with light, fell a-weeping from horror of the darkness and though Anagas and nurses did their best they could not succeed in soothing him. But as soon as they brought a lamp his heart grew pacified, and the lights of joy showed themselves in his cheeks. This was a clear proof of light-augmenting and darkness-dispelling, both internally and externally. When his Majesty the Shāhinshāh came to Kābul from Qandahār, M. Kāmrān brought that nursling of fortune's garden to the house of the cupola of chastity Khānzāda Begam, sister of her Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdūs-makānī. Next day he held a grand assembly in the Shahr-ārā garden and did homage to his Majesty.

When M. Kāmrān beheld that true cypress of fortune's rosarium in the Shahr-ārā garden he was, from the lucklessness of his fate, confused and astonied at the sight of that lustrous forehead whence streamed the glory of eternal dominion and success. And as God the world-adorner was willing the joy of the lord of dominion and the spiritual and temporal defeat of the Mīrzā, whatever the latter thought to be matters of his joy, proved to be materials of vexation. For instance, on a day when the Mīrzā held a feast and had for his own glorification sent for his Majesty the Shāhinshāh, it chanced that on the occasion of the Shab-i-Barāt^455a they had, according to the custom, brought a decorated kettle-drum for his son Ibrāhīm Mīrzā.^455b His Majesty the Shāhinshāh took a fancy to it, in accordance with the principle that the orchestra of world-conquest must strike up in his name, and the drum of world-rule and universal adornment must give forth a loud sound on the roof of his residence. The uncomprehending Mīrzā did not wish to let him have it, and reflecting that M. Ibrāhīm was the elder of the two, and apparently the stronger, he made the taking of the drum a pretext for a trial of strength and a wrestling-match. Whoever conquered was to have the drum. His Majesty who was aided by heaven, and sustained from all eternity and who regarded not the pomp of M. Kāmrān nor the superior age of Ibrāhīm Mīrzā, rejoiced on hearing the condition, imposed by the Mīrzā for his own enjoyment, and became a means of augmenting the Mīrzā's sorrow. Despite his tender years, which made such actions very surprising, he, by Divine inspiration, and celestial teaching, without hesitation girt up his loins, and rolled up his sleeves, and with strong arm, which was strengthened by eternal power, stepped bravely forward. He grappled with Ibrāhīm Mīrzā according to the canons of the skilful and of the masters of wrestling and putting his hand before his waist so lifted him up and flung him on the ground that a cry burst forth from the assemblage, and that shouts of Bravo arose from far and near. This was the beginning of the beating of that drum of victory and conquest of his Majesty the Shāhinshāh, the Shadow of God, which came to be beaten above the loftiest pinnacles of earth, and beneath the green vault (sipihr-i-khaẓrā) of heaven. M. Kāmrān who had thought of this wrestling bout as a test of the issue of his contest with his Majesty Jahānbānī took a bad omen from the result and became dejected, while the well-wishers and intimates of his Majesty the Shāhinshāh expanded with joy and exulted at the happy omen. His Majesty beat the drum which he had gained by the strength of his arm, and the joyous sound gladdened the hearts of the royal servants. The Mīrzā, as things had turned out adversely,^456a and the throw of the dice revealed an omen contrary to his desire, gave way to evil designs against the altar of fortune (Akbar), one of these being that he ordered his Majesty, who was still sucking,^456b to be weaned. He was oblivious of the fact that he who drew milk from the breasts of the Divine favour and obtained nutriment from a celestial nurse could come to no harm from such acts, and that he who had the True Protector for his guardian could receive no detriment from these evil imaginings.

It is not unknown to the observers of facts and contemplators of occurrences whose watchful eyes are open, and have been smeared with the antimony of alertness that when the lofty standards of his Majesty Jahānbānī and his Persian auxiliaries arrived at the Garmsīr, ‘Alī Sulṭān Taklū and a number of devoted men were sent to take Bast^457a which belongs to the Garmsīr and appertains to Qandahār. Shāham ‘Alī Jalāīr, father of Tīmūr Jalāīr, and Mīr Khalaj who were there as feudatories of M. Kāmrān had strengthened the fort which was now besieged by the royal army. In the course of the siege a musket ball from the fort struck ‘Alī Sulṭān and deprived him of life. His soldiers appointed his twelve years old son in his room and pressed forward the siege more and more. These facts were reported to the king of Persia and after some time there arrived a rescript ratifying the arrangement. Gradually the garrison got into straits and no help coming to them they begged for quarter. Owing to the imperial clemency they received this, and delivered up the fort. When it had come into the possession of the royal servants his Majesty Jahānbānī encamped in the neighbourhood, and Shāham ‘Alī and Mīr Khalaj tied quivers round their necks and came out and did homage. His Majesty in accordance with his innate benignity forgave their offences, and enrolled them among his servants. At the same place a report was spread that M. ‘Askarī was about to fly with his treasure to Kābul. A number of the Persians and of the king's servants pressed for leave to pursue him. Though his Majesty Jahānbānī had ascertained by truthful scouts that the report was false, and that M. ‘Askarī meditated to fight and to defend the fort of Qandahār, and moreover even on the supposition that the report was true his Majesty from his innate kindness was unwilling that ‘Askarī should be pursued, yet they brooked^458a not restraint and having obtained a sort of permission to go they hurried off lest the Mīrzā should escape them. When after making great haste they arrived in disorder at the environs of Qandahār, they found that the report of the Mīrzā's departure was false. A large body came out and fought with them, while cannon and muskets were discharged from the fort. A large number of Persians and others were killed, and many were wounded. Khwāja Mu‘aẓẓam, Ḥaidar Sulṭān, Ḥājī Muḥammad, son of Bābā Qushqa, ‘Alī Qulī, son of Ḥaidar Sulṭān, Shāh Qulī Nāranjī^458b and a number of the Caghatāīs and Persians gave proofs of their courage and drove the enemy back to the Fort. Although Jamīl Beg,^458c one of Mīrzā ‘Askarī's trusted servants, sent a message to the Mīrzā to come down in person as but a small force remained and that it would be easy to dispose of those who had once already been defeated, the Mīrzā did not assent, and despatched a message to the effect that “they know the numbers and quality of our men, and will not restrict their troops to the same number as before, on the contrary they probably have a reserve in hiding by whose help they will do for us. We shant let ourselves be gulled, but will make the fort strong, and not give battle till M. Kāmrān arrive.” As God befriended the army of his Majesty Jahānbānī, M. Kāmrān did not make his appearance, and some victories were obtained which were the prelude of countless successes. In these days Bābā Sihrindī who was one of M. Kāmrān's distinguished officers, and who belonged to the Qandahār garrison was killed.

When the heroes had gained such a victory his Majesty Jahānbānī Jannat-āshiyānī returned thanks to God, and reached Qandahār five days after the joyful event on Saturday, 7th Muḥarram, 952 (21st March, 1545), in an auspicious hour which was compounded of favourable aspect. He halted by the side (dar ẓila') of the gate Māshūr^459a and encamped in the garden of Shamsu-d-dīn ‘Alī the Qāẓī of Qandahār. The batteries were allotted and the captains distributed. There were daily combats between the brave men on both sides. One day Ḥaidar Sulṭān and his two sons ‘Alī Qulī Khān^459b and Bahādur Khān, and Khwāja Mu‘aẓẓam drove the enemy from the front of Khwāja^459c Khiẓr to the shrines near the old city and the barricade^459d (kūca band), and displayed great deeds. Ḥaidar^459e Sulṭān was in advance of all the others and the leader in the attacks. A remarkable circumstance was that Bābū Dōst Yasāwal was standing with a number of men among the shrines and was shooting arrows. Ḥaidar Sulṭān thought to slay him with his lance and raised his arm to do this, and at the same moment an arrow reached his armpit. Isma‘īl^459f Sulṭān of Jām, whom M. Kāmrān had sent as an auxiliary, was standing on the white (āqca) Tower which faces the tombs, beside M. ‘Askarī and was watching the fight. Though he was too far off to distinguish the features, he remarked that “the man from whose hand the lance has fallen may be Ḥaidar Sulṭān for once I went with ‘Ubaidu-l-lāh Khān^460a to the city of Tūs, and Ḥaidar Sulṭān and I were comrades^460b in an attack and I lost these two fingers. From the mode of fighting I guess that this is he.” When they brought in the lance afterwards his (Ḥaidar's) name was found written on it. When they read it, they praised Isma‘īl's conjecture. In this engagement many men of rank were wounded, the first of all to be wounded being Khwāja Mu‘aẓẓam, but who succeeded in returning. About this time news was brought that Rafī‘ Kōka, the foster brother of M. Kāmrān, was stationed^460c behind a hill towards Zamīndāwar on the bank of the Arghandāb with a force of Hazāras and Nakodars.^460d Bairām Khān, Muḥammad Mīrzā, Ḥaidar Sulṭān, Maqṣūd Mīrzā Akhtabēgī, the son of Zainu-d-dīn Sulṭān Shāmlū and a number of others were sent against him. By good fortune Rafī‘ Kōka was made prisoner, and great store of provisions, cattle and weapons was seized and the scarcity in the camp was changed to plenty. Other battles were also fought by the brave warriors with successful results.

As M. ‘Askarī had from his own backsliding let the thread of performance fall from his hand, and was persistently contumacious it occurred to his Majesty on account of his general benevolence and his fraternal affection that he should send to M. Kāmrān the Shāh's^460e letter together with an admonitory firmān of his own. Perchance he would awake from the sleep of neglect and take the straight road and by dint of good acts make reparation for his offences. In this way many persons might escape from unnecessary destruction, and brotherly concord might result in great deeds which were brooding in his right-thinking soul. Accordingly Bairām Khān was despatched to Kābul as an ambassador. When he reached the pass of Rūghnī^461a and the Āb-Istāda,^461b which is between Qandahār and Ghaznīn a number of Hazāras blocked the way. At the close of the day there was an engagement and the king's servants were victorious and chastised the worthless Hazāras. Many of them were slain. When Bairām Khān arrived near Kābul, Bābūs and many others came and welcomed him and took him with them. M. Kāmrān held a reception in the Cahār Bāgh and sent for Bairām Khān. The latter rightly thought that it would not be proper to give the two rescripts to the Mīrzā when he would doubtless be sitting down, and it was very unlikely that he would stand up and pay respect to them as was proper he should do. Having considered the matter, he took the Koran in his hand and tendered it as an offering. The Mīrzā on seeing the Koran stood up out of reverence towards it, and at this moment Bairām Khān presented the two rescripts. Thus the device procured respect for them. The king's and the Shāh's gifts were duly presented and Bairām sitting down beside the Mīrzā uttered words of truth and sincerity. At the close of the meeting he took leave to pay his respects to the Shāhinshāh. He also obtained permission to see M. Hindāl, M. Sulaimān, Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā and Ulugh Beg Mīrzā. The Mīrzā (Kāmrān) dismissed him and appointed Bābūs to accompany him at the interview. Bairām Khān first went to kiss the threshold of his Majesty the king of kings who was in the bāgh-i-maktab (school-garden) with that cupola of chastity Khānzāda Begam, elder sister of his Majesty Gītī-sitāni Firdūs-makānī. Māham Bega who was his Majesty's nurse (anaga) brought out the nursling of Divine light from the inner chambers. The visitors performed^461c their obeisance, and acquitted themselves of their embassy to him. It was a great joy to Bairām Khān and his companions to have the privilege of beholding his auspicious Majesty. The witnessing of the divine lights which were manifest on his Majesty's forehead glorified their vision, and they returned thanks to Providence. Taking leave from them they went and visited M. Hindāl who was in the house of his respected mother Dildār Begam and was under surveillance. They presented to him a gracious firmān, a robe of honour and a horse. With like ceremonies they next day visited M. Sulaimān^462a and M. Ibrāhīm who had been imprisoned in the fort in the house of Qāsim^462b Mukhlis. On that day they were by M. Kāmrān's orders brought out from there into the garden of Jalālu-d-dīn Beg which is near the Shahr-Ārā^462c garden. Bairām Khān embraced these two grandees in that garden and gladdened them by conveying to them the gifts and favours of the king and the Shāh. Taking leave from them he went to jalka^462d Siyāh Sang, where Yādgār Nāṣir had settled, and gave^462e him hopes of the pardon of his offences, and the forgetting of his faults, and of his receiving various royal favours. In like manner he visited and conveyed hopes to Ulugh^462f Mīrzā and other grandees, and gave them, as was proper, soothing messages. M. Kāmrān kept Bairām Khān under surveillance for more than a month, having neither the strength to resist, nor the grace to submit. He remained in these perplexities, until after hundreds of solicitations he let him (Bairām) go after a month and a half. He also by entreaties prevailed upon her Highness Khānzāda Begam to go to Qandahār ostensibly to persuade M. ‘Askarī, who, he pretended, was not under his influence, to make over Qandahār to his Majesty Jahānbānī's servants, but in reality in order that if things should go ill with him, who was holding out, and was maintaining the fort under M. Kāmrān's orders, and he should have to give up the fort, that cupola of chastity might be an intercessor for M. ‘Askarī and might procure him his liberty. As M. ‘Askarī had left the right path and in his devotion to M. Kāmrān had given up the rein of intention to the hand of rebellion and hostility, he applied himself to strengthening the fort, and placed guns and muskets all over it. The fort too was very strong, for it was of mud and so the breaching (qila‘ ū qama‘) of it was very difficult. The breadth of the wall was sixty yards^463a (gaz). Though the heroes of the victorious army were few in number, yet they strove manfully so that the Turkomans were astonished, and became jealous of them.

One day his Majesty Jahānbānī had a select party, and there his confidential intimates opened the door of recitals and took into their hands the thread of narrative. The assembly became delightsome from the flow of pleasing anecdotes and joyous tales. By the elixir of the words of the brave the coin of the courageous was tested and increased, and a stock of valour accrued to those whose supply was small. On this occasion there came to his mind the loving remembrance of his Majesty the Shāhinshāh. What may be the condition of this young cypress of the stream of the Caliphate, separated now from friends and surrounded by foes? And what are the thoughts of the envious, the foolish and the evil-minded about this auspicious rose-bush? With a heart rent in twain and a soul divided ‘twixt hope and fear, he opened the hand of supplication before the great Temple which granteth the desire of the afflicted and distressed and prayed for the happiness and long life of that goodly tree of the Sultanate. In this way he relieved his blistered heart.

Verse.

Lord: keep Thou this royal pearl
Far from the molestation of the wicked,
Grant him water from wisdom's stream,
Grant him heat from perception's sun.

The sun hath trod many circuits in heaven
That this Light might issue from the veil,
Many a star hath displayed benign aspects
That this Moon might put aside his locks.

High Heaven trod many a round
That the horizons might share in this light,
May eternal splendour be his portion
May his lightsome heart ne'er be darkened!

And in order to comfort his capacious soul he called for the horoscope which is the guarded tablet of mysteries of the fortune-favoured one and carefully perused it. In that frontispiece of auspiciousness he read personal safety, long life, ascension of the grades of fortune, ruin of enemies, and failure of the evil and crooked thoughted. Joyfully lifting up his head he exclaimed “God be praised, my heart is wholly at rest from these anxieties. There is hope that bye and bye I shall be made happy by a sight of that divine nursling, and shall, by the star of that auspicious one become victorious over all my foes.” Having returned thanks to God he set himself to conquer the fort. M. ‘Askarī used all diligence in holding it, and made changes in the garrisons of the batteries every day and every night, lest proffers of reconciliation should be made by the besiegers^464a and there should thus be less vigilance on the part of the defence.

As the siege was protracted, and none of the king's servants came and joined him, the Persian officers relaxed their exertions and meditated a return home. His Majesty Jahānbānī read this design in their demeanour, and redoubled his efforts to take the fort. One night he moved out from his battery, and approaching the gate from the side of old Qandahār—the place is called Cahār Dara—he came within a stone throw of it, and there established a battery. Next morning when the Turkomāns saw this, they felt encouraged to take the fort, and they all moved forward; and narrowed the lines of circumvallation. M. ‘Askarī was astonished, and showed signs of despair, and besought with many entreaties that as the cupola of chastity (Khānzāda) was approaching, he might have a respite till her arrival so that he might be reassured by her and might be enabled to serve (Humāyūn). He sent his petition through Mīr Ṭāhir, brother of Khwāja Dōst Khāwind. His Majesty Jahānbānī, who was a mine of liberality and clemency, accepted his prayer and stayed the siege-operations for some days. The wicked Mīrzā outwardly assumed the airs of a suppliant, but secretly exerted himself to strengthen the fort, and when her Highness and Bairām Khān arrived he renewed his opposition. Though the noble lady endeavoured to restrain M. ‘Askarī from evil designs and to induce him to kiss the holy threshold, he from his disordered brain would not accept her counsels, but continued obdurate and would not suffer her to leave the fort and go to his Majesty's camp. Thus the Mīrzā's contumacy and villainy were revealed even to his Majesty Jahānbānī. Relying therefore on the favour of God, who is the surety of those who commend themselves to Him, he strenuously endeavoured to take the fort. Meanwhile Ulugh Mīrzā, son of Muḥammad Sulṭān Mīrzā, who was descended from Sulṭān Ḥusain through a daughter, Sher-afkan^465a Beg, son of Qūc Beg, and Faẓāil Beg, brother of Mun‘im Khān, Mīr Barka and Mīrzā Ḥasan^465b Khān, sons of Mīr ‘Abdullāh, who belonged to the Saiyids the Banī-mukhtārs of Sabzawār, and many others came from Kābul by the guidance of a happy star and did homage. The cause of their escaping was this. M. Kāmrān was keeping Ulugh Beg in confinement, and out of precaution he made him to a different custodian every week. When it came to Sherafkan's turn, it happened that he too was afraid of the Mīrzā. He joined with the others and brought out Ulugh Mīrzā, and enjoyed the blessing of service. His Majesty Jahānbānī received this party with favour and gave them robes of honour, and assigned Zamīn Dāwar to M. Ulugh Beg. Though Qāsim Ḥusain Sulṭān came out with them, he lost his way one night and fell among the Hazāras. After some days and after being robbed he arrived on foot and with blistered soles. His Majesty remarked to him “There must have been something wanting in your loyalty for you to have lost your way and become involved in such troubles.” After that Dawa^465c Beg Hazāra came in with his tribesmen. Petitions too arrived from the Kābul officers. The arrival of this party, and the receipt of petitions from officers and nobles caused great joy in the camp. The Qizilbāshī, (Persians) who had been uneasy in their minds, became tranquil and displayed alacrity in carrying on the war while the leaders of the garrison began to waver, and the foot of firmness slipped from the battlement of defence. The dwellers in the fort wrote daily accounts of M. ‘Askarī and shot^466a them down from the walls. Their purport was that the garrison was in difficulties, and that the besiegers should press on, and not relax their efforts. At last it came to this that the officers of M. ‘Askarī's army flung themselves out of the fort one by one, and that the gunners and infantry did the same. First, Khiẓr^466b Khwāja Khān threw himself down from the fort in the vicinity of his Majesty's battery, and seizing the collar of supplication with the hand of contrition fell at the holy feet of his Majesty Jahānbānī. After him Muayyad^466c Beg let himself down by ropes from the fort, and was exalted by doing homage. Then Isma‘īl Beg, who was one of Gītī-sitānī Firdūs-makānī's officers and was distinguished for counsel and courage arrived, and Abū'l-Ḥusain Beg, brother's son of Qarāca Khān, and Munawwar Beg, son of Nūr^466d Beg, came with him. One night Khiẓr Khān Hazāra flung himself down from the fort, and two or three Hazāras took him on their backs and went off with him towards Kōt Laka (?). Inasmuch as the work of defence had got out of hand, and M. ‘Askarī could neither make up his mind to remain in the fort, nor had he the face to come to the world-protecting Court, Khiẓr Khān Hazāra desired to betake himself to the cell of safety and to come to strive out of these dangers. In the morning news came to the camp that he had left the fort and taken to flight. A number of people hastened to search for him. He had gone some distance and then hidden himself behind a rock. Some reliable persons relate that Khiẓr Khān Hazāra used to tell how the men who had been sent to catch him passed close to him and how once a man touched the skirt of his garment and thought it was an animal, while Khiẓr Khān held his breath from fear. When night came on he emerged from under the rock and reached a place of safety.

As the daily increasing success of his Majesty Jahānbānī was patent, and it became clear to the garrison that owing to the good fortune of his Majesty Jahānbānī and the zeal of his devoted servants it would be impossible to maintain the defence, M. ‘Askarī awoke from the sleep of carelessness and became disturbed in his mind, and could neither advance nor stay where he was. At first he asked to be allowed to surrender Qandahār and to proceed to Kabul, but his Majesty Jahānbānī did not agree to this, and the Mīrzā's crude idea came to nought. Out of necessity he had to send her Highness Khānzāda Begam to his Majesty to beg forgiveness of his offences. At the request of that cream of chastity's family the writing of forgiveness was drawn over the register of his offences, and on Thursday, 25th Jumāda-l-ākhir (3rd September, 1545), of that year (952) he came out of the fort, contrite and repentant, and in the train of the cupola of chastity. His Majesty Jahānbānī had formed an assemblage in the dīwānkhāna and the Caghatāī and Persian officers were drawn up in line according to their rank. In accordance with the royal orders Bairām Khān hung the sword round M. ‘Askarī's neck and introduced him. His Majesty Jahānbānī, in spite of all the mortal injuries which he had received from him, put aside the canons of sovereignty and with native kindness and excessive clemency accepted the intercession of the cupola of chastity and drawing the pen of forgiveness over the schedule of his deeds, he encompassed him with the curtains of favour and with exceeding affection. After returning thanks to God for this beginning of success, he gave orders for the removal of the sword from the Mīrzā's neck, and after he had paid his respects bade him be seated. After that Muḥammad Khān Jalāir, Shāham Khān, Muqīm Khān, Shāh Qulī Sīstānī, Tūlak Khān Qūrcī and others to the number of thirty persons were brought forward with swords and quivers round their necks^467a to make their obeisance. Out of these Muqīm Khān and Shāh Qulī Sīstānī were ordered into confinement with fetters^467b on their legs and wooden boards on their necks.

From the close of day up to early dawn, which is the time of the arrival of the glory of heaven, there was a delightful assembly. Instructive events were described, and Mīr Qalandar and other reciters and players discoursed excellent music, thereby removing the rust from his Majesty's world-adorning soul. During the assembly they in accordance with his Majesty's orders presented M. ‘Askarī with an exact copy of the letter which he had written to his Balūcī followers at the time when his Majesty was proceeding to a strange land by way of the desert. The Mīrzā's life was embittered, and mirth became melancholy. At last, out of necessity an order was given that he should be kept under surveillance, and that he should be brought from time to time to make his obeisance so that while his offences had, out of innate kindness, been forgiven, he might for some days take counsel with himself in bondage. Next day the night-illumining crescent of victory lighted up those who sat darkling in the citadel. Muḥammad Murād Mīrzā and the Caghatāi and Persian officers came to the city in attendance on his Majesty. For three nights and days the city was brightened by the light of his Majesty's august advent, and was in peace and tranquillity. On the fourth day it was, in accordance with the secret workings of his Majesty's comprehensive mind, presented to Muḥammad Murād Mīrzā, and his Majesty took up his quarters in the Cār Bāgh of his Majesty Firdūs-makānī, which is on the bank of the Arghandāb, and was refreshed by its pleasant groves. In that charming spot the official accountant laid before him a detailed list of the properties of M. ‘Askarī, which had been brought together from all quarters, but his Majesty did not regard them as worthy of consideration and distributed them among those of his brave soldiers who were in want.

When M. Kāmrān heard of the conquest of Qandahār and of his Majesty Jahānbānī's coming against Kābul, he was agitated and troubled, and had his Majesty the Shāhinshāh brought from the house of the cupola of chastity Khānzāda Begam to his own, and made him over to his chief wife Khānam Begam. He also confined Shamsu-d-dīn Muḥammad Ghaznavī, commonly called Atka Khān, in an unworthy place, and took counsel with his officers as to what he should do with M. Sulaimān. Mullā ‘Abdu-l-Khāliq, who was Kāmrān's teacher, and Bābūs, who had charge of political affairs, advised that the Mīrzā should be dealt gently with and be allowed to go to Badakhshān so that he might be useful in time of need. Fortunately for M. Sulaimān it happened that Mīr Naẓar ‘Alī, Mīr Hazār Teshkānī, Mīr ‘Alī Balūc, and others had combined a few days before and had seized Fort Ẓafar, and put Qāsim Barlās and other officers into confinement. They sent a message to M. Kāmrān that if he sent M. Sulaimān, they would make over Badakhshān to him, otherwise they would put their prisoners to death and hand over the country to the Uzbegs. Accordingly Mīrzās Sulaimān and Ibrāhīm and Ḥaram^469a Begam were sent off to Badakhshān. When they had got as far as Pāī Minār and Ma‘mūra village, M. Kāmrān repented of having let M. Sulaimān go and sent persons to recall him, alleging that he had something to say to him. M. Sulaimān suspected this message and wrote a letter of excuse in reply to the effect that as he had taken leave in an auspicious hour, it was not proper to return, and that he trusted M. Kamrān would be so kind as to write to him what he wished to confer about and to send the letter by a confidential servant when he would act in accordance therewith. Meanwhile he hastened on to Badakhshān. As soon as he reached Badakhshān he broke his agreement. At this time too Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā fled from Kābul towards Badakhshān. And as fate desired that M. Kāmrān should receive the recompense of his deeds, the materials for this were being prepared daily. Of the Mīrzās no one remained with him except Hindāl. Him he flattered and appointed to pursue and capture Yādgār Nāṣir, promising him that he would give him one-third of all he now possessed or should afterwards acquire, on condition that he should not deviate in any way from loyalty and fraternal feeling. Having made this compact he sent off the Mīrzā whom he had kept under surveillance. M. Hindāl, who had been brought into difficulties by Kāmrān's ill treatment verbally agreed for he regarded his escape from his claws as a great relief. But when he came to Pāī Minār, he under a wise guidance proceeded towards his Majesty Jahānbānī. M. Kāmrān was astonished on hearing of this affair, and lost the thread of his counsel. He had no servants or companions who would consult his welfare or tell him the truth. Most of his servants had their eyes veiled, and the vision of their intelligence was troubled by the ophthalmia of neglect. They beheld not the way of salvation nor the straight path. Those who did see what was proper, had not the power to express their sentiments. This was due to two circumstances:—(1) Some had not the courage to make representations. (2) Some were of such a nature that they studied the temper of the Mīrzā, and did not consider truthful representations advisable, for they were certain that from his self-sufficiency he would not accept good advice, but would be displeased on the mere mention of it. And his displeasure would cause injury to the influence and position of the speaker. The condition of fidelity is that in such matters one should not delay or have regard to one's language, nor spend one's time in negligence or delay. For the evil of this falls in the end upon all, and is as ruinous to the general prosperity. And the results of treacherous counsel, which is the greatest and worst of treacheries, come forth. And the mole of untrustworthiness and flattery, which is the blackness^470a of disloyalty and unpropitiousness, reveals itself on the cheek of their procedure. It behoves such men, if they feel afraid of not suppressing the truth or of uttering honest but disagreeable remonstrances to recognise the fact that such opportunities are part of their good fortune, and to rejoice thereat, and not to let the wrinkle of contraction form in the forehead of frankness. For though in appearance the great may be disgusted, yet in reality the noble mind approves of hearing both sides. And though such advisers may appear to run counter to the opinion of their masters, yet in fact they will at once be relieved from responsibility and have discharged the duty of good service, and also be lauded in word and deed by those who consider the end and regard the final termination. M. Kāmrān, in fact, went from blunder to blunder from want of warning wisdom, and the absence of sound counsellors.