Siyar al-Muta'ahirin - The Seir Mutaqherin, Volume 3

Viceroyalty, declined the appointment, having then other designs in his mind. Moorad-abad, the place of his birth, was what he wanted, and all his thoughts were bent on driving the Rohillahs from thence, and on regaining that hereditary Government. This could not be attained in the Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan’s life-time, who was evidently Aaly-mahmed-qhan’s protector. But now circumstances had become more favourable; for Aaly-mahmed-qhan, who had come back with an army in those countries, and had conquered Moorad-abad and all the Districts that had once been in his power, was sometime since dead of a cancer. His conquests had been divided and parcelled out by his relations, for instance, by his father-in-law, Doondy-qhan, by Hafyz-ahmed and one of his sons, and by several other Chieftains, who under pretence of securing the estate for his sons-in-law, had taken possession of it for themselves; insomuch that when the real heirs came to ask their right, they were only allowed some Districts sufficient for their maintenance, but were kept out of the estate by a strong grasp. In process of time, the usurpers became masters of extensive dominions, and saw themselves Lords of armies, as well as Sovereigns of a Court.

It was such dissensions that engaged Cootoob-eddin’s attentions. He concluded that this was the time to fall upon the Rohillahs, and to drive them from Moorad-abad and their other recent conquests; and he applied to Intyzam-ed-döwlah, son to Camer-eddin-qhan, for the patent of the Fodjdary of those parts, a request which was complied with the more willingly, as those countries had ceased to acknowledge any subordination to the Capital. Cootoob-eddin, then having his hands full of this project, had some reason to excuse himself from accepting my father’s proffers, and he remained at the Capital to push his point with the Minister. The latter gave him, without delay, the patents he requested, but went no further; and he had thn stinginess to assist him but feebly towards putting himself in equipage, and assembling an army with the necessaries for such an expedition. But such was the high opinion entertained of Cootoob-eddin’s prowess and conduct, that he found private purses that assisted him with the sums of money which his expedition required. The same renown that procured him money, procured him an army, still more than the Minister’s exhortations. Vast numbers of people, accustomed to a camp-life flocked in shoals to his standard, desirous to serve under the Hercules of his age, and soon formed him something like a Court and something like an army. Notwithstanding these reinforcements, he tarried awhile for a body of three hundred men that had been his war companions, and whose bravery and attachment he had always experienced; and it was with such a small force, and such a handful of bravoes, that he undertook to dispossess a nation of fresh conquerors, that could muster more than fifty thousand men in the field, and had plenty of money, cannon, rockets, and ammunition. When he saw himself at the head of a force which he though sufficient for his purpose, he came out of the city, and encamped in the environs, resolved to compass his purpose or to perish in the attempt. The Afghans having got intelligence of this, assembled from all parts, and joined together at Moorad-abad. But on his drawing near, and even on his setting out from the Capital, they sent him several messages, offering to come to an accommodation, under condition that he would give up all pretensions to Moorad-abad. Their proposals were to come in for a share of the country, on the same footing with themselves, in which case they would be glad to assign him a portion suitable to his rank and pretensions, as they were desirous to see him come and enjoy the products of that country, and live happy and quiet as they did themselves. But Cootoob-eddin was too high-spirited to stoop to such an agreement, and resolved to have the whole or nothing. He advanced on them at the head of his force. The Afghans intimidated by so much obstinacy, commenced despairing of their cause, although they were so far superior to him in numbers, and in every thing necessary for war and battle; for they were impressed with the highest opinion of the prowess and conduct of that Lion, accustomed to tear his enemies. Cootoob-eddin, still advancing, was soon in sight of his foes, and an engagement took place; when that hero alighting from his horse, put himself at the head of his three hundred bravoes, and did so much execution, that the Afghans were pushed back as far as two or three cosses. But he was now come into a spot full of broken ground, where their dispersed troops, observing how ill their enemy was accompanied, and how he was far from his main, commenced firing under a variety of covers, and little by little they destroyed that formidable troop, which was now reduced to twenty or thirty men, mostly wounded, but which stuck close to their heroic commander. This latter had already received several wounds; and now being aimed at on all sides like a mark, several bullets were lodged in his breast, and he at last fell, after having performed in that trying day a number of memorable actions. About one hundred of his bravoes fell round his body, mixed their blood with his own, and afforded an everlasting topic to the encomiums and regrets of both their friends and enemies. Ten or twelve men of that heroical troop having survived this scene of blood and slaughter, were taken up from the field of battle, and cured of their wounds; but it was only to become so many objects of envy and jealousy amongst military men, who all envied their fate. O God! vouchsafe to forgive their sins, and accept them in the Day of Judgment amongst the martyrs and the just!

We have already mentioned that the Imperial Prince, Ahmed-mirza, after his victory, had come to Shaleh-mar, where he was saluted Emperor by Mahmed-issac-qhan, the Minister, and by Djavid-qhan, the eunuch, as well as by all the Grandees of the city, with whom he made his entry in the Capital, and at last in the Imperial Palace. The new Emperor had offered the Vezirship to Abool-mansoor-qhan, but that General, although so very worthy of that high office, did not choose to meddle with it during Nizam-el-mulk’s life, so high an opinion he had conceived of his wisdom and power. Letters and messages went to him in Decan both from the Emperor and from his Ministers. Nizam-el-mulk, already on the wing for the regions of eternity, answered by excusing himself on his old age, his inability to make voyages, and his disinclination from meddling with the affairs of the Capital. He even wrote to Abool-mansoor-qhan to exhort him to assume that high office, and he ended his letter with these words: “You are now the most promising of the children of these days. Take that office upon yourself, and exert yourself in recovering the affairs of the Empire and bringing them to some order.” This letter had its effect on Abool-mansoor-qhan; but such was the high respect he bore to the very name of Nizam-el-mulk, that he declined assuming the office in that Viceroy’s life-time, who, however, lived but a few days after the above letter. So that on hearing that he had set out for the other world in the territory of B8rhanpoor, from whence his body had been carried to Döulet-abad, in which city it had been buried without the fortress in a garden, close to Shah-burhan-eddin, he gave his consent, and conscious of adequate abilities, he went to the Palace, where he was installed in that high office by a Qhylaat of seven pieces, to which were added four plates, full of gems and jewels. So soon as he had put it on, he was saluted in full Derbar by the titles of “Principal of the Kingdom, —Centre of all Business,—Hero of the Age,—Trustworthy of all the Provinces of the Empire,—The Father of Victory,— The Hercules in Battles,—and the Generalissimo of the Imperial Forces.”

But, as we have just been mentioning Nizam-el-mulk’s demise, it is proper that we should leave for a while the thread of our narrative in order to say something about the characters and private life of that famous man, as well as of three more. illustrious personages, who seemed to have concerted together their voyage for eternity, after having acted the most important parts on the theatre of this world. These were Emir-qhan Camer-eddin-qhan, and Mahmed-shah. After that, we shall, if it pleases God, the Author of all favours, revert to our history, and recount such remarkable events as have distinguished Ahmed-shah’s reign, and Abool-mansoor-qhan’s Ministry.

Umdet-el-mulk-Emir-qhan-Bahadyr, Governor of Ilah-abad, was son of another Umdet-el-mulk-Emir-qhan-Bahadyr, Governor of Cab8l. His ancestor in remote times was an illustrious man, an Husseinian-Séyd, of the branch of Naamet-ollah, whose family in process of time came to be called the Mir-miranians, from a descendant of his who received that surname^\(196\). This family is so very illustrious, even in Iran, that it needs neither encomiums, nor writing. One of these Mir-miranians, grandfather to our Emir-qhan, on some misdemeanour or some other subject, quitted the Court of Isfahan without taking leave from Shah-abbass, the Hero of Iran, and fled to Hindostan, where he was so well received by the Emperor Djehan-ghir, son to Soltan Acbar, that he soon became a favourite with him, living in his Court in the utmost splendour. His prosperity, however, was constantly embittered by the thoughts of being parted from two beloved sons, whom he had been obliged to leave in Iran, and he often declared that he would revive and seem to commence a new life as soon as he could behold them once more. His sorrow was so continual and so affecting, that amongst the several articles of instruction given to Qhan-aalem, whom that Emperor sent in Embassy to the Court of Iran, the requesting and obtaining those two beloved children was a considerable one. The ambassador rendered himself so agreeable to Shah-abbass, that he obtained all his requests, and these two sons amongst the rest. On their arrival at the Court of Hindostan, they were honoured with the title of Qhan, and promoted to the highest offices. Qhalil-ollah-qhan, the eldest, rose to considerable dignities, and from that time the family never ceased to move in the highest sphere of honours, employs and offices. Emir-qhan’s uncle was Paymaster-General to Aoreng-zib, the Conqueror^\(197\), and a great favourite of his. His father died Viceroy of the important Government of Cabool, and so satisfied was Aoreng-zib with that Governor’s abilities and talents for government and for war, that so long as he knew him in that important post, he never expressed any apprehensions from the enterprising genius of the Monarchs of Iran. So that being thus left at liberty to pursue his designs in Decan, he made it a point to ascribe publicly to him every one of his conquests and victories, and he used to express himself in that style in the many letters which he wrote to the Governor. Our Emir-qhan, son of that Viceroy, arrived by his merits and abilities at so much power and influence, and he seemed to deserve them so well, that no one of the Grandees of the Empire could be compared to him. He seemed a compendium of every valuable qualification; he was besides so learned that few men could pretend to enter the lists with him. His prowess and military abilities could be compared to nothing but to the keenness of his penetration, and to the clearness of his comprehension, which gave him at once, as if by intuition, so comprehensive a view of every affair, either public or private, which was brought before him, that the very suitors thought themselves happy to be eased of so great a part of their trouble. He delighted in the company of all sorts of men of merit, whether they were soldiers of a determined valour, men of talents, or men venerable by their learning. Every species of talents attracted his notice: eminent singers, eminent dancers, and in general all kinds of eminent men, especially in composition and poetry. Whoever had been once in his company, could not part with him; and I have seen people fall so far in love with his conversation and character, that long after his death, no man of eminence ever pronounced his name, or reported any thing of him, or made his eulogium, without shedding a flood of tears. The numbers of men of merit introduced by him into the world is not small, and numbers there are to-day whom he has raised from penury and distress to affluence, dignities, and power—numbers whom he inlisted amongst the Lords of the Empire, and the Grandees of the State. He composed with great elegance and much facility, both in Persian and Hindostany poetry, of ten uttering extempore verses; but no man ever equalled him in the talent of saying bon mots, and in rejoining by a repartee. He possessed the art of narration in such a high degree, that people charmed with his story, kept it hanging at their ears as a fragrant flower, whose perfume they wished to enjoy for ever. On the other hand, his generosity was such that, when he had once allowed a pension to some one, high or low, he never recalled it, but continued it to the person, although the occasion and necessity should have ceased long ago. Ingeniously delicate, everything about his person or in his Palace, received from his directions such an elegance of form, that from that moment it was taken up as a pattern by all men of taste, and thenceforward became the fashion at Court, and the standard of elegance both for apparel and furniture^\(198\).

Truth will not permit us to say much of Camer-eddin-qhan, notwithstanding he was Prime Minister of State, and bore the titles of “The Trust-worthy of the Empire, and the Victorious in War.” He was son of Mahmed-amin-qhan, who had cut so great a figure in the beginning of Mahmed-shah’s reign, and drew his pedigree from Qhadja-Ehrar. Mahmed-amin early quitted Tooran^\(199\), his native country, and came into Hindostan in Aoreng-zib the Conqueror’s time, where he rose by degrees to the military grade of five thousand horse. In process of time he rose to the grade of seven thousand, and this happened in Feroh-syür’s reign chiefly through the countenance he received from the famous Abdollah-qhan, which, however, did not prevent him from joining in the conspiracy for murdering Husséin-aaly-qhan, brother to his benefactor. He was promoted to the Vezirship in the beginning of Mahmed-shah’s reign, but enjoyed that office but a few months, having been seized by the claws of Death, that universal Tyrant who mows down indiscriminately the Minister with the beggar. Camer-eddin-qhan, his son, enjoyed in his father’s life-time the office of third Paymaster-General^\(200\), and of Superintendent of the bathing-place or private appartments; and he was promoted to the Vezirship after Nizam-el-mulk’s departure for Decan, in which high office he exhibited no great talents for government, being slothful, inattentive, indolent, and eternally immersed in all kinds of pleasures^\(201\); but he was inoffensive, and such an enemy to oppression, that the people of the Capital remember him with regret to this very day. He was a magnificent friend, and a bountiful patron, but a weak Vezir, wanting firmness and activity. He lived in a style of the utmost grandeur and magnificence, denying himself no kind of pleasure, and passing his time in tasting of every one of them successively. He died, as we have said, a month and some days before his master Mahmed-shah’s demise.

This Prince, who was son to Djehan-shah-qhojista-ahter, grandson to Bahadyr-shah, and great-grandson to Aoreng-zib-Alemghir, wanted neither genius nor abilities; but he was so very good-natured, that in that respect he exceeded the measure, proper in the character of Kings and Princes. Naturally of a passive temper, and wanting firmness of mind, he was apt to be led by his servants, and he became dependent on his Ministers in such a manner, as to become as indolent as themselves, and as incapable to recover the Empire from that state of debility in which it fell under Feroh-syür. Young and handsome, and fond of all kinds of pleasures, he addicted himself to an inactive life, which intirely enervated the energy of the Empire. This inactivity of temper became still more conspicuous after Nadyr-shah had ruined his Capital, and restored him his crown. The fire of his youth and the turbulence of his passions having then subsided, his genius subsided likewise; he studied his repose above all things, and so as to become averse to business. About the end of his reign, he seemed to have taken a liking to the conversation and company of Fakyrs and religious men; and he condescended so far as to listen to a representation from them with the best grace in the world. Being naturally averse from blood and violence, his subjects under his reign enjoyed much rest and prosperity. It may be said with truth that, under his reign, the Government was still respected, the honour of the Empire supported, and the Majesty of the Throne kept alive and standing; for, after his demise, every thing went to wreck, and he may be considered as the seal and last of the Emperors of the House of Babr. A little time after his demise the words, Empire and Emperor, became only empty sounds and mere names, that conveyed no distinct meaning.

The principal of those that contributed to all that decay, was Nizam-el-mulk, who was styled the wise Minister^\(202\). He was son to Ghazi-eddin-qhan-Bahadyr, and grandson to Abed-qhan. His own name was Camer-eddin, and he descended from Sheh-sheab-eddin. His maternal grandfather, Saad-ollah-qhan, was supreme Vezir to the Emperor Shah-djehan, but his paternal grandfather, Abed-qhan, was one of the most venerable Magistrates of Samarcand^\(203\), from whence he came into Hindostan in that Emperor’s life-time, and was taken into the service of the Imperial Prince Aoreng-zib, who on his mounting the throne, raised him to the grade of five thousand horse, and twice promoted him to the office of Sadr-el-soodoor^\(204\). Being at the siege of Gol-conda^\(205\), with that Prince, he was struck by a musket-ball, and fell at once both from the palfrey of fortune, and the horse of existence. His son, Shehab-eddin, came to be one of the Lords and Grandees of Aoreng-zib’s Court, and rose by degrees to the grade of seven thousand horse, and to the title of “Victorious in War,” serving as a principal General in his armies. At the taking of Bidjapoor, he was decorated with other titles of honor. After his master’s demise, we find him Governor of G8djrat, under Bahadyr-shah. He died in the year 1152, and left a son called Camer-eddin-qhan, alias Nizam-el-mulk, who in Aoreng-zib’s reign was honoured with the surname of “The Sabre-drawing Lord^\(206\),” and the grade of five thousand horse. At the end of that Prince’s reign, he was Governor of Bidjapoor^\(207\). In the beginning of Bahadyr-shah’s reign, he was Governor of A8d, with the title of “Lord of the Age^\(208\).” A little after, we find him disgusted at the absolute authority assumed by the Vezir, Assed-qhan, or his son, the Generalissimo Zulficar-qhan, and resigning both his Government and title, to take up the garb of a Fakyr, and to lead a retired life. At the beginning of the reign of Muëz-eddin-djehandar-shah, he was requested to re-assume his grade and title, and to appear again at Court. On the first year of Feroh-syur’s reign, he was decorated with the titles of “Composer of the Kingdom^\(209\),” and “Victorious in Wars,” promoted to the grade of five thousand horse, and appointed to the Viceroyalty of Decan. But some time after, that important office having been bestowed on Husséin-aaly-qhan, the famous brother of Abdollah-qhan, Nizam-el-mulk returned to Court, where, as an atonement for that recall, he received the great Fodjdary of Moorad-abad, which was equal to a Viceroyalty. Under the young Emperor, Refy-el-derjat, he was, by Abdollah-qhan’s recommendation, promoted to the Government of Malva. But that did not prevent his falling out with him, as well as with the Viceroy, his brother; for in the beginning of Mahmed-shah’s reign, he gave them the slip, and went into Decan, where he at once possessed himself of some of the provinces that go by that name, and in process of time, of all the six and-a-half Governments that compose that part of the Empire. On Mahmed-amin-qhan’s demise, he was promoted to the office of Vezir, which he held but a short time. Being dissatisfied with the Grandees of the Court, and likewise with the Emperor himself, whose sentiments seemed altered, he quitted the Court, and retired to his Government of Decan, with which he lived satisfied. Still he was recalled to Court, and on Qhan-dö8ran’s death, was decorated with the title of “Lord of Lords^\(210\),” then vacant. But hearing at the same time that his second son, Nassyr-djung, whom he had appointed Deputy in Decan, had become rebellious, he resigned his office of “Lord of Lords,” in behalf of his eldest son, Ghazi-eddin-qhan, and returned again to Decan, as we have already mentioned in the First Volume, and likewise in this Volume. Nor is that Decan to be thought of slightly. It contains the aggregate dominions of several ancient Kings, and it is in such an extensive tract that he governed with an absolute authority for the space of seven and thirty years. His character was so highly respected amongst all the Lords and Grandees of Mahmed-shah’s Court, although some of them were of equal dignity, that they never wrote or spoke to him but as to their superior, and never demeaned themselves in his presence but with deference and submission.

Covetousness and ambition seemed to be the basis of his character; but if we can pass over that, we shall find him endowed with a number of excellent qualities. He was a man of eminent merit, who filled a very exalted station that equalled him to the greatest Kings, with all the talents and all the sublime qualifications which his situation required. His Palace was at all times open to the poor, the needy, and the aged, as well as to the learned and the deserving; in one word, to all that had any suit to prefer. To all these he ever paid a strict attention, being careful to relieve their wants. His character for distinguishing merit, and for rewarding it to its full extent, was so universally spread, that men of parts, and also people of all sorts, flocked to his Court from all the neighbouring countries, from Arabia, and from Mavera-al-nahr^\(211\), from Qhorasan, from Harac, and from R8m; and all were sure to advance their fortunes in his service. Fond of public works, he finished the walls of the city of Boorhanpoor, which he had commenced in the year 1141, and he re-peopled the city of Feridapoor which he found ruined, and to which he gave the name of Nizam-abad, building in it Mosques and Caravanseras, as well as a Palace and a bridge. He likewise raised walls round the city of Haïder-abad, and built a superb Mosque at Aoreng-abad. The canal that runs through the middle of that city, is a work of his. Afford repose O Lord of mercy and forgiveness, to such servants of Yours! He was a man of great equality of temper, and a learned one, fond of uttering extempore verses; and there is a Poem and a volume of Poetry of his, actually extant. He departed his life thirty-seven days after Mahmed-shah’s demise, and it was the fourth of the second Djemady, in the year 1161 of the Hedjrah. Mir-gh8lam-aaly, the Poet of Belgram, has comprehended in six words the chronogram of those three illustrious men deceased at the same time. It is in an enigmatic style.

But he has spoken in a more open manner in the following verses:

After complimenting our readers with that digression on those eminent personages, we shall return now to the thread of our history. The Emperor and his Vezir being now satisfied as to Nizam-el-mulk’s intentions, the dignity of Lord of Lords, with the office of first Paymaster, was bestowed on Saadat-qhan, son to another Saadat-qhan, who lived under Feroh-syur; and in the fourteenth of Redjeb of the same year, the Vezir Ab8l-mans8r-qhan went to Court, where he was received with the utmost distinction, and complimented with a sabre and a poniard of jewel-work, with a variety of other jewels, and with a Qhylaat of seven pieces. He was at the same time installed with a rich belt in the Government of Acbar-abad-agrah. The command of the Ahedian Guards was at the same time bestowed on Ahmed-aaly-qhan, son to his sister; and as Issac-qhan’s sister had of late been married to Shudjah-ed-döwlah, son to the Vezir, this alliance raised that popular nobleman’s power to the utmost pitch; and he soon succeeded his father, the late Issac-qhan, in the Divanship of the Qhalissah. But a man who suddenly came to cut a great figure at Court, was Djavid-qhan. This eunuch, who had from a long time intimate connections with Oodem-báy^\(212\), mother to the reigning Emperor, became so great a favourite with that Prince also, that he fancied himself a Minister of State, and indeed soon came to act as such, through the insinuations of that Princess, on the mind of the weak Prince, her son. As he was an ancient slave of the Imperial household, in high favour with the late Emperor, and in consequence of his connections with the Empress’s mother, possessed a perfect knowledge of everything within both the sanctuary and the palace, he was thought the fittest person for the office of Nazyr, an important charge that gives an absolute controul within the Seraglio, and was vacant since R8z-afzoon-qhan’s decease. In this manner he came to be master of the Emperor’s private hours. That Prince, who in conformity to his material origin was in fact full of levity, and carried a head without brains, soon came to follow the example set him by that man. He fell into a course of crapulence and debauch; and he abandoned the helm entirely to him. So that the latter who was now decorated with the title of Navab-Bahadyr, or the valiant Deputy, commenced meddling in every matter of State, and at last came to have his opinion abided by, as a matter of necessary form. Such an authority in an eunuch was more than the high spirit of Ab8l-mans8r-qhan could bear, and as the other made no secret of his influence, every day furnished new matter of discontent, and incessantly afforded fresh fuel to that fire, which in a little time blazed out in a flame. About this time the office of second Paymaster, with the Fodjdary of Moorad-abad, was bestowed on Intyzam-ed-döwlah, one of Camer-eddin-qhan’s sons, and a few days after a Qhylaat of mourning was given to Ghazy-eddin-qhan on the demise of his father, Nizam-el-mulk; it was Djavid-qhan who put an end to his mouring, and brought him to Court. On the seventeenth of Redjeb, the charge of Comptroller of the Qhalissah-office, together with a military augmentation of a thousand horse to his grade, was bestowed on Asker-aaly-qhan, and a few days after the Government of the Province of Adjmir was presented to the Vezir. About this time, being in Shaaban, Haddy-aaly-qhan, that illustrious proselyte of a new sect, departed this life, and was entombed near Shah-nom8d, his Director’s monument. Terbiyet-qhan likewise died in this month; nor did this year produce any more important events. But now the scene will become more interesting.

We have already mentioned that Aaly-mahmed-qhan-Rohillah had returned with an army to the country of M8rad-abad, &c., and after having taken possession of it, had expelled my father, the Imperial Governor; soon after which he died of a cancer that had spread all over his back. This event was seized upon by Death of Ally-mahmed Rohilla. the Vezir Ab8l-mans8r-qhan, who had been taking this longwhile much umbrage at the establishment which those warlike people had made on the frontiers of his Government of A8d. He had already engaged Mahmed-shah on an expedition intended to extirpate them, but which did not produce its full effect, his plan having been counteracted by Camer-eddin-qhan’s management and double-dealing. An opportunity offered now to resume his scheme. He was himself become Vezir, and Director of all the affairs of the Empire. Aaly-mahmed-qhan-Rohillah had just crossed over to the valley of Nothingness, and divisions had arisen in the family of that new founder. With this view he The Vezir foments the troubles which follow. engaged Cäim-qhan, son to Mahmed-qhan-Bangash, to recover that whole country from the hands of Rohillah’s family, sensible that the defeat and ruin of either party would prove of so much gain to himself. Cäim-qhan, who had already cast a wishful eye on the private and public estate of Rohillah’s family, besieged his children in the castle of Budäon, and straitened them so far as to prevent their having any communication with any one without. These were Saad-ollah-qhan, eldest son of Rohillah, a young Prince, who had married Hafiz-rahmet’s daughter, and being reputed his father’s representative, actually sat on his Mesned; but the other was Dondi-qhan’s son-in-law, and both these Chieftains having taken possession of the country in right of their sons-in-law, had in fact kept it for themselves, although the civil government was still in the hands of Saad-ollah-qhan. The latter, who was shut up with his whole family, and that of his father, finding himself reduced to the last extremity, and straitened by an enemy that would not relent, at once took his party. He came out of the castle, and having assembled some troops, he resolved to risk everything in defence of his life and fortune. This happened in the tenth of Zilhidj, in the year 1161. Dividing, therefore, his troops into two parts, he concealed one in the bed of a river which had become dry, and advanced with the other against Cäim-qhan. The battle having already commenced and become very warm, Saad-ollah-qhan, unable to bear the attack of the whole Afghan nation, which fought under Cäim-qhan’s orders, was obliged to retreat, and at last he fled full speed; but still he turned about now and then, and charged his pursuers, till at last he came to the ambuscade. Cäim-qhan, in the full hope of victory, was pursuing with ardour, followed by almost all the Commanders of his army, when at once some thousands of Saad-ollah-qhan’s people, who were concealed in the dry bed, got up, and let fly such a shower of balls and rockets, that Cäim-qhan himseif, with all his Commanders, were killed on the spot, together with a vast number of his soldiers; thus leaving a complete victory to Gaad-ollah-qhan.

Whilst the Afghans were involved in civil wars, the Court seemed busy in promotions and rejoicings. The Nö8-r8z was celebrated on a Friday, the second of the second Reby, and a few days after Mirza-muhsen, elder brother to the Vezir Ab8l-mans8r-qhan, departed this life. About the end of the same year, Aaly-amjed-qhan was honoured with a fringed Paleky; but two months after, as he was at his day-break devotions, and reciting prayers upon his clay of mercy and health^\(213\), he suddenly fell down and expired. This appearance of tranquility at the Capital soon gave way to troubles of a most alarming nature.

We may remember that Mir-mannoo, the late Vezir’s eldest son, had been appointed to the double Government of Lahor and Mooltan by Mahmed-shah himself. To support so great a burthen, he had taken Begari-qhan as his Deputy, and had allowed him an absolute authority. The new Viceroy had just taken possession of that important post, and had found no time yet to prepare either an army, or to take any measures, when at once news came that Ahmed-shah, the Abdaly, was again marching to Lahor. Unprepared as Mir-mannoo must have been, he was obliged to present himself against that Monarch; but as neither party had sufficiently prepared themselves for a decisive engagement, the Viceroy thought it better to shake the chain of friendship and accommodation, in the Abdaly’s ears, and to Troubles in M8ltan quashed. smother a fire that had not yet broke out in a flame. The Abdaly who was no better prepared, was glad to hear that the affair took such a turn, and he agreed to retire, on the Viceroy’s promising to him the revenue of four Districts that had always been appointed to defray the pay of the garrison of Cab8l, a condition which Nadyr-shah had likewise stipulated. These were Syal-cot, Aoreng-abad, G8djrat, and Pursurvur; and this condition being accepted, he retired to his own dominions, and left the Vezir at liberty to follow his scheme against the Rohillas.

This Minister no sooner heard of the state of affairs at Moorad-abad, than sensible that he had benefited in every sense by the defeat of one of the two parties, he resolved to avail himself of it so far as to recover those countries from the hands of the survivors. With this view he came out of the city with the The Vezir marches against the Rohillas. Emperor, on the first day of Zilhidj, and took up his residence in tents. In a few days he arrived at Kevol, where leaving the Emperor behind, he advanced himself to the river Gundj, which is only at twenty cosses from Feroh-abad. This approach intimidated Cäim-qhan’s mother, consort to Mahmed-qhan-Rohilla, who finding herself shut up in the place without any resource, submitted to necessity, and paid in money and effects a contribution to the amount of sixty lacs. After this the Vezir called Saad-ollah-qhan to an account for the elephants, horses, equipage, and artillery, which had belonged to the vanquished, and also for the Nazurana due to the Imperial Treasury, and got from him a large sum, but which did not become public. On hearing of this success, the Emperor returned to his Palace, and a few days after he celebrated the Nö8-r8z, which fell on the 12th of the second Reby of the same year. Meanwhile the Vezir, who had tarried some time about Feroh-abad, was busy in receiving the promised sums, and in taking possession of the country of the Bangash Afghans; but he thought proper to leave untouched the city of Feroh-abad, and the twelve Districts round the same, which had been Bangash’s Altumghah or irrevocable fief ever since Feroh-syur’s reign. He left the whole for the subsistence of Cäim-qhan’s mother and family. Having in this manner recovered in a little time the stipulated sums and effects, he sent for Nevol-ráy, the Deputy he had left at A8d, and put under his care and absolute authority the whole of the conquests he had lately made, after which he returned to the Capital.

This Nevol-ráy, who was originally a Cäet by tribe, and of the lowest officers of Ab8l-mansoor-qhan’s household, had rendered his master so many services, and he had become so very agreeable to him, that he was promoted to high offices, made his Deputy throughout the whole Government, and rose to so much favour, as to be equalled by no one man in the service. This Deputy took up his residence in the city of Cannodje^\(214\), the private appanage of his master’s, and only at twenty cosses from Feroh-abad; from whence he spread his officers and collectors all over the country. He also seized most of the brothers of Cäim-qhan, I mean such as were from other mothers, together with some trusty slaves of the family, and sent them all prisoners to the castle of Ilah-abad; at the same time his violences and extortions rose to such an excess, that they became the real cause of the troubles and mighty events that followed. Cäim-qhan’s mother sent word of all this to Ahmed-qhan, her half-brother, an officer of consequence in the Vezir’s service; and she informed him that “the honour of the Afghan nation was gone, as well as that of his father’s; but that if there remained any sense of pride in him, now was the time to produce it, and to approve The Afghans, roused by the message of Cäim-qhan’s mother, raise upon Nevol-ráy. himself a true Afghan.” She likewise sent messages, full of taunts and reproaches, to all the Afghan Chiefs of the neighbourhood. The Afghans roused by these messages, assembled in troops, and swore every one to each other that they would not part society, until they had destroyed both Nevol-ráy and his power, and recovered their own country. Nevol-ráy, informed of this general revolt, applied to the Vezir for assistance, and meanwhile he came out of Cannodje with the troops he had under his command, and he entrenched himself in expectation of the succours which had been already dispatched. The Vezir having taken his leave of the Emperor, came out of the city, and encamped at the ford of Anbely, on the banks of the Djumnan, where he took up his residence in a seat until he had assembled all his troops. In a few days he dispatched Nassyr-eddin-haïder-qhan, his brother-in-law, together with Mahmed-aaly-qhan, a Commander of character, to Nevol-ráy’s assistance, and two days after, he dispatched likewise Ismäil-beg-qhan, called the slave-boy, a very trusty Commander of his, on the same errand. This was followed by Radja Debi-Dutt, Fodjdar of Kevol. But before these succours could come up, Ahmed-qhan had already appeared with a large body of Afghans before Nevol-ráy’s intrenchment, and that officer who had already quitted the Vezir’s service, and wanted to put the Deputy off his guard, had undertaken to amuse him with a variety of messages about an accommodation. The negotiation was kept on foot, until the tenth of Ramazan, when there appeared at once a great body of Afghan horse in the front of Nevol-ráy’s intrenchment, where was all his artillery; and whilst his attention was taken up with these, a large body of infantry turned his camp, and falling on his rear, penetrated through his intrenchment, and marched straight to his quarters, where they cut him down. This execution was done so rapidly that Ata-ollah-qhan, one of the best officers of the camp, (whom we have mentioned in Aaly-verdy-qhan’s history, as a nobleman, who had married Rabiah-begum, and of course was son-in-law to Hadji-ahmed,) found just time to fly to Nevol-ráy’s assistance with his troops, and to lay down his head at his feet. He was slain together with a number of brave soldiers and gentlemen, who distinguished themselves on that occasion, and set out in company for the kingdoms of Eternity. They were mostly of the environs of A8d and Lucknow, and especially of Belgram, a town in the neighbourhood of the latter city, and famous for the hereditary bravery of its inhabitants. The artillery, as well as every thing in camp, fell a prey to the Afghans. This intelligence being carried to the Vezir, seemed to affect him much more sensibly than the troubles that were rising in Decan, a part of the Empire which seemed now quite independent.

Nassyr-djung, second son and successor of Nizam-el-mulk, having been sent for this year by the Emperor, had advanced to the banks of the Nerbedda with about seventy or eighty thousand horse, all old troops. But as the Emperor did not like his coming so well accompanied, he wrote him a letter with his own hand to inform him that he had altered his mind, and given him liberty to return; an order which the other complied with the more readily, as he had just been informed that his own sister’s son, Hedaïet muhi-eddin-qhan, surnamed Muzafer-djung, pretended to independence in Decan. He therefore returned, and soon arrived at his Capital, where he gave rise to some events which we reserve for the subsequent sheets, our intention being now to go on with the Vezir’s expedition.

The defeat of Nevol-ráy having made a deep impression on that Minister’s mind, at the very time he was himself marching to his assistance, he, on the month of Shaaban of the year 1163, returned to the Capital, and took a fresh leave of the Emperor; on which occasion Issac-qhan, and Mir-baca, son to the late Camer-eddin-qhan, were ordered to attend him with the Imperial troops. As the Vezir was setting out, he was complimented by the Emperor with a sabre, a buckler, and a coat of mail, together with a variety of other curious things, the Emperor being desirous of shewing him every kind of regard, and of raising his character in the opinion of mankind. Issac-qhan received a fateh-pitch and a sabre, but Mir-baca, a fateh-pitch only; and both were ordered to obey the Vezir’s orders. The latter setting out at the head of his troops, marched twenty cosses in three or four days, at which time he received further news about Nevol-räy and the country under his command. He was then at Barr, a large town inhabited only by Séyds. There he assembled his troops, and he also sent for my father, a nobleman, of whom he had made a friend, and whom he had appointed to the command of Pani-p8t and Son-poot. Having spent about a month in the several seats round Barr, he found himself at the head of seventy thousand horse; but before his departure there happened a strange event, of which the by-standers drew a bad omen for his expedition.

On the eighteenth of Ramazan, a camel-driver belonging to a Moghul, chanced to cut down a tree which grew at the door of one Enäiet-qhan, a man in the Vezir’s service. The latter trusting to his master’s high power, seized the driver and chastised him as he deserved. On this the other camel-drivers assembled in a body, and went to complain to the Moghul, who was a Commander of a body of horse in the army. The Moghul sent his people to fetch Enäiet-qhan. On which a multitude of horse and foot ran to Enäiet-qhan’s house, and some one who knew nothing of the quarrel, having chanced to say, on looking at those armed men, that an order had come for sacking the town, this word seemed to be taken up as a signal for a general plunder. All the Moghul officers of the camp with their countrymen, The Town of Barr, wholly inhabited by Séyds, is sacked by the Vezir’s Moghultroops. got up in an instant, it being in the afternoon, and fell like so many incarnated devils on the inhabitants of that unfortunate.town, which they ruined in a little time. They also killed Enäiet-qhan and his son, a youth of eighteen. On the first report of the tumult, the Vezir had dispatched Haïder-qhan with a number of Nissiqhchies to put a stop to the disorder, and to drive away the plunderers. But until this officer could arrive, and until the Nissiqhchies could make an impression upon them, all was over. Vast numbers of people were slain; and the consorts and children of so many Séyds, and of so many people of the better sort, who inhabited that town, were carried in captivity, and experienced every usage which an unbridled soldiery could inflict. Women, children, furniture, everything was made plunder of. Haïder-qhan, after having exerted himself the whole night, was so lucky about the dawn of the day, as to assemble a number of captives, which he drew one by one from the tents of those accursed Moghuls, and he lodged them together in a set of tents which the Vezir had ordered to be pitched on purpose for them. This Minister himself had passed that whole night without going to bed. He was often observed to shed a flood of tears; nor could he be prevailed to eat anything the whole next day, which he spent in inquiring after so many matrons that had never set a foot out of a house, and were now in the hands of his soldiers. These he sent to their homes. Children of all ages, which those accursed men had concealed in fosses of their own digging, which they had covered with branches of tress and with turf, were found out, brought to the Vezir, and returned to their disconsolate friends. On beholding that universal desolation, one might have said that the last day of the world was come for that unfortunate town, and that it had undergone the Supreme Judge’s sentence. Nothing was heard but sobs and lamentations both there and all over the plain. The Vezir sent to the wretched inhabitants the head of the Moghul Commander.— But to what purpose? Past was what was past, and it was irremediable. Two days after that dreadful event, that Minister left Barr, and moved forwards; but people had already commenced to say, that his expedition would not be attended with success, and they applied to him and to his men, these known verses of Saady:

The two armies being in sight of each other, the Vezir sent for my father, who was now a chief Commander in Issac-qhan’s troops, and as he had long governed at Berhëily and Morad-abad, and was acquainted with the Rohillas and with their manner of waging war and of engaging an enemy, he requested to hear his advice and opinion. My father answered, “That these people dealt very much in ambuscades and feints. That their custom was to appear in great numbers, and after a slight combat to draw the enemy into some snare, when they turned about again, and faced him afresh. But that whenever such a stratagem of theirs failed of success, it was their practice to turn their backs, and to fly in earnest, as soon as they were sensible of their being pursued slowly and with caution. His opinion was, therefore, that as the Moghuls were troops that could be relied upon, it would be proper that a body of three or four thousand of them should be ordered to advance a little before the Vezir’s elephant, but on foot, and with their muskets and wall-pieces ready, in order to have a body of Musketeers at hand, should the enemy make a shew of some ambuscade.” My noble father was yet speaking, when he was interrupted by Ismäil-beg-qhan, who tired of the length of the advice, said that to-morrow he would seize Ahmed-qhan’s wife and children, and bring them fast in a corner of his The Vezir, attacks the Rohillas. bow. To this my father said not a word. The next day, at day-break, the Vezir after performing his prayers, ordered his cannon to march in front and upon the wings, and having ranged his troops in the best order, he advanced with a slow pace. At about nine o’clock, the engagement commenced, by a discharge of cannon and muskets on both sides, and it continued for sometime in the same manner. Afterwards, Radjah S8r8dy-mull, the Djatt, who commanded at the right wing, and Ismäil-beg-qhan, who commanded at the left, advanced on a gallop, and charged so vigorously R8stem-qhan and some other Afghan Commanders, that they drew everywhere smoke from their breasts. Pursuing their point, they covered the ground with six or seven thousand of the best men amongst the Afghan horse. The rest retired reluctantly, but being vigorously pursued they fled at last, and dispersed. At this very time Radja Ber-chunder-mehender, who had outmarched both the Djatt Prince and Ismäil-beg-qhan, proved to be separated from his main, and out of the Vezir’s sight; and that Minister being occupied in perpetually sending to those two Generals, cannon, rockets and ammunition, had so thinned his own front, that it remained unfurnished with those necessaries, and nearly empty of troops. The sun was inclining to the west, and the army seemed parted asunder. The Minister no sooner observed this disorder, and no sooner saw that the Gentoo Prince was already out of sight, than he recollected what my father had told him, and he was casting his eyes about to discover something like an ambuscade, when at once Ahmed-qhan, with a choice body of Afghan horse, suddenly made his appearance, and the engagement, which seemed at an end, re-commenced with fury. Unluckily it happened, whether by a particular interposition of the Divine Providence or otherwise, that Camcar-qhan, the Fodjar of the suburbs of the Capital, who was nearest to the Vezir’s body of troops, unable to stand the violent fire of musketry and rockets incessantly poured by a body of Afghan foot that now made their appearance, had turned about and fled. It is even reported that he was actually in concert with Ahmed-qhan-bangash, and that his flight was premeditated. Be it as it will, the Moghuls of the two wings finding themselves almost left alone, lost their wonted firmness, and this being observed by the Vezir, he immediately dispatched to their assistance both Mahmed-aaly-qhan, the Colonel, and Noor-el-hassen-qhan the Belgramite, with their troops. But there was such a quantity of loose elephants, and loose horses on the field of battle, that the passage seemed blocked up everywhere. Noor-el-hassen-qhan, however, opened his way through them, as did a little after, Abdol-neby, one of Mahmed-aaly-qhan’s slaves. This last troop amount d to about four hundred horse, and these two bodies cutting their way both through the loose horses and through the enemy, reached the Vezir’s troops, which were divided from their main. But as the Moghuls were already flying, the arrival of so brave a body proved of no avail, and these two officers, obliged to turn about, endeavoured to join the left wing. As they were advancing, they discovered behind them a body of two or three thousand foot, supported by a body of cavalry which were coming from the left, but which by their long faces and long beards seemed evidently to be enemies^\(215\). By this time most of the artillery had been sent to the support of the advanced troops, so that no firing was heard there from any cannon that might support those two brave bodies. For all that they cut their way back, and joined their friends, when facing about, they made a general discharge upon their pursuers, and stretched numbers of them upon the ground; but here too this succour proved of no avail. The Moghuls were already flying, and although the officers made a stand, their example was not followed by the others. The flight had become general in both wings, and few people cared to stand their ground. Amongst those that distinguished themselves eminently, few were regretted so much as Haïder-qhan, brother-in-law to the Vezir. Like a famished lion, he with a small body, threw himself amongst the Afghans, and was observed to kill seven men with his own hand. He was slain at last, and he hastened to enjoy the parterres of tulip in the gardens of Eternity. N8r-el-hassen-qhan was wounded with a musket-ball, as was Mahmed-aaly-qhan. Mir-gh8lam-nebi, the Poet of Belgram, although much wounded, found means to escape; but Mir-azim-eddin-qhan, one of the bravest Séyds of Belgram, followed Haïder-qhan, and hastened with him into the regions of Eternity. And now the danger came close to the Vezir’s person. The Afghans surrounded his elephant, without knowing who it was. The driver fell down dead. Mirza-aaly-naky, tutor to Shudjah-ed-döwlah, the Vezir’s son, was struck by a musket-ball, as he was sitting behind the Vezir, and fell. The Vezir himself received a ball in his throat, and fell in a swoon within the häodah. Luckily The Vezir defeated and wounded. for him, that it was a war-haodah, and barded in brass; so that the Vezir having fallen within, was secured from further wounds, and nothing appeared of him but his head. Nor was his falling into a swoon of small use to save his life. The Afghans seeing the häodah empty, with only one dead man in it, left it and went forwards, where they met Issac-qhan. The latter cried aloud that he was the Vezir. He was well mounted, and at the head of a body that stuck close to him, charging his pursuers sabre in hand, and he made them give way, after which he retired slowly and with firmness. The whole army was retreating by this time, and all the Moghuls had lost their honour and character, when Noorel-hassen-qhan and Mahmed-aaly-qhan seeing the Vezir’s elephant unaccompanied, cut their way to it with a few followers, and found that the Vezir had recovered from his swoon. The Minister on recovering his senses, ordered the music to play in token of victory, to try whether such a stratagem would not recall the troops; but it answered no purpose. Finding that a panic had seized them all, he turned his elephant about, without having any one round his person save those two officers, and two or three hundred Moghuls and Hindostanies. After the Vezir’s retreat, my father, who followed at a distance, seeing the field of battle empty, stopped to bring up some cannon that seemed in tolerable order; and having exerted himself in calling together the dispersed people of the artillery, he arrived at night near the Vezir’s quarters, none having remained in that field of battle so long as himself; and it was midnight before he reached the Vezir’s tent. The latter having ordered Noor-el-hassen-qhan to enquire after some medicines for his wound, was in a little time served; but it became necessary to make use of some fire. In the morning the Vezir quitted Marher, where he had passed the night, and marched forwards without hardly any baggage or any of the sutlers and other followers of the army. The ungrateful Moghuls after having fled from the enemy, had attacked their friends, and plundered most of those useful people; the rest had been set upon by the peasants, and made away with. Still on his departure from Marher, he found himself at the head of something like an army, and he continued his journey until he arrived upon the banks of the Djumnah, over against old Delhi, which is commonly called Shah-djehan-abad, and where we shall leave him to see what use the Afghans made of their victory.

Ahmed-qhan, after this victory over the Vezir, fancied himself able to conquer the two Provinces of A8d and Ilah-bad, which might have been said to be that Minister’s appanage. He sent his son, Mahmood-qhan, with a body of troops to the conquest of A8d, whilst himself undertook to take the castle of Ilah-abad from Baca-ollah-qhan, and Aaly-c8ly-qhan, the Daghistany^\(216\). Baca-ollah-qhan is son of Merhamet-aaly-qhan, brother to the late Emir-qhan, who had presented him with the Fodjdary of Corrah, in the Viceroyalty of Ilah-abad. After his The Afghans besiege and plunder Ilah-abad. uncle’s death, he had accepted the Vezir’s invitation, and had attached himself to his person. He was then at Ilah-abad with Aaly-c8ly-qhan, a dependant of Séyd-mahmed-qhan, the Deputy Governor, and an ancient servant of Emir-qhan’s house. These two officers thinking it dishonorable to submit to a Bangash, quitted the city where they had too few men to be able to make any defence, and shut themselves up in the castle, which they both resolved to defend to the last extremity. They threw a bridge of boats over the Djumnah, under the walls of the fort, and thereby prepared themselves for receiving succours and provisions.

There happened to be then on the shores of the Ganga, and quite close to the castle of Ilah-abad^\(217\), a certain Saniassi-fakir, very brave and well accompanied, who spent his time in his devotions to Maha-de8. This man shocked to see the ravages committed by the Afghans, he had, without any invitation, resolved to join his cause to that of Baca-ollah-qhan, and of the others, that were snut up in the castle; but although he was requested to come within its walls, he constantly refused it, and contented himself with encamping with his brave slave-boys and his people at a small distance from it. Every day he used to set out with the bravest of his people, all mounted on excellent mares, and to gallop about the Afghan camp, from whence he never returned without having killed several of the bravest of the enemy, and brought away both their arms and horses with him; so long as the siege lasted he did not miss a single day, and always did some execution. The siege drew to a great length, but without the enemy being able to make any impression; Baca-ollah-qhan with his garrison, and the brave Fakyr Radj Ender-gur with his brave troop, being resolved to make the most obstinate defence. But meanwhile the enemy’s troops, all composed of unbridled savage Afghans, and of sanguinary Rohillahs, fell upon the city of Ilah-abad, which was a large wealthy place, and set it on fire, after having plundered and sacked it leisurely. Four thousand matrons of the best Séyd and Sheriff^\(218\) houses of that unfortunate city, were led unveiled about the streets, and carried into captivity. But the quarter round the Monument of Sheh-afzol was spread, together with the suburb of Qhold-abad, which is wholly inhabited by Afghans. This was all that was performed by the Rohillah army; and but few of the Bangash collectors had been admitted over the flat country, when news came that the Vezir was coming. Ahmed-qhan not pleased with this intelligence, quitted the siege, and repaired to his own country about Feroh-abad.

We have already observed that on that General’s coming to Ilah-abad he had dispatched his son, Mahmood-qhan, with a body of troops, to conquer the country about Aood and Lucknow. The latter marched forwards, and on the nineteenth of the second Djemady in the year 1164, he encamped at a small distance to the west of the town of Belgram. Some Afghan troops immediately, according to the savage custom of that race of men, advanced on the suburbs, plundered some houses, and killed some people. But no sooner did such a violence become public, than the inhabitants of the town who are mostly of Sheriff blood as well as soldiers of old standing, shocked at this disorder, fell upon the Afghans, repulsed them with slaughter, and brought home a couple of hundred heads of cattle from the outskirts of the Afghan army. On seeing The Afghans spread into A8d, but are repulsed by the inhabitants of Belgram, and Lucknow. this Mahmood-qhan, with a precipitation consonant to his age, and an inconsiderateness worthy of his nation, put his army under arms, and resolved to take the town. But this was not so easy; the inhabitants had cut trenches across their streets, fortified every quarter, and prepared themselves to give them a warm reception. In this crisis the Magistrates, and the principal men amongst them, some of whom had an acquaintance with the young General’s father, interposed their mediation, and procured an accommodation, after which the tumult that had risen to a height, subsided at once. Mahmood-qhan having raised his camp and advanced as far as Papa-mow, sent towards Lucknow one of his uncles with about twenty thousand horse and foot; and this General advanced towards that city with about five thousand cavalry. He encamped in the outskirts, and sent a Cutwal to command in his name in the city. It must be observed that this city had been evacuated by all the dependants of the Vezir, on the first intelligence of their master’s defeat, and that they had carried away the Vezir’s family, and joined Baca-ollah-qhan upon the road, with whom they had retired in the castle of Ilah-abad. As to the Moghuls, every one of them, inhabitants of the city, had fled to some shelter, after having placed his property under the safeguard of Sheh-müez-eddin-qhan, a famous Commander, of whom we have said something in speaking of his heroical friend, Kootoob-eddin-mahmed-qhan. The Sheh’s friends were not pleased with the protection he afforded in his house and quarter to Moghul property, and they warned him that it would bring down upon him an inquiry from the Afghan Government. The Sheh would not listen to such pusillanimous counsels, and continued to afford an asylum to the families and properties of as many as chose to take shelter in his house and quarter. But as the new Cutwal had already commenced to oppress people, the Sheh who was sensible of this, thought it best to comply so far with the complexion of the times, as to go out of the city and make a visit to the Afghan Commander, in order to put a stop to the Cutwal’s vexatious government. The Afghan received him with great regard and civility, and ordered that a general safety of person and property should be proclaimed all over the city. Whilst he was yet speaking, one of the General’s friends, a man who wished for some tumult and confusion, said to him, What are you doing now? The Lucnovians have beaten your Cutwal, and driven him away. Sheh-müez-eddin-qhan answered immediately, that there was no man in the city mad enough to commit such an outrage. I will go to town immediately, said he, and if I find that any one has committed an insolence, rest assured, that I will chastise him as he deserves. On this, he mounted and returned to the city; but he soon had several reasons for altering his mind. He reflected that the Cutwal continued to oppress people, and that little trust was to be reposed in the promises or proclamations of an Afghan. Seeing then how matters went, he assembled the nobles and the principal inhabitants, and represented to them, that the Afghans were known for a faithless race, on whose promises no reliance could be reposed with any safety; that to surrender to such savage people would bring woeful consequences with it, and that for his part he saw no other party, but that of joining together, putting themselves upon their defence, and giving the Afghans a vigorous reception. Most of those present expressed their fears, and declined the association; but the others, sensible of the truth of what he had said, closed with his opinion, and armed themselves. Coorban-aaly, the Choudry^\(219\), a man of consequence amongst them, took care to gain to his party even those that seemed timorous, and he fortified several quarters. On observing so much warmth, Sheh-müez-eddin-qhan took a decisive part. He sold the jewels and plate of his family, and having made up a sum of money, he assembled the Sheh-zadians of Lucknow, whom he now exhorted to chastise the Cutwal vigorously, and to turn him out of the city. The order was immediately executed. The Sheh, after this, dressed a sensible Moghul in Iranian apparel, made him land in his house, as if he had come as Cutwal by the Vezir’s appointment, and he proclaimed, at the tribunal of Police all over the town, that no authority should be acknowledged in the city, but that of the cutwal sent by the Vezir. He at the same time set up a green standard in the name of “The Lord of the Time”^\(220\), and under it he took the oaths of the principal inhabitants, that they would stand by each other in defence of their wives, children, and properties, to the utmost of their power. The Afghan General hearing of this change of affairs, and that a Cutwal had come from the Vezir, put his people under arms, prepared himself to sack the city, and he fell upon Ismaïl-gundj, the eastern quarter of it. But about two hundred of the Sheh-zadians having run to the assistance of the inhabitants, an engagement ensued, in which the Afghans were driven away with great slaughter; nay the inhabitants sallied out upon them, took their cannon and tents, and drove away another Commander, who with a thousand horse had come over to share the expected plunder Mahmed-qhan, who was encamped on the ferry of Papa-mow, hearing of this affair, wanted to march in person against Lucknow. But Sheh-müez-eddin-qhan having sent him a message, that laid the whole blame of this affair upon the stupidity of his Afghans, and promised to come in person to give an account of it, and to address him upon other matters, he altered his resolution, and returned to his former encampment, where he was pitching his tents, when the runaways came in shoals and gave an exaggerated account of Müez-eddin-qhan’s bravery and conduct, as well as of the ferocity and courage of the inhabitants of Lucknow, especially the Sheh-zadians. In a few days, Müezeddin himself arrived near the Afghan camp, and with such a multitude of horse and foot, as looked very much like an army. Mahmed-qhan, intimidated by his character for prowess and conduct, and not liking his appearance, thought proper to decamp, and retire. This retreat inspired the Sheh with so much confidence, that he turned away all the collectors which the Afghans had spread all over the country, and he published an order to put to death immediately any armed Afghan that should be discovered; and this revolution in the A8d naturally brings us back to the Vezir, who had made an appanage of that country.

We have left the Vezir at the ford of the Djumna. But some time before his arrival at this passage, the report of his defeat had spread everywhere, and had roused all those that were jealous of his power, and fearful of his growing influence. The imbecile Emperor was of this number, as well as his intriguing mother, and all the Grandees of the Court, and above all, the Eunuch, now styled the valiant Navvab^\(221\), who after taking possession of the Emperor’s mind, had now come forward with intention to govern the Empire, and acted already as a Prime Minister. All these had given tokens of their ill will, and they talked of seizing on the Vezir’s Palace, and of confiscating the vast property supposed to be in it. Nevertheless, such was the idea they had conceived of his power and resolution, that they durst not put their design in execution, but waited until they should receive certain intelligence about his person. Hearing now that he was alive, and at hand, they waited his coming into the city, anxious to see what figure he would cut after his defeat. That Minister came at last, and it was soon seen by every one of them, that he would still prove a tough piece of work, and much above their strength. For even his consort^\(222\), a daughter of Saadet-qhan, and a woman of uncommon genius and courage, far from being dismayed by the reports of the Vezir’s defeat and death, had exhorted her son, Shudja-ed-döwlah, and her dependants, and son-in-law, to act with firmness, and to repel force by force; and she had made a provision of troops, and of every thing necessary for a vigorous defence^\(223\). The Vezir being arrived, soon heard of the intrigues and designs of his enemies, and he sent word not only to the Eunuch, but also to the Empress-mother, that Ab8l-mans8r’s dead body was still better than another man’s living one; and believe me, added he, I am a more tough piece of work than you seem to apprehend. Both these two persons denied their harbouring any unfavourable designs against him, and both accompanied their answers with excuses and with complaints; on which he seemed satisfied, being then engrossed by the thoughts of retrieving his character, and of revenging himself of the Afghans, he was consulting all those whom he thought to have much experience. One of these happened to be my uncle, Séyd-abdool-aaly-qhan, an officer of great character, who having quitted Saadat-qhan’s service in Adjmir, was just come from that province. This officer pleased with that firmness conspicuous in the Vezir’s character, often frequented his house. The Vezir, who in perusing the dispatches from Adjmir, had heard of his merit, once turned towards him, and asked what he thought of his expedition. Abdol-aaly-qhan answered, “You had a good army, my Lord, in the last campaign, and can have as numerous one even now as you please; but victory does not always depend upon numbers and courage, and it would be proper that you should provide officers and Commanders that have seen wars and engagements.” Who are these, interrupted the Vezir, pray tell me? At present, replied Abdol-aaly-qhan, I recollect only Radja-baht-sing and some Marhatta Generals. This advice he seemed to relish, and sending for Radjah Djigul-kishvar, agent from Aaly-verdy-qhan, Viceroy of Bengal, and for his own agent, Radja Lachmi-naráin, he directed them to bring Holkar-malhar. Meanwhile, Djaba, with his son, Djingoo, two Marhatta Generals of great renown, having made their appearance, he desired them to enter into his service, and assigned to each a suitable pension. Sending likewise for Radja S8r8dj-mull, the Djatt, who was already in his service, he assigned him, for his person and troops, fifteen thousand rupees a day, after having allowed both the Marhatta Generals twenty-five or thirty-five thousand rupees for the same space of time. This done, he turned his attention towards providing a new stock of rockets and ammunition, as well as every requisite for war; insomuch that in a little time he found himself stronger than he had been before. And, in fact, he was so very extraordinary a man, that hardly any one would believe the many resources of his credit and his genius, unless he had been of his confidence; nor has such another man appeared to this day. Any other General, after such a total defeat, would have lost his mind, or fallen into a despondency without ever conceiving the thoughts of arising again, and presenting a threatening front.

In short, this Minister having in a little time pitched upon the beginning of the first Djemady for reviewing his stores, quitted the Capital in the year 1164, and marched to Acbar-abad, which is at seven journeys distant; from whence he detached the Marhatta Generals with their twenty thousand horse, across the Djumnah, against Shah-dil-qhan, who commanded for Ahmed-qhan-bangash in Kevol and Djalisser. The Marhattas having crossed the Djumna with their customary rapidity, fell upon the Afghans like a hurricane. The Governor surprised, fled with all his might, and made his escape; but an infinity of Afghans were put to the sabre, and the Marhattas made a great booty in horses, elephants, camels, tents, and other articles. Ahmed-qhan, who was these four months intent on taking the Castle of Ilah-abad, no sooner heard of Shah-dil-qhan’s defeat, than he raised the siege immediately; and putting himself at the head of his best troops, he with the wings of anxiety and perturbation, hastened to Feroh-abad, which was his Capital, and the residence of his family. He was hardly arrived, when the Marhattas, which composed the vanguard of the Vezir’s army, followed, and finding the gates shut up, they put every thing to fire and sword in the territory of that city. These ravages having given Ahmed-qhan time to breathe, he came out and encamped at Husseïn-poor, a town at three cosses from Feroh-abad, and upon the Ganga, where he entrenched himself, as in a post which had such a river under its command, with the whole Rohillah country beyond it, and put it in his power to receive victuals and every The Marhattas surprise and plunder Feroh-abad. kind of assistance from thence. The Marhattas meanwhile finding Feroh-abad empty of military force, rushed into it, and plundered it leisurely; and it was thus that Providence chastised the Afghans in retaliation for the sack of Ilah-abad. The plunder made in that rich mart is past all computation, and is more than I dare say. But it may be easily conjectured from this, that one single lump of precious stuffs was valued at sixteen lacs of rupees. The Marhattas had hardly finished their work, when the Vezir himself arrived with Radja S8r8dj-mull, the Djatt, and surrounded Ahmed-qhan on all sides, the Ganga-side excepted. A cannonade ensued, and an infinity of cannon-balls and musket-bullets were exchanged between the two parties: But as the intrenched Afghans received by boats every kind of provision and assistance, the Vezir directed N8r-el-hassen-qhan, the Belgramite, to assemble a number of boats, and to throw a bridge over the Ganga, intending to send over a body of troops. This work of the bridge was opposed by Mahmood-qhan, son to the Bangash, who was encamped on the other side of the river. Nevertheless it was soon finished; it was at Rampoor, which is at twelve cosses from Cannodje; and a quantity of large cannon and a body of troops crossed over and joined N8r-el-hassen-qhan. Mahmood-qhan, sensible of the consequence of such a communication, made several efforts to ruin the bridge, but to no purpose; his own camp being so much incommoded by continual showers of cannon-ball, that his post was hardly tenable. Two days after the bridge had been finished, a large body of troops had come to the assistance of the intrenched Afghans, under the command of Saad-ollah-qhan, eldest son to the late Rohillah; and this happened at the very time when the Vezir was sending some troops over the Ganga. Ahmed-qhan’s courage and hopes having been greatly raised at the sight of so powerful a succour, he quitted his entrenchment, as untenable, and joined Saad-ollah-qhan, after which he gave battle to the Vezir; and a bloody one it proved to be. The Marhattas attacked on one side, and on the other S8r8dj-mull, with his Djatts, poured such an incessant fire on the enemy, as drew smoke from their breasts. The Afghans unable to stand so furious an attack, were thrown into disorder; and both Ahmed-qhan and Saad-ollah-qhan, after losing vast numbers of their men, turned about and quitted the field of battle, not thinking themselves safe but at a distance; but it was not without leaving ten or twelve thousand of their best men slain, wounded, or prisoners. A vast booty of elephants, tents, horses, cannon, and furniture fell into the hands of the victors. The Vezir pursuing with ardour, and the Afghans continuing their flight, they both arrived at last at the foot of a chain of hills, separated by a narrow valley from the mountains of Camä8, a difficult country, covered with brushwood and brambles; where the Afghans being hemmed in by their pursuers, necessarily lost vast numbers of people from the badness of the water and the inclemence of the air, but chiefly from the want of victuals and the scarcity of every necessary for sustenance. Meanwhile the enemy overran the whole Rohillah country, and ruined it for years to come. This battle cost Mir-gh8lam-nebi, the famous Belgramite Poet, his life, and he went to join the choruses of the Angels in the boundless regions of eternity.

The rainy season being already set in, and the Marhattas shewing a willingness to abide that season in the Afghan country, the Vezir, in reward for the services they had performed, gave them the whole country from Nevol and Djalisser down to Feroh-abad and Cannodje. Such a donation finished the Afghans. Finding that nothing less than their total ruin was intended, they betook themselves to the humblest supplications; and turning the Marhattas and some other Generals into mediators, they redeemed their lives from the Vezir’s resentment. An accommodation took place, such as the Vezir was pleased to dictate. The city of Feroh-abad, with its territory, a tract that yielded a revenue of sixteen lacs a year, was left, out of compassion, to Ahmed-qhan and his family, as descendents of Mahmed-qhan-Rohillah. Some other Districts which had been held in sovereignty by Aaly-mahmed-Rohillah’s family, were likewise left them, but under the stipulated promise of a full rent; and some others were confiscated. But the greatest part of those countries was given up to the Marhattas. The Vezir after this treaty, went to his Government of A8d, and continued advancing as far as Banares, where he had much business to transact; and there as Pertiput, the Zemindar of Partab-gur, a Gentoo Prince of that neighbourhood, who had been in strict connections with the Afghans, ventured to pay him his respects, he was immediately put to death by Aaly-beg-qhan, the Vezir’s head Nissiqhchi, who had orders to cut off his head. It is now time to return towards the interior parts of the Empire.

Troubles in Adjmir—Saadat-qhan, appointed to quell those troubles, marches against the Radjpoots of that country, and is worsted—Saadat-qhan’s troops perishing with thirst, are generously relieved by the Radjpoots—Saadat-qhan returns to Court, after so disgraceful a campaign, and is dismissed the service— Nasr-ed-döwlah alias Nasr-djung, Viceroy of Decan, overawes the Marhattas by the firmness of his administration—He marches against the French, at Poolchurry, and is slain by a conspiracy—Is succeeded by his cousin, Hedaïet-muhi-eddin-qhan —The French, who cut a great figure in the Decan, set up Selabet-djung, and beat the Marhattas—Ram-doss, Prime Minister of Decan, murdered—Ahmed-shah, the Abdali-monarch, marches into Hindostan for the fourth time—Mir-munnoo alias Muäin-el-mulk, Viceroy of Punjab, betrayed and defeated—Is well used by the victor—The Court eunuchs submit to an humiliating treaty with the Abdalies—The Vezir, incensed at so shameful a compromise, acts in defiance of his master—Ghazi-eddin-qhan, the Pretender to the Sovereignty of Decan, dies suddenly—Civil War in the middle of the Capital, between the Emperor Ahmed-shah and his Vezir—Mir-sheab-eddin alias Umad-el-mulk is entrusted with the business of pushing the war against the Vezir—Old Delhi plundered by the latter’s troops, who at last comes to a compromise with his master —Mir-sheabeddin upon ill terms with his master—He orders the Monarch and his mother to be confined, and afterwards to be blinded—The late Vezir Abool-mansoor-qhan dies—Character and conduct of his son, Shudjah-ed-döwlah—The bad administration of the Viceroy of Mooltan add numbers and unanimity to the Sycs—Troubles in Mooltan and Punjab—The new Vezir Sheab-eddin marches to recover Mooltan—Is insulted by his own troops, so as hardly to escape with his life—Surprises the Governess— Marries her daughter, and carries both the mother and daughter to Delhi—Strange predictions of his mother-in-law— The Abdali-king, incensed at this insult, marches into Hindostan, recovers Lahor, and plunders Delhi—Horrid cruelties of the Abdalies—He returns to his dominions—The French grow powerful in Decan—Nizam-aaly deposes his own brother, Selabut-djung —Troubles in Decan—Daring action of Nizam-aaly— The Marhattas extort fortresses and territories from him— Nizam-aaly, worsted in several engagements, cedes to them a large territory—The fortresses of Bidjapoor, Döwlet-abad, and Assir, ceded to the Marhattas—An historical account of them—War between the English and French—P8lchurry taken by the latter—The Vezir Umad-el-mulk seizes on the Capital, and on the Emperor’s person—Some account of Prince Aaly-gohar, now reigning Emperor, under the title of Shah-aalem— His heroical retreat through a whole army—Obliged to fly from the paternal house—He is received everywhere with respect —Umad-el-mulk’s intrigues to embroil Shudjah-ed-döwlah and the Rohillas, only serve to bring them to an understanding; and they both join together and oppose the Marhattas, who had marched a mighty army to achieve the conquest of Hindostan— The Vezir murders both his uncle and the Emperor—Troubles in Mooltan and Punjab, which enable the Marhattas to extend their conquests as far as Lahor—They bring the ferocious Abdalies with their victorious King upon their backs—The Marhattas fight, and are slaughtered everywhere—Battle of Badeli, where they lose seventy thousand men—Another bloody action, in which the Marhattas are destroyed—Shudjah-ed-döwlah waits on the Abdali-monarch—His bold answer to that Prince—The Marhattas, little dismayed, send another mighty army into Hindostan, commanded by one of their Imperial Princes—They take Delhi—Appoint a pageant of an Emperor —Propose an accommodation—Are rejected by Shudjah-ed-döwlah, in an answer full of reproaches—Bloody actions between the Marhattas and Abdalies—The former blockaded in their campo, cme to at Pitched battle at Panipoot, where they lose eighty thousand men—The Abdali-monarch returns to his own dominions —Singular appearance of a slain young man—Shudjah-ed-döwlah appointed Vezir to Aali-gohar, now Shah-aalem— Origin of the broils that gave rise to a war between the Marhattas and the English—Nizam-aaly avails himself of them to beat the Marhattas into a very advantageous treaty— Dissensions and several engagements between Maddo-ráo, the Marhatta-ruler, and his uncle, Ragonat-ráo—The latter attempts to take Aoreng-abad, and is vigorously repulsed—Nizam-aaly gives a finishing blow to the Marhatta power—S8r8dj-mull, the Prince Djaat, takes possession of Acbar-abad-agra, with its castle and Royal furniture.

WE have said that the Government of Adjmir had been conferred on the Vezir, as well as that of Acbar-abad, that Minister having expressed a predilection for that of Ilah-abad, which bordered on his hereditary Government of A8d. The Viceroyalties of Acbar-abad and Adjmir were bestowed on Saadat-qhan. It was in the year 1161, answering to the first of Ahmed-shah’s reign. This change occasioned some strange events. Radja Baht-sing-Rhator, a Prince who to much merit and great military character, joined so much learning, that he had no equal amongst the Radjpoot Princes, availed himself of that change, to revive his claim upon the Dj8dëyp8r and other territories, that constituted a principality which had been in his family from ancient times, and which was now withheld by Radja Ram-sing, son to Abi-sing, his nephew. With this view he came to Court, complained to the Emperor, and insinuated Troubles in Adjmir. himself so well in Saadat-qhan’s mind, as to render him desirous of going into his Government of Adjmir, where the Gentoo Prince offered an accession of revenue, on condition of his being righted. At the same time he set out for Nagor, the capital of his hereditary dominions, and was followed a few days after, by Saadat-qhan himself, who reckoned on his assistance, and brought with him about fifteen thousand horse, commanded by men of great characters; such as Aaly-rustem-qhan, nephew to Mir-mushreff; Hekim-qhan, called the Qhobushki; Fateh-aaly-qhan alias the Governor of Kevol, who received subsequently the surname of Sabut-djung; Mahmed-shudjah-qhan, and Sëyd-abdol-aaly-qhan. This last was my uncle, who having been, as we have said in the First Volume, banished from the dominions of Bengal, had come to the capital, where Saadat-qhan had desired him to be his friend, and to accept the command of a body of four hundred horse; for he had brought with him his own horses, elephants, and equipage. Saadat-qhan had with him also, Mir-aaly-asghar-C8bra, of whom we have spoken much in Aaly-verdy-qhan’s history; lastly, Mubariz-qhan, with a number of other persons of distinction. He passed the mourning days of the month of Moharrem at Pat8dy, and on the beginning of the year 1163, he arrived at a place called Nimrani, in the Djatt conntry, where Radja S8r8dj-mull had raised Saadat-qhan marches against the Radjp8ts of Adjmir, and is worsted. a small mud fort, in which he kept a certain number of men. Some of Saadat-qhan’s people having picked up a quarrel with those of the fort, drove them away; and it was upon such a mighty success that the new Viceroy ordered his music to play in token of victory; after which getting into his tent, he resolved to halt there. In the morning, as every one expected that he would pursue his intended journey to Narnöul, in Adjmir, where he had ordered his equipage to proceed, the thoughtless Viceroy, who carried a head without brains, countermanded it at once, and abandoning the original scheme upon Adjmir, he turned his views wholly upon settling the Government of Acbar-abad, and quarrelling with S8r8dj-mull the Djatt; nor would he hear of anything else. Aaly-R8stem-qhan, who had two thousand horse of his own, together with Fateh-aaly-qhan, who had seven hundred, were at the head of his vanguard, and had already proceeded on their march, when they were countermanded, and sent for to a Council of War; to which were likewise summoned Hekim-qhan, who commanded the right wing, at the head of two thousand horse; and Mubariz-qhan, who with an equal number, commanded at the left; and also Séyd-abdol-aaly-qhan, and Mir-aaly-Asghar-C8bra, now styled Mumtaz-djung. All these, surprised at this sudden change, were unanimous in their opinions. “They represented that to pick up a quarrel with the Djatt was improper; but that it would be very proper to go on with the original project of taking, first of all, possession of Adjmir, where Abi-sing had offered his assistance and an addition of revenue, and where he was already arrived, to make his preparatives. That by pursuing that scheme, they would put to a trial the quality of their troops, and would also infuse confidence in them, by such a successful expedition. That this project being once accomplished, it would be then time to think of bringing to order the country of Acbar-abad; and likewise, that here too Baht-sing’s assistance and advice would prove useful; after which it would become an easy matter to bring S8r8dj-mull himself to order.” This advice was good, but the ignorant Governor was inflexible, and he immediately sent dromedaries to bring back his baggage a counter-order which those officers were obliged to comply with, and also to forward to others; but it was noon-day before they would come back. The army was ordered to proceed to Soba-chund’s Caravanserah, where the Viceroy passed the night. The next morning, he commanded the men of his equipage to set out with Fateh-aaly-qhan and his corps, and to make a grand forage. The Djatts informed of this, presented themselves in force, and the Radja himself followed with so much expedition that both armies were in sight at noon. By this time Fateh-aaly-qhan had sent word that both forage and grain had been laden in quantities, and were ready; but that bodies of Djatts were making their appearance, and rendering the march of the convoy impracticable, unless some other Commanders were sent to his assistance. R8stem-aaly-qhan was immediately ordered on that service with his corps. But before he could arrive, the greatest part of the day was already spent; so that Hekim-qhan-qhoshbuki, who had been all this while desirous of a quarrel with the Djatts, thinking his honour concerned in this delay, followed him immediately, without being ordered. He had with him as many of his cavalry as were at hand, about seven hundred in all; but by this time there remained no more than two hours of day-light. Hekim-qhan seeing this, sent word to Aaly-r8stem-qhan, that night was coming, and that it would be better to return. The latter answered that Fateh-aaly-qhan was more advanced than him, and that if he could prevail upon him to come back, himself (Aaly-r8stem-qhan) would follow. After having said so much, he galloped up to him, and both joining together went to Fateh-aaly-qhan, to whom they proposed a retreat. The other, becoming prouder by the invitation, answered that they might retreat first, and that he would follow. They represented; they entreated; it did not avail. The two Commanders, seeing his obstinacy, resolved to stay likewise, although the sun was setting, and they sent word to the Viceroy, that the Djatt army was in sight, and so near, as to render a retreat dangerous by night; but that they proposed to pass it upon the spot, in expectation that he, their General, would march immediately with the army to their relief. Instead of that, the obstinate, ignorant Saadat-qhan sent them word to retreat and come back. They obeyed. It soon became dark; and those men that had been exposed to the heat of the whole day, without either victuals or drink, were hastening to their camp, whilst those that were raw troops and had not yet seen any firing, were endeavouring to distance the others. The cannon, moreover, was ordered to march in front, lest it should be set upon in the dark, and fall into the hands of the enemies. The Djatts observing the confusion in which they marched, followed them, and coming close in small distinct bodies, they commenced an incessant fire upon them, without quitting their horses. On this Aaly-roostem-qhan’s elephant growing unruly, Hekim-qhan approached him, and after many efforts and repeated attempts, he at last found means to draw him upon his own elephant. He was hardly seated, and the elephant was rising, when Hekim-qhan received a musket-ball in the throat, and fell dead instantly. Another bullet wounded Aaly-roostem-qhan. The flight now became general. Numbers were slain, and numbers being wounded; the survivors reached Saadat-qhan’s camp, which they filled with confusion and fear. The General himself became fearful, and was confounded. And now the advanced troops of the enemy appeared in sight, and setting up a war-cry, they struck up such a panic in Saadat-qhan’s breast, that he wanted to get away, and to make his escape, had not Mir-aaly-asgar-c8bra and his other Commanders stopped him with threats, and obliged him to stay by main force, keeping so careful an eye upon him, that he could not move. Luckily that the Djatt Prince, having risen only in his own defence, did not choose to abide the consequence of seizing or killing a Lord of Lords, and that he contented himself whith besieging the camp for two or three days together; at the end of which he sent proposals by the canal of Fateh-aaly-qhan, an officer with whom he was acquainted. These having been accepted with a great deal of joy, S8r8dj-mull sent his own son, Radja Djevaher-mull, who paid a respectful visit to Saadat-qhan, and concluded an agreement on several conditions, two of which were, that the dependants of the Lord of Lords should not cut any Pipol-tree^\(224\), nor offer any insult or injury to the temples of the country, or to any object of their worship and veneration. These and some other conditions being agreed to, Saadat-qhan signed the ignominious treaty. Radja S8r8dj-mull added, that should the Viceroy promise upon oath not to advance farther than Narnöul, he would himself follow the army and be assisting in that expedition, with his person and advice; in which case, he would undertake to bring the Radjpoots of those parts to an accommodation, by which they would oblige themselves to the payment of fifteen lacs, which he would take upon himself.

It was after such a ridiculous campaign, and such an infamous accommodation, that Saadat-qhan quitted the Djatt country to resume his expedition towards Narnöul. He was all the while accompanied by the Radja at the head of his Djatts, who always encamped at two or three cosses distance, in such a manner that messages and agents were continually exchanging on both sides; and in this manner they arrived in the neighbourhood of Narnöul, where Baht-sing came to pay his respects to the Viceroy. On hearing of the shameful treaty, lately concluded with the Djatts, he expressed his surprise and detestation, and proposed to him to recover his honour by marching against the Radjp8ts of Adjmir, that is, by supporting his own projects. This advice having been approved by Saadat-qhan, it gave offence to the Djatt-Prince, who saw how matters went, and took his leave and returned to his own country, leaving Saadat-qhan at liberty to pursue his expedition. That Viceroy being now arrived near Adjmir, marched on rapidly for twenty cosses, and by Baht-sing’s advice he took possession of the Gocul-gaut, a difficult passage, which is near the city of Adjmir. But Radja Ram-sing was soon on the other side of the pass. This Prince, better known under the name of Docul-sing, had with him the Radja Assiri-sing, son to Radja Dehiradj-djehi-sing-seväi, and both were at the head of an army which could not be less than thirty thousand horse, with a numerous artillery, and every necessary requisite for war. So great a superiority did not damp Saadat-qhan’s eagerness. This Viceroy, after spending some days at Adjmir in expectation of being joined by Radja Baht-sing, made haste to come out. The first day’s march was to Boorigur; the second to the little mud-fort of Shir-sing; the third to Mirta, and the fourth to a place called Pi-bar, in which last march the two armies had a sight of each other. They had set out on both sides with intention to fight, and Baht-sing had informed Saadat-qhan, that it was not proper to part with him or to march on as he did, as the enemy had planted all his cannon on that side. Saadat-qhan, Saadat-qhan’s troops ready to perish with thirst. who had never in his whole life listened to any sober advice, was so senseless as to observe, “That men did not turn about after having once marched in another direction,” and he went on as he had commenced. Baht-sing, seeing his obstinacy, left him, and marched on, but slanting from the front, where he knew so much cannon to have been planted. The Radjpoots, who had passed the night close to their cannon, seeing Saadat-qhan’s troops advance so inconsiderately, kept themselves quiet and in silence, until the enemy had come within reach; when they let fly such a shower of cannon and musket-balls, as did a great deal of execution in the enemy’s ranks, where vast numbers were slain. This discharge was but faintly returned by Saadat-qhan’s people, who were already in confusion. It was already noon-day; the sun shone with intolerable ardour, and the cannon and muskets became so hot that there was no handling any of them. A cessation of arms, as if by common consent, took place.—Saadat-qhan’s men, pressed by thirst, in Relieved by the singular generosity of the Radjp8ts. a country where water is scarce, dispersed everywhere, and numbers approached inadvertently close to the Radjp8ts in search of that refreshment. The Radjp8ts perceiving their distress, by the parchedness of their faces, and the lolling of their tongues, had the generosity to send people to shew them some springs hidden in the sand; and these men, after having refreshed plentifully, both man and horse, would carry them back to the spot where they had taken them up, and would dismiss them with these words: Begone, and avaunt! For now we are enemies again. The sudden cessation on both sides, and the assistance given so timely by the Radjpoots, hath something odd and incredible in it, but they are, however, completely well attested. I put the question to several officers and others that had been relieved in that manner, and amongst others, to Séyd Ismäil-aaly-qhan, son to my uncle, Abd8l-aaly-qhan; and he, as well as the others, always answered in the affirmative. Nor is it but upon such a strong testimony, that I have thought this particular worthy of a place in this history. This behaviour of the Radjpoots does them a deal of honour; but such a generosity is in their character. May God Almighty please to infuse such benevolent inclinations in the hearts of all the nations of the World! For He is the source of all power and all mercifulness.

This spot is not far from the mountains of Dj8déyp8r, not above twenty or thirty cosses distance, or at most three days’ journey. Saadat-qhan, desirous to get out of such a critical spot, and unable, moreover, to go on with the expenses of an expedition that produced no resource, at a time too when the rainy season was at hand, resolved to make an accommodation, and to return to Adjmir, and so on to the Capital. In vain did Baht-sing represent, “That this expedition was more important than anything to be compassed in the Capital. That the Princes of that country, being the noblest of all the Radjp8ts, and such as were acknowledged for having reigned in time of yore all over Hindostan, the bringing them under subjection would not only greatly redound to his honour, and engage the other Zemindars to submit of their own accord, but would in time produce such fruits as would surpass his utmost expectations. In vain did he add, that so soon as the country of Adjmir should be subdued, his character, enhanced in the eyes of men by such an expedition, would be greatly conducive in bringing to terms the Djatt S8r8dj-mull, and in reducing to controul the country about Acbar-abad.” All those reasons produced no change in his mind. And this is the more unaccountable, as Baht-sing had during this whole expedition proved of great service, notwithstanding the junction effected between the Marhattas, commanded by Malhar’s son, and the enemy; for he had all along supplied the army with necessaries, and had exhibited much wisdom and a variety of talents, in occasionally extricating it from its difficulties. Finding that Saadat-qhan was bent on an accommodation, he kept himself at home, without interfering any more. The Marhatta General likewise took his leave of Ram-sing, and of Assir-sing’s son, and went home. Saadat-qhan having by treaty received three lacs of rupees, suffered the rest to be put off in a variety of instalments, consisting of money and effects, which were to be paid so much at such a place, and so much at another. After this treaty, he quitted Peïpar, and arrived at Adjmir, at which place my uncle, Séyd Abdool-aaly-qhan, being sensible of Saadat-qhan’s levity and want of understanding, resigned his service, and took his leave. But as he had run himself in debt in a service, which yielded nothing that year but a prospect of preferment, he was obliged to sell his elephants, and some of his furniture, in order to pay his troops and his creditors; after which he returned immediately to Shah-djehan-abad, where hearing that the Vezir was gone on an expedition against the Afghans, he only tarried three days in that Capital, and marched out to join him; and he was already advanced to Kevol, when he met some of the runaways of the Vezir’s army. The Vezir himself arrived the next day. Abdool-aaly-qhan having found here an opportunity of paying that Minister his respects, returned with his retinue to the Capital; where on being asked his advice a few days after, he proposed taking into his service Radja Baht-sing, as well as the two Marhatta Generals.

As to Saadat-qhan, after spending one year and some months in that fruitless expedition, he arrived at the Capital in the beginning of the year 1164; and as he had lost his character in that expedition, where he had carried little money and numerous troops, he was, on his return, perpetually reproached and insulted by those people, who insisted upon being paid their arrears. Becoming contemptible by so many repeated assaults and insults, he had the folly to expect a supply of money from the Emperor; and as he was not heard, he had the imprudence to mention the Emperor’s name, as well as that of Djavid-qhan, his favourite, in terms of disrespect; making so little secret of his sentiments when at home, that they became the constant topic of his conversation. Not satisfied even with that, he in a fit of passion, resolved to go to Court and to get himself righted, happen what it would. He mounted his horse, and taking his spear in his hand, he got within the Palace, and attempted to go as far as the Emperor, to whom he intended to represent his Saadat-qhan returns to Court in disgrace, and is dismissed the service. grievances in an angry tone of voice. Djavid-qhan, the Superintendent of the Hall of Audience, seeing in what plight he was, requested him not to appear in the Emperor’s presence. The other finding himself obstructed, vented his resentment both against His Majesty and the eunuch, in such terms as came uppermost, and after that, he returned home; but he was hardly landed, when a body of soldiers came to confiscate his property. And thus from the summit of honour and affluence, he fell in a little time into the greatest contempt and distress. His title of “Lord of Lords” was bestowed on Ghazi-eddin-qhan, eldest son to the late Nizam-el-mulk, who received the Qhylaat of it the next day; and Saadat-qhan, deprived of everything, went to live in obscurity and oblivion. It is time for us now to resume the narrative about the affairs of Decan.

Nassyr-djung-nasr-ed-döwlah, second son and successor of Nizam-el-mulk, was a young man of talents, of much natural Nassyr-ed-döwlah alias Nasr-djung overawes the Marhattas by the firmness of his Government. genius, and much bravery. To his capacity for government, he joined a cultivated understanding, being fond of poetry, and often composing himself; and although raised so young to the pinnacle of power, he early exhibited a number of good qualities. He even commanded as his father’s Deputy, when the latter died of a looseness. As soon as he had assumed the administration in his own name, he marched against the Marhattas, and beat them so often, that he taught them to fear his person and to respect his dominions, as we shall soon explain in the following sheets. The dread of his power and his valour had so far taken possession of their hearts, that they did not dare to move out of their own country, during his lifetime; nor have we any instance of their having been kept in awe by any one so much as by him. Having been commanded to the presence by the Emperor Ahmed-shah, in the year 1162, he had advanced as far as the Nerbedda at the head of a numerous cavalry, when a counter-order came, with which he complied the more willingly, as his cousin, Hedaïet-muhi-eddin-qhan, was pretending to independence. He therefore turned about, and marched against him with seventy thousand good horse, and one lac of infantry.

Muhi-eddin-qhan, surnamed Muzafer-djung, or the “Victorious in War,” descended from Saad-ollah-qhan, Vezir to Shah-djehan, and was son of a daughter of Nizam-el-mulk, in whose lifetime he had enjoyed the Viceroyalty of Bidjapoor for several years together. But as soon as his uncle was dead, and he heard that his successor, Nasr-djung, had advanced as far as the Nerbedda with the flower of his troops, he availed himself of the opportunity to assume independence. With this view, he attached to himself Husseïn-dost-qhan alias Chenda-sahab, a man of importance in the Carnatic, whose family cut a principal figure in the city of Arcat, and the latter exhorted him to render himself master of that province. This country was these many years governed by Anver-eddin-qhan, surnamed Shahamet-djung, or the “Valiant in War,” a native of Gopamä8, who had been appointed to the office of Nazem, or Military Governor, by Nizam-el-mulk himself. Hedaïet-muhi-eddin-qhan having assembled a mighty army from the French of P8lcherry^\(225\), with whom Chenda-sahab had made a treaty, attacked Anver-eddin-qhan, and after a battle in which this Governor exerted himself like a brave man, defeated him intirely. It was on the sixteenth of Shaaban in the year 1162. Nasyr-djung, who was then at Aoreng-abad, hearing of this event, resolved to chastise his cousin, and although that Capital is at no less than five hundred measured cosses^\(226\) from the sea-coast, on which is seated the town of Marches against the French of P8lcherry, and is slain by a conspiracy. P8lcherry, he hastened thither on the wings of expedition and resentment; and so early as the sixth of the second Rebi, in the year 1163, he engaged Hedaïet-muhi-eddin-qhan, and totally defeated him. The victory was at first disputed, but the zephyr of Divine assistance was at last pleased to blow upon Nassyr-djung’s drooping standards. Hedaïet-muhi-eddin-qhan was taken prisoner, and the victorious Prince, finding that the rainy season was at hand, took up his winter-quarters at Arcat. He had in his army a body of Afghans settled in the Carnatic, and commanded by Himmet-qhan, and some other officers of that nation. Those ungrateful wretches, forgetful of the favours conferred upon them by both the father and son, and unmindful of the gratitude and attachment they owed him in return, conceived the design of stripping their Lord both of his treasures and dominions; and joining with the Prince’s prisoner, and the French of P8lcherry, they, on the seventeenth of Moharrem, according to Astronomical computation, and the sixteenth, according to the vulgar one, fell on that Prince’s quarters at midnight, and filled them with confusion and disorder. Himmet-qhan, who had always professed himself his zealous servant, having advanced to him with a musket in his hand, fired at his breast, and laying him at his feet, he sent that mighty Prince to the Regions of Nothingness. It was in the year 1164 of the Hedjrah. After this, the camp was nothing but a scene of confusion and dismay and mistrust; but some of those personally attached to that unfortunate Prince, took up his body, and carried it to Aoreng-abad, where they buried it in the Garden of Saint Burnan-eddin, the Arabian, close to the tomb of his father, Nizam-el-mulk. The Poet Mir-ghoolam-aaly, the Belgramite, who had lived upon terms of friendship and intimacy with him, and had enjoyed great offices in his Court, had drawn his chronogram in these verses:

The Hand that wrote the events of Nassyr-djung’s life in Is succeeded by his cousin, Hedaïetmuhi-eddin-
qhan. Heaven, having so suddenly closed its book, Hedaïet-muhi-eddin-qhan, from being kept a close prisoner, assumed the ensigns of Royalty, and displayed the standard of command and dominion. Taking with him a body of French, and the ungrateful Afghans, he set out from P8lcherry for Haïder-abad. But the Supreme Avenger had already sown the seeds of retribution for the murder of Nassyr-djung, and they had taken so deep a root, that both the new Prince and the Afghans harboured already the utmost distrust and resentment^\(228\) against each other. The former had even taken measures with the French for destroying the Afghans, and especially Himmet-qhan, the Carnatican; so that on the seventeenth of the first Rebi, exactly two months after Nassyr-djung’s murder, at a time when the army was encamped at Lacra-pilly, and seemed to have hidden the whole earth under the immense extent of its tents, the new Prince suddenly mounted his elephant with an intention to attack the Afghans, and to make an end of them. Himmet-qhan, who was upon his guard, advanced to meet him at the head of a numerous body of his own countrymen, and it happened that, by a particular disposition of a watchful Providence which sought to avenge Nassyr-djung’s murder, both the perpetrators, that is, Himmet-qhan and Hedaïet-muhi-eddin-qhan, were slain in the engagement. Hedaïet-muhi-eddin-qhan is the first in India who sought assistance from Nazareans^\(229\), and who by introducing those strangers into his dominions ruined his own family. There was then in the army a certain Ramdass, a black Brahman of Sicacol, who had enjoyed a small pay in some of Nassyr-djung’s offices, and this man, who had the merit of having successfully intrigued with the French, and procured the death of Nassyr-djung, had been taken into favour by the new Prince, and made a Prime Minister, and honoured with the surname of Radja Ragonat-dass. This man came now to cut an important figure. As to Hedaiet-muhi-eddin-qhan, he was fond of study and knowledge, and was versed in books; but he made a parade of his learning, and his friends have praised him too much. During that two days’ reign of his, Baladji-räo, the Marhatta, had marched from Poona to Aoreng-abad with a numerous army, which Shah-nevaz-qhan, the Governor of that country, found means to send back by a present of fifteen lacs of rupees.

Hedaïet-muhi-eddin-qhan having lost his life in expiation of Nassyr-djung’s murder, and Himmet-qhan with his Afghans, those sworn enemies of Nizam-el-mulk’s offspring, having been sent to roam in the desert of Nothingness, Ramdass, who had assumed the office of Deputy-General, and had the French in his party, raised to the throne Séyd Mahmed-qhan, surnamed Selabet-djung, or the “Steadfast in Battles,” third son of Nizam-el-mulk. The new Prince immediately, on his accession, attached to his service both Ramdass and the French, with whom he marched to Aoreng-abad, where he passed the rainy season; and on the return of the fair weather, he marched out with an intention to chastise Baladji-räo for his late invasion. With that view he assembled his troops at Ahmed-nagor, from whence he continued his route directly to Poona. Baladji-räo, without suffering him to come so far, met him half-way with an army of fifty thousand horse, but was defeated; at which time the French with their quick musketry and their expeditious artillery drew smoke from the Marhatta breasts. Selabet-djung, after that victory, ruined and devastated the whole country as far as Poona, where a greater engagement took place on the beginning of the year 1765. It was in Moharrem, in which whole month the moon had remained eclipsed; and the Marhattas, together with their General, having been endlessly busy in performing the religious duties enjoined on such a particular phenomenon, they were set upon in the night with so much success, that they lost a vast number of men, which the French consumed in shoals at the fire-altars of their artillery. Baladji-räo, who was actually busy at his devotions, and naked, had hardly time to throw himself upon an unsaddled mare, on which he saved his life, by flying with all his might. The implements of his worship^\(230\), which were all of gold, fell in the hands of both the Mussulmen and the Nazareans. But notwithstanding this mighty victory, such was the spirit of division that had seized Nizam-el-mulk’s family and army, that the victorious Selabet-djung, so far from reaping any fruit from this victory, was himself in imminent danger, and on the point of succumbing.

As the army, on its return, was marching over the plain of Paleki, on the tenth of the first Djamady of the year 1165, the Prime Minister Ramdass was set upon by some troops, and killed outright^\(231\). Selabet-djung continued his journey to Haïder-abad, from whence he sent for Shah-nevaz-qhan whom he invested with the office of Prime Minister, and of his Lieutenant-General. The new Minister was going to apply to the duties of that important station, when sudden intelligence came that the Prince of Princes, Ghazi-eddin-qhan, having obtained the investiture of all the Soobahdaries of Decan, was coming at the head of a mighty army. On this intelligence, Shah-nevaz-qhan left a Deputy to execute his office, and departed for Kermla, the residence of Djanodji-salhar, a Marhatta Prince of the Barar. The intention of this sudden voyage was to engage that Prince, and likewise Baladji-räo, who had been in connection with the Minister so early as the times of Nizam-el-mulk, to mediate an accommodation between Selabet-djung and his competitor, who had amongst his troops a large body of Marhatta Cavalry commanded by Holkar-malhar. On Shah-nevaz-qhan’s departure from Haïder-abad, Semsam-ed döwlah was invested with the government of that Capital; but Ghazi-eddin-qhan^\(232\) suddenly dying at Aoreng-abad, Holkar-malhar, who had got from him the gift of the whole country of Qhandess, Sunk-mer, and Djalima, obtained from Selabet-djung a confirmation of the grant, and proved the only man that had benefited by those mighty troubles. After this, Shah-nevaz-qhan quitted Kermla, and joined his master who had advanced near Aoreng-abad to fight his brother and rival. There he re-assumed his office of Lieutenant-General, sent back Semsam-ed-döwlah to Haïder-abad, and as the rainy season was approaching, both the Prince and the Minister took up their winter-quarters in that city.

It was in this year 1164, that Radja Assiri-sing, son to Radja Adjet-sing-seväi, departed this life, and a report spread that he had been poisoned. The Rana of Oodeïpur died at the same time. It is also in this same year that Nassyr-djung, having been attacked by the French in the night, was in the confusion murdered by his ungrateful Afghan soldiers; and this intelligence reaching the Court at the end of the year, his elder brother, Ghazi-eddin-qhan, took mourning for him, and being sent for to Court, was complimented with a Qhylaat to that effect. As he was extremely displeased with the Court, he resolved to assume the Government of the whole Decan, and to make his residence there; but the Ministers insisted upon a present. This affair took up some days, when it was accomplished at last; and the Qhylaat of that mighty Viceroyalty having been bestowed upon him, he departed to take possession, as we have already said.

After having given in this manner some account of the troubles in Decan, let us cast our eyes on those that arose on the affairs of Hindostan. In the year 1165 Ahmed-shah, the Abdaly, came into that country for the fourth time, and marched towards Lahor. But the Viceroy Mir-mann8, alias Muäien-el-mulk, being informed of his coming, was beforehand with him, and not only resisted his attacks for four months together, but several times came out and drove him to a distance; insomuch that the Abdaly Prince became sensible that there was no going farther. But jealousy and inner divisions, that bane of all Hindostani affairs, defeated so much resolution and so much good conduct. Adina-beg-qhan, by his eternal treacheries, ruined this brave nobleman also; and Radja C8ramul, his Divan, a man really attached to his master, having been slain, all went to wreck after his death, and Mir-mann8 was overcome, as we are going to explain. The repeated engagements between the two parties had already lasted four months, when Adina-beg-qhan, who intended treason under the mask of friendship, persuaded the Viceroy that it was now time to quit his intrenchment, and to advance in the plain. C8ramul opposed this advice, and was of opinion that they ought to remain as they were three or four days more, after which the Abdali wanting provisions, and already tired of so bloody and so fruitless an expedition, would retire of his own accord. This was the wises step; but the Viceroy, prompted by his own ardour and courage, listened to the importunities of Adina-beg-qhan, and coming out of his post he advanced towards the Abdali camp, and in his way stopped at some lofty ground covered with brick-kilns, where he had planted his cannon. But this cannon after one discharge was found to want amm??pition, whilst a large number of camels, each loaded with a couple of Zemberecks or Swivels, of one pound-ball, came from the Abdali’s side, and by Adina-beg-qhan’s advice, opened upon the Hindostanies; the Abdalies at the same time made an attack upon the camp. In Mir-mann8 betrayed and defeated. this emergency Adina-beg-qhan proposed to call Radja C8ramul with a body of troops from the intrenchment. The latter sent for answer that yesterday he had opposed the Viceroy’s going out, and now he was afraid that should he move from his post, the soldiers, on seeing the back of his elephant, would think it a flight, and would possibly follow; an error which would be enough to bring on a defeat. As the Viceroy found himself pressed, repeated orders were sent to C8ramul to come. C8ramul surprised and afflicted at the preciseness of the order, assembled his Commanders, and having recommended to them firmness and resolution, he mounted his elephant, and went towards his master. He had hardly advanced one cosse from camp, when he perceived that those very Commanders, whom he had just been haranguing, were in motion for a flight, with all their troops in the greatest disorder. Straight he returned back, and putting himself at the head of a few troops that made a stand, he repulsed the Abdalies; and he was following them out of the intrenchment, when he was struck by a musket-ball that obliged him to surrender his soul to his Maker. This man was his master’s universal agent, and the very soul of the army. On seeing him fall, soldiers and officers took to flight; and the Viceroy having returned to the city, sent the Mufti Abdollah to make an accommodation, in which it was agreed that Mir-mann8 should wait on Ahmed-shah-abdali. This being agreed to, the latter sent Djehan-qhan, an officer of distinction, to bring him to Is well used by the victors. his camp, which commission this officer executed with the utmost deference and respect. The Shah received the Viceroy with the utmost kindness, made use of mild expressions to console him, and having appointed him his Deputy and Lieutenant both in Lahor and M8ltan, he returned towards Cab8l and Candahar, two places that had become the Capitals of his dominions, and the places of his residence. From that day those two rich provinces of Pendjab^\(233\) and M8ltan were severed from the Empire of Hindostan, and added to the new monarchy of the Abdalies.

Whilst the Abdaly King was stopped short by Mir-mann8, he sent an Ambassador to the Court of Delhi. It was Calender-qhan. This step having made impression on the Court of Delhi, which became apprehensive that the Abdalies would soon come upon the Capital, the Ministers wrote repeatedly to Ab8l-mans8r-qhan, the Vezir, to take the Marhatta Malhar with him, and to return to Court with the utmost expedition. The Vezir having sent for Malhar, engaged him, under promise of a mighty sum, to make the campaign with him; and he returned with his army, and with that General to the Capital. But meanwhile Djavid-qhan, the eunuch, who now acted as Prime Minister, finding himself supported by a party of treacherous Grandees, all jealous of the fresh accession of glory which the Vezir might gain a second time, made haste to clap up a peace with Calender-qhan; and The Court eunuchs submit to an humiliating treaty with the Abdalies. having granted him all his demands, as well as the cession of Pendjab and M8ltan, he quickly dismissed him from the Capital. The Vezir being arrived after this treaty, was shocked at so shameful a compromise, and at so much precipitation. In his resentment and indignation, he refused to come into the city, and encamped on the other side of the Djumna. He afterwards sent word to the Ministers, that it was at their requests that he had brought the Marhatta Malhar with his whole cavalry, under promise of a mighty sum of money; and now that they had rendered that assistance unnecessary, who was to satisfy the Marhatta’s claims? Such a requisition could not but embarrass them; but they were rescued out of their difficulties by a lucky event. Ghazi-eddin-qhan, who had put on his Qhylaat for the Viceroyalty of all the Decan, was stopped short by the Ministers, who previously insisted on a Pishcush or present, which the other wished to avoid. It was at this time that the Vezir sent his message, and put it in the Viceroy’s power to avail himself now of the difficulties under which the Court laboured, in order to carry his point. He sent them word that, if they would give him his patents without delay, he would undertake to satisfy Malhar’s demands, and would also take that General with him. The proposal being accepted, he appointed his own son as his Deputy at Court, took Malhar with him, and departed for his new Government.

After this departure, the Vezir entered the city, but took up his abode in his own Palace^\(234\). Here he was greatly discontented, and shocked to see an eunuch, like Djavid-qhan, dictate in all matters of State, and govern the Emperor’s mind; and could by no means agree that such a man should have made a peace that dishonoured the Empire, by giving up two important provinces, which had left open a large breach for the enemy’s incursions into the heart of Hindostan. He was likewise jealous The Vezir incensed at so shameful a compromise. of the omnipotence of the Empress-mother and of her eunuch, shocked at their meddling with every affair of State, and uneasy at their being both leagued against him.

Whilst the Vezir was brooding upon his discontent, an event happened which gave offence to all the world. The Emperor prompted by these two persons, had raised one Mia-qhan, a brother of his mother, but an actor by profession, to the military grade of seven thousand horse, and to the surname of Müatekud-edö8ulah, or “Trustworthy of the Empire,” and to support the State incumbent upon such high titles, this man had been complimented with a complete household of elephants, horses, &c., together with the late Emir-qhan’s Palace, ready furnished, as it was. By this profusion, he brought this man forwards, and made him figure amongst the mightiest Lords of the Empire, although it must be acknowledged that the new Lord was not destitute of good qualities, and did not avail himself of his favour but to oblige and to do good. This promotion, however, was looked upon as an affront to themselves, by all the Grandees of the Empire, and especially by the Vezir, The Vezir sets his master at defiance. who resolved to rid himself of the umbrage which Djavid-qhan gave him perpetually. This eunuch, who trusted so much to his influence, that he rubbed his forehead against the third heaven, had the imprudence to accept of an entertainment at the Vezir’s palace, where Aaly-beg-qhan, the head Nassiqh-chi, alias Shitab-djung, ripped open his belly with a stroke of a poniard, and killed him instantly. This execution which had taken place by the Vezir’s order, exasperated the Emperor and his mother, and, in order to ruin such an overbearing Minister, they resolved to join Intyzam-ed-döwlah and all his other enemies.

Whilst the Court seemed convulsed with dissensions and jealousies, Ghazi-eddin-qhan was advancing by long stages to Aoreng-abad, one of the Capitals of Decan, where he made his entry, having with him the Marhatta Malhar, with his whole cavalry. But this man, who knew the difficulties under which his new master laboured, availed himself of his situation to request that the province of Qhandess should be made over to him to insure the payment of his troops; and the Prince, not thinking it proper in the beginning of his expedition to discontent a man at the head of such a force, gave him the patent of it under his hand and seal; and thus that fine province, the extent of which reaches to the very gates of Aoreng-abad, passed at once under the Marhatta dominion on these easy terms. Ghazi-eddin-qhan, soon after this, on the seventeenth Ghazi-eddin-qhar, the pretender to the Sovereignty of Decan, dies suddenly. day after his arrival at that Capital, died suddenly; so that his army and friends which had followed him from so far, in hopes of bettering their fortunes having now lost their leader, dispersed of themselves and none remained but his household servants, who, unwillingly to leave their master’s body in a foreign land, took it by turns upon their shoulders, and carried it to Shah-jehan-abad; and in this manner the dominion of all the Decans remained to Selabet-djung.

The death of Ghazi-eddin-qhan set young Mir-sheab-eddin, his son, to work. He had been left in the Capital as Deputy to his father. in his office of “Lord of Lords.” The Emperor thought it enough to continue the young man in the enjoyment of certain surnames and titles that appeared to be hereditary in the family, and accordingly he was called, as well as his father and grandfather, “The Champion of the Law,—The Prop of the Kingdom,—The Brave Commander, ever Victorious in War.” But as all these honours did not imply anything of his having been admitted as successor to his father, in his title and office of Lord of Lords, he went to the Vezir’s house, and he so affected both that Minister and his consort with compassion on his orphan condition, that the Vezir obtained his request from the Emperor. But the ungrateful young Lord, forgetting the education he had received in that Minister’s house where he had learned several languages, acquired a taste for poetry, and had become a learned man as well as a good soldier, henceforward turned his back on his benefactor; and unmindful of the many obligations he owed to that family, and the constant support he had received from it, he joined Intyzam-ed-döwlah, and the Emperor with his mother, in the conspiracy of oversetting the Vezir and demolishing his power. Nor was it long before the Minister had information of this conspiracy; for in a few days the Emperor sent him word, to desire his leaving to His Majesty the disposal of the artillery and of the bathing-place, that is, the private apartments, and he recommended to him a better discharge of his duty as a Vezir. For the latter, sensible that a breach had now taken place between himself and his master, abstained henceforward from going to Court; and the Emperor intimidated at this, commenced caressing him anew, and he even went to see him; in which visit he excused what had passed, and seemed to have regained his heart. But as the reconciliation on either side went no farther than the lips, and it was evidently defective in truth and sincerity, months after months were spent in fruitless negotiations, to the very beginning of the year 1166, and even the first six months of that year were taken up in negotiations, and likewise in giving birth to some events which we are to mention.

The Vezir was at a loss how to act. To levy war against the Emperor seemed both improper and odious, and, on the other hand, he apprehended that the conspiracy aimed at his life, as Civil war between the Emperor Ahmed-shah and his Vezir. well as at his power and influence. The truth is, that he had neither that fund of policy, nor that blaze of daringness, requisite for an enterprise of such a high nature; he had not that disregard to scruples, necessary to a man that had conceived such high-flown projects, nor that stiffness of mind that enables him to overlook all obstacles, and to set at nought all considerations; he wanted also a sufficient extent of genius to take an adequate view of the strength of his party, and he had too high an opinion of that of his enemies. In fact, such was the opinion entertained of his power, in the beginning of the troubles, and so inconsiderable appeared in comparison both Intyzam-ed-döwlah, and that child of Mir-sheab-eddin that, had he only opened his mouth, there were many Commanders in his service, who on a single order of his would have gone, seized, and bound those two Lords in their very lodgings; nor had either of them dared to offer the least resistance in such a case. Destiny blinded the Vezir’s eyes, and shut up his ears effectually. And the Emperor sensible of his irresolution, wrote him a note at midnight, the purport of which had been agreed to in a Council between those two Lords and the Court eunuchs. It was in the Emperor’s own hand. The Emperor having sent for the Deputy-Grandmaster of the artillery, who, as such, had the command of the Citadel of Shah-djehan-abad on the Vezir’s part, bid him carry the note himself, and added to it a long message upon several subjects. The foolish man excused himself on the impropriety of quitting his post; but the Emperor insisted, adding that it was for a matter of importance which admitted of no delay. The man had the simplicity to take up the note, and to carry it directly. As soon as he was out of the gate, the Emperor ordered all the gates to be shut up, and admittance to be denied the man for the future. At the same time the garrison placed by the Vezir, and which was all composed of his own troops, was driven out of the Citadel with much ill usage. All the Vezir’s friends and officers were likewise forbidden admittance. Moreover, the cannon on one of the towers, which commanded the Vezir’s Palace, was turned against it, and every preparative was made for contention and war. The Vezir who conceived that contending with an armed hand against the Emperor would redound to his dishonour, render his person odious, and bring upon him the imputation both of rebellion and ingratitude, submitted to his fate, and only asked leave to repair to his Governments beyond the Djumnah^\(235\); and this being denied, he took his own party, came out of town without leave, encamped at about two or three cosses distance, and resolved to go to his Governments without leave indeed, but, if possible, without battle or bloodshed. This resolution was no sooner known, than his enemies resolved to attack and fight him, and even to have his life.

The Vezir informed of that particular, pitched upon an idiot, whom no body knew, to personate one of the Imperial Princes; and having sent his consort and family to a stronghold of S8r8dj-mull’s, he invited that Djatt Prince to come again into his service. The other consented, and taking a body of troops, he came and joined the Vezir, his old friend and master. So decisive a step having convinced the Emperor that there were no measures to be kept with the Vezir, he discharged him from that high office, and conferred it on Intyzam-ed-döwlah, son of the late Camer-eddin-qhan. And as Mir-sheab-eddin, notwithstanding his youth, seemed to be endowed with courage and much penetration, he entrusted him with the care of assembling an army, and fighting the Vezir; he summoned at the same time to his assistance all the Commanders and officers of the environs of the Capital. One of these was Nedjib-qhan the Rohillah, a Commander who already bore a character for courage and daringness, as well as for understanding and conduct. This is the man whom we shall see rise gradually in the sequel, and by dint of merit only, to the high dignity of Emir-ul-umra, Mir-sheab-eddin, alias Umad-el-mulk, is intrusted with the office of pushing the war against the Vezir. or Prince of Princes of Hindostan. All the Zemindars of the neighbourhood, whether of illustrious descent or of new families, like Chita-g8djer and Bel8-qhan; all the Sëyds of Barr; all the noblemen of ancient families who lived retired these many years, for instance, Mahmed-sadyc-qhan, son to Sëif-ollah-qhan, Viceroy of Tatta; all these came and offered their services, or were invited over. Amongst these last was my forgiven father, who after having been preferred by the Vezir to the command of Panip8t, and the other eighteen Districts of the dependence of the Qhalissa-office, had of late fallen under his displeasure, and that of Abdol-medjid-qhan, the Cashmerian, and was kept in confinement for some balances set up against him. The Court system being now so far changed, he was forgiven the above balances, sent for, and introduced to the Emperor, by Hafyz-mohtar-qhan, as a nobleman worthy of his favour. He on his side sent for some of his ancient troops and Commanders, and having assisted them with some money to fit themselves up, he engaged them all in the Imperial service. All these warlike preparations in the middle of the city, and the many engagements that followed, seemed to shake every house in its foundations. From the beginning of Redjeb, in the year 1166, for full six months together, the streets of the city became the theatre of war and bloodshed. The Vezir’s troops, which were commanded mostly by able officers, all old soldiers, jealous of their honour, distinguished themselves on all occasions, and above all others, the famous Ghossäin or Fakyr, Radj-ender-gur, who had of late acquired so much honour at the siege of Ilah-abad, and now had come of his own motion to join the Vezir’s cause; this man made nothing of throwing himself amongst the very fire of the Imperial Artillery, and of killing and wounding every day numbers of people upon the very muzzles of their guns. He had but a few bravoes with him, but all as determined and as invulnerable as himself, and so often did he come off unhurt from desperate engagements, that a notion prevailed that he had some piece of witchcraft about his body, or some talisman about his person; and this notion, which took root in people’s mind, rendered him still more formidable, when one day he was shot dead by a random musket-ball; and then the prepossession disappeared. It was in such a scene of confusion and blood-shed that Saadat-qhan emerged again from his corner. This man whom we have seen dismissed from his office and dignity of Emir-ul-umrah, and who on that account had conceived an implacable hatred against the Emperor, availed himself of the opportunity to come out again, and to figure upon the theatre of the world. He wrote to the Vezir that he wished to join him, and requested only that a body of troops should march towards the Monument of the Prince of men; and this being complied with, he under pretence of going thither in pilgrimage, joined the Vezir’s troops, and went into his camp. This could not be a mighty acquisition to the Vezir, who underwent a loss on the other side; for Mir-sheab-eddin having published at the same time, that whatever trooper had the letter sin stamped upon his horse, might come over, and would be received at fifty rupees per month, besides a hundred rupees for his entrance, and this proclamation having been rumoured in the Vezir’s camp, almost all those of that description (and they were mostly T8ranians, as well as he that invited them,) deserted, and came over to the Imperialists, to the number of some thousands. Sheab-eddin had even the art to bring religion into the party. He assembled all the Cashmirians and all the Pendjabians who are all zealous Sunnies, and having set up a standard, as if their religion had been in danger, he published that the Vezir was a Shyiah, and a Rafzy, or blasphemer^\(236\), and he invited all the Mussulmen to join against one that had blasphemed the successors, and waged war against them. He added that this was a sacred war, and that, as such, it conferred the merits of martyrdom on whoever should perish in it. On this publication, thousands and thousands of armed men flocked towards the standard, and nothing was heard but cries of four successors, and four friends; and whoever was met with in the streets, and suspected to be a Shyiah, or even a well-wisher of the Vezir’s, was sure of being stripped and beaten; some even were killed. The house of the late Mahmed-issac-qhan, inhabited by his two brothers, Mirza-aaly-qhan and Salar-djung, was plundered and sacked, as was that of Ismaël-beg-qhan, a principal Commander in the Vezir’s army, whose house was known to be replenished with precious arms, money, jewels, and rich furniture, to the amount of several corors. In short, no man of character, who was known to be either in the Vezir’s army or in his interest, escaped unhurt. The houses of every one of them were plundered and sacked, nor did any part escape devastation but the women’s apartment. To punish these excesses, S8r8dj-mull, the Djatt, attacked, by the Vezir’s order, that part of the city, called old Delhi, and which is even richer and still more populous than Shah-djehan-abad itself; and he plundered and sacked it so thoroughly, that an infinity of people lost Old Delhi plundered by the Vezir’s troops, who at last came to a compromise with his master. their consorts and children, and were totally ruined, besides numbers that were massacred. A multitude of all sorts had taken refuge in the house and quarter of Shah-bassutt, son and successor to Shah-mahmed-djaafer, on the expectation that his holy character being exceedingly respected, by every one, and by the Vezir amongst others, who lived on terms of friendship and intimacy with him, would prove a safeguard to his house and quarter in the general plunder and massacre; but they were mistaken, and these deluded people underwent the same unhappy fate as the others. No respect, no regard was paid to it,—but let us pass in silence over all those horrors,—for past is what is past.—O God preserve us; preserve all the Imamites from such days as these^\(237\). After six months’ slaughter and ruin, both parties became tired of such a life, and both seemed desirous of a peace. The Emperor and his Ministers sent the first message; and the Vezir who was tired of the immense expenses he daily incurred, and who augured no good from all these troubles, gave his consent. Intyzam-ed-döwlah served as mediator in the terms of the agreement; and this was, that the two Governments of Ilah-abad and A8d should be left to the Vezir. These terms having been agreed to, the latter in the beginning of the year 1167, set out for those countries, and left the field to Mir-sheab-eddin.

This daring young man had, during the war with the Vezir, called to his assistance from Malva, the Marhatta General New troubles in Delhi. Holcar-malhar, under promise of a high pay; but he arrived after the conclusion of the peace. Nevertheless, as the Minister was highly exasperated against the Djatts for their connections with the Vezir, and the assistance they had given him, and as on the other hand, he was fond of remaining in power, he availed himself of the arrival of the Marhatta troops to fall upon the Djatt S8r8dj-mull. The latter who thought himself over-matched in the field, took shelter in certain strong fortresses of his, known under the names of Dig, Comir, and Buhret-poor, where he was immediately beseiged; and as it is impossible to take such fortresses without battering cannon, Mir-sheab-eddin who feared lest matters should draw to a length, sent to the Emperor to request some heavy artillery. The person he sent was Akybet-mahmood-qhan, a Cashmirian, who was everything in that Minister’s house, but, however, a wicked dangerous man, seditious and factious to a high degree. This request did not please Intyzam-ed-döwlah, the Vezir, who was an honest well-meaning man. He knew that as soon as those fortresses should have been taken, both the master and the envoy would not fail to return to the city, and to avail themselves of their prevalence to torment indiscriminately both friends and foes. He therefore advised the Emperor to refuse the artillery. The Cashmirian apprised of that, formed himself a party amongst the Mansoobdars or Military officers of the Crown, and the people dependent on the artillery; and partly by threats and by promises of plunder, as well as by a variety of other means, he engaged them to join his party in taking Intyzam-ed-döwlah out of the way. Having fixed a day for this purpose, he assembled a multitude of people, and made an attack upon that Minister’s house; but being repulsed, he quitted the city, and putting himself at the head of several bodies of banditties that joined together, he fell a plundering all those Districts that depended on the Qhalissa-office, at the head of which presided that nobleman, as well as all those in the environs of the Capital which he knew to be held as Djaghirs by the several Lords of the Court.

Whilst he was busied in that manner, S8r8dj-mull, besieged in his fortress, sent up several requests both to the Emperor and to Intyzam-ed-döwlah, his Minister, representing, “That if they suffered Mir-sheab-eddin and his Marhattas to go on with his schemes, a time would come when he would turn his eyes upon the throne itself as well as upon the Vezirship, and would attempt to overturn the Government, so as to new model it to his own mind. That he therefore submitted it to the Imperial wisdom, whether in such a state of things, it would not be proper for His Majesty to come out with his Minister and army, and under pretence of bringing into order the Mir-sheab-eddin on ill terms with his master. Districts of the Imperial demesnes, and, hunting on the way, to advance as far as Sekenderah, where it would be easy to send for Abool-mans8r-qhan, a man who in such a case would not fail to join in crushing Mir-sheab-eddin and the Marhattas.” This advice having been approved by both the Emperor and the Minister, the Monarch set out on a hunting party, and took with him the ladies of his sanctuary, as well as his Ministers, all the Lords of the Court, as well as his army and artillery; in the course of his hunting he, from plain to plain, advanced as far as three or four cosses beyond Sekenderah. But he was averse from the party of applying to Ab8l-mans8r-qhan; nor was it better relished by either his mother, or the Vezir, Intyzam-ed-döwlah, who after Djavid-qhan’s death, had leagued with that Empress. In complying with this part of S8r8dj-mull’s advice, they seemed to act with dilatoriness and reluctance. All these counsels and this irresolution having been reported to Mir-sheab-eddin, who was exceedingly alert and intent upon his own schemes, he re-called Akybet-mahm8d, and sent him to the Emperor’s camp, as if to give him advice that some thousands of disbanded Marhatta horse, having made their appearance in his neighbourhood, had suddenly disappeared without it being known where they would shew themselves again. The envoy having said so much, returned to his master. The slothful Emperor paid no great attention to the message, and the negligent Vezir, whose particular business it was to watch over the army, and to insure the honour of the Imperial household, as well as the safety of the Imperial person, quietly went into his tent, and fell to his afternoon’s nap, after having heard the message. But the Marhatta General, Holcar Malhar, was not so sleepy. Highly incensed against the Emperor and his Minister for their denial of some heavy cannon, he had left his son, Ghandi-räo, to keep the Djatts in awe, and had set out himself with a view to distress the Imperial camp with respect to water and forage, and by that means to find some opportunity to lay hold of the cannon, or at least to strike some good blow; he also wished to have no sharer in this expedition, and to be left to himself. Without giving any intimation of his design to any one, not even to Mir-sheab-eddin, he set out in the beginning of the night, passed the Djumna at the ford of Mahtra, and was close to the Imperial army, before any one knew of his having so much as left his camp; and, first of all, he fired some rockets to feel the pulse of the enemy. At sight of these, it was concluded in the Imperial camp that Mahm8d was burning some village in the environs, and the matter appearing of no consequence, no one concerned himself in examining more narrowly into the matter, when at the latter part of the night, it was found that Holcar himself was at hand. On this intelligence the Emperor and his Ministers, both equally cowards and unexperienced, lost their presence of mind, and were equally incapable of flying with recollection, or of making a stand. The Emperor with his mother, and Semsam-ed-döwlah with the Vezir, got upon their elephants, wrapped and muffled up as if they had been women, and without so much as assembling their officers, or saying a word to any one, they fled with all their might towards the Capital, leaving their consorts, daughters, and families at the disposal of the enemy. It being rumoured, half an hour after, that they were gone, the whole army, officers, and soldiers disbanded, and fled with arms and some baggage as far as Sekenderah. At day-break the Marhattas pursued them thither, and plundered and stripped every one of them, after having already plundered the Imperial camp, with the Imperial tents, and furniture. Malecka-zemani, daughter to Feroh-seyur, and consort to Mahmed-shah, with other Princesses of the Imperial family, as well as a vast number of ladies of the highest distinction, fell into Holcar’s hands. That General treated them with the highest respect, and even abstained from touching either their persons or even those jewels with which they were covered, to an immense amount, and this abstinence of his is an indubitable fact; but it is no less certain, that an indelible disgrace befell the honour of the Imperial house of Timur that day; and that those sublime gates, on the threshold of which Kings and Sovereigns, together with all mankind, had been accustomed to rub their foreheads in token of respect, became from henceforward an object of derision, and a standing mark for the kicks of the vilest men. But such are God’s dispensations, let us submit to them.

Whilst this scene was acting at Sekendera, Mir-sheab-eddin was still occupied with the blockade; but he no sooner heard of this affair, than he quitted the field, and came to the city, leaving S8r8dj-mull at full liberty to rid himself of the miseries he had been undergoing; for the Marhatta General was by this time gone home, and Djehi-apa, the second General, had set out for Narnol. A few days after this departure, Mir-sheab-eddin had found means to gain over to his party both Semsam-ed-döwlah and all the Commanders, and all the ungrateful Colonels that were attached to the service of the Imperial artillery. He then put himself at the head of a body of Hindostanies and Marhattas, and going to the Vezir Intyzam-ed-döwlah’s Palace, he of his own authority dismissed him from his office, which he took for himself, procuring at the same time the office of “Lord of Lords” for his friend, Semsam-ed-döwlah. The next morning he went to the Palace to put on his Qhylaat, and at noon he seized both the Emperor Ahmed-shah and his mother, Oodem-bhäi, whom he ordered to be kept in confinement. It was the tenth Shaaban of the year 1167. Immediately after this, he sent for Aziz-eddin, son to the late Muëz-eddin-djehandar-shah, and having proclaimed him Emperor, under the surname or title of Aalem-ghir sani, or Aalem-ghir the second, he installed him on The Minister orders the Emperor and Empress-mother to be blinded. the throne. Seven days after, he ordered Oodem-bhäi to be blinded, by having a red hot needle drawn across her eyes, and he accused her of being the cause and contriver of all the troubles; he then served the Emperor, her son, in the same manner. Probably none of these direful events had happened, had the Emperor condescended to apply to Ab8l-mans8r-qhan, who was then at hand, although in his Government.

That Viceroy, on his arrival in what he called his own ground, stopped at Mehdi-ghat, where he built himself a lodging, reviewed and completed his army, and attached himself to its discipline; preparing at the same time all kinds of stores, and seeming to mind nothing but whatever could strengthen and increase his power. He seemed intent on some project, when at once, without any previous ailment, a furuncle was perceived at his foot; and this having soon degenerated into a cancer, which baffled all the art of the physicians and chirurgeons, the evil in a little time rose to a heighth; and on the seventeenth Ab8l-mans8r-qhan dies. of Zilhidj in the same year, he departed this life, and winged his flight towards the regions of eternity. His body, according to his own desire, was carried to the Monument of the King of Braves^\(238\), and buried there. He was succeeded by his son, Mirza-djelal-eddin-haïdyr, surnamed the Shudjah-ed-döwlah^\(239\). The young Prince continued in the management of the helm that same Ismaïl-beg-qhan, who had been his father’s principal General and trustiest Minister, and all the officers, Commanders, Governors, and Grandees or Nobles, promoted by his father, remained in possession of the offices and pensions they enjoyed. But in a little time, Ismaïl-beg-qhan likewise departed his life, and Temkin-qhan, an eunuch of his household, succeeded him in his office of Prime Minister. It was at this same time that Saadat-qhan died at A8d-bangla. He is the same man who bore the title of Zolficar-djung also, and had cut so strange a figure in the expedition against Adjmir. But as Shudjah-ed-döwlah cuts so capital a figure in our history, the reader probably may be pleased with hearing some particulars of that Prince’s character.

Shudjah-ed-döwlah in his own temper was slothful, negligent and careless, but so valorous that, with that single quality of Character and conduct of Shudjah-ed-döwlah. his, he found means to contain the Zemindars and the other refractory people with which his dominions abounded; so that his Government was always respected. He was exceedingly fond of the company of women, without being attached to any, and addicted to every kind of pleasure, without exception, save however, that of drinking wine. Nevertheless there appeared no impudence in his character, and no contempt of decorum in his behaviour. He had such an abundent fund of goodness, liberality, and benignity, as made him connive at trespasses against his interest, and rendered him ever ready to forgive the guilty. He governed quietly his dominions for three or four years, when the Abdali-king, at the instigation of Mir-sheab-eddin, now styled Umad-el-mulk, invaded Hindostan, and marched directly to Shah-djehan-abad. This was in the year 1170. That Minister’s intention was to join an army of Abdalies to an army of Rohillahs and Bangash Afghans, who being inveterate and sworn enemies of Shudjah-ed-döwlah’s father and family, would be glad to embrace any scheme for entirely demolishing and ruining that rising power. This league, however, did not intimidate Shudjah-ed-döwlah. Without being dismayed by the threatened storm, he stood his ground so well that he was left to himself, as we shall relate as soon as we shall have dispatched some matters relative to the Western parts of Hindostan.

We have left Mir-mann8 nearly absolute Viceroy of both M8ltan and Pendjab. He resided at Lahor, where having mounted his horse to take an airing, he went out of the city, and put his horse on a gallop, when he was suddenly seized by a fit of apoplexy, which ended at once in a palsy that stopped him short; so that all he could do was to continue his voyage into eternity. This event is recounted in a different manner by a person in his service, who was very familiar with him. He says that Mir-mann8 was encamped, and that he took horse to look at the troops of one of his Commanders, encamped within a short distance, where he sat down to a dinner. The entertainment proving sumptuous, and consisting of a great variety of precious dishes, he tasted of every one. In the evening, he got upon his horse to go home, and put it to a gallop; and he was actually galloping when finding something that pained him within, he alighted, stretched himself upon the ground, and in a few moments expired. The Abdali-king hearing of this sudden death, conferred the Government on Mir-m8men, son to the deceased, and as he was yet a child, he recommended him to his mother together with the whole country. It ust be observed that the deceased Governor, keeping always a great army on foot, and being engaged besides in a variety of heavy expenses, which the revenues of the couutry could not support, he had betaken himself to the expedient of oppressing and squeezing the body of farmers, as well as the people in general. The bad administration of the Viceroy of Lahor adds strength to the Syks. But his credit was so strong at Court, that there was no carrying any complaint against him; and on the other hand, it being a standing rule amongst the Syks to support each other at all events, numbers of people who could find no redress any where, and were driven to so much despair as to cry famine, famine, about the streets, very naturally recurred to that fraternity, where they were sure of finding some resource. The whole business of admission seemed to consist in putting on a blue coat, letting the hair grow all over the body, and repairing in shoals to G8r8-Govind. From that moment they became Syks, and were entitled to the protection of the whole body, and looked like men freed from all their miseries. In this manner this sect or fraternity, which was already in vogue, having turned out to be a sure resource against oppression, it grew to an immense number; especially at this time, when the government of a country involved in troubles was to be managed by a woman; and as that sex is destitute of strength of mind, the disorders and troubles continued to increase. Her Ministers commonly availed themselves of her retired life and immured circumstances, to render such an account of their respective departments, each in his own way, as served only to perplex and confound her understanding. Hence the tenants and farmers became more oppressed than ever, and shoals of people flocking to the Syks, these people grew exceedingly numerous, and commenced talking high to the Officers of Government. The nobility and principal men of the country, who looked at these desertions with both amazement and disdain, made it a point to stand aloof, whilst the eunuchs, the freed men of the seraglio, and a variety of homely born vile men, took possession of all the affairs. Things were in such a state when the young Mir-m8men departed his life, and then the Government fell into the hands of Qhoadja-m8sa-ohrari, his brother-in-law. But as Becari-qhan, who had acted as Prime Minister under the deceased Viceroy, wanted to render himself master of the Government, and he had been intriguing with that view, the Governess, who was informed of his intentions, and was already incensed against him, commanded Troubles in M8ltan and Pendjab. his attendance within the seraglio or sanctuary; and as soon as he was within the gate, she got him surrounded by a number of stout women, who put him to the cudgel so severely that he expired under the operation. A short time had elapsed since this event, when Qhoadja-abdollah-qhan, son to Abdol-semed-qhan, that ancient victorious Viceroy of Lahor, having found means to seize and confine the Governess, contrived likewise to obtain from the Abdali-king, the patents of the two Governments. But Feraman-qhan, who had brought those patents to Lahor, having commenced acting with authority, and plundered and ruined numbers of people, the new Viceroy who did not like his presence, and was also teased by the troops, who became clamorous for their arrears, found it was out of his power to satisfy their demands; so that to save his life and honor he fled from Lahor, to the disgrace of all Government. In such a confusion of all order, the Governess found means to re-assume the command, and having been in a little time put under confinement by Qhoadja-mirza-qhan, who had been one of the principal Commanders in her husband’s army, the troubles at last subsided, and a compromise took place between her and that officer.

All these troubles and commotions having been faithfully reported to the new Vezir, Mir-Sheab-eddin, now styled Umad-el-mulk, he conceived the design of recovering the provinces of Pendjab and M8ltan from the dependance of the Abdali-king. Without imparting his scheme to any one, he set out with Alemghir, the Emperor of his appointing, and encamped at Badely, at some distance from the city. He intended also to bring to order and to reduce to submission the officers of the corps marked with the letter sin, who, availing themselves of the need the Vezir had stood of their service in his disputes with Ab8l-mans8r-qhan, had extorted from his hands all the Districts of the Qhalissah-office, and all the best demesne lands about the city, as a security for their pay and arrears; they had besides assumed airs of importance, and proved unruly and refractory. With this view he sent for my father, and after appointing him The new Vezir marches to recover M8ltan. Fodjdar of Ser-hend, Taneser, and Pani-poot, with some other districts of the Qhalissah, he advanced to the latter town. As the negotiation for recovering these lands from the officers of the Brigade Sin, had been carried on by Kishen-chund, a Gentoo; Radja Nagurmull a Hindoo, who became exceedingly jealous of him, sent for the principal officers, all men highly discontented, and he informed them that Séyd Hedaïet-aaly-qhan, that is, my honoured father, who commanded in the Districts snatched from their hands, was a man of property, from whom, by a proper application to the Vezir, they might easily get an advance of two lacs of rupees upon the rents of those Districts, a sum that would go a great way in discharging their arrears; and that in case he should not consent to that advance, he undertook to find a man that would pay it down, on condition of his being put in possession of those Districts. The officers accustomed this longwhile to speak in an imperious style, and inconsolable at their being deprived of such productive Districts, swore to stand by each other, and the next day they sent their agents to the Vezir with the proposals. Meanwhile, my father, who had been informed of the turn which this affair had taken, and was unwilling to accept the condition, sent his resignation by the channel of the above Kishen-chund, whom he followed soon after to the Vezir’s quarters. That Minister, after having passed a couple of hours in giving a public audience, in which he transacted business with my father, with Seif-eddin-mahmed-qhan, with Nedjib-qhan, and with Nagur-mull, and some others, was getting up to retire to his private appartments, when he was stopped by the Brigade agents, who by Nagur-mull’s management had joined together in informing him that the Brigade Sin wanted a large sum of money in part of their arrears. The Vezir, without seeming embarrassed, answered that he had no objections, but that the corps must be reviewed first. The agents, sensible that no penmen would dare to form difficulties in a day of review, consented, and they only requested that some M8tsuddies^\(240\) might be appointed to review their corps. The Vezir, on hearing these words, turned towards Nedjib-qhan, and directed him to review the Brigade; to which that officer consenting, he immediately sent orders to his son, Zabeta-qhan, to pitch up a tent in an open spot, and to review the Brigade. The agents, surprised, found that the time was come for some great discovery, it being understood that these two officers were not men to be either tampered with or overawed, being themselves officers of high character, and at the head of several thousand horse. Straight they dispatched a messenger to their constituents, for the pupose of advising them to be upon their guard. The others finding that they would be ruined by such a review, conceived that there was no other expedient for escaping a discovery, than that of exciting a sedition and a mutiny; in consequence, they excited their most ferocious men to take the lead. Meanwhile the Vezir was retired to his private apartments having with him only three or four persons, as Nedjib-qhan, Radja Nagur-mull, and Kishen-chund. A little after, Nedjib-qhan went away. My father waited without, anxious to render his resignation acceptable, and to get rid of so disagreeable an affair; when at once twenty or thirty troopers of the Brigade Sin came to the curtain of the private apartment, and exclaimed against their officers, complaining of their being reduced, for want of both arrears and pay, to a starving condition. Soon after, these men were joined by some more; the appearance of which caused the harcaras or messengers at the gate to write a note, and to send it in by an eunuch. The Vezir after having read it, got up in the undress in which he then stood, and was going out. My father stopped him short, and represented that it was not proper for him to go out. I shall certainly go, answered the Vezir; I want to speak to them and appease the tumult. My father said nothing, but finding him resolved to go out, he joined him. The Vezir raised the curtain, spoke to them, and informed them, that they would be paid as soon as their corps should be reviewed. By this time those troopers had gathered to the amount of two hundred men; and trusting to their numbers, they had surrounded the Vezir, and were speaking insolently to him. My father mixed with the crowd, and represented to them that the man they were insulting, was their resource in a day of need, and their Lord, the person that would hear their complaints if they had but the patience to speak quietly. The remonstrance did not avail. The men had come too well tutored to listen to any reason. One of them having torn away a button of jewel which the Vezir had at his Nima^\(241\); the others, as if by signal, tore away his clothes to pieces; and his turbant fell off at the same time. Bare-headed as he was^\(242\), they drew him on foot along the streets and lanes, and carried him to their camp. Meanwhile the Vezir’s troops, amazed at what they saw, were at a loss what to do. As the Vezir’s last hour was not come yet, the officers of the mutinous Brigade came into the tent, excused what had past, and desired him to put on the clothes which his servants had brought after him. The Vezir incensed, listened, to no advice, and addressing them with all the foul language he could muster, he cried out: “You rascally pimps, (and this was his expression) if you intend to kill me, kill then, and make haste; for you will certainly be killed yourselves to a man; else, if you intend no killing, what do you mean by all this insolence?” Whilst he was speaking, a message came from the Emperor to the seditious. It was delivered in Turkish^\(243\), to this purport: “Instead of confining the Vesir, you ought to bring him to me: I am the proper person; and if you want only your arrears, I take them upon myself.” The Vezir who, amongst several other languages, understood the Turkish very well, becoming still more angry, broke out in fury, “No messages, no messages to these rascals; do you, rascals, make haste; go on with what you intend.” The officers, without minding his language, supplicated him to accept their submission, and to mount an elephant, which was brought for that purpose. The Vezir mounted, when one of these officers, whose name was Hassen-qhan, the Decanian, getting up behind in the Qhavvass^\(244\), took up the fly-driver with one hand, and the sun-screen with the other, and continued waiting on him until the Vezir landed in his lodgings; and so soon as the Vezir had alighted, he likewise alighted from behind, and went away. The Vezir being landed, took his seat upon his Mesned, where crowds came to make their bow. In a Moment, he asked where was Hassen-qhan, and being told he was gone, he sent after him, and got him brought back with his elephant. On his being come, the Vezir got upon the same elephant, and sent a general order throughout the army to kill and plunder the men of the Brigade Sin, wherever they might be found. In an instant, those numerous hungry Rohillahs of Nedjib-qhan, who as well as the other troops, waited only for the order, fell upon them, and made them disappear from the camp,—men, horses, tents, and all. The troops continued plundering and massacring the whole night. Some few, who threw themselves instantly upon their naked horses and fled, escaped alive; the rest were all put to the sword. Nor could a single man of them be heard of afterwards.

As soon as this execution was over, the Vezir who had taken umbrage at the Emperor’s supineness on this occasion, returned to the city, where having recruited his troops and stores, and left the Emperor in the hands of some trusty friends of his own, he took with him the Imperial Prince Aaly-goher, (now reigning under the name of Shah-Alem,) and marched towards Lahor, resolved to re-annex those countries to the Empire of Hindostan. This Minister, who was naturally impetuous and fond of dispatch, and had also a knack at sowing troubles and raising disturbances, set out with a numerous army, in which he had taken care to have all the Grandees of the Court, as well as the Prince Aaly-goher, and he seemed to be only hunting by the way, but yet was shortening his distance every day; and meanwhile he had managed in such a manner, as to have gained over to his party the famous Adina-beg-qhan. He was already arrived at Lodiana, within fifty cosses of Lahor, when being thoroughly satisfied with that man’s fidelity, he by his advice sent to Lahor a body of troops, under the command of Sëyd Djemil-eddin, who was likewise entrusted with a letter and a message to the Begum, relict of Mir-mann8, his uncle. He requested she might vouchsafe to send him her daughter, a Princess betrothed to him long ago. The Begum, pleased with the request, sent her daughter with great pomp and magnificence, gave her a suitable dowry in jewels and money, and got her accompanied by a full household of eunuchs, tents, and every requisite for a voyage. The Vezir on his side sent his own uncle at the head of a large body of horse, and a cortege of principal officers to receive her at a distance; and they brought her to camp, where a full household and a proper set of tents had been provided for her reception, and where she was visited by her husband’s aunt. The Princess’s mother being by this time perfectly well pleased with her match and quite easy in her mind, the Vezir dispatched Ybad-ollah-qhan, the Cashmirian, a trusty Commander of his, with a number of good troops, together with Sëyd Djemil-eddin himself, who had orders to join by the way some cavalry of Adina-beg-qhan’s. The distance was of forty or fifty cosses^\(245\), (a hundred and twenty miles); and all this being gone over in one day and night, without hardly stopping to take breath, at day-break they got within Lahor; and going to the Palace where the old Princess was yet asleep, and unsuspicious of what was managed, they sent eunuchs to wake her, and putting her in a close chair, they carried her to their camp, without Lahor; from whence, after taking one day to refresh, they returned to the Vezir, encamped at Lodiana. This Minister no sooner saw her alight, than he paid her a respectful visit and asked her forgiveness; and after giving the Government of Lahor and M8ltan to Adina-beg-qhan, under a clear rent of thirty lacs a year, he returned towards the Capital, seemingly happy and satisfied with the success of his journey. But the old Princess was extremely angry and uneasy all the way, giving abusive language to her guards, and making nothing of crying aloud, both to them and to their master, “That the indecent and unjust manner with which she had been used, would end in an infinity of troubles that would at last ruin his family, and the Capital itself; that the families of the highest nobility, involved in one common ruin with the poorest citizens, would experience merciless pillaging, and rapes and disgraces innumerable; that Stange predictions of his mother-in-law. the Empire, as well as the Capital, would be overset and ruined, and know, (would she add crying with all her might,) that all this is not found. You shall see the Abdali-king in this Capital within six or seven months. Look, he is coming! All the noble families, ancient or modern, will be involved in one common massacre; no Sheh, no Sëyd, will be spared; all, all slaughtered!” And, in fact, matters came to pass just as the old woman had said.

The Abdali-king, informed of the Vezir’s insolence, and of the liberties he had taken with Mir-mann8’s relict, flew to Lahor with the wings of resentment and celerity; but Adina-beg-qhan, who did not think himself a match for him, fled for shelter to the desert tract of Hansi, where he took up his residence in a fortress of difficult access, especially for want of water. The Vezir, on the other hand, conceiving fears for his own life, brought his new consort to Mir-mann8’s widow, entrusted her person to her protection, and by dint of entreaties and submissions, made his peace with her. For the Abdali-king, who was flying on the wings of resentment and rapidity, was already at twenty cosses The Abdali Monarch marches against him. from the Capital of the Empire; and the Vezir disconcerted by so much expedition, saw no other party left to him, but that of submission, and going to the Abdali camp, he presented himself before that Monarch. The latter at first reprimanded him severely; but his cause being pleaded both by Mir-mann8’s Begum, and by Shah Veli-qhan, the Abdali Vezir, who had been gained, the Monarch readily forgave him, and afterwards continued him in his office of Vezir. Nevertheless, on the seventh of the first Djemadi, of the year 1170, being a Friday, he quitted his encampment and entered the Citadel of Shah-djehan-abad, where he had an interview with the Emperor Alemghir the Second. From that day his people fell a plundering and sacking so mercilessly, and they Flunders Delhi. went on dragging away people’s wives and daughters with so much cruelty, that numbers overborne by the delicacy of their feelings, rather than to fall in such abominable hands, made away with themselves^\(246\); and God only knows the number and quality of all the violences exercised for a month together in that ill-fated city. The late Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan’s Palace and seraglio were rifled of every thing; and few houses of the nobility and better sort escaped a complete ruin and pollution. It was in the middle of so much violence and misery, that the Abdali-king betook himself to an alliance of his family with that of Babr. He married his son, Timur-Shah, to a daughter of Yz-eddin, brother to the reigning Emperor. But after having leisurely plundered that rich city for thirty days together, he sent Djehan-qhan, a Commander of character, to chastise S8r8dj-mull, the Djatt, and he followed himself the next day. This was the fifth time the Abdali-king had come into Hindostan. The Vezir Umad-el-mulk, having of his own motion accompanied Djehan-qhan, and proved of very great service to that General, received the Abdali-king’s approbation and applause; but mention having been made by his Ministers of a present which that Monarch expected, Umad-el-mulk answered, that if they would give him one of the Timurian Princes, with an army of Abdalies, and full power to carry it wherever he should think proper, especially in the country of Anter-bid, (that is, the tract betwixt the two rivers of Djumna and Ganga) he would undertake to bring an immense sum into the Royal Treasury. The proposal being agreed to, two Imperial Princes were sent for from the Capital, and put into his hands. The one was Hedaïet-baqhsh, son to Alemghir the second; and the other, his son-in-law, Mirza-babr, son to his brotner, Yz-eddin; and to these was joined a body of Abdalies, under the command of Djan-baz-qhan.

We have already observed that Umad-el-mulk had conceived a violent aversion against Ab8l-mans8r-qhan and his family, which last he had resolved to tear up by the root. Availing himself of the Abdali-king’s covetousness, he, under pretence of raising immense contributions in the country of Anter-bid, or Dö-ab^\(247\), marched westward with an army of D8rrani-Abdalies, but with not one of the necessaries for making a campaign. Being arrived in the neighbourhood of Feroh-abad, he was met by Ahmed-qhan-bangash, who after paying his respects to both the Imperial Princes and the Vezir, presented them all three with a complete equipage, consisting of tents, elephants, horses, camels, and every other necessary, and moreover added a body of Afghans to the Vezir’s army. The latter being now at his ease, and reinforced by a good body of troops, crossed the Ganga, and took the road of A8d. This invasion, however, did not dismay or intimidate Shudjah-ed-döwlah, who came out of his Capital with a well appointed army, and encamped at Sandipai, the last place of his dominions; where some skirmishes took place betwixt the runners of the two vanguards. Saad-ollah-qhan, who was son to the late Aaly-mahmed-qhan-Rohillah, having offered his mediation, an agreement took place, under stipulation of a sum of five lacs of rupees, partly in hand, and partly payable by instalments. This negotiation, in which Saad-ollah-qhan exerted himself zealously for his friend, Shudjah-ed-döwlah, and proved of great service to both parties, totally disappointed Umad-el-mulk, who hoped for great broils and a battle, and was obliged to repass the Ganga, and to encamp at Feroh-abad again, in expectation of what the Abdali-king would do with the Djatts. It was the seventh of Shevval, in the year 1170.

The King had marched to Belem-gur, a fortress of his, at- fifteen cosses from Shah-djehan-abad, and having taken it in three days by dint of cannon-ball and bombs, he put to the sword every man in the garrison. Proceeding from thence to Mahtra, which is a famous place of worship for the Hindoos, he gave his Van to Djehan-qhan, recommending dispatch to that General. The latter spurred his horse, and arriving unexpectedly in a holiday, he ruined effectually that rich city; his soldiers plundering, burning, and destroying everything they met, and carrying into captivity vast numbers of the consorts and children of the best families amongst the wretched citizens; an execution that struck such a terror throughout the country, that all the inhabitants quitted their habitations, and retired within their fortresses and strongholds. Meanwhile the Abdali-king advanced as far as Acbar-abad, but here he found some resistance. Mirza-seïf-ollah-beg, who commanded from a long series of years in the citadel of that city, refused to submit, and fired his cannon to so good a purpose, that no Abdali chose to abide its reach. Djehan-qhan, meanwhile, was busy in taking one after another the Djatt fortresses, when at once a mortality broke out amongst the Abdalies which swept their people in such vast numbers, as disabled their King from prosecuting his designs. Submitting therefore to his destiny, he recalled his troops from the Djatt country, and commenced his march to his own dominions. Being arrived at the Reservoir of Macsood-abad, which is on the same line with Shah-djehan-abad, he was visited by Alemghir the Second, who wished him a prosperous return, and much complained of Umad-el-mulk. The Abdali-king paid a regard to his grievances by conferring the ossice of “Prince of Princes” on Nedjib-qhan, now Nedjib-ed-döwlah, then present, and by recommending to his care the Emperor and his family.

And this naturally brings to our recollection that after the confinement of Ahmed-shah, and the accession of Alemghir the Second, dissensions had arisen very high between Umad-el-mulk, the Vezir, on one hand, and the two relicts of Mahmed-shah, on the other. These were Maleca-zemani, daughter to Feroh-syur and Sahaba-mahal, both related to, and both consorts of, Mahmed-shah. That Prince had from this second consort a daughter of great beauty, who had been the darling of her father’s heart. These two Princesses, mindful of having seen the honour of the Empire trodden under by the Marhattas, and fired with indignation at finding themselves, in every matter, at the mercy of Umad-el-mulk, resolved to quit a country where every thing went to wreck; and they sent a message to the Abdali-king, claiming his protection, as being both so nearly related to Mahmed-shah and to him. The Abdali-king, who thought himself much honoured by such a request, and hoped to be applauded by posterity, sent for the daughter which he himself married, and he gave the two other Empresses a separate encampment in his camp; after which he marched to Lahor. His son, Tim8r-shah, coming to join him in his way, he appointed the young Prince Governor of Pendjab, M8ltan, and Tatta, gave him Djehan-qhan for Commandant of the troops, and turning towards his own dominions, he arrived by continued marches at Cab8l, and then at Candahar, where we shall leave him for a while, in order to take breath, and to afford ourselves time to cast a look at the affairs of Decan.

Moosher-Bussy commanded the body of French that had taken service with Hedaïet-muhi-eddin-qhan-Muzaafer-djung, The French grow powerful in Decan. and had attached himself to Nizam-el-mulk’s family. This officer availed himself so well of the credit which his post gave him, that he became extremely powerful throughout the Decan. When he came to obtain the countries of Sicacol and Radj-benderi, &c., for his Djaghir, his influence rose so high, that every affair passed through his hands, and he governed with an absolute sway^\(248\); he was decorated with the surname of Sëif-el-mulk, or “Sword of the State,” and the title of Umdut-el-mulk, or the “Greatest of the Kingdom.” This General had given so great a sway in all his affairs, public or private, to Häider-djung, a nobleman of those countries, that the latter came in fact to govern the six Soobahdaries of Decan. But the English struck with this flow of prosperty amongst the French, resolved to come in for a share of the good things and conquests of India; and with that view they joined Mahmed-aaly-qhan, son to Anvar-eddin-qhan of Gopa-ma8, under whose name they possessed themselves of some Districts of the Province of Arcat. M8sher-Bussy, meanwhile, taking umbrage at Roc8n-ed-döwlah’s administration, got him dismissed from his office of Prime Minister, which he obtained for Shah-nevaz-qhan, a nobleman with whom he had connections. This Minister, in the four years which his administration lasted, governed with so much vigour and prudence, that the Marhattas never thought of quitting their frontiers. It is he that drew from inaction and obscurity the two Princes, Mir Nizam-aaly and Mir Mahammed-sherif, younger brothers to Selabet-djung, two young men who hitherto had both lived in their elder’s Palace. This was in the year 1169. Mir Nizam-aaly (who now governs the Decan as Sovereign,) was decorated with the surname of the second Asef-dja, and sent to govern the Barar; and Mir Mushref, after having been successively decorated with the title sof Shudjah-el-mulk, and Burhan-el-mulk, or the “Valorous and Impetuous of the State,” was sent to govern the Kingdom of Bidjapoor; and both brothers departed to their respective stations. But in the very next year the office of first Minister was taken from Shah-nevaz-qhan, and bestowed on Mir Mushref, who came from Bidjapoor to receive it. However he did not enjoy it; for his brother, Nizam-aaly, having marched to Aoreng-abad with a good army, requested his younger brother to take some repose, and assuming at the same time his office of Prime Minister, he became the centre of all affairs, and even changed his younger brother’s title into that which had been formerly the title of their common father.

It was in this same year that Baladji-räo, the Marhatta, advanced upon the frontiers of Aoreng-abad, with intention to avail himself of the rising broils, so as to have a pretence for quarreling. But the conjunctures upon which he had reckoned had already ceased; and Nizam-aaly, having left his apparent Lord, Selabet-djung, to defend the city of Aoreng-abad, came out himself with his brother, Mir-mushref, and advanced upon Baladji-räo, whom he lead beating, as far as Sund-gur, which is at thirty cosses from Aoreng-abad; but there he thought proper to come to an accommodation in which he consented to give Baladji-räo throughout all Decan, a Djaghir of thirty-seven lacs of rupees. After this he returned to Aoreng-abad. But M8shur Bussy, who commanded an independent body of troops, having taken umbrage at this absolute authority assumed by Nizam-aaly, conceived the design of breaking his rising power (although in fact he only accelerated the ruin of Nizam-el-mulk’s family), as he conceived that so long as Nizam-aaly should be at the head of so great a force, the influence of the French would become only a secondary object. By the means of some underhand management, conducted by Haïder-djung, who, as we have said, was everything in his affairs, he debauched from Nizam-aaly’s service his best officers, and amongst others Hibrahim-qhan, the Gardi^\(249\), an officer of character, attached this longwhile to that young Prince, whom he served with a body of his own troops. He debauched in the same manner some other Commanders and troops, which he took in his own service, making good from his own treasury eight lacs of rupees, which were due to them by Nizam-aaly upon their arrears. By such an artful management he reduced the young Prince to the condition of a bird which has lost its feathers. He at the same time laid hold of Shah-nevaz-qhan, and got him confined. Being now satisfied on those two important articles, he conceived a third scheme, which was that of confining Nizam-aaly in the fortress of Golcondah, under pretence of carrying him to Haïder-abad, and giving him the government of that Province; which removal once effected, he conceived that he should remain master of the Government to all intents and purposes. This scheme was laid with great secrecy; but Nizam-aaly having by dint of penetration guessed the whole of its drift, he resolved to be beforehand with M8shur Bussy, by killing his Minister, Haïder-djung. Having imparted his design to a few trusty persons, he fixed on the third of Ramazan, in the year 1171, for its execution. That very day Haïder-djung was coming to Nizam-aaly’s quarters for some Troublest in Decan, and daring action of Nizam-aaly’s. business, and having observed some movements that did not please him, he wanted to go back, when he was set upon instantly and had his throat cut in a moment. Nizam-aaly after striking such a blow, threw himself upon a horse, and fairly made his escape; the whole French army with their artillery, in order of battle, standing astonished and dismayed, as if they had been an army of statues and pictures, set upright in a plain. This was a daring intrepid action, that equalled any thing done by Rustem or Ispent-yar^\(250\), and where it seemed that Mooshur-Bussy, and all his officers were out of their senses. In this confusion, some of Haïder-djung’s people ran to Shah-nevaz-qhan, and his son, Mir Abdol-nebi-qhan, and put them both to death, together with another nobleman of consequence, called Amin-ed-döwlah. The tumult being over, Selabet-djung, Mir Mushref, and Mooshur-Bussy, returned to Haïder-abad. As to Nizam-aaly, he took to the road of B8rhanp8r, found means to regain his old servant, Hibrahim-qhan-gardi; and after that action, he marched with him in that city, where they put under contribution the rich men of the country, and amongst others Mahmed-anvar-qhan, the B8rhan-p8rian. This nobleman had acted as mediator in the treaty which had once taken place between the Marhatta General, Sancradji-malhar, and the Viceroy, Hossein-aaly-qhan; by which the latter had consented to pay the Marhattas, a Chö8t, or a tribute. This nobleman incensed to find himself so tormented for money, said farewell to his own existence, and was buried in the Garden of Shah-yssa, alias Djund-allah. These contributions having put it in Nizam-aaly’s power to raise a good body of troops, he marched from B8rhanp8r, and took up his quarters at Bassem, a principal town of the dependencies of Barar. There he had many disputes and several engagements with the Mucasdar, or Marhatta Governor of that Province, who was Djano-dji, son to Ragho-dji-bhosselah, with whom he at last concluded an agreement. After this he marched to Haïder-abad, where great disputes and dissensions arose between the three brothers. At last it was agreed that Selabet-djung and Nizam-aaly should remain and live together; but that Mir Mushref should immediately proceed to his Government of Bidjapoor.

Whilst the brothers were disputing amongst themselves, Seda-shi8, a relation of the Marhatta Baladji-räo, intrigued so well with the Governor of Ahmed-nagur, that this fortress, once The Marhattas extort fortresses and territories from Nizam-aaly. the Capital of the Kings of Nizam-shah’s family,—that fortress which had cost so much time and trouble to Abdol-rahim-qhan, the General of the Imperial Prince Soltan-danial, and which since Soltan-acbar-shah’s reign, had always been in the possession of its particular Governors, was surrendered in a day, and became annexed to the Marhatta Empire. This city and fortress had been built in the year nine hundred by Ahmed-nizam-shah, King of Bidjapoor, who gave it his own name. He built the city in two years, and it afforded a fine prospect. Two years after, having found a proper opportunity, he built the fortress, likewise, making up the walls with clay and stone, and it continued in the hands of his successors, when in the year 1090 it fell in the hands of the Emperors of the House of Babr, in whose power it remained, until it passed to the Marhatta Empire, in the year 1173.

It was about this time that broils having arisen between the English and French, the latter abandoned Selabet-djung’s service, and returned to the centre of their dominions, P8lcherry. From that moment Selabet-djung’s preponderance seemed to verge to its ruin; and his national enemies having conceived high-flown designs, they aimed not only at reducing his person to nothing, but likewise at snatching from Nizam-el-mulk’s family, all the dominions of Decan. They even engaged Hibrahim-qhan-gardi to take service with them; a man from the dregs of the people, who having served for a length of time under the French, and learned their way of managing their cannon and musketry, was actually at the head of a body of such musketeers, and such an artillery of his own, that made him courted by all parties. He was now gone to P8nah, in company with Seda-sy8; but it was not for any length of time. The twenty-second of the month of Djemady in the same year, he came out of P8nah in conjunction with the Marhatta army, which encountered the two brothers, Selabet-djung and Nizam-aaly, in the territory of 8dghir. Unfortunately for them they had but seven thousand horse with them at that moment, having parted from their main some hours ago. The Marhattas had sixty thousand cavalry. The two brothers wanted to march forwards in order to effect a junction with those of their troops that had remained at Dehaver; but this was opposed by the Marhattas, who, although they have no other way of fighting than that of repeated skirmishes, and no other industry than that of distressing the enemy for want of forage, victuals, water, and other necessaries, nevertheless availed themselves of so marked a superiority on their side, and made nothing of engaging nearer, and of coming to hand-blows with their long swords and short spears. So that the Hindoostanies had no other resource, but that of marching slowly in a body surrounded by their cannon. But even this resource failed them. Their artil ery was heavy and unmanageable, whereas the Marhattas had now in the Sepahies of Hibrahim-qhan a body of musketry always ready to oppose the enemy’s march, and in his cannon, which was much lighter and better mounted, an expeditious artillery, which advanced and wheeled round just as the managers pleased. The two brothers laboured likewise under a further disadvantage. As their troops marched in a body together, the enemy’s cannon never failed to send amongst them some balls that always did some havock; whereas the Marhattas marching in small dispersed troops, were seldom struck by any cannon, or if struck, received but little damage; and when upon a halt they were attacked by the Hindoostanies, they always found in the quickness of Hibrahim-gardie’s fire, a sure resource for repelling the enemy. In consequence of all these disadvantages the two brothers lost in their retreat a number of men. Nevertheless, the sixth day of march, they found an opportunity of coming to hand-blows with the enemy, especially with Hibrahim-qhan’s people; and falling amongst them, sword in hand, they made a great slaughter, and took eleven colours from the latter; and in this manner they continued their march, as far as the Fortress of Häosah, which is only at ten cosses from Dehaver. The Marhattas conceiving that, if once a junction was effected between the two brothers, they would prove an undermatch, resolved to make a last effort to prevent it. With forty-thousand horse they attacked Selabet-djung’s van, which consisted of no more than three thousand, and after a sharp action, they destroyed it totally. This check, by humbling the family of Nizam-el-mulk, prepared its ruin; and the two brothers, finding that a junction was impossible, thought only of an accommodation, and it was concluded in such terms as proved only the seed of future mischiefs and disputes. The Marhattas by this peace obtained, under the name of Djaghir, the cession of a country of sixty lacs a year. It consisted of the territory of Aoreng-abad, (that city excepted,) and the Districts of Houily, Hursool, and Setrah. The remainder was made up with the Provinces of Beder and Bidjapoor, as well as with the Fortresses of Dö8let-abad, Assir, and Bidjapoor, places of consequence, that had been anciently the Capitals of so many powerful Kingdoms, and had cost so much blood and treasure. These latter lands served for demesnes to the two brothers, and had ??itherto afforded appanages and a plentiful subsistence to a number of mansobdars, and officers, and noblemen of high rank; who being now deprived of such a certain livelihood, were reduced as low as their Sovereigns and Lords, the Prince of Princes of the house of Nizam-el-mulk. Nor did anything remain to this family, but the Nizam-aaly overcome by the Marhattas, parts with a large territory Province of Haïder-abad, with some Districts of that of Barar and Bidjap8r, and a small portion of that of Beder; and even this did not remain to them without being saddled with a chö8t^\(251\), a slight tribute imposed by the victors, which did not amount to a quarter of the real revenue, but which they never fail to improve and to nurse up, as soon as they have committed the young plant to the ground. Nevertheless, in spite of so many disgraces the project of the enemies of that illustrious family did not take place, and it continued to enjoy dominion and sovereignty in Decan. But as we have just been mentioning the name of the three fortresses, as having been the Capitals of so many powerful Kingdoms, we imagine that some account of them may prove acceptable to our readers.

Ram-de8, Radja of Dö8let-abad, then called Dë8gar, having been vanquished by Soltan-ala-eddin—qhlidji, redeemed his life by presenting that Prince with an immense sum of money^\(252\), and with a variety of costly presents and curious stuffs. It was in the year six hundred and ninty-five of the Hedjrah. But in the year seven hundred and seven, the Radja having been again vanquished and subdued by Meleck Caf8r, an Habeshinian slave, which the conqueror had left in those parts as his Naib, or Deputy, the Gentoo Prince thought proper to follow him to Delhi, where he was kindly received by Soltan-alä-eddin-qhlidji, who honoured him with a sun-screen, or umbrella^\(253\), and the title of Räy-räyan, or Counsellor of Counsellors; after which he returned satisfied to Dö8let-abad, his Capital, and from that moment he never thought of revolting against him, or of disputing the orders sent him from Court. After his death, he was succeeded by his son, but the Deputy Governor, Melec-caf8r, who did not live upon such good terms with the son as he had done with the father, continued to make conquests on the young Prince, and to deprive him of more territories, as far as the Carnatic. He even sent complaints against him to Court, and obtained leave to strip him intirely of his dominions, and to annex them to the Empire of the Qhlidji Emperors^\(254\). The Deputy Governor having obtained this consent, in the year seven hundred and eleven, marched to Dë8gur, seized on the Gentoo Prince, put him to death, and took possession of that fortress, which from that day has remained in the hands of the Emperors of Hindostan. But the Empire having passed, some centuries after, from the Patans of the tribe of Qhlidji to the Moghuls of the House of Timur, the Emperor Shah-djehan, one of the most victorious of Princes which this last family has ever produced, sent one of his Generals, who bore the title of “Lord of Lords,” with orders to recover the fortress from the Kings of Decan, who were then the descendants of Nizam-shah; and it remained from that time under the power of the House of Timur, being governed by a succession of Governors, independent of the Viceroys of the province. Under the Hindoo Princes it had not that deep fossé it has now; nor was it surrounded by a third enclosure, as it is in our days; nor was it so strong as the Mussulman Princes have since made it; and it is Sultan-mahmed, son to Toghlyc-shah, who changed its name into that of Dö8let-abad. He surrounded it with a wall of squared stone, adorned it with noble buildings, and he even had a mind to make it his residence and the Capital of his dominions. For that purpose he unpeopled part of Delhi, and transported its inhabitants to Dö8let-abad; but his scheme, did not prosper. It is computed that this fortress fell into the hands of the Marhattas, four hundred and sixty years after that period.

As to the Fortress of Bidjapoor, it has been built by Y8s8f-adel-shah, Some accounts of Bidjapoor. founder of a family of Kings who always bore the same name. It was at first raised with mud; but in the year 900, he surrounded it with a wall of stone and mortar, and left it to his descendants, in whose hands it continued until it was taken from Sekander-adel-shah, the last of that family, by the victorious arms of Aoreng-zib, in the year 1097. It fell in the hands of the Marhattas about two hundred and sixty-seven years after its building. The Governor surrendered it without saying a word; but Sëyd Nedjef-aaly-qhan, Governor of the Fortress of Assir, who received a like order from Selabet-djung, refused to surrender his fortress, and he supported a siege of a whole year, when being reduced to extremity for want of victuals, he surrendered it to the Marhattas upon terms. It was on the 12th of the second Reby, in the year 1174.

This Fortress of Assir is one of those built by Assa-ahir, who gave it his own name, which word in process of time, has been curtailed by the suppression of three letters, into that of Assir. His name was really Assa, to which, in compliance with the custom of India, they added that of his clan, which was that of Ahir, a tribe that employ themselves solely on dairy business and in attending black cattle. This Assa was a Zemindar of an illustrious family of Qhandess, which had dwelt on that mountain as well as commanded in that District, for seven hundred years together, and they had raised a fort of rough stone and mud to secure their herds and their riches. It came to Assa in that condition. But as he was much richer and much more powerful than his predecessors, he threw down the old walls, and raised a regular fortification of stone and lime, which became very strong, was conspicuous from afar, and came at last to be called by the name of Assa-ahir’s Fortress. It was snatched from his hands by Nassur-qhan-farooky, who in the year eight hundred and one assumed the crown, and set up a new Monarchy in the Province of Qhandess, where he commanded as Governor. But this fortress being nearly impregnable by open force, he made use of the following stratagem: He sent word to Assa to request his giving an asylum to his children, consorts, and family, as the Radja of Buglana, and the Radja of Antoor had joined together, and were coming upon him (Nassyr-qhan) at the head of a great army; two Princes whom he would readily encounter, as soon as his mind should be easy with respect to his family. The Gentoo consented, and gave orders at the gate accordingly. The day appointed, a number of covered chairs entered the fort. They were full of Nassyr-qhan’s women, who had orders to treat Assa’s women with the utmost civility, and with many presents, whenever they should come to pay them a visit. They came in fact, and returned to their homes, perfectly satisfied with their guests. The next day, an equal number of covered chairs came in, and were admitted; but they contained two hundred of the bravest men of Nassyr-qhan’s army. The Radja hearing that these only were the Governor’s consorts and daughters, whereas the former were but his concubines, got up from his palace, with his children, and went forward to welcome the new comers, and to introduce them to their new lodgings; and he was returning home, after having fulfilled that office, when the men in the mahafas, having assembled together, fell upon him, and put him to the sword, with his children and retinue. The rest of the garrison, frightened by this execution, asked for quarter, and were permitted to retire out of the fortress. Nassyr-qhan, informed of this, hastened thither with a body of troops with which he put a garrison into it; and it has remained since that day in the possession of his descendants, until the reign of Sultan-Acbar-shah, Emperor of Hindostan; when in the year 1009, it was taken from the last of them, Bahadyr, son to Radja-aaly-qhan, and entrusted successively to a number of Governors, independent of the Province. It was computed that about four hundred and sixty years had elapsed betwixt Nassyr-qhan, and War between the French and English, which last take P8lcherry. the surrendering of this fortress to the Marhattas. It was in this same year, 1174, that the English having taken from the French the Fortress and Port of P8lcherry, after a long siege, ruined from the foundation both its fortifications and buildings. By a consequence of the same event the Provinces of Sicacol, Radj-bendery, and some others, that had been given in Djaghir to the French, and which it was thought would never be recovered from their hands, fell down of themselves at this time, and returned to their former owners.

But this event, considerable as it was, proved of small consequence, when compared to those that had at the same time taken place in the Capital. We have already said something of Nedjib-qhan, the Rohillah, who was a man of genius and valour, and we have mentioned that having been, on account of the high character he bore, invited over by the Vezir Umad-el-mulk, whilst he was waging war with Ab8l-mans8r-qhan, he came soon to be greatly esteemed, so as to rise to the highest influence and dignities; and it was out of regard to that high character of his, still more than for his being an Afghan and a countryman, that the Abdaly Monarch had thought proper to recommend him to the high dignity of “Prince of Princes.” Whilst this high dignity was betowing at Delhi, the Vezir Umad-el-mulk was waiting at Feroh-abad the issue of the Abdali-king’s expedition; but he no sooner heard that he was returned to Candahar, than thinking his honour concerned in not falling short of that Monarch, he bestowed that high office on Ahmed-qhan-bangash, just as the Monarch had bestowed it on Nedjib-qhan. After that he returned to Shah-djehan-abad. In his way thither, he effected a junction with Ragonat-räo, a relation of Baladji-räo’s, as well as with the Marhatta General, Malhar-holcar, and marched to that Capital, which he took; and having besieged the citadel, nothing was seen for forty-five days together but cannon-balls and rockets; and both the Emperor Alemghir and Nedjib-ed-döwlah, alias Nedjib-qhan, his Minister, were going to fall in his hands, when the latter sent a mighty bribe to Malhar, who from that moment assumed the character of mediator, and proposed an accommodation. Meanwhile, having brought Nedjib-ed-döwlah from the citadel, with both his family, furniture, and effects, he lodged him close to his own quarters. After which he conveyed him to his own country, which is on the other side of the Djumna, and consists of the Districts of Soharenpoor, Chandpoor, the whole territory of Barr, and some other lands, like Boodya, and Nedina. After this departure, Umad-el-mulk, who styled himself the Vezir, took possession of the administration of what was still called the Empire, placed his own creatures in it, and remained the sole disposer of affairs. But long before Umad-el-mulk seizes on Delhi, and on the Emperor’s person. the Vezir’s arrival at the Capital, his intentions were so far mistrusted by the Emperor Alemghir and his Minister, Nedjib-ed-döwlah, that they had thought proper to send the Imperial Prince out of town. This was Aaly-goher, who bore the same title with his father. They gave him in appanage the Districts of Hansi, Djudjar, Cher-radery, and some others that yet depended on the Qhalissa, and they recommended to his care, to seem busy only in settling the revenue of those Districts, and in bringing them into order; but meanwhile to take possession of as many more Districts as he could, in his right of presumptive heir of the Empire, and virtual owner of that whole country. They added, that he ought to employ those revenues in acquiring friends, raising a good army, and keeping himself in readiness to come to his father’s assistance, whenever the Vezir Umad-el-mulk should return to the Capital, and avail himself of the two Imperial Princes in his power to excite troubles, and to give vent to his own mischievous disposition. Whilst Aaly-goher was preparing himself to go abroad, the Empress Zinet-mahal, second consort to the reigning Emperor, who on the decease of Aaly-goher’s mother had conceived for him a motherly affection, willing to render him a farewell service, sent for my father, at the gate of the seraglio, with the Emperor’s consent, and there she appeared veiled in his presence; and after having strongly recommended Aaly-goher’s education as well as his person to his paternal care, she took the young Prince’s hands Some account of Prince Aaly-goher,
present reigning Emperor, under the title of Shah-allem. and put them in my father’s right hand. The young Prince, after this tender scene, went out, and took up his residence at the seat and garden of Tal-cat8rah, where he commenced assembling forces, most of the braves residing in the city making it a point to enlist under him. One of these was Mir-djaafer, the Hindostani, who had with him a number of men that bore a character both for bravery and fidelity. Ozm-aaly-qhan was another nobleman of the same family, with the late Hussein-aaly-qhan, and like him devoted to the service of an Imperial Prince, as we shall some day mention, if it pleases God. But as by this time the Vezir Umad-el-mulk had with the assistance of his Marhattas, made himself master of the Emperor’s person, he forced the latter to send an order of recall to the Shah-zadah, or Imperial Prince, and not satisfied with that, he supported the letter by a General of his own, Seïf-eddin-aaly-qhan, the Cashmirian, at the head of ten thousand horse, and by a precise order to bring the Prince back by every means in his power— by persuasion, promises, intreaties, threats, and open force. The Prince, sensible of his helpless situation, turned towards the Capital, and he was setting out for it, when he was dissuaded by one of the Commanders that had come over with Holcar-malhar to the Vezir’s assistance, and had enabled him to drive away Nedjib-ed-döwlah and to make himself master of the Emperor’s person. This was Atel-räo, who although intending to follow the others into Decan, was yet encamped in the territory of the Capital. This Commander, meeting the Shah-zadah in his return thither, dissuaded him from going to the city, where he represented the many dangers to which he would infallibly be exposed, from the Vezir’s omnipotence, fears, and cruelty; and he proposed his rather continuing abroad, and taking possession of the territories round the Capital, in which case he would serve the Prince with his person and troops. The latter who wanted no better, and who augured well of such a proffer, quitted the road he held, and joining Atel-räo, he crossed the Djumna, and took possession of some Districts in the neighbourhood. The Vezir hearing of such a change, sent a secret message to Atel-räo, and under promise of a great present, he wrought so great an alteration in his mind, that the Marhatta commenced advising the Prince to return to the Capital, and at the same time parted company with him. The Prince obliged to submit to circumstances, returned to the city, and took up his abode in Aaly-merdan-qhan’s Palace, whatever instances the Vezir made for his residing within the Citadel. He had but a small number of friends with him, and but a small number of troops, as all those of the latter description, who had dwellings in the city, had retired to their homes. The Vezir sensible of this, sent him a message, requesting his being pleased to dismiss all his troops, as the treasury could not afford to pay for them; else, he advised that they should be sent to the Districts of the Prince’s appanage, as the only means to keep those Districts under order, and as the only method to pay those people the arrears which they claimed. The Prince who saw the drift of the message, but had no choice left, picked up a small number, whom he desired to reside with him, and he sent the rest to the territories pointed out.

The Prince being disarmed by this manœuvre, the Vezir remained inactive for a fortnight; when one day, on pretence of going to visit Shah-nizam-eddin’s Monument, he assembled vast number of armed men at his Palace gate, and at once sent ten or twelve thousand of them to Aaly-merdan-qhan’s Palace, with orders to besiege it, and to confine the Shah-zadah’s person. The troops having in a short time bored holes through the walls, penetrated within the outer courts, whilst others were getting upon the terraces, and began firing so briskly that they soon killed the greatest part of those who had shewed themselves from within. Mir-djaafer-aaly and Ozm-aaly-qhan, who saw all this, and were ready armed, as well as the Prince, observed to him, “That it was better to make a fortie upon the enemy, and to fight them manfully, as the consequence would be either to perish bravely like men of honour and character, or to effect an escape. That in the first case, they would jump at once into eternity, with their heads encircled by the Tulip garlands of martyrdom; and in the second, they would get rid of their pursuers, and recover their liberty.” The Prince consented. He had only a few men with him, but these were determined and resolute. Mounting their horses, they advanced to the back part His heroical retreat through a whole army. of the house, where there was a certain breach in the wall which looked on the river; and falling unexpectedly upon the enemies, sabre in hand, they in a moment cut their passage through them, strewing the ground with their dead. The Prince slew two men with his own hands, and he behaved throughout the whole action with so much personal prowess and heroical conduct, that the Cahremans and Heroes of old times would have bit the finger of astonishment, had they been witness of his valiance. The enemies ashamed to see their prey ready to escape, crowded after them, and pursued hotly. In this extremity that intrepid troop used to turn about, rush upon their pursuers, put the foremost to flight, kill some of them, and then continue their route as before; and it was by such continual exertions that they cut their way towards Atel-räo, the Marhatta, who was encamped at Tilamahnoo. That General informed of what passed within sight of his encampment, came out with a body of cavalry, and having received the Prince with every mark of respect, he brought him within his camp; and as that Commander had been some time ago a strenuous adviser of the Prince’s repairing to the Capital, so as in fact to oblige him to return thither, and had moreover parted company with him, he now exerted himself in making an apology for being in some measure the cause of the Prince’s danger. After that, he did every thing in his power to sooth his mind; he then pitched a number of tents for him, and several more for his men, with others apart for his wounded, of whom he took great care, assisting with necessaries both these and the others. During that trying retreat, the enemy pressed so hard, that every one saw that the Prince was going to fall in their hands or to be slain. In that citical moment, that would have appalled a Rustem and a Sam^\(255\), the illustrious Sëyd, Ozm-aaly-qhan, with that daring courage hereditary in his family, and that heroical valour which came to him from the founder of his race, Aaly, the King of braves, turned about to the Prince, and said, “Prince, thou art destined to be one day a resource to an infinity of people, and thy life is, therefore, more precious to-day than ours. Run then forwards and gain some distance, and I will undertake meanwhile to stop the enemy, until thou shalt have distanced him.” He said, and with a daringness the more admirable, because of his youth, he turned about and fell amongst the purfuers with such fury, that the sphere of heaven stopped short to look at so much prowess; and when that young hero fell at last, spent with the fatigue of the slaughter, its eyes were seen to drop tears in great abundance^\(256\). Atel-räo having seen his guests refreshed and recovered, made a return upon himself, and reflected that his masters in Decan might find fault with him for so openly espousing the interests of Umad-el-mulk’s enemies. He therefore thought proper to afford no more a handle against himself, and he escorted the Prince as far as Feroh-abad, a place different from Bangashe’s Capital. There he was received by M8ssa-qhan, the Ball8ch^\(257\), Zemindar of that country, and son to Cam-car-qhan, who expressed great respect for the Prince’s person, pitied his situation, and made him a present of three lacs of rupees. Atel-räo having seen his Royal guest in a place of safety, took his leave, and returned. The Prince quitting M8ssa-qhan’s country, advanced by C8ndj-p8ra to Soharenp8r where he found Nedjib-ed-döwlah. The latter entertained the Prince for eight months together, and neglected nothing of what could conduce to alleviate his sorrows; but a great Revolution having at that time taken place in Bengal, where Mir-djaafer-qhan had possessed himself of that country by the assistance of the English, he advised the Prince to avail himself of that opportunity to shew his person in those regions, and to try whether he could not take possession of them. By these insinuations he freed himself honorably from a guest that was likely to attract upon his person and country the whole weight of Umad-el-mullk’s resentment. Having, therefore, presented the Prince with as large a sum of money as he could afford, he took his leave. The Prince having listened to that advice, left at Mehranp8r both my father and Munnir-ed-döwlah, with orders to assemble troops, and to prepare some artillery and ammunition; and taking his leave of them, he marched by Moorad-abad and Berëily with intention to repair to the country of A8d. In his way thither he was entertained by Saad-ollah-qhan, son to Aaly-mahmed-qhan-Rohillah, who exerted in pleasing and assisting him. It was the ninth of the first Djemady in the year 1171, when he arrived at Mohan, a town at seven cosses The Imperial Prince, obliged to fly from his father’s house, is received everywhere with respect. distance from Lucknow. Shudjah-ed-döwlah informed of the Prince’s circumstances and arrival, advanced to that town, paid him his obeisance, presented him with a Nuzur of one hundred and one Eshrefyes^\(258\), and behaved himself in everything with the utmost obsequiousness and respect; the moment after he supplicated the Prince to accept a small present from him. It consisted in one lac of rupees in ready money, a table or qhoan covered with jewels, several such tables covered with precious stuffs, a set of tents, utensils for all kind of offices, and a quantity of arms. To these, he added two elephants with their covered and shaded Amharies, and a Taht-revan, or moving throne, with ten baggage-carts. The Prince having cast a glance at that offering of Shudjah-ed-döwlah’s, invited him to a closet^\(259\), where he remained two hours with him, after which he dismissed him, making him a present of the Turbant he wore, with his own Serpitch and his own Paleky. From thence the Prince marched to Ilah-abad, where having attached Mahmed-c8ly-qhan to his cause, they marched together to Azim-abad, as we have mentioned at length in our account of the affairs of Bengal. Whether Shudjah-ed-döwlah would have followed the Prince, is not clear; but at any rate he had at that time much business of his own.

We have already mentioned that the Vezir Ab8l-mans8r-qhan, having got himself joined by a body of Marhattas, had ruined the power of the Afghan, Ahmed-bangash, and had given the country of Antervid, alias the Dö-abah, to those people, for the purpose of insuring their pay and arrears. The Marhattas having extended their ravages throughout that country, had cast their eyes on the neighbouring province of A8d, and were biting the finger of regret for not having yet attacked and seized that fine region, as well as the rest of the Rohillah country. And they Umad-el-mulk’s attempts to embroil the Rohillahs, and Shudja-ed-döwlah, serve only to bring them to an understanding. were yet brooding on their grief, when Umad-el-mulk, who was personally incensed against Nedjib-ed-döwlah, conceived the design of ruining him intirely; but as in spite of the Abdali-king’s countenance, he had found means to drive him from the office of Prince of Princes, so he expected that without being apparently concerned in the matter himself, he would as easily drive him from his principality, by committing him with the Marhattas; his intention being to serve Shudjah-ed-döwlah in the same manner, as soon as he had finished Nedjib-ed-döwlah. Such a scheme having been soon guessed at, brought about an union of concerns between those two Princes, equally threatened; and here we must admire that Providence which overset that well concerted scheme by bringing friendship and union out of the chaos of aversion and mutual mistrust, and could render the Afghans, those inveterate enemies of Ab8l-mans8r-qhan and his family, so many faithful assisters, and so many zealous well-wishers of Shudjan-ed-döwlah’s prosperity. It is true the latter had cultivated a friendship with Nedjib-ed-döwlah, and with the several Princes of Aaly-mahmed-Rohillah’s family; but now the common hatred against the Vezir, Umad-el-mulk, and the common dread of an addition of power to the Marhattas, had drawn closer the bands of union between those Princes, so as to verify the famous sentence:

But now a general rumour had spread everywhere that Data-sindia, nephew to Djingo-dji, had in the first month of the year 1171 marched from Decan at the head of a powerful army, commanded by renowned Generals, and with a firm resolution to finish the conquest of Hindostan, and after having spent that year in strengthening his former conquests, he intended to invade the country of the Rohillahs, as well as the dominions of Shu djah-ed-dowlah. No wonder, therefore, if the latter joined their councils together, and prepared in concert for their common defence. The Marhatta General’s scheme was to cross the Ganga at a certain ford in the winter season, and to fall at once upon the Rohilcund; after which he intended to proceed to the conquest of the A8d; and it was with an intent to favour such an invasion, that Umad-el-mulk, who was at the bottom of all this mighty scheme, and the real inciter of the Marhatta motions, had set out from the Capital. Meanwhile the Marhatta General crossed the Djumnah, and fell at once upon Nedjib-ed-döwlah’s country. This Prince unable The Marhattas set out with a firm resolution to conquer Hindostan. to stand the contest in the field, retired to Sukartal, a difficult post on the Ganga, where the passage of that river may be easily defended, and where he intrenched himself, resolved to stand his ground to the last. The Marhatta General encamped close to him; and for four months together, which the rainy season lasted, no other thunder was heard but that of continual discharges of cannon, rockets, and musketry, and no other lightning seen, but that of famished flaming sabres, and blood-thirsty spears; so that the earth seemed to hold a conversation with the heavens^\(260\). Meanwhile the Rohillah Princes, such as Hafyz-rahmet-qhan, and D8ndy-qhan, and Saad-ollah-qhan, took care to represent to Shudjah-ed-döwlah, “That the Marhattas waited only for the end of the rainy season, and the subsiding Are jointly opposed by the Rohillahs and by Shudjah-ed-dowla. of the Gange, to cross that river at some ford, and fall upon the Rohilcund, which they would either subdue or ruin intirely; in which case it was past doubt that they would turn their steps towards the country of A8d. That such an event must be prevented; for that to defend a country, when the enemy is already at your doors, is not the business in question; remedy must be sent before the evil is arrived. March then,” added they, “to our assistance, set out immediately, and make haste to join us.”

Those insinuations could not fail to make a deep impression on the mind of Shudjah-ed-dowlah, who felt how critical his situation was, and he resolved to be beforehand with the enemy. It was then the height of the rainy season, and the roads, on account of the incessant rain and the swelling of all the rivulets and brooks, had become so miry as to be impassable. Nevertheless, he set out from Lucknow, and advanced as far as Shah-abad, where he was stopped by the swelling of the Ganga, and the inundation of the country, which had rendered it impossible to approach nearer to the camp at Sukartal, so as to effect a junction. The Marhatta General hearing of Shudjah-ed-döwlah’s approach, ordered one of his principal Commanders, called Govind-pandett, to cross the Ganga with twenty thousand horse and foot, and to ruin the whole Rohilcund. This officer having advanced as high as T-hac8r-d8ara^\(261\), a spot that touches the foot of the northern mountains, forded the Ganga at that place, and spread throughout the Rohilcund, where he burned thirteen hundred villages from Chandpoor down to Amr8a; after that, he fell upon Hafyz-rahmet, Doondy-qhan, and Saad-ollah-qhan, the Rohillah Princes, who were preparing to march to Nedjib-ed-döwlah’s assistance, and put them to flight. The Afghans, surprised at the suddenness of the irruption, and incapable to withstand so great a force, retreated as far as the foot of the mountains of Camä8, where they intrenched themselves in a difficult post; but Shudjah-ed-dowlah no sooner heard of this disaster, than he decamped from his post on the beginning of the first Reby, in the year 1173, and marching with the utmost rapidity, he arrived at Chandpoor over against the place where Nedjib-ed-döwlah was intrenched. It was high time. The besieged Prince, finding himself abandoned by his countrymen who were fled amongst the fastnesses of the Camä8, had despaired of being freed from his forlorn situation, and as he had already despaired of his life, he thought only how to sell it to the highest bidder, when his spirits were recruited at once by Shudjah-ed-döwlah’s approach. The latter had already discovered some of the runners of the Marhatta army; but nothing more had happened, as he advanced to Holavah, which is at five cosses farther than Chandpoor. There he heard that some of his sutlers had been set upon and plundered by the enemy. On the first intelligence of this, he detached the two Commanders that were then at hand, with orders to chastise the Marhattas. These were An8b-ghir-ghossaïn, and Amrä8-ghir-ghossaïn, two Fakirs in his service, both of great character. After their departure, he got them followed by Mirza-nedjef-qhan, at the head of five thousand horse, and by Mir Bakyr-qhan-temeni, with four thousand more, all Moghuls. All these had orders to leave the plunderers to their own work, and to push for Govind-pandett’s head-quarters. These officers, all eager for action, commenced by skirmishing, and the engagement growing warmer, they strewed the ground with Marhatta bodies. An8b-ghir the Ghossaïn made a great massacre amongst them, and took a hundred prisoners, and a vast booty in horses and cattle. The Marhatta General finding himself so severely handed fled from the field of battle, and with all the difficulties imaginable he found his way again to the ford, where he had sometime ago crossed the Ganga. But his confusion and that of his followers was so great, that he mistook the part, and lost vast numbers of his people who were swallowed up by the Ganga, that insatiable crocodile of the sweet flood. The next morning, Shudjah-ed-döwlah, after having ordered his music to play in token of victory, marched forward; and the report of it having spread everywhere, reached also the Afghans, who had been hitherto lurking in the brambles at the foot of the Camä8. It made them move from their holes, and join Shudjah-ed-döwlah. The two armies after this junction marched on to Sukar-tal, where Nedjib-ed-döwlah was besieged, and they delivered him from the miseries he was undergoing. Nevertheless, the Afghans intimidated by the power of the Marhattas, thought proper to send proposals for an accommodation both to Data-sindia and to Djingo. These two Generals, on the other hand, who had heard of the Abdali-Monarch’s coming, and thought of providing for their own safety by advancing as far as Lahor to stop the enemy in Pendjab, were glad to hear the proposals. Data-sindia signed an agreement, which was sworn to on both sides, after which he withdrew his troops, and advanced towards Lahor. Shudjah-ed-döwlah, on his side, returned to Lucknow, where he made his entry the twenty-ninth of the first Djemady, in the year 1173.

Whilst Sindiah was besieging Nedjib-ed-dowlah at Shukartal, by the Vezir Umad-el-mulk’s instigation, he wrote to the latter to come to his assistance. That wicked man, encumbered on one hand, by an Emperor whom he knew to be a well-wisher to Nedjib-ed-dowlah, and to hold a correspondence with the Abdali-king, and on the other, by an uncle whom he mistrusted full as much, although he actually kept him in confinement, took his party without any scruple. He resolved, first of all, to make himself easy on those two accounts, and then only to depart; and first he ordered Intyzam-ed-dowlah, his uncle, to be put to death, and three days after, he provided also for the Emperor. Having properly tutored Mehdy-aaly-qhan, the Cashmirian, he sent him to that Prince. That artful man went, and turned so well the Emperor’s mind, that he engaged him to go out and The Vezir murders both his uncle and the Emperor Aalem-ghir. pay a visit to a certain Fakyr of uncommon sanctity and character, who performed miracles, and was said to be lately landed at Firoz-shah’s Mausoleum. That imbecile Prince, entrapped by the diabolical suggestions and artifices of that infernal man, took it into his head to pay incognito a visit to so extraordi-nary a personage. Being arrived at the spot, he was shewn a door before which hung a curtain. But he had a sword in his hand^\(262\). The Cashmirian having taken it with one hand, lifted up the curtain with the other, and the Emperor entered the room, which the Cashmirian immediately shut up, by making the door fast from without, and then dropped the curtain. Yzzeddin’s son, Mirza-babr, who was also son-in-law to the Emperor, no sooner saw these strange motions, than he drew his sabre, and wounded one or two men. But he was instantly overpowered and seized; and being put into a covered Paleky, he was sent to the apartment where the Princes of the blood are usually kept confined^\(263\). Meanwhile the four men concealed within the room, fell upon the defenceless Emperor with their poniards, and having dispatched kim in an instant, they threw his body out, and left it stretched upon the strand of the Djumna. There he was soon stripped of his clothes, save only his drawers, in which condition he remained eighteen hours. After which time the Cashmirian above sent some people, who took up the body, and carried it to the Emperor H8mayon’s Mausoleum, where they committed it to the earth.

Whilst that mournful tragedy was acting at one part of the Palace, another very different scene was passing on the other. That very day Muhi-el-senna, son to Cam-bash, and grandson to Aoreng-zib, was raised to the throne under the title of Shah-djehan, or “Emperor of the world;” and the Vezir after these executions left the Cashmirian to watch over the new Prince, and marched against Nedjib-ed-dowlah, actually besieged at Sukartal. On his way thither, he learned that a peace had been concluded to the satisfaction of both parties, and being informed at the same time that the Abdali-king was advancing by long marches, he thought proper to secure his person by getting out of his way; and taking shelter in S8r8dj-mull’s county, he resolved to wait there the event of the quarrel between the Abdalies and the Marhattas, and to see what new revolution it might bring about. Anxious about the event, he retired within one of the strongest of S8r8dj-mull’s fortresses.

We have heretofore mentioned that the Abdali-king, after having plundered Delhi, and put every thing to the sword at Mahtra, had marched back in the year 1170, and returned to Cab8l and Candahar, his Capitals, leaving his son, Timur-shah, in the Government of M8ltan and Lahor, with the General Djehan-qhan, for his adviser. The latter sensible of his own inexperience in Government and revenue matters, and convinced how much Adina-beg-qhan must be skilled in those subjects, and of how much local knowledge he must be possessed, resolved to avail himself of that man’s abilities, and he wrote him several civil letters endeavouring to sooth his mind; at last he sent him the patent as well as the Qhylaat of the province of Do-abah. Adina-beg-qhan, softened by this distinction, soon brought the province to a proper order, and the Prince and General, convinced now of his abilities, invited him over to Lahor, where they intended to avail themselves of his experience. But this invitation was not relished by the other. He mistrusted their proffers, and had objections to their neighbourhood; so that he retired again towards the mountains. And Djehan-qhan hearing of this desertion, appointed M8rad-qhan to command in the Do-abah, directing B8lend-qhan and Ser-efraz-qhan, two general officers, to support him with a body of troops. Adina-beg-qhan opposed the Syks to this new Troubles in M8ltan & Pendjab. power; a set of men that had already grown numerous and powerful in the times of the late Mir-mann8, but who had since greatly benefited by the lessons and the protection they had been for a long time receiving from their tutor, Adina-beg-qhan. Incited by his exortations, those Fakirs or Mendicants become soldiers, took up arms, and being joined by a body of Adina-beg-qhan’s troops, they fell upon M8rad-qhan, and gave him a battle, in which B8lend-qhan being slain, and M8rad-qhan, with Ser-efraz-qhan defeated, these two Generals fled to Lahor, and reported their case to Djehan-qhan. After this flight the Syks ruined and desolated the whole Province of the Dö-abah, chiefly at the instigation of Adina-beg-qhan. At this very time there was encamped in the territory of Shah-djehan-abad a large army of Marhattas, under the command of Ragonat-räo, and Shimshir-bahadyr, (two brothers of Baladji-räo) as well as under that of Holcar-malhar, and some other Commanders of character. All these tired of a camp life, and panting for action, waited with impatience for some occasion to signalize themselves; when they received several letters from Adina-beg-qhan, which requested their coming to his assistance. The Marhattas who always wish for action, and are always upon the watch for such opportunities, and always upon the move, marched immediately to Lahor. Meeting by the way Abd8l-semed-qhan, a General appointed by the Abdalies to the command of Ser-hend, they gave him a bloody defeat, and took him prisoner. From thence they advanced so rapidly to Lahor, that in a few days their runners met those of Djehan-qhan’s, and had some skirmishes together. It was in Shaaban, 1171 of the Hedjrah. Djehan-qhan observing that the small number of his troops would be overpowered Which enable the Marhattas to extend their conquest as far as Lahor. in a compaign by such skirmishers as the Marhattas, thought proper to retreat and to evacuate the country. He took the young Prince Timur-shah with him, and advancing by long and continual marches, he arrived on the banks of the Atuc^\(264\), which he immediately crossed, leaving behind those treasures, and that furniture and artillery that had been amassing for ages together. The Marhattas pursued him as far as the river Chulum, and then returned, extending meanwhile their conquests and jurisdiction all over M8ltan, as far as Ghazi-qhan’s valley, and as far as the rivers Chennar and Pehn. But as the rainy season was approaching, they appointed Adina-beg-qhan Governor-General of the country, under a yearly tribute of seventy-five lacs, clear of all charges, and then returned towards Shah-djehan-abad. From thence, after a short stay, both Ragonat-räo and Shimshir-bahadyr marched on towards the Decan; but Djing8 was left in the neighbourhood of Delhi, with orders to subdue the several Radjas of Adjmir. The whole scheme seemed well arranged; but by one of those unexpected dispensations of Providence, Adina-beg-qhan departed his life some months after, at the beginning of the year 1172; when Djingo conferred the Government of Ser-hend on Sadyc-beg-qhan, who had been one of the trustiest men in the deceased Governor’s service, and that of the Döabah on that Governor’s widow, appointing at the same time a Marhatta, called Saba, to the supreme Government of Lahor, which the new Commandant took care to extend by fresh conquests as far as the shores of the great river Atuc. Meanwhile Nedjib-ed-döwla, as well as all the Rohilla Princes, intimidated by these continual progresses of the Marhattas, concluded that their own persons and dominions must one day in the course of things be necessarily swallowed up by that overbearing power which was constantly supported by the Vezir Umad-el-mulk’s influence and intrigues. They therefore, renewed their supplications to the But bring on their backs the ferocious Abdalies, with their victorious King. King of the Durrannies, and besought him to march forth to their assistance. That Prince already shocked to see how little ceremony the Marhattas had made with his son, Timur-shah, and with his Governor, Djehan-qhan, and incensed, besides, at the ingratitude of Umad-el-mulk, and at the prepetual cruelties he exercised everywhere, resolved to comply with the request. Convinced, therefore, that his arrival was ardently expected in Hindostan, he displayed his victorious standards, and turned them towards that country.

That Prince, setting out from Candahar, crossed the river Atuc in the beginning of the year 1173, and his vanguard meeting with Saba’s vanguard, an engagement ensued, in which the They are opposed by the Abdali-king. Marhattas being worsted, fled to Lahor. But that General hearing that the Abdlies were advancing by long marches, and thinking his troops an undermatch to such men, he judged it expedient to decamp with his whole force, and to retreat towards Delhi; and his retreat was imitated by both Sadyc-beg-qhan himself, and by Adina-beg-qhan’s widow, who both thought proper to retire to the mountains. The Abdaly-king meanwhile had taken his route by the mountains of Djamb8, where having received a noble present in money from the Radja of that country, he advanced towards Delhi; and this was the sixth expedition he had made in Hindostan. This happened at the very time when Data-sindiah was treating with Nedjib-ed-döwlah and Shudjah-ed-döwlah about a peace; and this was soon concluded. But the two parties could not yet trust each other, and were upon the move on both sides, when news reached the Marhatta camp that the Abdalies, after having subdued the country of M8ltan and Lahor, were marching to Delhi At this intelligence Data-sindiah abandoned the negotiation with Shudja-ed-döwlah and that whole confideracy; and turning his thoughts towards the Abdalies, he advanced against them at the head of eighty thousand horse, all old troops. As to Umad-el-mulk who had moved to Data-sindiah’s assistance, he no sooner was informed of the Abdalies coming, than fearful of his being likely to be called to an account for his ingratitude and cruelties, as well as trembling for his own safety, he parted company with Data-sindiah, and took shelter in the hilly country of the Djattas, resolved not to move until the horizon should appear cleared. The Radja shewed him the utmost regard, and assigned his residence in one of the best fortresses of his dominions.

Meanwhile the Abdali was advancing with ardour from Lahor; but observing by the way that the country of Döabah had been so eaten up by the Marhattas in their many expeditions through it, that there remained neither grain nor forage for himself, he altered his route, and crossing the Djumnah, he marched into the Anterbid country, which we have already mentioned to be that tract of ground spreading betwixt the great rivers of Ganga and Djumnah. And as these two rivers take their sources in the mountains of Camä8, in the north of India, and after having parted company, join again at Ilah-abad; the Anterbid country of course commences at the foot of those mountains, and ends at the confluence of those two rivers. On the King’s crossing the Djumnah to march into the Anterbid, the Afghan Princes, Saad-olla-qhan, Ahmed-qhan-bangash, Nedjib-ed-döwlah, Hafyz-rahmet, and Dondi-qhan, whose dominions lie mostly betwixt those two rivers, joined together, and went in a body to pay their respects to that Monarch. The latter ordered his vanguard to march by another road, and to Battle of Badely, where the Abdali-king slays 70,000 Marhattas in one battle. fall upon Data-sindiah’s troops; who thinking he had to deal only with the runners of that army, commenced skirmishing, and went on in that manner, until he was pushed back by the Abdalies as far as the territory of Shah-djehan-abad, where they stopped at Badely, at which place the King having again re-crossed the Djumnah; joined his vanguard, and immediately commanded a general attack. A furious battle commenced. Nothing but slaughter was to be seen; and Data-sindiah soon became sensible that after having often fought for victory, he was now to fight for his life. He drew away his nephew, Djingo, from that scene of destruction, and gave him a small escort, with orders to advance into Decan in all speed, and to inform the Ministry of Satara of the state of things. Meanwhile the engagement becoming so close as to render horses of no use, he alighted with the greatest part of his troops, and fought on foot. The Abdalies continued pressing on all sides; and with their rockets and heavy muskets soon came to pour an intolerable fire upon those thronged multitudes; and as they gave no quarter, the whole of that mighty army of Marhattas, together with their General, Data-sindiah, and every Commander, without exception, perished in that bloody battle; and the whole was devoured by the inflamed sabre. This battle was fought at Badely, in the second month, Djemady, of the year 1173; a date which the Poet Mir-gh8lam-aaly, the Belgramite, has ingeniously conserved in these verses of his:

The whole Marhatta army having disappeared from the field of battle together with Data-sindiah, its General, the Duranni-king sent people after Djingo, but the latter had, the very day of the battle, marched fifteen cosses^\(265\), and was arrived at Allah-verdy’s Sera, quite spent; from whence he, the next day, continued his route to Narnol. Meanwhile intelligence came to the Abdali camp that the Marhatta, Holcar-malhar, was at Sekenderah with an army. This General hearing of the destruction of their grand army, marched with the utmost expedition into the strong country of S8r8dj-mull, the Djatt, to whom he proposed to join him, and to fight together the Durrani-king. The Gentoo Prince answered that he would not undertake to oppose such troops as the Abdalies, in the field; but that if he was attacked, he would retire to a fortress, and there defend himself in the best manner he could. It happened that the Afghan Princes who had come to the Durrani camp, were then busy in carrying a convoy of treasure and grain to that army; but hearing of the Marhattas being so near, they had the prudence to send back, and beyond the Ganga, as much of their convoy as they could with propriety. But the rest was overtaken by Holcar’s troops, who soon took possession of it and plundered it thoroughly. The King surprised to hear of this boldness of the Marhattas, sent Shah Pesend-qhan and Shah Calende-qhan, two of his Generals, with a body of fifteen thousand horse to chastise Holcar-malhar. These two Abdalies marched with so much expedition, that in one day and night they measured seventy cosses (one hundred and sixty miles), and arrived in the evening at Delhi; where having refreshed themselves the whole next day, they crossed the Djumnah at the beginning of the night, and having marched twenty cosses more that night, they at day-break arrived at Sekenderah, where they fell at once upon Holkar-malhar. The latter had just time to throw himself, naked as he Another bloody action, in which the Marhattas are destroyed. was, upon a mare, and to get away with about five hundred more in the same condition as himself. The rest, officers and soldiers, without excepting a man, were put to the sword, and intirely exterminated, a few prisoners only excepted. Their whole camp, together with their late booty, fell into the hands of the victors.

Meanwhile the King, who had moved from his camp the very day he had detached his two Generals after the Marhattas, arrived at Shah-djehan-abad; and as the rainy season was at hand, and the territory of that Capital had been eaten up by the eternal inroads of those freebooters, he thought proper to cross the Djumnah, and to take up his winter quarters at Sekenderah, twenty cosses from Delhi, a position the more eligible, as Sekenderah is in the country of Anterbid, where most of the Afghan Princes had their dominions. From thence he detached Nedjib-ed-döwlah to Lucknow, with orders to persuade Shudjah-ed-döwlah to join the victorious army, and to pay him a visit, as he wished to see him. Shudjah-ed-döwlah, who had already that intention, advanced to meet him as far as Mehdyp8r, whilst Nedjib-ed-döwlah on his side marched from Atava to Cannodj. A treaty was concluded, proper assurances given, and Shudjah-ed-döwlah, having appointed his son, Mirza-amani, (now Assef-ed-döwlah) to act as his Deputy in his absence, put himself at the head of ten thousand horse, and marched to the Abdalie’s camp, in company with Nedjib-ed-döwlah. It was at the end of Zilcaadah, of the year 1173. As soon as he was near, Eshref-el-anvar, surnamed Shah-c8ly-qhan^\(266\), Vezir to the Abdaly-king, came out to meet him, and after a small pause, he carried him to visit the tent of audience. The King having commanded his son, Tim8r-shah, to embrace the Indian Prince, received him with Shudjah waits on the Abdali Monarch—his bold answer to that Prince. the utmost favour and distinction^\(267\). At the end of the visit Shudjah-ed-döwlah requested leave for his music and kettle-drums to play in the Abdalie’s camp. The King answered mildly that it was unprecedented and contrary to rules. “It may be so for other music, replied Shudjah-ed-döwlah, but mine is the gift of the Emperor of Hindostan, and not of your Majesty’s; nor am I your subject, but only your hearty well-wisher.” This bold answer had its effect. The King consented, and it became a custom for Shudjah-ed-döwlah’s music to strike up as soon as that of the King’s had done playing.

Whilst all this was happening in the Anterbid, the Court of Satara had received intelligence of Data-sindiah’s death, and of the destruction of his whole army, as well as of that of Holcar. Never did a Ministry shew more firmness. Without betraying the least dismay, it was resolved to send another army, commanded by Seda-sy8, alias Bahä8, nephew to Baladji-räo, and by Djing8 himself. This army was to be composed of picked men, as was the former, and proved still more numerous; and it was likewise to be supported by a numerous artillery, mounted and served in the European manner, under the command of Hibrahim-qhan-gardi. The whole was to be under the orders of Vasvass-räo, Commander-in-Chief; the intention being to revenge their former bloody defeat, to recover the honour of the national character in the world, and to put an end to the Empire of the family of Babr, by raising to the throne of Hindostan Vasvass-räo himself, a Royal Prince, of the Marhatta blood. Seda-sy8 having put himself at the head of that mighty host, arrived, after long marches and much vaunting, in the province of Acbar-abad, where S8r8dj-mull thought proper to pay him a visit by Holcar-malhar’s mediation. The Marhatta General, to do him more honour, marched out of his camp, and met him at one cosse distance; and the next day Umad-el-mulk himself joined him at Mahtra. In a consultation held at that spot, it was resolved to The Marhattas undismayed, send another mighty army into Hindostan, commanded by a young Prince of the blood. render themselves masters of the Djumnah, by bringing Shah-djehan-abad in their power. This article being settled, the Marhatta General marched immediately, and entered Shah-djehan-abad, at the end of the year 1173. Yac8b-aaly-qhan-behmenzi, a brother of Shah Veli-qhan, commanded in the citadel with a small garrison of Abdalies. The Marhattas informed of the smallness of that force, gave an escalade at the Assed Tower and the Qhyzri Gate, whilst they made a false attack on the opposite side at the Delhi Gate. At both places a few Abdalies and Moghuls made their appearance, and killed many people with their large muskets. The Marhatta General, who had taken his quarters in Saad-ollah qhan’s Palace, commenced another attack from thence, under cover of the hall of audience, encouraged thereto by the scanty defence he could perceive at the wall, and the little artillery he observed at Selimgur Castle, from whence they now and then fired a large cannon in the air. Animated by these appearances, the Marhattas advanced to the Qhyzri Gate, and were endeavouring to break it open, but in vain. The gate was covered with sheets of brass, and set thick with iron nails that jutted out to the length of more than a foot^\(268\); nor could they make any impression there in four hours time. Meanwhile about five hundred men, finding not one man upon the Assed Tower, got upon the top of it, and being in this manner within the citadel, they advanced to the Imperial Hall of Audience, from whence they carried whole bundles of booty which they threw down the wall to their friends below, without having once thought of setting the gate open from within; nor did the troops without mind anything of the matter, being intent only on receiving and securing the plunder. Whilst these people were occupied in this manner, a dozen of Abdalies and Moghuls, coming out of Selimghur, fired upon those men that were plundering the Hall of Audience, many of whom they killed; and falling upon the rest, sword in hand, they drove them out of the palace. The Marhattas having taken fright, got upon the top of the tower again, and jumping down had a great number of men maimed and wounded; but meanwhile they gave up a fortress in which they had fairly found entrance. The Marhatta Generals informed of this whole affair, surrounded the citadel by an intrenchment, from whence they commenced firing on all that appeared upon the wall. As to Umad-el-mulk and S8r8dj-mull, who both had only conformed to the times in coming so far with the Marhattas, they thought proper to remain inactive spectators of this siege. In this state of things Seda-sy8 applied to Hibrahim-qhan-gardi, who had a European artillery, mounted and served in the European manner, and whom he had brought from Decan for such sorts of services. Hibrahim-qhan placed The Marhattas take Delhi. three pieces of cannon on the bank of the Djumnah, and made such a brisk fire upon the buildings within the citadel, that in a little time he was found to have done much havoc in the pavilions on the Assed Tower, and the Octagon Tower, as well as on those parts of the Imperial Palace called Divan-qhass, Reng-mahal, Moti-mahal^\(269\), and Royal Tower. But the wall itself suffered no impression; and the musket-firing business went on as usual on both sides. The Governor finding that his ammunition was running short, proposed to surrender the citadel, on condition of his having leave to march out with safety of life, honour, and baggage; and this being accepted by the Marhatta Generals who wished no better, the Governor came out with his little garrison, and took up his quarters in Aaly-merdan-qhan’s Palace, where having rested awhile, he crosséd the Djumnah in boats, and went to join his master. And thus the Imperial Citadel the residence of the Hindostanee Emperors, with the Imperial apartments and the whole of the Imperial Seraglio, fell into the hands of the Marhatta Seda-sy8. Such was the fate allotted to it by the All-knowing Disposer of events! The General appointed Tar8-shungur, a Brahman, to command in that fortress, and he gave him a sufficient garrison. This Brahman had been sent several times to Shudjah-ed-döwlah, on the part of the Marhattas, with proposals of peace, and as often had Proposes an accommodation, which is refused in a very taunting answer. been refused. This particular I was told of by the Poet Mir-gh8lam-aaly, the Belgramite, who assured me that Shudjah-ed-döwlah at last answered the envoy in these terms: “That the Marhattas, and especially their Brahmans^\(270\), having acquired so much power in Decan, had become overbearing, and withal so covetous, that they could not bear that any one but themselves should enjoy any character in the world, or a corner of land that might afford him a subsistence; that their faithlessness and eternal disregard to treaties, had tired the patience of mankind; and that the time was now coming to punish them for their eternal injustices, and their daily violations of the most sacred ties amongst mankind. That it was to save their honour, their families, and their subsistences, that the people of Hindostan had applied to the Abdaly-king for protection and assistance; and that the latter had come for that sole purpose, and in the full hope that to inflict a condign chastisement upon the Marhattas would prove but a small affair; to talk, therefore, of peace now to him looked quite preposterous.” The Marhattas, receiving no better answer, prepared for battle. They were at this time abandoned by their ally, S8r8dj-mull, the Djatt, who was shocked to see their shameless capacity, and remorseless impudence. He quitted their camp without leave and retired to his fortress of Belem-gur. What had so much shocked the Djatt Prince was this.—They had stripped the Imperial Hall of Audience of its wainscoting, which was of silver, elegantly enamelled, and had sent it to the Mint; and without any respect for things, held sacred by all mankind, they had laid their sacrilegious hands upon the gold and silver vessels consecrated to the use of the monument of the sacred foot, and of the mausoleum of Saint Nizam-eddin; nor did they spare Mahmed-shah’s mausoleum, which they stripped of its incensory^\(271\), candelabres, lamps, and other utensils, all of solid gold, and of exquisite workmanship; all of which were torn away and sent to the Mint.

After having done all this havoc, the Marhatta General resolved to decamp. The Doäb occupied by an army, did not afford him any prospect of subsistence, and everything in the territory of the Capital was eaten up and consumed. He was urged doubtless by the necessity of assembling and enjoying all the merits of those pious and meritorious actions which he had porformed in that unfortunate Capital, by stripping it of its sacred ornaments, and by plundering the nobility and people of what little they had saved from the hands of former ravagers. Resolved to quit that neighbourhood, he deposed and confined that pageant of an Emperor, Shah-djehan, and placed in his stead Mirza-djuvan-baqht^\(272\), son to Aaly-goher, the fugitive Prince, who was then enduring distresses, and waging war in Bengal. The Vezirship he conferred on Shudjah-ed-dowlah, pluming himself upon what he thought a piece of policy very likely to embroil the latter with the Abdaly-king. This done, he confirmed Tar8-shungar in the government of the citadel, and marched with his whole army to Cundj-p8ra, where the two Zemindars of that tract, Abdol-semed-qhan, the Abdali, and Nedjabet-qhan, the Rohillah, were encamped with commission to provide convoys for the Abdali-king’s army. This Abdol-semed-qhan is the same who fell in the hands of the Marhattas when commanding at Ser-hend, and had found means to escape; he commanded then in the mud-fort. It was in the second Rebi of the year 1174. Sedä-sy8 being arrived before that fort, surrounded immediately. As his European artillery enabled him to do a great deal of execution in a little time, Hibrahim-qhan-gardi soon made a breach, and an assault being given, both Abdol-semed-qhan and C8t8b-qhan were slain, and the place was thoroughly plundered and sacked. The Abdali-king hearing of this piece of cruelty done almost within his sight, was equally surprised and incensed; an alteration was observed in his colour. Resolved to chastise the Marhattas, he decamped, and although the rainy season was not at an end, and the Djumnah did not yet afford any ford, nevertheless he marched, and under Shudjah-ed-döwlah’s guidance he advanced to the passage of Baqhshäiet, which is close under the walls of Shah-djehan-abad; and advancing on horseback in the water, he was followed by his whole cavalry, some fording the river, and others swimming over. His numerous army took the hint, and found means to follow with all their baggage. Seda-sy8, surprised at his daringness, and atthe quickness of the Abdalies, conceived that instead of fighting them at C8ndj-p8ra, as had been his intention, it would be better to reconnoitre for two or three days together, in order to encamp at a commodious post near to Panip8t. At this time he had no less than forty thousand effective horse, all old soldiers and picked men; but this was only the army under his own particular command, for there were three other armies, severally commanded by Holcar-malhar, Shimshir-bahadyr, and the Prince of the blood, Vasvass-räo, which last was also the Commander-in-Chief. All these were exceedingly assuming, and so proud of their past victories, as to make no account of any troops but those immediately under their own command; and every one of them seemed to reach with his forehead to the cupola of the third heaven. We must also mention Hibrahim-qhan-gardi, who commanded twelve thousand Sepahies, armed with flint-muskets, besides some artillery mounted and served in the European manner; he belonged in particular to Seda-sy8. But what is singular, with all these numerous troops and with all their boasting, as soon as Seda-sy8’s troops began to feel the pulse of the Abdalies, in a few skirmishes, they conceived themselves to be an undermatch for them; and, contrary to the Marhatta custom, and to their usual method of warfare, their Generalissimo retired beyond Panip8t, where he surrounded his army with his baggage, round which he planted his cannon; and this was so very numerous that his intrenchment might have borne the appellation of a wall that vomited fire and flames. Not satisfied with that, he added another intrenchment, made up of the earth of a fossé which he ordered to be dug up immediately. And it was hardly finished, when the victorious army of the Abdalies came up, and spread everywhere round the Marhatta intrenchment; so that every day there was some engagement in which cannon with muskets and rockets, and arrows with sabres and spears, were continually brought to action, and continually held conversation together; and every day produced a deal of bloodshed. But the worst of it was, that the Abdalies, eternally roaming round the Marhatta intrenchment, did not suffer a corn of grain or a blade of grass to find its way thither; insomuch that nothing being brought to the Marhatta camp, this nation experienced for the first time the horrors of want, and learned from experience what it was that the world called distress and famine. For every part of their camp was blocked up and besieged, save their rear, which was open towards Lahor, and this too, the Abdalies found means to infest, having taken two or three convoys that were coming from thence. The Abdali-king seeing that the enemies chose rather to suffer the hardships of distress than to quit their intrenchment, resolved to give a general assault. It was the twenty-eighth of the second Rebi, in the year 1174. Djehan-qhan and Shah-pesend-qhan, with Nedjib-ed-döwlah, were to lead the van; Shudjah-ed-döwlah and Ahmed-qhan-bangash, with the other three Rohilla Princes, were to head the main; and the King himself, with his Vezir, Veli-qhan, surnamed Eshref-el-anvar, brought up the corps de reserve. The Marhattas, on seeing this disposition, came out of theit intrenchment and took their post a little farther, at full one arrow’s throw in the plain. The combat became furious at once, and a continual slaughter took place between the two Bloody actions between the Marhattas and the Abdalies. parties, from midday as far as the evening; so that there remained but one hour of sun-shine, when the Rohillahs, under Nedjib-ed-döwlah broke through a furious storm of muskets and rockets, and penetrated on foot within the intrenchment, where they commenced fighting with hand-blows. In this action Belvent-räo, nephew to Seda-sy8, and his right arm in everything, being struck by a musket-ball, fell dead from his horse; and the engagement would have been final, had not the night fallen upon the combatants, and by throwing her sable veiI between them, put it out of their power to distinguish the friend from the foe. The Rohillahs after distinguishing themselves in so glorious a manner, came out of the intrenchment and returned to their camp. It was after this furious engagement that intelligence came that Govind-pandett, a Marhatta General, at the head of ten or twelve thousand horse, was coming from Atava, with a large convoy of treasure and provisions; that he was already at Shah-dera, in the highroad over against Shah-djehan-abad; and that his intention was, first of all, to plunder Mahtra, and some other dependencies of Nedjib-ed-döwlah, and then to cross the Djumnah at C8ndj-p8ra, from whence he expected to join Seda-sy8’s army. The King informed of all these particulars, dispatched Atäi-qhan, and the son of the late Abdol-semed-qhan, with five thousand horse, in hopes of their intercepting the convoy. The two Generals departed immediately, and crossing the Djumnah at the ford of Agra and Bacshaïet they advanced to Shah-dera, where having put to the sword Tar8-shungur, the Governor, with his whole garrison, they proceeded to Ghazi-eddin-nagur, a town at six cosses only from the Capital, and there also they put to the sword a body of Marhattas stationed on purpose to meet the convoy. Continuing their march with the utmost rapidity, they arrived at the very spot where Govind-pandett was just arrived, and falling upon him at once, they destroyed him and his whole army. After this rapid execution they cut his head, and taking possession of the convoy, they returned to the Abdaly camp. This Govind-pandett is the same man, who, having been detached from the camp at Sukur-tal, had crossed the Ganga, and ruined so much country, and had fled back again, after having received a severe check from Shudjah-ed-döwlah. This massacre happened the 29th of the second Djemady, in the year 1174.

Meanwhile the blockade of the Marhatta camp continued, The Marhattas blockaded in their camp, come to a pitched battle. and the besieged commenced to suffer from the immondices of all sorts, in which it necessarily abounded. The smell became insupportable; famine was already felt; numbers of poor people were daily swept away, totally famished; and a mortality also, the constant result of famine and uncleanness, was committing its ravages. Hundreds of people dropped down every day. In this extremity the besieged Generals consulted together, and it was unanimously agreed to, “That as the army was consuming itself with famine and mortality, it was better, whilst their bodily strength was yet unimpaired, to march out and fight the enemy, be the event what it would.” With this resolution they marched out. It was on a Thursday, the sixth of the second Djemady, in the year 1174 of the Hedjrah. Hibrahim-qhan-gardi marched at the head with his artillery; the rest of the army followed in order, and advanced with a slow pace towards the Abdali-camp, where the troops were mounted and ready, but where they had orders to let the Marhattas advance farther within the plain. They advanced in effect, filling the air with cries of Hari-Har, and their Moghul cavalry advanced to a skirmish with the enemy, but they were terribly handled by the Abdali van, commanded by Shudjah-ed-döwlah, by Nedjib-ed-döwlah, and by many other illustrious Commanders, whose flaming sabres had long thirsted after their prey. These having called to their assistance the Divine Disposer of victories advanced upon the enemy, whose Moghul skrimishers and Marhatta light cavalry, unable to bear a well directed fire made by the Rohillahs armed with heavy muskets, were thrown into confusion, and forced to retreat within the intrenchment; here the runaways mixing with the troops stationed there, communicated their disorder, and carried them away in their flight. Seda-sy8 and Vasvass-räo, without taking much notice of the disorder in camp, advanced to the charge, with drawn sabres, and spears couched; and falling upon Shudjah-ed-döwlah and Nedjib-ed-döwlah, a warm engagement ensued, in which the air was filled, and the Abdali army deafened, with their war-cry of Harri-Har^\(273\). The two Hindostany Princes advanced to the encounter, supported by the Abdali-king in person, who fought at the head of his troops, and exhibited amazing proofs of personal prowess. Under the eyes of such a General, every one exerted himself to the utmost. A furious engagement took place, and for full two hours there arose such a cloud of dust that none of the combatants could distinguish the earth from the heavens. From mid-day to four o’clock nothing could be heard, or seen, but a furious slaughter which was going on at an incredible rate. At that time only, the dust having subsided a little, a whole field was discovered interspersed with an infinite number of Marhattas, who had all set out in company for the region of Nothingness. They were led thither by Vasvass-räo, the heir of the Marhatta Empire, a Prince yet in the bloom of youth and beauty, who fell by a musket-ball, and Seda-sy8, the principal General, with his bravest officers, closed the rear of that departed army. The corps de reserve was brought up by Djingo, the brave Djingo! who that day said farewell to his existence. The rest of the Generals followed promiscuously, with all their officers and soldiers; and it was in that order that this departed army at once presented itself on the frontiers of eternity. Hibrahim-qhan-gardi was taken prisoner, and for a while suffered to enjoy the pleasure of having escaped the general massacre, when an order came for his being beheaded, and that man who had made so much noise in the world, plunged at once into the abyss of eternity^\(274\). The field of battle looked like a tract sown with tulips, and as far as the sight Battle of Penip8t, where 80,000 Marhattas are destroyed. could extend, nothing could be discovered but bodies stretched at the foot of bodies, as if they had been asleep, or marshalled by art. After the battle, two and twenty thousand women, girls, and children of both sexes, some of them persons of distinction and related to the most illustrious of the slain, were distributed amongst the victorious, who plundered an incredible quantity of money, jewels, and fine stuffs, nor is there coming at any computation of the mighty sum. The whole of that numerous artillery, with two hundred thousand oxen and cows, fifty thousand horses, five hundred large elephants, and an infinity of camels and mules, fell into the hands of the victorious. The date of this mighty victory has been conserved in the chronogram of the following quartrain, by the care of the illustrious Poet Mir-g8lam-aaly, of Belgram, the same who composed the chronogram on the victory over of Data-sindhia. It is as follows:—

Some thousands of Marhattas, who had escaped the sword, and were rambling about without any Commanders, were attacked by the peasants, who, incited not only by that cowardly disposition which is innate with their vile nature, but also by the remembrance of what they had suffered from those freebooters, did not spare them, but began plundering, stripping, and killing as many as they could come at. Shimshir-bahadyr, half-brother to Baladji-räo, by a dance-woman, was by the assistance of a body of plunderers, ferried over the stream that parts this world from eternity; and this being the last of the Commanders of character among the Marhattas, it may be said that not one of them escaped with life. Amongst the inferior officers, only Petil-mahadji-sindiah and Holcar-malhar found means to get off; the latter, after an infinity of adventures, contrived to reach Malva, from whence he proceeded to P8nah, to be the harbinger of disastrous tidings. Baladji-räo, amazed at so shameful and bloody a defeat, would not survive it. He pined away with sorrow and discontent, and in five months and a few days after, he went to join his son and brother. Some days before this battle, a certain saint of theirs, called SAd-dë8, but surnamed Dudjutt, who resided at Aoreng-abad, went in haste to join his prototype, as if to shew his followers, then in the field, the way to the regions of hell.

It ought to be remarked, that Baladji-räo, some days before his death, had directed that the shares, usually allowed to the washerman, the writer, the barber, the carpenter, the plough-smith, and some others, upon the crop raised in each village, should be seized for his use, which, in so extensive an Empire, amounted to no inconsiderable sum. But Providence, that watchful mother of the injured, did not suffer him to enjoy the fruits of his covetousness; for he died at a time when this regulation had not extended to the distant parts of his dominions.

The Abdali-king, after so important a victory, gave some repose to his army, and then marched into the territory of Delhi, where he spent a few days, and where he bestowed the Empire of Hindostan on Shah-aalam, alias Aaly-goher; the office of Vezir, on Shudjah-ed-döwlah; and the dignity of Prince of Princes on Nedjib-ed-döwlah. He recommended them to each other, exhorted them to union and concord, and ordered that Nedjib-ed-döwlah should reside in Shah-djehan-abad to take care of Mirza-djuvan-baqht’s person, with injunctions to send as soon as possible for Shah-aalem, his father, who was then waging war in Bengal. He likewise sent for Shudjah-ed-döwlah, and recommended him to be submissive to Shah-aalem, whom he was to bring over and assist with all his might. After this injunction, he made him a present of his own arms, with a horse and a superb qhylaat, and dismissed him to his principality. The Monarch, after having dispatched some other business, The victorious Abdali-monarch retires to dominions, which detained him as far as the sixteenth of Shaaban, quitted the gardens of Shaleh-mar, in the environs of Delhi, and set out for Candahar by continual marches, leaving by the way a Deputy-Governor at Lahor. It was in the year 1174.

After his departure Shudjah-ed-döwlah set out for A8d in the blessed month of Ramazan, and he was advancing by continual marches, when there happened an event that deserves to be mentioned. One of his friends, called Sëid Saleh, surnamed the Veridic, who was then with him, used to recount to me that, as Shudjah-ed-döwlah was advancing to join the Abdali-king, he met, about the town of Secandarah, a detachment of a kind of men different from the Marhattas, (these last having made their Singular appearance of a young man, slain. appearance only three or four months after) and had an engagement with them; but my friend having occasion to pass that way sometime after, he found the plain covered with bodies half eaten or rotten, amongst which he was surprised to see a body which seemed to be betwixt twenty-five and thirty. It had on a large pair of whiskers, a beard close shaved, with a clean hangreca upon its back, and shewed a freshness of complexion quite exempt from any putrefaction. My friend was then with Mollah, or Doctor Abbass, the Mazenderanian, and three or four others, who were as much amazed as himself. Nine months after, when Shudjah-ed-döwlah was returning to his dominions after having taken leave of the Abdali-king, the army chanced to pass again over that same field, at which time my friend had an opportunity of looking over that plain again, where amongst a quantity of bones with which he was amazed to see again that same young man, with his clothes on, and the body as entire as ever, without its having lost either beard or whiskers. Mollah Abbass, astonished at what he saw, exclaimed that this young man surely must have been a Sëyd^\(275\), and sending for some pioneers, as the army was so near, he ordered a fosse to be made for him. Some of the by-standers, who had winding sheets^\(276\) in their bags, wanted to strip the young man, and to put a winding sheet about him. But this was objected to by the Mollah, who observed that the body must be left unstripped, as the clothes it had on were its proper winding sheet. This being agreed to, they all joined in prayers, and then committed it to the earth.

To return to our narrative. Shudjah-ed-döwlah, without tarrying at Lucknow, came out and marched down to Sëyd-p8r, close to Benares, as we have already mentioned in a former volume, whilst Shah-aalem himself was quitting the neighbourhood of Azim-abad to come to the same town. There Shudjah-ed-döwlah having paid his respects to the Prince, took him to Djo8sy, over against Ilah-abad, where he threw a bridge of boats upon the Ganga, and crossed over with him on the fifth Zilhidj of that same year; after which he encamped at Ilah-abad, which he made the centre of his victorious standards. From thence he advanced to Djadj8, where he took up his winter quarters.. In a few days he turned away all the Marhatta collectors, and established throughout the whole Anterbid Shah-aalem’s government; after which, as soon as the rainy season was over, he decamped on the sixth of the second Rebi, in the year 1175, and marched to Calpy, after having appointed his favourite Minister, Beni-bahadyr, for his Deputy all over his dominions. From Calpy, which he took out of the hands of the Marhattas, he carried the Emperor beyond the Djumnah, where he took some rest at the fort of Djehansi, and as the Marhatta Governor refused to surrender, he was forced to it, after his fort had been battered for some time. Hitherto Shudjah-ed-döwlah had acted as a Vezir, but he had not yet received the investiture of that high office. This ceremony took place on the twenty-first Shudjah-ed-döwlah appointed Vezir to Shah-aalem. of that month, at which time he received from the Emperor a qhylaat of seven pieces, with four plates of jewels and gems, and these were followed by a chaplet of pearls which was thrown over his neck, whilst he was presented with the casket of Vezir, which was of gold, studded with jewels. Three days after, his son, Mirza-amani, was honoured with the superintendence of the Gh8sl-qhana, or of the private apartments. Nor is it our intention to say nothing more of this Prince; but it becomes necessary at present, that we should attend for a while to the affairs of Decan.

We have already mentioned that Baladji-räo having pined away in despiar for the destruction of his armies, had gone to join his brother and his eldest son. The Crown, therefore, devolved to his youngest son, Mad8-räo, then a child, as did the management of affairs, to his brother, Ragonat-räo. This happened at the end of the year 1174. The next year his neighbour, Nizam-aaly-qhan, now surnamed the second Nizam-el-mulk, expecting to make his profit of that minority, put himself with his brother, Selabet-djung, at the head of a numerous army; and for some secret reasons which have not transpired, he set out from the Fortress of Beder where he had been for sometime encamped, and marched directly to Aoreng-abad. But he was prevented by Ragonat-rao, who taking the young Mad8-rao with him, quitted P8nah at the head of a numerous army, and marched to Shah-gur, where the two armies came in sight of each other; and much skirmishing took place for several days, when Nizam-aaly, leaving his heavy baggage and other impedements at Aoreng-abad, set out with a firm intention to push for P8nah. It was the 23rd of that month, in the same year. The Marhattas threw themselves in his way, but he led them, beating over and over as far as within seven cosses distance from that Capital. There was in his way a town called T8tca, upon the shore of the Ganga of Decan^\(277\), a place that contained a Gentoo temple, extremely revered, and where the Marhattas had raised many noble buildings. These he levelled with the ground, breaking the idol itself to pieces, and he was going to serve P8na in the same manner, when a defection appeared in his army. For Mir-moghol, surnamed Nassyr-el-mulk, sixth son of Nizam-el-mulk’s, having conceived some disgust against his brothers, joined his concerns with Radjah Ram-chunder, a Commander of importance in Nizam-aaly’s army, and both departed and joined the Marhattas. This officer was shocked at the little regard shewn to the Gentoo temple, and thought his conscience concerned. This defection happened the twenty-seventh of the first Djemady, of the year 1174. The Gentoo Commander carried Nizam-aaly avails himself of these broils to force the Marhattas to a very advantageous
treaty. his whole brigade with him, and it was a numerous one. After this junction, matters altered considerably; and the Marhattas, who had the worst all along this campaign, now spread themselves round the Mussulman army on the very next day, and commenced a furious cannonade. This kind of warfare not pleasing the valorous and the zealous in Nizam-aaly’s army, they advanced beyond their own artillery, and proceeded to hand-blows; when mixing with those men that fought at a distance, they stretched vast numbers of them in the field of battle, amongst which were several relations of both Madh8-räo and Ragonat-räo, which latter fought on foot that day. The Marhattas, sensible now that they were an undermatch for their enemies, thought proper to retreat, and to encamp at a distance, in order to consult together. They found that all their efforts had hitherto availed nothing, and that the enemy was now at seven cosses from P8nah, which he intended to set on fire; and if that comes to pass, said they, what are we fighting for? They were also much affected by a deputation of the inhabitants of P8nah, who asked them, whether they intended to see their habitations on fire, and to deliver their children and families to the Mussulmen? The Marhattas greatly affected by this remonstrance, as well as by their own situation, sent Ambassadors to Nizam-aaly, to treat of an accommodation. Nizam-aaly consented, and sold them a peace for several Districts, which they ceded to him from the Provinces of Aoreng-abad and Beder, to the amount of twenty-seven lacs a year. This treaty took place the sixth of the second Djemady, just one year after the Abdalies had gained that memorable victory over the Marhattas. Nizam-aaly, after so advantageous a peace, marched back to his Capital, and by the way he turned towards Ram-chunder’s country to punish him for his desertion. That whole tract was given up for plunder to the army, and it was completely ravaged and ruined. The rainy season setting in at this time, (and this was about the fourteenth of Zilhidj, in the year 1175) he took up his winter quarters at Beder, and that same day he confined in the citadel his brother, Selabet-djung: a confinement in which he lived fifteen months; after which death came Selabet-djung’s death. to his relief, and having delivered him from the confinement of his prison, it carried his soul to the spacious plains of eternity, where it let it loose. His body was buried in a corner of the Mausoleum of Shah-mahmed-m8ltani. Whilst Nizam-aaly was at Beder, he received from Aaly-goher, now styled Shah-aalem, the Qhylaat of the Government of the whole Decan, vacant by the demise of Selabet-djung, the Lord of the Kingdoms. This Qhylaat he put on with the usual ceremonies; after which he appointed Radja Pertavent, a Hedjur-bedi-brahman, who was citizen of the town of Sangmir, to be his Prime Minister, and the director of every affair of State in his dominions.

Whilst Nizam-aaly was putting on his Qhylaat, Ragonat and Madh8-räo were going to pass the rainy season at P8nah, where dissentions soon arose between them to such a high degree, that Madh8-rao’s Ministers determined to seize Ragonat’s person on the first opportunity. It was in the year 1176. But the latter receiving timely notice of this scheme thought proper to provide for his safety. He set out from P8nah with a small number of followers, and took to the road of Nassuc. There Dissensions and several engagements between Madh8-räo, the Marhatta ruler, and his uncle, Ragonat-räo was at that time at Aoreng-abad, a noble personage, by name Mahmed-m8rad-qhan-bahadyr, who had been sent thither by Nizam-aaly, to negotiate with the two parties and to pacify that nation. This nobleman hearing that Ragonat-räo had quitted P8nah in distress, marched out of the city, and met him upon the road, very near Nassuc. This was a lucky event for the fugitive, whose mind was full of fears and anxiety; for having advanced before his people to meet M8rad-qhan, he saluted him as a welcome friend; and the Marhatta Grandees concluding from this step of M8rad-qhan’s that Ragonat-räo’s cause was supported by Nizam-aaly, they flocked to him with their troops in such numbers, as soon to give his retinue the appearance of something like a military force. Ragonat-räo being thus reinforced, advanced from Aoreng-abad to Ahmed-nugur; whilst Madh8-räo, on his side, was quitting P8nah with a body of troops, and pushing for his enemy; and having soon overtaken him, an engagement took place, in which Madh8-räo, the nephew, was worsted by Ragonat-rao, the uncle. The next day he came to see him, and made use of many excuses. Whilst they were conferring together, Nizam-aaly, who had marched with intention to support Rag8nat-räo, arrived, but he found the quarrel already made up. It was at a place called Bedercan8r, where the Marhatta Prince advanced to meet him, and where they embraced each other; after which they interchanged several entertainments. Rag8nat-räo, to acknowledge the readiness with which Nizam-aaly had marched to his assistance, made him a present of several Districts to the amount of fifty lacs a year, to which he added the Fortress of Dö8let-abad. The patents of these two grants were drawn up in due form, and put in his hands. But this whole affair having been managed by M8rad-qhan alone, it gave so much jealousy to Radja Pertavent, the Prime Minister, that he resolved to break a treaty which seemed to eclipse him. Without waiting till Nizam-aaly’s people should have taken possession of the fortress, or settled Collectors and Governors all over the ceded Districts, he turned his master’s mind in such a manner, that he proposed to arrest Rag8nat-räo, and to substitute in his stead another Marhatta Prince, called Djano-dji, son to Rag8-dji-bosslah, who was then Mucasdar or hereditary Collector of the Province of Barar, and whom he brought to camp under promise of putting him at the head of the regency at P8nah. But whilst Nizam-aaly was regulating another man’s house, he experienced dissensions in his own. His brother, Mirza-mogul deserted from his family, in order to throw himself in the arms of the Marhattas, but having soon discovered that his new friends were much more inclined to quarrel amongst themselves than to pay any attention to either his person or interest, he took a disgust at his situation, and came back to his brother, who received him kindly.

Meanwhile the first treaty having been broke in so unexpected a manner, Nizam-aaly marched with a numerous army against Rag8nat-räo, who being unwilling to try his forces in a pitched battle, wheeled round, and commenced plundering and ravaging the country; a practice from which there is no weaning a Marhatta. With thirty thousand horse, he advanced to the very suburbs of Aoreng-abad, and asked of the inhabitants of that city an immense contribution. But Mutemen-el-mulk, Governor of the Province, availed himself so well of the small force and small artillery, which he had at hand; he distributed the burghers so well upon the towers and walls of the city, and made so good an use of the activity of the Himmet-qhanbahadyr, Ragonat-räo attempts to escalade Aoreng-abad, but is vigorously repulsed. Cutval of the Police; that Rag8nat-räo was kept in play with negotiations and messages, until Nizam-aaly might be at hand. Nevertheless, the Marhatta, who was apprised of the state of the place, resolved to storm it. On the twentieth of Shaaban, in the year 1177, his people advanced at day-break to the foot of the wall, and applied to it a number of scaling ladders, as well as some of the loftiest elephants, by which expedient they got upon the wall; and tearing some boards from about the gates, they wanted to make use of them as a bridge to get down from the towers. But Himmet-qhan and Mirza-bakyr-qhan having run directly to that part, and exhorted some of the bravest citizens that had followed them, to exert themselves in defending their honor and their families, this exhortation had such a good effect, that those brave burghers, some of whom were so ill armed, as to have no other arms than their own slippers, fell vigorously upon those that had got upon the wall, and overthrew them down on the other side, where they all perished; nor did another attack on an opposite part of the city succeed better. There were likewise numbers of Marhattas slain, and here likewise the citizens bravely defended their walls against the escalade. In the confusion the driver of the elephant on which Ragonat-räo rode, having been struck by a musket-ball and an arrow, the animal turned its back; and this arrow, like a line drawn across, parted the combatants. The attack ceased at once; and Rag8nat-räo, having had full time to bite the finger of shame and disappointment, returned to his camp. The next day, on hearing that Nizam-aaly’s victorious standards were at hand, he decamped, and marched into the Buglana. This was the sixth day after Aoreng-abad had been invested; and Nizam-aaly arrived at the very time, when the Marhattas had turned towards Barar, with intention to saccage that province. But Nizam-aaly, advancing by long marches to Balap8r, threw himself in their way, and stopped them short, as by a wall. Ragonat-räo, sensible of this, wheeled round his rear, and giving him the slip, he marched close under the walls of Aoreng-abad, on his way to Haïder-abad itself, a Capital at fifteen days’ journey from the latter city. Nizam-aaly pursued, and advanced on his pursuit as far as the shores of the Ganga of Decan. There he altered his mind, and instead of scampering after those freebooters, he thought it more advantageous to turn about, and to march straight to P8nah. Being arrived beyond Ahmed-nugur, he informed his Commanders as well as his army of his intention, and he declared that he meant no less than to pay those freebooters in kind, by burning their habitations and sacking their country. He was as good as his word, and putting his design into execution everywhere, he advanced within ten cosses of P8nah, where he encamped. The inhabitants of that Capital had fled with their families, either to the strongh olds, or to some difficult mountainous tracts; and the city remaining empty, it was set on fire, and with all its buildings, levelled with the ground; and both that city and its territory were plundered, sacked and ruined; nor was anything spared. Let us admire that Providence, which by Divine ways of its own, could bring about such an unexpected change. Three years before, whilst Baladji and his nephew, Sada-sy8, were alive, the Marhatta name was so much respected from the bottom of Decan up to the walls of Lahor, that no man could be found daring enough to lay his hand upon a straw belonging to a man of that nation; and behold! a short time after, P8nah itself, the Capital of that formidable Marhatta Empire, falls a prey to gangs of plunderers, and those buildings, that had cost lacs upon lacs, are plundered and sacked, and then given for food to a devouring fire. The date of this expedition has been conserved in the Nizam-aaly gives a finishing blow to the Marhatta power. following verses of the composition of Mir-evlad-mahmed-zeca, nephew to Mir-g8lam-aaly, the freed, that famous Poet of Belgram, and here is the chronogram of that event, in the last verse of the following quartrain:

Whilst Nizam-aaly was sacking P8nah, Ragonat-räo was before the walls of Haïder-abad, exerting every nerve to make himself master of the city. But the Governor, Dilir-qhan, the Aoreng-abadian, had so well encouraged the citizens, had raised such a body of troops, made such a provision of necessaries, and disposed every thing so ably and with so much order, that all Ragonat’s attacks and efforts proved abortive, and they ended only in his losing a great number of men. So that finding himself baffled here also, he fell back and retreated. The remainder of this singular campaign is not come to my knowledge, in such a manner as to enable me to speak of it properly. Nevertheless, although little is to be expected from my slender abilities, I hope to be able to give a proper account of it, as soon as I acquire more particulars and more certain information on the subject. This much is only come to my knowledge, upon the affairs of Decan, that at this time, that is in the year 1195 of the Hedjira^\(279\), Nizam-aaly-qhan, who richly deserves the title of second Assef-dja, enjoys now the dominion of most of the Provinces left him by his father and governs with a firmness of command that does him honor. Only there is a report that in the war which rages now between the English and Haïder-naïc, in the Province of Arcat, and again between the English and the Marhattas in the western parts of Decan, Nizam-aaly is not so neutral as he looks, and that underhand he favorizes the Indian cause. But this I offer only as a surmise, as the truth of it is what God only may know.

My memoirs are much more certain with respect to the affairs of Hindostan, and the Capital of the Empire. S8r8dj-mull the Prince, Djatt, was unwilling to submit to Nedjib-ed-döwlah, whom the Abdali-king had appointed guardian of the young Prince Djuvan-baqht, as well as Regent of the Empire, until Shah-aalem himself should be arrived from Azim-abad. Sensible of the weakness of the Empire, he resolved to benefit by it at any rate, notwithstanding the dreadful chastisement that had been inflicted under his very eyes upon the Marhattas, and he opened a negotiation for that purpose with the Governor of the castle of Acber-abad. Without reflecting on the consequence of his action, he engaged him, under promise of a large sum of money, to deliver that citadel to him. And thus a Hindoo and a Djatt became the master of one of the two Capitals of Hindostan, that is of a mighty city where the Babrian Emperors had been these many ages hoarding up their treasures, stores, and precious fortune.

END OF THE SIXTEENTH SECTION, AND OF THE THIRD VOLUME.