Siyar al-Muta'ahirin - The Seir Mutaqherin, Volume 3

The Author accounts for the peculiar character of the Indians, from the peculiarities of the soil—Indian Princes love their subjects, as fond parents do their children—On the contrary, the English hate the natives of India, and disdain their company—Twelve causes assigned for the diminution of revenue and population all over Bengal—The first, that the English are aliens—The second is their ignorance of the customs and usages of the country—Account of those usages— A Daroga of Audaulet-office—A Cazi—This last office greatly abused now—A Sadr-el-S8d8r—Governor Hastings, informed in time, rescues an infinity of families from the oppressions of the actual Sadr—Fervent prayer of the Author’s—The Daroga of the Audaulet, another Civil Judge, whose office is shockingly abused at this day—The Emperors and Rulers of Hindostan think it their duty to sit as Supreme Judges—Warning given to the Princes of Hindostan by the Author—Unsociableness and inaccessibleness of the English, another great defect of their Government—The Mohtesib, or Clerk of the Market— The Vacaa-naviss, and Sevana-naviss—The Emperor, by the means of the post, minutely informed every day of what happens in the remotest parts of the Empire—Two singular notes in the hand of the Emperor Aoreng-zib’s—The Fodjdars, Military Commandants in some fortresses and some difficult countries—An infinity of persons in each province dependent immediately on the Emperor, and not on the respective Viceroys —Extents of duties expected from Fodjdars—Happy conditions of Indians under their native Princes, and latterly under Aaly-verdy-qhan—Third reason or cause, the Zemindars too loose, and too unrestrained, under the English Government —The Fodjdar’s office, as it is excercised now, it become one of the main grievances of the natives—Fourth cause, this country having no apparent master, lies under all the disadvantages of a house unt nanted—Men of confessed superior abilities eternally thwarted by majorities sent from home—Fifth cause, the subordinate rulers do not stay long enough in their employs —Benignity and tenderness of the Indian Emperors to the conquered—The natural insociableness of the English, as well as the inaccessibleness of their rulers, produces the first cause of the declension of these countries—The second is, the difference of language, manners, and way of life—The third is, the endless variations and mutations in posts of trust and importance—Slowness of proceedings in the Supreme Council, is the fourth—Differences in giving audience between the benignity and condescension of the ancient native rulers, and the superciliousness, and roughness of the present ones, is the fifth—The sixth is, the rapacity of the English, who engross all the trade of the country; very differenl in that from their native Princes, who left all those livelihoods to the subjects—Fifty thousand Cavalry, and ninety thousand Infantry kept up in only these three provinces—The seventh cause is, in the exorbitant powers left to Zemindars, a race deemed incorrigible in all ages—Eighth reason, the slowness of proceedings in the Council of Calcatta, and in the subordinate Councils—The ninth is, that wrong custom of giving employments and offices by seniority of rank—Tenth, partiality of the English to their own countrymen—Eleventh, establishment of the Supreme Court of Judicature of Calcutta—Twelfth, the English decide in their closets, what ought not to be decided only in public.

NOTHING is clearer in itself, or better understood by men of intelligence and penetration, than that the gradation of climates is such, that every tract of land has properties of its own, which have been denied to others. In other words, that in consequence of some hidden causes, in a certain tract of land, the diversity of the soil produces immancably a diversity in the genius of the inhabitants, and that this diversity is so self-evident, that the man of perspicuity needs no discourse or argument to be convinced of it; and indeed, were all soils and lands of one and the same nature, that astonishing difference in the colour of the inhabitants, and in the fruits, metals, waters, plants, and animals, so conspicuous everywhere, would not be constant and permanent in every tract of land. Amongst so many climes and so many lands, India looks the strangest country on the face of the earth. Whether we cast our eyes on the actions and practices of the inhabitants, or consider the institutions and maxims by which they are restrained and ruled, nothing in the world bears so evident marks of strangeness and nothing under Heaven is so completely dissimilar from what we see in other countries. This is so far true, that unless the Sovereign turn his inclinations towards a management adapted to the climate and country, no steady Government can be expected; nor is it possible that the ease and prosperity of the inhabitants, or the peace and tranquillity of the country should take place. Now as this climate, in consequence of its being under the influence of Saturn, is dominated by that planet, hence most of its inhabitants are feeble in action, and slow in comprehension; and withal, prove so very feeble in the frame of their bodies, that they have been constantly subdued by foreign conquerors, and vanquished by foreign armies. But, however, so tenacious were at all times the vanquished of their own tenets and customs, that the victors soon found themselves under a necessity of assimilating with them; and so soon as these mighty conquerors had acquired a firm footing in these countries, and the violence and extortions inseparable from a state of warfare, slaughter, and confusion, came to be over, their very first thought was always to quiet the minds of the inhabitants, and to afford them relief, by always becoming their protectors in whatever concerned their lives, fortunes, honors, and families. They used to call up all the abilities of the land to their sides, would give them weight and consequence, and prepose Vezirs and Omrahs of the country to the management of their own affairs. In consequence of such a conduct, each individual, high or low, finding an easy access to the Princes, and to their Ministers^\(118\), used to meet with opportunities of shewing what business he was particularly fit for; so that those Princes, who were naturally endowed with penetration, and had their minds exercised in the art of conjecure, soon found out the capacity and fitness of every one, and soon preposed him to a business adequate to his talents and abilities; whilst themselves, standing above them all as so many overseers, attended to the regulation of affairs, to the tranquillity and ease of the country and its inhabitants, and to the promoting of men of penetration and knowledge; which last never failed, after a proper trial of their abilities and virtuous dispositions, to be advanced to offices of trust and dignity. Hence those Princes lived amongst their people, and amongst their nobles, as kind and condescending parents amongst Indian Princes love their people, as fond parents do their children. their children; nor did they suffer the dust of sorrow to darken the heart of any of the creatures of God, by a show of tenderness to one part of the people, and of rudeness to the other. For they looked upon them all, whether conquerors or conquered, with an equal eye; so that for several ages together, down to the times of Shah-djehan, every thing in Hindostan was quietness, love, and harmony. It is only since the times of Aoreng-zib-Aalem-ghir, his son, a Prince extremely warlike and ambitious, that evils have crept upon the land. But yet these were light matters; for such were the abilities, prowess, and strictness of government under that reign, that the established rules and institutions did not suffer any considerable injury from the wickedness of the turbulent Grandees; nor did the people of God meet with much oppression in the civil wars, during which it never ceased to be protected and cherished. The main evil resulting from his time was this, that to make a diversion in the minds of the people, to the ill renown of ingratitude and hardness of heart, which he had acquired by killing his brothers, and keeping his father in prison, he had assembled the Ecclesiastics about his person, and had given them such unbounded sway, that the populace complimented him with the titles of the Faithful Emperor, ever victorious, and the constant Cherisher of Religion. But those hypocrites no sooner saw themselves at the head of affairs, than their avarice and covetousness gave rise to such a train of evils, as shed even now their baleful influence on these countries, continuing to pour ruin and devastation on the posterity of the Faithful: a revolution which has been succinctly mentioned at the end of our first volume, where our narrative gives the history of the latter Emperors of Hindostan. Matters grew worse in the reign of Feróh-syúr, who was a nothing without brains. In his time Ratan-chund, Divan to Séyd-abdollah-qhan, then omnipotent under the name of Vezir, got so far possession of his master’s mind, that he governed the whole Empire, and drove from the helm, or disgusted entirely those very Grandees and Ministers that had supported its honor and glory, in the time of Aoreng-zib. Then commenced the custom of leasing out all the branches of the Finance-office, and all the districts and lands of the Imperial demesnes. Then bribing men into compliance became of fashion, and of current use; and sluggish people, addicted to their ease, thinking it a good fortune to get at once so much assured money, made no difficulty to sacrifice the sweat of the people of God, and the toil of the helpless farmer, to the rapacity of lease-takers, tax-gatherers, and conractors. It is from those times that must be dated the sinking of rents, the decrease of husbandry, the distress of the people, and their detestation of their Rulers. These evils went on increasing from day to day, till at last the office of Cazy or Judge, and than of Sadr or of Great Almoner, with many other Magistratures, came to be put up publicly to sale; so that the people skilled in law, and in matters of distributive justice, entirely disappeared from the land; nor was anything else thought of, but how to bring money to hand by any means whatever. This, and this alone, became the utmost ambition of all ranks, and especially of the hypocrites amongst the men that meddled with law. It was in such an enfeebled state of the Empire, that there arose a new sort of men, worse than the former, who, so far from setting up for patterns of piety and virtue, or pretending to shew the right way to others, squandered away the lives and properties of the poor with so much barefacedness, that other men, on beholding their conduct, became bolder and bolder, and practised the worst and ugliest actions, without fear or remorse; so far are they from thinking it a shame or an infamy to imitate and follow such examples. From those men sprung an infinity of evil-doers, who plague the Indian world, and grind the face of the wretched inhabitants. Those men having in process of time assembled in bodies, there arose an age of senseless, slothful Princes, and of Grandees, ignorant and meddling. Then it was that the Sun of Justice and Equity, that had already been verging from the meridian, inclined downwards, degree by degree, and at last entirely set in the Occident of ignorance, imprudence, violence, and civil wars. It is in consequence of these excesses, that evils are arisen to such a height, as render a remedy impossible. It is in consequence of such wretched administrations, that every part of Hindia has gone to ruin, and every one of its discouraged inhabitants have broken their thearts. Life itself is become disgustful to most. So that, on comparing the present times with the past, one is apt to think that the world is overspread with blindness, and that the earth is totally overwhelmed with an everlasting darkness.

Amidst the strange events which these revolutions have brought about, the introduction of European foreigners, in the heart of the land, is an important one. The wise men of Europe have been casting their eyes upon the conquest of India, and have contrived to achieve great part of that conquest, having already acquired an absolute dominion in several tracts. But such is the complete difference, and the total dissimilarity ??etwixt the manners of their own country, and the customs and usages of Hindostan, that all the endeavours of their chief Rulers, and all the resorts they have put in motion, have answered no purpose at all; nor has the face of regulation in the country, and of ease On the contrary, the English hate the natives of India, and disdain their company. to the inhabitants, made its appearance as yet. But, over and above those considerations, it may be said with great truth, that such is the aversion which the English openly shew for the company of the natives, and such the disdain which they betray for them, that no love, and no coalition (two articles, which, by the bye, are the principle of all union and attachment, and the source of all regulation and settlement) can take root between the conquerors and the conquered; and as we see that the very reverse is actually taking place, so we may rest assured, that the distresses of the people, and the depopulation and desertion of the land, will go hand in hand, until they are come to their height, and the desolation is become complete and general. Such a state of things may be deduced from several causes, which I hope to be able gradually to unfold. And the first is, that these new Rulers are quite alien to this country, both in customs and manners; and quite strangers to the methods of raising tribute, as well as to the maxims of estimating the revenues, or of comprehending the ways of tax-gathering; because in their country a Landlord or Zemindar paying Royal rent from year to year to The author assigns the fail of rents, and the decrease of population and revenue, to twelve causes, which he explains at length. The first is, that the English have at all times, and still are, strangers and aliens. the public treasury, is a being that has no existence. Taxes and imposts upon husbandry and land, Soobadaries, Fodjdaries, Qhalissas, and Djaghirs are not customary in that country. As much as I can trust to the information I have obtained from intelligent persons amongst them, it appears that they take something, by way of duty, from coaches, and from windows of houses, from plate and other vessels of gold and silver, and from merchandise; and that they differ widely from the customs of this country, in the mode of giving salaries to the servants of Government, and to those that are at the head of affairs; as well as in punishing misdemeanours and trespasses. Insomuch that there are some trespasses that are finable in this country, and are not there; some more that are reputed slight here, and are accounted very high there, and some that are the very reverse. On the other hand, there are some other matters that are unnoticed here, and passed by, and are not so there; some practices, which are become there of custom and obligation, and which here have never been heard of, or seen; as for instance, counting the inhabitants of every town and city, and examining how much they may have earned, and how much spent; how many are dead, and how many are their children, and how many their old men. In one word, it may be said in general, and indeed in almost every institution and custom, that there is a wide difference betwixt the two nations and Governments; and that it is of such a nature as cannot be remedied at all. Nor does it seem possible to bring the people of this country into such customs and usages; whereas the English being accustomed to them in their own country, want to introduce them here likewise, and think such an introduction easy, and of small moment.

The second cause is, that what little these foreigners have The second cause is the ignorance of the English in what concerns the customs and usages of the country, as well as in what may be the intent and aim of those usages and customs. gleaned of the institutions of this country, and which they have examined and committed to their registers, proves to be no more than what they have learned from their own servants. Hence they know nothing of either the reason or intent of them, but by the absurd report of their own servants, who being all beardless and unexperienced, have no view but that of their own benefit, and think only of pleasing their English masters. Those men never fail to shew a deal of revenue matter in every institution and custom; and they are so firm in that opinion, that one would be inclined to believe, that the setting up this and that institution was for no other view, but that of scraping together a few pence; not that it could have any other intent, but that of hooking in some more; and in reality there is no other for men of such sordid dispositions. Nor is this opinion a novel one; it is of some standing, and has commenced so early as the times of Feróh-syur. No wonder then if these foreigners, that are lately come into this country, and know nothing in any such matters, should take for truth, and for useful advice, such crude explanations as are afforded by those that approach their persons, and should act according to what information they receive. Nevertheless, such is their natural genius, and such their innate penetration, that of their own accord they have set aside and abolished some institutions, which they thought oppressive; and here in an instance of this: The first Mussulmen Sovereigns disapproved of public women, and of their being of general use, especially on the eve of a Friday, which is a day particularly holy^\(119\); nor would they suffer any one to defile himself with the crime of fornication; and therefore they denounced punition, and even a capital one, against any such as indulged in keeping in their houses slave-girls or concubines, without having them consecrated by the forms of law, and the rites of religion; and for these reasons they discerned a variety of pains, which to sinners appeared as hard as death itself, or any other extreme misfortune. It was on that account they had appointed a Daroga, whose business was to be informed of any such women as had rendered themselves public, and had made profession of prostitution; and this officer’s business was to take from them a heavy fine every day, and, if found trespassing against the eve of Friday, a heavier one. The drum and hautboy players were also put under this officer’s inspection, that they might not go to play anywhere without his knowledge and leave. He had also the authority of determining finally such differents as arose in that tribe amongst themselves, and a power to repress their excesses, and punish their misdemeanours. In this there was another intent and view; namely, that in feasts and weddings, every one should send for as much music only as his means could afford, without casting, in his entertainment, an eye of jealousy upon the Nobles and his betters; and without launching out into expenses of prodigality, or pretending to equal, still less, to surpass his superiors. But, as we have already remarked, people of sordid dispositions did not fail, this longwhile, to pervert this institution into a catch-penny, and an item of tax-gathering; and, shutting their eyes upon the original intent of it, they have observed no other end in it, than the wretched one of scraping up a little money by such a pretence; so that even this pitiful article has been converted into an item of the tax-gathering business. This is so far true, that the English themselves conceiving it to be a shameful finesse, that drew after it the worst consequences, have forbidden that tax in their dominions, and totally abolished it. And so it is with every one institution besides. And indeed, if those strangers, who have naturally much penetration and much impartiality, were made acquainted with the infamous practices now in vogue, but concealed under the bark of institution and custom, it is highly probable that they would endeavour to correct them, as so many defects in administration. It is therefore to assist their efforts in that view, that I shall assume the task of explaining the reason and intent of some of those institutions and customs of Hindostan; and I am in full hopes that my notions shall awaken the minds of men of sense upon subjects so misunderstood.

The Cazy’s or Judge’s office, for instance, was to put in Cazy’s office, that is, that of Judge of such civil and criminal matters as are relative to religion. force the ordinances of the law, without partiality or pity, in every matter, and against any person whose case should require his animadversion; and as he had a salary from the treasury, and such a Djaghir besides from the Emperor’s liberality as, afforded amply to all his wants, he did dot dare to take any fee or any bribe from any one; and if peradventure any one was found capable of any such infamy, he became from that moment an object of the Imperial resentment, was adjudged guilty of having dishonoured the law and the Mussulman religion, and became henceforward and object of taunt and reproach from every rank of men. Insomuch that finding himself pointed out with the finger, he pined away with shame and remorse, was for ever excluded from any office, and remained infamous and cursed in this world and the other. But now since from a length of time, it is become customary to put up everything to sale, the office of Cazy is leased out, and under-leased; and a practice which never was heard of in any nation, in any religion, or in any sect whatever, is become a matter of course; so that we see every day faithless Cazies, who, ignorant even of the principles of Musulmanism, and worse in their lives than so many Renegadoes and so many Atheists, take leases of what they call the Cazy’s rights, and under-lease them openly to others, although these rights are no more than so many new inventions to torment the Mussulmen of this land, and to extort money from them, under a variety of pretences. No wonder then, if it is come to pass, that by the repeated efforts, and the serious approbation of those faithless wretches, those new-fangled practices have taken such deep root, as to become the current creed of those under-judges; insomuch, that to reclaim them from those practices, is become an absolute impossibility. One would say that the holy sentence, Shew me, O Lord! those that have made me go astray, that I may trample them under my feet, has been revealed on purpose for them.

Here is, for instance, one of the inventions set up by those Abuses that now seem to make a customary part of that awful office. calumniators of the law. Whenever any Mussulman of the poorer sort comes to die, these poor people, who never had any other instructors than those faithless tutors, enemies to all law, never fail to think that until the Cazy’s substitute is come, and has received the fee designed by his principal, the deceased’s spirit does not quit the house; and as sometimes a poor fellow cannot afford the fee, he from that moment is deemed so impure and defiled, himself, his family and dependants, and all, that his very neighbours and acquaintances shun his company, avoid drinking and eating with him, and carry matters so far as to refuse him both fire and water; nor is such an interdict withdrawn until the fee is discharged. So that the deluded man, in despair, either betakes himself to the highway in order to raise the necessary money (and thus acquires a relish for the trade of highwayman), or sells away his ground and furniture, and becomes a vagrant; or at least, he finds means to borrow, and immediately runs in debt; in all which cases, he becomes either useless or pernicious to society; and all that to get rid of the entailed curse upon himself and family.

It is the same with respect to boys that need circumcision, and to the girls that are marriageable, as being both come to the age of puberty. If they chance to be unable to pay the Cazy’s fees, they remain bound for years together, and are debarred, the former, from the rites of circumcision, and the latter, from the comforts of marriage. This superstition and abuse goes so far, that if they continue unable to pay the fees, especially those due to the Cazy, they are sure to consume their lives in privation and sorrow; for it is not possible for them to get rid of the interdict, otherwise than by paying. Hence it is, that so many young persons, of both sexes, being debarred the benefit of either of those rites, turn loose and become dissolute. Those then who after approving of such interdicts and such vexations, still pretend to be Mussulmen, will never make any difficulty, on receiving a sum of money, as Cazy’s fees, to turn right into wrong, and injustice into justice; and what is still more afflicting, they have such a collection of oppressive practices, and they are put in force so barefacedly, that it would be tedious and painful to mention them at length. However, we shall touch upon some of them, although even with so light a hand.

The Sadr-el-sood8r, or Sadr of Sadrs, and the other Sadrs of every Soobah^\(120\), and every Sercar, were established for trying the capacity of the Cazies, and for ascertaining the circumstances of people possessed of Amlács and Aimas, and other lands set apart for pious uses, but especially for watching over the capacities and morals of Cazies, lest by assuming the appearance of learning and knowledge, men ignorant of the principles and rites of Mussulmanism, should find ways to introduce themselves into those offices by dint of artifice and finesse; and thus, from their ignorance of law, religion, faith, and truth, prepare themselves a punition in the other world, and in this. Their office was likewise to take back and to resume such lands, which being originally consecrated to pious uses, should come to fall into the hands of other than such needy and worthy persons, for which they were originally set apart. He was also to protect those persons to whom they had been given in charity, and to prevent or hinder their being dispossessed in their own persons or that of their heirs, either by threats, or by artifice. His business was also to prevent their usurping upon each other, or their making encroachments upon the Crown-lands, or upon such spots as belonged to the Qhalissas, or Exchequer office. These were some of the duties expected from the Sadrs. But now the business of the office of Sadr is become a scene of oppression and violence; and in the hands of that Atheist, Zehor-ollah-beg, it has devoured the substance of thousands of necessitous, inoffensive people; and all this, without his ever minding the consequences, without fear, and without remorse. That man is now dead and gone, and he has carried away upon his shoulders the whole load of the lamentations and groans of an infinity of oppressed, undertrodden people. Thanks be to God! that the words of the Scripture, The Sun is in the middle Governor Hastings, informed in time, rescues an infinity of oppressed families from the grasp of the actual Sadr. of the day, have been verified literally in the Governor’s person, who no sooner heard of the complaints of the holders of charity-lands, and of the oppressions committed under the veil and pretence of Sadrship, than he shewed his detestation of those shameful and sordid actions, and discarded those accursed ones that took upon themselves such a sacred name, and dishonoured the function. At the same time, he confirmed to that office such small fees as were allowed to it, time out of mind, by Emperors, lovers of equity and religion; but he entirely rejected, and utterly abolished the augmentation which this stone-hearted wretch had set up in addition to the perquisites of that office, and which he wanted to carry still higher, as if not yet satisfied with all the havoc he had been doing by raising them from one thousand eight hundred rupees to thirty-five thousand a year. May the Almighty Bestower of Graces and Favors reward the Governor for his having hastened to the assistance of so many afflicted families, and may He put it in his heart, and that of the other heads of administration, to set apart two hours, or even one hour, in every week, for the purpose of taking notice of the many customs and institutions perverted at present; and of listening to the groans and sobs of so many thousands of oppressed ones, who know how to suffer, but cannot speak^\(121\)! Let them consecrate two hours, or even one hour in the week, to so meritorious a purpose. Let them enjoy the luxury of becoming the reversers of every violence and oppression; and let them regale on the dainty of affording relief to those multitudes of the people of God, who groan under a variety of oppressions and exactions, and have no other advocate, and no other comforter, but God Almighty. Let those unfortunate souls find at last in their Rulers a relief from their numberless misfortunes. I have called upon You, O Lord^\(122\), that are the Most Merciful of the merciful! May my request be granted! Amen.

The office of Daroga of the Adalet, that is, of Auditor of The Daroga of the Adalet, another Judge in civil matters. the Court of Justice, was established for the purpose of affording instant relief to such poor, defenceless, weak people, as could not at all times, and for evey subject, resort to the Ministers, and to the Emperors. He was provided with a salary, and a Djaghir suitable to his station; and his business was to sit in his tribunal from day-break^\(123\) to three in the afternoon^\(124\), and to lend an attentive, patient ear to the voice of the oppressed ones, be they whoever they might. If the defendant proved to be a man of consequence, and one whose dignity did not admit of his being sent for, his Attorney was ordered to stand up in his stead, or even himself obliged to attend personally, if the gravity of the case did require it; and the matter was examined with patience, and with an equal look. If it proved to be a slight one, it was made up with the consent of both parties; else, if it proved of moment, then after having carefully ascertained it by witnesses on oath, and by other lawful means, the whole was made up into a Sooret-hal or judicial narrative, and together with the witnesses, and with the plaintiff and defendant, it was presented by the Daroga and his officers to the Emperor and the Minister, who used to sit twice a week on purpose to hear such matters; otherwise, it was presented to the Lieutenant-Governor, or the Lieutenant of the Fodjdar of the town and district, where the different had happened; and the Emperor and the Minister having examined the case, according to their wisdom, gave their decree as they saw fit and equitable. But if the matter was not thoroughly investigated The Emperors and Princes of Hindostan make it one of their duties, to sit as Judges in civil cases. and determined at that one sitting, they referred it to a second; and after such examination as might stand the look of the Imperial eye, they determined according to the rules of truth and justice. Such was the method used in former times. But now the painful task of rendering justice being turned into a powerful engine for making a fortune, the office of Daroga, which so many persons used to decline, is become an object of ambition and strife; and men give presents and make interest to obtain it, whilst Government itself bestows it on them, as an object of favour and predilection. Of late the salaries of the Daroga, and of his officers and dependants, are paid out of the fines and monies arising from it; so that the incumbent, with his dependants, being in the centre of his wishes^\(125\), finds means in a little time to amass immense sums; nor is there any one to enquire after the rate of the perquisites they are drawing from that office. Heretofore few men of piety and knowledge could be found that would dare to take upon themselves such an office, which consisting in decisions about property, exposed their consciences to be answerable to God for errors and misconceptions; nor could the Prince and his Ministers, after an exact inquiry about people of good morals, and sufficient knowledge and fear of God, prevail upon them, but by dint of intreaties, to accept such offices. They bestowed more of their attention upon this part of administration than upon any other; nor did they suffer that injustice should become justice by prescription, or that any one should oppress another, at his will. They took care to appoint proper persons in every branch of such an office, and had rendered extortion and bribery so odious, that to call one a bribe-taker was resented much more, than if it had been the most opprobrious word. It was in consequence of such regulations and attentions that such men of virtuous principles were found out, as reckoned bribery amongst the highest reproaches, and thought it little short of infidelity, and apostacy; whereas venality and bribery, as well as the art of bringing money by any whatever means, are now reckoned amongst the greatest and most laudable qualifications of the knowing ones of these our times; there being rulers and under-rulers, who seek out men of such stamps, and think them the only ones Warning given by the Author to the Princes of Hindostan. capable of business. Hear, ye men of penetration! and benefit by the example. It was so very easy for poor men to arrive at the very feet of the Emperor’s, and to obtain redress, that when, notwithstanding all these precautions, and all these attentions, some oppression chanced to take place, we have instances of oppressed ones, who would sometimes come from two or threes months’ journey, and obtain audience, and expose their complaint; and be they the poorest of men, they were sure of being righted against the most powerful adversary. Now that it is exceedingly difficult even to men of the most illustrious descent to approach the Governor and the men in office; now that Insociableness and inaccessibleness
of the English in general. the English seldom visit or see any of us, the distressed inhabitants of this country; to obtain justice is become a very difficult business, a very operose article; or if any one us, by the strength of his introductor, or the weight of some forcible reason, chances to be admitted for once or twice, it avails little, as the Gentlemen, in consequence of their being engrossed by a variety of public and private affairs of importance amongst themselves, have no attention to spare for the concerns of the people of this land; and as their Mootusuddies or officers and dependants, are always men of such a stamp, that being at all times afraid of some discovery about the lining of their coats, they cannot bear that any one of the oppressed ones should come near their masters. From thence we can easily conclude what is likely to be the fate Severe rereflection
upon the English, as masters of Bengal. of the unfortunate people of this land, and how their sufferings are likely to end. Possibly is it, their peculiar fate, that after having been subjected by Providence to the yoke of these strangers, they are still destined to find them such inattentive rulers, as do not think it worth their while to mind the welfare of those prostrated at their feet, and such supine masters, as do make nothing of leaving them at the disposal of their own servants and substitutes; although, however, nothing should be so important to a Sovereign, as the care of the subject, and he ought never to lose sight of the Indian adage,—

Amidst such scenes of oppression on one side, and inattention on the other, we ought to praise God, that at the end of the year 1195, the office of Daroga of the Court of Justice, together A. D. 1782. with the Fodjdary, was taken from the hands of the Indians, and transferred to the English Gentlemen immediately; by which revolution the oppressions and sufferings of the people of this land have been upon the whole somewhat alleviated. But as their officers and dependants are a set of people always prone to offer injustice; and these are entrusted with all the details, as well as Deputyships, whilst they make it a point to uphold the corruption and indolence of their masters; it happens that they become in fact the centre and hinge of all decisions; and all matters come to pass through their hands unavoidably, as it appears undeniably that such of their masters, as are preposed to these offices, will not, or cannot, attend personally to their duties. So that there is still left in the sneaker much of the late broth. “O God, come to the assistance of your afflicted people, and set open some door through which they may escape from oppression!” But let us return to our narrative about the several offices set up formerly by our Sovereigns.

The Muhtasib (or Clerk of the Market) was established for The Muhtasib, an officer that had inspection upon weights, measures, and markets. the purpose of inspecting weights and scales, exposing to view the false bottoms and artifices of Corn-meters and Scale-men, and for fixing the price of grain and other similar commodities. He had a great salary, and some fees; but the latter were rather honorary; and the intent was to render him alert in putting a stop to all altercations and disputes between buyer and seller, by disabling the latter from over-reaching the other. The punition and coercion of the disorderly and insolent was also of his resort. It was his business in particular to take care that no drunken men, or any other people, out of their senses, should walk loose throughout the markets; that no injury or insolence should be offered to any one, by threat, action, or infamous words; and that modest women, obliged sometimes to cross a street or a market, should not be exposed to any insult or indecency, from the voice, hand, or sound of the profligate and thoughtless. But now, every one does as he pleases. The Muhtasibs take a great deal more perquisites than were heretofore their due; and in one and the same city the prioes of grain vary in the same market, at the distance of three or four shops, may of three or four yards; and the differences, varieties, and rogueries in weights and scales are risen to such a height, as not to be conceivable. Moreover, not only all the markets and thoroughfares are thronged with disorderly people, and disorderly houses, but every street and every corner is infected with drinking-shops and tippling-houses, with here and there groups of drunken servants, butlers, harcarras, qhalassies^\(126\), and sipahis, but especially of servants belonging to the English, a set of disorderly people, who, availing themselves of the respect paid to the men in power to whom they belong, and of the influence they acquire by their being linked together, make nothing of lying in wait, sometimes half naked and half drunk, and quarrelling without an antagonist; nor do they make any difficulty of doing and saying whatever they please, and to whom they please; So that Gentlemen accustomed to decency and respect, are at a loss how to go from their homes, upon urgent business, through a market, or along a street, and how to come back again, without being entangled within some mischance or other, in consequence of the words or actions of those insolent people; nor is it uncommon to see them recommend themselves to God Almighty’s safeguard on their going out, and to wish they may come back without being forced into some mischance.

The Vacaa-nuviss, or Remembrancer, or Gazetteer, and the Sevana-nuviss, or Historiographer, and the Harcara, or Spy, were appointed for writing down the events that might happen in the respective provinces, territories, and districts of their residence. Their duty was to inhabit such cities and towns as were the seats of command and Government, to the end that they might have it in their power to write down at day-break such events as should have happened the whole day and night before, and to send the paper to the Emperor. There were posts established, that carried the dispatches, with all speed, and in all weathers, to Court, where a Daroga or Inspector examined the same; after which he reduced to a concise exposition the substance of such as deserved the Imperial notice, presenting at the same time, the whole detail as forwarded by the provincial intelligencers. Nevertheless whatever amongst those papers was addressed personally to the Emperor, was sacred, and could not be set open by any other hand than his own. It was perused by the Monarch himself, who alone could break the seal, and he alone ordered what he thought proper about the contents. By these means the Emperor was informed of The Emperor, by means of the post, minutely and daily informed of almost every material transaction amongst private people. every private man’s affairs. He knew what one had done to his neighbours at four hundred leagues from Court, and what the latter had done to others; and what such an one wanted from such another, and what this other pretended from his antagonist; he knew all that, and gave directions accordingly. Nor was it uncommon for him to be informed by such a channel of the requests and wishes of the concerned ones; nor at all extraordinary to see directions arrive at the cities of their residence long before their private petitions could have reached the Court. So that the petitioners often had gained their cause in the middle of a distant province, sometime before they had agreed upon the wording of their petitions. But all this correspondence was for the Emperor’s personal inspection only; for if at any time it came to appear, that the secret Gazetteer, or the Remembrancer, of any other public officer, had himself found means to acquire the least interest with the Imperial Princes, or with the Grandees of the Court, or with the men in eminent station, or was in any connections with them; such a man was forthwith dismissed, and another appointed in his stead; and to this purpose there are yet extant notes written by the Emperor Aoreng-zib’s hand, to his own Vezir, Assed-qhan; and here is a copy of one:

“My grandson, Mahmed-muéz-eddin^\(127\), has been writing to me to recommend N. N. Remembrancer, of such a province. Of course something must be done for him; but yet, the man is to be dismissed from that office directly, that the Gazetteer may remember to write Gazettes no more.

But the answer he sent to that grandson himself, is still more curious. Here it is:

“Dutiful sons, that are acquainted with their father’s temper, do not write recommendations in behalf of Gazetteers, and such sort of people. Your request is granted, and the man has been promoted accordingly; but yet, he has been dismissed from that office. Do not commit the like offence again.”

In short, as amongst the arts of government, information, and knowledge of the state of the land and of its inhabitants, hold a principal rank; and the interest of the Legislator’s in gathering knowledge, is always to tranquillise and quiet the people of God, by whose providence the Princes and Rulers have come to have the command and power over them; and as the happiness and ease of the subject is their main concern; so, to obtain the above end, no less than four persons have been appointed to discharge the duties of this one office of intelligence, to wit, the Vacaäy-nugar or Remembrancer, the Sevanah-nugar or Gazetteer, the Qhofiáh-neviss or Secret-writer, and the Harcara or Spy, to the end, that should any one or any two of them attempt to send in writing an unfaithful account, still the truth and real state of things might soon be investigated, by comparing their information with the accounts written by the two or three others; a discovery always followed by the disgrace of the faithless or uninformed writer, who never failed to be dismissed from a post of honour and affluence, and to be consigned to shame and distress. Now all those offices being suppressed it comes to pass that, not only in villages, but in towns and in renowned cities, the servants, the favourites, the dependants, nay very often, the very spies and emissaries of a Zemindar, having wriggled themselves into the service of Government, commit upon the inhabitants a variety of opressions and exactions, and always with the utmost safety; nor is there found a single man to ask them what they are doing; so far from there being any one to inflict a condign chastisement upon them. It is then worth an observer’s while to examine what kind of Government existed then, and how matters stand now; and what were the circumstances of the subject then, and what they are to-day.

The Fodjdars were next in rank to the Nazems, or Military Governors of the provinces, and men of great distinction and note. Some of them exerted themselves so meritoriously as to leave behind them the very Nazems themselves, in whatever could promote the Imperial service. Their exertions were so continual and so strenuous, that those officers were sometimes more in favour with the Court than the latter, and often obtained more credit, and became objects of graces without number. These officers were fixed in each Soobahdary or Viceroyalty, according to its extent, and the number of refractory Zemindars or great Landlords in it; and several of these had under their commands bodies of some hundreds of troopers, and were decorated with the military degrees of a thousand horse, some of a thousand five hundred, of two thousand, of two thousand five bundred, and some few of three thousand, and as far as four thousand, with a number of effective troopers, according to their stations, or the necessities of their post. They marched in state, with standards displayed, and kettle-drums beating, and lived with splendour and dignity in those towns and fortresses, which were fixed and reserved for their residences. All these, together with the Mansoobdars, the Paymasters, the Remembrancers, the An infinity of persons in each province, who were unders the orders of the Military as well as Civil Governors, although independent from them. Gazetteer, the Secret-writer, the Head Spy, the Cazy or Judge, the Mufty or Bishop, the Sadr or Grand Almoner, the Muhtasib or Clerk of the Market, the Imperial Divan, and the Daroga or Superintendent of the Justice-office, down to the very head messenger or Mirdaha, and down to his peons or messengers, and to the very Book-binder of that spot; all these were immediate servants of the Crown. Every one of these held their offices immediately under the Emperor, but were attached to some particular part of the country, and fixed to some particular duty; but in such a manner, however, as to be totally independent from the Nazem; nor could any great man or Governor-General divest the lowest of them, or turn him out of his office. As to the officers of the Divany, they were dependants of the Imperial Divan, or General-receiver, in whatever related to revenue and finances; but the Mansobdars or Military dignitaries with their paymasters and troops, were all dependent on the Fodjdar, who gave orders about arraying and marching their corps, chastising malefactors, or coercing turbulent people. The Fodjdar’s special business was to take care that no overgrown Zemindar should make provisions of war instruments, such as musquets, or wall-pieces, in any great quantity, or should put in repair any old fort, or raise a new one on his own account. But if notwithstanding all those precautions, the Zemindar should avail himself so far of some neglect or connivance, or chance, as to compass any such design, then the Fodjdar was to require him to surrender the above articles, and to dismiss his troops. And in case of obedience, the Zemindar was to be forthwith removed from that spot and Zemindary; but in case he attempted to resist, then the Fordjdar was to attack him Extensive duties expected from Fodjdars. immediately, to chastise him with severity, to demolish his castle, and to act with so much expedition and vigour, as that the refractory land-holder should be reduced to extremity, and henceforward obliged to wear in his ear the ring of obedience, as well as to carry on his shoulders the trappings of submission, in such a manner, as to have it no more in his power to disobey or to resist. The Fodjdar was to drive the delinquent from that spot, and never to suffer his residing again in it, unless by a special order from higher authority; still less was he to suffer him to recover a footing in his former possessions. But in case he had been able to lay hold of him, he was to send him to the Governor-General, prisoner and chained, or to keep him confined until he might receive orders respecting the disposal of him. These he was to put in force, and to execute in a time of tranquillity; and meanwhile his business was to be attentive lest other Zemindars should turn refractory likewise, and invade the little Djaghirs and possessions of those promoted to the enjoyment of Aimas, Amlacs, and other charity-lands.

Another business of the Fodjdar was to give chase to banditti and highwaymen, so as to prevent their finding a place of retreat; he was to hunt them down wherever he could discover any of their footsteps, and to put them to the sword as soon as he had seen them. In short, wherever he could perceive a malefactor, he was to pursue him incessantly, until he had torne up by the roots the hairs of his existence and power; and in case any one of those banditti should assemble in troops, and dare to appear in such bodies as might bafflle or elude the exertions of one single Fodjdar, then the neighbouring Fodjdars were, upon his requisition, to join him forthwith, and to fall together upon the malefactors, driving them from post to post, and giving them combat upon combat, and engagement after engagement, until they had extirpated the whole of them. Nor did any banditti in those times dare to shew their faces in any of the lands belonging to the Revenue-office, or in the Amlacs, and Altimghas given to necessitous people; nor did they attempt to oppress or plunder even the lowest of the tenants or farmers resident on them.

With regard to the particular stations appointed to the Fodjdars in other provinces, I have not any information sufficient on that head, nor would such a list answer any great purpose. But as to the stations heretofore appointed to them in the provinces of Bengal and Azim-abad, I know something of them, as numbers of them have lived, for years together, with honour and splendour in their offices, and they had formed friendships and alliances with the Governors of these countries. Now as our family has enjoyed commands and offices in those two provinces, I can afford a thorough notice of them; and as a mention of them would be proper here, and in its place, it is hereby offered to the public, and is as follows: The eight Sercars, or grand divisions of the province of Azim-abad were Shah-abad and Rhotas, Mongher and Bahar, Champaran and Sarun, Tirhoot and Hadjipoor. These had Fodjdars stationed, each of them with a body of from five hundred to one thousand five hundred cavalry, or more or less, with a proportional number of those Imperial officers mentioned just above, every one of whom were immediate servants of the Emperor’s. Those Fodjdars, upon any sudden emergency of importance, used to leave deputies in their stations, and to join together, in order to repair in a body to the Nazem or Governor-General. Nay, when the matter became past their united power, the Nazems of two or three contiguous provinces joined together, without waiting for an express order from Court, and they provided for such an emergency,as the case required; or if the matter chanced to be of such a magnitude as exceeded their united efforts, it was provide for by the Emperor himself, who receiving daily information from every part of the Empire, dispatched distinguished Generals from his Court, oreven, if he saw fit, Imperial Princes, with considerable armies and large trains of artillery, who had orders to exert themselves with vigour in pursuing the expedition to a succesful issue, or as long as any breath remained in their bodies; and were exhorted to exhibit their attachment to the State, as well as their personal valour, in bringing to an end an affair of that consequence. Nevertheless, as some one happened sometimes to shew a remissness in the discharge of such a duty, such a one was forthwith exposed to the Emperor’s displeasure, to the contempt and derision of his equals, and to a chastisement adequate to his demerits.

The province of Bengal was also divided into Fodjdaries; and, by what I can learn, into ten districts that had Fodjdars. It was in the following order: Islam-abad-chatgam, Silhut, Rangpoor, Rangamatty, the Castle of Djelal-gur-poorania, Radj-mahal-acbar-nagar, Radj-shahy, Bardvan, Midnipoor, and Bacshy-bender-hoogly. All those parts had Fodjdars; but Djehanghir-nagar-daca had a Nazem of its own, with all the train of Imperial officers, mentioned above. All these were attached to their duties, and by their good government, the people of God, as well as the nobles, enjoyed tranquillity and comfort; all districts were well governed and quiet; and the people of God, satisfied with the Emperor’s munificence and kindness, were praying for stability to his reign, and length of days to his life. They rehearsed the praises of his clemency and benignity, knew no enemies but his, and no friends, but his friends; nor did they see their own ease and happiness anywhere, but in the ease and happiness of their Princes. With their hearts and tongues, and hands and feet^\(129\), they were zealously attached to their Monarch, and to any thing that Happy condition of the Indians under their native Princes. appertained to him. In consequence of such administrations on one side, and such sentiments on the other, the country was populous and flourishing, beyond imagination; and the inhabitants contented and happy, as well as sincere. They lived with their doors open; for the means of subsistence being easy, and always at hand, the lowest, as well as the highest, contented themselves with being busy only by day; and at night they drank long draughts from out of that cup of ease and pleasure, which was presented them by plenty and safety; and they lived free from cares and anxieties. The intent of command and sovereignty was then no secret at all; it was abroad; and the truth and sincerity of elevation and dignity were public, and exposed to every one’s sight. But the Empire having been declining these sixty years past, the Emperors became negligent, and the Grandees refractory and rebellious; so that every Nazem has set up for independent and for a King. But yet, as none of these thought of departing from those rules and maxims of government by which the Empire had hitherto flourished, their dominions continued to be in good condition, and their subjects lived easy and contented; so that few, very few of them, knew anything of sufferings and miseries; and matters remained in that condition, so And latterly under Aaly-verdy-qhan. late as the very time when Aaly-verdy-qhan possessed himself of these three provinces, and chose his residence in the middle of them. As he had a number of relations and friends, and most of these were men of merit and abilities, he promoted them to offices of importance and trust, in which they studied the welfare of the people, entrusted to their care. For this Prince, although naturally valorous, and of an ambitious, warlike turn of mind, joined to his natural keenness and penetration, so much benignity of temper towards his immediate subjects, and so much condescendence and lenity towards the Zemindars who behaved dutifully, that he seemed like a father living in his family, surrounded by his children and relations. He raised every one of his friends to offices, equal in dignity to that of Fodjdars, without, however, suffering them to become negligent or oppressive. Being studious of governing his subjects with every sentiment of benignity, love, and tenderness, very different in that from his predecessor, Ser-efraz-qhan, who suffered himself to be swayed by partialities about religion and rites, he looked upon all his subjects to be creatures of one and the same God, and brothers of one and the same mother; and he used to promote Gentoos and other dissenters, according to their merits, and just on a footing with the Mussulmen themselves. In fact, these people became his Ministers, and his men in office, were promoted to dignities of five thousand horse, and to offices entrusted with affairs of the utmost importance. No wonder then, if, having been made partakers of his fortune and powers, they not only remained quiet and happy, in the palm of that family’s hand, but served it with an exemplary zeal. And such a conduct was founded in reason, as well as in policy; for an Emperor, or whoever may be in his stead, being in fact the shadow of God, he must render himself conformable to his prototype; and as the Almighty chooses to suffer the diversity of clans and religions amongst his creatures and He nourishes with an equal hand, those that obey and those, that disobey or disregard His commands, so it becomes the Princes and Rulers of this world to imitate His goodness in abstaining from such partialities, as would prove an inclination to one side.

In the reign of that family, the sums received from these countries were expended in these countries, and conduced to their very flourishing circumstances. The inhabitants being easy about their own livelihood, were attached to his Government, lived quiet and happy during his long reign, nor did they ever feel any inquietude about their subsistence; no wonder after that; if no disturbances whatever were ever so much as heard of in his time, unless it was in a remote corner of these provinces, where resided some refractory Zemindars. At Azim-abad, for instance, the Bodjpoorias used to commit now and then some disorders; but the rest of these countries enjoyed abundance with a profound tranquillity. Matters lasted on that footing, until Aaly-verdy-qhan came to depart this life, after his three nephews had already departed theirs; and then there came upon the stage of the world such a man as Seradj-ed-döwla, a Prince equally proud and ignorant, whose fate we have seen, and a Mir-djaafer-qhan, a man destitute both of wisdom and common sense, as well as void of all religion, whose administration we have felt; and it was these two men, with their successors, that gave a total overthrow to all those institutes and maxims of justice and Government, which had rendered these countries so very flourishing.

Under the English Government the principal Zemindars being now their own masters, and the hinges of all business in The Zemindars too little restrained, and kept under in the English Government. their own lands; and having been so lucky as to curry some favour with their masters; and all this in contrariety to former institutes, which held it as an invariable maxim, to keep them low; these people do now just as they please, and in what manner they please; nor do they make any thing of fighting amongst themselves, and killing and slaughtering their subjects; whilst the Fodjdar dares not to quarrel with them, and is even afraid to give them an order, or to revenge the oppressed ones upon those tyrants, or even to reclaim from their hands the property of those travellers whom they have despoiled. Or if at any time the Fodjdar chances to receive any such thing from their hands, he keeps it to himself, as if to verify those verses of Sheh-saady, (upon whom be mercy for ever):

It is from such men that the English have received these The Fodjdary office, or Criminal Court, as it is exercised now, becomes one of the main grievances of the natives. countries; and from them have they obtained all the instructions they want. So that those strangers hearing, for instance, of the Fodjdary office, and how useful and salutary it was in former times, they have set up the like officers everywhere in their dominions, and, in imitation of the ancient Princes of this country, they bestow on them large sums of money, but yet to very little purpose, and to no benefit at all. For the office itself answers no other end in these days, than that of multiplying oppression, and of tormenting in private and public the inhabitants of those large towns and famous cities that had served in times of yore for stations to the former Fodjdars; insomuch that whilst the sobs and groans of the oppressed are reaching the very canopy of heaven, those officers go on approving themselves incapable of performing the business expected from them. The Fodjdary of these new Fodjdars is entirely pointed against the principal inhabitants of those large towns and cities, as we have been mentioning; for now it consists only in circumventing and involving unwary people, in every artful accusation and chicanery which they can devise, that they may squeeze from them a few pence; and this they do, without the least anxiety about their being called to an account, having already provided a strong interest with the head of their brotherhood^\(130\), and knowing full well, how little the English care about what concerns us, poor natives; and how little Hindostanies can find access to the Governor-General^\(131\), or to the men in authority, so as to converse with them, and to make a representation of their grievances. Hence those men go on in their iniquities with the greatest security, tormenting the people of God, by every artifice and oppression they can contrive. So small a branch of business as this, which in little cities was heretofore so easily performed by a Cutwal, with honour to himself and advantage to the public, is found to afford now employment for a multitude of illustrious Fodjdars, whose names and titles are such, that with the proud tip of their caps they seem to rub the canopy of heaven; whilst by exercising every art of oppression and injustice, they render themselves odious and contemptible in every blind alley, as well as in every frequented market. Nor does it appear that their office, as established by the Governor-General and Committee throughout the Company’s dominions, consists in any thing more than in suppressing the banditti, highwaymen, and thieves; in punishing those that dare betake to that profession; in hindering people from killing or plundering each other, and in providing against theft, fornication, and murder. All this business was easily done in the times of Aaly-verdy-qhan, as well as long before him, by the Cutvals in great cities, and even elsewhere by thousands of little Aamils and little Regissers who performed it better than these pompous Fodjdars of our days did at any time. The difference between those gentlemen, on one hand, and the Cutvals and Regissers of former times, on the other, consists in this, that these last, for fear of accusations and after-reckonings, did not dare to commit any oppressions, or insolences; whereas their successors, proud of their dignities and conections, and sensible of the neglect of the English in these Severe hints against Mahmed-reza-
qhan, and his substitutes. matters, fear no man, and dread no consequence, but launch into every oppression which they can think of, endeavouring especially to circumvent by every species of chicanery, and to render contemptible and of small account, those men of ancient families and high descent, and especially such as have made it a point to keep clear of them; and if at any time complaints find their way to the Governor-General, they are hushed down by the authority and mediation of their head protector; who, for fear of accusations against himself, and of consequent dismission to his people, puts in motion so many resorts, and sacrifices so much money, that the poor injured one is kept asunder from inspection and redress.

And now that we have been exposing, in a succinct, cursory manner, the institutes and maxims of this land, and have pointed out what end was intended in each of them by our ancient Lawgivers, it becomes our duty as Historians, to relate what is become of the intent and aim of those institutes in these our days; and to explain briefly, and with the candor of a faithful witness, such parts of the English Government as differ totally from, or even clash essentially with, the customs and usages by which these countries have once flourished; for it is to this diversity of customs and institutes, and to that contrariety alone, that we must recur, whenever we attempt to account for that constant failure which has attended every endeavour of theirs in whatever tended to bring order into this country; and it is to that cause alone that we are to look up for the origin of those troubles and those confusions that have been, and are, the bane and ruin of the inhabitants of this country. Let this animadversion of ours stand as a monument, that has found favour with the minds of the enlightened ones. Let it be instrumental in giving a turn to confusion, in transforming it into order, and in rendering it conducive to the relief of the oppressed people of God, as well as to the comfort of those that are suffering in their minds for the sakes of the oppressed ones. O God,! I ask Your grace. Vouchsafe me Your assistance^\(132\).

It must be observed, first of all, that since the conquest made by the English of these three provinces, this country seems to have had no master at all, and this, because there is no apparent owner whose children and offspring might be interested in inheriting his estate. This is so far true, that even on the supposition that the English nation at large are the owners of this land, still shall it be acknowledged that the Company is not one individual. It is a numerous body; nor are the Members of it permanent. On the contrary, they are daily renewed; so that whoever chooses to employ his money that way, has only to join his stock to the old fund, and from that moment he becomes an associate, and is a Member of the Company; and therefore the constituent parts are never permanent; nor is any supreme ruler appointed, to whom every one, from year to year, may be obliged to render an account, and to shew his face. No wonder then, if in so short a period as these twenty years past, these countries have been blessed by no less than six or seven persons preposed to the Government of Bengal. Hence it comes to pass, that the man who is to be appointed, is not certain of his stay, nor has he full power over his business; he must consult and manage with four or five men that are called the Committee; and these are perpetually at variance with each other, and perpetually in suspense about their own staying, and their being succeeded by another. If then a house that has no owner is not likely to be tenanted, and such a house is likely to totter for want of repairs, and at last will become ruinous in a little time; so likewise a country of this immense extent, having no apparent master, must in time cease to flourish, and at last must fall to decay. And what shall we answer to a man that will tell us that a stranger always wants to draw his own profit, be it from a house or from a kingdom; that intent on his own views, he little cares about what ruins shall remain after him; and that it becomes highly improbable that for the benefit of his successors, himself meanwhile should forego his personal advantage by taking care that nothing be spoiled? Only if he be inclined to mind future examinations and after-reckonings, he will be cunning enough to manage so as that the ruin he is likely to leave behind be not imputable to him. Nor are we to expect that future Governors will be inclined to afford many exceptions to such a rule; for it is certain that all that has been performed by Governor Hushtin, was on the mere strength of his own genius, and by taking the events upon himself without being moved by the perpetual opposition which he continually received from the Members of the Committee, or being sensibly discouraged by their rancorous dispositions. Such an exception is too uncommon to be deemed a rule. It is what he alone had the courage to undertake, and what no one but himself would Men of confessed abilities, and superior genius, eternally thwarted and impeded by majorities sent from Europe. have dared to venture upon, and what no one, to this day, has attempted. Such an instance proves nothing against our assertion; for still will it be found, that in consequence of the necessity of yielding a little, and of paying a regard to the Members of the Committee, and in consequence of the dissentions that arose amongst them, many a valuable occasion has been lost; and it will be confessed by both sides that many a good business has been spoiled and undone for want of concert. Nor have we done with these broils yet, for we have yet to see in what manner all that great man’s endeavours are likely to terminate.

Nor is this case singular; it is that of all the persons under his Government. For the six districts into which the English had divided this country, are each of them governed by five or six persons, all disagreeing amongst themselves, and each of them a prey to endless divisions and disputes; nor is there a head over them all, with full power and authority. On the contrary, he that might be their head, has not himself any hopes of his remaining long in his post; so that intent upon his own concerns, he keeps his ears eternally pricked up against every report of change and confirmation. Besides all that, there is another defect, and which is this: That if these five or six happen to differ essentially about any matter of importance, they are obliged to apply to the Governor and Council, and to wait for orders from thence. And this Governor and Council, obliged to partage their attention betwixt that infinity of public transactions and businesses that concern their dominions and conquests; and that other infinity of matters that concern their own state of personal warfare; what betwixt watching over their dominions in these provinces, and answering very long letters from Europe; guarding against their national enemies abroad, both in Europe and Hindostan, and providing against personal enemies at home; betwixt examining accounts of corors of rupees and providing for the Company’s mercantile purchases; betwixt receiving as Sovereigns the revenues of so many dominions in their old and new conquests; what with these, and an infinity of other avocations, public or private, these men, with such a load of business on their shoulders, have no time to answer letters of Provincial Councils, or to give the proper orders thereon. They dispatch what business they think most urgent, and write answers to the Provincial Councils, just as they find time and opportunity; else matters remain at a stand for years together, in those parts, or are determined, at last, as the Provincial Councillors can agree together, or as it appears expedient to the foremost of them, or as it is most easy of execution, whether right or wrong.

Were any of those Gentlemen preposed to the direction of The subordinate Rulers do not stay long enough in their employments. affairs, with a responsibility attached to his office; and were the regulation of those Provincial parts fixed on him, and himself allowed to stay long enough in his office to acquire knowledge and credit, so as to be convinced assuredly that the bad or good state of such a city would be laid to his account, and imputed to his management; there is no doubt but that such a man would look upon such a city as his own freehold, and would exert himself to the utmost of his power in promoting its welfare; there is no doubt but that such a man, for fear of after-reckonings about a diminution of inhabitants and revenues, would give himself no rest in quieting and cherishing the subject, and in making that district flourishing and happy, whereby the country would become more populous, and himself would be the better for it in his private concerns. But as the Councils and Committees are packed up now, every one of the Members is intent only upon removing every suspicion of fault or misbehaviour from his own person, and making it fast upon his neighbour’s shoulders; after which he thinks himself safe. No wonder then, if they are eternally at variance with each other.

It appears by ancient records that go back as far as the creation of the world, that whenever these countries have been invaded by foreign armies, the conquerors always divided into two distinct bodies, that had different views. Some of them, who did not intend to stay, and thought only of slaughter and plunder, made haste to display the standard of return, and to begone, as soon as they had got plunder and booty enough to gratify their avarice. Those men, wanting from this land jewels only and money, by whatever means they might be obtained, killed and plundered as fast as they could, and then went away. But there were others that thought in a quite different manner; and these intending to settle for ever, and to fix the foot of residence and permanency in these countries, had a mind of turning their conquest into a patrimony for themselves, and of Benignity and tenderness of the Indian Emperors towards the conquered. making it their property and their inheritance. These never failed to assemble as many as had remained from the slaughter, and to cherish them in the palm of the hand of benevolence. These bent the whole strength of their genius in securing the happiness of their new subjects; nor did they ever abate any thing from their efforts, until they had intermarried with the natives, and got children and families from them, and had become naturalized. Their immediate successors having learned the language of the country, behaved to its inhabitants as brothers of one mother and one language. And although the Gentoos seem to be a generation apart and distinct from the rest of mankind, and they are swayed by such differences in religion, tenets, and rites, as will necessarily render all Musulmen aliens and profane, in their eyes; and although they keep up a strangeness of ideas and practices, which beget a wide difference in customs and actions; yet in process of time, they drew nearer and nearer; and as soon as fear and aversion had worn away, we see that this dissimilarity and alienation have terminated in friendship and union, and that the two nations have come to coalesce together into one whole, like milk and sugar that have received a simmering. In one word, we have seen them promote heartily each other’s welfare, have common ideas, like brothers from one and the same mother, and feel for each other, as children of the same family; and this is so far true, that from the moment the son of the new Prince had acquired the name of presumptive heir, from that moment submission and acquiescence became a thing of course, and an article of fashion, every one yielding to him a willing obedience, and thinking that none was so worthy of dominion and government as himself. And this sense of attachment became reciprocal; for the reigning Emperor and his Imperial Prince, looking henceforward upon this land to be their patrimony and inheritance, conceived as much affection for their new subjects, as if they had been their children; fully sensible that they would all join together so heartily in repelling the common enemy, as to make him lose every hope of any public or private assistance. For such is Sheh-Saady’s opinion and precept, in these two verses:

Those Princes, therefore, thoroughly sensible that the strength and firmness of their Government and power rested on the number and ease of their subjects, and the consequent cultivation of the land, did every thing in their power to keep them quiet and happy; and this is that which rendered their dominions flourishing, and the generality of their people contented and wealthy, and also submissive.

I have had myself opportunities of seeing with my own eyes, and of hearing with my own ears, the consequences of good and bad government; and this happened at the time when the Shah-zada-aaly-goher, who is now our Emperor, under the name of Shah-aalem, was waging war against the English nation in the plains of Azim-abad. As soon as it became certain that the Imperial Prince intended an expedition into the province of Bahar, and that he was coming to Azim-abad, there was not an inhabitant, or a citizen, who, on the strength of the favours and good government which they had formerly experienced from the Prince’s forefathers and ancestors, did not pray for victory to him, and for prosperity to his undertaking; they seemed to have but one mouth and but one heart, on that subject, although not one of them had yet received any favour from him, or tasted of the crumbs that might have fallen from the table of His Goodness. But when he came himself, and they experienced from his unruly troops, and from his disorderly Generals, every act of oppression and extortion imaginable; and, on the other hand, they saw every day what a strict discipline the English officers of those days did observe, and how those amongst them that travelled, carried so strict a hand upon their people, as to suffer not a blade of grass to be touched or spoiled, and no kind of injury to be offered to the feeblest man; then indeed the scales were turned, and when the same Prince made his second and third expedition into those parts, I heard the people load him with imprecations, and pray for victory and prosperity to the English army. But those same people feel nothing for them now, fully sensible that these new rulers pay no regard or attention to the concerns of Hindostanies, and that they suffer them to be mercilessly plundered, fleeced, oppressed, and tormented by those officers of their appointing, and by their other dependants; those same people, I say, reduced now to despair, have altered their language, and totally changed in their hearts, on finding that their rulers had so far altered from what they had seemed to be.

Amongst the various grievances complained of, this is one of the most stinging kind. The head Harcara, or head Spy, in several of the best English houses, never fails to become their Major Domo, and the hinge upon which turn most transactions, although he should be, as he is in general, a man of the lowest clan, and of the vilest kind^\(133\). This man, for the sake of shewing his power, is ever disposed to use Gentlemen of ancient or illustrious families in an unworthy manner. Should any one of those unfortunate men, tired of eternal insults and stoppages, carry his humiliation so far as to submit to such usage, and dishonor himself by making a present, he is allowed to walk farther within the house, and to appear in the master’s presence; else, if he pretend to intrench himself within the prerogative of his rank and birth, he from that moment becomes exposed to a variety of affronts and indignities, and he is suffered to languish in the yard with the crowd, without being ever permitted to go as far as the master’s hall of audience. This head Spy, already linked and in confederacy The first cause of the decline of the prosperity of these countries is the natural unsociableness of the English in general, and the inaccessibleness of their rulers in particular. with the Moonshy, (or Persian Secretary), and the Divan, (or confidant), as well as with every one of the dependants of that house, gives what turn he pleases to any petitioner’s business, and meanwhile he enjoys the highest influence in the decision; whilst Gentlemen of high descent and great pretensions are left in the anti-chamber, ranged against the wall like so many statues, and in fact they are deemed so many by-standers of no account. This grievance is to be found, not in this or that house, it is found in all. Every man in office has such a household, upon such a pattern, and such a set of people about him; and although he be not the actual ruler of the country, yet wherever he goes, he is sure of acting as Sovereign. Now every household being composed of such a set of servants, as have been described, it follows that as the people of this land stand, every one of them, in the relation of subjects, with respect to the English, it may be easily conceived what must be the case of the former, and how little probability there is for their yielding a blind obedience to such a numerous set of masters, and to such numerous sets of servants and dependants.

The second cause, which contributes to raise a wall between the conquerors and the conquered, is their differing in language, as well as in almost every action and every custom in life.

The tongue, which is the key of the treasures of the heart and mind, and which serves as a medium to strengthen the bands of society, as well as an organ to unlock the secrets of the heart, happens to be deprived of its office between the Hindostanies and the English. Most of the English Gentlemen do not understand the language of their subjects, and none of these last understand a word of English. It follows, of course, that a company of Hindians, having business with their English rulers, looks very much like a number of pictures set up against the wall; and this happens not only because the Gentlemen having always a deal of business of their own to transact, cannot afford much of their time to others, but chiefly because they cannot understand each other, and are unable to have a communication of ideas. Whence it follows that no benefit is reaped by either description of men from such an intercourse; but as the Hindians are always the petitioners, they always prove the greatest losers from that inconvenience, being always at a loss what to do next. And if the Moonshy or the Divan happen to be the interpreter of communication, and the canal of comprehension and explanation, it becomes necessary for the petitioner that, after having said a few words to the master, he explains the rest entirely to the Moonshy, on which occasion the latter asks the whole matter over again; and it is seldom but the suitor is thereby put off his guard, and gives rise to much discontent and much dissatisfaction on either side. Were these men now, who rule everywhere, to remain for a length of time in command, they would become acquainted with the language, customs, and usages of one district, and would acquire a full knowledge of the several individuals that dwell in the same; nor is there any doubt, but that they would rule much better, and become much likelier to promote the welfare of the people, than would be a stranger, who always comes thoroughly unacquainted with either men, language, or country.

On the other hand, as these rulers have all their necessaries from their own country, it follows that the handycraftsmen and artificers of this land suffer constantly, live in distress, and find it difficult to procure a livelihood sufficient to support their lives. For as the English are now the rulers and the masters of this country, as well as the only rich men in it, to whom can those poor people look up for offering the productions of their art, so as to benefit by their expenses? It is only some artificers that can find a livelihood with the English, such as carpenters, silver-smiths, iron-smiths, &c nay, they subsist upon better terms than they did under the Hindostany Government, and possibly two or three trades more, the names whereof I cannot now recollect, may fare the better for these strangers. But as to those numerous artificers of other denominations, they have no other resource left than that of begging or thieving. Numbers, therefore have already quitted their homes and countries; and numbers unwilling to leave their abodes, have made a covenant with hunger and distress, and ended their lives in a corner of their cottages. To heighten this picture now, let us imagine that at such a time of general distress and want of employment as this, when to get a meal at night is become a matter of so much difficulty, we are perpetually cursed with shoals of peons or messengers, and constables of the Fodjdary office, all let loose upon the necessitous people, whom they torment by every invention which chicane and accusation can contrive. These wretches, under pretence of diet-money to themselves, harass the people with so much cruelty, that the shaft has sunk to the quick, and the knife has cut through to the bone; and it is thus that the Fodjdary office, originally set up for the ease of the subject, has been perverted into a scene of extortion and tyranny. Nor does such an evil come alone and by itself; it comes along with the want of employment, and the want of subsistence, and over and above the vexation of being often impressed for public service. Nor does that evil make any distinction betwixt the high, the low, or the middling; nor is there any one to recur to in so much distress, but God Almighty. As the English Gentlemen, to rid themselves of the necessity of hearing these poor people, have made them over to the Fodjdars; and these Fodjdars, with their substitutes, find their own welfare in undoing these poor people; they go on without remorse in their iniquitous proceedings, and make nothing of spreading every day upon their table the carcass of some wretched, as an addition to their dessert.

Thanks be to God, that since the Fodjdary has been taken from the Indians, and lodged in the hands of English Gentlemen, these violences have ceased, and the weather has a little cleared The third cause is the endless wariations and mutations in posts of trust and importance. up for the poor. May God grant that, in other matters likewise, evil may be changed into good!

The third cause that hinders the tranquillity of the country, and proves a bar to the happiness of the people, may be found out in the endless variations in the persons appointed to posts of trust and charges of importance.

In this country the custom was, first of all, to enquire thoroughly into any one’s faculties and abilities, to examine into his fitness and into the goodness of his character, and then to appoint him to an office, where, as soon as his taients, his exactitude, and his good management had been put to the test, he was confirmed, of course; and he acquired daily an experience, which enabled him to dispatch business with so much vivacity and steadiness, that life was like a parterre laid out with odoriferous flowers of delightful hues. But these rules and maxims are not adhered to by the English. They appoint to offices, at their pleasure, or on powerful recommendation, or on the seniority of rank, without minding whether the appointed is completely incapable of fulfilling his duty, or unlikely ever after to acquire abilities. For it has been often experienced, that one of them being appointed to an office, to which he was a complete stranger, managed so well as to acquire a stock of knowledge and abilities that would now entitle him to such an appointment, of course, were he to be appointed hereafter to it; when lo! presently such a man was transferred elsewhere, and another appointed in his stead, who was as complete a stranger to the duties of that station as had been the former; and whereas the English have besides a custom of coming for a number of years, and then of going away to pay a visit to their native country, without any one of them shewing an inclination to fix himself in this land; hence ignorance and incapacity come to be transmitted from hand to hand. And as they join to that custom that other one of theirs, which every one of those emigrants holds to be of Divine obligation, I mean, that of scraping together as much money in this country as they can, and carrying it in immense sums to the kingdom of England; so it is not surprising at all if these two customs, blended together, should be ever undermining and ruining this country, and should become an eternal bar to its ever flourishing again. The case was different heretofore. It was these Gentlemen that imported every year gold and silver into this land, where joining that which was already in the land, it procured an abundant circulation, and promoted every one’s good. Still notwithstanding all those discouragements, it happens sometimes that a man once promoted to an office, acquires in a course of years such a stock of knowledge, and such abilities, as afford hopes of his continuing in it, and of his ruling according to those abilities of his which he has been at so much pains to hoard up; when straight there comes upon him a group of two or three men from Europe, who know nothing of business, but are superior to him in rank, or seniority, or influence; and these take possession of his post, while the man of abilities and merit, disgusted and discontented at his being deprived of what he deserved, thinks of going home, and of leaving the field to the disposal of the ignorant new-comers, who now sit in his stead, and in their ignorance of men and things, are immediately surrounded and hooked in by a set of wary, artificious fellows, who, by hanging out false lights, and shewing them pretended flowery paths, and false gardens evergreen, find means to lead them by the nose, and to become meanwhile the centre and hinges of every matter of importance, to the utter ruin of all the good which their predecessor had done, and to the disturbance of all the regulations which he had been at so much pains to establish; and years elapse and come to pass, before these new-comers become qualified enough to hear of the practices of these their dependants. But even supposing that the able and experienced man above, foregoing his journey home, should choose to stay amongst the new-comers, nevertheless, as matters are to be transacted in a Council, all his efforts and all his speeches prove to be of no avail, unless the three uninformed new-comers choose to listen to reason themselves, and to enforce his regulations on their side. We have even seen that these men, being very often misled by their informers and dependants, as well as carried away by a desire of becoming themselves the centre of all transactions, are very apt to pay no regard, and to afford The fourth cause is the slowness of proceedings in the Governing Council. no confidence, to the representations of the able man above; but on the contrary, sure of a preponderance enforced by a majority of, for instance, three or four to one, they put shackles to his feet, and hinder his proceeding in business; all which we have seen to pass, when the Governor-General was overpowered by General Clavering and his party; nor do matters go much otherwise in the six departments of Bengal.

The fourth cause is what they call the Council. That Council is an assembly similar to that brought together by the second Qhalif, for the purpose of choosing a successor to himself, but in which his intention was to debar the females of the Prince of the Faithful from those rights fixed on them by Divine institution^\(134\). It signifies an assembly of Gentlemen intent upon a particular business, where if there be a diversity of opinion, that opinion gets the better, and is approved of, that has most Members on its side; whereas if the votes be equal, then as the Governor, in consequence of his superior station and dignity, is counted for two men, his side prevails, just as it did happen in Abdol-rahman’s Council. But that method, although extremely advantageous, (since penetration and safety are always to be found where there is consultation,) has nevertheless its inconveniencies. Now it is a condition requisite in all consultations, that the person who is to give his advice, should have deserved to be trusted, and also that the foot of private views and partialities should not find admittance in the assembly; conditions that are not to be found in the English Council, and which probably did not exist in the Arabian one neither. Such assemblies, besides, are to be wished for only on such occasions of extraordinary importance, as embarrass the minds of the uncertain, and stagger the feet of the most discerning; and noways in the details of execution, and still less in every small matter, and every minutiæ that may occur. Such a system gives rise to an infinity of disturbances and confusions, and perpetually impedes the wheels of Government; especially where the business requires dispatch and vivacity, or where it is a question to determine differents, or to send necessary orders. The rules of the Council happen to be such, that whatever business has come to be offered to the Governor of Calcutta, or to the ruler of some other place, at the present moment, or has been prayed for by the petitioners this long-while, all that is kept in store for the day of assembling the Council, when the above affairs are proposed in that assembly, the respective Agents and Advocates attending the same; at which time, if all that store of business is put an end to, and is determined, the Council give their answer in the form of a decree; else, the petitioners are to wait for another Council; and as over and above the multiplicity of public business, there are at all times dissensions in that assembly, and a diversity of opinions, whether out of friendship to any one, or out of disgust to the petitioner, whilst there is often an opposition of votes, as for instance, when two of the Members side with one person, and two or three more support another, or because some enmity has been conceived by one of their dependants to the petitioner; hence a sensible man will easily conclude that a determination becomes difficult and nearly impossible. And thus, after numbers have been consuming their time in attendance, if any one should, by chance, come to gain his cause, it proves that upon the whole he is no gainer at all. Heretofore there was in every district a Chief, a man of knowledge, abilities, and experience, who determined with an absolute authority in every matter, and every difference; nor had he more than two or three principal dependants. On a first representation from a petitioner, the matter was immediately taken up and examined, and a determination was instantly given, to the best of the Chief’s abilities. After a proper examination, an order, where necessary, was issued, and the plaintiff went away, either the same day, or a few days after, with his award in his pocket. So that matters had an end, one after another; nor was it necessary, as it is now the case, that a man, after having spent years of his time in expectation, and great part of his life in attendance, should, at the end of that, find himself disappointed and undone. In the beginning of the dominion of the English, where there was but one Chief to apply to, and but one able Deputy, as Radja Shytáb-ráy, and others, to transact the minutiæ of business, the affairs of the natives went on briskly, and were dispatched, in some manner or other, but still were dispatched; nor was the people of God obliged to undergo such doubts and such losses of time, as we see to-day; and although those times were not free from partialities and private views neither, yet upon the whole matters flowed on swiftly, be it in what manner soever it seemed best to their rulers. Nor did the miseries of endless delay and endless expectation melt mankind away; nor did the people of God become the victims of endless altercation amongst their rulers. For I remember that on the dismission of Radjah Shytáb-ráy, when Mr. George Vansittart was appointed Chief, and became the centre of all business, I took the liberty to represent to him, “That Radja Shytáb-ráy used to spend his time from one-half of each day down to one-third of each night in hearing petitions, and in giving decisions, by which assiduity he dispatched much business, and gave a great deal of ease to every one. I added, that the people of God, deprived of such a man, would very naturally express their anxiety, about what might be his pleasure now on that head.” He answered that, being not accustomed, like Shytáb-ráy, to sit in public amongst hundreds of people, nor to listen to complaints, and to determine causes, he could not believe that he would be able to comprehend one-half of them; but that those that had any business with Government might apply to himself privately, as he conceived that in the recess and silence of a closet he would be more recollected and better able to give a decision. Upon this I requested that orders should be given to the sentries to admit all comers, and directions to the ushers or chopdars to introduce every one. Immediately he gave the necessary orders, and they proved strict orders; and as he was a man of quick apprehension, and very active in body and mind, and could not bear to have his lesson taught him by a Moonshy or Secretary, or his task dictated to by a Divan, or indeed by any man, he proved to be as good as his word, and he constantly dispatched a great deal of business. This state of things did not last, and the affairs and petitions growing numerous, people began to suffer from delays; when after a little time Mr. Law arrived, and wiped clean the eyes of the people of God with the sleeve of goodness and affability. After this, God knows, what is likely to happen. For it appears that to find out one single man’s way, and to be upon good terms with him, is an easy matter; or if he be discontented, it is not difficult to make up matters with him; but to find one’s way to the favor of fifteen or twenty persons, or even more, that compose a Council, (including their dependants and officers), or to guard against their resentment, is a task very difficult and complicated, and such as exceeds the power and abilities of a poor suitor, and indeed such as would prove above the patience of any one. Never was this so well brought to the proof as after Radja Shytáb-ráy’s dismission, and the establishment of a Council in his stead. It was at the festival ending the Ramazan, or month of fast, when the Nobility, Gentry, and principal men of the city, who used in that day to offer their nezurs to Radja Shytáb-ráy, were necessitated to pay that mark of respect to every one of the five Members of the Council. Vansittart, on seeing this, could not help observing openly, that whoever hitherto had been clear with presenting one mohur or one rupee only, would be now obliged to provide five, which was what many could not afford; whereupon having conferred upon the subject with the others, he published, that at the next festival of the Corban or Sacrifice, people should present one nezur to the Chief only, and that would be enough, as no other was wanted, or expected; and in fact, so it came to pass. But some professed flatterers, who wished no good to any money that might remain in an Hindostani’s pocket, went out, notwithstanding the prohibition; and, to shew their sentiments of respect to greater advantage, they repaired to the houses of the other Members, and presented a particular nezur to each of them. Some that could ill afford the contribution, did the same, lest the Gentlemen, thinking themselves slighted, should bear The fifth cause arises from the extreme difference betwixt the English way of giving public audience to suitors, and that which was customary in these countries, and also from their engrossing everything to themselves. them a grudge; and those that were utterly unable, submitted to their fate, and remained moping in their corners.

The fifth cause consists in the difference betwixt the manner in which the English in office appear in public, and give audience to suitors, and that in which it has been at all times customary to hold a Durbar in this country.

Our illustrious Sovereigns of Hindostan, those Princes so studious of justice and equity, had it in custom to divide their time for different purposes, and had made a rule of that distribution, on which they never encroached by any other occupation; but in that division, two kinds of businesses held always the first rank. The first was the examination and decision of affairs relative to revenue and Government; the second the rights of individuals, and the rules of distributive justice to the people of The Indian Princes, extremely accessible. God. For each of these purposes they had set apart two days in the week, at which time they appeared publicly in all their pomp, grandeur and glory. They were surrounded at some distance by their Ministers and officers; and they gave a general audience, where any one might present his petition himself, and speak to them face to face; by which means the Sovereign being informed of the state of the country, and of the behaviour of its rulers, could provide such a remedy as the matter required; and by such means he became acquainted with the wants and complaints of his subjects and dependants. But as those Princes did not live in one and the same place, but made a travelling circuit almost every year, of course they had opportunities of hearing with their own ears, and of seeing with their own eyes, the circumstances of the subject and the necessities of the country. In the same manner they spent two days in the week in rendering justice, and in hearing the cries of the oppressed; nor did they shew any impatience at the screams and reproaches of the crowds that pressed upon them. Matters are far from being so now with the English Gentlemen, as these (and this has been already hinted at in the foregoing sheets) hate appearing in public audiences, and whenever they come to appear at all, it is to betray extreme uneasiness, impatience, and anger, on seeing themselves surrounded by crowds, and on hearing their complaints, and clamours. Hence it follows naturally that they must be in the dark with respect to the real state of the country, and the circumstances of the subject; and hence multitudes of people remain deprived of the Their lenity in putting up with the reproaches and a busive language of disappointed suitors. sight of their rulers, and never see any thing of that benignity and that munificence which might be expected from people that now sit on the throne of Kings, and figure as the representatives of Emperors.

If the English, in imitation of those to whom they have succeeded, vouchsafed to set apart some of their time for these laudable purposes, and at certain stated times, gave admission indiscriminately to all people, and heard their prayers by themselves, with gentle manners, and personal enquiry into the circumstances of their suitors; it is certain that even so small a change would gain their hearts, and would render them fearless and intrepid in exhibiting complaints, and representing matters against the very servants of their rulers; and although all this might not be brought to bear without some expense, and some trouble, on account of their being not accustomed to that practice, yet the benefits resulting from such an intercourse, would prove to be innumerable, and would be felt by both sides. May God grant that, as a favor to them and to us, there would result from that mutual commerce a nearer and more beneficial acquaintance with the inhabitants of this climate! For having once got acquainted with one individual, and tried his degree of ability, and his particular talent in business, they could station him accordingly, and oblige him as his rank or abilities might point out; and as they should come to know to what particular business he is fit, they might draw such services from him, as they should wish, or think convenient. Now all this is not attainable, without personal intercourse, and without inquiring into the characters and tempers of men; still less without observing every one’s behaviour in a variety of circumstances, by changing The sixth cause is, that the English are engrossing all the trade of the country, and depriving the inhabitants of their accustomed livelihood. the discourse, and hearing him speak on a variety of subjects, especially in this time and age, when there is so much envy and obloquy, and so much slander and artifice in every transaction.

The sixth cause is that the English have deprived the inhabitants of these countries of various branches of commerce and benefit, which they had ever enjoyed heretofore.

Our ancient Princes, who after the tumult of conquest, had conceived the project of making their homes of this country, were generous enough, after appropriating to the Crown the Munificence and generosity of the ancient Princes. conquered provinces, and the principal revenues and tributes, to establish a vast body of pensions, and Djaghirs^\(135\), for Altumghas and charity-lands, as well as to associate in the enjoyment of their conquest, most of their principal relations and principal followers, together with the most considerable men of the land itself; and at the same time they had left open to the subject various ways of revenues and livelihood, amounting to many corors a year, as a provision for the bulk of the inhabitants. Djaghirs, to the amount of lacs, and revenues, to the amount of mighty sums, were bestowed on Noblemen, whether Musulmen or Hindoos, and indeed upon any others indifferently, according to their stations and merits, with the hope of further preferment, in proportion to their abilities and exertions in the service. And in fact, nothing was more common than to see these Noblemen promoted to higher emoluments, after having exhibited further proofs of their zeal and activity; nor was this munificence restricted to their own nation. Old friends or new ones, old subjects or recent ones, all, of whatever religion, nation, or tribe and profession they might be, were made partakers of their bounty; but old, decayed people amongst them, and the necessitous, together with the children of their old servants and followers, as well as the poor and needy, from whom prayers only and good wishes could be expected, were relieved with gifts of Altumghas, Amlacs, and such other lands, which were set apart for pious uses, and which they quietly enjoyed. As to the other ways of deriving incomes, for instance, from merchandising, and from the exercise of arts and trade, all these were left open for all the world; and although they were made to see various branches of revenue in those articles, they never turned their eyes that way, but left all that for the bulk of the people. Over and above that, thousands and hundreds of thousands of men^\(136\), horse and foot, were kept in constant pay, whether in the service of the Emperor, or of the Governors of provinces, and they all enjoyed an easy livelihood. Compare now those multitudes with even that small number of men that still get a livelihood by enjoying Djaghirs and Altumghas in the English dominions. Even these, in consequence of the inattention of the English to the concerns of us, poor Hindostanies, and in consequence of the power left to their dependants and to extortionary Zemindars; in consequence, I say, of the cruelty of their lease-takers, and of the hardness of heart and faithlessness of the subordinate rulers, even these poor people also are come to experience a variety of losses, injuries and damages. For it is notorious that abuses have crept into that branch of the administration too, as it has been already mentioned in the article of charity and legacy lands, and in that of that Atheist, Zehoor-ollah-beg; and thanks be to God that there happened to be over against that flinty-hearted man such a person as Governor Hushtin in this land, and that the sufferings endured by these poor people for the space of a whole year’s attendance, were rewarded at last by the Governor-General’s having the goodness to remove that load of evils which oppression strove to place upon their heads. On the other hand, out of that vast multitude of people, called musqueteers, whose numbers were heretofore counted by ten thousands in these provinces, only a small number of them have obtained a livelihood by inlisting as Talingas in the English service; and yet it was these two provinces that fed and paid regularly forty or fifty thousand horse, which were either in the Viceroy’s service immediately or mediately, in that of his sons or relations and officers, or in that of the principal Zemindars of the province. Thousands and thousands of merchants followed that numerous cavalry, and according to their respective means and callings, found a certain income in their connections with them, and in their turn afforded a livelihood to multitudes of others. Now matters go otherwise. Service for No livelihood left to the Natives; and yet it was these two provinces that kept in pay no less than fifty thousand cavalry, and twice as much infantry. troopers and cavalry, there is none at all; and of the various branches of trade, heretofore open to all, none is left free. They are all engrossed by the Company themselves, or by the English in general; as these, whether they enjoy the Company’s service, and of course have power and influence, or chance to be otherwise circumstanced, very seldom are without concerns in trade. But if, with all that, it happens that most of the superior military officers, whilst shewing a shyness for trade, are really merchants invested with high powers and authority, how can the poor subject pretend to derive a subsistence from merchandising? Would they dare it? On the other hand, thousands of artificers cannot earn enough to support their families, as has been shewn a little above, because their arts and callings are of no use to the English; nor can it be expected that the Nobility of this land, reduced as it is to that distress which we have already pointed out, should afford to take the works of these people off their hands, and to give them employment, as they used to do in former times, by keeping them always busy, sometimes in their own houses. It is even become a matter of wonder, and a subject of thanksgiving to the Divine Goodness, how these poor people can make a shift to live now, and how to this day most of them go on and endure, with their children and families.

Were the English to take into their service some thousands Advice to the English, to take into their service a body of Hindostany cavalry. of that cavalry, once commanded by such renowned Officers as Sheh-muéz-eddin-qhan and Ahmed-qhan, and the like, there is no doubt but these men would render them important services, in their wars against the cavalry of either the Marhattas or the Sykes, especially if care was taken to attach them to the service, and to excite their zeal and emulation; nor would these military services be the only advantages to be reaped by entertaining such a cavalry. There are some others that would arise collaterally to such an establishment, as for instance, a further facility of livelihood to the people in general, an addition of numbers to the farming tribe, and an increase of revenue to Government.

The seventh cause may be found in the overgrowing power The seventh cause is in the exorbitant powers left to Zemindars. of the Zemindars, and in their being trusted too much.

It is deemed an undeniable truth amongst the men of sense of this land, and it was a standing rule amongst the Princes of The Zemindars deemed at all times, and in all ages, a race incorrigible. these kingdoms, that no trust is to be reposed in the words of a Zemindar, not even in his most solemn promises and treaties, as they are, to a man, a refractory, short-sighted, faithless set of people, that mind nothing but present interest, and require always a strict hand. Our Government took care, therefore, that they should not get an opportunity of resisting or disobeying, and likewise that they should not acquire the means of resistance and obstinacy, as they are evil-doers by profession, and at all times disposed to injury, and to distress the people of God; ever ready to infest the highways, to plunder and kill the travellers and the unwary; ever ready to torment the subjects, and even the Nobles, to destroy the country, to ruin the revenue, and to distress and injure Government. All these are the accustomed performances of that malevolent race; and it was to keep them in awe, and occasionally to administer correction to them, that so many illustrious Fodjdars were stationed with such a number of officers and dependants. No trust was reposed in their words, nor in their actions; for their character was thoroughly understood. They were looked upon to be an incorrigible race. Now, in contradiction to ancient maxims, and to rules of old standing, and in contradiction to the most approved opinions, held equally by eminent merchants, as well as by knowing Princes, the English rulers have thought proper to compare the Zemindars of this country to the Zemindars and land-holders Strange mistake of the English, in comparing the Zemindars of India to the landed Noblemen of England. of their own; men whose possessions amount to no more than a few thousand yards of ground, or at most to an estate of two or three cosses in circuit, and who being all men of education and honor, pass their lives in enjoying their estates and beautiful seats, and in keeping open tables. It is to such men that the English Government has ventured to compare the Zemindars of Hindostan, and by comparision, to repute them men of honor and sentiment, worthy of being held in esteem and consideration, and deserving to be entrusted with full powers over their Zemindaries or estates; and yet it is these very men of honour and sentiments that ruin the whole country, torment the men of distinction settled of old in their lands, and are waiting only that time and opportunity may put it in their power by some extraordinary event, at once to display the standard of rebellion and dispute, and to raise commotions of consequence. They live quietly now, and astonished at the heavy blows they have felt from the hand of the English, as well as overawed by the superiority acquired everywhere by that nation, they wink at the state of things, and meanwhile, sure of the interest they have obtained, they silently pillage and oppress mankind; whilst the English rulers at the same time seem not to believe their conspiracies, and their malevolence and oppressions, or to have within their breasts some scheme, which to us, ignorant men, is yet a profound secret.

The eighth cause of the declining state of these countries may be ascribed, as it has been already observed, to the enormous delays experienced in obtaining decisions from the The eighth cause is the slowness of proceedings in the Council of Calcutta, and in all subordinate Councils. Governor and Council, or in receiving the answers requested by the Provincial Councils and others. Those delays arise from their being, both the one and the other, extremely occupied by their own concerns, and eternally busy in attacking or in defending, as well as from their being overloaded with an immensity of public business; a deplorable situation, that necessarily occasions those incredible delays which dishearten, which amaze, which ruin and overwhelm every one that has the misfortune to have any business with them. Were a man of consequence appointed to hear such petitions at stated times, for the purpose of making his report to the Governor and Council; and were the necessary answers to the Provincial Coucils liable to fewer delays; such a change undoubtedly would conduce to the ease and happiness of multitudes of people, and the Governor and Council would hear their names proclaimed everywhere, as being the cherishers of the inhabitants of this land, the true lovers of justice, and the benefactors of mankind; nor could such a change hurt the English interest in any manner. But thanks are due to God Almighty, the Author of all good counsels, that since these lines have been written, I have heard that a lesser Committee has been appointed on purpose for such affairs, and that the standard of expectation and impatience being let down, some relief has been administered to the poor, despairing suitors of this country.

The ninth cause is, as it has been already observed, that The ninth cause is traced in that custom of the English, who give offices and employments to seniority and priority of rank. the English pay too much regard to seniority, whereas, it is talent and abilities that are the matter in question, and not seniority of service or recommendation, whenever it is necessary to fill up a post of consequence, and to provide for the happiness of a whole people. If without deviating too much from the rules of service, Englishmen of capacity, discernment, and experience, were sent into the several districts, where their character should have time to ripen, with a certitude of being fixed in that particular branch of business; and if after having deserved the confidence of their owners and of the public, they were left to enjoy their office, without fear of being displaced; and if to so salutary a measure, Government added, at the same time, that other of sending into each district a man of sense, kowledge, and credit, for a Divan, who, in a capacity similar to those Canun-goes, or Chancellors of old, appointed by Islam-shah, should be made independent of any revolutions in the Council, unless indeed he should prove guilty of some misdemeanour; there is no doubt but mighty benefits might be derived from such a regulation. But at the same time it would be requisite that he should never lose sight of this, that as the Members of the Council are Englishmen, that is Lords and masters of this land, it is incumbent upon him never to deviate, either in his words or behaviour, from that respect which behoves him, both as a subject and a servant. It is requisite, likewise, that the Gentlemen, once sensible of his being an useful, zealous man, and an old attendant on that board, should listen to his advice in all matters, and not suffer their particular Divans and Moonshies (Secretaries) to engross all to themselves. This was a precaution constantly attended to, under George Vansittart, and also under Mr. Ayoun Law. Whenever such a trusty servant at any time becomes guilty of any misdemeanour or infidelity, he must be punished in proportion to his guilt, that others of the same office and station, taking warning from his disgrace, may not deviate from the path of integrity; and if ever it shall be convenient to establish such a Council, it would be proper to diminish the number of Members, so as that they should not exceed the number of two or three; for the multitude of rulers never fails to produce confusion in business, and diffidence in the minds of the subject; and to be upon good terms with such a number of men, is impossible for poor people, as we have already hinted. It is proper also that in appointing a Fodjdar, with all his dependants and officers, the utmost precautions should be used, taking care to prefer not only none but men of experience and capacity, but also none but men of a humane disposition; and it may be even said that, as Fodjdars go now in these days, there needs none at all. In the cities, the Cutwal will do all that business, full as well, if he be equally able and humane, and little inclined to oppression; and in the country, the man in office or ruler is enough for such a purpose. For when those officers, so appointed, shall know that people can approach their masters, and that there may be instituted inquiries and after-reckonings upon them, you may rest assured that matters shall go on smoothly; that multitudes shall be released from distress and miseries; that the intent of dominion and Government shall be fully answered; and that the Grandees of the land and the people of God shall exert their tongues in displaying the encomiums of such beneficient rulers. Let us then put up our prayers to God, that He may vouchsafe to grant such a blessing! For He is the best succourer, and the best helper^\(137\).

Thanks be to God that the Fodjdary office having been transferred to the English, one thorn has been thereby removed from the sides of the people of God.

The tenth cause is, that the English are too partial to The tenth cause is the partiality of the English to their own countrymen, and also to the meanest of their dependants. their own countrymen, and even to their dependants.

As the people of this country have all of them become subjects to the English, and they have no other protector, and no other supporter or comforter besides, but God Almighty; as they have no other masters, from whom they should expect mercy and forgiveness; it is incumbent upon those new rulers of theirs, that in whatever concerns distributive justice and the welfare of the people of this land, they studiously emulate the scrupulous equity and the innate impartiality of our ancient Emperors, without betraying any partiality to their own countrymen, or to their dependants, nor to those Hindostanies in high offices under them. On the contrary, they must at all times steadily make justice their main object; as such a conduct shall do honor to their national character in this world; shall gladden the hearts of the high as well as the low; give satisfaction to the Almighty Scrutator of Secrets; prepare a sure consolation for their old age, and prove a resource in adversity; strengthen their numerous conquests; procure them new ones; establish their dominion solidly; and extend their renown all over the world. Saady says:

The under-officers and dependants of this department ought to be chosen amongst the very meekest, amongst the foremost of those that seek the pleasure of their Maker, know the importance of religion, have high notions of fidelity and integrity, despise recommendations, and detest bribery and corruption. They must perpetually tremble for their own honor and character, keep them always in view, and pay no regard to any thing, but God’s pleasure, and the commands of their masters. Attention must be had, whenever men of this sort shall be found out, that they receive such a liberal salary from the generosity of Government, as may free their minds from anxieties about their own welfare, and that of their families and children; such a liberal provision as will leave their hearts free and at liberty to secure the garment of their honesty and integrity from being sullied by the dirt of bribery, and the mire of corruption. Thanks be to God! that this department also having been transferred to the English Gentlemen, the nails of the Indian Darogahs of Justice have been curtailed, and the people of God have gained some release and some repose from their enormous sufferings.

The eleventh cause is the establishment of what is called The eleventh cause is the Supreme Court of Judicature established in Calcutta. the Supreme Court of Judicature.

It is hardly possible not to connive at misdemeanours, and not to forgive trespasses; for man by his nature is liable to forgetfulness and neglect; and should punition and retribution be always intended, and always administered, few persons would be free or exempted from the misery of punishment.

In inflicting punishment and retribution, it is important to adhere to the modes in use in a country, and highly proper to pay a regard to the honor of every one, be he the meanest individual; for men easily submit, and willingly acquiesce, to whatever they find usual and established in their country; nor do they ever conceive fears and apprehensions on that head. But when they see any supplice unaccustomed, they think that every thing is upside down, and that the world will soon be at an end. This is the idea which people have conceived of the actions and customs of the Supreme Royal Court. That tribunal has power over all the English, from the highest to the lowest, but sits in judgment by seasons and stated times. A whole life is needful to Customs of that Court submitted to in England, but reputed enormous hardships in India attend their long, very long proceedings; and till a decision is given, there is no comprehending what is going on, and what is likely to follow, nor what is the probable end of the business. On the first complaint lodged by any one, be it ascertained or not, the defendant is obliged to find security to double the amount of the demand; and if he cannot afford such a security, the poor man must go to prison; and if he cannot find bail, or the complaint is not withdrawn or hushed down, he must remain in prison ten or twelve years together, whether he be guilty or not guilty. Add to these miseries, that to translate a petition in the English language, the translator exacts as many eshreffies (or double guineas) as there are lines translated; and over and above all those evils and miseries, so unworthily heaped over the heads of the poor Hindostanies, it is to be lamented that, on the first summons of that Court to answer to a complaint, whether proved or not, whether real or frivolous, and even to give evidence on so small a matter as his having once heard of the affair in question, or his having been somehow acquainted with it, (although in fact he should be no witness at all), a poor man must directly forsake his family and children, leave them in misery, want, and distress, and run down for a whole month’s journey to a spot where both air and water are bad^\(139\); and if before his arrival the term of the Court be over, or its Chief be gone out to some other country for a change of air, then the poor man must, without reason, and without subsistence, endure whole months at Calcutta. Nor is that all. There are other troubles and other miseries to be undergone at that tribunal, such as no one in Hindostan has even seen, or so much as heard of; the least of which is, that the English laws and statutes are so enormously voluminous, that were a man to spend his whole life on them, still the attaining a full knowledge would be impossible. After all these miseries, how painful it must be to a man, to be in the dark about the event, and all the while in a cruel suspense about his fate; constantly bereft of his family and beloved children; and without being able to guess at what is to become of himself at last?

Preserve us, O God Almighty! with the whole multitude of your servants from such evils and miseries, if Thou really art the granter of requests^\(140\).

The twelfth cause is found in the English indulging too The twelfth cause is, that the English decide in private what ought to be decided only in public. much in certain abusive customs of theirs. For instance, they trust too much, on one hand, to the representations of their dependants, making nothing of appointing them enquirers, especially whenever one has a complaint against any one of them, or against any of their associates; and, on the other hand, they pronounce in private upon matters relative to punishments, to murder, to the honour of families, to the pudicity of women, or to much property. Now in such delicate cases it is next to impossible for the oppressed to have redress, or for the injured to recover their property. It becomes therefore proper that, in cases of so much importance, the Governor-General and the Committee, as well as the Members of the Provincial Councils, should make themselves present to the oppressed, face to face. It is even to be wished that such matters should be examined in public audiences, and that after having patiently heard what the suitor has to say, examined thoroughly the tales of the plaintiff and defendant, compared the circumstances of the oppressed with the commands of God, and with the rules of distributive justice, and made the utmost efforts for discovering the lining of coats, and for probing the depth of secrets, then that they determine the matter in their own high wisdom, without shewing favour to one side, and frowns to the other; then only ought they to pronounce over its merit, by giving right to whom right is due. And may God Almighty, out of His Divine goodness, grant such days both to them and to us!

Let us now return our acknowledgments to God Almighty for all His numberless favours, and let us pay to His Divine beneficence, in particular, some inadequate praises, for His having vouchsafed to carry to an end this valuable book, by making use of so inconsiderable an instrument as the slit-tongued reed^\(141\), and the very humble ministry of this most inconsiderable of mankind, that is, Gh8lam-hosséin, son of Hedáiet-aaly-qhan, grandson of Séyd-allim-ollah, and great-grandson of Séyd-fáiz-ollah-Tebateba, who descended in a direct line from the branch of Hassen, (on all whom may God’s forgiveness and mercy rest for ever, through the intercession of His Messenger, and that of His Messenger’s venerable heir^\(142\), as well as through the merits of their pure and innocent offspring, on all whom may peace and forgiveness rest for ever, to the end of time!) If by the favour of the Omnipotent Lord of all benefits, this fragile portion, allotted to my share of life, should chance to last some time longer, it is my intention to complete my narrative by continuing the history of the several reigns of Mahmed-shah, and Ahmed-shah, and Aalemghir the second, as well as by adding to the chain such events as are relative to his son, by carrying the links from the twenty-third year of Mahmed-shah’s, (which corresponds with the year one thousand one hundred and fifty-three of the Prophet’s retreat, on whom be peace for ever!) down to the present times.

From God is assistance to be hoped for, and favour; in truth, He is most merciful^\(143\).

This has been closed the twenty-first day of the month of Moharrem, in the year one thousand one hundred and ninety-fifth^\(144\) since the venerabe retreat of that Holy Being, on whom may grace and mercy rest for ever!

Several Viceroys of high character are sent for to Court, where Ab8l-mans8r-qhan, one of these, appears with a retinue equally pompous and formidable—Curious anecdote of Mahmed-yar, an officer of great resolution—Origin of Aaly-mahmed-rohilla, the founder of the Rohilla Colony—Origin of the Abdali-Monarch —Emir-qhan killed by Mahmed-shah’s order—Origin of Ahmed-shah-abdali, who founds a new monarchy—He marches into Hindostan, takes possession of two provinces, and is defeated in a bloody battle—Heroical character of C8t8b-eddin-qhan —Our Author’s father makes a friend of him—Death of Mahmed-shah, who is succeeded by his son, Ahmed-shah—Historical account of the private life of four illustrious personages, who died within a little distance from each other: Emir-qhan, Nizam-el-mulk, Camer-eddin-qhan and Mahmed-shah—Weak administration of his son, Ahmed-shah, who becomes crapulous, whilst his mother, Udem-bày, gives up both her heart and person to the Eunuch Djavid-qhan, whom the Vezir Ab8l-mans8r-qhan cannot bear—Dissensions, and a civil war in the Rohilcund, fomented by the Vezir, who, jealous of the nighbourhood of so warlike a tribe as the Rohillahs to his country of A8d, resolves to subdue such restless neighbours—Some of the Rohillahs submit; put under the administration of Nevol-ráy, a man whose excesses and violences cause a revolt—An Afghan, Heroine rouses the whole nation—Nevol-ráy defeated and slain—The Vezir, already much incensed, marches against the Afghans—By the way his unruly Moghultroops plunder and sack the town of Barr, wholly inhabited by Séyds—The Vezir, in despair at such calamity, marches against the Afghans, against whom, his troops impressed with superstitious notions at the sacrileges committed lately in the sack and plunder, misbehave and are totally defeated —The Vezir, grievously wounded, is obliged to follow the runaways —The Afghans, after this unexpected victory, attempt Belgram and Lucknow, where they are roughly handled by the inhabitants, a race renowed for bravery; but they plunder and sack Ilah-abd, without however being able to take the Castle of that City—Singular appearance of a brave Fakyr, who daily exposee himself, daily attacks the enemy, and seems to be invulnerable —The Vezir undismayed by his defeat, makes a spirited and very sarcastical answer to those that thought him undone for ever—Even his Consort thinks of sustaining a siege in her Palace—The Vezir raises another army, plunders Feroh-abad, and beats the Afghans, who submit to their Conquerors.

THE lovers of History, and those fond of enquiring into the diversity of events, will remember, doubtless, that in closing the Second Volume of the Review of Modern Times, which was finished in the year 1195 of the Hedjrah, by this humblest and most inconsiderable of the sons of men, Gholam-hosséin, son to Hedáiet-aaly-qhan, grandson to Séyd-aalim-ollah, and great-grandson to Séyd-fáiz-ollah, the Tebatebäite of the race of Hassen, (on all whom may the Divine mercy and forgiveness extend for ever!) I had carried that history as far down as the twenty-second year of the Forgiven Emperor, Mahmed-shah, answering to the year 1152 of the Hedjrah; to which history, I had thought it incumbent upon me to add a full narrative of the affairs of Bengal, being invited thereto by the novelty of the matter, as well as borne away by the number and variety of events that crowded upon me in that particular part. They remember doubtless, I say, that in closing that Volume, I had promised, that if I lived, I would continue the History of that Emperor as well as that of his successors. I do, therefore, undertake to fulfil that promise of mine, in humble hopes that the Bestower of unasked benefits, and the Conferer of unexpected favours, after having assisted me in my former Work, shall vouchsafe to support me in bringing my whole undertaking to a completion; and that by illuming with some of the rays of His Goodness, the dark understanding of this vile instrument, He shall vouchsafe to direct, with a faint emanation of His unerring wisdom, the trembling pen, and the defective style, of this insufficient individual, so as to keep them unsullied by the blemishes of error, and untainted with the vices of partiality. For He is the Omnipotent One, and the worthy Bestower of Favours.

We have already observed, that Nizam-el-mulk, under pretence of a hunting party, but really out of discontent against the Court, had marched out of the capital, and had encamped in its neighbourhood, where he was loitering these many days without any apparent purpose; nor was his intention guessed at, but on the seventeenth of Moharrem, in the year 1153 of the Hedjrah, when that Viceroy hearing of the resolution that had lately taken place at Court, and of Emir-qhan’s departure for Ilah-abad, returned to the city, and paid his respects to the Emperor. Some months after he received repeated intelligence that his son, Nizam-ed-döwlah-nassyr-djung^\(145\), listening to the suggestions of some impudent and thoughtless advisers, acted in an independent manner, and had intirely shaken off all respect for his father’s authority. The old General, obliged to bring his son to order, obtained the Emperor’s consent for his departure, and as his intended expedition became incompatible with the exercise of his office of Prince of Princes, he first obtained that his eldest son, Ghazi-eddin-qhan, should be invested with that dignity, as Deputy to his father; and on the fourteenth of the first Djemadi, he set out for the Decan. But as he was perpetually endeavouring to reclaim his rebellious son, and a deal of time was spent in negotiations, and in sending and receiving messages, nine or ten months had already elapsed before he Nizam-el-mulk beats his own son in battle, & takes him prisoner. could arrive in the territory of Aoreng-abad, where he encamped on the western parts of that city; and it was the seventh of the first Djemady, in the year 1154, when the father finding that neither reasoning nor entreaties made any impression upon that unnatural son, gave him battle, and took him prisoner, after a sharp engagement, in which the rebellious son was wounded. But this short Civil War in Decan did not interrupt the tranquillity of the capital, nor of the Empire.

After Emir-qhan’s departure for his Government, Issac-qhan’s favour reached to the cupola of Heaven. He became the most beloved of the Emperor’s favourites, and at the same time the disintersted advice which he had secretly given in behalf of the Vezir Cammer-eddin-qhan and Nizam-el-mulk having become public, he was likewise cherished by the two latter, as their best friend. New honours and new emoluments were heaped upon him, and besides the Qhalissah-office, that is, the controul of all the expenditure of the public money, he had the command of a Brigade of Cavalry. The latter was so much increased, that several thousand horses were to be seen at one time, all marked with a Kaf, which was the last letter of his name. He was likewise the Lord on whom the Emperor reposed the greatest confidence. But fate did not permit him long to enjoy so high a degree of favour. His eyes swelled at once, and the swelling gaining his nose, he sunk under his distemper, and in five or six days’ illness, he departed this fragile world; and having answered his Lord’s invitation, by the words, I am ready, he repaired to the mansions of the Divine Mercy. It was in the month of Safer, of the same year. A few days after his demise, the Qhalissa-office, which he had left vacant, was conferred on Abdol-madjid-qhan, a Cashmirian, and he was installed in it with a Qhylaat of six pieces^\(146\). Issac-qhan having departed his life, on the second of Safer, his three sons, on the ninth, paid their respects to the Emperor, who received them with the greatest kindness, and distinction; and each of them was honoured with a Qhylaat of mourning. The eldest of them, Mirza-mahmed, had his name changed into that of his father’s, Issac-qhan, and in a little time he got so deeply in the Emperor’s good graces, that the Monarch was often heard to say, that if Issac-qhan had not left Mirza-mahmed behind, he did not know how he should have been able to go through life. His tenderness for the new Issac-qhan rose so high, that it was customary with him to take the latter’s son, then a child, within his throne, and, contrary to the established rules, to make him sit over against himself, like an Imperial Prince. He was no less profuse in his kindnesses to the two younger sons of the late Issac-qhan, who were Mirza-aaly qhan, and Mirza-mahmed-aaly.

It was in this same month of Safer, that Badji-räo, the famous Marhatta General, departed his life, after feeling for some days a pain in his bowels. By his death, the Viceroyalty of Malva being deemed vacant, the same was conferred on Zehir-ed-döwlah-Azim-ollah-qhan, who had espoused the Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan’s sister. This nobleman, who was very inconsiderate, having had the imprudence to accept so dangerous an office, was invested in his new Government with a rich Qhylaat. But it availed little; for he had never borne a character for much prudence and great abilities. The Fodjdary of Bessöulah was at the same time conferred on Himmet-dilir-qhan, who received the investiture of it in a Qhylaat of four pieces, to which was added a Sabre; and he set out for the Capital in the month of the first Reby. A month after, a Qhylaat of confirmation for the Fodjdary of the Dö-ab, was bestowed on Djani-qhan, a Tooranian, who had given his daughter in marriage to Muáïen-el-mulk, son to the Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan. In the month of the second Djemady, Intyzam-ed-döwlah, second son of that Minister, who on Qhandöuran’s being slain in the battle against Nadyr-shah, had been appointed Viceroy of Adjmir, was dismissed to his Government; and a few days after, Semsam-ed-döwlah, who bore the same title as his father, Qhandöuran, received an additional grade of a thousand horse, in consequence of which his Military rank rose to the command of seven thousand. About the end of the year, and in the night of the twenty-seventh of Redjeb, Mir Fahr-eddin-qhan, one of the sons of the Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan, married the daughter of the late Muzaffer-qhan, brother to Qhandöuran; and these nuptials were celebrated with pomp, as were those of Intizam-ed-döwlah, the Vezir’s eldest son, with the late Qhandöuran’s daughter, on the night of the first day of the Ramazan. A strange event closed these rejoicings. The third of Moharrem, of the year one thousand one hundred and fifty-four of the Hedjra, happened to be the New Year’s Day^\(147\).

On the twenty-fourth of Shaaban, of the same year, a daughter was born to Mahmed-shah, from Sahabah-mahal^\(148\), daughter to Sofian-sooltana-begum, which last was sister to Malekah-zemani, daughter to a sister of Saadat-qhan. This Princess had chanced to be seen by Mahmed-shah, who fell in love with her charms, and having married her, brought her to the Mahal-sera, or Seraglio. About this time, Azim-ollah-qhan, having proved by his ill conduct how little able he was to get the province of Malva out of the hands of the Marhattahs, was neglected by the Emperor, and fell into contempt; he was an opinionated obstinate man, who gave so many proofs of ill conduct, that even the Vezir himself, his kinsman, whose sister he had married, conceived a disgust against his manners. The man, incensed at these marks of general contempt, resolved to shew his resentment in his turn, and had the imprudence to quit all at once the palace of the late Aaly-merdan-qhan where he resided, and to go and encamp without leave at the Char-bagh, a seat belonging to the Vezir, as if to change his ground, exactly like one who intended to set out on an expedition. The Emperor, shocked at his behaviour, vacated his office of Sadr-el-soodoor, and bestowed it on Sheriat-ollah-qhan, who had enjoyed it before. At the same time, the command of the Goozer-bans, or door and way-keepers, was conferred on Agher-qhan, the Turk; as was the Fodjdary of Soharen-poor on Hafiz-eddin-qhan. This Agher-qhan was, with some other Commanders, ordered to watch and attend Azim-ollah-qhan’s behaviour and motions, and they kept round his post for some days; when the man, being sensible of the imprudence of his conduct, thought proper to repent, and to return to his house, where, having dismissed his troops, he lived retired. This same year, it being the Festival of the Sacrifice, a Comet, with a tail of a full yard in length, made its appearance in the sign of Caper, inclining to the south. At last it turned to the north, and after having shined for a full month, it disappeared. And on the thirteenth of Moharrem, being the beginning of the year 1155, the Nöurooz, or New Year’s Day, was celebrated with the usual ceremonies. There were some more promotions this year. Radj-mahmed-qhan, the Cazi of Cazies, that is, the Supreme Judge of the Empire, having departed his life, his office was conferred on Moorad-eddin-qhan, and this nobleman was installed in that high dignity with a Qhylaat of four pieces. In the month of Redjeb, Sheriat-ollah-qhan, the Sadr-el-soodoor, son to Mir Djumlah, that great favourite of Feroh-syur’s, departed his life. It was in this year that there happened a conjunction of two Planets, in the end of the sign Leo, according to the Astronomical Tables, drawn up under the inspection of the learned Radja Djehi-sing-ketchvaha, by the mathematicians, Mirza Qhäir-ollah and Shek Mahmed-äyed, who comprised their observations in a book, commenced and finished under Mahmed-shah. But according to Ooloogh-beg’s Tables^\(149\) this conjunction happened in the beginning of the sign of Virgo.

In that same year, Azim-ollah-qhan, tired of living private in his house, eloped from it, and for the second time quitted the city, with an intention to go to Lahor. He was that same day pursued by the sons of the Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan and Haïder-cooly-qhan, at the head of the Regiment, called of Cabool, and of some other troops, amongst which was the body of two thousand horse belonging to the Artillery. Azim-ollah-qhan, sensible of his being pursued, made so much haste, that in eight days he arrived at Lahor, where Zekeriah-qhan, who was allied to him, (the two Noblemen having married the two sisters,) received him in his palace, and made him a present of elephants and horses, and of every thing else requisite to appear like a nobleman of his high rank. Meanwhile, those that pursued him, coming to the gates, the Governor received them with respect, gave them an entertainment, and, after having put to them many questions about their ulterior orders, he delivered his brother-in-law into their hands, and dismissed them, satisfied with the reception they had met with. The two officers having marched without stopping, carried their prisoner to Shah-djehan-abad, where he was, by an Imperial order, confined in the Citadel. In this same year, on the last day of the month of Shawal, there happened, in the sign of Virgo, a conjunction of the Planets, of bad omen^\(150\). On the seventeenth of Zilcaadah, the Emperor set out of the city on a hunting party, and encamped in a garden contiguous to the town of Louly; but a few days after he was seized by an Esquinancy and a palpitation of the heart, which was soon followed by a pain in the side, and by a swelling that disturbed the animal excretions, and impeded the admission of liquids as well as solids. He was immediately requested to lose some blood, and to suffer an application of some leeches. But this not affording the desired relief, he returned in a few days to the Citadel, where, after some repose, he found himself better. The Nöu-r8z, or New Year’s Day, fell this year on the twenty-fourth of Moharrem, of 1156. On a Tuesday, being the seventh of the first Djemady, of the same year, Saad-eddin-qhan, Mir-ateshy, as well as Steward of the Imperial Household, after having made his obeisance to the presence, went home, and, about midnight, he found himself ill of a pain in the bowels, of which he expired before day-break. His son, having, a few days after, made his appearance before the Emperor, received a Qhylaat of mourning, with the confirmation of his father’s two offices; to which was added a fringed Paleky, and an augmentation of his Military grade; so that he was now Commander of five thousand horse, and Grandmaster of the Imperial Palace, as well as Steward of the Household. In this same year, an Imperial order, backed by notes in the Emperor’s hand, was severally dispatched to Emir-qhan, Viceroy of Ilah-abad; to Abool-mansoor-qhan, Governor of Aood; to Zekeriah-qhan, Viceroy of Lahor, and Moltan; to Radja Baht-sing, Rathor; and to Radja Dehiradj-djehi-sing, as well as to several other persons of distinction, requesting their immediate attendance at Court. Nizam-el-mulk likewise received a similar order; but that Viceroy excused himself upon his great age, and the debility of body inseparable from it. The truth is, that being at the head of six Soobahdaries, or Viceroyalties, he thought himself strong enough to decline going to Court; he had besides resolved on conquering the kingdom of Carnatic, had already besieged and taken the fortress of Tir-china-pally^\(151\), and received Arcat at composition. As to Radja Dehiradj-djehising-sevai, he died the seventh of Shaaban, which was about the time of the Hindoo Festival of the Dessara, when three Ranies or Princesses, his consorts, with three of his concubines, and some of his dancing-women, thought proper to follow him into the other world, and burned themselves together with his body, on his funeral pile, which in the Indian language is termed to become Satti^\(152\). We have said, that several Viceroys had been ordered to Court. Abool-mansoor-qhan, on receiving the Imperial command, referred himself for his compliance to Emir-qhan, his neighbour, of Ilah-abad, with whom he was closely connected, and to whom he acknowledged himself beholden for his promotion. That keen-sighted nobleman, thinking that bringing a General of that character to Court would redound to his own honor and advantage, exhorted him to comply with the Imperial mandate, and, on the other hand, Abool-mansoor-qhan having conceived that his affairs would receive some benefit by making a stay at Court, resolved to make the voyage; and he tarried sometime to complete his preparations. Radja Nevol-ráy was ordered to act in his absence as his Deputy. This was a man whom he had raised from a common trooper in his service, to the highest dignities at his Court, and whose abilities and zeal were so agreeable to him, that he had lately made him his Paymaster-General. After making his mind easy on that subject, and spending some more time with his several Governors and Deputies, he fixed a day for his departure, as he had given his word to Emir-qhan that he would be in the Capital, a few days only after him. The latter put his affairs in order, and left for his Deputy, Syëd Mahmed-qhan, an Iranian, renowned for an heroical bravery, which had greatly raised his character, when he commanded at Corrah. After that he set out on his journey, and on the twenty-ninth of Ramazan, he arrived on the strand of the Djumna, over against the venerable Citadel of the Imperial city. There he was met, two days after, by the Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan, who on that day, which happened to be the festival ending the fast, came out of the city, took him on his own elephant, and carried him to his palace. On that same evening, Emir-qhan went to Court, and had the honor to pay his obeisance, and to kiss the columns of the Imperial throne.

As to Abool-mansoor-qhan, on the day destined for his departure, he heard that Sëyd Hedaïet-aaly-qhan, my father, (in whose company I had the honor to be, being then a very young man) was coming to Feïz-abad-Aood; upon which he sent Semi-beg-qhan, his introductor, to receive him at some distance from the city. My father having embraced Semi-beg-qhan, came with him to Feïz-abad, where he paid his respects to Abool-mansoor-qhan; but as that Viceroy was going to mount, and waited only for the favourable moment, the visit was an abridged one; and my illustrious father landed at Semi-beg-qhan’s house. In about an hour after, Abdol-rahim-qhan, Astrologer to the Viceroy, having seen the sun in his astrolabe, sent word that this was the favourable moment; and the Governor mounting immediately, went and took his quarters in his Pish-khana, or set of spare tents, that had been pitched for him in a camp at a short distance from the City of Feïz-abad. There he stopped a few days, and then set out for the Capital, carrying with him, not only the best part of his troops, but also his whole family. Being arrived at a particular spot upon the Ganga, between Cannodje and Mekenpoor, famous for the Monument of Sha-Medar, he stopped four days there, both to pay his respects to that venerable spot, and to throw a bridge over the river, with the boats which he always carried with him over land. The bridge being ready, he first dismissed his Deputy, Radja Nevol-räy, and then bestowed the Fodjdary of Qhaïr-abad on my father, to which he added this compliment: “You are already fatigued by a long voyage, and I therefore leave you to take some repose; but should you not agree with Raja Nevol-räy, then you shall come to me again at the Capital.” This attention was flattering; but my father, not pleased with his being put under the orders of a Deputy, desired to follow him to Court. Being in the territory of Djan-Siter, on the day ending the fast of the Ramazan, that General stopped one day to fulfil the rites of that festival, which consists in marching armed in proceesion to some distance in the fields, and in assisting at the Qhootbah^\(153\), for which purpose he ordered a number of tents to be pitched at some distance from his camp; after this he marched on, and arrived in the territory of Shah-djehan-abad. There he was met by his own Agent at Court, Radja Latchimi-naráin, and by Séyd-nessar-mohammed-qhan, the Shir-djung, a Lord of the Court, who was son to Syadet-qhan, brother to the late Saadet-qhan, and of course nearly related to Abool-mansoor-qhan. This spot was at three days’ journey from the capital; and thither he proceeded in all haste. But being arrived on the bank of the Djumnah, he thought it incumbent upon him to make his appearance with some pomp and magnificence. Leaving, therefore, his baggage behind, he marched on in great order, being then within sight of the Citadel. He had with him about ten thousand men of Cavalry, all well mounted, and well armed; the Hindostanies upon horses of value of their own country; the Moghuls, of whom his army mostly consisted, upon Persian horses; all stout and vigorous, all armed to advantage, all dressed in scarlet, and cutting an appearance equally pompous and formidable. This body was interspersed with a number of elephants, carrying Ambaris covered with beaten gold. The General was preceded by the elephants richly caparisoned, which carried superb ensigns, and marched slowly, surrounded by his troops. Luckily for him it had rained the whole night, and the morning proved fair and cool, when he made his appearance before the building, called the Octagonal Tower; which being richly gilt, shone in emulation of the then rising sun. The Emperor was there, although not visible. The General, on approaching the tower, alighted from his elephant, and, according to custom, made a profound bow, and stood awhile in a respectful posture. The Monarch answered his bow by sending him one of the roses then before him, with some fruit which was presented by an eunuch of the presence. The Viceroy mounted again and returned to his camp, leaving the Emperor much pleased with the show and the warlike appearance of his troops. All this was yet on the other side of the Djumna. The eleventh of Shevval having been pointed out to the General as the favourable moment, he early crossed the river, on a bridge which the Emperor had ordered to be thrown over for him, and encamped on a spot on the other side, where he had pitched his camp, and where the Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan had also ordered a number of tents to be pitched for his own retinue, and a magnificent one for himself; that Minister intending to meet the Viceroy, and to bring him to Court. Sometime after the Vezir made his appearance, and having ordered a number of the Viceroy’s people who had filled the tents, to withdraw, and to sit without on their Zin-poshes^\(154\), he filled the largest with his own people, and took his place in it. After tarrying some moments, he came out, with a small number of persons of distinction, and advanced towards a large tent, with a very large enclosure, that embraced a spacious yard. On the Vezir’s making his appearance at the gate of the enclosure, the General, who was only attended by a small number of men of distinction, amongst whom was my father, got up from his Mesned, and advanced out to meet him; and the Minister being already in the middle of the yard, they embraced each other, as is the custom in India, and took together their seats on one and the same Mesned. After half an hour’s conversation, Paan and several kinds of Aturs^\(155\) were brought in and accepted; and on the Vezir’s getting up, he was presented with a number of qhoans or trays^\(156\), some covered with curious and costly stuffs, and some with jewels set and unset. After which he departed, and at that very moment he received another present of elephants and horses. And as it had been agreed, that the Minister should precede him to Court, and that the General should follow close, the Vezir was yet within sight, when the General mounted, and, with a deal of pomp and magnificence, he arrived at the gate of the Imperial Palace, where in the evening he had the honour to be presented, and to make his three bows. From thence he repaired to Dara-shecooh’s Palace, which had been given by the Emperor to the General’s uncle and father-in-law, the famous Saadet-qhan. His army, which was considerable, continued pouring into the city the whole night, and a mighty city it must have been, indeed, where several such Princes, as Abool-mansoor-qhan, Emir-qhan, Zekeriah-qhan, and Nizam-el-mulk, could enter with their numerous armies, and as numerous attendants, without occasioning, in the houses and streets, the least appearance of throng or confusion. The citizens, who had business with those Princes, were obliged to inquire where they had landed; but the common people knew nothing of either their being come in, or of their being gone out.

My forgiven father, also, having hired the seat of Radja Baht-mul, who had been Divan of the Imperial Qhalissah, went into the city. On the eighteenth of the same month, Shah-nevaz-qhan, son to Zekeriah-qhan, but who was commonly known by the name of Mirza-pahlory, under which he had acquired some character for bravery and military abilities, was in the evening admitted to the honour of paying his bows to the Emperor. A month after, but in the same year, Abed-aaly-qhan, second son to Mir-djemlah, was promoted to the office of Supreme Sadr, and honoured with a Qhylaat; and four days after Bend-aaly-qhan, son to Ghaïret-qhan the Husseinian, who bore the same title as his maternal-grandfather, namely that of Shir-ef-ken^\(157\), having been introduced by Emir-qhan, with whom he had come to Court, was graciously received, and presented with a Qhylaat of five pieces. About this time, it being a cool night of the thirteenth Shevval, the nuptials of the Imperial Prince, Ahmed-mirza, with a lady descended from Mehabet-qhan, were celebrated with a deal of magnificence. This same year, 1156, being a Friday, the twenty-fourth of Zilcaadah, a Comet, with a tail half a yard in length, made its appearance, and shone for two-and-twenty days together, beginning with the dusk of the evening, and continuing as late as midnight; it remained motionless betwixt the end of Pisces and the beginning of Aries. At the end of that time, it seemed to move between the two signs towards the south-west; but then its tail assumed a pike’s length, from the fifteenth of the next month of Zilhidja, and the Comet itself became of the bigness and brightness of Vesper, always increasing in magnitude and brilliancy, and inclining towards the east, when it disappeared on the last day of that same month. On the fourth of that month Sheh-saad-ollah, Divan of the musters, departed his life, as did, the next day, Mehr-perver, consort to Bahadyr-shah, and grandmother to Mahmed-shah; and they were both, according to their requests, buried close to Choodja-Cootoob-eddin’s monument. This same day the Viceroyalty of Gudjrat was conferred on Fahr-ed-döwlah, brother to Roshen-ed-döwlah.

This was an indifferent choice, but it became necessary; for that Kingdom having, as we have said in the former volumes. been severed from the Imperial jurisdiction, and transferred to the Marhattas, who held it these many years with a strong grasp, no one chose to accept such a charge. But as the new Viceroy bore a character for valour, Mahmed-yar-qhan, whom we have mentioned to have quitted Abool-mansoor-qhan’s service, attached himself to him, and engaged him to turn his views towards that dangerous country. The story of that officer is singular enough:—Tired with the laborious life he was obliged to lead in the camp of so active a man as Nadyr-shah, and fearing likewise his animadversion upon some other subjects, he had fled to Hindostan, where he had remained concealed, during that Monarch’s sojourn: After his departure, he attached himself to Saadet-qhan, his countryman, who knew him for a man of great courage, and carried him to Feïz-abad, where he soon had an opportunity to signalise his abilities. A report spread at that time at Benares, where that General was with his army, that a great treasure of money was approaching from Bengal under a double escort of Marhattas, commanded by a Marhatta General, and of Hindostanies, commanded by an officer sent by Zin-eddin-ahmed-qhan, Viceroy of Azim-abad. This convoy was sent by Aaly-verdy-qhan of Bengal, to Baladji-rao, the Marhatta Generalissimo, and was then on its way to the Marhatta Camp. It was this treasure which Mahmed-yar-qhan undertook to carry off. Setting out with about two thousand Moghul horse, he made so much haste to overtake it, that on his arrival at Saherseram, he found himself with only seventy horse. With this handful of men he fell upon the enemy, killed some, threw the whole in disorder, and his troops following apace, he had already beaten the enemy before the whole of his force could arrive. He had killed numbers of them, made some prisoners, dispersed the rest, and seized the treasure, with which he returned to Benares^\(158\). A service of that importance, instead of promoting his interest, ruined him in Saadet-qhan’s mind. The Viceroy took umbrage at so much daringness, and a coolness took place between them; and the Officer, having parted from him in disgust, had now taken service with Fahr-ed-döwlah. The man, full of resentment, expected to be able to debauch the Moghul troops in Abool-mansoor-qhan’s service, and to bring into his possession, by some means or other, his artillery also; after which, he doubted not, but under Fahr-ed-döwlah’s name, he would drive the Marhattas from Gudjrat. Full of this scheme, he fell to work, and intrigued with the Moghuls. But those people, who had fled from the laborious life they had led in Nadyr-shah’s camp, and now enjoyed some rest in Abool-masoor-qhan’s service, did not choose to listen to a man whom they knew to be of a choleric restless temper, that would engage in endless expeditions, and allow them not a moment of rest; and they refused his offers flatly, and none stayed with him but some hundreds of men who had been his companions, and who having personal obligations to him, went over to his camp; and it was with these few men he undertook to carry Fahr-ed-döwlah to Gudjrat. He departed accordingly; but his numbers were so small, that all his efforts proved abortive; nor did he gain Fahr-ed-döwlah’s heart, who was a man of courage, but of little understanding. The man, not pleased, retired to live in a corner, but being sick of a still life that did not agree with his temper, he returned to Nadyr-shah’s camp; and although he had every thing to fear from that Monarch’s resentment, he presented himself before him with an undaunted countenance. That Prince, on casting his eyes upon him, recollected him at once, and said, “Since you fled from my resentment, why have you come back?” —“Because,” answered the man, “rather than to live amongst cowards, it is better to be killed by a brave man, like you; and now I bring you my head.” Nadyr-shah, pleased with his answer, gave him his pardon, and sent him upon a command in Pars^\(159\), or in Herat. After Mahmed-yar-qhan’s departure, Fahr-ed-döwlah was beaten by the Marhattas, and became their prisoner; nor was it until after a deal of trouble and many sufferings, that he found his way again to Shah-djehan-abad, where he retired to his house.

At the end of this year, on the seventh of Zilhidja, there fell such violent rains, and these were mixed with so much hail, and so much lightning and thunder, that people were confounded and amazed. The lightning fell in the Citadel, did a deal of damage in the public Audience Hall, killed two horses and two men, and stunned several others. On the 25th of the same month the Emperor was pleased to honour Sheh-saad-ollah’s son with a Qhylaat of mourning; and as by that death the office of Divan of the musters became vacant, the Monarch bestowed it on Abdol-medjid-qhan, the Cashmirian, who on that very day took possession of his office, by sitting in the cacherry or tribunal, and signing some papers. This year, being the one thousand one hundred and fifty seventh of the Hedjrah, the Nöu-rooz, or New-Year’s Day fell on the sixth of Sefer^\(160\). This year also Nizam-el-mulk having besieged the Fortress of Paleconda, in the territory of Háiderabad, recovered that stronghold from the hands of Mucarbe-qhan, the Decanian. A great change happened this same year at Court. As the Emperor was dissatisfied with the Tooranian Lords, at the head of whom were the Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan, and Nizam-el-mulk; and Saad-eddin-qhan, as well as his son, Hafiz-eddin-qhan, were known to be attached to them, the latter was dismissed from the command of the Imperial Artillery, an office of the utmost importance, and which gives a disposal of the Emperor’s person and family; and at the same time the office of Mirateshy, or Grandmaster of the household, was, on Emir-qhan’s recommendation, bestowed on Abool-mansoor-qhan; the Emperor at the same time passing a compliment upon the many services he had rendered the State, and expressing his hopes of his continuing to be equally vigilant and faithful. On this promotion Abool-mansoor-qhan ordered the insignia of his office, such as the axes and other articles, to be brought into his presence; and having issued some orders relative to his charge, he took from that day his residence in the Citadel. The next day he obtained, for my forgiven father, the Fodjdary of Sekendera, at a small distance from the Capital, and he introduced him to the Emperor. On my father’s paying his obeisance, he was honoured with a Qhylaat which he put on immediately; and it was at the same time that myself, the poor man, was, with my younger brother, Naky-aaly-qhan, honoured with Military grades and the title of Qhan. We both remained some months at Court, in our father’s service, after which we applied to Abool-mansoor-qhan for leave to return to Azim-abad, a city where our family was established these many years, and where I had my glorious mother, my aunt, my uncle, and my brothers; a city where we had contracted connections and friendship, both with Zin-eddin-ahmed-qhan, Viceroy of the province, and with his uncle, Aaly-verdy-qhan. That General not only obtained our demand, but he dismissed us with every mark of honour and kindness, decorating both brothers with a Qhylaat and a Serpitch, and sending by our means his prayers to the Nazem of Azim-abad^\(161\), and some curious presents to the Viceroy of Bengal. We arrived at Azim-abad, the first of Zilcaadah of that same year, with all our retinue without meeting any accident by the way. At the end of this same year Aya-mull, Prime Minister of the late Maharadja^\(162\) Asiri-sing-seväi, having had the honour to be presented to the Emperor, received a Qhylaat of five pieces; and on the fifteenth of the same month of the second Djemady, the Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan, who had been out of the city, and had got into a tent for the purpose of condoling with that Prince on his father the late Maharadja’s death, and also for bringing him with more honour to Court, paid him a short visit; and on the evening of that same day, he received a respectful one from the Gentoo Prince. In the month of Redjeb, of that same year, Homäi8n-baqht, brother to the late Emperor Feroh-syur, and son to Azim ush-shan, departed his life, and he was buried close to Qhoodjah-Cootoob-eddin’s monument. On the twenty-seventh of Shaaban the Fodjdary of G8aliar was taken from Qhyzyr-qhan, and bestowed on Emir-qhan; as was the Government of Cashmir, on Abool-mansoor-qhan, after it was taken from Assed-yar-qhan, a simple man, on whom it had been bestowed by Emir-qhan’s recommendation. This Governor now lost his appointment on some bad offices which were rendered him by the same Emir-qhan, and he was denied access to the Emperor’s presence. At the same time both Emir-qhan and Abool-mansoor-qhan were honoured by the Emperor with each a rich belt. The latter, who was attached by his office to the Emperor’s person, sent Nessar-mahmed-qhan, a relation of his, to take possession of that Government; and he gave him a strong body of both Hindostany and Moghul troops, with instructions to bring the refractory people of that country under some order. This nobleman being arrived in his Government, found means, by dint of promises and by a faint agreement, to engage one Baber-ollah, a man of consequence in that country, but equally powerful and refractory, to come to see him; but as soon as he had him in his power, he got him seized and confined. The new Governor after this manœuvre, spent some time in enjoying the pleasures afforded by that terrestrial Paradise, and then returned to Shah-djehan-abad, after having placed, as Deputy-Governor, a relation of Abool-mansoor-qhan’s, called Efrasiab-qhan. On the seventeenth of the Ramazan of that same year, Azim-ollah-qhan, who had been this longwhile kept confined in the Citadel of Shah-djehan-abad, was released from his confinement by death; and he went to join his relations and those that resembled him in character; the next morning, his body having been brought to his house in the city, where the Vezir Cammer-eddin-qhan, who was his near relation, had repaired, according to custom; the throng that accompanied that Minister proved so very great, that the floor of the house, which happened to have a Tah-qhana^\(163\), and possibly was that moment under some secret influence, gave way, and the body, the Vezir, and all his people fell into the apartment underneath, but, however without receiving any great hurt. The Vezir having escaped that danger, ordered the body to be buried close to the monument of Shah-nizam-eddin. At the end of this same year, about the last day of Zilcaadah, there happened to be an unauspicious conjunction in the sign of Libra. It made its appearance again in the month of Sefer of the year 1158, and having appeared for the third time in Virgo, about the end of the second of Reby, it disappeared entirely. The last month of this same year, Sooltan Eaz-eddin, son to Muëzz-eddin-Djehandar-shah, departed his life.

After having detained the reader’s attention with these unimportant events, it is time to introduce to his knowledge a Origin and history of Rohillah, the founder of a colony of Afghans. man who has founded a Sovereignty very near the Capital of the Empire. This man is Aaly-mahmed-qhan-Rohillah. We have already mentioned several times in the former volumes the name of that extraordinary man, especially as having been so instrumental in Séif-qhan’s ruin and death. This man, originally a son of a Gentoo Ahir^\(164\), and adopted by an Afghan of no higher pedigree than himself, had a fund of bravery and capacity, which rendered him worthy of command. He availed himself of the neglect and supineness so conspicuous in the Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan’s character, to carry his point, and to establish his power firmly in his new dominions on the other side of the Ganga, which he peopled with a multitude of Afghans that flocked to him from all parts, and henceforward took his name. The means by which he raised himself to the pinnacle of fortune, are so extraordinary and so sudden, that it becomes necessary to give here a succinct account of them. He was at first a Commander of a small body of Afghan Cavalry, with which, having taken service with the two Governors of the province of Moorad-abad, he behaved on all occasions so well, and rendered so many services, that he became a favourite with them both, and acquired a character highly esteemed all over the country. This country, which was the Djaghir of the Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan, had been for a length of time governed by two Noblemen much in favour with that Minister, namely, Osmet-ollah-qhan, and Ferid-eddin-qhan, who took a particular liking to Aaly-mahmed-Rohillah. The latter had already acquired a high character for prowess and military conduct, by assisting so timely Azim-ollah-qhan, in his engagement against Séif-qhan; and as Azim-ollah-qhan was so nearly related to the Vezir, that officer, by his means, became known to that Minister, who got him decorated with a title, and with a military grade. He procured him likewise the grant of some lands from the Emperor, and gave him from himself the command over some Districts of his Djaghir of Moorad-abad. The man no sooner saw himself in some force and power, than availing himself of the Vezir’s inattention, and of the effeminacy of the neighbouring Djaghir-holders, he found means to seize their lands, by way of taking a lease of them; and meanwhile Death having snatched Osmet-ollah-qhan and Ferid-eddin qhan, those two brave Governors, who had done so much honour to their age, Aaly-mahmed-qhan, who now passed for an Afghan to all intents and purposes, availed himself of that opportunity to engage in his service a number of Afghan Officers and Commanders, who resolved to share his good fortune. Those men whom the severities of Nadir-shah had driven from their homes, and who were floating at random upon the Ocean of incertitude and despair, were glad to hear of a place of refuge and shelter, and they resorted in shoals to a man who had already acquired so much renown under the name of Rohillah, which was that of one of their clans. The man no sooner saw himself so strongly supported, than he cast a piercing eye upon the state of things in Hindostan. The weakness of the Empire, the effeminacy of its Generals and Grandees, who all aspired to independence, and the inattention of the first Minister, who, wholly engrossed by his pleasures as well as by Court intrigues, spent his time in intemperance and in the company of the handsomest youths he could procure from all parts of the Empire—all these vices of administraton—could not escape the sight of so keen a man. He availed himself of so many favourable circumstances to build his own grandeur; and after having remained a long time crouching, he raised his head at once, and setting up for himself, he became refractory, and neglected sending the usual remittances to the Treasury. The Vezir, roused from his lethargy by so bold a step, sent for Radja Harnund, a Röudja by clan, and having furnished him from his own stores with a sum of money, a train of artillery, and a quantity of rockets, he gave him the Government of Moorad-abad, and the neighbouring countries, with orders to raise as many troops as he might think necessary, for subduing Rohillah, and with him all the refractory Zemindars of those parts. The Radja, having raised an army, marched with his troops and artillery to Moorad-abad; and, proud of his power and forces, he commenced issuing orders, and exacting submission. Rohillah, like a shrewd Politician, kept an attentive eye upon him, and meanwhile he was sending respectful messages, by which he excused the imprudence of his conduct, and requested for the future some abatement in the high rents which had been heretofore expected from him. The Radja, elated with his dignity and the Vezir’s support, would not hear of any abatement; he required an unconditional submission, and was intent only on picking up some quarrel with him, and tearing him by the roots. The man, seeing himself thus pressed hard, turned his eyes towards his Afghans, and having assembled the principal men amongst them, he made an exposition of the state of things, and asked them, what was their opinion, and what they intended to do. The Afghans, a race naturally brave and determined, who breathed nothing but conquests and new establishments, seeing the Radja bent on their destruction, advised Rohillah to stand Rohillah revolts. upon his defence, and requested him to reckon upon their hearty assistance, and support. The man, satisfied to see them so resolute and unanimous, assembled them secretly in several bodies, and on an appointed day, he joined them himself, and effected a general junction; after which he marched against Harnund. The latter sensible now, that matters had grown serious, was already in readiness, and he advanced with intention to fight; nor were the two armies at a great distance, when the Hindoos, who not only are careful observers of the meteors and phenomena of the air, as well as of the motions of celestial bodies, but who trust so far to the conclusions they draw from them, as to think that they concern their happiness in this world as well as in the other; the Brahmans, I say, who abounded in the Radja’s army, where they bore a sway, opposed themselves to his moving farther, and requested his waiting for the favourable moment. This request engaged him to raise an intrenchment round his encampment, which he lined with his artillery, in expectation that with soothing messages, and protracted negotiations, he would keep the Afghans at bay, until the favourable day should come. Rohilla fully informed of all this, as the two armies were so near, suffered himself to be apparently amused, and having spread a report that in the evening he would pay his respects to the Radja, he fell that very night upon his camp, and threw every thing in confusion. It is observable, that intelligence being brought the Radja that the Afghans were approaching in an hostile manner, the man who was then consulting his idols, answered, that this was not a fighting day for them, and went on with his devotions. Meanwhile the Afghans entered the intrenchment, and commenced killing and sacking and plundering every thing in their way. In this confusion Motiram, a Hindoo Commander, mounted his horse with a few of his men, and opposed the enemy; but he was cut down with his followers, and he hastened Surprises Harnund in his camp. with them into the regions of eternity. Harnund, all this while, was still in his oratory, and occupied at his devotions with which he went on; and without attempting to get up, or to interrupt his prayers, he suffered himself to be cut down by the astonished Afghans. Rohillah, having in this manner dispersed all that multitude in a little time, found his power established by a victory equally great and easy, and his force recruited by the addition of a treasure in money, and a great train of Artillery. But the Minister was not roused by such an important stroke. Like a man lost to all sense of honour, he was not ashamed to commence a negotiation with the rebels, and he chose for that purpose his favourite wife, Sholah-poori^\(165\), and his youngest son, Muaien-ed-döwlah, better known under the name of Mir-mannoo. Aaly-mahmed-qhan, hearing of her errand, and knowing that she was already crossing the Ganga in her boat, got himfelf into some boats that were at hand, and with a few friends only he crossed over, and paid the Begum and her son his respects and duty. After the first compliments, the dispute about rents and tribute was between them dispatched in a few moments. It is even said, that they concluded a match between the young Lord, and Rohillah’s daughter, but we have never heard since that day, that the ceremony of marriage had been performed between the young people. Be it as it will, from that period Aaly-mahmed-qhan rose to figure amongst the Princes of Hindostan, and having in a little time assembled an army of forty thousand, determined Afghans, he stretched his dominion from near to near, and established his authority in Moorad-abad, Berheily, Anöulah, Bedäon,, Bun-gar, Sambal, and Amröah, as well as in some other places. Henceforward he became so proud, as to make Rohillah becomes an independent Prince. no accunt of the Court, and matters remained in that state until the time when Abool-mansoor-qhan, becoming Grandmaster of the Emperor’s household, incensed that Monarch against the insolence of Rohillah, and engaged him to exert the Imperial power in chastising and crushing the Afghans.

The Emperor, sensible of the goodness of the advice, and that it arose from zeal for his honor, resolved to march against the rebels; and on the twenty-fourth of Moharrem, he at day-break displayed the standard of departure, and went in the suburbs to the seat of Lö8ni, as if to change his ground. After a stay of twenty days he proceeded farther, and crossed the river Henidun, from whence he encamped at Dasna. From thence he dispatched Saadat-qhan, maternal-uncle to the Empress Maleka-zemani, with a commission that gave him the Viceroyalty of the province of Delhi, as well as the command of both the capital and its citadel. The Emperor at the same time made him a present of a sabre, and invested him in that new charge, by dressing him in a suit of new clothes, which had just served his Imperial person^\(166\). The Qhan, having taken his leave, entered the city on the 23rd of Sefer, and the next day he took possession of the citadel, whilst the Emperor, who continued his march, arrived at Sumbul on the first of the Reby; and on the twentieth he encamped at Bedäon. This march struck Aaly-mahmed-qhan with dismay, who not thinking himself a match for an Imperial The Emperor marches against him. army, quitted the field, and took shelter in the fortress of Bun-gur, which was immediately besieged; and whilst the troops waited only for the order to mount the breach, this Imperial army was reinforced by a body of troops, brought by Káim-qhan, son and successor to Mahmed-qhan-Bangash, who having set out from Feroh-abad, his capital, was arrived in the Imperial camp, where he had the honor to pay his obeisance by the Vezir’s mediation. About the same time Nevol-ráy, Deputy to Abool-mansoor-qhan in Aood, set out likewise for camp by his master’s order, with a body of veterans and a train of artillery. As this body of troops was yet on its march on the other side of Bun-gur, which fortress remained betwixt them and the Imperial camp, it was feared lest the Afghan should avail himself of that opportunity to fall suddenly upon the reinforcement, and thereby give a mortal blow to Abool-mansoor-qhan, whom he considered as his personal enemy. And as on the other hand, there subsisted a misunderstanding between Rohillah on one side, and the Vezir on the other, which latter had taken umbrage at Abool-mansoor-qhan’s power, and would have been glad to see him undergo both a loss and an affront, the Viceroy to parry such a disgrace, took the Emperor’s leave; and having put himself at the head of his own troops, he marched out to meet his Deputy, who was now drawing near. The junction being effected, that General returned with a deal of honor, and having marched throughout the whole length of the Vezir’s encampment, he returned to his own former post. The next day. he presented Nevol-ráy to the Emperor, and for his own honor engaged that Monarch to make him several presents. The Vezir mean while shocked at these distinctions, and intent on lessening the influence of both Emir-qhan and of the Viceroy, was underhand encouraging Rohillah, to stand his ground, although he ought to have remembered that he was the very man from whom he had received so many affronts. This connection of interests could not long remain concealed from the two Lords, who finding the the Vezir intent on assuming the honor of an accommodation, left the negotiation entirely to him. And thus, on the third of the first Djemady, of the year 1158, the Vezir, who had undertaken to make Rohillah’s peace, bound both his hands with a handkerchief, Rohillah besieged, surrenders. and in that condition brought him to the Emperor. The Monarch on casting his eyes upon him, ordered his hands to be set at liberty, and turning to the Vezir, he said, “We recommend this man to your guard.” People were dispatched at the same time to take possession of the effects in the fortress, where they found a great quantity of grain and some small cannon, but no ready money, and nothing precious. Only a small sum, which Rohillah had deposited in the hands of Káim-qhan, was declared by the latter, and sent to the Treasury. This affair being brought to an end, the Emperor’s Pish-qhana was, on the fourth of that month, sent towards Shah-djehan-abad; and himself, The Emperor returns. after dismissing Káim-qhan and Nevol-ráy to their respective offices, returned victorious and satisfied. It was on the first of Djemady in the same year, at which time, the sun being then at the end of the sign of Leo, the Emperor made his entry in the citadal of his Capital, and took his seat in the Imperial Palace.

At the end of Moharrem Nevazish-aaly-qhan departed his life and was entombed in the monument of the Hylostep^\(167\). A month after Eshrefi-qhan, eldest son of the late Qhandöuran, Lord of Lords, departed his life likewise, and was buried in his father’s mausoleum. On the seventeenth of Sefer, the New Year’s Day was celebrated with the usual solemnities, and about the middle of the first Reby, Assed-yär-qhan, the famous Poet, who bore the title of Assed-ed-döwlah, departed this life, and his body was carried to Acbar-abad, the place of his nativity Death and some account of the famous Lord and poet, Assed-yär-qhan. and residence, as well as that of his ancestors. He was a man equally sensible and good-natured, of an equal temper, acquainted with the sciences, and inclined to utter extempore verses. He had been presented by Emir-qhan to the Emperor in one and the same day with Djaafer-aaly-qhan, (another famous Nobleman of similar temper and talents, and a great friend of my father’s) and with Issac-qhan, (since Mutemen-ed-döwlah), as well as a fourth person whose name I do not recollect at present. The two former were that same day promoted to the grade of five thousand horse, and the two latter, to that of four thousand. Djaafer-aaly-qhan, having personally attached himself to Emir-qhan, did not rise higher; but Issac-qhan’s fortune was so rapid, that he rose to the third Heaven, and no favour ever equalled that which he enjoyed, as we have already mentioned. Assed-yär-qhan rose very high likewise. He was honoured with the title of Assed-ed-döwlah, and the grade of six thousand horse, and he enjoyed the command of five thousand effective troopers in his Brigade; moreover he was decorated with the insignia of the Mahi, or fish. Emir-qhan, who had taken umbrage at his behaviour on account of his not having attached himself personally to him, as Djaafer-aaly-qhan, and many others had done, was bent on ruining his credit; and finding at his return from Ilah-abad, that he had recovered his former ascendant over the Emperor’s mind, he rendered him so many ill offices, that his Brigade of five thousand effective horse was disbanded; an action that reflected a great odium upon Emir-qhan’s person. It is reported of Assed-yär-qhan, that he kept no less than one hundred and forty chopdars, or mace-bearers, divided in two companies, under two distinct officers, that did duty alternately at his gate, for the sole purpose of keeping it free from the noise and tumult so customary at the gates of men of distinction, and of men of no distinction? which however they could not compass; and he used to say that it was with a a view to afford a livelihood to these people, and to avoid the imputation of sordidness. He was so good-natured that on being visited by people of rank, greatly inferior to his own, he used to receive and treat them as his friends and equals. May God assign him a place in the mansions of His mercy! A few days after his death, intelligence came that Zekeriah-qhan, Viceroy of Lahor and Mooltan, had departed this borrowed world, and had taken his journey towards eternity; a piece of intelligence which the Vezir, who was brother to the deceased’s consort, kept secret, until he could dispatch Yahia-qhan, the deceased’s eldest son, who was also his son-in-law, to put in order his father’s household and effects at Lahor, and also to sit in his stead. That Minister on hearing that he was arrived, published Zekeriah-qhan’s death, and took mourning for him. The customary days of that rite being over, he went to Court, and on that very day obtained a Qhylaat of departure for Gholam-mahi-eddin-qhan, whom he invested with the commission of going to Lahor, and taking possession for the Imperial Treasury of all the deceased’s effects. A few days after the Vezir himself, being installed in the charge of Viceroy of Lahor and Mooltan, appointed Zekeriah-qhan’s two sons, to act in those two offices as his Deputies: but the two brothers disagreeing together, and their disagreement ending in an open rupture Shah-nevaz-qhan, the youngest brother, seized and confined Yahïa-qhan, his elder. However, the latter, having found means by his mother’s contrivance to get himself conveyed in a Qhoan^\(168\), out of the house, quite through his guards, reached the City-gate, where mounting an excellent horse, kept ready for him, he set out on a gallop, and was soon out of sight and out of his brother’s reach. In a short time he arrived at Shah-djehan-abad, where he had the meanness to put on brick-coloured clothes, to cover his head with ashes, and, in a word, to turn Fakir. He built himself a tenement upon the canal, which he called Pim-bari; and as he was a Vezir’s son-in-law, and was worth a great deal of money, he soon found followers and disciples, who imitated his garb, and lived in the same manner with him. After his departure, the younger brother remained in full possession of those two Governments. Sometime after, that is, on the sixteenth of Shaaban, Ased-ollah-qhan, elder brother to Emir-qhan, winged his flight towards the mansions of the Divine mercy; and on the ninth of Shevval, a son was born to Ahmed Mirza, the presumptive heir of the Empire.

The No8-r8z fell this year on the twenty-seventh of Sefer. Infamous custom of the Emperors of Hindostan. A few days after arrived at Court, Ghoolam-mahi-eddin-qhan, who had been dispatched to confiscate the estate of the late Zekeriah-qhan, in compliance with an infamous custom which has taken place in the Babrian branch of the family of Temoor^\(169\). The deceased Viceroy’s son put in his hands some of the most apparent effects, with a sum of money, as the whole of the estate; nor was anything more brought to the presence. Nevertheless the Commissary was rewarded for this expedition with a fringed paleky, and an augmentation of a thousand horses to his grade. A strange affair happened about this time.

Behroz-qhan, one of the eunuchs of the presence, after performing his Friday devotions in the mosque, repaired to the house of a slave of his, who had been many days dead, with intention to carry away the deceased’s wife, in order to make a present of her person to his own saint and director, who had chanced to see her and to fall in love with her charms. The widow refused, and declared that she had no inclination to marry a second time. This declaration having produced many intreaties and much altercation, the pimping eunuch, who was resolved to gratify that infamous director of his at any rate, attempted to carry the woman away by force. At this moment her father made his appearance, and interposed, by intreaties and persuasions; but the eunuch, proud of his station, and presuming on his power and influence, commenced talking so high, that the father, unable to bear his insolence and ill language, and thinking likewise that his honour was concerned in protecting his daughter from so vile an attempt, struck the invader with his poniard, and laid him sprawling on the ground. He struck likewise the eunuch’s adopted son, who had followed his father within the inner apartments; but he was himself instantly dispatched by the attendants of that infamous wretch. The eunuch, being stretched at full length in his paleky, was carried to his lodgings, where in a little time he expired. He was buried in the dormitory of Qhoadja Cootoob-eddin.

This strange accident was followed by one full as strange. Hafyz-vadjich-qhan, an eunuch, Superintendent of the Imperial Kitchen, being at his prayers at day-break, fell suddenly into a swoon, and expired within an hour. It was on the second of Djemady. His office was given to his adopted son. At the end of the month, the Emperor, having set out to take an airing in the seats about the Capital, was pleased to entrust Mahmed-issack-qhan with the guard of the Imperial person, an office become vacant by Behroz-qhan’s death; and that nobleman after making his bow in acknowledgment of the favour, was installed in his office by being presented with a belt. After which the Emperor, on the fifth of Redjeb, returned to his blessed mansion, where an important event soon came to take place.

We have already mentioned, more than once, the high degree of favour and authority to which Umdet-ul-mulk-Emir-qhan had risen by degrees. He had indeed such talents for business, and such fitness for command, that he was reputed superior in those respects to all the Lords of the Court, as well as to all his cotemporaries. On his own part, he had so high an opinion of his influence, that he made but little account of all the other Ministers. It happened just at this time that the Vezir being in liquor, and taking the fresh air upon the top of his Palace, staggered and fell down upon the ground, where he broke some of his bones, and otherwise received so much hurt, that he kept his bed for eight months together; and although he recovered his health, he continued to be so much bruised and hurt, that he seldom came to Court, being unable to stand before the Emperor. And, on the other hand, as he had but a slender opinion of the capacity of his sons, and did not think any of them worthy of being entrusted with the management of affairs, he requested Emir-qhan to transact business in his stead with the Rise and disgrace of Emir-qhan. Emperor, and then retired to his house to enjoy some rest; for he came to Court very seldom, and sometimes but once a month, at which time, after having stood a few moments in the Imperial presence, he was always dismissed, or took his leave of himself. As to Abool-mansoor-qhan, he was personally attached to Emir-qhan, to whom he thought himself indebted for his fortune; and thus this Nobleman’s influence and authority, having no one to contend with, became boundless and infinite. But he was naturally gay and lively; and being accustomed for some time to talk familiarly to the Emperor, he began to lay aside that tone of deference and air of respect, which ought never to be departed from in the presence of Kings and Sovereigns. For now being sole master of the Court, with not one rival to envy, and not one competitor to contend with, he forgot himself so far, as to take unusual liberties with the Emperor, thinking that his advice ought always to preponderate, and that his requests ought always to be complied with. But the Emperor had another favourite, Mahmed-issac-qhan, whom he raised so high, together with his brother, that they seemed so many Princes; although Emir-qhan would make no account of them, as it was to him that their father owed their elevation. The Emperor, sensible of this, was desirous of strengthening Issac-qhan’s interest; and it was with that view he concluded a match between Sudjah-ed-döwlah-Djelaeddin-haïder-qhan, son to Abool-mansoor-qhan, on one side, and Issac-qhan’s sister on the other; and to engage Emir-qhan’s good will to the match, he declared himself the author of it, and appointed that Nobleman to act as his Deputy, and as Agent from the Lady, in making the necessary preparatives for the nuptials. Abool-mansoor-qhan, extremely pleased with the match, and desirous likewise of complimenting the Imperial pleasure, exerted himself in rendering the nuptials as pompous and as magnificent as possible. Amongst other articles which he sent, as usual, to the bride, as part of her future necessaries, people took notice of no less than a thousand and some hundreds of Vessels,^\(170\) for water, all of silver, not one of which could weigh less than a Hundred Rupees. After the celebration of the nuptials, Emir-qhan thought proper to take his leave, and to repair to the Castle of Selim-gur, where the Princes of the Royal blood lived confined. To these he paid a visit; and by such a conduct he rendered himself suspected, and became obnoxious to many, especially to his jealous enemies. The Emperor himself conceived a disgust at such a step. His heart insensibly altered, and he came at last to hate the man whom he had once loved so much; but thinking it improper to shew his resentment, he went on with dissembling and with disguising his sentiments, until a crisis was occasioned by Emir-qhan himself. One day, as he was actually speaking to the Emperor of some matters of State, he brought forward some representations likely to take up much time. The Emperor, tired, told him these words: “Umdet-ul-mulk-bahadyr^\(171\), leave that for some other day.” Emir-qhan answered, that “he had no more than a few words to say, and requested to be heard, as the subject was urging.” The Emperor repeated what he had said. The Minister insisted, and both the request and excuse were repeated three several times, and three times did Emir-qhan repeat his importunity, and be guilty of the same fault.— Unfortunately for him, there happened to be present an eunuch of the presence, whose character was as impatient and peevish, and as unaccountable and perverse, as any of that choleric tribe; and as he was an old slave of the Emperor’s father and grandfather, and had now, as Superintendent of Imperial Seraglio, the disposal of several gates of the Palace, (an office of high trust), he was much in favour with that Monarch. Rooz-afzoon-qhan, (for such was his name) impatient to see the Minister’s importunity, chanced to say, (but not so low, however, as not to be overheard by Emir-qhan) “I suppose this to be such a high flavored story as admits of no delay, and must at any rate be repeated to-night to all the old women of the neighbourhood.” The Minister, shocked, could not help saying, “that it little became slaves to take such liberties, whilst Grandees of the Empire, and Ministers of State, were talking of matters of importance to their masters.” The eunuch, without being discomposed by this reprimand, sharply replied, “that if they were slaves, they were so to none but the Emperor, and by no means to any others.” On this, Emir-qhan, addressing the Emperor, said, “if this man continues in the superintendence of the Palace, your slave cannot come to Court any more.” The Emperor, after having said some obliging things to the Minister, to appease his rising resentments, added: “Do not be uneasy, Umdet-ul-mulk-bahadyr; your interest is greater than his; and it shall be done as you wish.” The Minister, after a pause, replied, “if your Majesty really wishes to oblige the slave of your Imperial Throne, let the superintendence be bestowed upon me; and I shall appoint a proper person to execute that office, on my part.” The Emperor agreed. The Minister getting up immediately to acknowledge the favour, made a profound bow, and departed. Being arrived at his home, he sent for Agah-qhan, an old eunuch of his own, who was Superintendent of his Hall of Audience, and he promised to promote him to-morrow morning, to a high office in the Imperial Palace. But matters, meanwhile, were taking a different turn in the Palace. On the Minister’s departure, the Emperor complained of his importunity, and added, “that he had been this longwhile tired of Emir-qhan, and found it difficult to live with him; but now that he wants to get the disposal of most of the gates of the Palace,” added he, “I suppose I shall be no better than his prisoner.” The eunuch answered, that if such was His Majesty’s pleasure, it was an easy matter to provide for it. “Do then,” replied the Emperor, “and make haste, for once he shall have taken possession of the superintendence, it will be then too late.” The eunuch, having got his cue, went out ruminating how he could find a man that would dispatch the Minister. He spoke of it to one of his confidents, who answered that he knew a very fit man for the business, and that it was his own brother, who had been lately in Emir-qhan’s service, and having parted with him on the very worse terms, had said more than once in the agonies of his resentment, that he would some day or other take his life. The desperado being asked whether he would undertake to perform the work, answered in the affirmative, and was carried by his brother to the eunuch, who, on putting the question to him, was earnestly requested not to provide any other man for such a business, as he was determined to be revenged of the Minister. The eunuch seeing him resolute and eager got him inlisted amongst the guards, and placed him in the inner apartments, where he informed him that, as soon as Emir-qhan should get beyond the door of the private hall of audience, he must fall upon him directly. The wretch being shewn his post, went in, and placed himself in his ambuscade. The next day, being the twentieth of Zilhidje in the same year, Emir-qhan came to Court at day-break, although it was no Court-day, and brought with him the eunuch he wanted to entrust with the superintendence. He alighted from the paleky, and as soon as he had disengaged himself from the crowd of his numerous attendants, and from the still more numerous throng of suitors, he advanced towards the hall, when the abominable murderer, without giving him time to advance above three steps within the door, rushed from behind, and gave him such a stroke in the breast with his Emir-qhan murdered. poniard, that the unfortunate innocent Séyd fell sprawling on the ground, and expired instantly. The guards took up his body, and stretching it in his paleky, sent it home, followed by a crowd of men who were going by order to take an account of his effects and to confiscate his property.

This was opposed by the military in the murdered Minister’s pay, who refused both to give them admittance^\(172\), or to suffer the body to be buried, unless their arrears were first paid or insured. Not content with that, they shut up the gates, and would suffer no one to return home amongst those numerous noblemen that had come to console the family, and to purify and take up the body^\(173\). In consequence of this, Haddy-aaly-qhan, elder brother to the deceased, and Superintendent of the Elephant office, as well as Abdol-medjid-qhan, Divan of the Imperial Qhalissah, were shut up within, together with a multitude of persons of high distinction, amongst whom were Naamet-ollah-qhan, and Bairam-qhan, and many other noblemen of high pedigree, and of great rank. The Emperor, incensed at the opposition made by the soldiery, ordered the Minister’s effects to be taken possession of, without minding the pretensions of his troops or of his guards; and in case of resistance, he commanded that they should be put to the sword. But the Imperial soldiers themselves, sensible that it might be some day or other their own turn, refused to fall upon people that asked only for their due; and both parties being now come to a pause, Abool-mansoor-qhan, interposed. He sent two persons of distinction to take in his name upon themselves the arrears due to the troops, and to render the last duties to the body of his murdered friend. By this time four days had been spent in messages and negotiations; the body was become offensive; and the ungrateful servants, together with the ungrateful Emperor, being obstinately bent in carrying their point, matters came at last to this settlement, that the body should be dismissed out of the house, and the deceased’s effects sold publicly to as much amount as would discharge the sums due to his troops. These having kept as hostages both Sidy-Bilal^\(174\), and Mezid-qhan-Bahadyr, the two persons of distinction, that had been sent by Abool-mansoor-qhan, then only the body of that unjustly murdered Minister was suffered to come out. He was entombed in the Monument of Qhalil-ollah-qhan, his grandfather, close to Rooh-ollah-qhan’s Sera,—may the God of infinite mercy have bestowed upon him a place amongst his pious ancestors! After the burial, the deceased’s effects were put up to sale, and his troops and dependants received their arrears from the amount; the Emperor having taken for himself some of the deceased’s jewels and all his arms, the latter of which he so greatly admired as to pay ten or twelve lacs for them, which was more than their value, these two articles produced fifty or sixty lacs, and had cost a great deal more. It was only after the sale that the noblemen, who had come only to condole with the family, and who had been involved in its misfortunes so far as to remain besieged and confined for full eight days, found means at last to escape to their homes. Abdol-medjid-qhan, a Minister of State, was of that number; but Haddy-aaly-qhan, the deceased’s elder brother, with some other persons related to the family, could not obtain their release, even after the troops had been paid off, but by presenting the servants and dependants of the deceased, with full two years’ pay as a gratuity. As to the house, and the patrimonial lands, together with the appendages of the murdered Minister, they were presented by the Qhalif of the age^\(175\), that is, by the Emperor himself, to his own daughter; and that Princess made them over to Mahmed-issac-qhan’s care. Let us now pass to some matters less melancholy.

This year the Nö8-r8z fell on the ninth of the first Reby, in 1160 of the Hedjrah; and this same year Yahïa-qhan, who on Abdol-medjid-qhan’s dismission had been promoted to the Divanship of the Qhalissah-office, departed his life. The third day after his demise being elapsed, the Emperor sent for his six sons, and one of his grandsons, and presented each of them with a Qhylaat of mourning; after which, of his own motion, he promoted the eldest son, who appeared the most capable, to the office of Moonshy or Secretary of State, held by his father. A few days after, the office of the Qhalissah was bestowed on Mahmed-issac-qhan, who was installed in it with a Serpah of six pieces, and that Minister in a few days after took his seat in his cuchery or tribunal, where he signed some papers as a mark of possession. On the middle of Shaaban, Agher-qhan, the Turk, Commandant of the Corz-bearers, dying^\(176\), his son, Chaghyr-qhan^\(177\) received, at one and the same time, a Qhylaat of mourning, and his father’s office. This year likewise ushered in an event quite unexpected. Nassyr-qhan, the famous Viceroy of Cabool, who had fled from the grasp of Ahmed-shah-abdali, came suddenly to Shah-djehan-abad, where he was honoured with a Qhylaat of six piecs, a sabre, and an elephant. This was in hopes that, as Nadyr-shah was no more, he might, by his connections with the Afghans of those parts, bring Cabool again under the dominions of Hindostan.

The year following, being the one thousand one hundred and sixty-first, was remarkable by two considerable events, which changed intirely the face of the Empire. The one was the the demise of Mahmed-shah, who may be considered as the last Death of Mahmed-shah. Emperor of the House of Babr; the other, the irruption of Ahmed-shah-abdali, the King of the Doorannies into Hindostan. As that Prince’s invasion took place in the beginning of this year, and the battles which he gave, as well as the troubles and commotions History of Ahmed-shah-abdali, the founder of the new Monarchy of the Doorannies. which he caused, together with his return home, and the accession of Prince Ahmed to the throne of Hindostan, have taken up so much space of time, as to extend down to the first Djemady, we have thought proper to bring all those events into one point of view.

This Ahmed-shah-abdali was originally one of the principal Chiefs of that tribe of Afghans, settled in the province of Herat, under the name of Abdalies^\(178\). His tribes having revolted against that conqueror of his age, the formidable Nadyr-shah, he fell prisoner in his hands, and was for some time one of the slaves of the presence; when that Prince chancing to take notice of him, promoted him to a post of Yesäol^\(179\), and in a little time raised him to the command of a thousand men; and here it must be observed that although Nadyr-shah was one of the principal of those Turkish tribes settled in Iran, yet he had so effectually incurred the hatred of his tribe, and of the whole Turkish race^\(180\), that being thoroughly sensible of its consequences, he had made it a point to attach to his person the several tribes of Afghans and Tooranians, or Usbeghs, which he had vanquished, conquered, and subdued. His army was mostly composed of those two nations. From them he drew most of his officers and Generals; and he gave them so much influence and authority, that they seemed intirely to engross his attention and favour; the Afghans especially, to whom he seemed to trust still more than to the Turks of Tooran; and he raised them so high, that on his being killed, most of the principal Afghan Commanders aspired to a Sovereign power, and for a long term of years commanded as so many Kings, in most of the provinces of Iran. The most powerful of them was Azad-qhan, who was at the head of thirty thousand horse; a man who had raised such a flame in Iran, as nothing could extinguish but the waves that plentifully flowed from Kerim-qhan-zendi’s sabre^\(181\), another adventurer like himself, who vanquished him in battle, took him prisoner, and then made him one of his Generals. Ahmed-abdali was such another Commander; but he had the wisdom to avail himself of the counsels and support of Taky-qhan, Governor of Cabool, a man whom Nadyr-shah had castrated, and whom he nevertheless feared. This Ahmed-abdali, in the confusion that ensued after Nadyr-shah’s death, fled from camp, and meeting in his flight a convoy of treasure which was going to the army, under the charge of Tahmasp-djelaïr, he fell upon the escort, seized the money, and made use of it to attract so many Afghans to his service, that in a short time he became a potent Prince, who struck money, and was prayed for publicly in the mosques. He made seven journeys or expeditions in Hindostan, all which shall be successively mentioned in these sheets. The first was at the end of the year 1150, being then in Nadyr-shah’s victorious army, with which he likewise returned to Iran, the next year. As he had been bred by that Prince, much regard was always paid him; and the next year he obtained leave to go home, and see his friends. On his return to the army, he resolved to go in pilgrimage to the monument, guarded by hosts of Angels, the venerable Mausoleum of the Pontiff of men and spirits, Sooltan-abool-hassen-aaly, son to Moosa-reza, (on whom be grace and endless praise!)^\(182\). After having performed his devotions at that sacred shrine, he was going away, when he observed a Religieuse, setting up close to the head of the Miraculous tomb, a bit of cloth upon two sticks, as if it were a tent for small children. Ahmed could not help pausing awhile, to ask him what he was playing about? The man, looking steadfastly in his face, answered: “Art thou Ahmed-abdaly?” “I am,” said the other. “This tent,” replied the Fakyr, “is Nadyr-shah’s Imperial tent; whenever it comes to fall, thou shalt become a King.” Ahmed, surprised at such a prediction, left one of his attendants at the Fakyr’s, with orders to attend to the motion of the tent, and to take down the day and hour whenever it should fall; and he continued his journey to camp. He was hardly arrived, when Nadyr-shah was killed; and Ahmed, assembling those of his own Clan, fled with them, and arrived at Mesh-hed, where his first care was to visit the holy monument, and the man stationed at the tent. The latter, looking at his paper, mentioned the day and hour, when it had tumbled down of itself. Ahmed, overjoyed at this intelligence, compared the dates, acknowledged the veracity of the prediction, and from that moment he commenced to aspire to a throne. He joined to his own body of troops, as many Abdalis as he could persuade, and being now at the head of a considerable force, he engaged Taky-qhan to join his party. This Governor nick-named Capon, who was a man of consequence, that had rendered great services to Nadyr-shah, by whose order he had been castrated, was then in that country, and by his counsels he proved of great service to Ahmed. The latter now put upon his turbant the Djica or Aigrette of Sovereignty, and hearing that the tribute of Cabool and Mooltan was on its way to camp, under the guard of Mir-mahmed-säyd and Noor-mahmed-qhan-Leti, two officers of character, he fell upon the escort, took the treasure, and engaged the two officers to join his party. Being thus reinforced by a good body of troops, and in possession of so much money, he marched against an Afghan who commanded in Candahar, and having killed him in battle, he took that fortress. From thence he engaged, by dint of intreaties, Shah-sabur, the Religious of the tent, to come into his camp and to follow his fortunes. This Saint-Patience (for such is the import of his name) was a grandson of the famous master Helal, the farrier of Cabool, who had likewise turned Fakyr, and was greatly revered by the Tooranians^\(183\). Ahmed-abdaly, after seizing the above treasure, offered the Government of Cabool to Nassyr-qhan, who had commanded there ever since Nadyr-shah had confirmed him in that post; but it was on condition that, on his arrival at that fortress, he could send to camp immediately the sum of five lacs. The condition being accepted, the Governor received his Qhylaat, and he repaired to his post, where he assembled the principal inhabitants, to whom he exposed the Shah’s demand. As that city is mostly inhabited by Afghans, a nation whose characteristic qualification is faithlessness and deceit, they all declared that it was impossible to raise any money amongst them. The Governor observed that, if they did not pay the money, they would be called to an account, as well as himself, and what then do you intend to do, added he;—“We shall fight,” answered the assembly. Nassyr-qhan having expressed many doubts on this resolution of theirs, they all joined in confirming their engagement by the most sacred oaths and the most solemn execrations. On which the Governor sent back the Doorrani’s guards, which had come back with him from camp. Ahmed being informed of all this, ran to besiege the place, when the inhabitants, forgetting their late engagements, retired every one to their houses; and Nassyr-qhan, not thinking it safe to tarry in the place, retired to Peshavor, after having fortified some strong passes; whilst the Caboolians, joining Ahmed, informed him of the manner of penetrating to that place. The Abdaly, on this intelligence, hastened to Peshavor, and Nassyr-qhan, seeing his danger, said farewell to his family and prepared himself for a vigorous defence.

Whilst Ahmed-abdaly was marching to besiege Peshavor, fortune was planning a new set of successes for that new Monarch. We have mentioned that, on Zekaria-qhan’s demise, his second son, Shah-nevaz-qhan, had seized the Government, and driven away his elder brother; he was now governing the two Provinces of Lahor and Mooltan, with nearly an absolute authority. He had, for his Paymaster-General, one Adina-beg-qhan, who was a very devil under the appearance of a man. This man, who had resolved to overset his master’s power, and to raise his own on its ruins, addressed him in these words: “You are no more than a nephew to Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan, but your elder brother, Yahïa-qhan, is his son-in-law besides; and he is gone to carry complaints against you to Court. Rest assured, then, that neither Emperor nor Vezir shall let you alone in the full enjoyment of two Governments.” “You have, however, one resource, and it is this: Join Ahmed-abdaly’s party, a powerful and successful man, who openly aspires to a Crown, and will look upon your joining his party as the most unexpected favour which Heaven could confer upon him.” This speech had its full effect. Shah-nevaz-qhan acknowledged the goodness of the advice, and opened a correspondence with the Abdaly. These two men soon came to an agreement, and it was concluded in these terms: The Crown to Ahmed; the Vezirship to Shah-nevaz. The Abdaly had been so astonished at the proposal of making him a present of two such Provinces, that he had prostrated himself on the ground, and had acknowledged the Divine interposition on his undertaking. He immediately ordered the agreement to be drawn up, got it witnessed and guaranteed by the principal Commanders of his army, and then sent it by a person of distinction.

This scheme having taken place, the incarnate devil set up another. He wrote to Camer-eddin-qhan, the Vezir, “That his nephew had conceived chimerical schemes in his mind, affected independence, and had opened a channel of correspondence with Ahmed-abdaly. That he was become so headstrong as to make no account of the remonstrances of his best servants; but that they would not fail to make another effort upon him as soon as the Minister should have endeavoured to sooth his mind, and to gain his heart.” The Vezir, astonished at the intelligence, took pen immediately, and with his own hand wrote a very affecting letter to his nephew. The purport was, “That their family, at all times attached to the Emperors of Hindostan, had never been defiled by the crime of ingratitude and treason. Beware of such a crime; beware of thinking that a traitor can thrive. It is a pity that a man like you should wish for the honour of obeying Ahmed-abdaly, the Yesäol, rather than that of driving such a fellow from the frontiers of Hindostan. Would not the five Provinces of Cabool, Cashmir, Tatta, Lahor, and Mooltan, fall into your hands in such a case, and would not your good uncle exert himself in supporting you with all the power of the Empire^\(184\)?” This letter produced its effect, and he was aimed from his folly; but Adina-beg-qhan, who had put together all the parts of his scheme, resolved to avail himself of this rupture with Ahmed-abdaly.

We have left this Prince wondering at Nasser-qhan’s defection, and marching to besiege him in Peshavor. The latter, after having defended himself as long as his provisions and ammunition lasted, and his small numbers would admit, was thinking of escaping out of the town, and providing for his safety; but this was far from being easy. His Deputy, who was equally brave and zealous, seeing his distress, addressed him in these words: “Get out of this place as well as you can, and fly towards Hindostan. I shall contrive to hold out one day and two nights more, by which time, you shall be too far off to be overtaken by any enemies.” Nassyr-qhan, having approved the advice, escaped out of the town with a few friends, and fled with all his might, but in distress of every thing. Meanwhile the Deputy having held out as much as he promised, was slain at the second assault; and Ahmed-abdaly got possession of the town, in which Nassyr-qhan’s family and consort came into the Victor’s power. Ahmed, out of regard to her merit, and to her being daughter of Zir-dest-qhan, grandson to the famous Aaly-merdan-qhan^\(185\), not only took care of supporting her with decency and honour, but he in a little time set her at liberty.

Whilst that forlorn family was receiving so generous a treatment, Nassyr-qhan arrived at Lahor, where he had taken his residence in a Mosque^\(186\). But Shah-nevaz-qhan, no sooner heard of the arrival of such an illustrious fugitive, than he went to see him, and intreated him to join him in attacking the Abdaly. The other declined the proposal several times, and declared his resolution of going to Court. Shah-nevaz-qhan, finding he could not prevail upon him, took his leave, carrying with him that Governor’s Steward. Being arrived at his palace, he desired him to accept in his master’s name an equipage suitable to his rank and former station; and he immediately sent him all the elephants, horses, camels, arms, and furniture, necessary for a Nobleman of high pedigree, without forgetting a kitchen, and a water equipage^\(187\), with a number of cooks and a quantity of provisions. To this he added four lacs of rupees in gold for his travelling charges.

The Viceroy had hardly dismissed that illustrious fugitive, when he received a letter from the Abdali-king, with an invitation to come over to his camp. The other refused flatly. The Abdaly reminded him of his engagement; and Shah-nevaz-qhan answered only by letters that shewed how much his mind was altered. This being heard of by Shah-sabur, who was become Ahmed’s director and tutelar saint, and who now remembered of his being born at Lahor, and of his having lived a long time there, he took Ahmed’s leave, and went alone to Lahor, where he landed in the Mufty-Abdollah’s house. Shah-nevaz-qhan, hearing of that extraordinary man’s arrival, sent Adina-beg-qhan and his Divan, Radja Kura-mull^\(188\), to know his purpose. The holy man answered: “I have no business with any of you, nor do I intend you any harm. I come only because I cannot help remembering that I was born in this city, had connections with some of its citizens, and am under obligations to some of its former rulers. I cannot help feeling for them all; therfore I tell you, faithlessness has never proved successfull; neither is it an object of approbation with either God or man; nor is your sabre equal to Ahmed-abdaly’s sabre.” He was yet speaking, when a voice from behind broke out in this exclamation: “Is his sabre of iron, and ours of wood?” “No,” replied the Fakir, “your sabre, as well as his, is of iron; but your fortune is not equal to his. His star is now in its ascension, and I do not see that yours keeps pace with it.”

Adina-beg-qhan, who carried this message to his master, seemed to be affected by it; nor was Shah-nevaz-qhan himself without some emotion. But, however, no peace took place, and he ordered the Fakyr to be kept in custody in Adina-beg-qhan’s palace. Ahmed, finding that nothing was to be gained by letters, marched to Lahor, from whence Shah-nevaz-qhan came out with a numerous army, well furnished with artillery and every other necessary; and both sides seemed eager to engage, when the Viceroy sent to ask from a Fakyr, who meddled with Astrology, what he thought would be the fate of the day. Shah-kelb-aaly (for such was the man’s name)^\(189\) answered. “This day is not favourable to you. If you can help it, abstain from fighting to-day. The day of to-morrow, with the following days, will be more favourable to your cause. Beware of engaging to-day.” The Viceroy, on this answer, sent orders to his Commanders not to fight to-day, but to keep themselves within their retrenchment, even should they be attacked; in which case, they were only to repel the enemy. This said, he went to his tent, and took some repose until supper time came; and he was already seated with Adina-beg-qhan and some other Commanders, when they heard the report of a great gun, and then another. Upon enquiry it was found, that a body of the enemy’s horse having made its appearance, two hundred Kuzzelbashes on horseback had quitted the intrenchment to fight them, and that the enemy had retired; but had come again to the number of about two thousand, which large body had dispersed on some cannon being fired at them. Some time after, a swift horseman came to the Viceroy to desire immediate assistance. He said, that Kuzzelbashes having sallied forth a second time, had been worsted and obliged to retreat within the enclosure; and as they came pellmell with the enemy, the artillery had therefore forborn firing; in consequence of which the Abdalies had penetrated within the camp, and were filling it with slaughter and confusion. On hearing this Shah-nevez-qhan was going to mount, and he immediately sent Adina-beg-qhan to the assistance of those attacked, with orders to drive the Abdalies out of the intenchment only. This officer, having put his hand upon his eyes in token of obedience, marched with his troops, but he took to the left, and contented himself with being a spectator of the engagement. By this time the Viceroy was upon his elephant, and whilst he was encouraging his men, Adina-beg-qhan advanced a little farther, but stopped short again. Luckily it was already dark, and the Abdalies had retired of their own accord. But Adina-beg-qhan having already retired with his troops within the city, even so early as the evening, a panic had seized most of those that remained, and every one strove to save himself within the walls, without minding their Officers. The Viceroy, confounded at this reverse, returned to his quarters, where he wanted to alight in his tent. This was strongly opposed by a relation of his who sat behind him, and objected that there was no safety left in camp; and that it was better to retire within the walls, and to fight the enemy from behind that cover. This the Viceroy admitted, but he proposed to take such a party only to-morrow, adding that this was an unfavourable day for him, and that to-morrow all would be well again. The other continuing to object, the Viceroy gave way; but as soon as he had turned the head of his elephant towards the city, such as had remained yet in camp, took example from him, and fled on all sides, making haste to get at the gate. At this moment, a body of faithless Tooranians in his service, who had preserved their presence of mind, availing themselves of the general panic, fell at once upon the runaways, and commenced killing and stripping and plundering. Not content with that, they advanced to the head quarters, where they plundered the Governor’s tents and equipage, whilst he was yet in sight. The Viceroy amazed at this sudden revolution, alighted at his Palace, where some of his Commanders arrived at the same time, proposing terms of accommodement. The Paymaster-General, Adina-beg-qhan, arrived also. The Viceroy bid him bring the Fakyr. The Paymaster answered, that in the confusion they had killed him. Killed him! said the Viceroy, incensed, and seizing one of the marble knobs that kept the carpets fixed to the ground, he struck the Paymaster in the breast, exclaiming at the same time, that after such an action they could not even shew their faces. Finding that matters were past all remedy, he distributed to a number of trusty servants a quantity of bags of gold, and putting some caskets full of jewels of high value in the hands of some eunuchs attached to his person, he quitted the city and fled; and thus the army without being beaten, left the victory to the enemy. The next morning, the Abdalies entered the city without the least opposition, and fell aplundering so leisurely, that nothing could escape their hands. Adina-beg-qhan had had the precaution to get early out of the place with his troops, and all his fortune, and to take to a precipitate flight. Meanwhile the Viceroy, after being overtaken by his Tooranians, who offered him all kinds of insults and ill usage, met the Vezir upon the road, who dismissed him to the Capital.

The Abdaly Prince, having in this easy manner gained a great victory, and conquered two provinces, turned his views upon the very Capital of Hindostan. He had, in his campaign with Nadyr-shah, fully observed the weakness of the Empire, the imbecility of the Emperor, the inattention of his Ministers, and that spirit of independence which had crept among the Grandees. Being now unexpectedly so far advanced, he concluded that the expedition he had determined on within himself, would not prove a very difficult task. Full of these hopes, he commenced his march from Lahor, carrying with him Mahmed-taky-qhan, the Capon, who served both as his chief Counsellor and as his Generalissimo. Mahmed-shah, informed of this, resolved to oppose him; and he sent his son, Ahmed-shah, at the head of a numerous army, commanded by the Vezir and the principal Grandees of the Empire, such as Abool-mansoor-qhan, Radja Asiri-sing-seväi, son to Radja Djehi-sing, and some other Radjas of the Province of Adjmir, whether of the Rhator family or others; all of which commanded troops of their own tribes. It was in the year 1161 of the Hedjrah. The principal nobility of Hindostan were in that army, such as Zolficar-djung, Shir-djung, and Muäien-el-mulk, all three sons to the Vezir. The Vezir, in receiving his audience of leave from the Emperor, was particularly distinguished by that Prince, who taking from his own turbant a fateh-pitch^\(190\), and a nosegay of beaten gold, put them with his own hand on the Vezir’s head, and dismissed him with exhortations to fight the enemies of his Crown valiantly. A fateh-pitch was likewise presented to every one of the other Lords and Generals. Zolficar-djung, elder son to the Vezir, was honoured with the office of third Paymaster-General, an office vacant since Emir-qhan’s death; and he was moreover entrusted with the care of the Imperial Prince’s person, over whom he was to watch as his tutor. By this promotion the office of fourth Paymaster became vacant, which was bestowed on Mahmed-issac-qhan. After these promotions the Imperial Prince marched at the head of his numerous army to Ser-hend, and advanced as far as the river Sutuludj, where he encamped on the ford. The-Abdaly-monarch, without minding the ford, marched above it by Lod-hiana, and arrived within Ser-hend; his army, by authentic accounts, not amounting to more than sixty-seven thousand horse. It was the thirteenth of the first Reby, in the year 1161. The town of Ser-hend was plundered and sacked, and every one found in arms was put to the sword. On this the Shah-zadah marched to the eneny; but on approaching a little nearer, that Prince, according to that riveted custom of the Hindians, who never think themselves a match for an army of foreigners, stopped short, and surrounded his army with an intrenchment and a ditch, within which he kept himself; and from the fifteenth of the first Reby until the twenty-sixth, nothing was to be seen but continual attacks and skirmishes, with great slaughter on both sides. The Abdaly had no artillery, but fortune brought him a convoy of provisions, cannon, rockets, and ammunition, which fell into his hands. He availed himself of this assistance to pour in a shower of balls within the intrenchment; insomuch that the Hindostany army, although very numerous, seemed to be besieged by the Abdalies and Kuzzelbashes. The seventh day of this singular siege, it happened that the Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan, being about noon-day at his prayers^\(191\), a cannon-ball came and killed him on the spot. This accident discouraged the Hindoos who were in camp, to the number of twenty or thirty thousand, under the command of Asiri-sing, and some other Radjahs. With one common accord they despaired of the cause, and coming out of camp, they stretched the feet of trepidation on the boundless plain of despondency, and marched back to their homes. But this desertion, considerable and discouraging as it was, did not damp the courage of either the Shah-zadah’s, or of Abool-mansoor-qhan’s, or of Müaïen-el-mulk’s, or of the other sons of the late Vezir’s. They fought the enemy several times with an undaunted courage, and always with much slaughter on both sides, until the morning of the twenty-sixth, when the Abdaly-king, putting himself at the head of his troops, gave an assault to the Vezir’s quarter, but was vigorously repulsed by Müaïen-el-mulk, alias Mir-mannoo, the Vezir’s eldest son, who acquired a great deal of honour in that trying occasion. A body of Tooranians, commanded by Djanish-qhan, and some other officers, mindful of the many obligations which their nation owed to that family, fought with great vigour, and cheerfully shed their blood in their defence; and vast numbers of the Vezir’s troops became that day so much food to the scimitar, that devouring crocodile of the seas of slaughter and blood. The enemies pushing forwards, penetrated to the very quarter of the Shah-zadah’s, and a mighty loss, together with a great disgrace, was going to befall the Hindostanies, when they were timely assisted by a body of troops in good order sent by Abool-mansoor-qhan. That General ordered the remainder of his horse, mostly Moghuls, to alight; and putting himself at their head, he marched fiercely to the enemy, preceded by some small cannon, and a number of men, armed with rockets aad wall-pieces. He came in a very critical moment, and putting himself between Mir-mannoo and the Abdalies, he brought the latter to a stand; and here the engagement, taking a new vigour, became warm and bloody. The enemy already fatigued by the resistance made by the Shah-zada and Mir-mannoo, found themselves at once assaulted by a body of fresh troops, who marched in good order, and were pouring a storm of musket-bullets, cannon-balls, and rockets upon them. At this critical moment, some of the ammunition and rocket-carts, seized at Ser-hend, by some accident took fire. In an instant thousands and ten thousands of rockets and other artifices were at once in a blaze; and these flying in all directions throughout the Abdaly’s army, destroyed most of the enemy’s troops by heaps^\(192\). The rest fell into disorder and confusion; and Ahmed, after having made repeated efforts to remedy the accident, and to rally his dismayed troops, reluctantly turned his back to the field of battle, and fled where his bad fortune pointed, leaving the victory to the Hindostany Prince, and the greatest part of his army on that field of slaughter. He had sent in the evening a message to Abool-mansoor-qhan, the purport of which I could not learn; but the next morning he beat the General at day-break, and marched back by the high-road that leads to Cabool and Candahar.

Mahmed-shah, on being informed of so signal a victory, and how instrumental the Vezir’s three sons had been in it, especially the eldest, as well as how timely and vigorously they had been succoured by Abool-mansoor-qhan’s critical interposition, could not help giving way to his joy and satisfaction, although he was then upon his death-bed. He himself read the relation, and immediately bestowed the Governments of Lahor and Mooltan on Mir-mannoo, and at the same time he wrote pressing letters to his son, to Abool-mansoor-qhan, and to the other Lords, with orders to repair immediately to Court. With these letters came a Qhylaat, with which the Imperial Prince himself invested Mir-mannoo in the name of the Emperor, his father, giving him order at the same time to take possession of the two Governments conferred upon him. The Prince, after this ceremony, set out for the Capital without loss of time, as the Emperor was growing worse and worse, and signs of an approaching gangrene were making their appearance. The Monarch beheld death advancing step after step, and letters after letters arrived daily demanding both his son and Abool-mansoor-qhan. Nor did these two noble persons give themselves any rest; they were already arrived at Pani-Poot^\(193\), in the neighbourhood of the Capital, when intelligence came that the Emperor was no more. He died the twenty-seventh of the second Reby, in the beginning of the thirty-first year of his reign, which answers to the year 1161 of the Hedjrah. But in confequence of a consultation between Issac-qhan and Djavid-qhan the eunuch, and some other Lords, to which the Empress Maleka-zemani gave her consent, his death was kept secret; so that his body, remaining some days above ground, became offensive, as had already happened to Emir-qhan’s body, as if to prove that holy sentence of the Coran, “So hast thou done, so shalt thou find.” Abool-mansoor-qhan, being repeatedly informed of all this, passed secretly with the Shah-zadah three days in mourning; and the fourth day he made choice of a favourable moment to erect a canopy, and to whirl several times round and over the Prince’s head a chatry or umbrella^\(194\), which he had run up in haste for the occasion; after which he presented his nuzur by way of making his homage, prayed for his prosperity, and wished him along reign. The new Emperor, after this ceremony, marched to the Capital with great pomp and magnificence. Being arrived at Shaleh-mar, an Imperial seat in the neighbourhood of the Capital, he received the applause and respects of all the Ministers of State and all the Grandees of the Empire, who proclaimed him with a common voice. After this ceremony, the body of Mahmed-shah was brought out of the Haram-sera, or sanctuary, and in the middle of a pompous cortege, was carried upon the shoulders of all the Grandees, to the Monument of Shah-nizam-eddin, where it was buried in a mausoleum, close to that which the Prince’s mother had erected for herself in her life-time. The new Emperor, on the seventh of Djemady, made his entry into the Capital, mounted upon a moving throne; and from thence, he went to reside in the citadel. Five days after, it being on a Friday, he repaired to the great Mosque, where having heard the Qhootbah pronounced in his name with other appreciations usual on such a solemnity, he returned to his Palace. In this same month both Moo??teza-qhan and Moorid-qhan departed their lives.

As to myself, I was about this time in great perturbation of The author quits his history to speak of himself. mind, having just lost Zin-eddin-ahmed-qhan, my patron, who had been murdered by the treachery of Shimshir-qhan; an afflicting event, which I learned at Gazipoor, and which made me retreat to Benares, from whence I went to Berhëily, which was my forgiven father’s residence. That city is the Capital of the countries of Bedaön and Shah-djehan-poor, &c., which constituted Nizam-el-mulk’s Djaghir, and had been put by Ghazy-eddin-qhan, his son, under the command of my father. It was at his feet I lived sometime, when a terrible event happened there, from the consequence of which I escaped with difficulty, as I shall mention in the subsequent pages.

My forgiven father had been, as I have said, promoted by Abool-mansoor-qhan’s influence to the Government of Sekenderah, when, taking my leave of that General, I repaired to Azim-abad, where I paid my respects to my glorious mother, and visited my uncles and my other relations, most of whom were allied either to Aaly-verdy-qhan himself, or to his nephews. There also I took a spouse in the family, which my mother had appointed. From thence I followed my uncles to the wars, and in the engagements against Mustapha-qhan, I rendered such whatever services could be expected from me. But a rupture soon took place between Abool-mansoor-qhan and my father, after the latter had remained one year in Sekenderah; and about the same time the countries of Moorad-abad, Sambal, and Berhëily having been recovered from the hands of the Rohillahs by Mahmed-shah in person, who thought proper to return those lands, and Districts to those to whom they had belonged before, either as Altumghas or Djaghirs, my father was a second time sent to command in those parts with full powers. The City of Berhëily, with the circumjacent country was a paternal Djaghir of Nizam-el-mulk’s; and as in consequence of the power and usurpations of Aaly-mahmed-qhan-Rohillah, those parts had become of small revenue, no person caring to expose his purse and honor on their product, the whole had been committed to the care of my forgiven father, who found much difficulty in quieting his Government. For although Rohillah himself had been driven away, and was gone to Ser-hend, there were thousands and ten thousands of Afghans spread all over the country, where they had taken so deep root, that they had become the Zemindars of that tract, and had to their own Afghan stubbornness added all the perverseness and all the refractory behaviour inherent to the charcter of a Zemindar. So that, none but my father was thought equal to the task of bringing them to order and submission. Ghazy-eddin-qhan, therefore, having sent his own Steward thither for a while, recalled my father; and after conferring with him some time, and furnishing him wtih every necessary, and with full powers, he sent him back with instructions. My forgiven father, thus supported, raised a goood body of troops, and marching throughout the country, he soon brought the city of Berhëily and the seventeen other Districts under order and controul. For a further security, he thought it a piece of policy to admit the principal Afghans amongst his troops; and thus Serdar qhan, of Berhëily, and Mangal-qhan, of Telhur, took service with him, each at the head of about two thousand men; as did another Afghan, of illustrious race, with seventeen hundred others. This last was called Pir-ahmed, and was a descendant of Sheh-abdol-cadyr-Ghilani, the great Saint of the Afghan nation.

But these were not all the turbulent spirits of that country. There lived then in those parts a man of great character and distinction, a descendant of Uzmet-ollah-qhan, one of the two brothers who had so long commanded in Moorad-abad. It was Cootoob-eddin-mohammed-qhan-Bahadyr, who was nephew to Ferid-eddin-qhan, a nobleman in whose service Aaly-mahmed-qhan, Rohillah had been for a length of time. He lived in the Castle of Cha-chutt, and seemed inclined to quarrel with my father; but he had but a small force, and still less money. My father sent him several mild rebukes on his improper behaviour; but all to so little purpose, that he was at last obliged to think of correction and chastisement. Cootoob-eddin’s troops seeing that he had brought the Governor of the country upon himself, deserted him immediately, and there remained to him only twenty or thirty ancient friends and servants who would not leave him, but chose to shut themselves up with him in the above castle. Troubles in Rohil-cund. My father hearing of this, surrounded it immediately, and went several times round the walls on his elephant, to find out a proper place for an assault. It must be observed, that Cootoob-eddin-qhan greatly valued himself upon his skill in shooting with a musket, and, in fact, he was renowned all over the country for making use of balls and muskets of twice the size and length of the ordinary ones; and he fired with so much precision, that he never missed his mark. Several of his followers were equal to him in that art. Now as my father was going every day round the walls, both himself and his best marks-men repeatedly took aim, and repeatedly fired at him, without being able to hit any thing but the boards of his hemhary, or his cushions, or his clothes and turbant. Cootoob-eddin-qhan incensed at his eternally missing his enemy, threw down his gun, swore he would never fire again, and sent to my father to desire a conference and an accommodation. This interview was requested with a design to kill my father in the middle of the conference, the man being of such a determined daringness that he never stuck at any thing to compass his own ends. His few followers, being as daring as himself, resolved to stand by him in that trying occasion. But as they pretended fears and suspicions, it was agreed that they should come armed, and the agreement was guaranteed by Séyd-aaly-qhan, my father’s fourth brother, and by Pir-ahmed, the Rohillah Commander. On the appointed day, they came out of the castle, and were received by my uncle in his tent, in expectation of being sent for by my father. But that nobleman unwilling to meet so hastily a party of desperadoes, whom he knew to be highly incensed against him, returned for answer, that he hoped they would repose themselves the remainder of the day in his brother’s tent, as his guests, and that the next morning he would give them the meeting. The man hearing such an answer, suspected some treachery; and although he with his ten or twelve men was sitting amongst a multitude of armed Afghans, and close to my uncle and Pir-ahmed, he expressed his resentment without minding his situation, and said that they ought, with their beards as men, to wear long hair upon their heads, as women; openly reproaching them at the same time, with their faithlessness in bringing him in such a deceitful manner out of the castle. My uncle and Pir-ahmed, without minding his air and tone of voice, represented mildly that no breach of faith would happen, and that no harm was intended to him; but that the Governor being eternally busy, might have particular reasons for his putting off the interview till to-morrow, and that meanwhile there was no harm at all in his requesting him to be his guest. That officer was yet speaking, when several sneakers of a cool lemonade were brought in, and a moment after these were followed by a number of tables, covered with a variety of costly and dainty victuals, to which was added a message from my father, requesting his guest to partake of such an entertainment as his camp afforded, and to take some repose until the next morning. The man, who had been both hungry and angry all this while, finding himself so gently used, dropped his resentment, and fell a eating so heartily that at the end of his meal he had commenced speaking in a friendly manner. After his dinner, some presents were sent him, which he accepted. Cootoob-eddin-qhan, seeing that no harm could be intended, altered his resolution within his heart, and became reconciled to my father. The next morning, the Derbar being full, the new guest was conducted to the audience-tent between my uncle and Pir-ahmed, followed by a numerous throng of Afghan officers. My father on descrying him got up, and having embraced him, made him sit with himself upon the same Mesned, and he received his friends as they approached one by one, in the manner which his guest seemed to wish. Cootoob-eddin overcome by so much kindness and so unexpected a condescension, could not help exposing the intention with which he had originally come out of the castle, and he added that the sudden change wrought in his heart yesterday, together with his missing perpetually his aim,— he who had never lost a bullet—were events which he could ascribe to nothing but to some sacredness inherent in his person, and doubtless derived to him from his Séyd ancestors. My father hearing this, could not help laughing, and he continued speaking to the man with so much regard and favour, that he made a conquest of his heart; after which he proposed to him to take service in his troops, and to attach himself to his person as a friend and a companion. Cootoob-eddin, after stipulating some conditions, accepted the proffer; and thus enmity and diffidence ended in friendship and confidence.

So much sudden favour, and such marks of distinction, excited sentiments of envy and discontent in Pir-ahmed, a principal Commander amongst the Afghans, who thought he had more right to them himself. His mind was so ulcerated, that every fresh kindness shewn to the new guest seemed to thrust thorns and scorpion-stings in his heart, which otherwise was disinclined on account of the difference of sect between himself and his master, the latter being a zealous Shyah, and the other a turbulent Sunni. Whereas Cootoob-eddin, as well as his friend, Sheh-müez-eddin-qhan, (an officer now living at Lucknow, and whose feats of valour and generosity we shall have occasion to mention) were of a race celebrated for their zealous attachments to the tenets of the Shyahs, as well as for their illustrious achievements, and for their being descended of persons attached to the service of the Holy-house^\(195\), (upon all whom be grace!) He was himself respected by the countrymen as their Lord, and their master’s son; and it was on that very account that my father had introduced him in all the affairs of administration. This alienated entirely Pir-ahmed’s heart. He quitted the service, and sought a revenge in exciting troubles; and as the Afghans in my father’s service, as well as those all over the country, were all either his tenants, or men accustomed to serve under him, they made it a point to join him, and to obey his summonses; and the evil rose to such a height, that my father was obliged to march against him, and to bring him to order. Cootoob-eddin, who was appointed his General, took the command of the Vanguard. An engagement ensued, when Pir-ahmed dividing his troops in two, opposed his bravest and best marksmen to Cootoob-eddin, and with the rest he concealed himself in the ruined houses of an abandoned village, and in some fields grown over with tall sugar-canes, expecting to have my father at his discretion from such an ambuscade. The engagement being already commenced, Cootoob-eddin, with his bravest men, taking his musket, and quitting his horse, rushed through the thickest of the enemy, bearing down every thing before him. They say, that whilst he was taking aim with his gun, a trooper of the enemy’s sprung at his side, and crying “Cootoob-eddin-mahmed-qhan, have at you,” he advanced with his sabre up-lifted. Cootoob-eddin altering only the direction of his piece, answered, “have at you yourself,” and laid him sprawling on the ground. That brave troop of his, animated by such exertions, continued to advance through the enemy’s ranks, which at last they broke entirely, and forced to an open flight; but by this time he had already advanced so far from his main, as to be within reach of that piece of sugar-cane where Pir-ahmed was waiting for my father, and the latter approaching on the opposite side, he was set upon with the utmost fury, by a body of horse that rushed out suddenly, put to flight most of those that were with him, and struck a panic in those that remained. In this state of things, my father was putting his foot out of the amhary to jump down from his elephant, and to fight on foot, when the son of Cootoob-eddin, a young man whom he had taken upon an elephant, out of regard for his father, interposed, and he observed, that so long as himself, his soldier, was alive, with so many others, such exertions would be unbecoming a General. Meanwhile some of his relations and men, seeing their Commander’s danger, quitted their horses, and surrounding his elephant, they mixed with the enemy, soon covered the ground with the blood of many of them, and put the whole to a stand. Pir-ahmed was advancing himself, and encouraging his people to push on; but Cootoob-eddin, who now was at hand, advanced to charge him. Pir-ahmed, fatigued already by the resistance he had met round my father’s elephant, from that valiant troop that fought like lions accustomed to tear their enemies, and thinking himself unequal to a fresh engagement, gave way, and he retreated full of shame and confusion; whilst a zephyr of victory rising over the field of battle, unfurled the drooping standards of my father’s troops, and cheered their hearts. Pir-ahmed, however, was overcome, but not ruined; and he soon came to another engagement, but was so severely beaten, that his Afghans, humbled and dispirited, slipt away one by one, and dispersed to their homes. And thus tranquillity being re-established, my father with Cootoob-eddin-qhan, his friend, lived happy in the middle of relations, acquaintances, and soldiers.

It was about this time, that, inspired by a desire of kissing the sacred paternal feet, I quitted Azim-abad a little before Shimshir-qhan’s treason; and in the first days of Moharrem, of the year 1161, I arrived at Berhëily, by the way of Ghazipoor and Banares, where I was favoured with the blessing of seeing the paternal face. It was about the time when the Imperial Prince Ahmed-mirza had gained that great victory over the Abdalies, which we have sometime ago mentioned. It was at this very time that Aaly-mahmed-qhan-Rohillah, who, from being the Vezir Cammer-eddin-qhan’s prisoner, had been by his influence set at liberty, and moreover promoted to the command of Ser-hend, thought proper to quit his post; after which he soon assembled an army of forty thousand Afghans, and marched by Soharen-poor and Gundj-poor, across the Djumna, directly to Moorad-abad and Berhëily, where he had once commanded with so much power; and having possessed himself of that Capital, where he established his Government and authority, he crossed the Ganga to attack my father. As soon as this intelligence was spread in the country, the Afghans that constituted the greatest part of my father’s troops, being all either countrymen or acquaintances of Aaly-mahmed-qhan’s, or attached to him personally, were overjoyed to see him again amongst themselves; and pretending that they were in arrears of pay by some months, they assembled in bodies, and, probably with no good intention, surrounded the house where my father lived, within the castle of Berhëily. He had with him only about three hundred Hindostanies, from about Shah-djehan-abad, and a small number of friends, relations, and servants. By this time Aaly-mahmed-qhan being arrived within ten cosses of Berhëily, the situation of the besieged was become critical. In this conjuncture Cootoob-eddin-qhan took my father aside, and Singular character of Cootoob-eddin’s. addressed him in these words, “Rohillah is come upon us with an army which we cannot pretend to fight, admitting even that he had not been joined by the Afghans of these countries, who have flocked to his standard in as great numbers as if they had been so many locusts or pismires. On the other hand, your very soldiers are now besieging you, and thirsting after your blood. I see then no other party left but this:—I will go out to meet Aaly-mahmed-qhan-Rohillah, and examine his sentiments respecting you. If he is not ill inclined towards you, I shall engage him to let you extricate yourself from your actual difficulties; if I discover that he means you any ill, then I shall kill him instantly; and, as I shall be dispatched myself upon the spot, you may then manage as your fortune shall point out.” This proposal my father accepted; and the brave and faithful Cootoob-eddin, having sallied out of the fort with a few of his most trusty men, went to Aaly-mahmed-qhan’s quarters. Being arrived at that General’s tent, he left his men at the door of the first enclosure, and went in with only two or three of them. Meanwhile those who were left without, being all extremely attached to him, and at all times ready to shed their blood for his sake, could not see him going in so weakly accompanied without being somewhat alarmed; so that two or three of them wanting to get in, were stopped by the Chopdars and other people at the General’s door. Cootoob-eddin hearing the noise returned back, and striking one of the Chopdars slightly over the head, he asked him why he presumed to stop his people. This action having increased the tumult, some great mischief was likely to ensue, when Aaly-mahmed-qhan, surprised at the cries and noise, ran bare-footed out of the enclosure, and taking that illustrious hero by the hand, he drew him to his breast, embraced him tenderly, and apologised for what had come to pass. After which he carried him within the tent, where he made him sit in the middle of his own Mesned, himself taking a seat at the corner of it; and his behaviour in every thing else was very respectful. After interchanging the usual excuses and some customary compliments, Cootoob-eddin addressed him in these words: “You, doubtless, have heard that I am become an intimate friend of the valiant Sëyd-hedäiet-aaly-qhan, the Lion in Wars; an attachment which he has been pleased to repay with every mark of kindness and love. You know, likewise, that his very soldiers, enticed by the hopes of your coming, have ungratefully turned their arms against their lord and master, and are now thinking of mischief. If such is your intention also, dismiss me, that I may return and lay down my life in my friend’s cause, and by my zeal and fidelity prepare for myself a durable monument in the registers of posterity—march on with your troops, join those ungrateful wretches, and by falling together upon that handful of besieged folks, acquire the glory of having killed a Seyd, Else, if you be an open hearted soldier, and you intend no mischief, then assist the man with some necessaries for his voyage to the capital, repress the seditions use your influence to make them accept as much as the ready money and effects at the castle can afford; and let him quit this country with safety to his person, and some honour to his character.” This speech had its full effect. Rohillah, with the most solemn oaths, protested that he intended no personal injury, and, sending for the officers of his household, he directed them to prepare an equipage suitable to the Governor’s rank and condition; after which he dismissed his guest with every demonstration of honour, sending him back fully satisfied and contented. He only required that Cootoob-eddin should not go to Shah-djehan-abad, where he was apprehensive lest the forlorn state of so illustrious a man might engage the Ministers to reinstate him at the head of an army in his father’s Government. My father, the next day after this treaty, came out of the castle with all his people, and took up his quarters at Pandj-mahla, a building at some distance without the walls of Berhëily, where he spent some days in much altercation about settling the respective claims of the seditious; and he was every day in the hope of being soon able to get out of their hands. At last by the Divine assistance this point was gained, and he arrived at the Capital.

About the middle way, as we had passed Feroh-abad, we heard at once a multitude of news. That Mahmed-shah had departed this life; that his son, Ahmed-mirza, had returned, after having gained an important victory; that the Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan had been slain; that Mir-mannoo, his son, had been promoted to the two Viceroyalties, Lahor and Mooltan; and lastly, that Abool-mansoor-qhan had installed Ahmed-mirza in the Imperial throne at the seat of Shahleh-mar. Nevertheless, the death of Mahmed-shah had made such an impression in the country, that the roads were swarming with robbers and banditties, that did their business by troops; so that it became necessary to march with great precaution, and to be continually upon the watch. My father being arrived at Shah-djehan-abad, waited upon Ghazi-eddin-qhan, son to Nizam-el-mulk, in whose Djaghir was Berhëily and its districts; but finding that he had but little inclination to provide for such a loss, he turned his views towards Abool-mansoor-qhan. That General, who heard of his intention, sent him Radja Maha-naraïn, son of his Divan, and did him the honour to invite him to his Palace, where he repaired with the Radja, and where he paid his respects to that General, now Vezir of the Empire: an interview of which I availed myself to make my bow to that Prime Minister, and to exchange a few words with him. In a few days he was pleased to bestow on my father the command over Panipoot, Sonpoot, and the thirteen Districts under the immediate management of the Qhalissah-office; after which he got him decorated by the Emperor with the grade of five thousand horse, and with the insignia of a kettle-drum and a fringed Paleky. This appointment, being so strictly connected with the Qhalissah-office, at the head of which was Issac-qhan, afforded a fair opportunity of making a connection with that great Lord himself, by whose means he obtained for Cootoob-eddin-mahmed-qhan, his valuable friend, the Fodjdaries of Hyssar and Djudjar; and he therefore invited over that invaluable pearl of the seas of prowess, generosity, and fidelity. But that hero, who had his heart full against the Afghans and Rohillas, and who held them to be so many usurpers that had deprived him of the post of Moorad-abad, an office which was hereditary in his family from the time of Feroh-syur, and which was thought in every sense equal to a