Siyar al-Muta'ahirin - The Seir Mutaqherin, Volume 3

Arrival of Lord Clive in India—Peace—The English deeply connected with the Court of Delhi, now residing at Shahabad—Death of Mir-djaafer, who is successively succeeded by his three sons—Strange portrait of Mubarec-ed-döwlah, the survivor of them, and some account of his person, mother, family, and genius—Odious character of his Deputy, Mahmed-reza-qhan —The English take direct possession of the three Provinces in their own name, and only assign a pension to the surviving Prince of Mir-djaafer-qhan’s family—Severe strictures on the English Government—Twelve causes assigned to the ruinous condition of these Countries.

Sabut-djung, now Lord Clive, is coming to Bengal with an absolute authority—Nedjm-ed-döwlah, alias Mir-pahlory, succeeds to his father, Mir-djaafer-qhan—Nand-comar, his Prime Minister, is dismissed by Lord Clive, who introduces Mahmed-reza-qhan in his stead, and acts everywhere as a despot—He attacks Johnstone’s and Middleton’s conduct, and is vigorously repulsed. —Billers, Chief of Azim-abad, frightened by Lord Clive, kills himself—Doctor Fullerton dismissed the service—Some account of Mirza-cazem-qhan—Lord Clive goes to Ilah-abad, where he obliges the Emperor to invest the English Company with the Divani or Divanship of the three Provinces—Insolence of Colonel Usmut (Richard Smith)—Lord Clive returns—Changes and promotions throughout Bengal—Lenity and generosity of the English towards the Land-holders of Bengal—The young Navvab dies suddenly and unaccountably—He is succeeded by his brother, Séif-ed-döwlah, alias Mir-canáya, who also dies suddenly—Death of the author’s father, the Vezir Hedáiet-aaly-qhan —Shytab-ráy, Viceroy of Azim-abad—Discovers strange mismanagements in Durdj-naráin’s administration—Lord Clive makes a second journey to Azim-abad, and secures Radja Belvent-sing’s situation by a treaty—He returns to England, fully bent on impeaching Governor Vansittart—M. Veris (Verelst) succeeds to the government of Bengal—New regulations with respect to finances, police, and justice—Famine and mortality all over Bengal—Mubarec-ed-döwlah, thirdson to Mir-djaafer, nominal Nazem of Bengal—Intrigues at his Court— Oblique hints against Mahmed-reza-qhan—A strange way of distributing justice—Severe insinuations against Mahmed-reza-qhan —Strange character of Roh-eddin-hosséin-qhan, Governor of P8raniah—The Council resolve to investigate the finances to the bottom—Bengal divided in six Districts— Charges exhibited in England against Vansittart by Lord Clive—Vigorously repelled by Vansittart—Who is sent back with honour to Bengal—Mester-hushtin-bahadyr arrives in Calcutta, where he spends ninety days and ninety nights in perusing records—Mahmed-reza-qhan arrested—Shytab-ráy arrested—The Nazem of Bengal’s allowance reduced from twenty-four to sixteen lacs a year—Shytab-ráy honourably acquitted, and sent back to resume his office—Dies of a broken heart—Brilliant character of his—Horrible famine at Azim-abad, and generosity of Shytab-ráy’s in that trying occasion— Curious anecdotes about Shitab-ráy—Dies a Musulman in his heart—Mahmed-reza-qhan released from his confinement— Arrival of General Clavering, and Colonel Monson, and M. Francis.

THE diary of Mir-djaafer-qhan’s government and life had Sabut-djung, now Lord Clive, is coming to Bengal with absolute authority. beet already closed by the hand of destiny, when intelligence arrived in Bengal, that the renowned Lord Clive, that man so much tried in war, was coming from the country of England with an absolute authority over the provinces of Bengal and Azim-abad. As such an intelligence had nothing pleasing for Governor Vansittart, and he did not think his presence convenable in Calcutta at such a time, he set out for England some time before Nedjm-ed-döwlah, alias Mir-pahlory, succeeds to his father, Mir-djaafer-qhan. that nobleman could arrive, and left the remaining gentlemen of the Council to regulate and settle, as Sovereigns, such business as concerned the Government. And these determined that Nedjm-ed-döwlah, heretofore known under the name of Mir-pahlory^\(1\), eldest son to Mir-djaafer-qhan by Munny-begum, should succeed to his father in the power of loosing and binding every business of Government and sovereignty with the advice of the gentlemen of the Council. When this matter came to be settled at Calcutta, Mr. Middieton, Chief of Moorshood-abad, and Mr. Djonson (Johnstone), Chief at Bardevan, went to the palace, and ordered Nedjm-ed-döwlah to take his seat on the mesned of sovereignty; a favour for which this Prince shewed his gratitude by respectfully presenting them with such a sum of money as had been agreed upon. And for some time he acted as absolute Governor, having Nand-comar for his Divan, a Minister who became the centre of all the private and public business of his master’s in Bengal. Mir-mahmed-cazem-qhan, brother to Mir-djaafer-qhan, was appointed Governor of the province of Azim-abad on the part of his nephew, and Radja Durdj-naráin, brother to Ram-naráin, was named his Divan or Prime Minister. Shytab-ráy seemed to have been forgotten in this arrangement. He enjoyed already the office of Divan of the Bahar, on the part of the Emperor; and he had such connections with all the English, and specially with General Carnac, the Commander-in-Chief, that Shudja-ed-döwlah thought proper to take advice from the times, and to make him a present of a District about Azim-gur and Djohonpoor, called Mahoo, which produced more than one lac of rupees a year; and this he gave him as a free-hold or Djaghir. Some little time passed in this manner, when Nand-comar, with whom Henry Vansittart had been much dissatisfied, was sent for to Calcutta by the gentlemen of the Council, but not dismissed from his office, where his dependants continued to exercise full authority in his name. This Governor had set down in writing this man’s misdemeanours and bad qualities; and he had got those sheets bound in the form of a book which he left in the hands of his brother, George Vansittart Hooshiâr-djung, with orders to produce it in Council, and to read it completely, whenever Lord Clive should come, and take his seat. The Council struck with the contents of that memoir, forbade Nand-comar from stirring out of the city of Calcutta, but did not choose to dismiss him from his office; because that Minister some time after the revolution that had overset Seradj-ed-döwlah to set Mir-djaafer-qhan in his stead, had served Lord Clive as his Moonshy or Secretary, and also as his Divan or Minister, at a time when that Lord was yet only Colonel Clive; and likewise because this Divan had from thence conceived mighty hopes that his power and influence would receive a great accession on that nobleman’s arrival in Bengal. Matters remained on that footing until Lord Nand-comar, Prime Minister to the young Prince, is dismissed his office by Lord Clive. Clive arrived himself; when George Vansittart producing in full Council the book written by his brother, read it to that nobleman, word by word; and although the new Viceroy had intentions to oblige Nand-comar, yet such was the impression made upon him by the light thrown on that Minister’s misdemeanours and character, that he altered his opinion of him at once, and dismissed him from his office, with injunctions not to stir out of the city and precincts of Calcutta.

Nand-comar’s downfall made room for Mahmed-reza-qhan, son to the Physician Haddy-qhan-akuly, of Shiraz^\(2\), a man who upon Mir-djaafer-qhan’s second accession to the mesned, had been made Deputy Governor of the province of Dacca. This Mahmed-reza-qhan is introduced at the young Prince’s Court. man came at once upon the stage of the world, in order to become by the mere force of his destiny the favourite object of boundless favours and endless graces from Lord Clive. He was recommended to the Deputyship of Nedjm-ed-döwlah’s by that nobleman, who heaped honours and favours upon him, and gave him an absolute authority over his master in whatever concerned the Government; an office which made him the centre of all business, public and private. At the same time he procured for him the titles of Mahmed-reza-qhan the Valiant, ever Victorious in War^\(3\); and little by little he obtained for him the further titles of the Eminent of the State^\(4\), the Foremost of the Kingdom, and Lord of Lords. To these was added the privilege of riding in a Naleky^\(5\), which in Hindostan is a distinction reserved to Sovereigns. It must be observed that, when the intelligence arrived in England of the revolution effected in favour of Mir-cassem-qhan, and of the troubles that had been the consequences of it, the people of that country conceived such fears for the Company’s safety, and fancied their affairs to be so teeming with mighty difficulties, that they thought no one equal to the task of re-establishing the Company’s affairs, and quieting the country, but Lord Clive himself. And as such a commission was in their opinion an object of mighty importance and difficulty, they thought it incumbent upon themselves to make some amends to that Commander, by promoting him at once from the station of simple Colonel, to the dignity and title of Lord, which in England and London answers to the dignity of Omrah, in Hindostan. He was furnished at the same time with such ample Lord Clive everywhere as an absolute Monarch. powers, and such an extensive authority, that no Governor to this very day has ever been invested with so unbounded an influence, unless it be the valiant Navvab Mr. Hushtin, who is the prop of the State, and the daring in war and in battles; and who by surpassing even Lord Clive himself in dignity and importance, can have no equal or companion either in Hindostan or in Europe, and really deserves all that elevation. Lord Clive in taking the steps he had taken, or indeed in any business whatever, was not bound to deliberate with a Council. Looking upon no man to be his equal, he made no account of any one, whether Hindian or English; and to give a specimen of his power, he first of all informed Djanson and Middleton, that they had done properly in placing Nedjm-ed-döwlah in his father’s station; but that they had acted very improperly and very unjustly, in taking money Attacks Johnson’s and Middleton’s conduct. from him. He added, that such a sum must be accounted for by charging it to the Company’s credit. To this requisition, the two gentlemen answered, first of all, by sending in their resignation, and then by declaring openly, “That so long as they were in the Company’s service, they were bound to obey his commands, but now that they had resigned it, they had no further orders to receive from him; and that, if he had any thing to say to them, he must say it in the Royal Court of Justice. That as to his injunctions for refunding the money they had received, they would be ready to submit to such a measure, and to refund the two small sums they had received from Nedjm-ed-döwlah, whenever himself should think it proper to pay into the same treasury the enormous sums he had received from Nedjm-ed-döwlah’s father, at the time he had placed him on Seradj-ed-döwlah’s mesned.” Lord Clive on hearing so resolute and so undisguised an answer, and on finding that they had resigned the service, did not dare to enter into any discussion with them, and he remained silent. Djanson himself went home; but Middleton who had been long in Hindia, addicted himself to a mercantile life; and after some time he found means to be re-admitted in the service, where he became Chief of Moorshood-abad; when his last moment arriving, he died at Páinty, a spot near Shah-abad, midway betwixt Azim-abad and Moorshood-abad. He was entombed on that very hill of Páinty, where his monument is seen from afar. In his nation he bears a celebrity for goodness of heart and much benevolence. But supposing that he was a man of much goodness, nevertheless there was no comparing him in genius and many other good qualities to Doctor William Fullerton; nor in bravery and military abilities, as well as firmness in friendship and steadiness of temper to Colonel Godard; nor in wisdom of conduct, or attention to the rights of friendship and love, or in knowledge and keenness in the intricacies of business and government, to George Vansittart; nor in goodness and in civility and many other qualifications to Mr. Aayoun-Law and Mr. Thomas-Law, who was younger brother to Mr. Ayoun-Law, and equal to his elder brother, in merit^\(6\). Nor was Baaloo Sahab inferior to them. But Tamsan Sahab was incomparable in many valuable qualifications; and so were Mr. Anderson and Mr. Elliott, two young men who had no equal in the very perfection of wisdom, civility, and kindness, and in the whole assemblage of whatever could conciliate respect or love to a character. It is even reported of Mr. Anderson’s younger brother, that he is equal to his elder brother, and in some sciences, such as the Mathematics, his superior. Few men equal to these have been seen in that nation; for although some other English characters are spoken of with encomiums, yet as I never had any business or connections with them, I have not sufficient knowledge to write of them.

It was about this time that Mr. Billers succeeded in right of seniority to the Chief-ship of Azim-abad. He was a man of little understanding, and on that account, much inclined to submit to Billers, Chief of Azim-abad, kills himself. the guidance of Mr. Middleton and Mr. Djonson. On his being appointed, he went from the garden of Bauky-poor, the then residence of every English ruler, and having traversed the city in great pomp and state, he proceeded to the castle where he ordered Mir-cazem-qhan to take his seat on the mesned of government, as Viceroy of the province of Bahar. This installation produced him a sum of money; but as at the same time he listened implicitly to the dictates and instigations of some Gentoos, as senseless as himself, he became himself guilty of some improper actions, which rendered him distracted when he came to hear of Lord Clive’s arrival, and of his great power and severity. He was seized with consternation on his past conduct, and killed himself with his own sword. He was buried in that very garden of Bauky-poor where he has remained ever since, a standing stock for the reflections of his own countrymen.

But it was General Carnac who enjoyed now the full sunshine of favour. He had these many years enjoyed the friendship and confidence of Lord Clive’s; and he became now the principal manager of his politics and government, as well as the centre Doctor Fullerton dismissed from the servies. of all business, public and private. He had been heretofore a warm friend of Doctor Fullerton’s; but having become his sworn enemy, he had put some matters into Lord Clive’s mind, that made him dismiss the Doctor from the service. This gentleman after taking an affectionate leave of his friends, by whom he was exceedingly regretted, set out for his country, from which he promised to come back again, on his being able to obtain certain conditions and stipulations for himself. It appears that his intention did not tally with the decrees of Providence; for he has not yet appeared, although there is intelligence of his being alive and in health. Wherever he may be, God, Almighty, preserve him in peace of mind.

Lord Clive’s first care, after his arrival in Calcutta, was to take cognizance of some pressing business, and to settle some important regulations. After those arrangements, he resolved to repair to Ilah-abad, in order to carry certain points which he had settled in his mind; and the Vezir himself, on that nobleman’s invitation, and that of General Carnac’s, quitted Fáiz-abad, his capital, and took the road to Ilah-abad, being much encouraged thereto by the insinuations of Shytab-ráy’s, who was the harbinger of peace between the different parties. There appeared at this time a certain person called Mirza-cazem-qhan, a Persian Some account of Mirza-cazem-qhan. born, who by marrying in the family of Hassen reza-qhan, grandson to Hadji-ahmed, had acquired many friends, and in time had been promoted to the government of the District of Sarseram and Cháin-poor, through the interest of Aaly-hibrahim-qhan. As Lord Clive had once known him when in Decan, he now remembered his acquaintance, made him an object of boundless favors and high preferment, presented him with one lac of rupees contant, and admitted him so far amongst his favourites, that to all appearance it is to his interest and management that Mahmed-reza-qhan owes his elevation to the summit of power. The latter wanted to return the obligation; and as he could not bear to see Shytab-ráy’s extensive influence, and his participation in every secret of State, he recommended the new favourite as an able negotiator; his intention being to supplant Shytab-ráy in the future negotiation with the King and the Vezir. This matter had even been settled with Lord Clive, without the General’s knowledge; and it was with this view that the Mirza had accompanied that Lord in his journey to Hindostan. But that nobleman, who on his arrival at Azim-abad, had maturely examined Mir-cazem-qhan, the actual Governor, and Durdj-naráin, his deputy, as well as Shytab-ráy; and had weighed their several degrees of merit and capacity in the scales of discernment and penetration; soon came to take his resolution in favour of the latter, whom he desired to accompany him in his journey; his intention being to make use of him as an agent and a go-between in the ensuing negotiation. As to the actual Governor, Mir-cazem-qhan, he found him to be a man simple and plain, but unfit for so weighty an office as the government of Azim-abad. He even seemed to listen to the proposals of Durdj-naráin’s, who actuated by avarice and covetousness, wanted to be the sole disposer of all the affairs of Government to the exclusion of his benefactor. This Gentoo, unmindful of all the obligations he owed both to the above nobleman, and to his elder brother, Mir-djaafer-qhan, thought only of advancing his own affairs under pretence of promoting his master’s interest; and he went so far as to lay claim to the administration of the province in his own and sole name. Lord Clive who did not think the hurry of a voyage a fit time for dismissions and appointments, left the matter Lord Clive goes to Ilah-abad and obliges the Emperor to invest the English Company with the office of Divan of Bengal, Bahar, and Ooressa. undecided; and taking Shytab-ráy with him, he journeyed to Ilah-abad, where he had the honor to pay his respects to the Emperor. After which he visited the Vezir; and having exchanged with him some sumptuous entertainments and several curious and magnificent presents, he explained the project he had in his mind, and asked that the Company should be invested with the Divan-ship of the three Provinces of Bengal, Bahar and Ooressa, of which office he requested the proper Patents from the Vezir and the Emperor. As both the Emperor and the Vezir were already in their minds subdued by the superior courage and prowess of the English, as well as overawed by the strength of mind and penetration of Lord Clive’s (two articles in which they were greatly overmatched), they were obliged to grant the request, although reluctantly. Having therefore ordered the Seneds or Patents to be drawn up in the manner that had been desired, they delivered them in the hands of Lord Clive’s. By these Patents twenty-four lacs a year were settled as the Imperial tribute, or quit-rent over the three provinces, for the future; and the Company’s acknowledgment and bond for the same, which are the owner’s voucher, were drawn up under their seal, and entered in the Imperial registers. Thus a business of such a magnitude, as left neither pretence nor subterfuge, and which at any other time would have required the sending wise Ambassadors and able negotiators, as well as a deal of parley and conference with the Company and the King of England, and much negotiation and contention with the Ministers, was done and finished in less time than would have been taken up for the sale of a jack-ass, or of a beast of burden, or of a head of cattle. The Lord having accomplished his purpose, returned to the seat of his command, which is called Calcutta; and left for his agent at the Emperor’s Court, Colonel Usmutt (Smith), who after the Lord’s departure for England, received the title of General, and became entrusted with the command of the English army. His office was only that of an Agent near the Emperor’s person, but in fact he was his master and Lord to all intents and purposes; and he was himself so sensible of his power, that he took his abode within the castle, and in the Imperial Palace, whilst the Emperor was obliged to remain without; where to conceal his shame, he amused himself in finishing with brick and stones some buildings which he had heretofore commenced. But even there he was not free from insult. For the Colonel one day being displeased at the noise which the Imperial kettle-drums and other warlike instruments made in the place appointed for them over the gate of the castle^\(7\), sent them order to cease, and Insolence of Colonel Usmutt. forbade their playing any more; with which order those poor men thought proper to comply, and henceforward they remained without performing their duty and without bread. Verse—

As to Mirza-cazem’s views of supplanting Shytab-ráy in the business of speaker or Agent of Lord Clive’s, they totally miscarried. Shytab-ráy’s good manners, and flowing language, together with his penetration, and keenness of genius, had gained so much on the Lord’s heart; and he had impressed his mind with so deep a sense of gratitude for the services he had rendered the Company and the English Commanders, to whom he bore a sincere attachment, that Mirza-cazem missed the office which he aimed at, and returned with his protector without obtaining his ends. However, he became instrumental in putting an end to Aaly-hibrahim-qhan’s exile. For although this nobleman enjoyed much consideration with the Vezir and his Minister, nevertheless he lived uneasy on account of his being deprived of his friends and country; and he became now desirous of returning to Bengal, chiefly through the persuasion of the said Mirza. This gentleman, who remembered how instrumental that refugee nobleman had once been in screening him from the blaze of Mir-cassem’s resentment; and how much he was indebted to a patronage that had sheltered him so effectually from the scorching rays of that burning sun, so as to bear him harmless and in the very palm of his hand, now thought it incumbent upon him to make a return for those important benefits. He therefore presented him to Lord Clive and the General, and obtained permission for his return to Moorshood-abad; to which city the Qhan was strongly inclined, on account of his long residence in it, and the number of friends and acquaintances he had there. He set out then with Mirza-cazem, and was received amongst the favourites and friends of Mahmed-reza-qhan’s. But although he was treated with much honour and regard, he was not held in that high consideration which he deserved.

Lord Clive being returned to Azim-abad, dismissed Mir-cazem-qhan from the government of that province, and appointed in his stead Rajah-Durdj-naráin, as sole Governor, with full power for loosing and binding every thing all over the country. Nevertheless, he assigned to Mir-cazem-qhan a yearly pension of one lac; and this nobleman went and took up his residence at Radj-mahal-ecber-nagar, where he had been born and bred, and where the easiness of his temper made him keep clear of all strife and contention, contenting himself with passing his days in quiet and affluence, by which he acquired the name of a good-natured man. But Durdj-naráin, as if in retribution for the ingratitude and underhand dealing with which he had used the poor man, his master and benefactor, was in a few days put to a deal of shame, and dismissed from his office with disgrace. Insomuch that this man who had been endeavouring to raise himself to the sole government of the province at the expense of his master, lost both his character and life, as we shall shortly mention in its proper place. Lord Clive after a few days’ stay at Azim-abad, repaired to Calcutta, where he settled to his own mind every part of the administration. He associated Mr. Sykes to himself in the business of regulating matters of revenue, for Changes and promotions throughout Bengal. which purpose he appointed him Chief of Moorshood-abad, whilst the late Djessaret-qhan was appointed to the government of the province of Dacca-djehan-ghir-nagar. But the country of Bardevan was taken out of the hands of the Hindians, and entrusted to the care of two or three trusty and approved Englishmen. Roh-eddin-hosséin-qhan, son to Séif-qhan, and grandson to Umdet-el-mulk-emir-qhan, Governor of Cab8l, was continued in his Government of P8raniah. He had chanced in a swift Morpanky^\(8\) to overtake Lord Clive about Shah-abad and Páinty, whilst the latter was going up in the heighth of the rains; and he had rendered so satisfactory an account of his conduct, that he had been confirmed in his post, with orders to send the product of his government, which did not amount to more than six or seven lacs a year, to the Cachery or Exchequer of Moorshood-abad, as it had been customary formerly. But such was this man’s ignorance of business, and his natural sloth; and such was his prepossession in favour of that ungrateful, faithless favourite of his, called Asker-aaly-qhan, who was son of his father’s Pir-zada or director, and whom he had entrusted with the management of all his concerns, small or great, public or private, that in two or three years’ time, he lost his office and appointment, as it shall be mentioned hereafter. As to the Djaghirs, Altum-gahs, Free-holds, and private possessions of several people, which had always been held free both by Aaly-verdy-qhan, and by his successors, who never made any objections to their privileges, they were respected by the English, who following that example of lenity, left them unmolested; nor was any injury or chicane offered to a single man amongst the Lenity and generosity of the English towards the Land-holders of Bengal. possessors. This proved to be one of the tokens of Divine goodness, and one mark of English munificence; for had it not been for that lenity, all was over with the ancient nobility and gentry of this land; nor could any one of them pretend to live a single day in it even under the bare canopy of heaven. The English did even more. For the revolutions and alterations which resulted from the changes of the Emperors, and which the wonted faithlessness of men in office had rendered almost certain and unavoidable, were now put an end to by these strangers, who established it as a standing rule, that whoever was actual possessor of a spot of land, should remain in possession of it for ever; and that after him it should devolve to his posterity. Thanks be to God Almighty, that matters have remained on that footing; and that it is become customary and established, that those who satisfied with little, have let themselves down the scanty stream of resignation and contentment, should be suffered to glide safely in it with their children and families; and may God grant out of His goodness that we may meet with no worse times than these!

It must be mentioned that Lord Clive, after a short stay at Strange and sudden death of the young Navvab of of Bengal, who is succeed ed by Séif-ed-döwlah alias Mir-pahlory, his brother, who soon follows him to the grave. Moorshood-abad, had landed in the garden of Saaduc-bagh on his way to Ilah-abad, where he had been complimented by Nedjm-ed-döwlah and Mahmed-reza-qhan, who had accompanied him so far. On Lord Clive’s departure, these noble persons were returning to their palaces, when on a sudden, Nedjm-ed-döwlah was assaulted by some sharp pains in his bowels, which finding no vent at all, became so excruciating, that the young Navvab on his alighting at his palace, departed this life. It was on the twenty-fourth of Zilcaad, in the year of the Hedjra one thousand one A. D. 1766. hundred and seventy-nine. He was succeeded in the government of the country by Séif-ed-döwlah^\(9\), his second brother, a young man of gentle manners, and who shewed himself inclined to do good and to oblige; but he too in a few days hastily quitted his life and government, leaving a good name behind. His power did not extend far; but so far as it went, he never suffered it to fail, whenever there was an act of benevolence and commiseration to be performed.

Shytab-rày had attended Lord Clive to Ilah-abad by order; but on that nobleman’s departure from thence, he of his own accord took his leave for a certain time, under promise of returning soon, as he had some particular business of his own. As to my forgiven father, he was so dissatisfied with the complexion of the times, and the contempt in which the Majesty of the Empire was held, that he had chosen to live retired, and satisfied, upon that small Djaghir or estate which he possessed in this province from ancient times; and from whence he used now and then to repair to Azim-abad for the purpose of paying one or two visits to whoever happened to be seated on the mesned of Government. For he thought it expedient to be upon some terms with the men in office, lest he should be molested by those men who lived by wickedness; and it was on that account, that he had come to Azim-abad to wait on Lord Clive. But that Viceroy, who always travelled in haste, having already quitted that city, my forgiven father went no farther, but sent Séyd-aaly-qhan, my brother, who was a great friend of Rabia-begun’s (mother-in-law to Mahmed-reza-qhan). His intention was that he should accompany Shytab-ráy, to which last he wrote a letter, intimating the design he had in view in sending his son; for he requested his assistance in such matters as depended on the Nizamet, that is, on the interference of the Navvab and of the English. He informed him at the same time that he had sent his son for the purpose of procuring some Seneds or Patents under the Navvab’s seal. The style of the letter was of so conciliating a nature, that Shytab-ráy, who possessed much sense and good nature, and knew how to rate every one’s worth and station, answered it with particular marks of civility and good will, promising his services and assistance with the best grace imaginable. My forgiven father, on this promise, sent the harcara or head-spy, Moorly-dur, who was one of the Columns of the Government of Azim-abad, a man of keenness and abilities, who had orders to attend Shytab-ráy; and Séyd-aaly-qhan himself was ordered to attend them both; for which purpose he went with them as far asMoorshood-abad.

On Shytab-ráys arrival at Calcutta, Lord Clive, by the General’s advice, proposed to attach him to his person, by employing him in whatever was relative to matters of finance and government. Shytab-ráy, who was sensible how much exposed he was to the shafts of envy and obloquy, and who wished to shew his resignation and want of pretensions, brought many reasons forward for excusing his backwardness, but he was not heard; and the Viceroy insisted so earnestly, that Shytab-ráy was obliged to acknowledge his being ill of a distemper, which was looked upon to be a confirmed lues. On this intelligence, he was made ovor to Lord Cllve’s body Physician and Doctor, who was ordered and bound to attend Shytab-ráy. The Doctor applied himself to his task so earnestly, that his patient’s distemper which had risen to its heighth, and raged with so much violence as to prevent all bodily motion, especially that of the joints in the legs and arms, was totally expelled and put an end to, by only rubbing the parts with a remedy composed of quick-silver and hog’s fat. It disappeared so intirely as not to leave a trace Shitab-ráy cured of the?? lues, and promoted to ?? nities and emolument. behind. Shytab-ráy made the Doctor a present of ten thousand rupees; but as soon as he was in full health, he was promoted to the titles of Maha-radja and Bahadyr^\(10\), to the high rank of Commander of five thousand horse, and to an allowance of twenty-five thousand rupees per month for the expenses of his Government, besides five thousand more for his own person. Over and above that, he was complimented with an enlargement of his Djaghir, and likewise with a more extensive share of influence in the management of Government matters, in which he was associated to Durdj-naráin and to Mr. Middleton, which last was Chief of the factory of Azim-abad. Moreover he was entrusted with the use of Séif-ed-döwlah’s Seal, who was reputed Nazem of all the three Provinces; after which he was ordered to return to his office.

As to my forgiven father’s business, it was performed to his own wishes by the exertions of Séyd-aaly-qhan, my glorious brother, and by the patronage of Rabiah-begum, his patroness, even some time before Shytab-ráy had returned to the city of Moorshood-abad.

During all this time I was by Doctor Fullerton’s recommendation an attendant on Mr. Sage, one of the ablest and most considerable Englishman of that time, who conducted all the business of Banares. Moreover, I enjoyed inthat city the honour of paying a respectful attendance to the most perfect, and glorious, Sheh-mahmed-aaly-hezin, (whom God may place amongst the highest of his elect!) My forgiven father was residing with his whole family, relations, dependants, and retinue at Hosséin-abad, a town which he had founded and built on his Djaghiri-lands; when at once, and without any apparent cause, his holy person resented a slight indisposition, which soon became a continuous fever. It is reported that it struck into his brain like a fit of apoplexy. His senses, however, and understanding were little impaired. Nevertheless the twelfth day after his first indisposition, it being a Sunday, the third of the second Djemady, Death of the author’s father, the Vezir Hedáiet-aaly-qhan. in the year one thousand one hundred and seventy-nine of the Prophet’s retreat (on whom may be peace and blessing for ever!) he was pleased to depart to the merciful mansions of the Omnipotent King, and was inhumed in the town which he had founded. May God’s mercy be over him, and may he be admitted into the mansions of the pious and virtuous! This doleful intelligence was brought to me at Banares by an express dispatched by my glorious mother (whose shadow may long continue to stretch over me!) I received likewise repeated and pressing letters from my kind bother, Naky-aaly-qhan-fahr-ed-döwlah, and from some other relations and kinsmen, who all requested my presence instantly. This intelligence having overset my schemes, I discontinued my attendance on Mr. Sage, and proceeded to Hosséin-abad. The venerable just whom I have just been mentioning, and upon whom I had hitherto waited so respectuously and so constantly, was dissuading me from that journey. “A little time more,” would he say, “and I will quit this fragile world. I wish that at that moment you may not be asunder from me.” These words melted my heart. But the importunities of my mother, and of those that survived my forgiven father, together with the feebleness of my own destiny, did not allow my obeying commands so worthy of obedience, or of reaping the advantages of my attendance on that venerable man. Had I been able to stay, my attendance on him would have proved the greatest happiness of my life; but there is no helping the failures of on’s destiny! Verses:

At last I arrived at Hosséin-abad; and on hearing of my forgiven father’s demise, I proceeded to Moorshood-abad, where by good luck Shytab-rây and Séyd-aaly-qhan had chanced to make a stay, and had got the confirmation of my Djaghir’s Patent, which was drawn up in the name of the lowest of men^\(12\), who was the oldest of the forgiven’s children; and they brought it to him on their return to Azim-abad.

We left Shytab-ráy on his way to take possession of his new office of Azim-abad. On his arrival in that city, he thought it incumbent on his wisdom and uprightness to make it a rule, that the conferences for business of Government and finances, should be held, neither in his own house nor in that of Durdj-naráin’s, but wholly in the Imperial Castle, which place had been time out of mind allotted for the assemblies of all such men as were in office, for all such as rented any land from Government, and for all such as had business with them. It was likewise established that the Regulation established at Azim-abad by Shytab-ráy, now Viceroy of Azim-abad English Chief should repair thither at the appointed time, and be seated in a chair of State; and that over against him, on a long mesned spread on the ground for the occasion, Durdj-naráin should be seated on one side, and Shytab-ráy, on the other, with each a cushion of State on their back^\(13\). That on every Patent drawn up, Durdj-naráin should sign his baéz^\(14\) at the bottom of it; and that Shytab-ráy should just by it, or below Nedjm-ed-döwlah’s seal, write in his own hand, and with a flourish, the words, it has been seen. So much regularity could not please Durdj-naráin, a man who prided on his having held the Government in his own single person, as well as on his relationship to Ram-naráin; and who used to apply his own private seal to matters of business; and as he had no other overseer but his ownself, and he was known to have acted all along faithlessly in imitation of his deceased brother, and of all the other lessees, his predecessors, he felt himself much hurt by the new regulations, but however submitted to them. Hence his concurrence ceasing to be cordial, it increased the breach and dissensions between him And discoveries made thereby in Durdj-naráin’s management. and his colleague to such a degree, that the officers of Government split in two parties, one of which sided with Radja Shytab-ráy, whilst the other continued as usual with Durdj-naráin. Matters turned out much worse, when the public accounts became objects of attention. Shytab-ráy being in duty bound to inspect the papers of the Divanship, or the management of finances, soon found that the estimates of the revenue had been very faithlessly made; and that in every transaction thousands and ten thousands had been withheld as perquisites of office, and as Nezers to Durdj-naráin. On which liberties he adverted with much severity, as highly improper. He therefore provided another set of lessees and renters of the revenue, who undertook to preserve the article of perquisites and Nezer-anas, over and above the full finance due to Government. On which offer he sent a message to Dardj-naráin in these terms: “Either oblige the actual incumbents to account fully for the late failures, or dismiss them, and set up the new proposers in their stead.” As in either case the incapacity and faithlessness of that man’s would have come to light of themselves, to his great danger and shame; and there appeared likewise in the receipts of Government, and in the public expenses, much collusion and infidelity, Shytab-ráy selected some trusty friends of Durdj-naráin’s, by whose channel he sent him notice that the public money must be replaced by all means, but that he wished it might be done in such a manner as should not tear the veil which hung over it. Meanwhile Moorly-dur, the harcara, who had joined Shytab-ráy’s party, being from longhand thoroughly acquainted with every minute circumstance relating to former transactions, was daily ripping open the lining from Durdj-naráin’s secrets, and exposing to view the inside of his cloth. But that infatuated man, trusting to so much merit as accrued to him from his brother Ram-naráin’s having been thrown into the Ganga for his thoughtless attachment to Mr. Amyatt and General Carnac, listened to no sober advice, and was full of excuses and pretences. So far from attending to Shytab-ráy’s advice and reprimands, he would not hear even the surmises of his best friends; nor could he be made to understand, that the English, on that single merit of his brother’s murder, would not carry their complaisance so far, as to let him enjoy as a Djaghir the whole revenue of the province; so that he should cut and carve for himself. The matter little by little taking vent, came to the knowledge of the Lord, of General Carnac’s, and of the principal Englishmen, all of whom by several friendly messages had endeavoured to withdraw the cotton of sloth and neglect from out of Durdj-naráin’s ears, and all of whom had advised him to listen to Shytab-ray’s proposals, to submit to his regulations, and to replace the balances he had incurred. To all these he used at every time to answer by a short letter of excuses. And matters remained on the usual footing, until Lord Clive, for what reason God knows, conceived in himself the design of returning home; but thought it expedient previously to renew his treaty and conventions with Shudjah-ed-döwlah, with whom he wished to finish some business, especially that which concerned Radja Balvant-sing, a Prince ill-affected in general, but who now was impressed with a singular dread of Shudjah-ed-döwlah’s power and discontent. On the other hand, Shudjah-ed-döwlah himself wanted to meet the English Viceroy on many accounts. All the parties then Lord Clive makes a second journe y to Ilah-abad. wishing for a parley, they agreed to meet at a place called Chaprah, and thither they directed their respective journeys; Lord Clive from Calcutta, the Vezir from Fáiz-abad, Munnir-ed-döwlah from Ilah-abad, on the part of the Emperor, and the Radjah Balvant-sing from Banares.

On Lord Clive’s arrival near Azim-abad, Radjah Shytab-ráy went out to meet him with such a state and such a retinue as he could afford. But Durdj-naráin, who never thought but of his dignity and grandeur, came out of the city also, without once minding the balances he was adjudged to pay, or thinking how he might appease the Lord and his people; instead of that, he went to meet him with a deal of magnificence and pomp, and with a vast number of retainers. As soon as the two retinues were descried at a distance, such a sight could not fail to surprise both Lord Clive, and the English rulers, as they had repeatedly wrote to Durdj-naráin, that unless he paid the balances due by him, he must not think of coming in the Viceroy’s presence. That nobleman hearing now that he was actually coming, sent a messenger to forbid his advancing one step farther; and the messenger having delivered the message just as he had received it, stopped him short, and made him return back. But as the injunction had been pronounced aloud, and in the presence of so many friends and foes, as well as of all those multitudes that had come out to meet or to see the Viceroy, it did no fail to cover that senseless and ill-fated man with confusion and shame. Shytab-ráy, on the contrary, was admitted to the honor of the Lord’s presence, and received with much regard and favour. Whereas Durdj-naráin having drank from the hands of arrogance and inattention several glasses of wholesome, but bitter beverage, stopped short, and returned back; and now grown wiser from this rebuke, he in a short time provided for the payment of the outstanding balances, and soon obtained leave to make his bow; after which he mixed in the Viceroy’s cortége, and passed the Ganga together with Shytab-ráy.

This little affair being over, the travellers went on; and in the month of Moharrem, of the year 1180 of the Hedjra, a meeting took place at the appointed spot between Lord Clive, the General, the Vezir, the Agent Munnir-ed-döwlah, and the Radja Balvant sing; and the usual compliments and discourses having been exchanged, it was settled, “That Radja Balvant henceforward

would pay a yearly revenue of twenty lacs to Shudjah-ed-döwlah, his Lord, who would forgive him the errors of his past conduct, and leave him for the future in peace and tranquillity, but with a most solemn promise never to use any fraud or artifice whatever against him. Moreover it was stipulated that a breach of this article should be deemed a breach of the articles between Shudjah-ed-döwlah and the English.” As soon as these articles and conventions between the Vezir, the Emperor, and the English were signed, together with those between the Emperor and the Vezir, as well as those between the Vezir and the Radja, they were written fair, and at length witnessed by the principal English, and registered in the usual forms. After which those noble pesonages exchanged entertainments, and curious, and costly presents amongst themselves; and the Vezir having been entertained with a mock-battle amongst the European soldiers, who managed their guns and musquets with an amazing quickness and celerity, made them a present of some thousand rupees, and returned to his capital. The Radja Balvant, after making such a present as was worthy of him, was dismissed; and he repaired to Ram-nagur, his nest, which is on the shore of the Ganga, over against Banares; and Munnir-ed-döwlah himself after having accomplished his purpose, returned to his master.

As soon as these matters were over, Shytab-ráy mentioned in general terms the incapacity, sloth, and faithlessness of former managers; and he added “That the recovery of the balances due by Durdj-naráin, and by his officers and dependants, was far from being an easy task; nor could such a sum be ever obtained without constraint and chastisement; and that as himself, Shytab-ráy, was an improper man for such a business, on account of the high regard he bore to the ancient acquaintance and friendship that had subsisted between him and the late Ram-naráin; and such sentiments would never permit him to act against his surviving brother with the firmness and severity requisite for recovering such large sums, it was therefore proper that after His Lordship’s arrival at Moorshood-abad, Mahmed-reza-qhan, who was the centre and cornerstone of all transactions, should vouchsafe to come over to Azim-abad for a few days to perform that service on His Lordship’s instructions; after which he might return to his palace.” This request of Shytab-ráy’s having met with the Lord’s approbation, was followed by many favours and kindnesses, and that mobleman returned to Moorshood-abad, firmly resolved in his heart to entrust him with the whole Government, and to dismiss Durdj-naráin, with whose incapacity and endless infidelities he was tired.

On his arrival at Moorshood-abad he dispatched Mahmed-reza-qhan to perform the business he had so much at heart; and this Minister arrived in a little time at Azim-abad with all the terrors of power and punishment marching before him. At first Lord Clive sends Mahmed-reza-
qhan to Azim-abad to recover the sums due to Government. he reprimanded and put under arrest the officers of Durdj-naráin’s; and then he prevailed upon some of them to disclose the infidelities that had been committed. On their discoveries he confined some lessees, such as Sahomul, and Mohammed-naky-qhan, and Mahmed-ashruff-qhan the Cashmirian; and he arrested some others, who at last acknowledged their guilt. Sahomul was put to the cudjel, and thereby underwent a total disgrace. He was then sent to prison, there to remain until he had paid the balances due by him. The like fate hung over the two others, who were rescued in time by Radja Shytab-ráy’s interpositon, although not but after they had bound themselves solemnly to pay their balances, before the expiration of their leases. But at this same time Durdj-naráin having by his infidelities and by his evident incapacity openly approved himself unable to perform a small service incumbent on his office of Governor Lieutenant, was disgraced and dismissed; and it was determined that his revenues and Djaghirs should be sequestrated, until the full of the balances due by him were liquidated; but that meanwhile a small pension should be reserved for his support.

That envious man bore a grudge to my illustrious and excellent uncle, the valorous Séyd-abdol-aaly-qhan the Moosevian, surnamed the impetuous in battles, as if he had proved a thorn in his side, and an object of envy to him; and that too, for no other reason than the high regard constantly shewn him by Mir-djaafer-qhan, and by his brother, Mir-cazem-qhan. Durdj-naráin, in the heighth of his power and authority, which after all lasted but a while after Mir-cazem-qhan’s dismission, had out of mere jealousy and envy, dismissed that illustrious man from the lease of the District of Shah-abad; and although this Gentoo himself, as well as his father, and his elder brother, had owed their elevation to the favour, and their very sustenance and livelihood, to the crumbs that fell from Mir-djaafer-qhan’s table, and from those of that Prince’s family; yet he no sooner saw himself in power, than he abandoned that venerable man to the rapacity of his officers, who under pretence of examining his accounts, put him to a variety of trouble and anxiety; and this severe usage lasted until the Gentoo himself being dismissed from his borrowed authority, Mahmed-reza-qhan and Radjah Shytab-ráy took the whole different under their own inspection; and finding it destitute of any foundation, gave the venerable man a full acquittal. He then received an invitation from Rabia-begum, a Princess who knew the whole extent of his merit, and he went to Moorshood-abad with Mahmed-reza-qhan. For this Minister having performed with Shytab-ráy’s advice the business for which he had come over, returned to Bengal; and Shytab-ráy remaining alone, was invested by the Council of Calcutta with the authority of disposing and finishing every business and transaction relative to the province of Azim-abad. As he was anxious for the honour of his character he applied himself closely to the functions of his new office in conjunction with Mr. Rumbold, who on Mr. Middleton’s unjust dismission from the Chiefship of that city, and the government of the province, had been appointed to command in his stead. It was at the time when Mr. Sykes was appointed to act in conjunction with Mahmed-reza-qhan at Moorshood-abad. Lord Clive satisfied with the state of affairs in these kingdoms, and with those arrangements he had made, departed to his own country.

This nobleman in his short sojourn in Bengal had always proved desirous of finding in Governor Vansittart’s conduct such blemishes and misdemeanours, as might come out of themselves before the Council in England, in consequence of certain lights which he had taken care to provide, and to hold out for that purpose. For ingratitude and oblivion of benefits have at all times been, and still are, so far characteristic in the men of the world, and especially within this short period; and time serving and selfish behaviour, now deemed prudence and knowledge of the world, are come so much in fashion, and are risen to such a height, that no trust and no faith can be reposed in another man’s friendship or attachment. Luckily, however, and this is to be admired, these very persons, who have chosen such practices, and have abandoned every claim to credit and honour, find themselves much disappointed in their reckoning; for these after having been much made of for a time by their employers, until the intended purpose is secured, come at last to be despised and hated by them for their folly and wickedness, so as to become in their company a standing stock for scorn and derision. In consequence of such sentiments, those very persons upon whose information Lord Clive had reckoned so much, and who in fact had served him most sedulously in his views, proved to be those very men that had been over and over loaded with favours and benefits by Shems-ed-döwlah (Vansittart); and yet they joined Nand-comar, his inveterate enemy; and having drawn up a long list of his misdemeanours, they gave it to Lord Clive under their hands and seals. A transaction of such a magnitude having made an infinite noise, could not fail to come to my ears; but it was without any certitude of particulars, aslittle is to be got from that nation, which never mixes with others, and is suspicious and cautious to a high degree, being always so much upon its guard, that strangers cannot come at any of their secrets; nay it is quite impossible.

After this little digression, which the ingratitude, and wickedness of the times had thrown in our way, we shall return to our narrative. The Viceroy and the General after having appointed Mr. Veris (Verelst) Governor of Calcutta, and General Usmut (Smith) Commander-in-Chief of all the forces, departed to their country. It was about the time when Mahmed-reza-qhan received from the Emperor, who resided still at Ilah-abad, and was of late become fond of the company and conversation of the English, the titles of Lord of Lords, the Foremost of the State, and the Conspicuous of the Empire^\(15\), with the privilege of being carried in a Naleky. Through the same recommendation Shytab-ráy obtained for himself the titles of the Perfect of the State, and of the Valiant, and Victorious in War; to which were added the honours and insignia of the Mahi. He was now cutting a capital figure at Azim-abad, where he passed his days with honour, ease, pleasure, and profit.

This Minister on the new Governor’s installation made a voyage to Calcutta, whither I thought proper to accompany him, his good manners and civilities having made a conquest of my heart. Mr. Veris in several visits received Shytab-ráy handsomely, and dismissed him with regard and honour. The administration was settled in this manner, that Shytab-ráy and Mahmed-reza-qhan, and Djessaret-qhan, Bahadyr, should order all matters relative to Government and Revenue in the best manner they should devise for the Company’s benefit; but that twice a week everything they should have settled, should be imparted at full length to the respective Englishmen, their associates, who should sign in those two days whatever should have been latterly transacted; and that every receipt and expenditure of each District, after having been so signed by the Englishmen of those parts, should be transmitted by each Nâib or Deputy to the Company’s Registers of Calcutta at the end of each year. The affairs of distributive justice were left to the Daroga or Superintendent of that department, with power to hear and determine in small matters, equitably and to the best of his judgment; but affairs of importance were to be decided in the Nâib’s presence, and in that of the Englishman, his colleague, for two days in each week, which days should be different from the usual justice days. In consequence of such an arrangement, business went on; and the English commenced acquiring a knowledge of the usages and customs of the country. For it was a standing rule with them, that whatever remarkable they heard from any man versed in business, or even from any other individual, was immediately set in writing in a kind of book composed of a few blank leaves, which most of them carry about, and which they put together afterwards, and bind like a book for their future use. Matters went on in that manner, until Mr. Rumbold having in the year one thousand one hundred and eighty-three quitted Bengal to repair to his country, was succeeded by Mr. Alexander, was was Mr. Sykes at Moorshood-abad by Mr. Beecher.

It was under the latter’s administration that a famine made its appearance all over the country. It made its approaches with all its terrors, added to a severe mortality, and to a small-pox, that spared no age and no sex. Sóif-ed-döwlah himself fell sick of that distemper, and succumbed under its violence; as did his kinsman, Ashref-aaly-qhan. Foteh-ollab-qhan, brother-in-law to Mahmed-reza-qhan, underwent the same fate, which also swept away his consort. This lady was sister to the consorts of Mahmed-reza-qhan and of Hadji-ismail-qhan, (all three being daughters of Rabia-begum, who was herself daughter of Hadji-ahmed’s). The famine and small-pox having made their appearance at one and the same time in Muharrem, that is, at the commencement of the year one thousand one hundred and eighty-four, they both rose to such a height, and raged so violently for A. D. 1769-70. full three months together, that vast multitudes were swept away; nor can their number be known but to Him that knows everything that is hidden or invisible. Whole villages and whole towns were swept away by these two scourges, and they suddenly disappeared from the face of earth. It was in such calamitous times, that is, in the month of Zilhidj, of the year 1185, that Mubarec-ed-döwlah, third son of Mir-djaafer-qhan’s, was designed Nazem of Bengal; and on Mahmed-reza-qhan’s recommendation, Aaly-hibrahim-qhan was appointed Divan or Superintendent of the new Prince’s household, which constitutes the whole of what is called the Nizamet or Government of Bengal, and had then a revenue of twenty-four lacs from the Company’s treasury. The new Minister, who was a man of an approved character, did not fail to exhibit many talents joined to a thorough inclination to do good and to oblige. Some further changes likewise took place in the new Prince’s house and family. For Mahmed-reza-qhan, who is a man of strange proceedings, and still stranger inclinations, after having been for a course of years in close connection and in complete intimacy with Menny-begum, mother to Séif-ed-döwlah, wanted now to pull down that Princess, whose lofty spirit and extensive influence had given him much umbrage; and that too after having entered with her into certain stipulations and treaties solemnly sworn to. All this change of hands took place for the sake of similar intimacies and similar connections and treaties which had arisen of late between him and Babboo-begum, Mubarec-ed-döwla’s mother, another Princess whom he wanted to raise upon her ruins. This new favourite having shewn at his instigation a mind to quarrel with Menny-begum, the two Princesses became so inimical to each other that they avoided each other’s sight. But Menny-begum, whose extent of understanding nothing can be compared to, but the immense stock which she is known to be possessed of in jewels and money, thought proper to take notice of such an alteration; and although deeply ?? by such underhand dealings, she thought it beneath her dignity to descend to an explanation; and she passed the whole over with a disdainful silence. Nevertheless, Babboo-begum’s authority and sway were but of short duration.

It was observed at this period that the English of some rank spent their time merrily and in pleasures, and lived upon terms of much friendship and intimacy with the noblemen and other persons of distinction, natives of this country. They were endeavouring to engage them in conversation, especially upon the politics of the country; and so soon as an Englishman could pick up any thing relative to the laws or business of this land, he would immediately set it down in writing, and lay it up in store for the use of another Englishman; nor had they any other view in taking notice of a Moghul or a native, or in courting an acquaintance with him. No wonder then, if some persons, who in these times of half knowledge, had come by mere chance to the helm of affairs and Government, should prove fearful, lest others by imparting more knowledge and affording more lights, might bring them under the imputation of neglect or infidelity, and thereby lessen their importance in the estimation of the English. No wonder, if they made haste to initiate them in those whatever little arts of opp ession and rapine, which they had themselves employed through thick and thin, and through wet and dry; or which had been devised by vile men, and set up as standing rules and established customs. It was upon such customs that they gave lessons to the English, doubtless to the end that not a jot of former tyranny might be abated, or lost by disuse. An affair of Moorly-dur’s decision came one day to be debated in an assembly, where I remember to have been present. Two men disputed against each other. When sentence came to be pronounced, the one that had proved faithless and guilty, was fined into a sum of money, by way of fine and amend; but the other man, who had the right on his side, was likewise made to pay some money, by way of thanksgiving. Mr. Rumbold, who did not want sense, and was then like his other countrymen, who in those beginnings of their dominion were more careful and more inclined to conciliate the hearts of the natives than they are at present; Mr. Rumbold, I say, could not help expressing his surprise at the decision, and said: “That to take a fine from the man who was in the wrong, and had behaved in a surly, impertinent manner, is a proper way of punishing him; it is punishing his infidelity in kind. But what I cannot understand,” added he, “is that a fine should be levied also on him who had the right on his side, and was guiltless. This seems to be very strange. What can be the meaning of that?” This was answered by Moorly-dur and the other vile flatterers, who having observed the advantage arising from the thanksgiving, added, “That this business had been transacted according to the rules and customs of the land. That there was no innovation of theirs in it; nor had they set up any new invention of their own.” The gentleman expressed his astonishment and detestation, but remained silent; for the money arising from the practices of that vile multitude of time-servers has always a sweet savour. Can it be expected then that a nation that has been brought to such a head by worldy-minded-men, and shews no other view or intent than that of adding to its acquisitions, will for any length of time abstain from such practices with such temptations and such examples under its eyes? Even to this day, when the veil has been withdrawn from the whole matter, and intirely set aside, there never comes out of the hands of the English any such transaction or matter, as may reflect an ill renown on their own countrymen directly. It is the Indians that are made use of for such purposes; and it is only in consequence of the behaviour of their dependants in the management of revenue matters and in the distribution of justice; and in consequence of the incapacity and baseness of the Hindians themselves; that some corruption and some oppression has crept even amongst the English in office. I am inclined to believe that, if ever these foreigners come to conceive an inclination to alleviate the sufferings of the people of this land, and to attend to their supplications, probably the oppressed would find some release from the tyranny and hardships under which they now labour. For it is observed that not one of those that shewed so much zeal for the Company’s benefit, but in fact had sought only their own welfare, ever thought proper to bestow a moment in informing the English of the reasons of some minute institutions; of the necessity of munificence and good-will towards the natives; of the foundation of ancient customs; and for what purpose such and such an institution was set up, or what benefit might be derived from it. Matters have come to such a pass, that the Books and Memorandums composed by the English upon such interested reports as those of which we have given an example, have come to be trusted as so many vouchers; whereas they are only some faint idea of the exterior and bark, but not of the pith or real reason, of those institutions. Meanwhile as these strangers are men of penetration and extreme keeness of mind; and they have been sent by God Almighty to chastise this guilty, criminal race of Hindostanees, over some of whose deluded Sovereigns they have been made to prevail by breaking this race of proud Pharaohs and improvident short-sighted Princes by the strong hand of those new comers; so they are come at last to undervalue the Hindostanees, and to make no account of the natives from the highest to the lowest; and they carry their contempt so far, as to employ none but their ownselves in every department and in every article of business, esteeming themselves better than all others put together. It is true that they have commenced disputes and altercations with the rulers of their own appointing, and with their officers and dependants; but it is no less true that in the moment of inquiring about the infidellites, transactions and concussions of the latter, they have stopped short, to pass over the whole, with dissimulation and connivance. Nevertheless, this very inquiry is become one of the tokens of the Supreme Disposer’s dispensations. For these men brought to the helm of affairs, and to the summit of power, by the mere partiality of the English, had in the little time which their borrowed authority had lasted, assumed so much pride and state; they were puffed with so much arrogance, and betrayed so much contempt for the rules of benevolence, and meekness and decence, that their behaviour is past belief. Neither the forgiven Mehabet-djung^\(16\), nor the illustrious Shudjah-ed-döwlah, although both born in the heighth of power and exercising it in the fullness of authority, ever came up to one-tenth of the haughtiness of these envious men; nor did they ever use their dependants with so much superciliousness and arrogance, as did these new men. It is observable of these envious men, that whenever they come to spy any one enjoying some regard and Severe hints against Mahmed-reza-
qhan. consideration amongst the English, they get up immediately, and never give themselves any rest, until they have depreciated and discredited his merit; having made it a point to break the spirits, and to lower the characters of every one of those who can pretend to derive any native lustre from their noble descent, or from their rational and virtuous lives; and it is a fact, that every one of those new men singling out for ruin and disgrace some man of an ancient pedigree, allowed himself no rest, until he had carried his point, and had hunted his game down. In consequence of which envious persecution, it is come to pass, that at last all Hindostanees whatever have gradually lost the consideration and regard they enjoyed hitherto, and have fallen promiscuously in disgrace and contempt; but in such a manner, however, as that the very perpetrators of these machinations have met themselves with a reward adequate to their own wicked intentions, and have fallen in a greater contempt and disgrace’ than those very men they had been pursuing with so much eagerness. Nor has any thing befallen them, but what they richly deserved, and was of their own seeking; nor are they indebted for their own disgrace, to any but to their own hand and heart^\(17\). Such are Thy dispensations, O Almighty God!

But let us leave these disagreeable matters. We shall speak of them more at large hereafter, so as to elucidate the above sentence; for we must now return to the course of our narrative. We may remember how Mir-roh-eddin-hosséin-qhan had by a sudden stroke of his destiny jumped into the Government of P8raniah, and had kept possession of it. This sudden Governor proved to be a man thoughtless and indolent, opinionated, excessively prodigal and unprovident; ever immersed in a sea of pleasures and sensualities; and never emerging from the gulf of a variety of strange practices, but to plunge headlong into all the excesses of drunkenness and forgetfulness of himself. He had given the title of Qhan to a young man, called Asker-aaly, who was grandson of Shah Mustepha-c8ly, one of his father’s Directors; and he had become so very fond of him, as to invest him with full powers over his public and private concerns. This fondness for him growing every day stronger and stronger, this young man, who was excessively intriguing and ill-natured, and withal so impatient and passionate, as to forget himself every moment, no sooner found out that his master was devoted to his will, than he did whatever he pleased. He made it a system to Strange character of the Governor of P8raniah who is dismissed. undermine all those that kept at a distance from him, whilst he promoted and carried forward his own creatures. He spent sums of money in the company of dancers of both sexes, singers, fortune-tellers, farcers, and a variety of such sorts of people; but as he took care also not to meddle with some relations of his master’s, who were always of his table and company, he kept him in good humour, as well as fully satisfied with his own conduct; and all this at the very time he was continually oppressing both the farmer and the soldiery. No wonder if the revenues of the province fell into so much languor, that the officers of Government at Moorshood-abad lodged a variety of complaints against his master on account of the scantiness of his remittances. He was written to several times by some of his friends, who gave him warning of his danger; and even some of his intimates, fearless of his Nâib’s power, ventured upon giving good advice to their slothful lord, but did no good; and they soon were exposed to the revengeful Nâib’s resentment. At last one Hosséin-cooly, who had been a favourite eunuch to Séif-qhan, uncle to Roh-eddin-hosséin, prevailed upon him, after a deal of words and intreaties, to dismiss his favourite; after which he was himself made Nâib in his stead; and it must be acknowledged that in the little time his administration lasted, he brought public matters into some order, and regulated also his master’s household. But Roh-eddin-hosséin, who remained ignorant of every thing, and minded nothing, but that young man, for whom he had, I know not what for, all the sentiments of the most impassionate lover, in a little time sent for him again, and reinstated him in his former office. He devoted himself again to his will, dispossessed the poor Hosséin-cooly, and again left every thing in that wretched youth’s power and disposal. No wonder then if Mahmed-reza-qhan, who like all the other men in authority of those days, could not bear to see an illustrious name enjoy some regard or any consideration amongst the English, took care to represent to the Council the arrears and balances due by the Revenue of P8raniah, and got Roh-eddin-hosséin-qhan dismissed from his office. On his dismission it was bestowed on Ráy-sóuchut-rày, who took a lease of that revenue. The Council at the same time settled a pension of five thousand rupees per month, that is, sixty thousand a year, on Roh-eddin-hosséin-qhan. Things went on in that manner for one year, when Sóuchut-ráy himself was recalled and cast in prison; and Rezy-eddin-mahmed-qhan appointed Governor of the province.

On this occasion it was observed that money had commenced Scarcity of coin felt in Bengal. to become scarce in Bengal; whether this scarcity be owing to the oppressions and exactions committed by the rulers, or to the stinginess of the public expense, or lastly to the vast exportation of coin which is carried every year to the country of England; it being common to see every year five or six Englishmen or even more, who repair to their homes, with large fortunes. Lacs piled upon lacs have therefore been drained from this country; nor is the cheapness of grain to impose on the imagination. It arises from nothing else, but too scarcity of coin, and the paucity of men and cattle. Nor are these deficiencies any thing else, but the natural consequences of the non-existence of that numerous Hindian cavalry, which heretofore used to fill up the plains of Bengal and Bahar, and which (reckoning those in the Government service, as well as those in the Zemindary pay, together with the expectants and their servants) could not amount to less than seventy or eighty thousand effective men; whereas now a horseman is as scarce in Bengal as a Phœnix in the world. The decrease of products in each District, added to the innumerable multitudes swept away by famine and mortality, still go on augmenting the depollutation of the country; so that an immense quantity of land remains untilled and fallow, whilst those that are tilled cannot find a vent for their productions. And this is so far true, that were it not for the purchases of Saltpetre, Opium, raw Silk, and white Piece-goods which the English make yearly throughout Bengal and Bahar, probably a Rupee or an Eshreffi would have become in most hands as scarce as the Philosopher’s Stone; and it would come to pass that most of the people newly-born would be at a loss to determine what it was which people called heretofore a Rupee, and what could be meant formerly by the word Eshrefi^\(18\). Matters continued in that languishing state until the end of the year 1184, at which time Mr. Veris having A. D. 1769. thought proper to go home, was succeeded by Mr. Cartier, the next in rank and seniority. Under this new administration the decrease of the rents struck the administration with amazement and fear. They were confounded at the great diminution of the revenue, and at the endless minutiæ in which it was involved. These men anxious to investigate the matter to the bottom, and to obtain a thorough insight in the rules and usages according to which the revenue was collected, came to the resolution of sending throughout the country one of their own nation, who should inquire what business the subject had with the Ruler; and in what relation stand the farmers to the Radjahs and Zemindars of the country^\(19\); and what these are to give to the rulers of Resolution of the Board to investigate all Revenue matters to the bottom. the land; and which and what perquisites and duties they draw; and under what name do they receive tributes. The choice fell on Hooshiar-djung-bahadyr, Mr. George Vansittart, who was also my particular friend; and who in fact proved a man of keen genius, much wisdom, and one of those who to a very valuable character of their own, joined a great acquaintance with the minute parts of business. This worthy man set out on the above business, first by going to Dinadj-poor; and there having acquired as much knowledge as his time could afford, he was welcomed with the applause of his friends and countrymen, as well as with the approbation of the Council. But as his inquest had brought to light many infidelities and disorders in which the finances of Bengal were involved; and the Council had conceived some general suspicions even against Shytab-ráy’s administration, which they thought equally tainted; it was resolved that the whole country should be divided into six departments; and that over and above the respective Councillors associated hitherto to Mahmed-reza-qhan, to Shytab-ráy, and to Djessaret-qhan, there should be appointed in each of the six districts, three or four gentlemen more, not Councillors, but yet of a rank next to it, by whose concurrenee business should be carried on. Amongst these Mr. Vansittart and Mr. Palk, together Bengal and Bahar divided in six Governments. with the Chief of Azim-abad, were appointed a Council for that province; and the whole country was divided into six collections, to wit, Calcutta; Bardvan; Radj-shahy with Moorshood abad; Djehan-ghir-nagar-daca; Dinadj-poor; and Azimabad.

As soon as the appointment of Mr. Vansittart to Azim-abad, as a member of that Council, became public, those that were inimical to Shytab-ráy, conceived mighty hopes from such a change; although his able conduct and his obliging management were such, that few were the men, and but few, throughout that whole province, that could find fault with his administration. Nevertheless, as it is impossible that every one of his dependants should have been like his master; or that a single man’s behaviour, however equitable and just, should be of one tenor with all the world; those that were envious of his greatness, got everything ready to light up a mighty flame; in so much that he was intimidated. And although the hem of his robe was pretty free from the dirt of infidelity; and the few blemishes in it, if any at all, could not enter in comparison with his many services; yet such was his diffidence at the inconvenients that were likely to arise from a difference of nation and language, as well as from his unacquaintance with the man’s character and genius, that he became somewhat doubtful of what might become of him. At last Vansittart himself arrived, when Shytab-ráy went out to meet him, as far as Fatwa; where having taken him upon his own elephant, they returned to the city together, to the no small regret of those envious of his, who sought only to raise disturbances, and had hastened to wait on Mr. Vansittart with no other view, but that of setting up a shop of chicane and malice. They were struck dumb on seing Shytab-ráy’s artful behaviour. Indeed he was a man of great sense, and great honor, and not only averse himself from all acts of oppression and infidelity, but vigorously active in restraining his dependants from any thing villainous. As a great statesman, and a great accountant, he had ready every kind of paper that could be called for. Firm and steady in his behaviour and answers, he never boggled or tergiversed at all the numberless questions put to him by Mr. Vansittart, and never shewed any hesitation in affording whatever information was desired, or whatever lights were expected. He continued to answer with so much firmness and propriety, that he never afforded him any opening by which any imputation might be fastened upon his character. No wonder if Mr. Vansittart surprised at his candour, and convinced of his fidelity, wisdom, and knowledge, should have set open for him the gates of friendship and union; nor did the Radja prove wanting to himself on such an overture. After having thoroughly cleared the path of justification, he came forth himself from the door of love and attachment; and by a respectful behaviour, and a variety of curious presents, he gained so much upon the man’s mind, that the latter was thoroughly satisfied with him. After Vansittart’s arrival, Mr. Alexander, who had been recalled, was succeeded by Mr. Djakul, who being likewise recalled after a short time, Mr. Barwell came in his stead. As this gentleman had a strong interest at home, and was impressed with a high opinion of his own wisdom and penetration, he did not live upon good terms with Mr. Vansittart; and to shew his own power and sufficiency, he expressed a wish that Shytab-ráy should entirely close with his measures, and give up his connections with the latter. To this Shytab-ráy answered, “That without solid grounds and strong reasons, he could not estrange himself from his friends; and admitting,” said he, “that I should do it upon your commands, what dependence can you lodge in me yourself after such a proceeding?” This answer was full of fense; but Mr. Barwell, who was of a haughty and violent temper, and likewise indisposed against him, could not understand his meaning; and he not only became discontented, but remained in that mind of his until some time after the arrival of the valiant Mester Hushtin, the prop of the State, and the impetuous in war^\(20\). This man, who in strength of genius, extent of knowledge, beauty of style, and propriety of manners, has no equal in these times; and who by his winning deportment, and the affability of his temper, has gained so much upon the inclinations of all the world, that there is no individual but finds himself beholden to him for some favour or some benefit, no sooner landed at Calcutta, by order from home, than he invited Mr. Barwell to a seat in the Committee of Calcutta, an assembly of five persons that manage and controul the affairs of all Hindostan. An order to that purport having been dispatched to that gentleman, he repaired to Calcutta, and left Mr. Vansittart sole Chief of Azim-abad, as well as President of the Council which composed the government of that place and consisted of four men more, to wit, Mr. Astuvun (Stevenson), Mr. Dooroz (Mr. Droze,) Mr. Ayoun-Law, and Maharadja Shytab-ráy.

We have left Governor Vansittart on his way to England. After his arrival in that country, his administration had become the object of a severe inquiry. Lord Clive had taken care to make it a general topic in the Council of that kingdom. But Vansittart, (who was a man of such an extent of genius, and so much firmness of mind, that his countrymen themselves acknowledge how difficult it would be to find such another man throughout all England), took care to give such rational answers to each charge, as overthrew the accusations prepared against him, and set in an advantageous light the valuable services he had rendered to the State. Amongst all the articles of chicane exhibited against him, a principal one was this, that they imputed to him the death of the English prisoners slaughtered by Mir-cassem’s order. But he soon confuted the imputation, by producing a paper written at Calcutta at the time of Mr. Amyatt’s death, where The Governor’s rational and vigorous defence. the Councillors openly disclosed their minds, and importuned their Governor for a declaration of war against that Prince. He proved his having represented, “That as there were so many English prisoners in that Prince’s power, it would be proper to make some accommodation with him at present, until the prisoners should be released; after which it might be time to go to war;” but the Councillors, blinded by their passion, and by the fury of their resentment, unanimously clamoured for war, and gave it under their hands, that whether the prisoners were to be slaughtered to a man, or not, they would go to war immediately. Vansittart, on this declaration, had consented to an immediate war; but he kept the paper carefully by him; and now he presented it open to the Council of England, and asked, whether they conceived now that the slaughter was imputable to him, or to the Members of the Council; adding, that if they had the least doubt about the matter, it would soon be cleared up by inspecting the paper. This paper in reality turned the tide in his favour; and the members of the English Council, on seeing the contents, applauded his penetration, and conceived as much esteem for his keenness of mind, as contempt for the precipitancy of his accusers. But there was another misdemeanour which those accusers wanted to fasten upon him; and it was this: That he had forborne trading in salt on the Company’s account, although he knew that such an article of trade would produce immense benefits, when exported duty-free to distant places; instead of which, he he had left in entirely to he Indians. “To this new charge Shems-ed-döwlah answered, by acknowledging the immense benefits that might have accrued from trading in salt for the Company’s account; but he added, that he had been overawed, by a variety of considerations arising on that subject; and had been deterred from the attempt, on reflecting on the various branches of trade already enjoyed by the Company throughout the whole country. That should it be admitted, that the inhabitants of Bengal consisted of five kinds of men, to wit, servants to Government, handicraftmen, merchants, labourers, and necessitous people, that is, old and poor men; it would be found that the servants of Government alone amounted to several hundred thousands, who had no other way of subsisting than by dealing in salt, from which article, by-the-bye, they were wholly debarred in the Company’s own dominions. That to those myriads must be added another multitude that have subsisted entirely by trade, at a time when the Company was enjoying but a part of the trade of Bengal, whereas now it enjoys the whole; and another multitude of the better sort again, which being accustomed to subsist by serving in the cavalry, had found now that such a species of service was entirely disregarded, and had betaken themselves to merchandising. It is then for those multitudes”, added he, “that I have left alone that branch of trade which might afford them a livelihood; multitudes that amount to as much again as all the people in England and in the Company’s service put together; my views having always been, that there might remain some veil over our system, and that every man in Bengal should not become our personal enemy. In one word, I was fearful, lest the whole nation, already oppressed by our traders, and by the Company’s encroachments, might be driven to despair, on finding that our Sensible remark on the relation subsisting
between the Governors and the governed. knife has cut deep, and to the very bone. What if times are not all of one tenor? What if a change of events should take place? Would you choose then to have every one of those people turn out upon you, as your sworn enemies?” This speech of Vansittart’s was greatly applauded by the wise men of those parts, and they expressed their contempt of his accusers in strong terms. In fact these sentences were very pithy, and those admonitions proved full of penetration and of good sense. And what if his adversaries had been told, that ruling and government need the assent and satisfaction of the governed, and that it was far from finding its account in the injury and ruin of the subject?

Mr. Vansittart having come off victorious from those accusations, become henceforward so conspicuous, that those who had the power of binding and loosing in that country, conceived that there was no man fitter for the purpose of introducing order and regularity in that distracted country, than himself. After his departure, they sent some further orders for his perusal. Misfortune would have it so, that the ship which carried him was swallowed up by the sea, in such a manner, that no intelligence Governor Vansittart sent back, with honour, to Bengal; but perishes at sea. and no vestige could ever be discovered of her in any part of the world. When this piece of news reached England, the wise men of that country, after a thorough examination of the case, resolved, that in such a conjuncture they had one person equal to Mr. Vansittart, and none fit to make amends for his loss, but Mr. Hushtin, who was the very man fit to be sent, and to be seated in his stead. The said Master was then Bará-saháb or Governor of Arcat in Decan^\(21\). They therefore made haste to send him an order to depart for Calcutta, where he was to take charge of the affairs of that county; to peruse the Company’s dispatches; and likewise to attend to the instructions destined for Mr. Vansittart, which he was to put in execution, in the manner which he might think convenable. At the same time they dispatched another packet to Calcutta, with injunctions to leave closed and sealed the instructions destined for Mr. Vansittart, until Mr. Hushtin himself should open and peruse them. These two orders having reached their two destinations, Mr. Hushtin went from Mendradj to Calcutta, where the packet, that is, the letter of the European Council, containing the instructions and orders, had been kept under Mr. Hushtin arrives as Governor at Calcutta, and spends ninety days and nights in perusing records. seal; and during the three months which Mr. Cartier remained in Calcutta, he contented himself with acting only as his second in the Government; but he availed himself of those three months to spend days and nights in perusing the papers relative to past transactions, and also in meditating upon the orders and instructions brought by the said packet. At the end of that time, which probably was the term fixed for Mr. Cartier’s administration, he took his post in the Governor’s chair, and in a few days after, he dispatched orders for putting Mahmed-reza-qhan He sends an order for arresting Mahmed-reza-qhan
and Shytab-ráy. and Shytab-ráy under arrest, and for bringing them to Calcutta. The two orders were addressed to Mr. Gram, (John Graham), Chief of Moorshood-abad, with so much secrecy that Mr. Vansittart, Chief of Azim-abad, knew nothing of them. But it is reported that Mr. Gram, who was a great friend of Mahmed-reza-qhan’s, had said, that since his endeavours had failed in saving and sheltering that Minister, it was proper that Shytab-ráy, who was in a similar office, and upon ill terms with Mahmed-reza-qhan, (but for whose deposition and arrest there was no order from Europe) should partake of the other’s disgrace. Djon-gram, in consequence of such a management, wrote such letters to the Governor, that he obtained an order for recalling Shytab-ráy also, and for putting him in confinement, as well as Mahmed-reza-qhan. God preserve the innocent from such artifices, and such partialities!

Mr. Djon-gram was at supper in the house of one of his nation, when the Governor’s orders directed to him, were suddenly brought in. He quitted the company sooner than usual, and repaired to his house, from whence he wrote a note to a Captain of troops; and straight this piece of intelligence was carried, I know not how, in the very words to Mahmed-reza-qhan. But he was so full of the authority which he enjoyed, that he paid no regard to the intelligence, but recommenced another nap, with the utmost neglect and security. There remained no more than one hour of night, when the Captain with a battalion of Talingas arrived close to Nyshat-bagh, accompanied by Mr. Anderson, and he stopped at the gate. Mr. Anderson, with some servants, went into the Navvab’s apartment, and after intimating the Governor’s order, upon which he condoled with him, he added, that there was no intention to do him any harm, or to make him uneasy at all on any account; but that such an order had come, and must be obeyed. As Mahmed-reza-qhan had neither the heart or the power to make the least resistance, he inclined the head in token of submission, and consented to whatever was required of him. The Captain of troops, after dismissing Mahmed-reza-qhan’s Talingas, placed his own in every place and every spot, as a guard, with injunctions to offer no rudeness and no opposition to any of that Minister’s servants, or to any of his visitors; but only to send their Commander immediate notice, should any of these offer any resistance. They had orders also to behave respectfully to that Minister; but to hinder any thing from being carried out of the palace, and even to take care that himself should not walk in the precincts of the garden, unaccompanied. After such a regulation, a Lieutenant, (which is an officer next in rank to a Captain), was dispatched with a detachment to that Minister’s Palace in town, which Palace goes by the name of Nó8-saqht^\(22\), and contains the apartments of his ladies. Such Talingas of the Minister’s as he had found on duty, were left as they were; but he stationed an equal number of his own men at every door and every gate, without offering, however, any injury to any one, or even putting any question to a single man. This revolution affected differently the principal persons of Moorshood-abad; and it was expected that Menny-begum, who had her mind so obscured by the dust of boldness and discontent as to wish for Mahmed-reza-qhan’s disgrace, would now avail herself of so fair an opportunity to complete his ruin. But that Princess, on the contrary, had generosity enough to forbear her pursuit, and benevolence enough to seek that Minister’s release, by every means and every endeavour in her power; and she performed some manœuvres to that effect, which would have done much honor to an able man, versed in business. It is with that same steadiness, and uniformity of conduct, that she remained attached to Governor Hushtin in the sequel, when he came to be attacked by General Clavering, although it was a time of doubt and speculation. But she remained steady, without ever betraying the least weakness, or committing anything wrong. After Mahmed-reza-qhan’s disgrace, she was appointed tutrix to Mubarec-ed-döwlah, and invested with the inspection and absolute direcion of whatever concerned the Nizamet or Government of Bengal; (words, which now signify no more than the household of that young Prince). To execute the detail of that office, she appointed for her Nâib, or deputy, an eunuch, who was now her servant, but who had once been a slave to the forgiven Navvab Issac-qhan. Unfortunately Itbar-aaly-qhan (for such was the eunuch’s name) was a man of a slow comprehension, and a distorted disposition, narrow-minded, and of an unequal temper, who gave a deal of trouble and uneasiness to an infinity of people^\(23\); and this proved the only blemish in that Princess’s conduct. For although she is not of a virtuous family, nor of a noble birth, yet she is a woman of infinite merit; and her good sense, as well as her steadiness of temper, are never so remarkable, as when she has any scheme to carry forward. For whatever she has once undertaken, she never fails to perform; as she always finds some expedient to bring it to perfection. And had she brought herself to the practice of sitting behind a curtain, and of hearing herself from thence the representations of suitors, in order to determine them afterwards with her deputy, there is no doubt but the Government of Moorshood-abad, and the direction of the affairs of the Nizamet, (at least such as it is at the present day), would have never been taken out of her hands. Instead of that, she gave herself up to the eunuch entirely, a man opinionated, destitute of sense, and incapable of the art of ruling. By that man’s counsels she reduced both Mubarec-ed-döwlah, and his mother, Babboo-begum, to so low a condition, (although she herself had been bred a slave girl in the house of Babboo-begum’s father), that both the mother and son came at last to be bereft of all power, and to lose all credit and consideration. But it must be confessed that Mubarec-ed-döwlah deserved no better usage, as we shall shortly mention, after relating some other events of more importance.

We have left Mahmed-reza-qhan under arrest, and with an English guard upon him. He was in suspense between fear and supplication, when there came a second order from the Governor to bring him down to Calcutta; and thither he was sent under the same guard, which had been already charged with him; it A. D. 1771. was in the year of the Hedjrah 1186. A vast concourse of people, whether from a principle of time-serving, or from a regard to the known adage, the night is pregnant; what shall it bring forth to-morrow? attended him as far as Palassy, from whence they returned; but numbers, who wanted to be beforehand with their rivals, went as far as Calcutta, from whence, on finding his affairs desperate, they returned, after a short stay. Insomuch that none remained with him, but a certain number of persons attached to him personally. Here it must be observed, that Calcutta is an immense city, not unlike the ocean; no one cares for another in the English territory; and as Mahmed-reza-qhan was now within the Company’s precincts, he experienced daily a gradual diminution of that regard and those honors which had been hitherto constantly paid him. The attention to his concerns diminished every day; his answers and demands were postponed and set by; and other business taken in hand. Meanwhile Djon-gram, who was a warm friend to him, and a stranger to Shytab-ráy, finding difficulties in supporting the former, contrived to involve the latter in Mahmed-reza-qhan’s misfortunes (although probably there was no such order from Europe); and he managed so dexterously, as to have such an order sent to Azim-abad. But such was the obliging behaviour of the Radjah’s, and such his art of conciliating the minds of every one, and of giving satisfaction to all, that Mr. George Vansittart, to whom the order was addressed, contented himself with advising him to repair to Calcutta before such a day; and he carried his regard so far, that without informing him of the purport of his orders, he only advised him, as a friend, to take such a journey; nor did he disclose the matter to him until about the end of the month of Sefer, in the year 1186. So that Shytab-ráy arrested and sent to Calcutta. there elapsed a whole month betwixt his arrest and that of Mahmed-reza-qhan’s. The Radja, on the appointed day, got into his Badjara, and proceeded on his journey to Calcutta. Mr. Vansittart having appointed a company of Talingas to do him honor, gave secret orders to the Soobadar, that is, to the Commander of it, to let him proceed as far as the confines of the Government of Azim-abad, after which he was himself to embark on the same Badjara, by way of attendance; but without departing from the usual custom of paying his bow in the morning, or of shewing every mark of respect and regard, until he had carried him to Calcutta. Shytab-ráy having been in this manner conducted to that city, landed at the house which he had always used. But the detail of the answers and questions relative to these two prisoners, is not public; nor is it come to light how that affair ended. Whenever it comes out, properly attested, mention shall be made of it in the continuation of these sheets, if it pleases God.

After about two months more the Members of the Council The Council of Azim-abad appointed to take charge of the finances of that province. of Moorshood-abad, and of Azim-abad, received an order of the Council of Calcutta, by which Radja Shytab-ráy and Mahmed-reza-qhan were declared dismissed from their respective offices of inspection over the Imperial Qhalissah, (that is, over the estimate and collection of the Imperial revenue), with injunction to those two provincial Councils, to take that business into their own hands. The next day, in the morning, Mr. Vansittart having assembled in the Imperial castle the principal men of the city, and the heads of offices, repaired himself thither, with his Council; and having retired with them into a room apart, he translated the supreme orders in Persian, and gave them to the Moonshy or Secretary, Seradj-eddin-mohamed-qhan, with orders to read them in a loud voice to the whole assembly; to which he was to explain them distinctly, article by article. The purport was, “That Maharadja Shytab-ráy had been dismissed from the office of Divan of the Imperial Revenue; and that the Council of Azim-abad had been appointed to rule in his stead; to whose orders, of course, the officers of that office were to pay obedience; but that the said Maharadja having been confirmed in his office of the management of the Nizamet, they were therefore to acknowledge his authority in that branch.” From that period, the Members of the Council have continued in the management of the Qhalissah, or office of finances, singly, and in full authority, without the assistance of any Hindostani Nâib, or deputy; and although it is certain that, long before this period, and so early as Mir-djaafer-qhan’s demise, the English had ever borne a sovereign sway in every thing, and had enjoyed full power everywhere, yet upon the whole the management of the finances was in the hands of Mahmed-reza-qhan, and of Shytab-ráy; nor was it but some years after, that is, on the arrival of Governor Hushtin in the A. D. 1771. year 1186 of the Hedjrah, that the English gentlemen have accustomed themselves to govern without the assistance of an Hindostanee Nâib, or of any other creditable man from the natives; excepting however some clerks, and some other dependants of Mahmed-reza-qhan’s and of Shytab-ráy’s, which were kept as registers and detail-men, but still under the absolute controul and the sole direction of the gentlemen of the Council It is true that the English retain at Calcutta a Gentoo, who is son of D8l8b-ram, and grandson to Radja Djanki-ram, one of Aaly-verdy-qhan’s Ministers; but it is only for show; and although he bears the name of Divan of the Imperial Qhalissah, he is in fact no more than a clerk to Mr. Doocreel, (Ducarel), and to every Englishman that shall be appointed real Divan or Superintendent of that office. Who knows what shall happen next? We have seen stranger things than that.

For on the beginning of the year 1195, Qhyaliram went to Calcutta, where he took a lease of the revenues of Azim-abad, partly on his own account, and the rest on account of Radja Caalyan-sing, son to Shytab-ráy; but he was hardly returned, when there arose feuds and heart-burnings between them both. In a little time Qhyaliram, and after him Sadooram, were sent into confinement, and disgraced, so as to lose all credit; by which revolution Caalyan-sing was left in the vortex of necessity and embarrassment, endeavouring in vain to collect the balances due from the districts of those two Gentoos, and from his own.

When Mahmed-reza-qhan and Shytab-ráy arrived, under a guard of English soldiers, at Calcutta, the Governor was preparing to take a journey to Moorshood-abad, in order to acquire a knowledge of the affairs of Bengal, and to put them under proper management. But first of all, in compliance with the instructions arrived from his country, he suppressed the Council of twelve that had hitherto presided over the affairs of all Bengal; and in their stead he established a Committee of five, of which himself was the head. Mr Barwell, who arrived at the end of the year, was the fourth of that Council, but at the end of a twelve month, he went home. The names of the three others I do not know. The ten or twelve former Councillors were ordered to oversee the Company’s mercantile affairs, but under the controul of the Committee. Committee signifies an assembly that has full authority to bind and lose all matters, high or low, relative to this country, whether for making conquests, for waging war against obstinate Princes at the head of armies, or for making peace with those who are abandoned by fortune, and submit to their fate. All these matters, and many more of that importance, are all determined in that assembly, in such a manner as they think convenable. The Governor, after having taken these arrangements, set out in the month of the first Rabi, of the year 1186, and came by himself, or only with some Members of the Committee, to Moorshood-abad, where he spent about two months and-a-half in putting in order the affairs of the country, and in dismissing or confirming some officers and other persons who had been concerned in raising or depressing Governor Hushtin reduces the Navvab’s allowance from twenty-four lacs a year to sixteen. Mahmed-reza-qhan’s power; after which he returned to Calcutta. He reduced the Nazem’s, or Nominal Navvab’s allowance, from twenty-four lacs a year to sixteen; and out of regard to Mubarec-ed-döwlah’s tender age, he left the disposal of that sum to Menny-begum’s discretion. It was destined to defray the household expenses of the young Navvab’s, as well as some articles of luxury and parade, customary with the Princes of these countries; likewise to pay a number of pensions to Mir-djaafer-qhan’s relations, and to the women with whom he had cohabited, as well as to some of the descendants of Aaly-verdy-qhan; lastly, to afford some resource to a number of deserving persons, to whom much attention had always been paid by former Nazems. In the like manner, a small sum was allowed for the subsistence of some families allied to that of the young Prince’s. A like sum was made up for the decayed families of Azim-abad, different from the salary allowed to the Nazem of that place, who is now Shytab-ráy’s son. But as this sum is not confounded in that allowed to the Nazem, it is regularly paid to the proper persons, without any charges; whereas that of Moorshood-abad being not kept distinct from the Nazem’s allowance, it falls within the disposal of his officers, and of his Nâib, all men, who being changed or dismissed every second or third year, (whilst those actually in office are perpetually busy in undermining each other’s dependants and friends), unavoidably become covetous, and think of nothing but of the various arts of filling their own purses, without minding the pensioners, who are always left in the lurch. For these poor people, who are numerous, and the remaining stock of the ancient nobility, being kept out of their pensions, some for sixteen and some for twenty-five months together, lose very often the whole of their arrears; it being customary to make them sign a receipt in full, under solemn promises of their being henceforward paid regularly, and afterwads to inform them that upon inquiry, it is found that the treasury is unable to discharge the balances due; but most assuredly would be put for the future upon a better footing; and the officers and clerks, having thereby got a release, fall anew in the practices of their predecessors. So that those ill-fated men, and especially the Moorshood-abad pensioners, who in these hard times have not a single resource under the canopy of the Hindostany heaven, are reduced to such miseries, as God relieve mankind from; nor do their circumstances, or the sufferings of the wretched, affect in the least either the Nazem’ or his Nâib, or the Begums, or any of the men in power, or any of the officers of justice; and yet, were even that sum which is fixed, to be distributed properly, and according to the rules of of common sense and commiseration, numbers of people would thereby get a sufficient subsistence, and pass their lives in some comfort. But such is their hard fate, that their rulers and administrators, regardless of the tears of mankind, and unmindful of the fear of God, remain entirely insensible; being themselves incapable of any sense of honour, and fearless of any danger from the publicity of the facts; whilst, in matters which cannot conduce to either their happiness in this world, or their safety in the other, they spend thousands and thousands, nay lacs and lacs, and never abate from their vanities and misdemeanours; as we shall mention shortly, if it pleases God, when we shall by-and-bye say something of their lives, although only as one would mention an unity out of a thousand, or shew a sample out of a heap. But this is enough at present upon so disagreeable a subject; let us revert to politics.

The Governor, after having finished the business which he had in mind, returned to Calcutta, and on a Tuesday, the sixth or sixteenth of the month of the second Djemady, in the year 1186, he arrived in that city, where he ordered the Committee to commence the trial of Mahmed-reza-qhan, and of Shytab-rây, in such a manner, as each of them should be carried to make his answers and questions separately, and upon alternate days. They commenced with Shytab-ráy; but as this man had with him some decisive papers, and the hem of his garment was free from any dirt; as there did not subsist against him any such grave accusations, nor any such high discontents, as might spoil his affairs, (which, by-the-bye, was exactly the case of Mahmed-reza-qhan’s) his trial was soon closed. His conduct proved Trial of Shytab-ráy, who was honourably acquitted. quite free from the blemishes and false steps of which he had been suspected and accused; insomuch that after a year’s conferences and discussions, he was honorably acquitted. The Governor, and all the Members of the Committee, after many excuses and much apology, shewed him every kindness imaginable; and they sent him back to his office with a letter conceived in these terms. “They confessed, that the suspicions on Shytab-ráy’s fidelity, which for certain reasons had found their way into the minds of the Committee of Calcutta and of the supreme rulers in Europe, had proved, after a very long, and a very exact examination, destitute of any foundation; and that nothing had appeared from that excellent man, but proofs of fidelity, fair attachment, and zeal. That it followed therefore that the hard treatment he had experienced, had been unmerited, and far from what his valuable services had deserved.” To this they added a dress of honour suitable to his rank and merits, with an elephant and a number of jewels; and he was dismissed to his former station of associate in the Council of Azim-abad. But the man had already broke his And sent back to his former post; but dies of a broken heart. heart; accustomed these many years to the kindnesses and caresses of the English Rulers, he could not brook the ill return he had received for the many valuable services he had rendered the State. He fell into a despondent state of mind, and took a dislike against all the world, as well as against his own life. The truth is, that his predestined time being likewise at hand, a slight looseness, which chanced to come upon him on his arrival at Azim-abad, turned into a violent flux, and made him covet victuals and things he was not accustomed to. The steadiness of his mind, and his usual temper forsook him; and he henceforward made no distinction between what was hurtful, and what was beneficial to him. It is true that the learned Fáiz-aaly, (whom may this salute of mine reach at some lucky hour!) a famous physician, who in these days has not his equal at Azim-abad, had attended him some time; and there appeared evident signs of his good management having been beneficial; but there were about the sick man’s person some sycophants, and illiberal men, who made it a point to represent me (who was one of Mr. Vansittart’s friends), as inimical to his welfare; and at last found means to remove from his person the physician above, who then lived with me, after having represented his just reprimands, and his unfeigned zeal, together with his attachment to me, as so many proofs of hatred and enmity; insomuch that when the sick man was forced by necessity to recall him again, and he heard him strongly recommend his abstaining from the many compound medicines which ignorant persons of all sorts used to prepare in secret for him, this ill-fated man, already prisoner to death, abstained altogether from all physic, and left the whole to the course of nature. Nevertheless, in consequence of the solicitations of the Gentlemen of the Council, who so far from being inimical to him, were sincerely desirous of his recovery, he applied to a doctor, which in English signifies a physician; but this doctor having conjectured that it was proper to evacuate and remove out of his body the impure mixture which had taken consistence in it, he gave him a purging dose, by which the sick man’s stomach, already reduced to extreme debility, became weaker and weaker, and at last lost all power of digestion.

Radja Shytab-ráy, originally a Cahtri^\(25\) by tribe, was a Kahut-suka-sun by race, and born at Shah-djehan-abad. He was bred in the family of Semsam-ed-döwlah, son to another Semsam-ed-döwlah, better known under the name of Qhandö8ran, Lord of Lords to Mahmed-shah; and he commenced by getting into the service of one Aga-soléiman, a Georgian, who was slave and steward to Semsam-ed-döwlah, as well as every thing in his house. He had at first but a small salary; but by his abilities in business, and by his meritorious services, he soon became the centre of all business in Aga-soléiman’s house, and of course the absolute ruler of Semsam-ed-döwlah’s affairs. On that nobleman’s repairing to the mansions of God’s mercy, and on that capital’s becoming a continual scene of revolutions, he concluded that there was no safety for him in those parts; and he obtained the Imperial Divanship of Azim-abad, with the management of the Djaghirs of his master’s son, being the districts of Poluch and Malda in Bengal. Thus provided, he came into these eastern countries, and, as it has been already mentioned, soon raised himself to the summit of power. He was a man of great sense, a Minister knowing in business, and a clerk of a quick dispatch, Brilliant character of Shytab-ráy. keen, and full of penetration in every thing he took in hand; and he had so many other valuable qualities besides, that I always thought him the most deserving, and the ablest man amongst the most eminent men of Hindostan. Although originally a clerk and a penman, he proved that he did not want either courage or prowess upon an emergency; and although he had seen himself courted by Vezirs and by Emperors, nevertheless he had so little pride about him, that he behaved to men of virtue or of distinction with a modesty and an humility that disarmed envy itself. He comprehended at once, and at the very first outset, the intent of every one’s supplication; and he used to grant it with a deal of condescension, if he had it in his power, and the subject deserved it; or else, he would offer a handsome excuse, in a condoling language; so that no petitioner ever went away from his presence, dissatisfied or discontented. Perpetually in the hurry of business, and in conference with a variety of people, from day-break till noon-day, and from the evening to three o’clock in the morning, he seemed neither fatigued with the number, nor impatiented with the singularity and extravagance of the demands endlessly crowding upon him; but would attend to every one with a regard always proportioned to the petitioner’s rank, never chiding or reprimanding any one, or making use of a harsh or dishonest expression; nor did ever a word of abuse or rudeness come out of his mouth. Keen and knowing in every thing, and well apprised of the prices of all kinds of wares, he never disputed with merchants, but would give them a handsome price at once; nor would he admit stinginess or economy, whenever he wanted to make a present. Fond of living high and with elegance, he used to procure from distant, cheap places, such provisions as he wanted for his own use; endeavouring to reconcile that taste of his with the dimensions of his purse. Magnificent and generous in his household, he strove as much as his finances could afford, to live up to the grandeur, and hospitality of a middling Omrah of Hindostan. For on the very arrival of some person of distinction in town, he would send him, according to his rank and station, a number of tables covered with a variety of sweetmeats, delicacies, and dressed victuals, of which he had always quantities made with the utmost nicety and attention. In the entertainments and feasts which he used often to give, he always imitated the splendidness and the customs of the Moghuls^\(26\); and when at table, he used to invite his guests with the utmost politeness and courtesy to taste of such and such particular delicacies. But his modesty and sense of decorum were such, that no man, not even his nearest relations, have ever seen him repair to the apartments of a woman, called Ram-dji, of whom he was very fond, and to whom he shewed a constant attachment; nor could any one say at what particular time he repaired into the inner apartments of his women, nor when he came out. His consort, a person of his own tribe, from whom he had his two sons, Calyan-sing and Bagvaany-sing, he kept no conections with this longwhile; but he entertained her at a small distance from his own palace, in a house expressly built for her use; and thither he repaired two or three times in the year, at those stated times prescribed by the Gentoo law, but in such a secret manner, however, that his visits were very seldom known to any one. His behaviour to some persons inimical to his welfare, was no less singular. These having found access to some Englishman in office, for instance, to the Chief of Azim-abad, had grown so jealous of his greatness, that when they came to be complimented with some concern in the Company’s affairs, or with some other advantage, they had in a course of years so far estranged themselves from him, as to express their enmity in every thing in their power; and with such a conduct he used to put up. But the moment a change of times had taken place, or any disgrace had happened to them, which might endanger their honor or their fortune, he from that moment forgot the past, and flew to their assistance with all his might and influence; from that moment, he turned his own breast into a shield and buckler for them, and would exert himself so strenuously, as often to rescue them from perdition. Whenever he heard of any one come from Shah-djehan-abad, he used to send for him, and if he happened to be of his acquaintance, and in distress, he never failed to relieve him in the best manner he could afford; but as his own salary was small, and not exceeding what had been appointed; and he did not choose to lay a finger upon any thing belonging to the Government; he contrived to give him a pension; and when he found it inadequate, and could not afford to give a better one, he used to employ him abroad in the collections of the revenue, in such a manner as he might benefit by the employment. But when matters did not succeed to his mind, even in this manner, his method was then to send for the person, and after having excused himself in a rational manner, he ended his apology by making him a handsome present, over and above a sufficient sum to carry him back; and he always finished his compliment by dismissing him with politeness and regret. Sheh-sherif-eddin-mohammed, a descendant of the Protomartyr, Sheh-sáid-mohammed, (whose station may God exalt to a higher one!) was an aged, learned, pious man, and one of the principal citizens of^\(27\) Nedjef-eshreff (the nobility and holiness of which spot may God augment!) who, urged by necessity, and by the distress into which he had fallen, through some accident, had conceived a design of repairing to India, on hearing of the opulence of the country, and of the rich presents made, and the high regard paid by the Grandees of that land to the officers and servants of the sublime places, and to those that had lived in, or had visited, the holy cities; (and indeed such was the custom in India when the Empire was yet in its lustre). In these hopes he arrived in Hoogly, in his eightieth year, and for a full year made a shift to live in that city and in Moorshood-abad; but although both the Nazem of Bengal, as well as his Naib or lieutenant^\(28\), were men of much wealth and power, both Mussulmen, and both served by dependants rich and opulent, yet no one took sufficient notice of his circumstances; so that the venerable old man resolved to try his fortune elsewere; and he set out for A8d and Lucnow, the capitals of Shudjah-ed-döwlah’s dominions, as well as for Ilah-abad, then the capital and residence of the Emperor Shah-aalem. On his way thither he arrived at Azim-abad, where having had myself the honor to pay him a visit, I procured the same advantage to Radja Shytab-ráy. This Minister, on his first hearing of that venerable man’s arrival, and circumstances, got into his paleky, and altho’ a Gentoo, he left at the door his retinue and insignia, and went in only with one or two servants, and no other company than Mir-cavam-eddin-qhan. He made his bow with the utmost modesty and respect, and whatever instances were made by the holy man for his taking his seat upon a mesned, which he had provided for the purpose, he constantly declined sitting upon it, but took his place in a corner of the carpet, whereon the old man was sitting; and after having spent a full hour in his company, and obtained his acceptance of an entertainment, he withdrew with a respectful posture. In the evening, which was the time appointed, he ordered to be spread for him a superb mesned, used by himfelf only on festival days, and then took his seat upon a small white carpet, forbidding all his people to intrude upon hin during the whole visit. The holy man having set out with me after the evening prayers, was met by the Radja, in the very middle of the yard, where having paid him a profound bow, he took him by the hand, and conducted him to the mesned spread for him, and there entertained him in such an humble, pious manner, that the Sheh, highly satisfied, could not help expressing himself in these words: “I wish, sir, that God had given also to the Mussulmen of this land, a part of those good qualities which He has bestowed upon you.” As he spoke Arabick, the Radja did not understand him, and I served as interpreter. The Radja returned thanks for the compliment, and observed how little he deserved it; and on his departure, he presented him with two tables covered with fine stuffs, such as paired shawls^\(29\), kimqhabs^\(30\), choice clothes and other rich gifts. Out of respect to him, he thought it improper to bring any money in his presence; but after his departure, and when the Sheh was arrived with me in his company, to the house of the forgiven Zehir-hosséin-qhan, he sent after him, by the hands of a trusty servant, a bag of a thousand rupees, which the bearer put secretly in my hand, and which I presented in a respectful manner to the holy, hoary man.

Once there came at Azim-abad a person well known to Shytab-ráy, but also a friend and a favourite of the Prime Minister Nakur-mul, Divan of the Imperial Qhalissah of Hindostan, who resided in Shah-djehan-abad, a man accustomed to go upon a par with Vezirs and Omrahs. This person came from Shah-djehan-abad, for the purpose of performing the ceremony of the Gáyah^\(31\), a rite which the Gentoos perform for their departed parents, and which is for them a divine institution, so obligatory, that without it, they do not believe that the departed soul can be saved. On his asking, at his departure, a letter of recommendation for Radja Shytab-ráy, Nakur-mul answered: “Maharadja Shytab-ráy is one of your acquaintances, as well as myself, nor is he void of civility and good manners; and as we Gentoos have the performance of the above rite in high veneration, and hold it highly meritorious, doubtless he will not fail to oblige you. As for the letter you request of me, it may perhaps be of disservice to you. What, if my self-love does not bear to write to him in a style suitable to the station and rank he now enjoys there? And what, if his self-love would not bear a style answerable to the station and rank he once held here? He now rubs his forehead against the third heaven; and the perusal of my letter would spoil your business.” It must be observed, that Radja Shytab-ráy, in imitation of the most attentive and most sensible Grandees of Hindostan, used to spend great sums of money in getting intelligence about every Sovereign and every Governor of that region, allowing those in the secret of affairs, monthly, and yearly pensions; and keeping for that purpose in every Court an agent, who committed to writing, without addition or retrenchment, every transaction, and every speech, worthy of record; regularly transmitting the same to other agents, stationed for receiving such intelligence. No wonder then, if Shytab-ráy, being so well served, this speech of Nakur-mul’s had been faithfully conveyed to him, in the very words that had been used. On the first interview, therefore, with the person in question, he contented himself with saying to him: “Sir, that a person like you should come from so far; and that His Excellency the Prime Minister should have not wrote me two lines on your behalf, looks very strange, and is of bad omen for you.” The person answered, that as himself had the honour to be of Shytab-ráy’s acquaintance, there was no need of a letter; for as the Prime Minister is a sensible man, he has understood that the Maharadja (my Lord), that is Shytab-ráy, was already informed of the intention. Not so, sir, replied Shytab-ráy, not so. Then, rejoined the man, your Lordship is well informed of the whole matter; and if that be the case, there is no necessity for your putting any questions about it. Shytab-ráy’s friends, such as Radja Qhy-aaly-ram, and Mir-cavam-eddin-hosséin-qhan, who were present, understood not a word in the above enigma, but thought it improper to put any questions in the new guest’s presence; however, after he was departed, they asked what was the meaning of all that mysterious dialogue? Shytab-ráy recited the intelligence he had received, and the very words of the speech, and then expressed himself in this manner: I hope to be up with him, if it pleases God; words which had a reference to what he knew himself, but which no one could comprehend; still less could any one guess what he meant by that expression of his; nor what he could do to one who would not meddle with him. When the person in question came to be upon his departure, Shytab-ráy made him a suitable present, and put in his hands a letter for Nakur-mul, couched in a very respectful and very humble style; although he had no manner of expectations from that quarter, and stood in no need of any service from that Minister. It was to this purport: “The letter you have honored me with has been an object of pride and consolation for me. It is hoped, from the good nature of your Excellency’s character, that you shall vouchsafe to gladden by a small token of your good will, the hearts of those your petitioners, that are doomed to live at such a distance from you.” And to this letter he added a curious present, to the amount of ten or twelve thousand rupees, or even more; consisting of Atur of Aagur^\(32\), or Agalla-wood; delicate cotton-linen, manufactured only in Bengal, and such as is hardly to be procured elsewhere; bed-stead feet, of Ivory; watches and clocks, made in Europe; lustres and sconces, of a glass that emulated rock-crystal; looking-gkasses, of great dimensions; and a variety of curiosities from Europe and China, all which he entrusted to the above person. But the latter sent them beforehand to Shah-djehan-abad, as he had come to perform his pilgrimage at Gáyah. Nakur-mul, on hearing of the words uttered by Shytab-ráy, and of the manner, equally noble and delicate, in which he had acted, was lost in amazement; “and said: This gentleman has acted with so much sense and nobility, that he has given me a lesson from afar, and has totally covered me with shame and confusion.”

But it was in the famine of 1183, that this singular man had a full opportunity of exhibiting his character in the most advantageous light. This famine desolated the whole country of Bahar, as well as the whole kingdom of Bengal. Shytab-ráy, melted by the sufferings of the people, provided in a handsome manner for the necessities of the poor, of the decrepit, the old, and the distressed; and here is the method which he contrived for that purpose. In that dreadful year, when famine and mortality, going hand in hand, stalked everywhere, mowing down mankind by thousands; Shytab-ráy, who heard that the grain was a little cheaper, and in greater plenty, at Banares, set apart a sum of thirty thousand rupees, and directed that the boats and rowers belonging to his household should bring regularly to Azim-abad, three times a month, the grain provided with that sum at Banares. This grain being landed at Azim-abad, was sold at the Banares-price, whilst the boats were dispatched for another trip; by which management there were always boats landing and boats loading. In this manner, during the whole time which the famine lasted, his numerous boats, divided in three squadrons, were constantly employed in bringing corn, which his people sold at the original price, without loading it with the charges, losses, and transport; and it was purchased by the necessitous, who flocked to his granaries from all parts. But as there were still vast numbers that could not afford to purchase grain so dear^\(33\), he ordered them to be divided into four classes, which were lodged in three or four gardens, or seats, surrounded by walls, where they were watched, as prisoners, by guards, but daily attended as patients by a number of clerks, who kept an account of them, and were assisted by a number of servants, who at stated times used to come loaded with victuals ready dressed for the Mussulmen, and with a variety of grain and pulse and a sufficiency of earthen vessels, and of firewood, for the Gentoos; at the same time, several ass-loads of small money, besides a quantity of opium, bang, tobacco, and a variety of other such articles, were distributed severally to each person, according to the kind he was accustomed to use; and this happened every day, and without fail. On the report of such generosity, the English and Dutch took the hint, and on his example, lodged the poor in several enclosures, where they were regularly fed, tended, and lodged. In this manner an immense multitude came to be rescued from the jaws of imminent death. But in Moorshood-abad, such a proceeding never came into any one’s head; and it is reported, that although Mahmed-reza-qhan had been appointed Inspector of that branch of Police, grain was often not to be had at any rate; for such men as Mir-soléiman-qhan, and some others like him, who had been appointed overseers of the poor, proved so intent on their own interest, that so far from being able to procure plenty of grain, they were the foremost to use violent methods to engross it^\(34\). Whenever any loaded boat chanced to come escorted to the market by the Government people, the grain was dragged away with force by some one of the favourites of Mahmed-reza-qhan’s, and carried to their own houses. Numbers of them were guilty of such practices, especially Radja Amret-sing, who gave himself all the airs of a sweetheart of his master’s and made nothing of wresting a boat-load of grain out of the hands of a number of famished wretches who had thrown themselves upon it^\(35\). Nor did any one trouble himself about these practices, or about securing the grain, or getting it sold at a reasonable price; or about executing strict justice against those engrossers; and matters rose at last to such a height, that this neglect came in the end to cut a considerable figure amongst the articles of accusation urged against Mahmed-reza-qhan, by the Committee. But let us drop those matters; doubtless they are better known to the Almighty Scrutiniser of hearts; for our part is now to continue our account of Shytab-ráy’s way of life.

He used every year to purchase large quantities of fresh fruits of Iran^\(36\) from the merchants, and to send them in presents to the principal English, and to the Grandees of Bengal. Besides that, he had it in custom, two or three times a year, to compliment with such delicacies, all the persons of Azim-abad, that seemed of distinction, whether by their rank, or by their merit or virtue; and as he found that still some people were forgotten, and had no share in the distribution, he betook himself to this expedient: Over and above the sum of money yearly spent for his own use, he set apart another sum, which he used to lend to the fruit-merchants, who were to employ it in fruit, to be sold publicly in their shops. So that any one might become a purchaser; and whatever remained unsold, he took it off their hands in part of payment; by which management neither the merchant became a sufferer, nor did the public want for fruit. Not satisfied with that, he, by dint of money, Shytab-ráy introduces the culture of musk-melons, and of grapes, at Patna. engaged some fruit-gardeners, amongst those that either cultivated fruit-trees or dealt in fruit, to quit their abodes at Shah-djehan-abad and at Lahor, and to settle at Azim-abad, where he, lent them capitals, sufficient to put it in their power to cultivate such fruit-trees as the climate would bear, and such as could afford an object of trade. As a further encouragement, he used yearly to make them presents of seeds, which he procured from Lucknow, from Agrah, and from Cabul^\(37\), especially of musk-melons, serdas^\(38\), and other fruits; and so soon as they had produced a crop, he purchased that product, and distributed it in presents. At last grapes of a good size and complete maturity, as figs, and several other fruits, came to be in fashion at Azim-abad, and to be sold from one seer and-a-half to two and three seers^\(39\) to a rupee; insomuch that those rarities are now to be had, not only in gardens of distinction, but even in the shops of the city.

After having spoke so much of Shytab-ráy’s generosity and industry, it is proper we should say something of his religious principles. He was fond of the notions and practices of a Mussulman of sense^\(40\); for he went into deep and respectful mourning for the Prince of Martyrs, (on whom be peace for ever!) and the twenty-first of the holy month, which is the day of the martyrdom of the Prince of Martyrs and successors, Aaly the M8rteza (whose eulogiums may for ever be upon the increase!) he used to order quantities of rice boiled in milk, and other sweetmeats and victuals, to be prepared with the utmost nicety and cleanliness; and these he distributed throughout the city, after having offered a prayer over them. In turning himself from side to side, he had in general the invocation of Ya Aaly, (O Aaly)^\(41\) in his mouth; nor was he at any time heard to pronounce the name of any of the Gentoo Saints. His usual oath was Wallah, and Billah^\(42\). Once every year he used to spread the table of the King of Braves (on whom be peace!) and that too with the utmost cleanliness and elegance; and after the prayer of the Fateha, pronounced according to custom over it, the whole was distributed away. One day some one said, that before the distribution should have taken place, it would have been proper to wait for the appearance of the sign on some of the salt-cellars, or on some of the dishes upon the tables. “This, said he, is an essential condition, and does the Maharadja neglect the same?” Shytab-ráy answered, “that such an appearance, being a deviation from the natural order of things, is what cannot be asked from, nor granted by, the King of Holiness^\(43\); nor does it become a poor Pagan like me,” added he, “to request a miracle for such a matter. As I have in His Majesty such a faith as I ought, why should I wait for such an exhibition^\(44\)? On the other hand no body has a right to lay his commands on His Majesty in such matters; and supposing, that for want of precaution and requisite cleanliness, or for some lack of sufficient respect, the sign should not make its appearance, then a door would be set open for pouring abuse and reproach upon poor me, who am but a Gentoo, and would become exposed to the taunts of those who know not the interior of my thoughts, and who in that case would not fail to say: Look at that presumptuous Pagan! He to expect a sign of approbation from the King of Braves! as if he had had the honor to be one of the Believers^\(45\)!”

Once he was going to receive General Asmeet (Smith) at Bar; and it happened that his tents were pitched behind a temple of Idols^\(46\), in a spot of ground used by all comers. In the morning, as he intended to go forward, his paleky was set ready at the door of his tent, close to which his servants and retinue having formed a long line that extended afar, waited for the moment of making their bow. At that moment I walked in, and a little after came out again in his company; when the Brahmans, who served that temple of Idols, availing themselves of the opportunity, advanced in a body^\(47\), at the moment of his getting into his paleky, and made their demand; “observing, that this spot was consecrated to Mahadé8; and as to-day was full moon, and a lucky day, they hoped he would pay some regard also to their circumstances.” Shytab-ráy answered, that they ought to make their request to whoever had come in pilgrimage to this place, or to offer his prayer at this altar. As for me, added he, I have no business with either your persons or temple. This said, he got in his paleky, and pursued his journey, without giving them any thing at all, although he was far from wanting sentiments of generosity. For it was often observed, that when Gentoo mendicants applied to him, he would not give them even a farthing; whereas when any Mussulman asked him alms, in the name of His Majesty, the Commander of the Faithful, or of his children, or of his descendants, straight he would give them one rupee. It was reported by people of worth and credit, who were always near his person, that in his many journeys to Calcutta and to Bengal, where the sight is everywhere assaulted by idol temples, some of his friends, who were zealous in their worship, proposed to him to visit those places; but he constantly excused himself, although he would give them one hundred and two hundred rupees at a time to visit them themselves, desiring them to do it also in his behalf, and to fulfil the usual rites in his name. On his finishing a magnificent palace for his residence, his Gentoo friends proposed that he should consecrate it, by giving the Brahmans a repast in it. He answered, that they would sully, and spoil his house, and fill it with dirt; and that if it were necessary to feed them, they were welcome to take his money, and to entertain them upon the strand, on the shores of the Ganga.

At the time of that famine, which did so much havoc, and which was distinguished by so great a scarcity of rain, some of his Gentoo friends, such as Moorly-dur and Ráy-kituldas, and Surd-sing, whom he consented to humour, prevailed upon him, to go with them to a Brahman, who was highly respected by the Gentoos, on account of his learning and the holiness of his life. The Brahman, who thought himself much honoured by the Radja’s visit, used often to repair to him, with a view to increase his faith in his person, and also to conciliate his good will. One day he was heard to say to Shytab-ráy, “My Lord, we have made choice of a name for you, according to your horoscope; accept it, and use it in telling your beads over.” I have, answered Shytab-ráy, made my choice already, and it is one from the one thousand and one names of God^\(48\); and that is enough for me. Pray what is it, added the Brahman? The Radja would not disclose it; the Brahman became urgent; and he was answered, that it was God’s holy name, it is Rahim (merciful). On this the Brahman, guessing at his meaning, and desirous to soothe his mind, replied, “My Lord, Ram^\(49\), as well as Rahim, are equally the name of the same Eternal One.” I ask your pardon, replied the Radja, there is a difference betwixt them; and on the Brahman’s enquiring, the Radja answered, that the word Ram always reminded him of Dusrut, his father, whereas the name of Allah, implied neither filiation nor paternity. From such, and the like expressions mentioned above, as well as from the whole tenor of his deportment, it appears, that his belief was not consonant to the tenets of the Gentoos, and that in his heart, he was a Mussulman; but this is known only to Him, who views intuitively the minds of men, and sees the innermost secrets of their hearts^\(50\).

He was not so cautious in ofter parts of his behaviour. Fond of obliging and gratifying his friends and acquaintances, he was so careful of his character, that he compassed his end, without committing any infidelities in the management of the public money, from which, he abstained religiously; but as his salary, and personal income, fell so very short of his expenses; and he was often in the necessity of bestowing sums of money on some Englishmen, recommended by the rulers of that nation, and likewise of supplying the difference betwixt his income and his expenses; he made use of two methods, equally improper, Iniquitous methods used by Shytab-ráy, to support his expenses. and iniquitous, to fill the chasm. The first was, that in matters of Atlac, (which word signifies the sending one or two constables for compelling payment of sums due to the treasury), he used to send them by whole dozens at a time; and as the debtors are always obliged to find these people in diet-money; he used to enter but a small part of it in the books of public receipt, and to keep the remainder, as a supply for his liberalities. His second method was no less iniquitous. He used to bring under contribution, the possessors of Djaghirs, Altumgas, and other freeholds, by telling them, that such an Englishman wanted to see their charters and vouchers; and when he had once got them in his possession, (and this was always in that Englishman’s name) he used to put those vouchers in the hands of one of his own dependants, or heads of office, who, without any possible reason or justice, would exact from each incumbent or possessor, a sum of money proportionable to his income. After this he got together all those contributions, which amounted to a large sum, and bestowed them on the Englishman that had been recommended to him. In this manner, he seemed wholly occupied by the thoughts of keeping the individuals of that nation in good humour; but without ever minding the Divine resentment, in an affair of so much consequence. Doubtless, it is on such sorts of men, that historians have made such severe remarks; and it is such men as these which Sheh-saady, of Shyraz, had in view, in his G8listan^\(51\), when he says, “That whenever any one forgets himself so far as to postpone the Creator’s service, to that of the creature’s, it happens soon or late that God Almighty sets that very creature on him, so as to cut off the root of his well-being.” An observation which has been but too visibly verified in Shytab-ráy’s case, who to oblige those that had hoodwinked their hearts, and shut up their ears and eyes against God’s eternal justice, made no scruple of vexing and oppressing His creatures. It is from those very persons, whom he wanted to keep in good humour, that his ruin took its origin at last, and as it was under pretence of Atlacs, that is, of letting loose a number of exactors, that he ransacked, tormented, and ruined such a number of innocent, deserving men, so it was by falling himself in the miseries of such an Atlac or looseness, that he lost the garment of his existence, and was forced to set out for the other world; where no one, but the Searcher of all Secrets, can know what may now be his fate; although nothing is more certain than what we read in the Holy Writ, where we find that His forgiveness is always greater than our demerits.

Radja Shitab-ráy was hardly arrived at Azim-abad, when Governor Hushtin resolved to go to Banaress, to meet Shudjah-ed-döwlah. The fifteenth of the second Reby he was arrived at Moorshood-abad; and at the end of that month, or at the A. D. 1773. beginning of the first Djemady, in the year 1187 of the Hedjrah, he was arrived at Azym-abad, where he proposed to Shytab-ráy to accompany him in his journey. But this Minister, who was now on the wing for the regions of eternity, excused himself upon the ill state of health under which he really laboured, and did not accept the proposal. The Governor, after a stay of two days, pursued his journey to Banaress, where he met Shudjah-ed-döwlah, who was come thither also to see him, and where he finished the business for which he had come so far; and it was there likewise that the new Zemindar, Radja Chéyt-sing, son to Radja Bulvant-sing, which latter departed this life a little time before, had his first interview with Shudjah-ed-döwlah, by the Governor’s mediation; who having firmly established him in his Zemindary of Banaress, took his leave, and returned to Azym-abad, a little time after Radja Shytab-ráy had departed this world. It was about the middle of the second Djemady, in the same year.

Although this man’s principles, as well as those of his sons, were much more consonant to the Mussulman religion, than to the Gentoo tenets, yet for fear of disobliging his relations and kindred, and also out of regard to some other considerations, his body was burnt to ashes, in compliance with the Gentoo custom. The Governor, to shew that he entertained no disinclination to the deceased, and to prove that he retained no suspicion against his fidelity, took care, of his own motion, to bestow the father’s office on his son, Radja Calyan-sing; although the latter did not shew that capacity and fitness which might have been expected from a man of his age and education. He confirmed likewise to him his father’s salary and his Djaghirs; and he also increased the pension allowed to his mother, relict of Radja Shytab-ráy. But at the same time he suppressed the twenty-five thousand rupees a month, hitherto allowed for the charges of the Nizamet, and which were in his father’s disposal. Instead of that, he fixed such a sum of money as he thought proper, and directed, that it should be managed henceforward, wholly by the Council. And having further made some additions and some retrenchments in the several pensions paid by Government, (which last he appointed to be disbursed by the Council and by the Qhalissah office) he set out in all haste for Calcutta, it being his custom to dispatch much business in the least time possible.

Mahmed-reza-qhan meanwhile, under all the terrors of arrest and confinement, was in continual alarms, and in great distress of mind. He was friendless, and without an adviser; deserted likewise by most of his men of business, to whose treason indeed he had afforded some pretence by his former carelessness, and his neglect of their welfare. The Divan or Minister of his heart, Amret-sing, was a young man of unequal temper, proud of his wealth, averse to men of honour or penetration, hating cordially whoever pretended to any thing like fidelity and scrupulousness, and withal destitute himself of that capacity requisite in those matters properly of his resort; such as examining papers, and auditing accounts. On the other hand, every one, tired this longwhile with Mahmed-reza-qhan’s haughtiness, as well as exasperated at the violence of his temper, and at his abusive language, went his own way, glad to have got so easy a riddance. Nay Amret-sing himself, that darling of his heart, under a feint of disclosing some secret which he knew, obtained a full clearance and acquittal from his doating master^\(52\); and he retired to enjoy his own ease in a house which he took in Calcutta. Not one at that time thought of Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, who, however unacquainted with the records and papers relative to past transactions; however uninformed in matters concerning the revenue and collections; however unapprised of the accusations brought against Mahmed-reza-qhan; however almost a stanger to him; resolved to come to his assistance; and without having ever benefited any thing by Mahmed-reza-qhan’s full power and influence, he paid so much regard to his misfortune and to the very name of friend, that he tucked up the hem of exertion and zeal, into the zone of activity and vigour; and having in a little time acquired a full knowledge of all the papers, records, and transactions, relative to his friend’s affair, he undertook to answer all the accusations stated against him, and to act as his advocate in the whole circle of questions and answers. Resolved to make of his own breast a buckler against all the shafts of those times, he took upon himself to stand out in his name, and to refute and repell all the accusations set up by the Committee, or proposed by the Governor; which last, however, has not his equal in the fairness and equity of his questions, and in the uprightness of his management. He answered every one of the accusations set up by Nand-comar, who was a shrewd, powerful man, deeply versed in business, informed of every secret, and a sworn enemy to Mahmed-reza-qhan. He set at nought the whole of that man’s influence, and stood alone against all his machinations, artifices, and revengeful temper. It is reported to this day, that his answers, as if by enchantment and by some hidden charm, had the power of soothing his enemies, and of pleasing the by-standers, who astonished at his solutions, and reasonings, were lost in amazement, and had no other faculty left, but that of applauding, admiring, and assenting. It was that able man, who both by his pen and tongue secured Mahmed-reza-qhan from the hands of his accusers, and put it in his power to receive a full clearance from the Council. This event happened the 25th of A. D. 1773. the first Raby, in the year 1187; and in the next month, he obtained a dismission of the guards that had been set upon him, as well as of those that were upon his palaces at Moorshood-abad. Nevertheless the latter, even after that release, thought proper to tarry a longwhile at Calcutta, on the hopes, that like Shytab-ráy, he would be restored to his station, and again appointed associate to the Council in the provincial department of Moorshood-abad, nay of the whole kingdom; an office which in fact would have invested him with the chief direction of affairs, and rendered him the main hinge of all transactions in revenue matters. Full of these notions, it is not surprising he should be prone to lend a willing ear to the sycophants of Calcutta, and to the dependants of some Englishmen, who daily fed him with crude reports, and idle expressions, with which they ever kept him in spirits; and from whence he always fancied, he foresaw a completion of his wishes. As for instance, “such a Lord^\(53\) to-day said so, at his breakfast,—and such another said so, yesterday, at his dinner,—and such an one has received such an intelligence from home,—and such a Gentleman has heard such a Member say.”—It is upon such, and the like intelligences, that Mahmed-reza-qhan was conceiving mighty hopes from the influence of his friends; it is such bablers he took to be his well-wishers; and it was upon their advice, he bestowed beforehand large sums of money to several persons, for their future assistance in his designs. Not contented with that, he promised vast sums more, on his being restored to his former station and rank; and it was in this manner he accumulated on his shoulders an immense load of debts and charges, by borrowing on all hands at Calcutta. I was then arrived in that city myself, where, under the impulse of a pious desire, I was making preparations for my visiting happily the forbidden House of God^\(54\), and the Tomb of the Prince of Men, (on which be peace!) and it was in such circumstances I happened to make a small request, which was refused, although so small a service would not have cost Mahmed-reza-qhan a single farthing; nor would it have caused the least detriment to his affairs, or to those of any other. It was no more than this:—To order the Overseer of his Djaghiry-lands to take charge also of mine, and to discharge from the product, the amount of the debt I had incurred by borrowing from a banker, with injunctions not to leave during my absence, in the tenant’s hand, the overplus of my rents, or my growing revenues; but to collect the whole regularly, and to keep it in store against my return. He was also requested to interpose between my banker and me, so far as to afford me time to sell my furniture, and to liquidate his debt before my departure, with the product on the sale. All that would have cost him but one word, and that one word was refused. I was then necessitated ??arry fifteen or twenty days more at Calcutta, in which interval I had frequent opportunities of being in Mahmed-reza-qhan’s company, indeed almost every day; and I always heard him mention Aaly-hibrahim-qhan’s name with the highest encomiums, and the warmest expressions of gratitude. He used often to say in my hearing, “That were he to spend his whole life in serving that beneficent man, he would still fall short of the return he deserved for the animated zeal he had shewn in his disgrace, and the infinite services he had rendered him; but that with God’s blessing he would do so and so.”—Nor did he address him, or mention his name, without the respectful word Kybla^\(55\), and my Kybla; and he often added in my presence and that of many others, these very words:—Those that had gained lacs in my service, and owe me the very bread upon which they now live, have abandoned, and deserted me in the day of need, and have left me alone; nor has any one been of any use to me in the day of trial, nor am I under the least obligatian to a single one of them, save to Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, my Kybla, that benefactor of mine, who has bought and acquired every once of me. No father, and no brother, would have served me with so much zeal, nor done what this man has done. These were his words; nor did he speak in that strain once or twice, but in every company, and at every turn, he would be rehearsing that worthy friend’s praises, and extolling his services. All this while he was in expectation, that some better prospects would open to his view; when there arrived three men at Calcutta, who had authority to act both on the part of the King, and on the part of the Company, as Directors of all the transactions of the Committee, and as enquirers into the Governor’s conduct and that of Mr. Barwell’s. These were General Clavering, Colonel Monson, and Mr. Francis. They were to examine what those two men had done, although those two men had been at the same time confirmed in their stations. This happened about the A. D. 1774. middle of Shaaban, in the year 1189.