Siyar al-Muta'ahirin - The Seir Mutaqherin, Volume 3

The three new comers seem to have brought great prejudices against Hushtin and Barwell—A duel between the latter and the General—Governor Hushtin’s temperate conduct—Nand-comar, his principal accuser, is himself accused—He is condemned and executed—His immense property—Mahmed-reza-qhan, by the General’s influence, is appointed Fodjdar-general all over Bengal, that is, Supreme Criminal Magistrate— Edifying death of Rabiah-begum, the last descendant of Aaly-verdy-qhan’s family—A violent earthquake in Bengal—Divisions in the Court of Moorshood-abad—Some strictures on Séyd-mahmed-qhan, favourite of Mahmed-reza-qhan’s—Disputes at Calcutta—The general attempts to seize the Government—But retires abashed and confounded—He dies of a broken heart— Mahmed-reza-qhan is disgraced—An old decrepit man appointed in his stead—The author passes to the affairs of Decan—Manner by which the English have found their way in most parts of India —Dark and severe hints against Mahmed-reza-qhan—Some account of Yengbi D8nia, Alias America, and of the new Englanders —The French join the Americans—Project of Governor Hushtin’s—Colonel Godard appointed, much against his will, to serve under Colonel Lesley—M. Elliot, a man of merit, appointed Ambassador at the Court of Náigpoor—Dies in the way— Death of Sadr-el-hac-qhan, Supreme Criminal Judge of Bengal, and some account of him—Aaly-hibrahim-qhan declines that office —His reasons for that refusal—Djan Bristow obtains for the English the sovereignty of the Province of Banaress—A coalition between the Governor and M. Francis—Mahmed-reza-qhan in office again for the third time—Death of Mirza-iredj-qhan, and also of Ahtiram-ed-döwlah—Flagitious conduct of the servants of the English at Azim-abad—The Members of the Council of Azim-abad, accused of enormous infidelities, are all dismissed —Hyaliram appointed to the management of the finances of Azim-abad—His character, with an affecting little story, that does him a deal of honor—Lesley suffers a loss for having engaged his army in a tract that had no water—He dies suddenly, and is succeeded by Colonel Godard—The latter cuts his way through all Hindostan, and is going to effect a junction with the army from Bombay; but the latter is defeated—He retires to Surat—The Council of Bengal refuses to ratify the treaty made by the vanquished army—The English acquire in G8djrat a potent ally—The Radja of Gohud becomes their ally also—The Marhattas join together to make an end of the English —Some account of Háider-náic—He fights the English with advantage, after a variety of success—Sets up a cavalry of Persians and other foreigners which he disciplines after a new method—Provides a numerous artillery well served, and a numerous infantry, well disciplined, after the European manner —Gives the law to the Marhattas with whom he projects to attack the English—He invades the Carnatic, and bears down every thing to the very gate of Mendradj (Madrast)—He beats the English—And pushes them to the very gates of Mendradj— Colonel Godard takes Bessi (Bassain)—Governor Hushtin exerts himself in supporting Mendradj which is going to fall— Opinion of the English on the interference of the Deity in the affairs of this world—The English of Mendradj beaten again— General Monro beaten again—Distracted state of the Council of Bengal—The important fortress of G8aliar taken by the English—Chéyt-sing, Zemindar of Banaras, being expelled, xetires to Scindiah’s camp—Governor Hushtin sends by land another army to succour Mendradj—Haughty answer of the Court of Catec—The author quits his subject to give an account of Mubarec-ed-döwlah—His thoughtless character—Some account of Babb8-begum, his mother—And of Menni-begum, his step-mother—And of Mahmed-reza-qhan’s private life and family—Some account of the English East India Company, and of their servants, civil and military—The author commences a critical examination of the English system of Government.

As the three new comers were linked and knit together, they formed a compact body, which being invested with both the King’s and the Company’s authority, carried a mighty weight, especially when they set up an inquiry into the conduct and principles of the Governor Hushtin, a man against whom they seemed to have formed a confederacy. General Clavering was a man of distinction in that country, and a King’s servant; Colonel Monson expected to have the command-in-chief of all the troops, whenever the General should succeed to the chair of Governor; and Mr. Francis aimed at the next rank after the General’s. As these three men acted in concert, they bore a mighty sway, made an immense noise, and caused a great disturbance. It was observed, that in receiving visits, they constantly refused the nuzurs presented them in compliance with a custom peculiar to India, and that they returned untouched, even presents of fruits. Their method in their inquiries was to attach to their interests, people whom they found in opposition to the Governor, or who had some discontent against his person. Amongst these Nand-comar cut a conspicuous figure. He had been this longwhile out of office, and lived neglected and forgotten, so early as the times of Governor Vansittart and Lord Clive; nor had Governor Hushtin taken greater notice of him. This man went to General Clavering, and to the others of his party, by whom he was received with honor and regard; and it was by his management, that numbers of covetous, ambitious men, fond of trouble and dissensions, joined the three Members, on the prospect of being put in office; and they commenced informers in the enquiry set up about the Governor’s administration and secrets. Such a conduct having produced a rent and disunion amongst the five Members that composed that Council, the mutual aversion was carried so far, that the partisans of either side became as animated as their principals, and soon extended their principles and animosity A duel between the General and Mr. Barwell. throughout the whole kingdom. The fury of both parties rose to such a pitch, that a duel ensued between the General and Mr. Barwell, who fought together with pistols, as is the custom of that nation. One of the two parties consisted of Mr. Barwell, which last continued to have but one mind and one heart with the Governor; whilst, on the other hand, the General was colsely linked with the two others. But as these last always agreed in opinion, and stood as three to two, the General’s party prevailed almost every day, and almost every public business came to be transacted by his dictate. It was in consequence of this prevalence of the General’s that an Englishman, named Goran (Goring), was made Chief of Moorshood-abad, as was Mr. Sage of Azim-abad, and Mr. Fouck of Banares, as well as Mr. Bristow of Aood and Lucknow. These were promoted on the General’s recommendation; and it was by the same dictate that Mubarec-ed-döwlah, who with his mother, Babboo-begum, had fared so hard under Menny-begum’s rod, was now emancipated on Mr. Goran’s advice, who acted totally under the General’s nod. That Prince was left at liberty to dispose of the affairs of the Nizamet, that is, of his A.D.1775-76. own household. It was in the year 1189. Thus these two persons got out of Menny-begum’s grasp, and out of the reach of her eunuch, Aitbar-aaly-qhan. But what did they gain by the eunuch’s being turned out of his office? Menny-begum continued to sway every thing. For as she had a great deal of money, a great deal of authority, and a great deal of genius; and Mubarec-ed-döwlah, who was used to her sway, expected one day to become heir to her vast wealth, she would sometimes frighten him into compliance, by threatening to sqander her riches amongst the poor, or to leave them to strangers and Frenghees (Europeans). In fact Mubarec-ed-döwlah’s turn of mind, and his particular temper are such, that neither his resentment is an object of fear, nor his good will an object worth seeking; nor does he himself seem to have a turn for the affairs of this world, so as that people should become anxious about his opinion. Every one, therefore, in his household does as he likes; nor is he inclined to meddle with any one’s doings. Let him have his personal pension^\(56\), and he cares not for the rest. For these reasons Menny-begum’s sway is not likely to be at an end yet; and the affairs of the Nizamet, (and this word signifies now no more than his private household) are in a state of perpetual fluctuation. It was in this same year 1189 that Mir-mahmed-hosséin-fazyl^\(57\), a man of great subtility of mind and great extent of knowledge, took a journey to the country of England in company with Mr. Elliott, an Englishman of much goodness of heart, much uprightness, and great liberality of principles. A learned Hindostanee travels to Europe. His intention was to acquire knowledge, to see the world, and to inquire into those discoveries which the learned of those parts had made in the science of astronomy, in the choice of simple medicines, and the art of compound ones; in the qualities of plants, and the functions of heavenly bodies. In these studies he spent his time in his sojourn, which was a short one; but in which he found means to acquire a variety of knowledge in some arts, especially in that of translating books relative to those sciences, in dissecting bodies, and in such like acquisitions. On his being returned to Moorshood-abad, in the year 1192, he gave the principal men of that city notice of the acquisitions he had brought with him; but found no favour with a set of Grandees who did not value the opportunity. Nor did any one of them think of setting apart a small sum for this business, which would have published their generosity to the world, insured to his character a lasting life with posterity, and handed down their names to the recording page of history. Instead of that, all that store of knowledge has remained shut up from the world for ever. But there is no assistance, and no success but from God Almighty^\(58\). It must be acknowledged, however, that men’s minds were then engrossed by the dissensions in the Council, and by the fate of Governor Hushtin. This man, who has been-endowed by nature with a keen penetrating genius, and a superior intelligence; and whose wisdom, in matters of State and in politics, has not been equalled in this age by any one, did not think it consistent with his dignity to dispute upon small matters; and having thought it decent to adopt a system of difference, he resolved, first of all, to clear himself of the accusations brought against him, and of the infidelities and misdemeanours he was suspected of; and then to expose to publicity the General’s ignorance, together with the grossness of his behaviour and the precipitancy and violence of his temper. He intended afterwards to bring to condign punishment those short-sighted accusers, that had raised such a disturbance in the country, and especially Nand-comar, that man of a wicked disposition, and an infamous character, who had made himself their leader and director. He expected that after having provided for all these matters, and quelled the commotion excited by the General’s party, the General himself would become an easy object. With this view he spent a deal of time in confuting the accusations brought against him by that officer on the instigation of Nand-comar and his followers; and he thoroughly justified his own conduct by exposing the falsehoods of his adversaries. But whilst he was exposing to publicity Nand-comar’s infamies, and giving proofs of most them, or indeed of all, it came out that this man used to forge bills of exchange under the hands and seals of eminent men; and that after having imitated their seals exactly, he kept them at home, ready at all times for manufacturing, as occasion required, bills of exchange and bonds in any one’s name and hand, to be hereafter produced at his pleasure; by which iniquitous practice, he used to keep every one in awe of his displeasure. Amongst these pieces of his manufactury Le had forged an obligation bond in favour of Bolakidas, a banker, at all times of much credit, but who had acquired a great name in Mir-cassem-qhan’s time. He had presented it to the Company’s cash-keeper, and had received the full amount, which he had kept to himself. To enquire into so heinous an offence, and to discern the punishment due by law, it became necessary to have a Grand-jury. A Grand-jury signifies an assembly of twelve creditable Englishmen, chosen by lot, which the culprit may recuse one after another, so far as to get them changed two different times, if he should object to them all; but at the third time he ceases to exercise the right of recusing any of them; and they remain twelve in number. Their duty is to examine what is to be his punishment^\(59\); but till they have found out this punishment, they cannot be spoken to by any one, lest they might be influenced to swerve from the dictates of justice and equity. This Grand-jury was made up over and over, and twice changed (the Court of Justice at that time being full of people), untiI it was proved and determined that Nand-comar was guilty and deserved death; and that his kind of punition ought to be hanging. He was a man of a wicked disposition and a haughty temper, envious to a high degree, and upon bad terms with the greatest part of mankind, although he had conferred favours on two or three men, and was firm in his attachments. The moment he perceived that any one had ceased to pay him his court for a few days, either out of sickness, or because he wanted nothing from him, that instant he became his enmy; nor did he give himself any rest until he had run him down, and demolished him totally. At last he met with what he deserved; and his supplice took place. It is observable that as the General had given him strong assurances that none should ever hurt him, and that were he even to be carried to the foot of the gallows, he never would have any thing to fear, provided he exerted himself strenuously in bringing to light the Governor’s misdemeanours, that man predestinated to death, never ceased both out of firmness of temper, and out of hatred to the Governor, to accumulate accusations against him, without ever minding how exposed he was himself to an attack. That man, advised and instigated by the General, and become bolder and bolder, had of late set up a number of new accusations against the Governor; and in the violence of his wickedness and malice he had never minded that he was left alone, and had remained exposed to an attack. The Governor having refuted all his imputations, brought proofs of Nand-comar’s great misdemeanours and crimes; and this affair made so much Nand-comar executed. noise, that questions and answers of these two men were written down in the English language and character; and the whole being bound up together in the form of a book, was sent to England, from which such vast number of copies were drawn out, that this subject is become famous, and an object of much curiosity in that nation. Nevertheless the General’s protection having proved of no avail against a crime that had been fully ascertained, Nand-comar underwent his sentence in the manner statued; and on the seventeenth of Djemady, of the year one thousand one hundred and eighty-nine, he was drawn up and hanged by the neck. His money and effects were registered, and then delivered to his son, Radja Goordass. They say that His immense property. the whole amounted to fifty-two lacs in money, and full as much more in effects and other property in his possession. Amongst other strange things found in his house, there came out a small casket containing the forged seals of a number persons of distinction. In consequence of this discovery, his malicious arts were dragged to open light, and they met with what they well deserved.

This trial which occupied the attention of the public, did not divert it intirely from the manœuvres of Mahmed-reza-qhan. This man who has a great deal of hastiness as well as inconstance in his composition, no sooner observed the prevalence of General Clavering’s party, than he conceived a desire of joining Mahmed-reza-qhan
joins the General’s party. him. Such a step was vigorously opposed by Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, in whose temper, prudence and foresight seem to predominate. This nobleman used often to say: “Let us go on as we have hitherto been going. The Governor has certainly saved your life and honor. Without forgetting such benefits, Sober and righteous advice of Aalyhibrahim-
qhan to him. and becoming ungrateful of such favours, let us wait and see what will become of the two parties. If the Governor holds out, he shall think himself obliged by your firmness of temper, and the steadiness of your friendship and attachment to him; and he shall find means enough to promote your welfare in a manner adequate to your rank; and should the General become absolute, he will not for that bear you any grudge; for you have not done him any wrong, nor have you misbehaved to him; nor have you done any thing to render him your enemy. It is even probable, that pleased with the steadiness of your temper, he shall use you in a manner suitable to your rank and station.” This discourse was unquestionably full of sense; but it was more than could be digested by the proud mind of Mahmed-reza-qhan, who is naturally opinionated in his temper; and who swelled with the remembrance of that degree of power and authority, which accidents of chance had once thrown into his hands, looks upon the predictions of provident men as so many reflections upon his own prudence. Mahmed-reza-qhan not choosing to pay a regard to the Qhan’s advice, opened a correspondence with the General, and with his adherents, and shewed a desire of attaching himself to his party. Such a step could not but displease the Governor, who however said nothing, and let him go his ways; meanwhile the General recommended him to the office of Deputy of Mubarec-ed-döwlah in the Ñizamet, that is, in the disposal of that Prince’s household; and also to the general Fodjdary, which in these days means the preservation of the country from highway-men and house-breakers, and the power of pronouncing final judgment upon the crimes of house-breaking, thieving, murder, and fornication. He added to this a large salary, and prevailed upon the Council to invest him in those offices by a splendid dress of honor, to which were added several others for his children and dependants. After so much success, Mahmed-reza-qhan set out, on the 15th of Ramazan, 1189; and in a few days he arrived at Moorshood-abad, the second of Shevval, where he applied himself closely to the business of his office. And as it appears that the inhabitants of that great city, accustomed to him long ago, shewed themselves submissive to his authority, he on his side pleased with a return of good fortune, took care to display broad open the standard of authority and command. On the tenth of Zilhidj of that same year, he married his eldest daughter to Mahmed-zeky-qhan, son to his elder brother, Mahmed-hosséin-qhan; and his eldest son, Behram-djung, to the eldest daughter of Hadji Ismáil; the two spouses being both children of Rabia-begum’s two daughters. But the satisfaction of the two families was damped by the death of Rabia-begum herself, who was daughter to Hadji Ahmed, and consort to Ata-ollah-qhan. She departed this life the 23rd of Djemady, in the year 1189; and by her death she deprived Mahmed-reza-qhan of the only remaining stock by which he held to the family of Aaly-verdy-qhan, the majestuous in war. This Princess, although famous for her vices and debauches, had likewise many good qualities. Long ago she had repented of her past life, and in her last sickness, she had renewed her repentance, had taken witnesses of it, and in her last moments, she had not ceased, in the presence of a number of persons, to pronounce the fine words^\(60\), which Edifying death of Rabia-begum, the last remaining descendant of Aaly-verdy-qhan’s family. implied her firm belief in the unity of God, and in the ministry of the seal of Prophets, both tenets qualified by a real confession of his successors. She departed her life in full repentance of her past conduct, and in the full invocation of the Divine forgiveness. O Lord! should you punish her for her misdeeds, you have that right; she is your bond-woman, and your culprit. And should you forgive her, you would not be inconsistent; for You are the Most Merciful of the merciful^\(61\).

It was in the same year that we were frightened in Bengal A violent earthquake. by an earthquake. It was so violent, that nothing equal to it can be remembered these forty or fifty years past. It happened on the 27th of Shevval, in the same year that Mahmed-reza-qhan conferred the Divanship of the Nizamet to Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, who had laid him under such a load of essential services and obligations. At the same time, he sent Lieutenants of his Fodjdary office all over Bengal; for instance, Nezer-baki-beg, of Balqh, was appointed to the Lieutenancy of Azim-abad; a man who comported himself with so much moderation and benignity, as to render his person equally agreeable to the English gentlemen, and to the nobles and people of those parts. He even acquired such a good character, that no complaint was ever preferred against him. So careful was he that no injury and no harm should be offered to the people entrusted to his care. It was remarked on this occasion, that Mahmed-reza-qhan, having this year offered some rudeness to many of Mubarec-ed-döwlah’s favourites, and disobliged that Prince greatly; the latter so far from affording them assistance and protection, did not even forbid such an incroachment upon his own independence. The Deputy dismissed likewise Qhadum-aaly-qhan, a nobleman in many respects resembling his father, Qhadum-hosséin-qhan, and who after the eunuch Aitbar-aaly-qhan’s dismission, had for somewhile acted as absolute Director of Mubarec-ed-döwlah’s household. Mahmed-reza-qhan, who had taken umbrage at his influence, had cavalierly dismissed him from his office, without his master’s having even attempted to utter a single word in his behalf; although there were promises enough and conventions, and much attachment between the master and the Minister. Mahmed-reza-qhan was likewise guilty of some other stresses of authority, which drew upon him a general blame. It must be observed that the times were now become so corrupt, that every man in Mubarec-ed-döwlah’s household was addicted to infidelity and malversation, and had it in custom to reckon as fair booty every rupee which he could embezzle out of his charge. So much liberty could not please Aaly-hibrahim-qhan’s reserve and strictness, who being a stranger to the family, would neither plunder himself, nor suffer any others to plunder. This gave a general offence; and people turned Mahmed-reza-qhan’s mind so effectually, that those infinite obligations which he had so often acknowledged, slipt out of his memory; and at last a breach took place between them. And as originally there was but little resemblance or similarity between their respective tempers, the instigations of envy were sown in a favourable soil, and soon gew up to a great head, so as soon to effect a lasting breach.

It was at first a sort of vague insinuations against that honoured Qhan, which being often mentioned amongst his dependants, soon took an air of complaint, and at last degenerated into formal reproaches. Mahmed-reza-qhan was often heard to use these, and the like expressions: “Gentlemen, I have no genius for making verses; nor do I roll my turbant, or wear my clothes as the Hindostanies, that I may pretend to enter into any comparison with them with regard to genius and taste.” All these expressions glanced at Aaly-hibrahim-qhan’s way of living. Indeed it must be acknowledged that this noble person has received the gift of making his turbant, and of wearing his clothes, with a taste and an elegance^\(62\) peculiar to himself; and in that he has been endowed by nature with a felicity of genius, and an amenity of manners that render him the admiration of the high as well as the low. One of his many talents is the faculty of uttering often extempore verses; and as Mahmed-reza-qhan acknowledges himself destitute of those talents, it follows of course that the equality of temper and the elegance of action and speech, so conspicuous in the Qhan, were taken up as a matter of indirect reproach upon himself. He broke forth at last, and dismissed him from his office. It happened at that time that Banny-begum, third daughter of Rabia-begum, and a woman of a vicious life and shameful inclinations, having in imitation of the great folks of Hindostan, formed into a band, some of her slave girls, joined to a number of other loose women, which she had taken in her pay, she got them instructed in the arts of dancing and singing, and often amused herself with their performances. This woman, who was of a shrewd and intriguing turn of mind, undertook to seduce Aaly-hibrahim-qhan; so that she laid a snare to bring him into disrepute. Under pretence of making him some return for the obligations under which he had laid Mahmed-reza-qhan, her brother-in-law, she adopted him for her brother, and as she was not restrained by those scruples which always have their weight with women accustomed to live veiled and immured; and she had never made any difficulty of shewing herself to most people, unveiled^\(63\); she commenced giving entertainments to Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, and appearing always in his presence, and that too unveiled. As there were always in these entertainments some particular favourites of Mahmed-reza-qhan’s, as fully envious of that nobleman’s reputation, as their master himself, every thing was straight reported to him; and matters went no further for a time; when the Princess observing that one of her girls had made an impression on the Qhan’s heart, offered her to him, adding that she was a girl of her’s, and that she made him a present of her person. The other guests, as well as the favourites of that artful woman, who were all of the complot against the Qhan, having observed scruples in him, made it a point to encourage his timidity. “What harm is in that?” said they. “Is not the girl her property? Her mistress transfers it to you. What can be then the cause of so much precaution and so many denials?” It must be observed that in those days Moorshood-abad wore very much the appearance of one of Loth’s towns^\(64\); and it is still pretty much the same to-day, few people caring to look at their honour, or at that of others. Nay, the wealthy and powerful having set apart sums of money for these sorts of amours, used to shew the way, and to entrap and seduce the unwary, the poor, and the feeble; and as the proverb says: So is the King, so becomes his people; these amours got into fashion. Doubtless some poor and virtuous people must have preserved vestiges of modesty, and must have resisted the general corruption of manners; but most of the Grandees and rich men, on whom you could cast your eyes, were enslaved by this vice.

Although the Qhan was a man of great sense, and naturally averse to such kinds of intrigues, yet he lent a willing ear to the devil’s suggestions, that enemy of mankind; and on the intreaties of the Princess, he sent (at least so it is reported) two or three times for the girl, on her mistress’s repeated intreaties, or at least, they imputed that foible to him. This was soon known, and soon was laid hold of, as a sufficient cause for a breach. The Navvab parted with him; and in public Derbar, or in full Court, he drew up narratives of that proceeding, as having dishonoured his house and family, and rent the veil that covered their chastity; although in reality such a publication tended only to dishonour it still further; but he had his motives in that. For he was fearful, lest the English should find fault with him for parting, on so easy terms, with a man to whom he confessedly owed the highest obligations. This at least is what occurs to feeble minds like mine; for otherwise such a conduct is incomprehensible. Be it as it will, the Navvab having introduced the subject more than once at his levee, and always with a deal of acrimony, he at last (this was the 16th Sufur, in the year 1191) dismissed Aaly-hibrahim-qhan from his office; and the same day he carried his eldest son, Behram-djung to the palace, and got him installed in that office by Mubarec-ed-döwlah, who honoured him with a rich dress of honour, called Qhylaat. Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, on this intelligence, which he received with a deal of ease and tranquillity, retired to a corner of his house, and from that time intirely abstained from going to Court or making visits. But notwithstanding that retreat, such was the opinion entertained of his probity and disinterestedness, that although his revenue was but small, and his usual temper seemed altered by his disgrace, yet he lived in the utmost honor and estimation; and the public opinion on his account ran so strong, that his house became a rendezvous for the high and low.

It was in those times of Mahmed-reza-qhan’s prevalence, that his favourite, Séyd-mahmed-qhan, a Persian by birth, but a man shrewd and wary to a high degree, who had got such an ascendant over his master, as to govern him intirely, married one of the relicts of Rezy-eddin-mahmed-qhan, and got by that means Some strictures on Séyd mahmed-qhan, a favourite of Mahmed-reza qhan’s. possession of his estate. The matter came to pass in a pretty strange manner. It appears that Rezy-eddin-mahmed-qhan, intending many years ago to perform a pilgrimage to the glorious Mecca, had given him a paper by which he appointed him his executor in his absence; and that although the testator had long ago altered his resolution, and many years had elapsed since that transaction, he had departed this life without minding the paper. He left a great estate in money and jewels, with a very noble palace, and a fine bath. After his decease Séyd-mahmed-qhan, armed with that paper, which had been all this while forgotten in his hands, took possession of the deceased’s estate, brought his wives and son under his controul, and some time after, he managed so dexterously, and interposed the mediation of so many proper persons, that he espoused one of the deceased’s consorts, but a different one from the lady that had a son (altho’ still the person most beloved of the deceased’s three consorts, and likewise the person which proved the richest in money and precious effects). He bound her by the formality of a marriage, and took possession of both her charms and wealth. But this marriage became so very odious to the public, and it excited such a detestation in all ranks against the word executor, that Sadr-el-hac-qhan, the first Magistrate of the Province, being then upon his death-bed; and his physician, Ased-ollah-qhan, who had an unlimited influence over his patient’s mind, having introduced a certain pretended Arabian, one Séyd-mahmed (who by-the-bye is indeed a strange fellow likewise) for a very proper man to be made his executor; this word was no sooner pronounced, than the dying man’s consort, who actually was at hand behind a veil, fell a-crying; and she exclaimed as loud as she could, that she was an old woman, that needed neither an “executor nor a husband,” and that she would suffer none at all. The sick man overcome by her intreaties and tears, retracted his word, although accustomed to obey implicitly his physician’s nod; and he died without appointing any executor at all; nor is there any thing so strange in that. What is really very strange, is that the physician, ruffled by this refusal of appointing that man of an ambiguous character for an executor, quitted the house exceeding discontented, and never returned since.

Whilst this singular affair was a subject of general animadversion, Mahmed-reza-qhan thought proper to marry Mahmed-aaly-qhan, his brother’s relict, a nobleman who had been successively Governor of Islam-abad, H8gly, and Pooraniah, at which last place he had departed this life. This lady had two sons from her late husband, who had left her a great fortune in money and jewels; nor would she hear of a second marriage. But by a proper mediation, and the use of proper means, she was after a deal of trouble and intreaties, prevailed upon to yield her consent. It is said that at the period when Mahmed-reza-qhan was a Náib or Deputy-governor of all Bengal, he had already conceived an attachment to this lady (which of course must have been of old standing; for he had already had a glimpse of her charms some years before, when in the height of his power). His house was necessarily resorted to by both the women, his relations, and those of many other persons of distinction; at which time he had often opportunities of taking a peep at them, and as often conceived the desire of enjoying their company; for which purpose he used to employ a variety of means to overcome the reluctance of some fair ones that rejected his proposals. Although there was then a great deal of talk about these matters (which somehow never failed to become public), and a great deal of slander, about the answers of some of those women, which were always given at length, and in the very words^\(65\), yet it would be improper to mention them here; and it would be a pity to spend any time in relating such subjects. It was in those times that Mahmed-aaly-qhan’s consort, frequenting her brother-in-law’s seraglio, on account of her near relation to the family, he found means to see her once, and conceived for her person an inclination which he could not satisfy, but some years after, when the lady becoming a widow, was prevailed upon to consent to a marriage, and was married in all the forms prescribed by law^\(66\); and let the credit of this story stand upon the faith of the reporters and memorialists.

By this time the dispute between the Governor and the General having risen to the utmost height, each of them used to write his complaints to the King of England, and to the Company, and each of them received yearly answers. The third year after the General’s arrival, by which time Colonel Monson was already dead, there came a letter from home, mentioning the Governor’s intended departure, and that in that case, he must place the General in his stead. The General was likewise wrote to by his friends, that as the Governor was coming home, he, the General, had been appointed to the Government of The General attempts to take possession of the Government. Bengal. On this surmise the General, without waiting for the opening of the dispatches to the Governor, concluded that he had been in fact appointed to that high office; and coming into the Council-room, he took his seat where the Governor used to sit, as President of the assembly. The latter reprimanded him for such a precipitation and want of sense; but the General, naturally violent, becoming still more violent on what was just passing, uttered a number of inconsiderate words, and a quantity of unworthy expressions. On which the Governor, according to the custom of his nation, submitted the whole of the dispute, with its questions and answers, to the decision of the Supreme Royal Court of Justice; and those Magistrates on mature examination adjudged the cause to the Governor; moreover, they reprimanded the General for his hastiness in such terms, as But returns confounded and abashed. affected the credit of his assertion. In this manner the Governor kept his station and rank; but the General, unable to digest the shame he had undergone, retired extremely ruffled to his house; and a sense of his disgrace pressing incessantly upon his lofty mind, he became so deeply affected, as to fall sick. He was an old man; and his sorrow and resentment preyed so much upon his constitution, that he soon appeared to be quite dispirited and sunk. It happened that in those very letters from home, that had caused so much ill blood, the Governor had received a license to marry a Lady to which he was greatly attached^\(67\); and having on that account given a great entertainment, he, first of all others, invited the General to honour it with his presence. The latter excused himself on his sickness, and on the weakness of his body; but the Governor himself having repaired to his house, and by dint of entreaties prevailed upon him to come with him to the assembly, the General made such a long stay The General dies of a broken heart. there, that on his return home, he found himself much worse. Unhappily the physician whom out of precaution, he had brought from home, and who was particularly attached to him, having mistaken his case, so as to order a clyster against the General’s intreaties and inclination, the remedy as soon as it was received, brought on a Syncope; and the General surrendered his soul to his Maker.

From this time Mr. Francis suffered a diminution in his influence, whilst there accrued to the Governor an accession of power; and although Mr. Wheeler, who had succeeded Colonel Monson, sided with Mr. Francis, and became his friend, yet the latter’s party benefited nothing by it, being overborne by the Governor’s high station, and overawed by his superior genius and superior knowledge. The fact is, that the Governor’s influence had already taken the upper hand; and soon after Colonel Monson’s death, the General’s party had lost much of its energy, insomuch that those English rulers and others, who had been appointed by his interest against the Governor’s mind, now lost their usual support; but after the demise of the General himself, their fate could not long remain in suspense. Mr. Bristow was recalled from Lucknow; Mr. Sage from Azim-abad; Mr. Fouk from Banares, as well as Mr. Goran from Moorshood-abad; and others were appointed in their stead, that is, Mr. Middleton and Mr. Law, and Mr. Gram; but Mr. Baber was sent to Moorshood-abad, to be the hinge and centre of all business there. As to Radja Goordass, son of the deceased Nand-comar, the Governor both to condole with him, and likewise to oblige the General, promoted him to the Divanship of Mubarec-ed-döwlah’s house; and after that, still out of regard to the General, he appointed him to the Divanship of the Khalissah of Bengal, although he was little capable of such an office. But he did not enjoy it long, and on the General’s demise, or even after Colonel Monson’s demise, he lost that appointment, and remained shut up in his house for a long time; when by Menny-begum’s interest, he was appointed a second time to the superintendence of Mobarec-ed-döwlah’s house; and he arrived at the city about the middle Mahmed-reza-qhan disgraced and dismissed. of the second Djemady, of the year 1192. As to Mahmed-reza-qhan, he lost by the General’s demise, much of his strength. His influence grew daily feebler, and at last it was reduced to nothing. They add that the Governor struck with some particulars of his conduct, did not trust him altogether; so that he was dismissed from the office of General Fodjdar and principal Magistrate of Bengal; and he lost also his appointment of Deputy to Mubare-ed-döwalh. Sadr-el-hac-qhan was appointed to succeed him in those two offices, although the Governor himself must have been sensible, that so much business was by all means above the old man’s capacity and strength. Nevertheless, as he had become one of the Governor’s acquaintances, so early as the latter’s first appearance in Bengal; and at his second coming he had proved himself an assiduous worshipper at the altar of his power, without ever relaxing in the revolutions that had followed; and as great men with much tenderness of heart, are apt to prefer a personal attachment to any public qualification; the Governor devised those two offices for him as a reward for his attachment, although they seemed to be so much above his desert The man was at once raised to the summit of honour and power. Radja Goordass, who had preceded him by some time, brought an order for Mahmed-reza-qhan’s dismission, and a letter to Mubarec-ed-döwlah, resquesting that until Sadr-el-hac-qhan’s Sadr-el-hac-qhan, an old decrepit man, appointed Fodjdary General. arrival, he should continue all the officers of the Fodjdary as they stood with Mahmed-reza-qhan, but under his own order. Such a revolution could not but please Menny-begum, who had been all this while putting up fervent prayers for such a return of happy days as these. She assumed a new life, but became desirous of keeping from the old man the office of Mubarec-ed-döwlah’s Deputy; and she even carried her views so far as to endeavour to wrest also the Fodjdary and the Divanship from his hands, if possible. Full of this scheme, she dispatched her household Divan to Calcutta, to lay her requests before the Governor, especially about wresting the Deputyship from the old man’s hands. The Governor, to humour her, promised wonders; and some days were spent in conference with the two parties; but at last the matter ended just as the Governor had determined at first, with some slight alterations, however, to oblige Mubarec-ed-döwlah and Menny-begum. At last, on the second of Djemady, Sadr-el-hac-qhan arrived at Moorshood-abad. As he was a man of much simplicity of manners, and had become decrepit with old age, it happened that in transacting business, and even in going to or coming from Court, and in presenting himself before Mubarec-ed-döwlah, he was unadvertently guilty of some actions that discovered the debility of his body, and not only detracted much from his weight, but also rendered his person ridiculous. He had appointed (for a sum of money, they say) one Aga-mahmed-aaly, a Persian born, to the Fodjdary of Azim-abad, the magistrature of which city, he gave at the same time to Aga-abdol-raheem. But as this Mahmed-aaly, who was a man of narrow principles, came soon to behave very ill, he soon lost his command, which lasted but little, and he acquired the aversion of all the inhabitants of that city, which he filled with discontents and heart-burnings. But it is time for us now to take our leave of these transactions of interior police all over Bengal, in order to turn our eyes upon those events in which that country has cut so great a figure in the Indian world, and especially in those southern parts of it known under the name of Decan.

The Marhatta Empire which has still its two seats or Capitals in those southern regions, had been for a length of time governed by Baladji-ráo, who on the demise of Saho-radja^\(68\), The author takes his leave of the interior parts of Bengal, in order to speak of the Decan, and especially of the Marhatta Empire. had assumed the administration, and become Sovereign of the Marhatta dominions, where he cut so great a figure, that we shall be obliged to make full mention of him in the sections relative to Decan, as much at least, as his affairs are come to our knowledge. On his demise, his son succeeded him of course. But the deceased had also a brother, and it was Ragonat-ráo; who thinking his pretensions much superior to those of the young Prince, his nephew, undertook to support them. This produced some civil dissensions, which ended by putting the uncle under some confinement; and he was thought well secured, when he found means to gain his guards, and by treason and artifice, to kill his nephew, after which he took possession of the administration, and sate in his stead. But as a great difference of sentiments prevailed amongst the Grandees of that Empire, whilst several of them took party with Ragonat-ráo, the greatest number, however, sided with the relict of Baladji-ráo’s son, who was left pregnant. Her party raised the Princess to the supreme command, displayed the standard of contention, and having vanquished Ragonat-ráo in battle, they confined him again. Nevertheless, after some time, they concluded a treaty of friendship and union between the Princess and the uncle; but the latter dissatisfied with the terms imposed upon him, found an opportunity of escaping again; and he fled to the English of the factory of Bombay, where he entered into an agreement with them, and was received under their protection. Nor is this a novel event. It is in consequence of such and the like divisions that most of the strongholds, nay, almost the whole of Hindostan, have come into the possession of the Manner by which the English have found their way into most parts of India. English. For instance, two Princes contend for the same country, and one of them applies to the English, and informs them of the way and method of becoming masters of it. By his insinuations and by their assistance, he draws to himself some of the leading men of the country, who being his friends, are already fast attached to his person; and meanwhile the English having concluded to their own mind some treaty and agreement with him, they for some time abide by those terms, until they have acquired a good insight into the government and customs of the country, as well as a thorough acquaintance with the several parties in it; and then they discipline an army, and getting themselves supported by one party, they soon overcome the other, and little by little introduce themselves into the country, and make a conquest of it. And although their introductor should prove too shrewd for them, and should give them the slip, still they never dispute with him; but being a set of men always wise and always in temper, they patiently wait until by his death some unworthy son comes to succeed him; at which time under his name and without opening any dispute with him, or creating any ill renown to themselves, they complete the conquest, and have the art to finish their business in such a sly manner, that no reproach can be made to them. By which means the downfall of the people of those parts, especially of the great and powerful ones, is soon obtained by the hands of one another; and all this is brought about so artfully, that the idiots set up by them, unaware of the above management, do of their own accord and motion work at the ruin of their equals; and meanwhile the English who seem quite passive, as if suffering themselves to be lead, are in fact giving motion to the machine, and turning those sots into so many objects of endless Dark and severe hints against Mahmed-reza-
qhan. contempt and raillery, both in Hindostan and in Europe. Meanwhile those fools fancying themselves shrewd in business, plume themselves and strut about, until the seeds of mischief planted by them, coming to shoot up, the day of retribution and vengeance comes with them, and they pay and smart in their turn for having squandered away the little money they had scraped together in working themselves into those honours and those stations they so little deserved. They seem to be the centre of a mighty bustle, but in fact do nothing more than ruin still more, a country already ruined; fall at last under the lash of outstanding ballances; and after paying into the treasury of the English as an equivalent, all the money they have before hoarded, they are now obliged to sit down with the odious character of having been the carriers and porters of exaction and tyranny. So that those glorious rulers, after ruining all the world, and burning their own feathers, now become sensible of their losses, turn repentants; but it is only at a time when repentance cannot mend their circumstances, and when they have become already so infamous and so odious, that this distich becomes quite applicable to their case:

To return to our narrative, the Governor of Bombay gave notice of all these troubles to Governor Hushtín; and it was at a time when the disputes between the French and English, disputes which were of old standing, were revived again on account of the assistance which the former had given to the men of America. These men, who are of the same race with the English, had these two or three hundred years past settled in Amercia, which is a New-found-land called. Yengbi-D8nia^\(70\), much resembling England, and where those men lived, bred children, spent their lives, and died. Only they were under the jurisdiction of the King of England, and yielded obedience to his orders, These men since some time, (which cannot be more than four or five years ago) had revolted from their King, on account of his demanding more of them than was customary. They had fought his troops; and having killed the people that had exercised in the King’s name the power of binding and loosing, that is, the members of the Council of that land, they had set up of themselves a government like a Council. Not content with all that, they had more than once given battle to the King’s troops, had come off victorious, and had occasioned to the King and Company losses to the amount of corors. The French, at all times sworn enemies to the English, resolved to ingratiate themselves with the Americans, and to turn their revolt to some account for themselves; and with that view they furnished them with cannon, muskets, powder and ball, and all the necessaries for warfare. The King of England, incensed at such an assistance given at a time, when the term of peace between two nations was not yet expired, declared war against the King of the French also.

It was at a time when the English nation secure on every side in Hindostan, felt some inquietude on the side of the Marhattas and from Háider-náik. This Háider-náik had, ten or twelve years ago, waged war with the English in such a manner as to come off victorious, and to make some advantage of it. The Marhattas were full as dangerous; as they have a way of fighting of their own, and will ten times a day attack, and as many times again retreat or take to flight; and they are accustomed to reduce to great straits, for want of water and necessaries, such troops as are less handy than themselves at this work of plundering and running away. The English on those accounts reckoned a war with them to be a difficult piece of work; and they knew very well that Háider-náic was in correspondence Governor Hushtin’s project. with the French. On those two considerations Governor Hushtin who is by excellence the man of genius of his nation, and who displays everywhere a consummate skill and wisdom, thought it expedient to close with Ragonat-ráo’s proposals, an ally that put in his hands the great advantage of fighting the Marhattas in their own country; so great was his foresight. His project was to send an army into Decan, on pretence of assisting Ragonat-ráo whom the English were to bring over to their camp; and by his means to engage the Marhatta nation to a peace and an alliance with them; which alliance would have put it in his power to grant Ragonat-ráo the completion of his fondest wishes. After having brought the Marhatta rulers to submit and agree, he intended to draw both Ragonat-ráo and his adversaries into such an alliance, as should bind them to a pact of never joining the French; and such a treaty he intended to strengthen by a paper signed and sealed by both Ragonat-ráo and the Marhatta rulers, who were to secure it under their most solemn oaths. All that was intended to be done by art and persuasion. But in case the matter did not succeed to his wishes, then he hoped that so soon as he should have effected a junction with ragonat-ráo, he might force the Marhatta rulers to a compliance with his views. For he knew that this Prince being himself a man of importance, and the son of a man of importance in that nation, there was no doubt but some great men would join him of themselves, and that some others would easily be brought to do the same, whether by persuasion or by force; and as the English led by a destiny, (that designed to make use of that nation for punishing a wicked, thoughtless race of men, unmindful of their God) had so successfully fought battles, made such amazing conquests, and with a deal of ease pushed their victories as far as almost within sight of Shah-djehan-abad, the Capital of Hindostan; so the Governor thought that the war in Decan would prove full as easy; and that after beating and dispersing the Marhatta armies, it would prove an easy task to reduce Háider-náic to straits. After which operation he might without any anxiety from the French, or other European Powers, and without much hindrance from the Princes of India, bring in a certain number of years, and with proper management, all Hindostan into submission; and then sit down in ease and content to enjoy his prosperity. All this scheme was founded upon much foresight and much knowledge of India; for the enmity of the French is of old standing, and that nation by joining the Americans had acquired so mighty an accession of hatred and power, that were they now to listen so far to their jealousy against the prosperity of the English in these countries, as to land in India with some thousand Europeans to the assistance of Háider-náic and the Marhattas, they would raise such commotions, as would be very difficult to quell; and there is no doubt but in such a case not a man from the Marhattas, and not a man of consequence from Hindostan, would side with the English. Whereas now Ragonat-ráo himself, the pretender to the Marhatta Empire, was ready to join them of his own accord; and it was probable that those schemes of the Governor’s would take place of themselves, and would be followed by further victories and by the subjection of all Hindostan, without much expense or trouble. In fact, the Governor’s piercing genius having beheld as present all those contingencies, which were yet in the womb of time, had resolved to sow dissensions, and to encourage and nurse them by sending successively numerous troops towards Decan. It was reported that this scheme of the Governor’s not having met with Mr. Francis’s and Mr. Wheeler’s approbation, two Members of the Committee, they contended that they ought to remain satisfied with so much dominion as they had already acquired, without stretching their feet out of their frontiers; and it may be that such likewise were the orders from the Council of Europe, and such the safest party. But the Governor disapproving of such timid opinions, took upon himself singly all the risks of this business, and set out in earnest with this war.

It was at this time, that is, about the end of the year 1192, of the Hedjrah, that Colonel Godard, who had always shewn me a deal of friendship and attachment, having set out from Lucknow for Calcutta, to put an end to some questions and answers of his own, I availed myself of that opportunity and of the Colonel’s countenance, to repair from Azim-abad to Calcutta, in order to push an affair that concerned me greatly; and great were the hopes I had conceived; when the poor Colonel by a sudden stroke of chance, was obliged to give up his own schemes for returning towards Lucknow, and to prepare himself for an expedition in Decan. For he was appointed to a command in the army which was to march from Lucknow and Ilah-abad; a disappointment that affected already his affairs as well as his spirits. This departure of the Colonel’s having left me alone and without support, I lost all hopes of succeeding in my own business, especially as the English, immersed in disputes amongst themselves, and in preparatives of war, did not pay any attention to the affairs of Hindostanies. To mention such matters in these historical sheets, would be improper. What for to go on singing dirges upon my destiny, and uttering complaints against the world? Whatever is predestinated to happen in a certain time and in certain circumstances, will certainly come to pass.

The cause of Colonel Godard’s discontent was the appointment of Colonel Lesley to the command of the above army, in consequence of his superior rank in the service, to whom of course he would be obliged to obey. Now Colonel Godard was upon very bad terms with him; nor had Lesley the least capacity or fitness for such a command. But according to the Colonel Godard appointed to serve under Colonel Lesley much against his will. rules of seniority, customary amongst the military of that nation, Colonel Godard had been obliged either to resign entirely the service, or to submit to him. As I had long conceived an attachment for that officer, I used to tell him, that the expedition in which he was embarked, was an object of the utmost importance. But he was so proud of the easy conquests and the repeated victories of his nation, that he thought the whole an easy matter; and he would often answer that two regiments of their Talingas were enough to beat all the Hindostanies put together. Such high-flown notions of his, rendering it improper and useless in me to insist upon my admonition, I chose to be silent.

As for Colonel Lesley, that officer, in consequence of his appointment by the Council, set out from Ilah-abad to repair to Calpy, from whence he was to begin his march through the Bundul-cund, and the dependencies of Barar, quite to Aoreng-abad, and so on to Decan. His orders were to take Ragonat-ráo with him, and to effect a junction with the army from Bombay at the appointed place; after which he was to proceed jointly with him in the business of bringing the Marhatta rulers to a submission in the manner projected by the Council of Calcutta. The Governor had taken care to facilitate the success of this expedition, by dispatching to Great-Náigpoor^\(71\), Mr. Mr. Elliot, a man of singular merit, appointed Embassador at the Court of Poonah. Elliot, a man who in sincerity of speech, and propriety of conduct, has few equals amongst his own countrymen, as well as amongst the Hindostanies. His orders were to renew the treaties, and to pay slowly the balances of money due by the Revenue of Bengal to Moodda-dji and to the posterity of Rago-dji-bhossla; and he was to return after having put that court in good humour. Náigpoor is the capital of the country held by Rago-bhossla, as Mucasdar^\(72\) of the province of Barar. This Rago is the same who after a twelve years’ bloody war with Aaly-verdy-qhan, whom he had fought with a variety of successes, had at last made an accommodation with him, by which the English his successors have abided inviolably, avoiding all disputes on that subject with the Marhatta’s posterity; trusting nevertheless so far to their own power and prevalence as never to pay regularly the pension stipulated by that Viceroy. They act in that business in a languid, ambiguous manner, giving little at a time, and withholding much. Not but that messages and letters were going on constantly from Náigpoor to Calcutta, demanding the outstanding balances; but yet it was in a soft moderate style. In short, the intent of Mr. Elliot’s embassy was to renew the treaty, and to manage so, as that Rago’s sons and dependants should not offer any opposition to the English army, then marching towards the Decan; nor meanwhile avail themselves of the opportunity to make an irruption into Bengal and Bahar. Now it must be observed that as Rago’s posterity on one hand were nephews to the Sahoo Radja, and pretenders to his dignity and station; and on the other Baladji-ráo, after the said Radjah’s demise, had availed himself of the power and authority of his office of Generalissimo of the forces, to take possession of the dominions and treasures of the deceased, and had set aside the right of Rago’s posterity to the throne; the Court of Náigpoor therefore did not live upon good terms with the Court of Poona; and neither Moodda-dji, nor his Ministers, made any difficulty to renew the pact and agreement with the English. So that the Colonel’s army marched on without opposition, and the provinces of Bengal and Bahar meanwhile remained free from their ravages. Unluckily as Mr. Elliot was cutting his way thro’ a mountainous tract in the height of the rains, he was suddently overtaken by his last hour, and having laid his foot in the valley of death, he departed for eternity. His embassy was taken up, and its intent fulfilled, by the younger Mr. Anderson, who returned to Calcutta by the way of Azim-abad and Bahar.

As for me who had conceived such mighty hopes on my coming to that city in Colonel Godard’s company, with whose assistance I was to carry a point in the Council, and who besides had an old acquaintance with the Governor, I could obtain only two or three interviews with him, in one of which, he asked me whether at any time I had been in Decan? I answered that I had never been there, but that I had some little knowledge of the affairs of those parts; and I continued the discourse in these words: “Colonel Godard, who wanted to carry this poor man with him, as a friend and companion, proposed two conditions to me: The first, that the office of Monshy should be under the sole direcion of this most inconsiderable of men, without whose inspection and correction no letter should be dispatched. The second, that the poor man should also undertake the voyage and embassy into Decan. The second condition I declined, on account of old age, and the fear of remaining a longwhile parted from my children and family, but especially of being deprived of the happiness of keeping prostrated at the feet of a mother, who had an affection for me. In short, as my destiny had not set apart any grain or water or air for me in Decan, the voyage did not take place.” As to the affair for which I had come with Colonel Godard, that gentleman on setting out for camp recommended it to Mr. Elliot; and this best and most obliging of men; obtained in fifteen days a letter from the Governor to the Council of Azim-abad, which he backed by another, very strong of his own, and also by another to Mr. Anderson, who was then a Member of that Council and an intimate friend of his. My business was in a fair way, when Mr. Anderson was recalled to preside at the Board of Revenue in Calcutta, and Mr. Golding set out for Europe. So that my affair which was already in a fair way, remained spoiled, and is at a stand, until my destiny shall produce some favourable event. But it is time for us now to leave my private affairs, and even the English army with what adventures it shall chance to have in Decan; it being my attention to postpone that narrative to a view of the state of affairs in Calcutta and in Bengal.

We have sometime ago left Rabiah-begum, departing for the other world with all the tokens of the sincerest repentance. Her daughter, Banni-begum, followed her a few years after, and departed this life in the year 1193, when Mahmed-reza-qhan was already out of office. Her distemper was a loss of blood^\(73\), for which some body having given her an astringent remedy to repress the superabundance of blood, it stopped likewise all the customary evacuations of every kind, until it struck into her heart and brain. Mahmed-reza-qhan sent her a remedy intended to strengthen both. It availed nothing; and she departed for her long prilgrimage. Her wealth, which was great, was taken possession of by that Minister, in appearance to guard it against accidents; and it was reported that it had been received by her heir. But no one has ever been able to say, that he had seen that heir, or heard of the division of that money and of those jewels which she was known to be possessed of. Doubtless that piece of knowledge is reserved for the Glorious One, Who knows all things.

It was about this time likewise that Sadr-el-hac-qhan, the new Supreme Magistrate, a man well striken in years, always sickly, and who most of his time was out of order, departed toward the regions of eternity, after having answered his Creator’s call, with the words: I am ready, O Lord^\(74\)! It was the 19th of Zilhidj, of the year 1194, after having lived for one year, four months, and about twenty-five or twenty-six days, with the name of Fodjdar-General. It is not improper to give some account of him. He was born in Gudjrat; and upon some emergency, came to Shah-djehan-abad with his father, where the old man died; and the son not finding any prospect of advancement in that capital, repaired to Bengal and to Moorshood-abad, where he was introduced into Aaly-verdy-qhan’s service. This Prince gave him a pension, and after the demise of Cazy-muzaffer-aaly-qhan, he appointed him Daroga, or Auditor of the Court of justice. In the sequel, that is, at the time of the Marhatta irruption, he was sent Embassador to their rulers in Decan, where he acquired the esteem and good will of both sides, and was honoured with presents by both. Being now a man of some character, as well as of some money, he came to have a regiment of his own, and to be reputed a man of distinction. And this was his rank under Aaly-verdy-qhan’s reign, and under that of his successors and relations; until Mahmed-reza-qhan came into power, and then he was appointed to the Government of Baghalpoor, where he remained but little, being turned out of his office. On Governor Hushtin’s arrived in Bengal, he attached himself to him, and remained so steadfast in his attachment, that he was rewarded for it by being appointed to the office of Fodjdar-General, as well as by being decorated with a title of honour. But he enjoyed little so lucrative an office; and having said farewell to this fragile world, he took his journey towards the regions of eternity. This death occasioned a change in the affairs of Moorshood-abad.

As the Governor-General disapproved of Mahmed-reza-qhan’s conduct, and Menny-begum was not pleased with that Minister’s disposing of the Nizamet, and spending the young Prince’s money as freely as he pleased; and on the other hand, Mubarec-ed-döwlah himself was sometimes on this side, and sometimes on the other; there arose differences about the appointment and distribution of those offices, which Sadr-el-hac-qhan had left vacant. The Governor, who is the first man in the world for appreciating any one’s merit and capacity, wanted to sound Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, who is really capable of putting in order affairs of the utmost importance, as well as of unravelling their utmost intricacies and subtilities. The Governor esteemed the Qhan a fit man for such an high office; and with that view he wrote to Mr. Baber, Chief of Moorshood-abad, and an intimate friend of the Governor’s, including a letter to Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, in which he requested to know whether he would accept of those offices. The Qhan, apprised of the dissensions then existing in the Committee, and sensible how unlike he was in his own temper to the great men then in office; and how difficult it would prove to keep in good humour such a set of discontented masters; felt likewise a certain disinclination against the office of Fodjdary, as it stood then, and which in fact consisted of little else than a discharge of a Cutval’s office, that is, in fining and killing, and hanging and maiming, and in imprisoning and confining people. He concluded it highly improbable that such an office could be at all times exercised without sometimes injuring and wronging mankind, and without rendering one’s self responsible in a high degree both in this world and the other; and he excused himself from accepting such a charge. He was likewise sensible that it would be difficult in such an office, nay, out of his power intirely, to keep fair, and to live upon good terms, with a number of English gentlemen, who governed absolutely in every department. Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, to the surprise of all, refuses to succeed Sadr-el-hac-qhan in all the offices he had left vacant. He therefore excused himself in a handsome manner, that did not disoblige either Mr. Baber or the Governor; and he disengaged himself from the proposal. He knew that, in consequence of the necessity of keeping fair with some persons who did not agree amongst themselves, the exercise of his office would have very little solidity; for that in every business and in every transaction he must of all necessity manage so, as to oblige five persons that have absolute power in the Committee, and ten or twenty more that are attached to them, and expect equal regard. And how long would a man be able to keep fair with them all, and to pay some small regard to his duty and character at the same time? In reality these dissensions, that have now spread in every branch of the administration, and the spirit of party that has now taken possession of the principal English, so as to become a second nature, are of such a species, as will always afford a sensible man many valuable reasons for declining any office at all under them; nor can a man dependent on them, but jealous of his own conscience and character, pretend to keep himself harmless from the consequences of that spirit of party and dissension which runs so high amongst his masters; even waiving all regard for his honour and character, such a man cannot avoid running a great risk. What, if when striving to oblige one of those choleric men, his enemy at some unlucky day finds it in his power to make me feel his resentment, and out of a spirit of revenge, is soon up with me by susciting upon me a variety of troubles and distresses? One of the main causes of the ruin of this country, and one of the main hinges upon which turn the distresses and miseries of its inhabitants, is this very spirit of dissension, that has become customary and current amongst the English, who are now the masters and rulers of those kingdoms: a spirit that runs away with their faculties to the utter neglect of many duties. There are some other reasons likewise, which shall be explained in a short time at the close of this book, when mention shall be made of the conduct of the English rulers, and of their principal men in these regions.

Let us now return to the intrigues set up by Menny-begum. It is very probable that this haughty Princess, who does not love to see Mahmed-reza-qhan in power, and could not bear his meddling with the affairs of the Nizamet, did write to the Governor to insinuate, that if he intended to keep that department in his own power, he must prevail on Aaly-hibrahim-qhan to accept the above office, as the only method for keeping it under his own controul. The Governor, for these reasons, engaged both Menny-begum and Mubarec-ed-döwlah to renew their solicitations to that nobleman, and to say to him: “If you be apt to mistrust our sincerity, we shall give you an obligatory paper under our hands, by which we shall bind ourselves to do nothing without your consent and permission; nay, that we shall not meddle with any thing at all, if you will have it so. Or, if you feel any inquietude about the expenditure of the money which may come to take place upon some particular emergencies, for which Mahmed-reza-qhan, in consequence of the power which he enjoys, might bring you into trouble; and you should find yourself at a loss how either to account for it or to refund the same; then we take that case upon ourselves, and will give you a writing under our hands, by which we shall acknowledge, that whenever such a case shall happen, we shall account for it ourselves, and shall bear you harmless.” But all these solicitations availed nothing, nor would the Qhan lend an ear to them.

These divisions in the Council, which had deterred Aly-hibrahim-qhan, had not produced less considerable effects elsewhere, and especially at Lucknow. Two or three years after Shudjah-ed-döwlah’s demise, that is, in the heighth of General Clavering’s influence, Mr. Djan Brishtoo, a very sensible young man, had been appointed to the residency at Lucknow: a modest word which implies no less than the absolute disposal of every thing in the provinces of Aood and Ilah-abad. That young man availed himself so well of his own talents, as well of Assuf-ed-döwlah’s John Bristow transfers the province of Benares to the English. ignorance, and of Moqhtar-ed-döwlah his Minister’s supineness, that he transferred to the immediate dominion of the Company, the country of Benares, which was part of the lease of the son of Radja Balvent-sing’s. But the General being now dead, this service of his availed but little, and he was turned out of his office. Brishtoo, who had made money, and likewise done very well the Company’s business, set out for his country, with intention to come back after having established his interest in England. But as long before his departure, the General and the others had wrote home to recommend him as a man of merit, that had rendered eminent services, there came after his departure, an order from Europe to continue him in his office, with many commendations and encomiums upon his conduct. Whilst that order was coming, Brishtoo himself arrived in England; and he availed himself so well of the services he had rendered, and of the General’s recommendation, as well as of the joint efforts of that officer’s friends, that he obtained a new order for himself, and another for reinstating Mahmed-reza-qhan in the Fodjdary; which two orders he brought himself to Calcutta. It was at a time when some appearance of a reconciliation was taking place betwixt the two parties. The defeat of two English armies in Decan had induced Mr. Doocreel, (Mr. Ducarell), heretofore Governor of Pooraniah, and who now was at the head of the Qhalissa or Finance office, to become mediator between the Governor and Mr. Francis, to whom he was a common friend. He made them understand, that this was not a time for them to dispute and to wrangle between themselves; and that they had better postpone their differents for such times as would follow afterwards on a cessation of troubles And as on the other hand Mr. Barwell, who had hitherto had but one heart and one mind with the Governor, to whom he had shewed a constant attachment, was now resolved, either out of some discontent against him, or for some purposes of his own, to repair to England; of course some union and friendship between the Governor and Mr. Francis had become the more necessary; and it took place accordingly, after some stipulations in favour of the latter, amongst which, the appointing of Mahmed-reza-qhan to the Fodjdary was a principal one. The Governor, who wished to oblige him, A.D.1780-81 agreed to it; and on the twentieth of Sefer, of the year 1194, that Minister retook possession of that office; so that the water that had quitted his shore, commenced flowing again. They report on that occassion a very strange ancedote: A man well acquainted with Séyd-mahmed-qhan himself (who is the same person to whom the Minister is so much attached, as to admit him to every one of his secrets, and to undertake nothing without his advice and approbation) averred, as holding it from his own Mahmed-reza-qhan in office again, for the third time. mouth, that Mahmed-reza-qhan had vowed and promised to the Divine Author of all gifts, and had written with his own hand upon a Coran of one of his friend’s, “That if he ever recovered his offices and dignities, he would, as an offering to God, distribute twelve thousand rupees to the poor.” What is strange, is that to this day, which is the end of the year 1195, and a full twelve month after the completion of his wish, the promise has not been fulfilled yet. Séyd-mahmed-qhan likewise had a positive order to execute, as delivered in these words: “And if you observe any tergiversation or neglect in me, after I shall have obtained the full of my wishes, then be sure to seize me by the throat, and to hold it fast squeezed, until I have paid down the money which you may then distribute yourself.” Accordingly at the appointed time, the Qhan made serious instances, but to no purpose. The Minister brought forth a variety of apologies, such as “that Mubarec-ed-döwlah had already distributed so much money in alms, in his intention; the necessity of putting in repair his palaces of Now-Saht and Nyshat-baqh; the urgency of some expenditures, and such other matters; all which he thought sufficient excuses.” What looks singular is, that in order to tranquillise the Qhan’s conscience, he added “That he (Séyd-mahmed-qhan) had got out of his promise, but that himself was still entangled in it; and that he hoped to see the day when the Divine Providence would put it in his power to disburse and distribute that money.” Wonderful God! may I admire that variety of traces, everywhere discernible, of your Divine dispensations, by which you have spread amongst a single species of your creatures so much difference of tempers, and such a diversity of dispositions, that one individual shall spend so much of his consequence and time in covetously hunting after a dignity, which another individual, a thousand times inferior to him in wealth, shall have spurned at and rejected, although offered to him with solicitations and intreaties, by the reigning powers, and by the Lords of the land! Aaly-hibrahim-qhan struck the feet of contentment and resignation into the head and breast of that office^\(75\), and remained unmoved by all its temptations, and all their prayers. But you are so, O worthy man, by a particular gift of the Author of all love!

About forty-two days before this event, Mahmed-ired-qhan, Death of Mirza-iredj-qhan, and of Ahtiram-ed-döwlah. son to Acbar-cooly-qhan, and father-in-law to Seradj-ed-döwlah, an illustrious nobleman of whom we have spoke in the history of Aaly-verdy-qhan, departed towards the regions of Divine mercy. It was the ninth of Muharrem, about the beginning of the year ninety-fourth of the Hedjra; and the fourteenth of second Reby of the same year, Ahtiram-ed-döwlah-mir-cazem-qhan, brother to Mir-djaffer-qhan, and uncle to Mubarec-ed-döwlah, set out likewise for the mansions of the Divine Forgiver He fell sick at Radj-mahal, where he lived, and finding himself ill, he was repairing to Moorshood-abad, to get himself treated; but the Angel of death intercepted him on his way, and conducted him towards the road that leads to eternity. He was entombed in the monument of his family, with his father and brothers. He bore the character of a good natured man, but not without a mixture of indolence and supineness in his composition, as if to verify that sentence of the Coran, That most of the inhabitants of the Paradise are simple of heart. May God’s forgiveness and mercy rest upon him for ever! The changes happened at Moorshood-abad and Lucknow were followed by some further alterations at Azim-abad.

About the middle of the year ninety-third of the Hedjra, Mr. Ayoon-law, Chief at that city, was for some particular reasons dismissed from his dignity and office; and he thought proper to repair to Mendradj, from whence he went to England. He was succeeded by Mr. Macsool (Maxwell), second to him in rank, who in conjunction with the other councillors, conducted the business of that province. Mr. Neec, one of them, was a man of a violent passionate temper, although full of sense; as well as Disturbances and intrigues at Azim-abad. vigoious and stiff in his attachments. But his Divan, Ram-lochun, a Bengaly of a strange savageness of temper, was narrow-minded, and of a very uncommon cast of mind; yet such as he was, he had gained a thorough ascendant over his master’s mind. This gentleman was much displeased with Radja Hyaliram and some others, who being supported by, and connected with, Mr. Law, thought proper to keep at some distance from Mr. Neec, and his savage of a Divan. But as on the other hand, the latter drew a mighty credit and much countenance from his connections with Mr. Barwell, a leading Member of the Committee, to whom the Governor paid great deference, he had on those two accounts risen to so much power and influence in the Council of Azim-abad, that he did as he pleased. Radja Hyaliram, after Mr. Law’s departure, found it necessary to join Mr. Neec; and under a promise of presenting him with a large sum of money, should he obtain the lease of some of the public revenues, he made his peace with him, and became the disposer of all matters and transactions in the districts of Cháyn-poor, Sarseram, and Seress-cotumbah, to which places he repaired to hasten the collection with all his might. But as the money did not come in as fast as promised, Mr. Neec came forward, and let loose his Divan Ram-lochun, a man who bearing already a cordial hatred to Hyaliram, plunged him into so much chicanery and trouble, that the Radja fearful for his honour as well as for his life, resolved to repair to Calcutta, and to refer every thing to the Governor. But the difficulty was how to get out of Azim-abad, and how to elude Ram-lochun’s clutches and watchfulness. He therefore applied by several petitions to the Governor, and represented, that should he (Hyaliram) be sent for to the presence, and rescued from the danger that hung over his head, he would demonstrate his own zeal and gratitude, by making many important discoveries. Maha-radja Calyan-sing, son to the late Shitábriá, was so slothful and so supine a nobleman, as to have lost all power and influence at the Council Board of Azim-abad, where he was looked upon as a cipher. But as he was much discontented with all the Members, he came to Hyaliram’s assistance, and wrote respectful letters to the Governor, setting forth the other’s good conduct, and his punctuality in business. The Governor, who at once comprehended that administration might draw some benefit from these disputes, commanded Radja Hyaliram’s attendance; and the latter thinking it a piece of good fortune to escape from the paws of Ram-lochun, repaired to Calcutta, where he soon found admittance. For although he is not always well-intentioned, The Council of Azim-abad accused of enormous infidelities in the management of finances. yet being, as he is, full of sense and wit; and the times admitting, and even requiring men of such active characters; he was handsomely received by the Governor, to whom he gave an account of the real causes of the endless failures and outstanding balances in the collections of the province of Azim-abad. He informed him of the numberless infidelities of Ram-lochun’s, and of the endless oppressions and exactions, which he had been guilty of on the inhabitants of that unhappy country, and which he was still committing by himself and his dependants, as well as by the officers of the Fodjdary-office, at the head of which he was in his master’s right. The Governor, on hearing such a dismal account of that country, could not be brought to believe that men of his nation could be guilty of such excesses, nor would he on Hyalirams’s suggestions dismiss the whole Council of Azim-abad; a necessary measure, however, and in consequence of which the people of God might have been rescued from the miseries of yeilding obedience to such a set of rulers, and the necessity of depending on their nod and pleasure. Neverthelss impressed by Hyaliram’s sense and wit, and by the flowing easiness of his delivery, the Governor granted him most of his demands, and left the disposal of the collections of those parts to his discretion and knowledge, although Hyaliram had no money of his own, and he was supported by no one protector. Thus in consequence of his representations and good management, all the former collectors of revenue were dismissed, and himself was invested with full powers, and a decisive authority over the affairs of that resort. Hyaliram, out of attachment and gratitude for former benefits received from Calyan-sing, set apart for his account some districts of that province, and kept only some others for himself; and thus after having performed a voyage that did him a deal of honour and credit, he returned to Azim-abad, about the beginning of the year 95 of the Hedjra. A little after, all the Members of the Council were dismissed from All the Members of that Council dismissed from the management of finances. their shares in the Revenue-office; and the two Radjahs addicted themselves jointly to the care of putting the finances in order. On the other hand, the people of the province, glad to return to the sway of their own countrymen, trusted to the appearance of unanimity and unity of command, which seemed to reign between them; and they imagined that the oppressed public would soon be released from the miseries of its former situation. But such are the revolutions of heavenly bodies, and such the instability which they impresss on human affairs and dispositions, that hardly was Hyaliram arrived from Calcutta; hardly was he recovered from the bodily labour he had undertaken, partly on Radja Calyan-sing’s account, than the latter, notwithstanding all the obligations he owed to his colleague, became altered at once. At the instigation of some foolish proud young men, he had the impudence to write complaints against him to the Governor, and to accuse him openly in Mr. Macsool’s presence, who was Chief of Azim-abad. But the Governor, who is the first man of his age for knowledge of the world, and who to form an estimate of a man’s character and abilities, needs only to see and to hear him once; the Governor, I say, who in a few conferences with Hyaliram had already with his eagle-like keenness of sight, made himself master of the degree of that man’s abilities and genius, and was likewise thoroughly apprised of the soft and ductile character of Calyan-sing’s, paid no attention to the latter’s imputations; but sent to the other, the investiture and honorary dress of Deputy to Calyan-sing, making him the sole disposer of all revenue matters. May God Almighty turn the dissensions and jealousies of the people of this country into union and love, so that all its inhabitants may enjoy rest and comfort, and may they exchange evil for good!

It is not improper to observe on Hyaliram’s subject, that Strange and yet valuable character of Hyaliram, with an affecting little story, that does him a great deal of honour. although he is so determined a liar, that there is no trusting to his word, yet such as he is, he must be endowed, and he is really endowed with so many laudable qualifications, that it would be difficult to find his equal in this present time, as characters go now; nor would I be surprised at all to see him turn better than he is, and improve his character essentially, on being favoured with an accession of power, and a more extensive office; nor would it be at all improbable, but that in such a case, the people of this province should come to better their unhappy condition, and to enjoy a release from the pains and miseries they endure; for there are some particulars in that man’s odd character, that do him an infinite deal of honour.

A few days before our writing these lines, there came from Bengal to Azim-abad a venerable gentleman, with a flowing white beard. He was a Persian-born, and a stranger. The day of his arrival, after having fatigued himself in setting his little things in his new lodgings, he was suddenly taken ill, and died about midnight. At day-break the officers of the Fodjdary-office rushed headlong into his lodgings, with an intention to take possession of his effects. He had four small children, all motherless. The poor fellows waking suddenly at the noise, and seeing their father motionless, and so many strange faces in the house, took fright, and clinging as close as they could to the dead body, as if for protection, they fell a-weeping and atrembling. The man’s servant waking at last, and being at once overwhelmed by a number of questions and by the threats of those oppressors, wanted to part the children from the corpse; and these auguring nothing but ill from that violence, fell a-screaming all together with all their might, so as to fill the whole quarter with an uproar, which people compared to that of the Day of Judgment. Radja Hyaliarm came to hear of this matter; but his chairmen not being at hand, he ran on foot out of his house; and going into the lodging in question, he exerted himself in soothing and pacifying the affrighted children. Sending at the same time for a Minister of the Mussulman religion, and for a winding sheet, with some other necessaries, he ordered the prayers directed by law to be pronounced over the deceased, his body to be washed according to those rites, and then to be buried in a particular spot, which he had bought a few days before for his own burial, and which he from that moment bequeathed as a burying ground for poor faithful travellers^\(76\). This done, he took by the hand those children, who were now orphans indeed, and carried them to his house, where he desired his consort to bring them up as his own, with no difference at all in the treatment; and that very day, he settled a pension upon them, appointed a servant to their service, and found out a tutor to teach them their letters, and to bring them up in their father’s religion. Lastly, he appointed a retired part of his lodgings for their habitation; and now they are carefully educated, until some relation or other, comes over to claim them; otherwise, he intends to adopt them himself, and to marry them amongst the Mussulmen. May the Most High God, by His favour and grace, augment that man’s inclination to perform such meritorious actions, and may He turn other people’s hearts towards pactices of benevolence and charity! Amen.

It is to be wished we could speak with as much fulness of the affairs and campaigns in Decan; but the detail of the battles and transactions in that country cannot be well known to any, but to those Commanders, who having been in battle against one another, have made trials of each other’s valour and strength. As for me, I know only as much of them as has been published by common report, or has been written by Indians constituted in power and dignity; and it is these reports and relations which I am putting in order throughout these sheets. I was at Azim-abad, when I heard of the expedition and achievements of Colonel Godard’s. That Commander being arrived at Ilah-abad, heard that the army in which he had been appointed to serve, was gone to Calpy; on which he made haste, and soon joined it at that spot, where he found that the English Commander had opened a correspondence, and a commerce of friendship with some Zemindars of those parts, and with some of the enemies of the Princes and Radjahs of the Bundul-cund, with whom he had concluded treaties, with a view to open a passage through their countries, and to conciliate their good will to the expedition. But on advancing a little beyond Calpy, Lesley who commanded in chief, and to whom Godard obeyed against his inclination, had the imprudence and thoughtlessness to Colonel Lesley engages his army in a tract destitute of water, where he suffers a loss for want of that refreshment. engage himself in a parched country, where for some leagues together in every direction, no water at all was to be found, and no habitation to be seen; and this too at a season of the year, when the heats are intolerable, as it is always the case in India, just before the setting in of the rains; so that this imprudence cost him in that single day, three or four English officers, ten or twelve or even more English soldiers, and above a hundred of those native soldiers that go by the name of Talingas; all which dropped dead for want of water to quench their thirst. The remaining officers shocked at this enormous thoughtlessness of Colonel Lesley’s, as well as at the covetousness of his temper, and the supineness of his conduct, became discontented against him, and wrote an infinity of complaints to the Committee of Calcutta. Colonel Godard himself wrote in the same style. He exposed his reasons of discontent; and observed, that as no union and concert could take place between Lesley and him, he requested either to be excused from so disagreeable a service, or that some other officer should be appointed to the supreme command. The other officers did not fall short of such a style in their letters; and even some of them wrote in common, “That if the Committee intended the safety of this army, and to see it victorious, they must appoint Colonel Godard to the command of it.” The Governor and Council, on these universal complaints, thought proper to reprimand Lesley, and then to recall him from the army; and having raised Colonel Godard’s station and rank, they appointed him to the sole command of that army. A brevet, drawn up in very honorable terms, was sent him at the same time. But by a singular good luck it happened that, before the order could come up, the ministers of destiny and fate had dismissed Lesley’s spirit from the command and government of his body, and had forbidden the latter to obey any more the directions of the other; so that Godard was already in the full command of the army, Death of Colonel Lesley, by which accident the command devolves on Col. Godard. when the order arrived. This officer, who in good manners and in the art of commanding has not his equal in the world, gained so much upon the hearts of his soldiers, and even of those of the Zemindars on his passage; and he kept so strict a discipline over his people, that he made great progresses in his journey. Having given two shameful defeats to the troops of Bundul-cund, which at two different times attempted to oppose his passage, he marched on boldly through an enemy’s country, and over an unknown tract of land; and with no more than five or six thousand men, and ten or eleven pieces of cannon and mortars, he cut his way with great vigour and conduct for three months together, until he arrived very near to the spot destined for the junction of his troops with the other English army that had set out from Bombay; but here he found matters Colonel Godard cuts his way with great vigour for three months together, and is on the point of effecting a junction with the army of Bombay, when the latter is totally defeated. very much altered. General Carnac, Commander of the army from Bombay, proud of his command, and anxious to acquire a great name before Godard’s arrival, had hastened forward; and with an army under his command, which both in numbers and in artillery, was superior to Colonel Godard’s^\(77\), he attacked the Marhattas, and was completely vanquished. He was even besieged and enclosed in such a manner, as to suffer a total defeat, and to bring a complete disgrace upon the English arms. Those that survived that defeat, joined General Carnac, and were obliged to enter into some shameful articles with the victorious; and after having exchanged some stipulations, they returned to their fortress and homes at Bombay. Colonel Godard being apprised of that event, concluded that as his army had greatly suffered from the length of his march, and from the very numerous engagements in which he had been victorious, his troops to all appearance would prove unequal to the task of facing an enemy flushed with victory. He therefore thought it expedient to strike to the right, and to march on to Surat, which was a city and port in the power of the English. As soon as he arrived, and he had put his troops into quarters of refreshment, he wrote to the Council of Calcutta, which of late had been invested with a Dictatorial power over all the English factories on the Indian coast, and with the absolute direcion of all the English armies and officers in India. The Governor and Council, together with the Council of Bombay, refused to ratify the treaty made by General Carnac, and they commanded General Godard to fight the Marhattas.

Whilst that Commander was in cantonments, Umed-el-mulk alias Mir-sheáb-eddin, the same who had sown so many troubles in Hindostan by his endless infidelities, and eternal intrigues; Mir-Sheab-eddin alias Umed-el-mulk, suddenly appears in Decan. and had brought on the ruin of the Empire and even of these very kingdoms, by the revolutions he had caused; at once made his appearance in that city. That wretched, who had projected to ruin the sons of his own uncle, that is, the posterity of Nizam-el-mulk^\(78\), and to complete the downfall of the remainder of that family (which to this day enjoys great power and great dominions in Decan), was gone into those southern parts with sinister intentions. But the Grandees and Commanders of those countries, who luckily had still in their hearts some respect for their master’s welfare, as subjects, and some regard for their own reputation and characters, as soldiers, refused to pay any attention to his intrigues and suggestions; and the man now reduced to straits, as well as unable to find throughout all the cities of Hindostan, or even in all those of Decan, a single spot, whereon he might tread in safety, repaired to Surat, under pretence of a pilgrinage to the glorious Mecca; and he kept himself concealed for a length of time, nor was he discovered but by some jewels of value which he got out for sale. Colonel Godard was obliged to write to the Governor and Council to know their pleasure with respect to this man; and he was at first forbidden to have any connections with him; but in the sequel, they conlcuded that an intriguing man is always a shrewd man; and that being acquainted with all the chief men of Decan, as well as allied to the family of Nizam-el-mulk, he might be of great use. Accordingly, they ordered the Colonel to have connections The English acquire in Gudjrat a potent ally. with him, in hopes that at some future emergencies, his abilities and knowledge might answer some purpose in their cause. The General upon this letter, admitted him to his friendship, and gave him a pension for his subsistence.

Whilst the Bengalarmy was yet in Surat, the English interest had been recruited by a new ally. This was Ráo Fateh-sing-cáicvar, one of the principal feudatories of the Marhatta Empire. He had been invited over by Ragonat-ráo, who had engaged him to conclude a written engagement with that nation, in which he was promised to have the whole Gudjrat^\(79\) for himself, under condition of his joining the troops to his English, and of his being assisting in their expedition. The Colonel, after that junction, conceived the scheme of taking the city of Azim-abad-Gudjrat; A. D. 1780. and about the end of the year 1190 of the Hedjra, he marched out of Surat, and presenting himself before that city, he at first offered the Marhatta Commanders terms of capitulation for surrendering the place; but this being rejected, he in a little time Ahmed-abad-Gudjrat taken by assault, and sacked and plundered. ruined the walls, and took the place by mere force and by assault; and although it is not customary with the English troops to plunder or to kill after a victory, nevertheless at the capture of this place, there was some plunder made, and some blood shed, whether because the Cáicvar, with his Marhattas, was in their company, or for some other reason that has not transpired. This much is certain that some plunder was committed, and possibly some blood was shed. The Colonel having delivered the city and fortress to Fateh-sing-cáicvar, and established that Prince’s government over it, came out and marched forward, resolved to The English acquire a new ally, the Radja of Gohud. fight another Marhatta army that had come to the assistance of the garrison. But such brilliant successes having spread the renown of the English far and near, did not fail to suscite in their favour a new ally; and this was a Prince called the Rana of Gohud. In a few days his agents arrived at Calcutta, and offered to join the English, but requested at present a small number of troops. The reason of this negotiation was, that the Rana of Gohud, who had this longwhile disputes with the Marhattas, and was always at variance with them, hoped that as the English were now waging war against that nation, he might avail himself of that new power to snatch from his enemies some districts and fortresses of his which they detained this longwhile; after which, he would be ready to shew his gratitude to his new allies, by proving his zeal for their cause. The Governor had too much wisdom and knowledge, not to preceive the utility of an alliance with a great Prince who had money, troops, and dominions; who could afford so much local knowledge of the countries and affairs of the Marhattas upon whom his dominions bordered; and who offered himself to the English as a guide; for his country became of course a new conquest, that cost him nothing. So that the Governor looking upon such an event as a favour from above, sent to his assistance Captain Palmer, with three regiments of Talingas. This officer was accompanied by Tefez-zul-hosséin-qhan, who had once been tutor to Mirza-saadet-aaly, second son to Shudjah-ed-döwlah^\(80\), and was now sent in quality of an agent from the Governor, to gain the Rana’s heart. The two The English take possession of Gohud. envoys being arrived at Gohud, took possession of the castle, under pretence of lodging themselves; and under the mask of friendship and a visit, they kept him prisoner and surrounded by their forces.

But before we continue the history of that expedition, we must take a view of some other parts of Decan. In consequence of the necessity of some affairs of my own, and of the tyranny exercised by destiny, I was obliged to make an application to Calcutta, and of course to take a journey to Bengal; A.D.1780-81. and it was in the year 1194. On my arrival at Moorshood-abad and at Calcutta, I learned with a little more detail what concerned the Decan, from the principal men of those cities; and as I was actually writing the rough draft of this book in that journey, I used to insert occasionally in it, whatever I heard worth notice and credit. It amounts to this: That the Grandees of the Court of Poona and Satara, who now govern the dominions of the Sahu Radja and of Ram Rajah^\(81\), finding the English bent on the destruction of their Empire, had united together, and had invited over, on one hand, Fateh-sing-cáicvar, who had already joined the English; and on the other, the sons of Rago-bhosselah, who from Aaly-verdy-qhan’s time, had ever been at peace with The Marhattas join together, to make an effort against the English. the rulers of Bengal, and had now by the means of Mr. Elliot’s and Mr. Anderson’s embassy and negotiation, renewed that peace and entered into a new treaty of friendship and amity with Governor Hushtin. These were now called upon by dint of threats to unite with the others; and they agreed to an union of concerns at last. It was about the middle of the year 1194, at which time Colonel Godard had already discovered Fateh-sing-cáicvar’s defecion; and as he found, on the other hand, that the rainy season was coming, he became tired of a kind of warfare that had no end, and served only to render the difficulties and necessities of his army greater and greater. With this view he returned to Surat. That city was only a few days journey. But the enemy eternally hanging on his rear, it cost him full forty or fifty days fighting, to cut his way through an hostile country; and this he did with a deal of steadiness and activity. At last he arrived in that city, where he put his troops into quarters of refreshment. But whilst he was preparing all the necessaries for commencing early another campaign, Fateh-sing-cáicvar, who had got so easily and so cheaply possession of the G8djrat, but had now become envious of Colonel Godard’s prosperity, put himself at the head of his own forces, and took his station in the districts which originally had been in his possession. Whilst such a change was taking place in G8djrat, Chimnadji, another Marhatta General, who was nephew to Rago-dji-bhosselah, having listened to the instigations and menaces of the Ministers of Poona^\(82\), set out with a good army from the Great-Náigpoor, his capital, and marched towards Djagennat and Cateck. There he took up his winter quarters, whilst his agents were now repairing to Calcutta, and professing amity and friendship to the English cause. The Governor, who did not trust altogether to their professions, opposed an army of English to the Marhatta army in Cateck; and stationed troops besides at all the passes in the mountains, where those enemies had used to pour into the provinces of Bengal and Bahar. These troops had orders to oppose force by force, should they make any motion that way^\(83\).

But as Háider-náic is now going to cut so great a figure in our history, it is proper to part with our subject for a while, in order to give some account of that extraordinary man. Háider-náic originally was a Commander in the service of the French in Decan, in which he commenced by serving as a Náic, which Some account of Háider-náic. signifies a Commander of ten or fifteen men. By degrees he rose to the offices of Djemaat-dar, Soobadar Comidan (Commandant,) which last is the highest title of command to which one can attain amongst the nations of hat-wearers. What appears very singular, is that notwithstanding that superior station, the surname of Náic stuck to him ever after. In the sequel he served the Radjahs of Decan, made himself a character, and acquired much power; and becoming famous little by little, he was taken into the service of the Radja of Malavar^\(84\), where in a little time, he fell out with that Prince’s Divan, who according to the custom of that country, disposed of the revenues and expenditures of that Prince, and directed all his Councils absolutely. Háider-náic, who despised that Minister’s pusillanimity, as much as he confided on his own valour and talents, had the boldness to fall upon him in broad day-light, and to kill his rival; after which he took possession of his office. From that day he acted with an absolute sway in every thing, but still with the policy of leaving the Radja alive, and in his usual employment. That Prince is still alive; and whenever his keeper thinks is proper, he is produced in public as an ancient relic; at which time he never fails to pay him every mark of respect and veneration. After his establishing in this manner his authority over the Malavar, he thought proper to march to the assistance of Nizam-aaly-qhan, son to Nizam-el-mulk, Sovereign of the Decan, who having fallen out with the English, and with Mahmed-aaly-qhan, Viceroy of Arcat, had marched at the head of an army, and given them a great battle, in which he was assisted by Háider-náic, with his person and a body of troops. But the English having obtained the victory, Nizam-aaly-qhan in despair of his defeat, obstinately remained on the field of battle, resolved rather to perish in the field than to survive his defeat. It was at this moment he was descried by Háider-náic from afar, who being informed of his despair and resolution, galloped up to him, and made use of force and violence to turn his elephant about, and to make him quit the field of battle. Nizam-aaly-qhan consented at last, but told him that it was under condition that he (Háider-náic) would provide for his obtaining his revenge of that defeat. The other promised it; and really after having spent some time in making his preparatives, he turned about, and fell on the English; or else, he let Nizam-aaly-qhan depart, and then in a few days he turned about, faced the English again; but was defeated and obliged to fly for life. Either from some particular emergency, or from the concourse of destiny, he was obliged to turn his back, and to return to his own country. But the English, bent on his pursuit, arrived in his dominions, where they took, one after another, whatever fortress opposed their passage; and after having established contributions in the country, they used to proceed forward. These many sieges having given him time to collect his resources, he quickly repaired to a strong fortress of his, deposed there most of his baggage, and having taken out of it as much provisions and ammunition as would serve for some days all his He fights the English with a variety of successes, but in general with advantage. troops, he turned about, and by rapid marches, he fell suddenly upon the English, and gave them a great defeat. But as the vanquished army continued in a body, and after having been drawn up in battle array, wanted to renew the combat, he at once disappeared from before them, without their being able to know any thing of his motions; and having marched by roads which nobody suspected, he suddenly made his appearance before Mendradj (Madras), which was empty of troops, and where there were no preparatives made against his coming; and he surrounded it on all sides. The Governor and principal men seeing no resource at hand, set open the gate of amity, went to meet him, and made a treaty with him, by which the troubles ended by a peace. But this peace having afforded some repose to Háider-náic, he returned to his own country, and diligently employed himself in disciplining his troops, and in providing every implement necessary for war and conquest. After a length of time had elapsed, a dispute arose between the Marhattas and himself, in which he was shamefully beaten, and obliged to fly to his country, where he soon repaired his losses. The Marhattas meanwhile overawed by his superiority of genius, and intimidated by his art of finding resources, united with Nizam-aaly-qhan, and undertook to demolish his power, and to ruin him totally. For this purpose they joined twenty-five thousand horse of their own, to some thousand more, which Nizam-aaly-qhan had sent them under the command of Cala-qhan-dhonsa; and they made an irruption into his dominions. Háider-náic finding that he could not stand against such a force, abstained for a whole year from encountering the enemy. But yet he constantly kept at the distance of some miles, without losing sight of him, unless he sometimes chose to make a stay; and then he was always provided with such a numerous body of pioneers, and such an immense artillery, as enabled him at any time to fortify a good post, and to tarry there; nor did his enemies dare to attack him in such a fortified camp. Nevertheless with all this good countenance, he wisely concluded that in time, his country would be ruined by such a warfare; and he sought his safety in a treaty of peace, by which he gave a deal of money to the Marhattas, to Nizam-aaly-qhan, and to the latter’s General, Cala-qhan; and in this manner he extricated himself from his difficulties.

After this peace, he passed ten or twelve years in rest and tranquillity; but spent this interval in making mighty preparatives. Sets up a cavalry of Persians and other foreigners, which he disciplines after a method of his own. He sent Embassadors with rich and curious presents to Kerim-qhan-zendi^\(85\), then master absolute of all Iran; and these in their master’s name requested leave to raise in his dominions some thousand men of cavalry. The permission being soon granted, the Envoys, who were furnished with large sums of money, soon brought from thence some thousand Persian Moghuls, all young vigorous men, commanded by proper officers of their own. On the other hand, he opened a correspondence with the French of Mauris, an island over against his country, and by their means he opened another correspondence with the Ministers of the French kingdom. Thither also he sent curious and rich presents. Meanwhile he imported into his country a number of excellent horses, which he got mounted by Bar-ghirs, or men which he paid^\(86\) a part, as it is customary in India. These he disciplined in a manner particular to himself, teaching some thousands of them to form their ranks, and without breaking them, to face about and attack on a full gallop some thousands of others opposite them. He also obliged the Moghul and Indian troopers that were in his service, to be exercised every day for nine hours together, in the evolutions and rules of moving and fighting in order; insomuch that he rendered them expert in their business, and capable of any service. To this numerous body of cavalry, he added seventy thousand musqueteers, armed with flint locks, and which he disciplined in the European manner. This mighty army was followed by a train of seven Provides a numerous infantry disciplined after the European manner; and an immense artillery mounted and served in the English and French model. hundred pieces of artillery, mounted and served exactly in the English and French manner. After spending some years in these preparations, he became so conscious of his own strength, that he sallied forth, and conquered both from the Malavar Princes, and from the Marhattas, an extent of ground that yielded a revenue of about four Corors a year^\(87\). His army accoutred and furnished abundantly with every necessary, exactly as in Europe, is kept under the strictest order and discipline. They say that his eldest son, who is now his best General, does not dare to deviate a hair’s breadth from any of his orders; so far are any others from daring it themselves. One day he commanded him to be on horseback seven hours after sun set, and to go to such a spot. It happened that although he mounted at the proper time, it was however after a short delay. But that short delay was taken up; that very moment he sent for him back, His severity to his own son, considered as a Military officer. and made him undergo the punition of the whip. Nor was he less exact in other respects. On observing that the Moghul and Persian Officers in his army, were perpetually fighting amongst themselves, he sent for them, and represented to them in a moderate tone of voice, and in a friendly manner, “That as he had procured them from afar, and they had cost him already an immense sum of money, they ought to reserve themselves for his service, instead of killing and slaughtering each other as they did every day; he added, that as they were strangers in this country, they ought to live upon good terms with the Indians, and by all means upon terms of tenderness and love with their own countrymen.” But this friendly reprimand had no effect; and they went on in their usual way, above all, making no account of the Indians, and endlessly quarrelling and fighting amongst themselves, and against the others. Two or three times he repeated his reprimand, and two or three times he repeated it in vain. At last he grew tired, and one day he ordered two or three of those disobedient officers, to be seized and made fast to an elephant’s feet, where they were trampled to death. From that day they returned to order and obedience; and having tucked up the hem of obedience into the sash of zeal and submission, they are now brought under a strict discipline, and are at all times ready for immediate action. To defray such expenses, he has got possession of immense treasures, amassed from ancient times by the Princes of Decan for several ages past; nor is there in all Hindostan a power comparable to his in wealth, strength, splendour, discipline, and number of good troops. However, all this I mention upon general report; for after all, God only knows whether I am mistaken in that assertion. Háider-náic finding himself able to assert his rights, Gives the law to the Marhattas, with whom he makes a treaty. conceived now the design of recovering several territories which the Marhattas had wrested some years before from him; and he sent them word, that if they returned quietly those countries, and made a treaty with him, he would assist them with all his forces in their quarrel with the English; else, they must prepare for war. The Court of Poona which was now sensible of the importance of such an ally at such a critical time, concluded that it was as happy an offer as they might wish for; and having soon agreed to his demands, they proposed a treaty with him on these two conditions: The first, that he should himself come over to their assistance, and fight by their side. The second, that if his affairs did not permit him to come so far, then that he should invade the province of Arcat, carry ruin and devastation in every part of it, and keep in continual alarms, the armies and power of the English. Háider-náic, finding it impossible and inexpedient to join the Marhattas, accepted the second condition.

As soon as this treaty had been concluded and executed, he prepared to fulfil it on his part. In the middle of the year A. D, 1780 1194 of the Hedjra, he invaded the province of Arcat with an army that covered the plains, like the waves of an angry sea, and with a train of artillery that had no end. Being arrived He invades the Carnatic, and pushes to the very gates of Mendradj. at about forty or fifty cosses from the territory of Mendradj, he stopped there, and suddenly dispatched a strong body of troops under his son, with orders to push hastily to the capital. This General arriving unexpectedly, made himself master of that city, as well as of the palace of Mahmed-aaly-qhan, the Viceroy of the province, together with whatever they contained. They say that he did not offer much injury or damage to the inhabitants of the city, but that he ruined the gardens and country-houses belonging to the English, and made prisoners those he found there. Gen. Monro, the same who had heretofore beaten the Vezir of Hindostan at Bacsar, when he was only a Major, was now General, and appointed to the defence of the factory and fortress of Mendradj. He came out of the walls with ten battalions of Talingas, and sixteen pieces of cannon, furnished with every necessary, such as ball and powder; and he intended to fight. But Háider-náic hearing of this, wrote to his son to retreat from thence, and to draw the English army into the plain, and meanwhile to retrograde himself gradually towards his father. The son having obeyed punctually, Gen. Monro put his army in battle array, and having ordered a regiment with some Captains, and Lieutenants, and Ensigns, and some Sergeants, with two pieces of cannon, and necessaries to advance forward as usual, at two or three cosses distance from the main body, he followed himself with his whole army; and in this manner he advanced ten or twelve cosses farther from the fortress. Háider-náic hearing of this, sent a body of troops under the command of his son, with orders first to charge the regiment in question, and then to send intelligence every moment, and meanwhile to stand ready to execute further commands. The son did as he was commanded; and he attacked the regiment with so much vigour, that the Commander of it, after having bravely stood his ground, and received the enemy with a fire of musketry and cannon, sent word to the General, that the combat was drawing to a length; that his numbers were thinned; the enemy numerous; and that he wanted immediate relief. As the distance was great, and one-quart of the day was already spent, when the combat commenced, it was noon before the trooper with the intelligence arrived; and some time more being spent before the General could fix his mind on a resolution, there remained only one-third of the day, when he sent four regiments to the assistance of the first, two of which were European white soldiers, new landed from Europe, the others being Indian Talingas. But it was evening before they could arrive. The five regiments being joined, passed the night on the spot. On this intelligence, Háider-náic sent his son-in-law with fresh troops to his son’s assistance; and these recommenced the attack at day-break. The English were worsted; and finding that their General had erred, in not marching up with his whole army, they thought it expedient to retreat to the main body; and they commenced a retreat, but always in good order, and always turning about, and always facing their pursuers. The enemy continued pressing on all sides, and perpetually attacking with rockets, cannon-balls, muskets and bombs; and they had already burned the plants of the lives of numbers of English soldiers, when they were likewise favoured by fortune. It happened that one of the English carts of powder and ammunition took fire. In an instant the whole provision blew up, and carried away such vast numbers of men, which happened to be near or at no great distance, that those that survived the disaster, proved not numerous enough to continue the combat. The enemy having surrounded them, sent them promises of quarter. The English who are a courageous nation, full of military pride and firmness of heart, refused to surrender; upon which an order came to put them to the sword; and the poor souls were all hacked to pieces^\(88\). It happened that three or four men escaped from the slaughter, and reached General Monro’s encampment; Beats the English. but their report struck such a panic in his mind, that this General, whose courage had never been doubted to that day, no sooner heard the detail of the slaughter, than he lost his wonted firmness, and betrayed every mark of fear, trepidation and dismay. The report goes that he passed the night without going to bed. And that at day-break he mounted a fleet horse, and without stopping anywhere, or giving himself a moment to breathe, he retired within the fortress of Mendradj. The forlorn army following in much distress and idsorder retired into the fortress likewise; and the victorious in full pursuit of the runaways, entered the city of The English pursued to the very gates of Mendradj. Mendradj, which they mastered; so that there remained to the English nothing but the fortress of that name. They say that in a few days after, the fortress of Arcát, the capital of Mahmed-aaly-qhan’s dominions, who was the Viceroy of the Carnatec, was taken by the enemy, as well as that of Pool-churry, which last had been lately taken by the English from the French; and as in times of calamity, a misfortune never comes alone, it happened that a difference arising between the English and the Talingas of the garrison of Is-hac-patan (Vizagapatam), these last who were numerous, fell upon the small number of the English, and killing some of them, imprisoned the others; and thus that place also came cheaply in Háider-náic’s power.

General Monro having quitted the field in so disgraceful a manner, did not fail to be accused both by friends and foes, who covered him with shame. But this news had not yet reached Calcutta, where, meanwhile the fire of dissension, which had been raging with so much violence between the Governor-General and A duel between the Governor and Mr. Francis. Mr. Francis, had now risen to such a height, that from bad words, and disputes, they had proceeded to fighting with guns; and at the end of Redjeb or the beginning of Shaaban, both parties according to the established custom of the nation, went out by themselves, and fought with pistols. The Governor, being befriended by destiny, came off harmless; but Mr. Francis was wounded. As he was predestined to live a great deal more, the pistol ball, although it entered at his right side, did neither break the bone, nor even rend the curtain; it stopped between bone and flesh; and in a few days he was cured. It was justly at this time that General Coote, a King’s servant, who had succeeded General Clavering, as Commander-in-Chief of all the forces in India, arrived from Lucknow, whilst Mr. Doocreel, (Mr. Ducarell), arrived from Bardvan. These two men, who had connections with both parties, interposed their good offices, and became mediators of forgiveness and peace between the Governor and Mr. Francis. They brought them together, and made them take their seats at the Council-board; and it was about this time that the intelligence of Monro’s defeat arrived at Calcutta. The letters mentioned that the enemy grew daily more powerful, and that General Monro had fled from the field of battle.

News came likewise of General Godard’s having come out Colonel Godard besieges Bessi. of Surat, and of his now besieging the town of Bessi (Bassain), which is one of the strongest fortresses in the Marhatta dominions. It was likewise at this time that an Englishman of some consequence arrived in a Packet-ship from Bombay, which means in English a Courier-ship; and God knows what news he brought with him. He found the Governor-General with all the principal English of Calcutta overwhelmed with sorrow, but busy in contriving expedients to raise a great sum of money, and to form an army. The Governor after borrowing upon interest, from the wealthy Bengalies of Calcutta, so great a sum as one coror of rupees, engaged General Coote to repair to Mendradj, and to take the command of the army there.

It was in those times of calamity and distress, I arrived at Calcutta, where I paid a visit to the Governor-General. That Viceroy, who has a vast fund of innate goodness in his nature, condoled much with me, and promised that I would one day see the accomplishment of my wishes; but he was so overwhelmed with public business, that he could not afford to give me many hearings, or to remember his promise. As to General Coote, he both objected to the scarcity of men and of money, until both being remedied, he consented to go to Mendradj with three or four battalions that had been brought together; and these being joined to the six or seven regiments now shut up in the fortress of that name, the whole with some other troops then in those parts, would form a body of ten or twelve regiments: a force which was thought sufficient to fight Háider-niác in the field. For the English trusted much to the goodness of their troops and to the talents of their Commander; nor do they admit any interference of the deity in the affairs of this world, but attribute their repeated victories, and numerous conquests, to the good conduct of their officers, and to the bravery of their troops; nor do they ascribe the defeats given to General Carnac, and to General Monro, to anything else but to the misconduct of those two men, whom they loaded with imprecations and obloquy, as the principal authors of those disasters that had disgraced their nation. There is no doubt, indeed, but that wisdom and prudence bear a great sway in the direction of the affairs of the world; but not so much neither, as that the Original Mover of all events, He that has created and bestowed that wisdom and prudence, should remain idle himself, and as it were out of office; or that the affairs of the world, for want of apparent solidity and permanency, should be wholly and entirely in the power and disposal of human wisdom, and foresight. Be it as it may, General Coote, who commanded in chief all the troops in the Company’s service in India, and had under his care all the affairs of war, as his particular province, consented to repair to Mendradj. Urged by a thorough sense of the critical situation of affairs both in Mendradj and in Decan, he embarked, in the A. D. 1780. middle of the blessed month of Ramazan, of the year 1194, on board of a ship^\(89\), and repaired to that fortress. As to myself, perceiving that the Governor could not pay any attention to my affairs, and that I had no chance for any assistance at Calcutta, I returned to Moorshood-abad, being very uneasy on account of a threatened invasion from the Marhattas of Cateck, and on account of my having left my children and family like so many forlorn souls, in a city that had no Governor and no Ruler, that might partake of the distresses of families, and watch over their safety. For both the Nazem^\(90\), and his Lieutenant were perfectly free from such cares; nor could much be expected from the English themselves, who had in most places bestowed the offices of Rulers and Lieutenants on some principal Indians, who trusting to their interest with their masters, paid little attention to the situation of the people of this land. I arrived at Moorshood-abad the seventeenth of Shavval, and remained there till the 25th Zilhidj, of that same year; and all the while I was hearing accounts that differed from each other. Nevertheless whatever was most confirmed, has been inserted in these sheets; and it amounts to this much: that General Monro having, as has been already said, retired in that shameful manner within the fortress of Mendradj, had become a standing stock for the shafts of reproach from every one of his countrymen, as well as from the enemy. But as Háider-náic’s troops had taken possession of everything without the walls, and even of the city itself, as far as the precincts of the fortress, the English shut up within the place, resolved to fall by surprise upon those bodies of the enemy that were encamped close to their walls, in hopes of making an impression upon them. For this purpose there came out of the fortress at day-break, nay before day-break, two battalions of Grandils (Grenadiers), which word signifies in their language, picked men, tall and stout, and of tried bravery. But as Háider-náic is fully acquainted with the particular turn of genius of the English in war matters, and is indefatigable, and always thoroughly informed of the motions of his enemies, he never suffers his people to be supine, or off their guard, or negligent in their duty. His troops therefore proved to be ready for the enemy’s reception. A furious combat commenced; and troops being continually sent to the assistance of those engaged, the two battalions in question were surrounded, and finding no way open for a retreat, they continued fighting heroically, until they all rushed into eternity, leaving to Háider-náic’s troops a full possession of the victory. It was after this disgrace that the news of General Coote’s coming became public. General Monro seemed struck with the intelligence; and fearing for both his life and character, should that Commander land unexpectedly at Mendradj, he resolved to exert himself in recovering his honor. With this view, he came out with all the troops he could muster, leaving only such a small number as might guard the gates, and the Company’s magazines. He had with him a great train of cannon and mortars, with every necessary for some important expedition. On the other side, Háider-náic’s son, with an army of disciplined troops, and a good train of artillery, advanced to meet the enemy, and a mighty battle ensued. But again destiny would have it so, that Háider-náic’s son gained a complete victory; and General Monro being vanquished again and defeated, was forced to retreat within the fortress with the shattered remains of his army, where probably, he is safe from an attack. For it is reported that Háider-náic does not care to fight against walls and fortresses, and has been heard more than once to say, that it would be a folly to expose the lives of so many brave men for the sake of acquiring the possession of three or four thousand yards of ground; and that, provided God Almighty would give him the open country, and victory against the English, he did not care to dispute walls and brick-bats with them. This much is certain, that he must have known how little they could hold in a place destitute of every thing. He knew that as the fortress of Mendradj is seated by the sea-side, it has no sweet water at all; and although provisions of it are daily imported from abroad, it was impossible that they should answer the necessities of twenty or thirty thousand persons of all professions and sexes, which were shut up within its walls, and that too for a space of three or four months. Add to this that Mendradj is not really a fortress^\(91\); it is only a wall drawn round the habitations of an infinity of merchants and other numerous people residing there. These men daily import their own water from without the walls, where there is a city apart. But even supposing that in times of full peace, they should have formed an aqueduct or a rill that should carry a supply of water up to their habitations, still such a contrivance would prove of little avail, as an approach to that rill is now opposed and full of danger. Now as it is certain that they can no more import provisions than their water, it becomes altogether incomprehensible, how that multitude can have subsisted all this while without suffering every extremity^\(92\). It is a pity that the English do not mention such matters, and the like details publicly. They never talk of them to such people as we; and I cannot get any sure intelligence from any one else. But for that reservedness of theirs, we should have set down all those events with a full detail.

It has been already related that the Governor, from the very first arrival of General Clavering and his party, had found it out of his power to come to an understanding with them. For although now and then both sides listened to the persuasion of common friends, who forcibly pointed out the inconveniencies of dissension, and the advantages of concert, so as to seem inclined to unite together; yet such was the difference of tempers, and such the diversity of interests, that no union and no concert could take place. Even of late, that is some time after the duel had happened, some appearance of peace, and even some union, had been perceived between the Governor and Mr. Francis, on the mediation of General Coote and Mr. Doocreel; but after the General’s departure for Mendradj, matters took to their former course. For Mr. Francis wished that some arrangements might take place, to not one of which the Governor would listen. The first was, the sending back Mr. Brishtoo to his office of Lucknow, with his former appointment and authority, for both which, repeated orders had come from Europe. The second, that the Divanship of the Calcutta department should be given to Ram-chund-ráy, instead of Ganga-govind, who now holds it. The third was, that Nand-comar’s son should be put at the head of the Qhalissah or Revenue-office. There were some other demands, to none of which the Governor would consent. He had of late met with several new subjects of discontent; insomuch that his enmity had risen to a height.

But whilst there was so much dissension and enmity at home, great misfortunes had befallen the English arms abroad. Two or three veteran armies, with a number of renowned Commanders, had been destroyed; and an immense sum of money having been spent in those expeditions, the Company’s treasury was become so empty, that Government had been obliged to have recourse to a loan, which was obtained from the Bengalies; and all that, at the very time that the Supreme Council were forbidden from making any new conquests. It was from such events, and from such formal disobediences of orders, that Mr. Francis who brought them into one point of view, thought he could prove a great body of misdemeanours and mismanagement in the Governor’s conduct. He now re-digested the whole into a methodical writing, which he got bound like a book; and after having obtained its being registered, he thought himself strong enough with such a piece, and he departed this country at the end of Zilcaad, of the year A. D. 1781. 1194 of the Hedjrah. He was attended by a number of gentlemen, all dissatisfied with the Governor, who all repaired to London, which is the Capital of the dominions of the Kings of England. By this departure he freed the Governor from a troublesome antagonist. For hitherto the latter had been at some trouble in managing the Government in an absolute manner, although he took all the risks upon himself; but now that the whole Council is reduced to his own person, and to that of Mr. Wheeler’s, he is become sole master of binding and unbinding, of appointing, and dismissing in every department, without either controul or dispute. Time only can show in what manner shall end these dissensions, as well as these troubles which are just commencing; and time alone shall determine what completion his schemes are likely to have. Then shall we know something of what is to become of the poor injured people of this land, who now have no other friend and no other comforter but God Almighty. As to myself, having set out from Moorshood-abad the 26th Zilhidj; and in that same year having stopped some time at Radjemahal for some particular business, and especially for performing the rites of the ten days of Moharrem; on the ninth of that same month, I heard from a person of consequence and credit, that General Coote, having joined the troops he had brought with him, to those he found at Mendradj, had set out from that fortress with a great train of artillery; and having given battle to the troops of Háider-náic, he had been beaten as had already been General Monro, and forced to retire within the walls, without which Háider-náic is now master of every thing, throughout the province of Arcat, and up to the walls of Mendradj.

Nor did the affairs of the English wear a more favourable aspect in Hindostan, where the troops, which had been carried by Captain Palmer to the assistance of the Ranna of Gohud, having lodged themselves for their own conveniency in the fortress of that name, turned their thoughts towards recovering some other strongholds, and places which had been in the possession of the Rana’s^\(93\) ancestors. That Commander put to the Radja a number of questions about every spot and every place in that region. The Ranna answered: “That one of the principal possessions of his ancestors, was the fortress of Goaliar, a place renowned for strength all over Hindostan, and which the Emperors of the family of Babr^\(94\) had seized by force, having maintained their conquest by a superiority of power. That from that time it had belonged to them, being called by excellence the Imperial fortress. That in process of time as the Empire came to lose of its power, and the Marhattas to increase theirs, it happened that the Governor and Garrison finding themselves neglected by the Ministers and Grandees of the Court, as well as reduced very low for want of pay and necessaries, thought it high time to listen to the offers of the Marhattas, to whom they consented to surrender the fortress on condition of being paid the whole of their arrears; and thus having received the money in exchange for the fortress, they had surrendered it to a body of Marhatta troops. That from that day it had remained in their possession; a transaction which was fresh in every one’s mind, as it had happened in the time of Ahmed-shah, son to the Emperor Mahmed-shah, of the Babr family.” This was the information given by the Rana. Now as that place is only at about thirteen cosses from Gohud, and, it had been constantly an eye-sore to the Gentoo Prince, he was thoroughly informed of every corner of it, and of every manner of approaching it, as well as completely apprised of a particular path, hidden by the rock, and quite out of sight, where the rampart was lower than any elsewhere. Of all this he gave information to the English, and added a number of men who had a local knowledge of every part within and without the walls. The English Commander formed his project upon those lights; and having with great secrecy prepared a number of ladders proportionate to the height of the wall, and meanwhile spread a report of an attack being intended against another fort, he set out from Gohud, the place of his residence, stopped at about five or six cosses distance; and from thence at the beginning of the night, he posted his army, and with a proper number of light troops which he furnished with ladders, he marched forwards. At the end of the night, being arrived at the spot he intended, he placed his ladders, and availing himself of the neglect and supineness of the garrison, he got upon the wall, and commenced firing at the garrison, which was thrown into the greatest consternation. For one or two thousand of such troops, being once got within the fortress, were by all means an overmatch for any ten thousand of such slothful fellows as composed the garrison. They cay that the Marhatta Governor, either out of despair and shame, or for fear of being called to an account, killed himself; and there is also another report, that this surprise had been concerted with the ancient Imperial Commander, who dissatisfied with his not being paid his arrears, had only dissembled his resentment, and had remained within the fortress, until he could find some opportunity of introducing an enemy. It was in this manner that so famous a fortress fell in a twinkle, in the hands of the English, who took care to put a garrison in it^\(95\). I was in Calcutta, when news came of the capture of Goaliar; and I heard with my own ears the discharges of cannon, by which that happy event was announced to the public. It was there I learned also that Maha-dji-sindia, one of the principal feudatory rulers of the Marhatta Empire, who has the absolute government of the provinces of Malva and Oodjéin, as well as of the castle of Goaliar, hearing of General Godard’s being gone to Surat, to take his winter quarters there, had set out in the height of A. D. 1781. the rains in the year 1194, and had passed that difficult season in that country, without it being known whether he intended in the sequel to fight General Godard, who was to besiege the fortress of Bessi (Bassein), or whether he would turn his thoughts towards recovering Goaliar, from the hands of the English; or rather would think it better to make a diversion against them, by invading the provinces of Atava and Corrah and Ilah-abad. Some others, however, conjectured that he would turn his arms against the English troops about Gohud, and especially against that body commanded by Colonel Camac, who having taken his route through the mountains in the height of the rainy season, had invaded the provinces of Malva and Oodgéin, and made great progresses. Notwithstanding all these, the English came to be tired of this warfare, both on account of the immensity of the charges, and of the difficulty of subsisting armies in such countries, where a dearth and a scarcity of provisions is always to be expected; for the Marhattas seldom fight, but only endeavour to cut off an enemy from the necessaries of life, especially from grain and forage, burning and destroying every village and every heap of grain, whether it be their own or of the enemy’s country, so as to surround him with a desert, to all intents and purposes. The English, moreover, were disgusted with this war, as there appeared at this very time signs of defection in the Radja of Gohud, and this Gentoo Prince seemed tired of his new allies. This discovery made them take their resolution suddenly; and leaving that Prince to himself, they abandoned the fortresses of Goaliar and Gohud, and expressed a disposition of coming to an accommodation with the Marhattas; nor was Scindia himself averse to such a measure. Reckoning such an event to be a favour of Providence, which came unexpectedly, he slackened the preparations for war, and abstained from committing hostilities: a conduct which was imitated by the English Commanders themselves, who returned towards Corrah and Canpore, and encamped within the frontiers of the province of Ilah-abad, on the hopes of a treaty of peace and amity, which is wished for by both parties. They abstained therefore from hostilities on their side; but peace is not concluded yet, and we must see how matters shall end.

Meanwhile this suspension was the cause of the Rana’s ruin. Scindia incensed against him, for his having availed himself of the assistance of the English to snatch out of his hands the fortress of Goaliar, and for his having projected to recover all the countries they detained from him, undertook to ruin and demolish him totally; insomuch that at the time these lines were writing, he had so much reduced the Rana, as to have recovered every spot and every ortress out of his hands, save those of Gohud and Goaliar, which his troops were actually blockading; so that the Prince was reduced to extremities. We must see how matters are likely to end. Scindia possibly had then another project in his head. He had now in his camp a Prince who, having given some trouble to the Governor, had been entirely driven out of his hereditary dominions by the English. This was Radja Chéyt-sing, Zemindar of Banaress, who hoped by the Marhatta’s protection and support, to be one day reinstated in his dominions. We shall also see what is likely to be the result of all his endeavours; and as to General Godard, nothing is heard of him, but news that clash with each other. If, in process of time, some congruent intelligence should come to hand, I hope, if I live, to write a full account of his expedition, as well as of that of General Coote’s. As to the latter, it is certain that after his departure for Mendradj, the Governor proved so zealous in his cause, that he resolved to send to his assistance another well appointed army by land, through Catec, and Jagernaut and Gandjam and Sicacol. This army was put under the command of Colonel Pearse, Governor of the Citadel of Calcutta, a Commander, renowned, and a great Mathematician. He was satisfied that the Marhattas of Catec would not form any opposition to such a passage, as there subsisted a peace of long standing between that Power and Bengal, which had been renewed of late; and moreover their ambassador affirmed that their master had nothing but friendly intentions for the English. This much is certain, that the rainy season being on the point of setting in, and the troops who were all picked men, which the Governor had assembled from various parts, shewing an eagerness for their departure, he gave his last orders on that subject^\(96\). For further precaution, a gentleman from amongst the English advanced forward with the sum of three lacs of rupees, and a variety of rich presents, as curious and costly jewels and precious stuffs. He had taken with him from Calcutta the Ambassador of Chimnadji, nephew to Ragodji-bhossla, Prince of the Oressa, which Chimnadji was now Commander-in-Chief of the Marhatta forces actually in Catek; and he set out for Náigpoor with him. He had letters from the Governor, requesting that out of regard to the amity subsisting between the two Powers no opposition should be made to their passage. Chimnadji having in appearance shewn a friendly disposition, took the presents, but left the finishing of the negotiation to his father’s pleasure, who resided at the Great-Naigpoor, his Capital. They say that the Ambassador went thither, exposed his errand, but received for answer, “That it appeared from the usage offered to the Sovereigns of Bengal, and of late, to the successors of Shudjah-ed-döwlah, (usage became notorious) that there was no trust to be reposed in the treaties and promises of the English; and he added, that the Court of Náigpoor was, in matters of war and peace, bound by the pleasure of the Ministry of Poonah; and that whatever party those should take, would prove a rule by which the Court of Náigpoor would be bound to abide. That as to affording passage to their people through the Oressa, the matter did not depend upon us, added he, but upon the Court of Poonah, who have ordered us to oppose such a passage, and moreover, to put every thing to fire and sword in the provinces of Bengal and Bahar; which instructions we have not yet complied with, on account of the several pretences set up by ourselves, for instance, of the treaties subsisting of old between the Court of Náigpoor and the rulers of Bengal. Let then the English remain satisfied that we have not yet put these orders in execution.” Such an answer had nothing very encouraging; but the Governor, who had his views, and is not a man to be intimidated, took care to send word, “That as the Princes of Náigpoor had treaties of old standing with the rulers of Bengal, he did not see what could prevent their joining the English in the present case, after receiving, as an earnest, the present sum of three lacs, nor what could hinder their joining the English troops going to the south, with a body of their own cavalry, who should receive their pay regularly every month; the more so, as this sum of three lacs would be over and above the pension due of old, on account of the Chö8t.” This representation had its effect on Chimnadji, who with his father’s consent, accepted the proposal and answered that the case standing as stated, they had no objections, provided the English should discharge fully the sum of one hundred and sixty lacs of arrears due on that Chö8t, together with the interest due thereon, and should henceforward pay the future Chö8t regularly every month; after which they would find the Marhattas of Náigp8r disposed to join their cause. The Governor finding that such expressions and such a tone of voice savoured much of an inimical disposition, declined the tender, and suspended the departure of Colonel Pearce; and the English troops, as before, continued to watch every passage and every inlet that would afford the enemy an entrance into Bengal and Bahar; whilst Chimnadji’s troops are spread all over the Oressa, upon their own frontiers, each party seemingly in ambuscade against the other, and waiting only for an opportunity to fall upon him. We may possibly see what seeds of peace and amity the Supreme Disposer of events may have concealed under such appearances of opposition, and hostility, and at what time it shall be His pleasure to bring forth the fruits of union and concord. It has been since said, that the Court of Náigpoor having turned these negotiations to its advantages, had been paid the full arrears of the Chö8t, over and above the valuable presents which they had already received; and that their very Agents and Vekeels at Calcutta had been honoured with presents and enriched with estates^\(97\). It must be observed, however, that the Court of Náigpoor bore a cordial enmity to the Ministers of Poonah, and to the Rulers of Decan, on account of pretensions of old standing^\(98\); and the Governor having availed himself of those discontents, Chimnadji had thought proper to return to his father, and to leave Colonel Pearce at full liberty to march at the head of a veteran army through the whole Oressa, from whence he continued his journey thro’ Gandjam and Sicacol, and Mendradj, where he effected a junction with General Coote. After which both those Generals gave several battles to Háider-náic, but reaped no other advantage from them than that of clearing the environs of that fortress; for Háider-náic has remained undoubtedly the master of the whole province of Arcat. We have learned since, that Colonel Pearce having got on board of a ship, was arrived at Calcutta, from whence he had taken with him the great sums which the Governor had obtained as a loan from the principal men of his nation, and from the Bengalees. But he had hardly reached Mendradj, when General Coote himself returned to Calcutta, on account of sickness, leaving however the Colonel and the army in that fortress, where it is universally reported that the dearness and scarcity of grain, nay, of every necessary of life, has risen to such a heighth, as to be past suffering. But such is the strength and firmness of mind, which the English are possessed of, and such the wise dispositions made by the Governor in sending endlessly supplies of provisions, that the garrison has kept a firm footing, notwithstanding the distress felt within; nor has the fortress of Mendradj been conquered in these three years’ time. God only knows what is to happen after this; but as our accounts do not reach farther, we intend to continue these sheets, whenever we shall have assembled materials.

Meanwhile we shall compliment our reader with some account of Mubarec-ed-döwlah, and of the English Government and policy in Bengal. This prince is the fourth son of Mir-djaafer-qhan, and is now aged about twenty-two years. He is a very civil young man, always speaking in a kind, friendly manner to any that approaches him. He seems particularly disposed to shew a regard to such persons, whether men or women, as descend from illustrious families, and is always ready to oblige them by word or by action, or at least to compassionate their case. Naturally tender-hearted, he listens with patience to those that are unfortunate or oppressed, and he is always disposed to relieve them. But his time is not well distributed; and he is always dissolved in all kinds of effeminating delices, and always immersed in the pleasures of the table, or in the company of dance-women; this is, his whole care, being perfectly indifferent to everything else, either in this world or in the other; his apathy being such, that no man is the gladder for his friendship, nor the uneasier or worse for his aversion. The very least of his slave-boys, or of those of his father’s, will make no difficulty to say or do in his presence, whatever comes uppermost in his mind; nor do they pay any regard to the rules of serving modestly, or to those of a respectful behaviour. His very liberality is of a kin to the thoughtlessness of his character; there being nothing more common than to see him give away, where it is improper to give anything at all, and to refuse obstinately, where it is proper to give. And here is an instance of this: The people of India have a singular custom in the rainy season. They make boats of paper or straw, which being supported on bodies of plantain trees, and filled with lampions and lanthorns, are let loose upon the stream, where they make a pretty effect in a still night. After this they boil wheat with a quantity of milk and sugar, and make a composition which they give away to the water-bearers, that they may pronounce a prayer over this fare, which they deem an offering to Qhadja-qhydyr or (the Lord-green)^\(99\) upon whom be peace! This offering which is of Hindoo origin, was heretofore introduced by that idiot of Seradj-ed-döwlah, an ignorant Prince, who knew nothing of either religion or rite, and who in the pride of youth and wealth, celebrated that festival with a deal of magnificence and ostentation. He assembled a great number of boats, some of them big enough to carry a hundred men, and having filled them with an infinity of lampions, and with gardens and parterres of all sorts of transparent fires, he let them loose on the river, whilst the the shores were, as well as the water, illuminated by an infinity of fires of various colours: a sight at which he seemed exceedingly delighted. Such a whim did not fail to be continued by his successors, who took care to look upon it as an yearly institution, and a law inviolable and sacred. And, of course, Mubarrec-ed-döwlah himself could not fail to adopt so wise, so useful an institution, although he is not possessed of the thousandth part of Seradj-ed-döwlah’s wealth; and his servants and officers, as well as men of the highest rank, suffer and go to wreck for want of their salaries, and sometimes for want of the very necessaries of life. Nevertheless, money, and plenty too, is found and squandered away for such idle, senseless expenses; and so addicted is he to that childish shew, that he oversees it himself, and makes nothing of spending upon it ten or fifteen thousand rupees a year. In this, as in every other matter, his ignorance and neglect are so notoriously known, that one-half of that sum is embezzled by the infidelity of his people, and only the other half spent in that and the like childish pastimes; and although religion invites to other expenses, and every one of his dependants suffer real distresses for want of being paid their salaries, yet he sets apart another sum of five or six thousand rupees for performing the rites of the Divaaly^\(100\), which is a festival of Gentoo institution; the principal rite of which is this, that people send to each other for their children, a number of simulachres, made of clay or sugar, or of a composition of sugar and meal, which is cast in imitation of men and beasts, so as to represent a variety of actions and postures. They are to be found ready made in the shops. As for the H8li^\(101\) itself, it is again a festival of Hindoo institution, but held so sacred amongst our delicate Grandees, and so very obligatory, that they never fail to spend a deal of money in dancers, and such kind of spectacles, and especially, in making presents to low people, who, at such a particular time, are in possession of acknowledging those favours by the liberty of giving to the donors, as well as to each other, a great deal of abusive and shameful language, and that too, not in obscure terms, but in the broadest and coarsest language, and by naming every thing by its proper term, without any regard to rank, station, or decency^\(102\). In one of these H8lies I happened to be at Moorshood-abad, when Mubarec-ed-döwlah was circumcising his children: a ceremony in which he spent thirty-seven thousand rupees in clothes and presents to his slave-girls, to his favourite women, to his principal eunuchs, and to those of his mother, Babboo-begum; and all this, whilst the screams and complaints of his creditors were rending the air. It was remarked that amongst all those he so complimented, he had been sedulous in distinguishing one Saader-mend-qhan, Overseer of the household of that Princess. He received a rich paleky, an aigrette, and a serpitch or circlet, all of jewel-work, with a rich jewel called calghy, a chaplet of pearls, and several other articles, to the great wonder of every one, who could not understand what business an eunuch could possibly have in such feasts as these about a circumcision; nor what such mighty services^\(103\) he could have performed, that should intitle him to such high favours, and to so much distinction. But this is not the only thoughtless expense of Mubarec-ed-döwlah. There are many more, and more indeed than can be numbered, should we take into the account the high salaries paid to a number of singers and dancers, to whose abilities as much respect and regard is shewn to-day, as was ever paid in times of yore to men of learning and of worth, by the former Sovereigns and Emperors of Hindostan. But no wonder in that, since Mubarec-ed-döwlah himself is become one of them, at least, he is a scholar to some of those dancers and singers^\(104\). Justly at that time there arrived at Moorshood-abad one of those dancers and story-tellers. He was son of one Sheriff-qhan, a famous story-teller and dancer, who had been superintendent of the people of that profession, in the service of Ali-dja-mir-cassem-qhan; such was the pedigree of that mighty personage. Immediately a house was provided for him, as if he had been some man of importance; a high salary was assigned for his expenses, and a rich Persian sabre^\(105\), which doubtless had cost no less than a large sum of money, was presented to him, together with a couple of shawls fit for a Prince, without reckoning some other rich presents; and he was held in as much honour and estimation, as any of the nobility, and indeed in a great deal more, being exceedingly caressed and courted.

So much bad example has had no influence on his mother, Babboo-begum; and that Princess, although originally a dancer herself, and of a dancing family, is by no means intoxicated with the fumes of elevation and wealth. On the contrary, it is remarkable that she never speaks to women of distinction, but with modesty and deference; and that sensible of the advantages, which nobility and high descent are possessed of above the other ranks in life, she makes it a point to shew to persons of that description every mark of distinction and honour in her power. If to those valuable qualifications be added the high regard, and tender gratitude, she constantly pays to those of her own family, and the attention she constantly shews to all her relations whatever, and even to any person she remembers to have once known, to all whom she is exceedingly complaisant and generous; the whole of such a character will form a very amiable person.

Much may be said likewise, in praise of Menny-begum, step-mother to the young Navvab. It is observable, that although she was once a dependant of Babboo-begum, and a slave-girl to that Princess’s mother, who introduced her to Mir-djaffer-qhan’s bed, yet she enjoys a pre-eminence, and a priority in that office, over that Princess herself, who was known to that General but afterwards. She is a woman of much sense and spirit, but haughty and over-bearing; although at the same time, she proves so steady and stiff, in supporting and protecting her officers and friends, that she cannot be brought to dismiss any one she has taken into her service, unless indeed he be guilty of some enormous misdemeanour. Her conduct in other respects is always regular, and her liberalities always rational. I remember, on that subject, an anecdote that does her a great deal of honour. I was just landed at Moorshood-abad, when it happened that one of the women, attached to the service of the Princesses, her daughters, stopped short in the preparatives she was making to marry an only child. On notice of this failure, Menny-begum sent her immediately seventy or eighty Mohurs^\(106\), with a quantity of necessaries; and it is in the like manner she has raised Itbar-aaly-qhan, an eunuch, from the lowest distress to the height of affluence and power, and has likewise conferred riches and favours upon Hekim-askery, her body-physician, without seemingly intending to lay him under any obligation. Nor are these instances of generosity few in number. Indeed there are so many of them, that it is become a standing observation, that whoever has been so lucky as to get into her service, is sure to have found a true receipt for the philosophical stone. Such a man has from that moment turned his back for ever from the door of the avaricious, and he is for ever secured against the unfeeling look of the hard hearted. If to so many qualifications, she could add some sweetness of temper, and some condescension in her behaviour; and would she place at the head of her affairs a wise man, by whose counsels she could consent to be advised, she would indeed prove an incomparable woman.

As those two Princesses, of whom we have just spoke, have had similar intimacies, and similar connections with Mahmed-reza-qhan, his name comes naturally after theirs. This nobleman, of whom mention has been made more than once in these sheets, has a very singular character. Although well stricken in years, and as such, supposed to have seen much of the world, nevertheless he is blunt and thoughtless; nor does he in his words pay a sufficient attention to what he is about, or to those that overhear him And on the other hand, he does not seem to have right notions about truth and falsehood; nor does he seem very sensible of the different consequents which they never fail to produce. As to his morals, they say that some years ago, when he had the absolute direction of the Revenue-office, as well as of everything else in Bengal, he shewed the utmost disregard to every matter of chastity and decorum; still less did he know the value of men of learning and merit. Unmindful of his own rank, although so full of himself, he passes much of his time in playing at cards and dice, and makes nothing, when in company, of talking much, and in relating during whole hours together stories which he has picked up in ancient times and books, without once minding the ignorance and unadequateness of his audience. It is singular, that whilst he proposes his ownself for pattern to his children, he lives meanwhile like a thorough spendthrift; and although he is provided with an ample estate^\(107\), and many other emoluments, he manages so well by being always busy in building, and perpetually adding to his houses and places, (of which he has already too many), that he contrives to be constantly in debt, and eternally borrowing: a management that keeps him always needy, and always embarrassed. Unable through whim and thoughtlessness to set some bounds to his prodigalities, he is ever ready to snap at whatever he can hook in, either by borrowing or otherwise; and above all, careless and unmindful of the necessity of payment. Hence we see him eternally dunned by his creditors. It is in this manner he has provided to himself a bad character, and he is become a standing-stock for the curses and imprecations of mankind. His children, in imitation of their father’s pride, think themselves equal or even superior in rank, to every one, and also better. Nor do they think it consonant to their exalted rank to speak to men of distinction and high pedigrees, with that modesty and that deference which is agreed to in good companies; nor do they seem to be scrupulous in matters of decorum. But what is singular, these two hopeful sons of his, although actually suffering from scarcity of money and straightness of influence, are no less proud and haughty in their behaviour; indeed they are haughty to an excess. Their whole household does not consist of more than a hundred people of all sorts; nor can they afford to go abroad with more than thirty or forty; and even these, for want of being paid their arrears, pass their time in suffering famine and in sobbing. It is in the middle of such a court of famished wretches, that those hopeful noblemen firmly believe themselves equal to Assef-dja^\(108\), and have such high notions of themselves, that they think it a sin to bow the head of modesty and civility to any man^\(109\), or to go to visit any one; and although he should be of an illustrious family, they think it a reflection upon themselves, whilst at the same time, the smallness of their means and income is such, that they have not one gentleman to attend them, and to keep them company. Hence they are desirous of seeing their houses frequented^\(110\); and this is so far true, that whenever any one chances to fall in their hands, they lay hold of him, and detain him so long by prolonging the conversation, that he is ready to lose his temper. With all this, they will not suffer any one to smoke his Hocca^\(111\) in their presence, nor to ease his legs by^\(112\) altering his respectful posture. On all these accounts the few that frequent their houses are discontented; but no man of rank chooses to go there.

It is not so with Mahmed-hosséin-qhan, elder brother to Mahmed-reza-qhan. He is a benevolent, learned man, and an able Physician; and his son, Mahmed-zeky-qhan, who has espoused one of Mahmed-reza-qhan’s daughters, is a young man, well-bred, and of a good disposition, as well as capable of holding a conversation with men of sense and abilities. Bend-aaly-qhan, son to the Physician Aaly-nacky-qhan, and of course cousin to Mahmed-reza-qhan, to whom he has been further allied of late by marrying his daughter, is a young man, who although very much of the same temper and disposition with the young men of Hindostan, is not void of some good qualities; nor does he assume such lofty airs, as do most persons of that family. He is fond of the company of gentlemen, and lives upon good terms with them. As to the other persons and dependants of that family, they all copy their master, and seem perfect strangers to the fear of God, as well as quite indifferent to the acquisition of a good character. And now after having misapplied some of our time in giving an idea of the man set up by the English at the head of these countries, it becomes highly proper to atone for that excursion, by saying something of the English themselves, as well as of their India Company.

The word Company signifies in English an assembly of some men, and on that account, even amongst Military men, a certain number of soldiers, is called a Company. And formerly a hundred Musqueteers constituted a Company; but now only seventy-five form a Company, whose chief man is called a Sobahdar. The Commander of twenty is a Djematdar, or a Náic; of ten or twelve, a Havaleh-dar; and of six, an Amaldar. Ten Sobahdars with their men form a Paltan^\(113\), and the Commander of these ten Sobahdars is called a Comidan (Commandant); but every Paltan with its men and officers is under the orders of an English Capitain, who has the power of confirming, dismissing, and appointing the officers, as well as of bringing others in their stead; of disciplining the men, and of giving them their pay, with a turbant, a coat, and a sash or girdle; of repairing their arms, of examining them; and of giving them new ones. All that is in the Capitain’s office, who, in the command of this single Paltan, has many benefits, which amount to a good Djaghir or landed estate^\(114\); so that whenever a Commander is inclined to oblige a Capitain, he gives him a Paltan, else, the officer remains with his particular pay, as a simple Capitain^\(115\), and waits for the moment of being appointed to such a command. As to those European warriors that come from their country, if they be vile and low born, they are first turned into soldiers, to be afterwards advanced to the office of Sergeants. Now a Sergeant has a command in disciplining the men, and in keeping them in order. But amongst their gentlemen and men of the better sort, the first rank is that of Ensign, which word is to be written with the Alif surmounted by a Kesra, as is the sin by a fetah quiescent. After that, they become Loftununs, and after that, Capitains. The next rank is that of Major; the next after it, is that of Cornal; after which comes that of Gernal (General), which is the highest rank to which Military men can pretend to. The gentlemen likewise other than the Military, who are in high offices and employments, have amongst themselves degrees of service and rank, which have not come minutely to my knowledge; but the whole of them collectively are called Carranis^\(116\). The ranks and degrees of both corps are reckoned by seniority of time, and by priority of rank; so that whoever has got soonest into the service, has an advance upon the others; and whoever has got into it latest, is later in station and preferment likewise. And thus they follow each other in order; nor can a junior servant pretend to the preferment of a senior, unless some link should happen to get loose from the chain; and this cannot be the case, but only by a demise, by resignation of the service, or by a dismission for some fault or misdemeanour. In this manner, so soon as this one is got out of the chain, the others follow of course, and advance by one degree in their respective classes, without needing any intreaty or application for that purpose; and if three or four happen to go out at a time, by so many degrees do their juniors become at once advanced. So that it is possible that in the Military line, for instance, a Loftonun (lieutenant) without becoming a Capitain, may, as well as a Major, become at once a Colonel; and this barely by the departure of his senior. It is the same in the corps, called of writers. The Company itself, that body which now under the name of Divan of the provinces of Bengal, Bahar, and Oressa, possesses in fact the sovereignty and dominions of those countries, as well as that of most of the coasts and port-towns of India, is composed of a number of rich and creditable Englishmen, of the country of England, inhabitants of the city of London, which is the Capital of the English Kings. These in the beginning were a number of wealthy merchants, who having got themselves authorized by the Council of their country, and by the Ministers of their King, commenced trading and merchandising in the kingdoms of Hindostan; and as they soon became knowing and intelligent in that branch of trade, they kept it going on by admitting from year to year into their body their own children and heirs, or any one else that would apply. These last also became Company, which they are to this day. And they went on trading and commercing, until the throne of Bengal chanced to be occupied by Seradj-ed-döwlah; and as that Prince’s able government, and military talents, and political qualifications happened to be inherited to the full by his successor and kinsman, Mir-djaaffer-qhan, and by his Minister, Radja D8l8b-ram; there is nothing strange in those merchants having found the means of becoming masters of this country, and nothing so wonderful in their having in the sequel availed themselves of the imbecility of some Hindostany Sovereigns, equally proud and ignorant, to turn conquerors, and to rise to such a pitch of strength and influence, as to become in that vast region a preponderant power, that outweighs and overawes all the Sovereigns of India. They are so powerful even in Europe, that the Sovereigns of that nation, whom these people call King, although absolute in his commands, cannot give them an order, without the advice and consent of his Council, and that of the nation; and if he should venture so far, the order would not pass the seals, and would remain unexecuted.

The Members of his Council are Omrahs, or great Lords of that land; but the Council of the nation is composed of a number of persons, which the principal inhabitants of every city and town of that land have chosen amongst themselves, some one, and some two, and whose attachment and knowledge they have approved. So that those chosen men are entrusted with the concerns of the whole, and become the Advocates and Attorneys of those by whom they are sent. All these assemble in the Capital, where they immediately turn their attention towards the public accounts; and then occasionally examine whatever business happens to offer, or whatever is proposed by the Sovereign, and his Council, as objects likely in their opinion to become beneficial to themselves, to the senders, and to the people in general. They weigh and examine it carefully amongst themselves; and when it has been approved by them, it is from that moment willingly admitted and obeyed, as law, by all the inhabitants of the land; and in such a manner, that whatever those Attorneys have approved of as beneficial, and intimated accordingly to the senders, is immediately put in execution by them with all their might, and all their heart; nor is there an instance of their having ever covered themselves with any excuse or pretence whatever. An admirable institution this, extremely useful and beneficial; and an excellent rule which these people have contrived for themselves! It is so capable, so productive of order! Here in India, as well as in England, these people are guided by those institutions, and keep them amongst themselves, but only amongst themselves; for as yet in what concerns the welfare of the people of these countries, and in all revenue matters, relative to these provinces, they trust to what rules and constitutions they have heard of here, and to whatever instructions they may have received from Mootsuddies^\(117\), and officers of their own appointing. These they have already committed to their books, and they have made of them so many rules to distinguish right from wrong; but the reason why such a custom has been instituted, and what might be its cause and ground, these are matters which they never discover themselves, nor ever ask of others; or if they comprehend anything in them, they willingly counterfeit ignorance, without any one’s being able to guess what they mean by counterfeiting that ignorance. In short, as the gates of communication and intercourse are shut up betwixt the men of this land and those strangers, who are become their masters; and these latter constantly express an aversion to the society of Indians, and a disdain against conversing with them; hence both parties remain ignorant of each other’s state and circumstances. It is true that a small number indeed of natives are in the service of the Members of the Committee, and of the Collectors of the six Districts; but these are not such a sort of men as can expose their own requests, or represent what may conduce to the welfare and ease of the subjects; still less are they capable to point out such regulations as might conduce to the prosperity of the land, and of its inhabitants. And on the other hand, “not one of the English Gentlemen shews any inclination or any relish for the company of the Gentlemen of this country, or from listening to the conversation, or to the stories of the natives; although nothing but conversation, is likely to put it in the power of some virtuous, well disposed man, to learn what aches these poor natives, and what might give them relief; and nothing but intercourse would enable him to transmit such useful hints to Government as might conduce to the welfare of the distressed inhabitants of this land.” It is therfore with a view to promote so desirable an end, that we have attempted in the following sheets to shew how managed the ancient Sovereigns of this country, those Princes so renowned for the equity of their Government, and what object they had in view, whenever they set up such and such practice, and such and such custom; what advantage they intended by each of them, and what benefit they had in fact received. We shall point out likewise what their late successors intend by certain institutions and rules of their own, set up of late under pretence of putting the ancient ones in force; and how these have disguised their own intentions in the eyes of the public, by masking their intentions. All those matters are exposed here to the best of our abilities and power; so that with a little attention one might obtain, in these humble leaves, a full knowledge on those unknown or misunderstood subjects. This at least is our aim and intention; and we hope that with the assistance of the Sovereign Bestower of Graces, good shall at some future period succeed evil, and that the afflicted people of God shall at last find pity in the heart of their Rulers, and come to enjoy some relief from their sufferings. In compliance, therefore, with the sentence of the Holy Writ, that whoever induces others to good, promotes his own welfare, we shall endeavour to point out the right way; and may God grant that we may all see it! Amen.