History of India, as Told by its own Historians: The Muhammadan Period - The History of India, Volume 7

none of these objections. ^{* *} He set out and made a rapid march, and in the most difficult places they came to he himself went first on foot. ^{* *} They pressed on, and approached near the place where the doomed one was staying.

It is said that Sambhá's scouts informed him of the approach of the royal army, or the “Mughal army,” as it was called in the language of the Mahrattas. But the heedless fellow scouted the idea of any Mughal army penetrating to that place. He ordered the tongues of the reporters to be cut out, and did not even take care to have his horses ready, or to prepare any earthworks.

Mukarrab Khán, with his sons and nephews, ten or twelve brave personal attendants, and two or three hundred horsemen, fell sword in hand upon the heedless Sambhá, who too late thought of defending himself. Kabkalas, his wazír, was well known for his courage and daring. He did his best to save him, and, with a party of Mahrattas, advanced to meet the assailants. At the commencement of the fight he received an arrow in the right arm, which rendered the limb useless. He fell from his horse, exclaiming that he would remain there. Sambhá, who was about to take to flight, sprang from his horse, and said that he would stay with him. Four or five Mahrattas were cut down, but all the rest of Sambhá's men fled. Kabkalas was taken prisoner; Sambhá went for refuge into an idol temple, and there hid himself. The place was surrounded, and he was discovered. Several of his followers, of no importance, were killed; but he and his family, including his son Sáhú, a boy of seven or eight years of age, were all made prisoners. All his men and women, twenty-six individuals in number, were taken, and also two women belonging to Rám Rája, his younger brother, whom he kept confined in one of his forts. The hands of all of them were bound, and they were brought to the feet of the elephant on which Mukarrab Khán was riding. Although Sambhá, in the brief interval, had shaved off his beard, smeared his face with ashes, and changed his clothes, he was discovered by a necklace of pearls under his garments, and by the gold rings upon the legs of his horse. Mukarrab Khán made him ride behind him on the same elephant, and the other captives were chained and carried off, some on elephants, some on horses.

A despatch was sent to His Majesty, but news of the exploit reached him first through the news-reporters, and was a cause of great rejoicing. When the intelligence came that Mukarrab Khán was approaching with his prisoners, His Majesty ordered ^{* *} a large party to go out two kos from Aklúj,³⁴⁰ where he was staying, to give the victor a ceremonious reception. It is said that during the four or five days when Mukarrab Khán was known to be coming with his prisoners, the rejoicings were so great among all classes, from chaste matrons to miserable men, that they could not sleep at night, and they went out two kos to meet the prisoners, and give expression to their satisfaction. In every town and village on the road or near it, wherever the news reached, there was great delight; and wherever they passed, the doors and roofs were full of men and women, who looked on rejoicing. ^{* *}

After their arrival, Aurangzeb held a darbár, and the prisoners were brought in. On seeing them, he descended from his throne, and made two ruk'ats as a mark of his gratitude to the Almighty. It is said that Kabkalas observed this. He was well versed in Hindí poetry, and although his head and neck and every limb was firmly secured so that he could use only his eyes and tongue, when he saw Aurangzeb make these signs of devotion, he looked at Sambhá, and repeated some Hindí lines to this effect, “O Rája, at the sight of thee the King 'Álamgír (Aurangzeb), for all his pomp and dignity, cannot keep his seat upon his throne, but has perforce descended from it to do thee honour.”

After they had been sent to their places of confinement, some of the councillors of the State advised that their lives should be spared, and that they should be kept in perpetual confinement, on condition of surrendering the keys of the fortresses held by the adherents of Sambhá. But the doomed wretches knew that, after all, their heads would fall upon the scaffold, or that, if by abject submission and baseness, they escaped death, they would be kept in confinement deprived of all the pleasures of life, and every day of life would be a new death. So both Sambhá and Kabkalas indulged in abusive language, and uttered the most offensive remarks in the hearing of the Emperor's servants. But it was the will of God that the stock of this turbulent family should not be rooted out of the Dakhin, and that King Aurangzeb should spend the rest of his life in the work of repressing them and taking their fortresses. The Emperor was in favour of seizing the opportunity of getting rid of these prime movers of the strife, and hoped that with a little exertion their fortresses would be reduced. He therefore rejected the advice, and would not consent to spare them on condition of receiving the keys of the fortresses. He gave orders that the tongues of both should be cut out, so that they might no longer speak disrespectfully. After that, their eyes were to be torn out. Then, with ten or eleven other persons, they were to be put to death with a variety of tortures, and lastly he ordered that the skins of the heads of Sambhá and Kabkalas should be stuffed with straw, and exposed in all the cities and towns of the Dakhin, with beat of drum and sound of trumpet. Such is the retribution for rebellious, violent, oppressive evil-doers.

Sáhú, the son of Sambhá, a boy of seven years of age, was spared, and orders were given for his being kept within the limits of the palace. Suitable teachers were appointed to educate him, and a mansab of 700 was granted to him. ^{* *} Some women, including the mother and daughters of Sambhá, were sent to the fortress of Daulatábád.

When the author was staying along with 'Abdu-r Razzák Lárí near the fort of Ráhírí, which Sivají built, he heard from the people of the neighbourhood that Sivají, although an infidel and a rebel, was a wise man. The country round may be called a specimen of hell, for it is hilly and stony, and in the hot season water is very scarce, which is a great trouble to the inhabitants. Sivají had a well dug near his abode. A pavement was laid down round the mouth, and a stone seat was erected. Upon this bench Sivají would take his seat, and when the women of the traders and poor people came to draw water, he would give their children fruit, and talk to the women as to his mother and sisters. When the ráj descended to Sambhá, he also used to sit upon this bench; and when the wives and daughters of the raiyats came to draw water, the vile dog would lay one hand upon their pitcher, and another upon their waist, and drag them to the seat. There he would handle them roughly and indecently, and detain them for a while. The poor woman, unable to help herself, would dash the pitcher from her head, but she could not escape without gross insult. At length the raiyats of the country settled by his father abandoned it, and fled to the territory of the Firingís, which was not far off. He received the reward of his deeds.

THIRTY-FIFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1102 A.H. (1691 A.D.).

[Text, vol. ii. p. 391.] Aurangzeb was desirous of rewarding Mukarrab Khán for his splendid and unparalleled success. ^{* * *} He granted to him an increase of 1000 horse, gave him the title of Khán-Zamán Fath-Jang, a present of 50,000 rupees, and of a horse, elephant, etc., etc. His son, Ikhlás Khán, who held a mansab of 4000 personal and 4000 horse, had it increased a thousand, and received the title of Khán-i 'Álam. His four or five sons and nephews also received titles and marks of favour.

About this time it was reported that Rájgarh, one of the forts of Sivají and Sambhá, had been taken. Abú-l Khair Khán was appointed its commandant. ^{* *} Before the news of the capture of Sambhá reached that neighbourhood, the enemy invested the place, and summoned Abú-l Khaír to surrender. Although the force under Fíroz Jang was near at hand, Abú-l Khair was frightened, and was so craven as to surrender on a promise of safety to his life, his family, and his property. He left the place at night with some of his women in dúlís and the rest on foot, and he had with him several baskets and boxes of clothing, money, jewels, etc. The Mahrattas had gathered round, waiting for him, and although they had promised security to life and property, they stripped him of all he had, and left him in miserable plight. In the middle of the night he reached the army of Fíroz Jang, full of complaints and remorse. He was deprived of his mansab and jágír, and was sent on the pilgrimage.

Turbulence of the Játs.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 394.] It was now reported from Ágra that when Ághar Khán came there under orders from Kábul, a party of Játs attacked the caravan near Ágra. They seized the cattle and plundered the carts which were in the rear, and carried off some women as prisoners. Ághar Khán pursued them to the neighbourhood of a fort, where, after a sharp struggle, he rescued the women. He then boldly invested the fort, but he was killed by a musket-ball. His son-in-law was also killed. Khán-Jahán Kokaltásh had formerly failed in executing a commission to restrain the Játs, and for this and some displeasing actions he was recalled, and Prince Bedár Bakht was appointed on the duty.

An order was issued that no Hindú should ride in a pálkí or on an Arab horse without permission.

THIRTY-SIXTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1103 A.H. (1692 A.D.).

[Text, vol. ii. p. 397.] In the beginning or towards the middle of this year, Aurangzeb moved from Gúrgáon³⁴³ and Shikárpúr to Bídr, and after a while from thence to Gulka, one day's march from Bíjápúr, where the camp was pitched. The evil days of Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam now drew to a close, and it pleased the Emperor to show him kindness. ^{* * *} He directed that the shaving of the head and other rigours of prison discipline should be forbidden, and he held out to the Prince hopes of release.

The Hindí names of many places end with the letter h, which there was a tendency to pronounce like alif in such names as Málwah, Bangálah, Baglánah, and Parnálah. ^{* *} Orders were given that such names should be written with an alif, as Málwá, Bangálá, Bagláná, etc.

Mukhlis Khán, darogha of the artillery, reported that some of the Mahratta chiefs had taken Rám Rája, brother of the late Sambhá, out of confinement, and had raised him to the ráj in succession to his father and brother. They had assembled large forces with the vain intention of besieging fortresses. He sent robes and presents to the officers in command of his own forts, and, like his father and brother, he appointed different leaders to plunder the country, and to get possession of forts.

The Portuguese.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 400.] It was mentioned in the history of the reign of Sháh Jahán that Christian traders had come to India to the ports on the sea-shore. The officers of the King of Portugal occupied several neighbouring ports, and had erected forts in strong positions and under the protection of hills. They built villages, and in all matters acted very kindly towards the people, and did not vex them with oppressive taxes. They allotted a separate quarter for the Musulmáns who dwelt with them, and appointed a kází over them to settle all matters of taxes and marriage. But the call to prayer and public devotion were not permitted in their settlements. If a poor traveller had to pass through their possessions, he would meet with no other trouble; but he would not be able to say his prayers at his ease. On the sea, they are not like the English, and do not attack other ships, except those ships which have not received their pass according to rule, or the ships of Arabia or Maskat, with which two countries they have a long-standing enmity, and they attack each other whenever opportunity offers. If a ship from a distant port is wrecked and falls into their hands, they look upon it as their prize. But their greatest act of tyranny is this. If a subject of these misbelievers dies, leaving young children, and no grown-up son, the children are considered wards of the State. They take them to their places of worship, their churches, which they have built in many places, and the pádrís, that is to say the priests, instruct the children in the Christian religion, and bring them up in their own faith, whether the child be a Musulmán saiyid or a Hindú bráhman. They also make them serve as slaves. In the 'Ádil-Sháhí Kokan, close to the sea, in the fine and famous fort of Goa, their governor resides; and there is a captain there who exercises full powers on the part of Portugal. They have also established some other ports and flourishing villages. Besides this, the Portuguese occupy the country from fourteen or fifteen kos south of Surat to the boundaries of the fort of Bombay, which belongs to the English, and to the borders of the territories of the Habshís, which is called the Nizám-Sháhí Kokan. In the rear of the hills of Bagláná, and in strong positions, difficult of access, near the fort of Gulshanábád, they have built seven or eight other forts, small and great. Two of these, by name Daman and Basí, which they obtained by fraud from Sultán Bahádur of Gujarát, they have made very strong, and the villages around are flourishing. Their possessions measure in length about forty or fifty kos; but they are not more than a kos or a kos and a half in width. They cultivate the skirts of the hills, and grow the best products, such as sugarcane, pine-apples, and rice; and cocoa-nut trees, and betel-nut vines, in vast numbers, from which they derive a very large revenue. They have made for use in their districts a silver coin called ashrafí, worth nine ánás. They also use bits of copper which they call buzurg, and four of these buzurgs pass for a fulús. The orders of the King (of India) are not current there. When the people there marry, the girl is given as the dowry, and they leave the management of all affairs, in the house and out of it, to their wives. They have only one wife, and concubinage is not permitted by their religion. ^{* * *}

Rám Rája.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 413.] Messengers now brought to the knowledge of the Emperor that the forces of Rám Rája had marched in various directions to ravage the territories and reduce the forts belonging to the Imperial throne. The fort of Parnála was one of the highest and most celebrated of the forts belonging to Bíjápúr, and had been captured by the royal forces with a good deal of difficulty. It was now taken with little exertion by Rám Rája's officers, and its commandant was wounded and made prisoner. It was also reported that Rám Rája had gone to the assistance of the chiefs of Jinjí, and was busy collecting men. ^{* *} This information greatly troubled His Majesty. ^{* *} He was about to send Bahramand Khán to lay siege to Parnála, when intelligence came that Prince Mu'izzu-d dín had sat down before it. So he resolved to proceed in person to Bairampúrí.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 414.] This year Aurangzeb stayed at Bairam-púrí, ³⁴⁶ the name of which was ordered to be changed to Islámpúrí. ^{* *} Forces were sent against the fort of Parnála and other forts in various places. ^{* *} After the execution of Sambhá, many of the Mahratta chieftains received instructions from Rám Rája to ravage the country. They hovered round the Imperial armies, and were exceedingly daring. ^{* *} Among them was Santá Ghor-púra and Dahiná Jádú, two experienced warriors and leaders of from fifteen to twenty thousand horse. Other Mahratta chiefs submitted to their leadership, and great losses were inflicted on the Imperial forces.

Santá more especially distinguished himself in ravaging the cultivated districts, and in attacking the royal leaders. Every one who encountered him was either killed or wounded and made prisoner; or if any one did escape, it was with his mere life, with the loss of his army and baggage. Nothing could be done, for wherever the accursed dog went and threatened an attack, there was no Imperial amír bold enough to resist him, and every loss he inflicted on their forces made the boldest warriors quake. Ismá'íl Khán was accounted one of the bravest and most skilful warriors of the Dakhin, but he was defeated in the first action, his army was plundered, and he himself was wounded and made prisoner. After some months he obtained his release, on the payment of a large sum of money. So also Rustam Khán, otherwise called Sharza Khán, the Rus-tam of the time and as brave as a lion, was defeated by him in the district of Sattára, and after losing his baggage and all that he had with him, he was taken prisoner, and had to pay a large sum for his ransom. 'Alí Mardán Khán, otherwise called Husainí Beg Haidarábádí, ^{* *} was defeated and made prisoner with several others. After a detention of some days, they obtained their release on paying a ransom of two lacs of rupees.

These evil tidings greatly troubled Aurangzeb. ^{* *} Further, news came that Santá had fought with Ján-nisár Khán and Tahawwur Khán, on the borders of the Karnátik, and had inflicted upon them a severe defeat and the loss of their artillery and baggage. Ján-nisár Khán was wounded, and escaped with difficulty. Tahawwur Khán was also wounded, and lay among the dead, but was restored to life. Many other renowned amírs met with similar defeats. Aurangzeb was greatly distressed, but in public he said that the creature could do nothing, for everything was in the hands of God.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 418.] Prince Muhammad Kám Bakhsh, with Jamdatu-l Mulk Asad Khán and Zúl-fikár Khán Nusrat Jang, approached Jinjí,³⁴⁸ and encamping about a cannon-shot off the fortress, began to prepare for the siege. The fortress of Jinjí occupies several adjacent hills, on each of which stands a fort bearing a distinct name. Two of these hills are very high, and the forts were well furnished with artillery, provisions, and all necessary stores. It was impossible to invest all the forts, but the lines were allotted to different commanders, and every exertion was made for digging mines and erecting batteries. ^{* *} The garrison also did their best to put the place in order, and make a stout defence. From time to time they fired a gun or two. The zamíndárs far and near of the country round, and the Mahratta forces, surrounded the royal army on all sides, and showed great audacity in cutting off supplies. Sometimes they burst unexpectedly into an intrenchment, doing great damage to the works, and causing great confusion in the besieging force. ^{* *}

The siege had gone on for a long time, and many men fell; but although the enemy's relieving force day by day increased, Zúl-fikár Khán Nusrat Jang and the other generals so pressed the siege that it went hard with the garrison. The command of the army and the general management of civil and revenue affairs in that part of the country were in the hands of Jamdatu-l Mulk and Nusrat Jang. This gave great offence to Prince Muhammad Kám Bakhsh, and Jamdatu-l Mulk and Nusrat Jang had to admonish him, and speak to him sharply about some youthful follies. The Prince was greatly offended. The Prince wished that the siege should be carried on in his name; but the generals acted on their own authority. Day by day the dissensions increased. The besieged were aware of these differences, and contrived to open communications with the Prince, and to fan the flames of his discontent, so that great danger threatened the army.

Intelligence now came of the approach of Santá, and the enemy's forces so closed round the royal army and shut up the roads, that for some days there were no communications whatever between the army and His Majesty. Messages still came to the Prince from the garrison, exciting his apprehensions, and holding out allurements. He was vexed with Jamdatu-l Mulk's opposition, and no communications arrived from the Emperor; so he was on the point of going over to the enemy. Jamdatu-l Mulk and Nusrat Jang were informed of this, and they surrounded his tents, and made the Prince prisoner.

When these troubles and discords were at their height, Santá came down upon the royal army with twenty-five thousand horse, and reduced it to such straits, that the commanders deemed it expedient to leave their baggage and some of their matériel to be plundered by Santá, and to retire into the hills for refuge. Every one was to carry off what he could, and the idea was that Santá would stop to plunder what was left, and not follow the retreating force. Accordingly the two generals retired fighting for some kos, till they reached the shelter of the hills, when they beat off Santá. A few days afterwards they renewed the siege, and the garrison was hard pressed. According to report, a sum of money reached the enemy, and they evacuated the fortress and retired.

When intelligence of the arrest of Prince Muhammad Kám Bakhsh reached Aurangzeb, he apparently acquiesced in it as a matter of necessity. The news of the reduction of the fortress came soon afterwards, and he applauded the services performed by the two generals. In reality, he was offended, and summoned the Prince with the two generals to his presence. The Prince was brought up under arrest. After waiting upon Aurangzeb, he addressed a few words of admonition to Jamdatu-l Mulk; but afterwards the marks of his displeasure became more apparent. Orders were given to set the Prince at liberty.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 421.] The royal ship called the Ganj-i sawáí, than which there was no larger in the port of Surat, used to sail every year for the House of God (at Mecca). It was now bringing back to Surat fifty-two lacs of rupees in silver and gold, the produce of the sale of Indian goods at Mocha and Jedda. The captain of this ship was Ibráhím Khán. ^{* *} There were eighty guns and four hundred muskets on board, besides other implements of war. It had come within eight or nine days of Surat, when an English ship came in sight, of much smaller size, and not having a third or fourth part of the armament of the Ganj-i sawáí. When it came within gun-shot, a gun was fired at it from the royal ship. By ill-luck, the gun burst, and three or four men were killed by its fragments. About the same time, a shot from the enemy struck and damaged the mainmast, on which the safety of the vessel depends. The Englishmen perceived this, and being encouraged by it, bore down to attack, and drawing their swords, jumped on board of their opponent. The Christians are not bold in the use of the sword, and there were so many weapons on board the royal vessel that if the captain had made any resistance, they must have been defeated. But as soon as the English began to board, Ibráhím Khán ran down into the hold. There were some Turkí girls whom he had bought in Mocha as concubines for himself. He put turbans on their heads and swords into their hands, and incited them to fight. These fell into the hands of the enemy, who soon became perfect masters of the ship. They transferred the treasure and many prisoners to their own ship. When they had laden their ship, they brought the royal ship to shore near one of their settlements, and busied themselves for a week searching for plunder, stripping the men, and dishonouring the women, both old and young. They then left the ship, carrying off the men. Several honourable women, when they found an opportunity, threw themselves into the sea, to preserve their chastity, and some others killed themselves with knives and daggers.

This loss was reported to Aurangzeb, and the news-writers of the port of Surat sent some rupees which the English had coined at Bombay, with a superscription containing the name of their impure King. Aurangzeb then ordered that the English factors who were residing at Surat for commerce should be seized. Orders were also given to I'timád Khán, superintendent of the port of Surat, and Sídí Yákút Khán, to make preparations for besieging the fort of Bombay. The evils arising from the English occupation of Bombay were of long standing. The English were not at all alarmed at the threatenings. They knew that Sídí Yákút was offended at some slights he had received. But they were more active than usual in building bastions and walls, and in blocking up the roads, so that in the end they made the place quite impregnable. I'timád Khán saw all these preparations, and came to the conclusion that there was no remedy, and that a struggle with the English would result only in a heavy loss to the customs revenue. He made no serious preparations for carrying the royal order into execution, and was not willing that one rupee should be lost to the revenue. To save appearances, he kept the English factors in confinement, but privately he endeavoured to effect an arrangement. After the confinement of their factors, the English, by way of reprisal, seized upon every Imperial officer, wherever they found one, on sea or on shore, and kept them all in confinement. So matters went on for a long time.

During these troubles I, the writer of this work, had the misfortune of seeing the English of Bombay, when I was acting as agent for 'Abdu-r Razzák Khán at the port of Surat. I had purchased goods to the value of nearly two lacs of rupees, and had to convey them from Surat to 'Abdu-r Razzák, the faujdár of Ráhírí. My route was along the sea-shore through the possessions of the Portuguese and English. On arriving near Bombay, but while I was yet in the Portuguese territory, in consequence of a letter from 'Abdu-r Razzák, I waited ten or twelve days for the escort of Sídí Yákút Khán. 'Abdu-r Razzák had been on friendly terms with an Englishman in his old Haidarábád days, and he had now written to him about giving assistance to the convoy. The Englishman sent out the brother of his díwán, very kindly inviting me to visit him. The Portuguese captain and my companions were averse to my going there with such valuable property. I, however, put my trust in God, and went to the Englishman. I told the díwán's brother, that if the conversation turned upon the capture of the ship, I might have to say unpleasant things, for I would speak the truth. The Englishman's vakíl advised me to say freely what I deemed right, and to speak nothing but the truth.

When I entered the fortress, I observed that from the gate there was on each side of the road a line of youths, of twelve or fourteen years of age, well dressed, and having excellent muskets on their shoulders. Every step I advanced, young men with sprouting beards, handsome and well clothed, with fine muskets in their hands, were visible on every side. As I went onwards, I found Englishmen standing, with long beards, of similar age, and with the same accoutrements and dress. After that I saw musketeers (bark-andáz), young men well dressed and arranged, drawn up in ranks. Further on, I saw Englishmen with white beards, clothed in brocade, with muskets on their shoulders, drawn up in two ranks, and in perfect array. Next I saw some English children, handsome, and wearing pearls on the borders of their hats. In the same way, on both sides, as far as the door of the house where he abode, I found drawn up in ranks on both sides nearly seven thousand musketeers, dressed and accoutred as for a review.

I then went straight up to the place where he was seated on a chair. He wished me Good-day, his usual form of salutation; then he rose from his chair, embraced me, and signed for me to sit down on a chair in front of him. After a few kind inquiries, our discourse turned upon different things, pleasant and unpleasant, bitter and sweet; but all he said was in a kind and friendly spirit towards 'Abdu-r Razzák. He inquired why his factors had been placed in confinement. Knowing that God and the Prophet of God would protect me, I answered, “Although you do not acknowledge that shameful action, worthy of the reprobation of all sensible men, which was perpetrated by your wicked men, this question you have put to me is as if a wise man should ask where the sun is when all the world is filled with its rays.” He replied, “Those who have an ill-feeling against me cast upon me the blame for the fault of others. How do you know that this deed was the work of my men? by what satisfactory proof will you establish this?” I replied, “In that ship I had a number of wealthy acquaintances, and two or three poor ones, destitute of all worldly wealth. I heard from them that when the ship was plundered, and they were taken prisoners, some men, in the dress and with the looks of Englishmen, and on whose hands and bodies there were marks, wounds, and scars, said in their own language, ‘We got these scars at the time of the siege of Sídí Yákút, but to-day the scars have been removed from our hearts.’ A person who was with them knew Hindí and Persian, and he translated their words to my friends.”

On hearing this, he laughed loudly, and said, “It is true they may have said so. They are a party of Englishmen, who, having received wounds in the siege of Yákút Khán, were taken prisoners by him. Some of them parted from me, joined the Habshí, and became Musulmáns. They stayed with Yákút Khán some time, and then ran away from him. But they had not the face to come back to me. Now they have gone and taken part with the díngmárs, or sakanas, who lay violent hands on ships upon the sea; and with them they are serving as pirates. Your sovereign's officers do not understand how they are acting, but cast the blame upon me.”

I smiling replied, “What I have heard about your readiness of reply and your wisdom, I have (now) seen. All praise to your ability for giving off-hand, and without consideration, such an exculpatory and sensible answer! But you must recall to mind that the hereditary Kings of Bíjápúr and Haidarábád and the good-for-nothing Sambhá have not escaped the hands of King Aurangzeb. Is the island of Bombay a sure refuge?” I added, “What a manifest declaration of rebellion you have shown in coining rupees!”

He replied, “We have to send every year a large sum of money, the profits of our commerce, to our country, and the coins of the King of Hindústán are taken at a loss. Besides, the coins of Hindústán are of short weight, and much debased; and in this island, in the course of buying and selling them, great disputes arise. Consequently we have placed our own names on the coins, and have made them current in our own jurisdiction.” A good deal more conversation passed between us, and part of it seemed to vex him; but he showed himself throughout very thoughtful of 'Abdu-r Razzák Khán, and mindful of his obligation to protect him. When the interview was over, he proffered me entertainment in their fashion; but as I had resolved from the first that I would not depart from the usual course in the present interview, I accepted only atr and pán, and was glad to escape.

The total revenue of Bombay, which is chiefly derived from betel-nuts and cocoa-nuts, does not reach to two or three lacs of rupees. The profits of the commerce of these misbelievers, according to report, does not exceed twenty lacs of rupees. The balance of the money required for the maintenance of the English settlement is obtained by plundering the ships voyaging to the House of God, of which they take one or two every year. When the ships are proceeding to the ports of Mocha and Jedda laden with the goods of Hindústán, they do not interfere with them; but when they return bringing gold and silver and Ibráhímí and ríál,³⁵⁴ their spies have found out which ship bears the richest burden, and they attack it.

The Mahrattas also possess the newly-built forts of Khanderí, Kalába, Kása, and Katora,³⁵⁵ in the sea opposite the island fortress belonging to the Habshís. Their war-ships cruise about these forts, and attack vessels whenever they get the opportunity. The sakanas also, who are sometimes called bawáríl, a lawless set of men belonging to Surat, in the province of Ahmadábád, are notorious for their piracies, and they attack from time to time the small ships which come from Bandar 'Abbásí and Maskat. They do not venture to attack the large ships which carry the pilgrims. The reprobate English act in the same way as the sakanas.

Destruction of a Royal Army by the Mahrattas.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 428.] Among the events of this year was the defeat of Kásim Khán and ^{* * *}, who were sent to Danderí^355a against Santá Ghorpúra. ^{* *} One day intelligence was brought that Kásim Khán's advanced force had been attacked by a division of the enemy, that all their portable goods had been plundered, and the standing camp set on fire. ^{* *} Kásim Khán, on hearing this, endeavoured to push forward to their assistance; but he was surrounded by the enemy, and fighting went on till sunset. ^{* *} They had no food for man or animal. The nobles passed the night upon their elephants, and the men with their bridles in their hands. ^{* * *} At daybreak, the enemy became more daring, and the fighting more severe, for the Mahrattas swarmed on all sides. ^{* *} For three days the royal forces, overmatched and surrounded, did their best to repulse the enemy; but Kásim Khán was at length compelled to give ground and to retire fighting, to the shelter of the fort of Danderí. The chief men got some hay and corn from the fort, but the soldiers got no food. Movement in any direction was scarcely possible. Thus they remained for three or four days under the shelter of the walls of the fort, and of the lines they threw up to protect themselves from the assaults of the enemy. Their camels and cattle fell into the hands of the Mahrattas. While the fighting went on, the gates of the fort were kept closed, and the traders and inhabitants within let down food from the walls and sold it. On the fourth or fifth day the enemy got intelligence that Himmat Khán was coming with a force to the rescue. Santá left half his force to keep Kásim Khán's army invested, and with the other marched against Himmat Khán. On learning that another force belonging to Rám Rája would act against Himmat Khán, he returned to his former position.

Meanwhile matters went ill with the royal forces, and Kásim Khán, with a few other officers, resolved upon taking refuge in the fort secretly, without the knowledge of their brethren in arms. ^{* *} Kásim Khán went out at night with the ostensible purpose of making the rounds. Several reasons made it inexpedient to enter the gate, near which so many men and officers were gathered; so he ascended the walls by a rope-ladder. Rúhu-llah Khán, Saf-shikan Khán, and a crowd of soldiers in great tumult made their way in by the gate. Muhammad Murád Khán and others, hearing of this, followed the example. ^{* * *} In fine, for a month they were besieged within the four walls, and every day affairs grew worse with them. They were compelled to kill and eat their baggage and riding horses, which were themselves nearly starved. For all the greatest care and economy, the stores of grain in the fort were exhausted. ^{* *} To escape from starvation many men threw themselves from the walls and trusted to the enemy's mercy. ^{* *} People brought fruit and sweetmeats from the enemy's bázár to the foot of the walls, and sold them at extravagant prices. ^{* *} Reverses, disease, deficiency of water, and want of grain, reduced the garrison to the verge of death. Kásim Khán, according to report, poisoned himself, or else died from want of the usual potion of opium, for he was overcome with disappointment and rage.

Rúhu-llah Khán and the other officers were compelled to make overtures for a capitulation. ^{* *} Some officers went out to settle the terms of the ransom. Santá said, “Besides the elephants and horses, and money and property, which you have with you, I will not take less than a lac of huns,” equivalent to three lacs and 50,000 rupees. A Dakhiní officer said, “What are you thinking of! this is a mere trifle. This is a ransom which I would fix for Rúhu-llah Khán alone.” Finally, seven lacs of rupees was settled as the ransom, the payment of which was to be distributed among the officers. Each one's share was settled, and he made an engagement to pay it as ransom, and to leave a relation or officer of rank with Santá as bail for payment. Santá's officers sat down at the gate of the fort, and allowed each officer to take out his horse and his personal clothing, the others were allowed to carry out as much as they could bear in their arms. Everything else, money and jewels, horses and elephants, etc., were confiscated by Santá. ^{* *} The government and personal property lost during this war and siege exceeded fifty or sixty lacs of rupees. ^{* *}

Santá was delighted with the terms he had made with the defeated army. Soon afterwards he heard that Himmat Khán was approaching by forced marches to the relief of the besieged army. Santá divided his forces into two divisions, and marched to meet him. At the distance of sixteen kos the force under command of Santá fell in with Himmat Khán, and a great battle followed. Himmat Khán fought with great spirit and bravery. Numberless Mahrattas were slain, and many of his own army perished. Santá's forces retreated, and the royal forces were led against the second army. Himmat Khán made arrangements for the pursuit. By orders of Santá many musketeers had taken positions in the thick jungle and among the trees, to impede the advance of Himmat Khán. Some of the best marksmen had climbed the trees, and concealed themselves among the thick branches. When Himmat Khán approached, a ball entered his forehead and killed him immediately. All the baggage and elephants and munitions of war belonging to Himmat Khán then fell bodily into the hands of Santá.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 434.] Prince Muhammad A'zam Sháh had gone to Kharpa (Kaddapa), to punish the rebels and to settle affairs. The insalubrity of the climate affected his health, and dropsy supervened. He returned to Court, and experienced physicians were appointed to attend him. ^{* *} His illness became so serious that his couch was placed near the chamber of the Emperor, who showed his paternal solicitude by administering his medicine, by partaking of food with him, and doing everything he could to restore him to health. God at length gave him a perfect cure.

Directions were now given for the release of Prince Sháh 'Álam, who had been kept under restraint for seven years. ^{* *} His release [with the provision made for him] was very annoying to Prince Muhammad A'zam and his partisans.

While Prince Sháh 'Álam was in confinement, the Emperor had shown great favour to Prince Muhammad A'zam Sháh, who considered himself to be the heir apparent. But now that the elder Prince was restored to full liberty, and to a greater share of attention than before, Prince Muhammad A'zam was much aggrieved. ^{* *} One day the King took the hand of Prince Sháh 'Álam, and placed him on his right hand. ^{* *} Then he took the hand of Prince Muhammad A'zam, and made signs for him to sit down on his left. This greatly annoyed Prince Muhammad A'zam, and an open quarrel was imminent. ^{* *} After a time Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, who had been entitled Sháh 'Álam, was honoured with the title Bahádur Sháh, and was sent to settle the affairs of Ágra, and to punish the rebels in that quarter. ^{* *} Soon afterwards Prince Muhammad A'zam was ordered with his sons to Kábul, and Prince Mu'izzu-d dín to Multán.

Death of Santá Ghorpúra.

[p. 445.] The death of Santá at this time was a great piece of good fortune for Aurangzeb. The exact particulars of his death are not known; but I will relate what I have heard from men of credit who were with the army. Ghazíu-d dín Khán Fíroz Jang, who had been sent to chastise Santá and other robbers, was four or five marches from Bíjápúr. ^{* *} Intelligence was brought that Santá Ghorpúra, with an army of 25,000 horse, was at a distance of eight or nine kos. ^{* *} Fíroz Jang marched towards Bíjápúr, and when he was eight or nine kos distant from the city his scouts brought him word that there was a quarrel between Santá and Dahiná Jádú, both of whom were senápatís, or generals, ^{* *} and they were constantly trying to get the better of each other. Santá was very severe in the punishments he inflicted on his followers. For a trifling offence he would cast a man under the feet of an elephant. Many of the Mahratta chiefs had ill-blood against him, and they had conspired with Dahiná Jádú, by letters and by messengers, to get rid of him. Hanumant Ráí, a sardár of distinction, at the instigation of Dahiná Jádú, made an attack in concert with Jádú's army upon Santá. Dahiná had also won over the great officers who were in company with Santá. They plundered Santá's baggage, and several of the principal ráwats of his army went over to Hanumant. Many of his men were killed and wounded, and he himself, being deprived of his power, fled to the hills and his own máwals. ^{* *}

On receipt of orders from Aurangzeb, Fíroz Jang went in pursuit of Santá. Dahiná Jádú's army pursued him on the other side. Santá's forces were entirely separated from him and dispersed. Nágojí Manai,³⁶⁰ a Mahratta sardár, had served for some time in the Imperial army, but subsequently joined his own people. This part of the country was his native land. Several years before, Santá had thrown a brother of Nágojí under the feet of an elephant, and this had produced a mortal hatred. Under the guidance of his wife, he led a party in pursuit of Santá. He reached a place where Santá, worn and weary, and without attendants, was bathing in a stream. He approached him suddenly, and killed him unawares. He then cut off his head, and, placing it in a bag, fastened it behind him on his horse, and carried it off to Dahiná Jádú. On the road the bag fell off, and was picked up by some runners and horsemen belonging to the army of Fíroz Jang, who were in pursuit of Santá. The head was recognized, and was carried to Lutfu-llah Khán, commander of Fíroz Jang's advanced guard. ^{* *} It was finally sent to Aurangzeb, who gave the bearer of it the title of Khush-khabar Khán. The drums of joy were beaten, and the head was ordered to be exposed with ignominy before the army and in several places of the Dakhin.

'Abdu-r Razzák Lárí.

[p. 448.] 'Abdu-r Razzák Lárí, from the day of entering the royal service, had sought for an excuse for going to his native country. ^{* *} He was now deprived of the faujdárí of Ráhírí, and summoned to Court. He did not go, but wrote desiring to be relieved from his mansab, and to be allowed to go to Mecca. The leave was given, ^{* *} but every means was taken to satisfy him, and to avert him from his design. But he would not consent, so he received written leave to depart with his family and property, and with marks of favour. His three sons did not accompany him, but remained at Court.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 450.] Rám Rája, brother of Sambhá, having left the fort of Ját, in the district of Rájgarh, went to Jinjí and other strong places. He then proceeded to the fort of Sattára, where he remained seven months. When he was informed of the murder of Santá, he sent for Dahiná Jádú, to consult with him about getting together an army, and recommencing the war.

Prince Muhammad Akbar, after the accession of Sultán Husain to the throne of Persia, repeatedly asked for the help of an army to reinstate him in Hindústán. The new Sháh, like his predecessor, excused himself. ^{* *} The Prince then complained that the climate of Isfahán did not agree with him, and asked permission to reside for a while in Garmsír. The request was granted, and assignments were made of the revenues of that province for his support. So the Prince proceeded thither, with an appointed escort of 10,000 kazilbáshes.

In the month of Muharram of this year the river Bhanra,³⁶¹ near which the royal camp was pitched, rose to a great height, and overflowed, causing enormous destruction. The amírs had built many houses there. The waters began to overflow at midnight, when all the world was asleep. ^{* *}' The floods carried off about ten or twelve thousand men, with the establishments of the King, and the princes and the amírs, horses, bullocks and cattle in countless numbers, tents and furniture beyond all count. Numberless houses were destroyed, and some were so completely carried away that not a trace of them was left. Great fear fell on all the army. ^{* *} The King wrote out prayers with his own hand, and ordered them to be thrown into the water, for the purpose of causing it to subside. ^{* *}

[Text, vol. ii. p. 457.] Níbá Sindhiá and other officers of Rám Rája, with an army of eight thousand horse, came to the district of Nandurbár, and attacked and burnt several villages. When he heard that Husain 'Alí Khán was approaching from Thálír,³⁶² he suspended his operations against Nandurbár, and went to meet him. Husain Khán had only seven or eight hundred horse and two or three thousand provincial musketeers and archers; but he went forth to meet the enemy. They encountered each other at two kos from the town of Thálír, and a fierce action ensued. ^{* *} The number of Sindhiá's forces enabled him to surround Husain 'Alí Khán, about three hundred of whose men were killed. The day went against Husain 'Alí, and he had received two or three wounds. Dripping with blood, he threw himself from his elephant; but he had no strength left for fighting, so he was surrounded and made prisoner. All his baggage, his men, and elephants were captured.

In addition to the cash and property which they had got by plunder, the enemy fixed two lacs of rupees as the price of the ransom of the prisoners. After much exertion, nearly one lac and 80,000 rupees was raised from the jágírs, and from the property which had been left in the town of Thálír. To make up the balance, the sarráfs and merchants of Nandurbár were importuned to raise a sum, small or great, by way of loan. But they would not consent. The inhabitants of the town of Nandurbár had not paid the chauth to the Mahrattas, and being supported by the faujdár, they had closed their gates, which greatly annoyed the enemy (Mahrattas). Husain 'Alí Khán also was greatly incensed by their refusal to assist him; so he took counsel with the enemy, and agreed that after a siege of a day or two, and some exhibition of force, he would open the gates to them. He made it a condition that the raiyats should not be plundered, but that the great and wealthy men, the sarráfs, the merchants, and the mukaddams, might be put to the rack and tortured until the balance of the ransom due to the Mahrattas was discharged. The result was that a sum of one lac and forty thousand rupees was paid to the Mahrattas instead of eighty thousand, and that Husain 'Alí Khán himself realized nearly thirty thousand rupees. When (the result of the action) was reported to Aurangzeb, he was very angry, and said that there was no use in fighting when too weak to win.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 459.] The daring inroads of the Mahrattas brought Aurangzeb to the resolution of waging a holy war against them, and of reducing the fortresses which were their homes and defences. His camp had now remained at Islámpúrí four years, and fine mansions and houses had been built there, so that a new city had sprung up, and men thought they would never move far away. Orders were given for throwing up earthworks round the place, and the officers and men worked so well that in fifteen or twenty days a defence was raised which might have occupied six or seven months. The Nawáb Kudsíya Zínatu-n Nissa, sister of Prince Muhammad A'zam Sháh, and mother of Muhammad Kám Bakhsh, with other ladies of the royal household, were left there under the charge of Jamdatu-l Mulk Asad Khán. Orders were also given that all amírs and officers should leave their wives and families and property behind. The people belonging to the royal establishments were also to remain. Strict orders were also given that no ahadí should take his wife or children with him. Great stress was laid upon this order, but in the marches and campaigns of Hindústán such orders could not be enforced without resorting to such punishments as the Princes of the House of Tímúr held to be inconsistent with their sense of justice. So the order was not obeyed as it ought to have been. On the 5th Jumáda-l awwal the army marched towards the fort of Basant-garh,³⁶⁴ and in twenty days it arrived at Murtaza-ábád, or Mirich. There Prince Muhammad A'zam Sháh came, in obedience to summons, from Bír-gánw.

Rám Rája, brother of the deceased Sambhá, had, under the pressure of the royal armies, abandoned his fortresses and fled, taking refuge in the hills and places of difficult access. When he heard of the royal design upon the fortresses, he went off towards Birár, ravaging the towns and inhabited places. The Zamíndár of Deogarh, in consequence of disturbances in his country, and the superior force of those who disputed the inheritance, had fled to the Court of Aurangzeb, and had received the title of Buland-bakht upon his becoming a Musulmán. Upon hearing of the death of his competitor, he hastened back to Deogarh without leave, and opposed the officers who were appointed to collect the tribute. He now joined Rám Rája in plundering the country. His Majesty ordered that his name should be changed to Nigún-bakht, and that Prince Bedár Bakht should march against him with a suitable force. ^{* *} Rúhu-llah Khán Bakhshí, with Hámidu-d dín Khán, were sent to plunder the environs of the forts of Parnála and Sattára. When the royal army came near to Basant-garh, Tarbiyat Khán, the commander of artillery, was ordered to take steps for investing the place and throwing up lines. ^{* *} The word was given for an assault, but the besieged were frightened and surrendered. Aurangzeb gave to the place the name Kilíd-i futúh, Key of Victory.

At the end of Jumáda-s sání the royal army arrived opposite Sattára, and the camp was pitched at the distance of a kos and a half. Prince Muhammad A'zam Sháh encamped on another side, and the amírs and officers were posted according to the judgment of Tarbiyat Khán. They all vied with each other in throwing up lines, digging mines, and in carrying on other siege operations. ^{* *} On both sides a heavy fire was kept up, ^{* *} and the garrison rolled down great stones, which came bounding down and crushed many men and animals. The rain obstructed the arrival of corn; the enemy were very daring in attacking the convoys, and the country for twenty kos round the fortress had been burnt, so that grain and hay became very scarce and dear. A battery twenty-four yards (dar'a) high was thrown up in face of the hill, and on the Prince's side also the batteries were carried to the foot of the hill. A hundred and sixty thousand rupees were paid for the services of the troops and máwalís of that country, who are very efficient in sieges. ^{* *} Matters went hard with the garrison, and the chance of firing a gun or a musket was no longer in their power; all they could do was to roll down stones from the walls. ^{* *}

Stone-masons were employed by the besiegers to cut two vaults in the side of the rock four yards long and ten yards broad, which were to be used as stations for sentinels. But when they were found not to answer for this purpose, they were filled with powder. ^{* *} On the morning of the 5th Zí-l ka'da, in the fourth month of the siege, one of these was fired. The rock and the wall above it were blown into the air and fell inside the fortress. Many of the garrison were blown up and burnt. The besiegers, on beholding this, pushed boldly forwards. At that time the second mine was fired. A portion of the rock above was blown up, but instead of falling into the fortress, as was expected, it came down upon the heads of the besiegers like a mountain of destruction, and several thousands³⁶⁵ were buried under it. ^{* *} The garrison then set about repairing the walls, and they again opened fire and rolled down the life-destroying stones.

When Aurangzeb was informed of the disaster, and of the despondency of his men, he mounted his horse, and went to the scene of action as if in search of death. He gave orders that the bodies of the dead should be piled upon each other, and made to serve as shields against the arrows of calamity; then with the ladder of resolution, and the scaling-ropes of boldness, the men should rush to the assault. When he perceived that his words made no impression on the men, he was desirous to lead the way himself, accompanied by Muhammad A'zam Sháh. But the nobles objected to this rash proposition. Afterwards he addressed his soldiers in encouraging words ^{* *} [and gave fresh orders for the conduct of the siege].

An extraordinary incident now occurred. A great number of Hindú infantry soldiers had been killed all at once (in the explosion), and their friends were unable to seek and bring out their bodies. The violence of the shock had entirely disfigured them, and it was not possible to distinguish between Musulmán and Hindú, friend and stranger. The flames of animosity burst forth among all the gunners against the commander of the artillery. So at night they secretly set fire to the defences (marhala),³⁶⁶ which had been raised at great trouble and expense against the fire from above, in the hope and with the design that the fire might reach the corpses of the slaughtered Hindús. A great conflagration followed, and for the space of a week served as a bright lamp both for besiegers and besieged. A number of Hindús and Musulmáns who were alive in the huts were unable to escape, and were burnt, the living with the dead.

Death of Rám Rája.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 468.] The news-writers now reported that Rám Rája, after meeting with some reverses in his raid upon Birár, was returning to the hills of his own territory. On his way he died, leaving three sons of tender years, and two wives. Soon afterwards it was announced that the eldest son, a boy of five years of age, had died of small-pox. The chiefs then made Tárá Báí, the chief wife, and mother of one son, regent. She was a clever intelligent woman, and had obtained a reputation during her husband's lifetime for her knowledge of civil and military matters. Tárá Báí proceeded to the hills of difficult approach.

On receiving this intelligence, the Emperor ordered the drums of rejoicing to be beaten, ^{* *} and the soldiers congratulated each other, ^{* *} saying that another prime mover in the strife was removed, ^{* *} and that it would not be difficult to overcome two young children and a helpless woman. They thought their enemy weak, contemptible and helpless; but Tárá Báí, as the wife of Rám Rája was called, showed great powers of command and government, and from day to day the war spread and the power of the Mahrattas increased.

Surrender of Sattára and Capture of Parlí.

[Text, p. 470.] At the death of Rám Rája, a chief named Parsa Rám was in the fort of Parlí,³⁶⁷ acting in that country as díwán in revenue matters for Rám Rája. On hearing of his decease, without consulting with the commandant of the fort, he came and made his submission to Aurangzeb. The commandant also, being dismayed, sent a proposal of surrender upon terms. At the same time Sobhán, the commander of Sattára, was troubled by the blowing up of the wall on one side of the fortress and the burning of a great number of his men. The death of Rám Rája added to his perplexity. He was at feud with the commandant of fort Parlí, and he sent a message to Aurangzeb, through Prince Muhammad A'zam, offering to capitulate on honourable terms, if the proposal of the commandant of Parlí were rejected. He was willing to give up the keys of Sattára at once, and would undertake to place Parlí in Aurangzeb's hands unconditionally in a short time, without any promise of security. On the 16th Zí-l ka'da he surrendered the keys, and more than three thousand persons, male and female, came out of the fort upon promise of safety. Great rejoicings followed. Sobhán was brought, bound hand and neck, to the foot of the throne; but orders were given for the forgiveness of his offences, and for loosening his bonds. He was appointed to a mansab of five thousand and two thousand horse, and a horse, an elephant, etc., were presented to him.

After the surrender of Sattára, Aurangzeb marched against Parlí, the commandant of that fort having been diverted by his advisers from his intention of surrendering. Parlí is a more lofty fort than Sattára, and it had been put into a state of preparation. ^{* *} On the 10th Zí-l hijja many men were killed in an attempted assault, but in a short time the garrison was pressed very hard. The besiegers were greatly incommoded by the heavy rain, which in this part of the country falls for five months without an hour's interval by night or day, and by lack of supplies, the convoys being cut off by the enemy who swarmed around. ^{* *} The garrison showed great daring in coming suddenly down the hill and attacking the besiegers; but the repeated attacks and the daring of Fathu-llah Khán at length prevailed, and a proposition of capitulation was made. At the beginning of Muharram, after a siege of a month and a half, the fortress was taken, and the men of the garrison marched out with their families and their old clothes. ^{* *} The name of Sattára was changed to A'zam-tárá, and of Parlí to Nauras-tárá.

Aurangzeb then determined to return, but there was little means of carriage, for the rains and the bad climate ^{* *} had affected the animals, so that those that were alive were nothing but skin and bone. Some of the baggage and matériel was carried away, some was left in the forts, and some was burnt. ^{* *} On reaching the river Kistná, there was great difficulty in crossing it. ^{* *} Some men attempted to swim over, but nine out of ten were drowned, ^{* *} and thousands remained behind and died. In the middle of Safar the army reached an obscure fort, which offered sufficient protection for a few days, and an order was issued for a month's rest there. The rains, which had continued so far, now ceased, and the men of the army found a little comfort.

Some proceedings of Prince Muhammad A'zam were displeasing to His Majesty, and his division of the army was in a bad state; so that, although he had shown great diligence and enterprise in the reduction of the fort of Parnála and other forts, he was sent, in order to appease the troops, to be Governor of the province of Ujjain. In the same way, several officers of the army were sent to their jágírs at ten or twelve days' distance, to Bíjápúr, and to other places in the vicinity. Prince Bedár Bakht was directed to lay siege to the fort of Parnála, and Zú-l fikár Khán and Tarbiyat Khán received orders to follow him with the artillery.

As many men had been lost in the reduction of the fortresses, strict orders were sent to the Súbadárs of Burhánpúr, Bíjápúr, Haidarábád, Ahmadábád, and other provinces far and near, to raise (each) a thousand men, well horsed, to advance them six months' pay out of the State revenues, and to send them to the royal camp. Aurangzeb, with the intention of giving his men rest, went to Khawáspúr,³⁶⁹ a place well supplied with grass and hay, and fruit-trees and water. At the end of Rabí'u-l awwal the royal camp was pitched at that place, and the abundance of provisions soon restored the spirits of the army. ^{* *} But here also the army was to suffer hardship. The camp was pitched by the side of a nála containing only a little water, and, as the rainy season was over, there was no expectation of a heavy fall of rain. But rain which fell out of season in the hills and distant places sent down a flood of water, which inundated the camp, ^{* *} causing confusion and distress which defy description.

The fort of Parnála had been (formerly) taken by Prince Muhammad A'zam, and had remained for some time in the royal possession. But in the thirty-fifth year of the reign the enemy regained possession of it. ^{* *} On the 10th Shawwál the (royal) army reached Pún-garh, a fort connected with Parnála.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 489.] The siege (of Parnála) had endured for two months, and repeated attempts had been made to carry the place by escalade. ^{* *} At length, when the garrison was hard pressed, the commandant surrendered the fort, having secretly received a sum of money from Prince Muhammad Kám Bakhsh and Tarbiyat Khán, with whom he had been in correspondence. At the end of Zí-l hijja the keys were given up, and both the forts were evacuated.

The army was about to march, when a violent storm came on [and did great damage]. In the beginning of Muharram, 1113, it was determined to march towards Kaháwan, where there was plenty of grass and grain. Fathu-llah Khán was sent with a force to chastise the plundering Mahrattas, and to subdue their forts. ^{* *} He killed many of the enemy near the four forts in that neighbourhood, ^{* *} and, on hearing of his approach, the enemy abandoned the fort of Páras-garh.³⁷⁰ Bahramand Khán was sent along with Fathu-llah Khán against the fort of Chandan-mandan,^{370a * *} and by the middle of Jumáda-l awwal all the four forts were subdued.

On the 16th Jumáda-l ákhir the royal army moved from Pánch-gánw, to effect the conquest of the fort of Khelna.^370b The difficulties of the road were great. ^{* *} Ambá-ghát,³⁷¹ at a distance of two days' march, took twelve days to reach. ^{* *} Prince Bedár Bakht was ordered to fall back on Baní Sháh Darak (as Parnála was now called), to punish the enemy, who were closing the roads in that direction, ^{* *} and to prevent any supplies being thrown into Khelna from that quarter. Muhammad Amín Khán was likewise ordered to the Ambá-ghát, to cut off any supplies intended for the fort, and to succour the convoys of Banjáras bearing grain for the royal army. He showed no lack of zeal in these duties; and was so active in ravaging and burning the inhabited places, in killing and making prisoners the people, and in seizing and carrying off the cattle, that any sign of cultivation, or the name or trace of a Mahratta, was not to be found. ^{* *}

The siege works were pushed on until a mine was carried near to the gate. In the raising of the earthworks,^371a camel saddles and baskets innumerable were used, full of earth and rubbish and litter, heads of men and feet of quadrupeds; and these were advanced so far that the garrison were intimidated.

FORTY-SIXTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1113 A.H. (1701-2 A.D.).

[Text, vol. ii. p. 499.] Fathu-llah Khán Bahádur showed extraordinary zeal and bravery in pushing forward the siege works (of Khelna), and never rested from his labours. ^{* *} Paras Rám, the commandant of the fort, being much discouraged, held communications with Prince Bedár Bakht as to his personal safety, and the acceptance of his proposals. But his demands were not acceded to. Rúhu-llah Khán, etc., went several times into the fort to arrange terms, but without result. At length, according to common rumour, the Prince and some of the amírs sent him secretly a sum of money, and a promise of security for himself and family, on condition of his surrendering. So, after six months' siege, on the 19th Muharram, 1113 (16 June, 1701), the flags of the Prince and of Rúhu-llah Khán were hoisted over the fortress by Paras Rám, the commandant, himself, who had stipulated that no man of the royal army should go in with the flag. He solicited a night's grace, and through shame he and his family went out during the darkness of the night, with all the property they could carry. A large number of the garrison remained in the fort, but the Emperor in his mercy ordered that no one of them should be molested; so they came out and departed to their native wilds. ^{* *} The name of the fort was altered to Sakhkharalaná.

The clemency and long suffering and care of the Emperor were such that, when he ascertained that several fortresses had been long and vigorously besieged by the forces appointed to the duty, and that the garrisons were in difficulty, he paid sums of money to the commandants, and so got the forts into his possession. It often happened also that he gave the same sum of money, neither more nor less, to the officer conducting the siege. The heavy rains, and the overflow of the rivers and streams, had induced Aurangzeb to defer his march until the end of the rainy season. But he was moved by the irresolution and the advice of some of his amírs, who pined for ease, and complained of the dearness of grain and the insalubrity of the climate, and by the grumbling of the inexperienced and hard-tried soldiers. So at the end of Muharram he marched for Bír-gánw.³⁷² [Great difficulties, dangers and losses from rains and floods.] In the course of one month and seventeen days the fourteen kos between the forts of Khelna and Parnála were traversed, and on the 12th Rabí'u-l awwal the camp was pitched under the latter. [Further hardships of the march and great difficulty in crossing the Kistná.] Seventeen days were occupied in the transit of the river, ^{* * *} but Bahádur-gárh^372a was at length reached, and there the army halted for a month. ^{* *} At the end of Rajab, though only half a life remained in the bodies of the men, the army marched to effect the conquest of Kandána. On the 16th it reached that fortress [and the siege was at once begun].

[Text, vol. ii. p. 510.] After the siege (of Kandána³⁷³) had gone on for three months and a half, and many men had been killed, and the directors of the siege were in difficulty, the fort^373a was bought from the commandant for a sum of money. The army then marched and remained for a month at Púna, and the neighbouring villages.^{373b * *} In the middle of Rajab the army marched against Rájgarh, the earliest fortress and retreat of the restless infidels of this country. ^{* *} At the beginning of Sha'bán the army sat down before the fort. The circuit of the fort was so great, twelve kos in measurement, that a complete investment sufficient to prevent the throwing in of supplies was impossible. ^{* *} On the 15th Shawwál the royal flag was planted on the first gate of the fortress, and many of the garrison were slain or put to flight. ^{* *} But Hainájí, the commander, kept up an ineffectual resistance for twelve days longer, when he asked for terms. They were conceded on condition that the commander himself should come to the first gate, carry the royal flag into the fortress, and evacuate the place on the next day. ^{* *} Next day the garrison marched out with their families, and all the property they could carry. ^{* *} The fort received the name of Baní-Sháh-garh.

When Rám Rája died, leaving only widows and infants, men thought that the power of the Mahrattas over the Dakhin was at an end. But Tárá Báí, the elder wife, made her son of three years old successor to his father, and took the reins of government into her own hands. She took vigorous measures for ravaging the Imperial territory, and sent armies to plunder the six súbas of the Dakhin as far as Sironj, Mandisor, and the súba of Málwá. She won the hearts of her officers, and for all the struggles and schemes, the campaigns and sieges of Aurangzeb up to the end of his reign, the power of the Mahrattas increased day by day. By hard fighting, by the expenditure of the vast treasures accumulated by Sháh Jahán, and by the sacrifice of many thousands of men, he had penetrated into their wretched country, had subdued their lofty forts, and had driven them from house and home; still the daring of the Mahrattas increased, and they penetrated into the old territories of the Imperial throne, plundering and destroying wherever they went. In imitation of the Emperor, who with his army and enterprising amírs was staying in those distant mountains, the commanders of Tárá Báí cast the anchor of permanence wherever they penetrated, and having appointed kamáísh-dárs (revenue collectors), they passed the years and months to their satisfaction, with their wives and children, tents and elephants. Their daring went beyond all bounds. They divided all the districts (parganas) among themselves, and following the practice of the Imperial rule, they appointed their súbadárs (provincial governors), kamáísh-dárs (revenue collectors), and ráhdárs (toll-collectors).

Their principal súbadár is commander of the army. Whenever he hears of a large caravan, he takes six or seven thousand horse and goes to plunder it. He appoints kamáísh-dárs everywhere to collect the chauth, and whenever, from the resistance of the zamíndárs and faujdárs, the kamáísh-dár is unable to levy the chauth, he hastens to support him, and besieges and destroys his towns. And the ráhdár of these evil-doers takes from small parties of merchants, who are anxious to obtain security from plunder, a toll upon every cart and bullock, three or four times greater than the amount imposed by the faujdárs of the government. This excess he shares with the corrupt jágírdárs and faujdárs, and then leaves the road open. In every súba (province) he builds one or two forts, which he makes his strongholds, and ravages the country round. The mukaddams, or head men of the villages, with the countenance and co-operation of the infidel súbadárs, have built forts, and with the aid and assistance of the Mahrattas they make terms with the royal officers as to the payment of their revenues. They attack and destroy the country as far as the borders of Ahmadábád and the districts of Málwá, and spread their devastations through the provinces of the Dakhin to the environs of Ujjain. They fall upon and plunder large caravans within ten or twelve kos of the Imperial camp, and have even had the hardihood to attack the royal treasure. It would be a troublesome and useless task to commit to writing all their misdeeds; but it must suffice to record some few of the events which occurred in those days of sieges, which, after all, had no effect in suppressing the daring of the Mahrattas.

A force of the enemy, numbering fifteen or sixteen thousand horse, proceeded towards the port of Surat, and, after ravaging several districts, they went to cross the Nerbadda, which runs between Ahmadábád and Surat. The Imperial officers in charge of Ahmadábád took counsel together, and sent a suitable force against them, under Muhammad Beg Khán, and ^{* *} ten or twelve sardárs, with thirteen or fourteen thousand horse, and seven or eight thousand trained kolís of that country. They crossed the Nerbadda, and encamped upon its bank. Next morning the Mahratta army approached within seven or eight kos. Two or three well-mounted light horsemen appeared on one side, and the Ahmadábád army made ready to receive them. After a conflict, the infidels took flight, and were pursued by the Imperial officers for two or three kos, who captured several mares, spears, and umbrellas, and returned rejoicing.

The men of the army, delighted at having put the enemy to flight, had ungirded themselves and taken the saddles from their horses. Some went to sleep, and some were engaged in cooking or eating, when a picked force of seven or eight thousand of the enemy's horse came suddenly upon them like a flood. These men had been concealed among the trees and rocks near the river, and had sent out their spies to watch for an opportunity. The untried men of Ahmadábád lost their wits, and found no means of saddling their horses or girding on their arms. They had no experienced officers among them, and when the Dakhinís made their attack, a panic fell upon the army. On one side was the river, which the tide from the sea made unfordable, and on the other the advancing tide of the enemy. Many men were killed and wounded, and a great many threw themselves into the water, and were drowned. ^{* *} The enemy effected a complete overthrow of the Imperial army.

Dahiná Jádú, according to the general report of the sardárs, was a man of the highest influence. He now proposed terms of peace. His proposal was that conciliatory letters should be addressed to all the principal officers of the Rání, inviting them to wait upon Aurangzeb. When they had arrived in the vicinity of the royal camp, Rája Sáhú (son of Sambhájí) was to be placed in charge of Prince Muhammad Kám Bakhsh, and to be sent some four or five kos from the camp, so that the Mahratta sardárs might have an interview with him first. With the approval of Rája Sáhú, the chiefs were then to pay their respects to Prince Kám Bakhsh, and to return in his custody to the royal camp, where they were to receive the honour of admission into the royal service. Orders were accordingly given for the sending nearly seventy letters to various Mahratta chiefs. But, after all, the plan did not please Aurangzeb, who prudently felt misgivings as to the craftiness of the Mahrattas, and was apprehensive that if they assembled forty or fifty thousand horse near the royal camp, they might by this pretence carry off Rája Sáhú and Prince Kám Bakhsh to their hills of difficult access.

Sultán Husain was summoned to Court; ^{* *} but his visit was countermanded, and he was ordered to go and lay siege to the fort of Torna.

FORTY-EIGHTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1115 A.H. (1703-4 A.D.).

[Text, vol. ii. p. 521.] After the reduction of the fort of Rájgarh, the royal army rested for a few days, and at the end of Shawwál it moved to the fort of Torna, four kos distant from Rájgarh. ^{* *} On the 13th Zí-l ka'da this fort was taken by assault, not like the other forts by negociations with the commandants and promises of material advancement. ^{* *}

Siege of Wákinkera.

[p. 524.] Pem Náík, a zamíndár of low origin, belonging to the tribe of Bedar, which is the Hindí for “fearless,” sprang from the caste of Dhers, the most impure caste of the Dakhin. He was noted for his turbulent habits. At the time of the war with Haidarábád, he sent his forces to the aid of Abú-l Hasan, and Pádsháh Khánzáda Khán, son of Rúhu-llah Khán, was sent to subdue his fort of Sagar,³⁷⁷ and to occupy his fastnesses and retreats. He submitted to the royal army, and came to wait on the Emperor, but soon hastened back to his home.

Pem Náík had a nephew named Paryá Náík.^377a In the thirty-second year of the reign, when Rúhu-llah Khán senior was sent to reduce Ráíchor, and when the royal court was at Ahmadábád, before the Bíjápúr affair, this Paryá Náík, having seen the great power of Aurangzeb, came to his Court, and received a mansab. Rúhu-llah thought he might be of service at Ráíchor, and took him there. There the good-for-nothing knave took part in the fighting, and rendered good service. After the reduction of Ráíchor,^377b he asked leave to go to Wákinkera,^377c his ancestral abode, promising to levy all his powers there, and to present himself with a proper army wherever he was summoned.

Upon receiving permission, he went to Wákinkera, which is a village on the top of a hill, and one of the dependencies of Sagar. The place is inhabited by many Barkandázes, which name signifies “black-faced infantry,”³⁷⁸ and these people are famed for their skill in archery and missiles. After Sagar had been taken from the hands of Pem Náík, the worthless Paryá Náík, by craft and wiles, made it the abode of his family and children. Having taken up his residence at Wákin-kera, he showed no signs of moving, but set about strengthening and adding to the defences, and laying in warlike stores. Favoured by fortune, he in time collected nearly fourteen or fifteen thousand infantry of vigour and audacity. He made his hill a strong fortress, and, collecting in a short time four or five thousand horse, he ravaged flourishing places far and near, and plundered caravans. Whenever an army was sent against him, the strong force which he had collected around him, the strength of his retreat, the influence of money spent in bribery, a practice which he well understood, his knowledge of darbár proceedings, and his own audacity, carried him through; and bags of money and a variety of presents covered all discrepancies in his statements. In his letters he made all sorts of artful excuses, and represented himself as one of the most obedient of zamíndárs and punctual of revenue-payers. Every month and year he exerted himself in increasing his buildings, strengthening his towers and walls, in gathering forces, and acquiring guns, great and small. At last his place became well known as the fort of Wákinkera, and he became a fast ally of the Mahrattas, the disturbers of the Dakhin.

Jagná, son of Pem Náík, who was the heir to his property,^378a came to Court, was honoured with a mansab, and received a sanad for the zamíndárí as its rightful heir. He went thither with an army, but could not get in, and after some fighting he suffered a defeat. Prince Muhammad A'zam was afterwards sent to punish Paryá Náík, and the royal forces ravaged the outskirts of his territory. But he seized his opportunity, and went to wait upon the Prince. He expressed his humility and repentance, and with subtle artifice promised a tribute of seven lacs of rupees to the Emperor, and to make a present of two lacs to the Prince. Besides these, he dispensed gratifications to the officials. By these means he rescued himself from the clutches of the royal anger.

As soon as the Prince had returned to Court, he went on in his old way, and fanned the fires of rebellion more violently than before. Fíroz Jang was afterwards sent with a large army to repress him, and pressed him very hard. But he resumed his old artifices, sent deceptive and alluring messages, and by a promise of obedience and nine lacs of rupees as tribute, he saved his life and honour. When the royal army marched against Púna, and lay encamped for seven months and a half near Junír, two or three unimportant forts were taken. Every day fresh news was brought of the insolence and turbulence of Paryá Náík, and in consequence Aurangzeb resolved to march in person against Wákinkera.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 527.] At the beginning of the forty-ninth year of the reign, Aurangzeb moved with his army towards Wákinkera. ^{* *} At the end of Shawwál he reached the vicinity of the fort. His tent was pitched about a kos from the fort, and his officers were ordered to commence operations. Paryá Náík had strengthened his defences and called in his scattered forces. He applied to Tárá Báí for assistance, and had collected several thousand horsemen of all classes, especially Musulmáns of bad character. The “black-faced infantry” with rage and clamour, and the artillery with a shower of fire, boldly resisted the advance of the Imperial forces. Cannon-balls from large and small guns were accompanied by thousands of blazing rockets, which rained night and day, and allowed not a moment's rest. A fierce struggle was commenced, and large numbers were killed on both sides. ^{* *}

The reduction of the fort was nearly accomplished, and the valour of the brave besiegers was about to reap its reward. The approaching fall of the fort was on every one's tongue, when intelligence came in that a large army of Mahrattas was approaching to succour the place. Next day Dahiná Jádú and Hindú Ráo, with two or three sardárs, whose wives and families were in Wákinkera, approached with eight or nine thousand horse and an innumerable force of infantry. Dahiná Jádú had been occupied for a short time in ravaging the country and opposing the royal forces. His present object was to get his wives and children and property out of Wákinkera, which he had deemed the safest of all the forts, and at the same time to render assistance to the garrison. On one side his strong force pressed severely on the royal army.

At this juncture, when misfortunes poured like hail upon the besiegers, one body drew the royal generals into a conflict on one side, while on another two or three thousand horse dashed up to the fort, mounted the women on swift mares, and with the aid of the infantry in the fort they succeeded in carrying them off. ^{* *} Paryá Náík sent money and goods, food and drink, to the Mahrattas, and settled allowances to their sardárs, to induce them to remain and protract the siege. The Mahrattas were quite willing to get money easily, so they remained and harassed the besiegers by daily attacks on both sides. Every day their forces increased. Many men of the royal army were killed, and a great panic spread amongst them. [Private negociations.]

Súm Sankar, brother of Paryá Náík, came out of the fort (as a hostage), presented his offering, and paid homage. He received the honour of a robe, horse, jewels, and a mansab, and then asked humbly forgiveness for his brother, and for a truce of a week. Muhtasham Khán then entered the fortress (to take formal possession as kila'dár). He was entertained that night, and messages were sent to him assuring him that Paryá Náík would see him next day, and then under his protection would proceed to pay homage. When he went into the fort, the drums of the royal army were beaten joyfully. ^{* *} The people in the fort, in order to satisfy the kila'dár, busied themselves in sending out their useless goods, their women and the old men whose lives were precarious. The statement was still maintained that Paryá Náík intended to visit the kila'dár, but towards night the excuse was made that he was ill with fever. On the third it was stated that the fever had increased, and that he was delirious and talking wildly. Next day it was said that he was quite insane, and that he had gone out of the fort, and no one knew whether he had cast himself down from the fort to kill himself, or whether he had gone to join the Mahratta army.

The mother of that crafty one artfully made great cries and lamentations, and pretended to be in great distress. She sent a message to Aurangzeb, saying that when she was a little consoled for the disappearance of her son, she would leave the fort; but she hoped that her younger son, Súm Sankar, would receive investiture as the new zamíndár, and that he would be sent into the fort to Muhtasham Khán, because he would be able to show the kila'dár the various places in which the treasure was buried. She would then leave the fort with her remaining property and children. Aurangzeb, not suspecting deception, allowed Súm Sankar to go into the fort. ^{* *} Then no one from the royal army was allowed to enter. Muhtasham Khán with some other persons were kept under restraint in the fort, and it became clear to the Emperor and his associates that they had been made the victims of deception; but the Emperor was patient, and acted cautiously, as the circumstances of the case required.

Intelligence was now brought that Zú-l fikár Khán Nusrat Jang and others were approaching with the force under his command, and the Emperor issued an order directing him to join as soon as possible. ^{* *} Zú-l fikár Khán seized several wells from which the enemy drew their supplies of water; and the enemy now felt the deprivation which the Imperial forces had suffered. ^{* *} The approaches were pushed forward to the fort, and on the day appointed for the assault the Emperor mounted his horse to take part therein, ^{* *} and took his position at a cannon-shot distance from the fort. ^{* *} The enemy were overpowered, and some positions were captured. ^{* *} Being greatly dispirited, they placed two or three thousand musketeers to hold one of the gates to the last. They then took their wives and children, their jewels, and whatever they could carry, and after setting fire to their temple and other buildings, they went out at another gate, and by some outlets which had been prepared for such an occasion, they made their way to the Mahratta army in parties. They then fled with the army. The conflagration in the fort and the cessation of the firing made the besiegers aware of their flight. A party of men entered, and found only disabled and wounded persons who were unable to fly. On the 14th Muharram the Imperial forces took possession of the place. ^{* *} The name Wákinkera was changed to Rahmán-bakhsh. The Imperial army then retired to pass the rainy season at Deo-gánw, three or four kos from the Kistná. ^{* *} News arrived that the fort of Bakhshinda-bakhsh or Kandána had been lost through the carelessness of the commander and the strategy of the Mahrattas. On the same day Hámidu-d dín Khán was sent to retake it.

Illness of the Emperor.

The Emperor was seized with illness, and had severe pains in his limbs, which caused grave apprehension. But he exerted himself, took his seat in the public hall, and engaged in business, thus giving consolation to the people. But his illness increased, he had fainting fits and lost his senses, so that very alarming rumours spread abroad, and for ten or twelve days the army and camp were in great distress. But by the mercy of God he grew better, and occasionally showed himself to the people in the public hall. The army was in an enemy's country, without house or home; and if the sad calamity (of the Emperor's death) were to happen, not one soul would escape from that land of mountains and raging infidels. Under the advice of his physician, he took China root.³⁸³ Three or four times a week he took medicine, and every day he distributed charity. After his recovery, he richly rewarded his physician, and returned thanks to God. In the middle of Rajab, he commenced his march for Bahádur-garh, otherwise called Bír-gánw,^383a leaving Kalích Khán behind as Súbadár . Slowly, and with difficulty, he pursued his march, and reached Bír-gánw at the end of Sha'bán, and ordered a halt of forty days for giving rest to the army during the time of the fast.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 540.] After the conclusion of the fast of Ramazán, the Emperor again turned his attention to business. He then proceeded to Ahmadnagar. In the month of Zí-l hijja the intelligence was brought of Zú-l fikar Khán having reduced the fort of Bakhshinda-bakhsh (Kandána). Prince Muhammad A'zam Sháh was in the province of Ahmadábád. When he heard of his father's illness, he wrote for leave to visit his father, stating as an excuse that the climate of Ahmadábád was very unfavourable to him. This displeased the Emperor, who replied that he had written a letter of exactly the same effect to his father Sháh Jahán when he was ill, and that he was told in answer, that every air (hawá) was suitable to a man except the fumes (hawá) of ambition. But the Prince wrote repeatedly to the same effect, and was then appointed to the súba of Málwá. He did not, however, go to Ujjain, but wrote for leave to visit his father. A grudging permission was given, and the Prince made the best of his way, so that he arrived at the end of the month. The súba of Ahmadábád, which was taken from him, was given to Muhammad Ibráhím Khán. ^{* *}

When Prince Muhammad A'zam Sháh reached his father's Court, his confidence in his own courage and boldness, and his pride in the army and treasure he had got together at Ahmad-ábád, made him aspire to the royal state and treasure. He thought nothing about his elder brother, but considered himself the chief in every way. Prince Muhammad Kám Bakhsh he looked upon as removed from rivalry by incompetence. But he had observed the altered temper of his father, whose feelings were not always in their natural state. His first thoughts fell upon Prince Muhammad 'Azím,³⁸⁴ who was at 'Azímábád, or Patna, in Bihár, where he had been some time Súbadár, and had obtained a repute for amassing treasures. Therefore he wished to remove him by getting him recalled to Court; and by various representations, some false, some true, he so worked upon the mind of the Emperor that orders were issued for his recall, ^{* *} and the Prince proceeded to wait upon his grandfather.

Confirmation was received, through the Governor of Multán, of the death of Prince Muhammad Akbar in Garmsír, the report of which had been current for a year past.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 547.] Prince A'zam Sháh was proud of his own courage, and of his army and soldiers. He had, moreover, won over to his side Jamdatu-l Mulk Asad Khán and several other amírs. He now sought a pretext for a quarrel with Prince Kám Bakhsh. The Emperor slightly improved in health; but although for some days he went into the public hall of audience and the Court of Justice, he was very weak, and death was clearly stamped upon his face. Prince A'zam's feelings towards Prince Kám Bakhsh, who was a poet and learned man, now displayed themselves in various slights and improper actions whenever an opportunity offered. Kám Bakhsh was dear to his father, for it often happens that men have the greatest affection for their youngest sons. So the Emperor appointed a nobleman to act as the bakhshí of Kám Bakhsh, and to him he entrusted the Prince, with instructions to take care of him. This bakhshí was Sultán Hasan, otherwise called Mír Malang. He was a courageous and faithful servant, and upon his appointment, the Emperor gave him the title of Hasan Khán. In faithful discharge of his duty, Hasan Khán deemed it necessary to place his ward under the protection of special guards, in addition to his own servants, and these accompanied the Prince armed and accoutred whenever he went to Court. For some days and nights they watched over the Prince with great vigilance. Prince A'zam Sháh complained of this to the Emperor, but got no answer. He then wrote to Nawáb Zínatu-n Nissa Begam, his eldest sister, complaining of the insolence of Hasan Khán, who had exceeded his powers. He added that there would be no difficulty in chastising him, but that it had been forbidden by the Emperor. This letter was shown to the Emperor, who wrote a letter with his own hand, saying that he had heard of the suspicions and apprehensions shown by Hasan Khán, and would therefore send Kám Bakhsh to some other place. Prince A'zam winced under the censure implied in the letter; but he knew that submission was his only resource, and he felt great satisfaction at the removal of his younger brother.

The foresight of the Emperor told him that his health was failing, and he saw that Prince (A'zam's) pretensions increased daily. He knew that if two unchained lions were left together, after his decease there would be divisions in the army, and great disturbances among the people. His affection for Kám Bakhsh also worked upon him. He sent Kám Bakhsh with all the signs and honours of royalty to Bíjápúr, and the drums of the royal naubat-khána were ordered to play as he departed. The sight of all this made Prince A'zam writhe like a poisonous serpent, but he could not say a word. In two or three days he also received orders to proceed to Málwá in charge of strict officers.

After the departure of the two Princes, the Emperor grew much worse, and fever increased. But for the next four or five days, notwithstanding the severity of the disease, he attended carefully to the regular prayers. In this state of things Hámidu-d dín Khán presented a letter containing the advice of astrologers, recommending the giving away of an elephant and of a valuable diamond in charity. To that the Emperor wrote in reply that the giving away of an elephant was the practice of the Hindús and of star-worshippers; but he sent four thousand rupees to the chief kází, for him to distribute among the deserving. On the same letter he wrote, saying, “Carry this creature of dust quickly to the first (burial) place, and consign him to the earth without any useless coffin.” It is said that he wrote a will dividing his kingdom among his sons, and entrusted it to Hámidu-d dín Khán.

On Friday, the 28th Zí-l ka'da, in the fifty-first year of the reign, corresponding with 1118 A.H. (Feb. 21, 1707 A.D.), after performing morning prayers and repeating the creed, at about one watch of the day, the Emperor departed this life. He was ninety years and some months old, and had reigned fifty years two months and a half. He was buried near Daulatábád by the tombs of Shaikh Burhánu-d dín and other religious worthies, and of Sháh Zarí Zar-bakhsh, and some districts of Burhánpúr were assigned for the maintenance of his tomb.

Of all the sovereigns of the House of Tímúr—nay, of all the sovereigns of Dehlí—no one, since Sikandar Lodí, has ever been apparently so distinguished for devotion, austerity, and justice. In courage, long-suffering, and sound judgment, he was unrivalled. But from reverence for the injunctions of the Law he did not make use of punishment, and without punishment the administration of a country cannot be maintained. Dissensions had arisen among his nobles through rivalry. So every plan and project that he formed came to little good; and every enterprise which he undertook was long in execution, and failed of its object. Although he lived for ninety years, his five senses were not at all impaired, except his hearing, and that to only so slight an extent that it was not perceptible to others. He often passed his nights in vigils and devotion, and he denied himself many pleasures naturally belonging to humanity.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 566.] Prince Muhammad A'zam Sháh, having taken leave of his father, was proceeding to his governorship of Málwá. He had travelled about twenty kos from the army, when one evening the intelligence of the Emperor's death reached him. On the same day he left his baggage and equipments, and with some of the chief nobles and an escort, he set off with all speed for the army. On arriving there, he entered the great tent. All the nobles came forth to meet him, and to console and sympathize with him, except Asad Khán and Hámid Khán, who were attending to the business of mourning and watching inside. After the burial was over, Jamdatu-l Mulk Asad Khán and other nobles and officers offered their condolences. An inspection was made of the amount of treasure, jewels, artillery, and effects. What was capable of being removed was separated and placed under the charge of vigilant officers, to provide the means of carriage and the supplies necessary for a journey. Hindí and Persian astrologers fixed on the 10th Zí-l hijja³⁸⁷ as the day for ascending the throne.

Prince Bedár Bakht, who had been left at Ahmadábád in charge of his government, arrived. Ibráhím Khán Súbadar also thought of coming, but an order was issued for his going to the frontier of Málwá, there to await further orders. He was directed not to be precipitate, but to await the arrival of the new monarch. The author of this work was at that time in the company of Muhammad Murád Khán, who was Wáki'-nigár and Sawánih-nigár of all the province of Ahmadábád, and was faujdár of the sarkár of Thánesár and Kúdra. On the 9th Zí-l hijja Murád Khán received a robe, on taking leave of Prince Bedár Bakht, and went home. Just then some servants of Ibráhím Khán Názim came to summon him. When he waited on Ibráhím Khán, and the latter became aware of his having received a robe from Bedár Bakht, he asked if the Prince had received any intelligence from his father, and in what condition the Prince was. Murád Khán replied that he did not know of any fresh news, and the Prince's health appeared to be as usual. Ibráhím Khán then placed in the hands of Murád Khán a letter, which he had received at Ahmadábád on the 10th from his vakíl at Ahmadnagar, informing him of the sad event which had occurred, and said, “You must this very moment go to the Prince with the letter and offer our condolence.”

Murád Khán went home, changed his robe, and went to wait upon the Prince. He found that the Prince was asleep; but considering the pressing nature of his mission, he told the eunuch on duty that he must awake the Prince as cautiously as he could. As soon as the Prince was aroused, he was told that Murád Khán was anxious to see him, and had caused him to be awoke. The Prince had received information of the Emperor's illness, and he asked if Murád Khán still wore the robe which had been presented to him, and the eunuch replied that he was dressed in a fresh robe of white. The Prince's eyes filled with tears, and he sent for Murád Khán into a private room. The Khán placed in his hand the letter which had arrived, and offered his own and Ibráhím Khán's condolences. After that the Prince said to Murád Khán, “You know full well that the realm of Hindústán will now fall into anarchy. People did not know the value of the Emperor. I only hope that Heaven will direct matters as I wish, and that the Empire will be given to my father.”

Ibráhím Khán afterwards was in doubt as to what Prince's name was to be recited in the khutba on the day of the 'Ídu-z zuha, and it was decided that after the rising of the sun, and before the news of Aurangzeb's death was spread abroad, the khutba should be read in Aurangzeb's name in the 'Ídgáh. Ibráhím Khán ranged himself among the partisans of A'zam Sháh, and he resolved that if, as he expected, instructions should come for him to accompany Prince Bedár Bakht, he would assemble his forces and would hasten with the Prince to Ágra. In fact, if Muhammad A'zam Sháh had not been mistrustful³⁸⁹ and forbidden it, he (Ibráhím Khán) would have helped Prince Bedár Bakht on his way.^389a Mukhtár Khán, father-in-law of Bedár Bakht, was Súbadár of Ágra. He had nine krors of rupees, besides ashrafís and presentation money (rúpiya-i gharíb nawáz), amounting to as much as five hundred tolas in weight; and he had uncoined gold and silver in the shape of vessels. Bákí Khán, the commander of the fortress, who had the treasure in his charge, designed to surrender the treasure and the keys of the fortress to whichever of the heirs of the kingdom should present himself. (Ibráhím Khán's plan) was the right and advisable course to pursue; but what God had ordained came to pass.

Prince Kám Bakhsh.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 569.] A few words now about Prince Kám Bakhsh. After leaving his venerable father, he went to the fort of Parenda, forty or fifty kos distant. There he received the sad news of his father's decease. Muhammad Amín Khán, with a number of persons, went off to wait upon A'zam Sháh, without the leave or knowledge of Kám Bakhsh. Great division and contention arose in his army in consequence of this defection. Ahsan Khán, otherwise called Mír Sultán Hasan, supported by the sympathy and good feeling of many who remained, exerted himself and set off with the intention of taking possession of the fort of Bíjápúr. On arriving near the place, he sent a kind and flattering message to Niyáz Khán, the commandant, to induce him to deliver up the fortress. Niyáz Khán refused, and set about putting the fortifications in order. Intrenchments were then thrown up opposite the gate. Rumours of the death of Aurangzeb had been floating in the air before the arrival of Kám Bakhsh, and were now confirmed. Negociations were opened, and through the exertions and skilful management of Ahsan Khán, the keys of the fortress were given up by Saiyid Niyáz Khán, who waited on the Prince and made submission. At the end of two months the city and environs were brought into a state of order. Ahsan Khán was made bakhshí, and the portfolio of wazír was given to Hakím Muhsin, with the title Takarrub Khán. ^{* *} Other adherents were rewarded with jewels and titles. The Prince then assumed the throne. He was mentioned in the khutba under the title of Dín-panáh (Asylum of the Faith), and coins also were issued with this title.

Prince Kám Bakhsh then assembled some seven or eight thousand horse, and marched to subdue the fort of Wákinkera. After a march or two, Saiyid Niyáz Khán left his tent standing, and fled in the night to Muhammad A'zam Khán. On reaching Kulbarga, the Prince took possession of the fort, and, on the recommendation of Ahsan Khán, placed it under the command of Saiyid Ja'far, one of the Saiyids of Bárha. He then marched on to Wákinkera, which, since the death of Aurangzeb, had again fallen into the hands of Paryá Náík. On arriving there, lines were formed, and the siege commenced under the direction of Ahsan Khán. Paryá Náík defended the place for fifteen or twenty days, when it surrendered, through the mediation of Ahsan Khán. An officer was placed in command, and the army marched on to further conquests. There was a great rivalry between Takarrub Khán and Ahsan Khán. The former removed Saiyid Ja'far from the command of Kulbarga, and appointed another person to the charge. When Kám Bakhsh returned to Kul-barga, he restored Saiyid Ja'far. ^{* *} After pacifying Ahsan Khán, the Prince sent him to lay siege to Karnúl, and directed his youngest son to accompany him as a check (tora). The commandant was unwilling to surrender, and, after some negocia-tions and siege work, he presented three lacs of rupees to Ahsan Khán for the use of the government, and so induced him to move away. ^{* *}

Prince A'zam Sháh.

[vol. ii. p. 571.] On the 10th Zí-l hijja A'zam Sháh, having ascended the throne, made his accession public in the Dakhin by coins struck in the name of A'zam Sháh. Having gratified the old nobles of the State with robes and jewels, augmentations of mansabs and promises, he set off, about the middle of Zí-l hijja, to encounter Sháh 'Álam, accompanied by Jamdatu-l Mulk Amíru-l umará Asad Khán, Zú-l fikár Khán Bahádur Nusrat Jang and [many other nobles]. He marched to Khujista-bungád (Aurangábád), ^{* *} and from thence arrived at Burhánpúr. After leaving that place, he was abandoned by Muhammad Amín Khán, and Chín Kalích Khán, who had received the title of Khán-daurán. They were offended by the treatment they received from A'zam Sháh, and went off to Aurangábád, where they took possession of several districts.

Sháh 'Álam (Bahádur Sháh).

[vol. ii. p. 573.] An account must now be given of the proceedings of Sháh 'Álam Bahádur Sháh. The late Emperor had appointed Mun'im Khán, a very able man of business, to the management of Kábul. He had shown great devotion and fidelity to Sháh 'Álam, so that the Prince placed in his hands the management of his jágírs in the province of Láhore, and had recommended him for the diwání of the province to the Emperor, who appointed him to that office. When Mun'im Khán received intelligence of the continued illness of the Emperor, in his faithfulness to Sháh 'Álam, he busied himself in making preparations in the countries lying between Láhore and Pesháwar, finding means of transport, collecting camels and bullocks, and providing things necessary for carrying on a campaign, so as to be ready at the time of need.

On the 7th Zí-l hijja the news of Aurangzeb's death reached Pesháwar, and the Prince immediately prepared to set out. Next day a letter came from Mun'im Khán, offering congratulations upon the Prince's accession to royalty, and urging him to come quickly. Orders were given for the march, and next day the Prince started, making no delay, accompanied by his nobles, except Fathu-llah Khán, a man of great bravery lately appointed to Kábul, who declined to accompany him. Orders were given that Ján-nisár Khán, who was only second in courage to Fathu-llah Khán, should go with five or six thousand horse to the neighbourhood of Ágra, to join Prince 'Azímu-sh Shán. Orders also were sent calling Prince Mu'izzu-d dín from his government of Thatta, and A'azzu-d dín from Multán, where he was acting as the deputy of his father. Other presumed adherents were also sent for.

Sháh 'Álam proceeded by regular marches to Láhore. Mun'im Khán came forth to meet him, paid his homage, offered forty lacs of rupees, and presented the soldiers, artillery and equipments that he had busied himself in collecting directly he had heard of the death of Aurangzeb. Sháh 'Álam appointed him wazír. At the end of Muharram, 1119 (April, 1707), the Prince encamped at Láhore. There he remained over the new moon of Safar, and gave orders for the coining of money and reading the khutba in his name. The nobles in his retinue presented their offerings and paid their homage. ^{* *} Directions were given that the new rupee should be increased half a máshá in weight, and lacs were accordingly coined of that weight; but as in the payment of tankhwáh, and in commercial transactions, it was received at only the old rate, the new rule was discontinued.

Prince Muhammad Mu'izzu-d dín and his son A'azzu-d dín now arrived. [Great distribution of honours and mansabs.] A letter was received from Prince Muhammad 'Azím, stating that ^{* *} he had raised more than twenty thousand horse, and was hastening to reach Ágra before Prince Bedár Bakht. News also arrived that Ágra had been secured, that Mukhtár Khán had been placed in confinement, and that Bákí Khán, the commandant of the fort, put off surrendering the treasure with the excuse that he would wait till His Majesty arrived. Spies and news-writers reported that Bákí Khán had written with great humility to Prince Muhammad A'zam, that although the fort and the treasures belonged to both the heirs to the crown, he would surrender them to whichever arrived first. There was not a single person who doubted that, comparing the distance of Pesháwar with the difficulties in the way of A'zam Sháh, Sháh 'Álam would arrive before him.

On Sháh 'Álam arriving at Dehlí, ^{* *} the commandant sent the keys of the fortress with his offering, and many others made their allegiance. At the beginning of Rabí'u-l awwal he started for Ágra, and reached the environs of that city about the middle of the month, where he was met by his son, Muhammad 'Azím, and by Muhammad Karím, the son of Prince 'Azím. Bákí Khán gave up the keys of the fortress, with the treasure, for which he received great favour and rewards. According to one account, there were nine krors of rupees, in rupees and ashrafís, besides vessels of gold and silver, which was what was left remaining of the twenty-four krors of rupees amassed by Sháh Jahán, after what had been expended by Aurangzeb during his reign, principally in his wars in the Dakhin. According to another account, including the presentation money, which consisted of ashrafís and rupees of 100 to 300 tolas' weight, specially coined for presents,³⁹⁴ and the ashrafís of twelve máshás and thirteen máshás of the reign of Akbar, the whole amounted to thirteen krors. An order was given for bringing out directly four krors of rupees. Three lacs were to be given to each of the royal Princes, altogether nine lacs, three lacs to Khán-zamán and his sons, one lac to the Saiyids of Bárha, one lac to Ághar Khán and his Mughals. In the same way the officers in his retinue, and the old servants, soldiers, [and others, received gratuitous additions of pay and donations]. Altogether two krors were distributed. ^{* *}

March of Prince A'zam.

[vol. ii. p. 581.] Prince A'zam Sháh, with his artillery, and a a force of nearly thirty-five thousand horse actually present (maujúdí), which according to military reckoning means an army of more than eighty or ninety thousand men, and with his amírs and adherents, marched forth for war. ^{* *} He endeavoured, by augmentations of mansabs and promotions in rank, to secure the good will of the nobles; but in providing for advances and pay to the army, and in giving assistance and presents of money, he, through want of treasure, was very sparing. If any of his most attached nobles spoke to him on this subject, he, in his proud and haughty way, gave sharp answers that there was no real necessity in his army, but fear of the opposite party.^394a In fact, he had not money to be liberal with; but his bitter words, and the ill temper which he occasionally showed, pained and disgusted many of his followers. After he departed from Burhánpúr, Chín Kalích Khán, who had been created Khán-daurán, went off with several noted men and returned to Aurangábád. Muhammad Amín also, with many Mughals, plundered the banjáras of the army, and fell back to Aurangábád. When the Prince was told of such matters, he paid no attention to them, and made no change in his conduct. After crossing the river (Nerbadda) at Hándiyá, he arrived at Doráha.

Release of Sáhú.

[vol. ii. p. 582.] Zú-l fikár Khán Nusrat Jang was very intimate with Sáhú, grandson of Sivají, and had long been interested in his affairs. He now persuaded A'zam Sháh to set this Sáhú at liberty, along with several persons who were his friends and companions. Sáhú, with fifty or sixty men, who were able to accompany him, went off to Mohan Singh, a noted rebellious zamíndár, in the difficult mountain country of Bíjagarh, Sultánpúr, and Nandurbár. He supplied Sáhú with some necessary equipments, and Sáhú then went on to a Mahratta named Ámbú, but more famous under the name of Pánd, who was an active rebel. This man held the fort of Kokarmanda³⁹⁵ in Sultánpúr, and ravaged the whole country from Surat to Burhánpúr. He furnished Sáhú with a body of men, and sent him to his native country and to the lofty fortresses, of which several that had been reduced by Aurangzeb had again fallen into the hands of the rebels during the days of contention for the Empire. Many Mahratta sardárs, who through necessity had deceitfully joined themselves to the party of Rání Tárá Báí, widow of Rám Rája, now came and joined Rája Sáhú.

Having collected a large army, Sáhú proceeded to the neighbourhood of Ahmadnagar, and then, according to a report at the time, he put off his journey, and went to the place where Aurangzeb died. He paid a mourning visit to the place, and distributed money and food to the poor. Then, with his large army, which numbered nearly 20,000 Mahratta horse, he marched with the intention of showing his respect to the tomb of Aurang-zeb, near Daulatábád, at a place now called Khuldábád.^395a When his advance party approached Aurangábád, although Sáhú and his brothers in his company had no intention of ravaging, the old habit prevailed, and some of his men began plundering in the vicinity of Aurangábád. Mansúr Khán and the other officers in the city bestirred themselves, put the fortifications in order, and endeavoured to repress these outrages. Rája Sáhú also forbade his men to plunder, and after visiting the tombs of the great men, and of Aurangzeb, he went his way to his forts.

Defeat and Death of A'zam Sháh.

[vol. ii. p. 583.] A'zam Sháh passed the Nerbadda, and arrived at Gwálior. There he heard of the arrival at Ágra of Sháh 'Álam, and of Prince 'Azím, with his powerful army. ^{* *} He left Amíru-l umará Asad Khán at Gwálior with the ladies and unnecessary equipments and jewels and treasure, ^{* *} and having distributed a little money among the soldiers, he sent Prince Bedár Bakht forward in command of the advanced guard, and he sent with him Zú-l fikár Khán and [many others], ^{* *} and the march to Ágra began, his force amounting to nearly twenty-five thousand horse. It is said that although he had collected an army of nearly fifty thousand horse, want of money had stinted the pay of the men; and they having heard of the profuse liberality of the opposing party, many men of name and reputation parted from him and went over to Prince Muhammad 'Azím and Sháh' Álam.

It is related that when intelligence of Prince A'zam's arrival at Gwálior reached Sháh 'Álam, he wrote him a letter of expostulation, rehearsing the particulars of the will written by their father with his own hand respecting the division of the kingdom, and said, “Of all the six súbas of the Dakhin, I will surrender to you four súbas, as well as the súba of Ahmadábád, and besides these I will present you with one or two other súbas, for I do not wish that the blood of Musulmáns should be shed. ^{* *} You ought therefore to be content with the will of your father, accept what is offered, and endeavour to prevent strife.”³⁹⁷ It is also said that he sent a message to the following effect: “If you will not desist from unjustly making a greater demand, and will not abide by the will of our father, but desire that the sword should be drawn, and that the matter should be submitted to the arbitrament of courage and valour, what is the necessity that we should doom a multitude to the edge of the sword in our quarrel? It is better that you and I should stake our single lives and contend with each other on the field of combat.” ^{* * *} When this letter and message of the elder brother reached the younger, the latter said, “I suppose the stupid fellow has never read the lines of Sa'dí, which say that ‘Two kings cannot be contained in one country, though ten darweshes can sleep under one blanket.’”^397a

The spies of Sháh 'Álam Bahádur Sháh brought intelligence that the advanced guard of A'zam Sháh had marched with the intention of taking possession of the river Chambal, which is eighteen kos from Ágra. So he gave directions that Khána-zád Khán, Saf-shikan Khán the commander of the artillery, with an advanced guard, should go and take possession of the passage, and not allow the enemy to cross. It was next reported to be A'zam Sháh's intention to cross the river at Samú-garh, and leaving Ágra in his rear, to turn and give battle. Orders were then given for moving Sháh 'Álam's tents to Jájú Saráí.^397b [Disposition made for action.]

A'zam Sháh also prepared for battle, and, without heeding the superior force of his brother, or settling any plan of action, went boldly forward like a fierce lion dashes upon a flock of sheep. ^{* *} His leading forces made a sudden attack upon the most advanced camp of Sháh 'Álam. The officers and men in charge resisted for a time, and killed some of the assailants, but were put to flight. All their baggage was plundered, their camp was set on fire, and the commander of the artillery was made prisoner, and carried before Prince A'zam Sháh. The Prince asked him who he was. He said, “I was commander of the artillery; I am a Saiyid.” The Prince ordered his release. Prince Muhammad 'Azím, who had ridden forward rashly to explore, got intelligence of what was passing, and with a strong force hastened into action, and fell upon the advanced forces of A'zam Sháh.

The check which had been received caused great discouragement to the forces of Sháh 'Álam. Zú-l fikár Khán and other nobles in attendance upon A'zam Sháh advised him that he should proclaim the success he had achieved, order his camp to be pitched upon the spot, and to put off the general action to the morrow, because the victory that had been gained and the superior prowess of his men would strike terror into the enemy's army, and bring over many of the leading men from his opponent's ranks. Many also of the half-hearted would certainly desert, and the probability was that Sháh 'Álam would be so much discouraged that he would retreat. A'zam Sháh got angry, and said with warmth and bitterness, “This is the counsel of women.” In short, although a great portion of A'zam Sháh's army was busy in destroying and plundering, strict and precise orders were issued to the leading forces, and on the 18th Rabí'u-l awwal, 1119 A.H. (10th June, 1707 A.D.), the two armies joined battle at Jájú, seven or eight kos from Ágra. [Long details of the action.]

Prince Bedár Bakht, after rendering splendid service, which shed a halo round him, was killed by a cannon-ball, and many of his followers also fell. ^{* *} His younger brother Wálájáh was killed by a ball from a zambúrak. ^{* *} A strong wind arose, which blew straight from the side of Sháh 'Álam against the army of A'zam Sháh, so that every arrow, with the help of the wind of fate, reached the army of A'zam Sháh, and pierced through armour; ^{* *} but the rockets and the arrows and the balls from his side, being resisted by the contrary wind, failed to reach the ranks of the enemy, and fell upon the ground. It is said that Tarbiyat Khán twice discharged a musket from the army of A'zam Sháh against Prince 'Azímu-sh Shán. Both shots failed; but a musket-ball from the other side reached the Khán's breast, and at the same moment an arrow pierced him and he died.

Matters now looked ill in every way for A'zam Sháh. ^{* *} On the side of Sháh 'Álam fourteen or fifteen nobles of distinction were killed, ^{* *} and a great number on the side of A'zam Sháh were slain. Zú-l fikár Khán received a slight wound upon the lip. When he saw that the day was lost, that many of his valiant companions in arms were slain, and that A'zam Sháh's army was pressed so hard that there was no hope of deliverance, he went to the Prince and said, “Your ancestors have had to endure the same kind of reverse, and have been deprived of their armies; but they did not refuse to do what the necessities of the case required. The best course for you now is to leave the field of battle, and to remove to a distance, when fortune may perhaps assist you, and you may retrieve your reverse.” A'zam Sháh flew into a rage, and said, “Go with your bravery, and save your life wherever you can; it is impossible for me to leave this field: for princes there is (only the choice of) a throne or a bier” (takht yá takhta). Zú-l fikár Khán, accompanied by Hámidu-d dín Khán, then went off to Gwálior.

The ill-fated Prince now found himself left with only two or three hundred horsemen among thousands of enemies, and amid a rain of arrows and balls. In this extremity he exclaimed, “It is not Sháh 'Álam who fights against me; God has abandoned me, and fortune has turned against me.” He had an infant son with him in his howda, whom he endeavoured to shield from the balls and arrows. That brave young Prince desired to show the valour of his race, but his father forbade him, and tried still more to protect him. Two or three drivers fell wounded from the elephant, and the animal itself was pierced with many wounds, and became impatient. Death was threatening, and A'zam Sháh felt that his foot was in the stirrup for his last journey; but he bravely got out of the howda, and endeavoured to control the elephant and drive him forward, but he was unable. The sun of his life was near its setting—an arrow struck him in the forehead and ended his existence. Rustam 'Alí Khán, who had got near to the elephant, hearing what had happened, mounted the animal, and cut off the head of the Prince with his pitiless sword. He carried it to the army of Sháh 'Álam, and the shouts of victory rose high. ^{* *} When Sháh 'Álam saw the gory head of his brother, he looked fiercely at that dog Rustam 'Alí Khán, and burst into tears.

All the four Princes, Khán-khánán and his sons, and the other amírs, came to congratulate the victor. The jewels and ashrafís which were in the howda of A'zam Sháh were plundered; all else, tents, elephants, guns and equipments were secured. Sháh 'Álam caused a small tent to be pitched, in which he offered up his thanks for the victory. He then had the sons of A'zam Sháh brought to his presence, the eldest son and the Princes Bedár-dil and Sa'íd-bakht. He received them most kindly, embraced them, and stroked their heads with paternal gentleness. He promised them safety and every attention and care, and he did his best to console and comfort the ladies. He embraced Khán-khánán, and avowed that all the success was owing to his exertions and devotion. Lastly, he ordered the corpses of A'zam Sháh, Bedár Bakht, and his brother, to be properly tended, and to be carried for interment near the tomb of the Emperor Humáyún.

Next day Sháh 'Álam went to visit Khán-khánán, and raised him to the highest rank, with the title of Khán-khánán Bahádur Zafar Jang and Yár-i wafádár (faithful friend). He presented him with a kror of rupees in cash and goods, a larger bounty than had ever been bestowed on any individual since the rise of the House of Tímúr. His mansab was increased to 7000 and 7000 horse, five thousand being do-aspas and sih-aspas. He also received two krors of dáms as in'ám, and he was confirmed in the office of wazír. Of the ten lacs of rupees which he offered as peshkash, one was accepted. Na'ím Khán, his eldest son, received the title of Khán-zamán Bahádur, with an increase to 5000 and 5000 horse, and a robe of the third rank. The younger son was entitled Khána-zád Khán Bahádur, and his mansab was increased to 4000 and 3000 horse. Each of the four royal Princes had his mansab increased to 30,000 and 20,000 horse. [Many other honours and rewards.]

When the news of the victory and of the death of A'zam Sháh reached Gwálior, weeping and wailing arose from every tent. Amíru-l umará Asad Khán went to wait upon Zebu-n Nissa Begam, eldest sister of A'zam Sháh, to offer his condolences to her and the other ladies. In concert with 'Ináyatu-llah Khán díwán, he placed seals upon the jewels, the treasure and other effects, and then prepared to set off to the presence of Bahádur Sháh. A gracious farmán promising favour and safety arrived, summoning to the presence Amíru-l umará Asad Khán, Zú-l fikár Khán Nusrat Jang and Hámidu-d dín Khán, who had repaired to Gwálior (before the battle), and they were to bring with them the ladies of the late Prince with their establishments. Amíru-l umará accompanied the retinue of Nawáb Kudsiya Zebu-n Nissa, who was clothed in mourning garments. When they arrived, the Begam did not go through the form of offering congratulations, in consequence of her being in mourning, and this vexed the King. But he treated her with great kindness and indulgence, doubled her annual allowance, and gave her the title of Pádsháh Begam. All the other ladies of A'zam Sháh were treated with great sympathy and liberality, and were ordered to accompany Pádsháh Begam to the capital.

Promotions, Appointments, and other Arrangements.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 599.] To Asad Khán was given the title Nizámu-l Mulk Ásafu-d daula. He was also made vakíl-i mutlak, as the office was called in former reigns, and the appointment and removal of wazírs and other officials used to be in this grandee's hands. He was also presented with four stallions, five horses with accoutrements, etc., etc., and was allowed the privilege of having his drums beaten in the royal presence. Some envious spirits privately observed that the Amíru-l umará had been the close friend and trusted adviser of A'zam Sháh; but the Emperor answered that if his own sons had been in the Dakhin, the exigencies of the position would have compelled them to join their uncle. Zú-l fikár Khán's mansab was increased to 7000 and 7000 horse. He received the title of Samsámu-d daula Amíru-l Bahádur Nusrat Jang, and was reinstated in his office of Mír-bakhshí. [Other promotions and rewards.] In short, all the adherents, great and small, of the King and Princes, received lacs of rupees in in'ám, fourfold and sixfold augmentations of their mansabs, and presents of jewels and elephants.

Although the office of wazír had been given to Khán-khánán, it was deemed expedient, in order to conciliate Asad Khán Amíru-l umará and Zú-l fikár Khán, to elevate Asad Khán to the position of wazír. To outward appearance he was raised to this dignity; but whenever any ministerial business of importance arose, Khán-khánán did not communicate it to Ásafu-d daula. On the day that Ásafu-d daula acted as díwán, it became incumbent upon Khán-khánán to wait upon him as other ministers did, and to obtain his signature to documents; but this was disagreeable to him. Ásafu-d daula was desirous of rest, for his continual activity during the reign of Aurangzeb had allowed him little enjoyment of life. So it was arranged that Samsámu-d daula should act as deputy for his father in the office of minister, and that his father should take charge of Nawáb Pádsháh Begam, and repair to the capital to pass his old age in comfort. With the exception that the seal of Ásafu-d daula was placed upon revenue and civil parwánas and sanads, he had no part in the administration of the government.

An order was issued that the late Emperor Aurangzeb should be styled Khuld-makán.

Khán-khánán discharged his duties as wazír with repute, integrity and impartiality, and he exerted himself so earnestly in the performance of his work, that when he took his seat, he appointed officers to see that no petitions or letters of the day before remained unnoticed. One of the most acceptable and beneficial of the measures of Khán-khánán was the relief he afforded in that oppressive grievance, the feed of the cattle of the mansabdárs. To explain this matter briefly, it may be said that in the late reign the ákhta-begís and other rapacious officials had so contrived that the responsibility of providing food for the cattle had been fixed on the mansabdárs. Notwithstanding the mansabdárs, through the smallness of their surplus rents, had been for a long time in want of a loaf for supper,⁴⁰³ (the officials), after great perseverance and pressure, got something out of the small total of (each) jágír. Although a jágír might be lying waste, and its total income would not suffice for a half or a third of the expense of the animals, and leave a little to supply the necessaries of life to the holder's wife and family, the officials imprisoned his vakíls, and with violence and insult demanded contributions for the food of the cattle. The vakíls complained of this tyranny to the Emperor, but the dárogha of the elephant stables and the ákhta-begí made protestations which satisfied His Majesty, so that the complaints met with no redress. This oppression reached such a height that the vakíls resigned their offices. In the present reign Khán-khánán made an arrangement by which tankhwáh (cash) was to be given to the mansabdárs of jágírs. Money sufficient for the keep of the animals being deducted from the total rent (of the jágírs), the balance remaining was to be paid in cash. By these means the grievance of the animal's keep was entirely removed from the mansabdárs and the vakíls. Indeed it may be said that an order was given remitting the contributions for the food of the animals.^403a

Khán-khánán had a strong partiality for Súfí-ism, and had a knowledge of science. He wrote a book called Al Hámiya, upon the spiritual life and Súfí mysticism, which in the opinion of controversialists passes beyond the bounds of the Law upon some points.

Orders were given that in the coinage of rupees and ashrafís no verse should be used, but that the name “Sháh 'Álam Bahádur Sháh” and the name of the (mint) city should be impressed in prose. It was also ordered that in the khutba the name “Sháh 'Álam” should be embellished by the title “Saiyid.” It appears from history that from the rise of the House of Tímúr—nay, even from the foundation of the Ghorí dynasty—no one of the monarchs had ever used the title of Saiyid in the khutba, or in his pedigree, with the exception of Khizr Khán. He (Khizr Khán) was by origin and by the names of his ancestors an Afghán, as is apparent by the title Malik; but after he came to the throne of Dehlí, the historians of his reign, upon very weak proofs, applied to him in a loose way the title of Saiyid.

Ajít Singh and other Rájpúts.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 605.] Towards the end of the year 1119 the Emperor marched from Ágra, with the intention of chastising the Rájpúts in the vicinity of Údípúr and Jodpúr. From the reports of the news-writers of the province of Ajmír, and the parganas around Jodpúr, the following matters became known to His Majesty. Rája Ajít Singh, who was called the son of Rája Jaswant, had been brought up by the wiles of Durgá Dás, and other evil-disposed infidels, as the son of the deceased Rája.⁴⁰⁴ He had cast off his allegiance to the late Emperor, and done many improper things. After the death of Aurangzeb he again showed his disobedience and rebellion by oppressing Musulmáns, forbidding the killing of cows, preventing the summons to prayer, razing the mosques which had been built after the destruction of the idol-temples in the late reign, and repairing and building anew idol-temples. He warmly supported and assisted the army of the Ráná of Údípúr, and was closely allied with Rája Jai Singh, whose son-in-law he was. He had carried his disaffection so far that he had not attended at Court since the accession. On the 8th Sha'bán the Emperor marched to punish this rebel and his tribe, by way of Ámber, the native land of Jai Singh, between Ajmír and Chitor. ^{* *}

Ajít Singh and his allied Rájas knew that submission and obedience alone could save them and their families and property; so he addressed himself to Khán-khánán and his son Khán-zamán, expressing his sorrow, humility, and obedience; and he sent a message humbly asking that Khán-zamán and the Kázíu-l Kuzát might come into Jodpúr, to rebuild the mosques, destroy the idol-temples, enforce the provisions of the law about the summons to prayer and the killing of cows, to appoint magistrates and to commission officers to collect the jizya. His submission was graciously accepted, and his requests granted.⁴⁰⁵ Officers of justice, kázís, muftís, imáms, and muazzins (criers to prayer) were appointed in Jodpúr and other towns in the country. Ajít Singh and Jai Singh, with the concurrence of Durgá Dás, who was the very soul of the opposition, came to Court in hope of receiving pardon for their offences, and each was honoured with the gift of a robe, elephant, etc.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 608.] A kind and admonitory letter was addressed by the Emperor to his brother Prince Muhammad Kám Bakhsh to the following effect: “Our father entrusted you with the government of the súba of Bíjápúr; we now relinquish to you the government of the two súbas of Bíjápúr and Haidar-ábád, with all their subjects and belongings, upon the condition, according to the old rule of the Dakhin, that the coins shall be struck and the khutba read in our name. The tribute which has hitherto been paid by the governors of these two provinces we remit.” ^{* *}

A few words shall now be written about Prince Muhammad Kám Bakhsh and his proceedings. [Cruel punishments and execution of Ahsan Khán and others.] In answer to the kind letter which Kám Bakhsh received from his brother Bahádur Sháh, he wrote a provoking reply.⁴⁰⁶ Kám Bakhsh arrived at Burhánpúr at the beginning of Jumáda-l awwal, where he was detained some time by the swollen state of the Taptí. ^{* *} Marching from thence by way of Malkápúr and Nander, he had got within two or three marches of Haidarábád at the end of Shawwál. His whole army had dwindled away through his violent bloodthirsty madness; five or six hundred horse were all that remained with him, and they were sorely distressed by harsh treatment, hunger, and sight of bloodshed. Bahádur Sháh had with him nearly 8000 horse. ^{* *} Kám Bakhsh advanced until he was only two or three kos from Haidarábád. His small force now consisted only of ^{* *} a few bold companions who would not leave him and three or four hundred horse. ^{* *} The orders given to Bahádur Sháh's commanders were that they were not to bring on a fight, but to surround Kám Bakhsh so that he should not be killed, and the blood of Musulmáns should not be spilt. ^{* *} Khán-khánán and Zú-l fikár Khán, with their respective forces, were about a cannon-shot distant from the enemy, expecting the order to attack. As they had been ordered not to begin the battle, they waited until noon, but sent repeated messages to the Emperor for leave to begin. They were told that he was taking his usual nap. Whether it were so, or whether this evasion was connived at, the generals received no reply.

Zú-l fikár Khán had an old-standing aversion to Kám Bakhsh, and repeatedly urged Khán-khánán to attack. Kám Bakhsh, with a heart full of fear and hope, stood firm, expecting the onslaught. At length Zú-l fikár Khán, awaiting no longer the consent of the Emperor or the co-operation of Khán-khánán, advanced to the attack. This movement compelled Khán-khánán to advance also with his fourteen or fifteen thousand horse. ^{* *} Two or three of the companions of Kám Bakhsh were killed or wounded, but he stood firm, fighting desperately. He received three or four wounds, but he used his bow so well in the face of three thousand foes, that a terror fell upon them, and they were near upon taking flight. He emptied two quivers and wounded and brought many men down; but loss of blood from his many wounds prevailed; he lost his strength, and the enemy surrounded his elephant and made him prisoner. His youngest son, who was on the same elephant, was also made prisoner after receiving four or five severe wounds. Muhíu-s Sunnat, the eldest son, fought bravely. The drivers and others on his elephant fell wounded one after the other. He then drove the animal himself, but fell in the howda wounded with balls and arrows. ^{* *} The elephant ran off into the country, but was caught by a party of Mahrattas, and the Prince became a prisoner. ^{* *} All the men of Kám Bakhsh who fought near his elephant were killed, and were found to be sixty-two in number. ^{* *}

Kám Bakhsh and his two sons, all desperately wounded, were taken to Khuld-manzil, and placed near the royal tent. European and Greek surgeons were appointed to attend them. Kám Bakhsh rejected all treatment, and refused to take the broth prepared for his food. In the evening the King went to see his brother. He sat down by his side, and took the cloak from his own back, and covered him who lay dejected and despairing, fallen from throne and fortune. He showed him the greatest kindness, asked him about his state, and said, “I never wished to see you in this condition.” Kám Bakhsh replied, “Neither did I wish that one of the race of Tímúr should be made prisoner with the imputation of cowardice and want of spirit.” The King gave him two or three spoonfuls of broth with his own hands, and then departed with his eyes full of tears. Three or four watches afterwards, Kám Bakhsh and one of his sons named Fírozmand died.⁴⁰⁸ Both corpses were sent to Dehlí, to be interred near the tomb of Humáyún.

Nímá^408a

Sindhiá. The Mahrattas.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 625.] Nímá Sindhiá had been one of the most renowned of all the “Ná-sardárs” (i.e. Mahratta sardárs), and one of the greatest leaders of the accursed armies of the Dakhin. His plundering and destructive raids had extended as far as the province of Málwá. Now, under the patronage and advice of Zú-l fikár Khán, he had turned the face of repentance to the Imperial throne, with the hope of forgiveness. He had taken part in the battle against Kám Bakhsh, and having thus won the Imperial favour, he and his sons and relations had received the honour of being presented to His Majesty. He received a mansab of 7000 and 5000 horse, two lacs of rupees, a robe, an elephant, a drum, etc. His sons and grandsons each received mansabs of 5000 and 4000—altogether 40,000 and 25,000 horse. ^{* *}

Rája Sáhú's vakíl was introduced by Zú-l fikár Khán Bahádur Nusrat Jang, who was Súbadár of the whole Dakhin, and held as well the office of Mír-bakhshí. The vakíl presented an application for a farmán conferring on Sáhú the sar-deshmukhí and the chauth of the six súbas of the Dakhin, on condition of restoring prosperity to the ruined land. Jumlatu-l Mulk Mun'im Khán Khán-khánán had separated the súba of Burhánpúr and half the súba of Birár (which in the revenue records and in common language is called Birár Páyín-ghát) from the six súbas of the Dakhin, in accordance with the arrangement which obtained under the Fárúkí dynasty and under the Emperor Akbar; and he had included these among the súbas dependent on Dehlí, which by universal accord is the capital (asl) of Hindústán. He was desirous that the civil and revenue affairs (of these súbas) and the appointment and dismissal of officers should be under the direction of his eldest son Mahábat Khán. This caused a disagreement between Zú-l fikár Khán and Mun'im Khán, for the Bakhshíu-l Mulk was not at all desirous that any one else should have any authority or control in the civil and revenue affairs of the Dakhin.

Tárá Báí was widow of Rám Rája, that is, she was the widow of the uncle of Rája Sáhú, and Rám Rája left two sons by her of tender years. In the reign of the late Emperor Aurangzeb, after a warfare of ten years, she sued for peace, on condition of being allowed to levy nine rupees per cent. as sar-deshmukhí. As has been stated in the proper place, Aurangzeb declined for various reasons. Now, by the intervention of Jumlatu-l Mulk, she asked for a farmân in the name of her son, granting the nine rupees of the sar-deshmukhí, without any reference to the chauth,⁴⁰⁹ for which he would suppress other insurgents and restore order in the country. Samsámu-d daula Zú-l fikár Khán took the side of Rája Sáhú, and a great contention upon the matter arose between the two ministers. The King, in his extreme good nature, had resolved in his heart that he would not reject the petition of any one, whether of low or high degree. The complainants and defendants made their statements to His Majesty, and although they differed as much as morning and evening, each was accepted, and an order of consent was given. So in this matter of the sar-deshmukhí, farmáns were directed to be given in compliance with the requests both of Mun'im Khán and Zú-l fikár Khán; but in consequence of the quarrel between these two nobles, the orders about the sar-deshmukhí remained inoperative.

Titles. Character of Bahádur Sháh.

[vol. ii. p. 627.] Since the rise of the House of Tímúr it had been the rule that one and the same title should not be given to two persons. ^{* *} But now the ugly practice arose of giving the same title to two or more persons, and in the same way the grants of mansabs, naubat and nakára, elephants, the jígha and sar-pech were no longer regulated by the rank and dignity of the recipient.

For generosity, munificence, boundless good nature, extenuation of faults, and forgiveness of offences, very few monarchs have been found equal to Bahádur Sháh in the histories of past times, and especially in the race of Tímúr. But though he had no vice in his character, such complacency and such negligence were exhibited in the protection of the state and in the government and management of the country, that witty sarcastic people found the date of his accession in the words, Sháh-i be-khabr, “Heedless King.” He often sat up all night, and used to sleep to the middle of the day; so in marching his people had to suffer great inconvenience; for many poor fellows were unable to find their tents in dark nights when the army and baggage were scattered about, and had to pass the night in front of the royal tent, or the drum room or offices or the bázárs.

The Freebooter Páp Ráí.⁴¹⁰

[Text, vol. ii. p. 630.] The Kází of Warangal and many of the chief men of that country came to Court with grievous complaints of a man named Páp Ráí. This infamous man was by birth a toddy-seller. He had a sister, a widow possessing some property. He went to see her, and after four or five days' stay with her, he cast his eyes upon her money and effects. He got some fellows to join him. He then tortured his sister most cruelly, burnt her limbs, and took from her all her money and jewels. He enlisted a lot of footmen, and having made himself a stronghold on the top of a little hill, he began to rob travellers and pillage the neighbourhood.

The faujdárs and zamíndárs resolved to make him prisoner; but he got intelligence of their intention, and fled to Venkat Ráo, Zamíndár of Kolás, and entered his service. After a little while he joined another man in the same service, and they began to plunder on their own account. Venkat Ráo seized them and kept them in rigorous confinement. But the Ráo's son fell ill, and his wife, as a means of saving her son's life, obtained the release of all the Ráo's prisoners. Páp Ráí went to the village of Sháhpúr, in the pargana of Narganda, sarkár of Bhúngír,⁴¹¹ and there joined another noted ruffian named Sarwá. He gathered round him a party of men, and raised a mud fort in a rocky position at Sháhpúr, which is a place of considerable strength. He then plundered all the country round. ^{* *}

The faujdár of pargana Kulpák, which is seven or eight kos from Sháhpúr, sent Kásim Khán Afghán with a suitable force to apprehend him. ^{* *} Páp Ráí from time to time confronted this force, and, seizing his opportunity, attacked one of the villages of Kulpák; but Kásim Khán fell upon him, killed a number of his men, and put him to flight. He proceeded to another hill of refuge, and Kásim Khán, while following him, was killed by a musket-ball, and his force was then driven back. ^{* *} Another force besieged him and Sarwá in Sháhpúr for two months, but he escaped. The fort of Sháhpúr was then destroyed; but after the withdrawal of the forces, Páp Ráí and Sarwá returned, and instead of the old mud fort, built a new one of stone and chunam, which they furnished with cannon and implements of war. ^{* *}

Páp Ráí now extended his operations, and plundered all the country from fifteen to twenty kos round. ^{* *} He was attacked by Pur Dil Khán, who, after mortally wounding Sarwá, was himself killed. ^{* *} Páp Ráí increased his forces and materials of war, and now turned his efforts to the reduction of forts. Parties were frequently sent out against him, and he was besieged for two months in Sháhpúr, but without result. ^{* *} In Muharram, 1120, he attacked and plundered the flourishing town of Warangal, and killed from twelve to thirteen thousand men, women and children. ^{* *} He next attacked and was near upon capturing the fort of Bhúngír, sixteen kos from Haidarábád, and he plundered the town and petta, ^{* *} carrying off two or three thousand men and women as prisoners. ^{* *} Afterwards he built another fort near Táríkandá, four kos from Sháhpúr, which he furnished with all requirements and a strong garrison. ^{* *}

His depredations were so great that the King was petitioned to march against him in person. ^{* *} Yúsuf Khán was appointed to the súbadárí, and was ordered to suppress this rebel. ^{* *} Before any force was sent against him, he laid siege to the town of Kulpák, eight kos from Sháhpúr. ^{* *} On a force coming up, he was driven with loss to Sháhpúr. ^{* *} During a short absence from Sháhpúr some of his prisoners broke loose and seized upon the fort, ^{* *} and he had to return and besiege it, but failed to take it, as a detachment came from Kulpák, and fought him. ^{* * *} He then fled to Táríkandá, ^{* *} whither he was pursued. ^{* * *} After a siege of nine months, many of his men were induced to desert, ^{* *} his provisions ran short, ^{* *} and the petta and part of the works were taken in repeated assaults. ^{* *} He again fled, and his absence did not become known for two days. He went alone to Hasanábád, a place which he had founded two stages from Táríkandá, where he was betrayed. He was wounded, captured, and executed. His head was sent to Court, and his limbs were exposed over the gate of Haidarábád.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 651.] There is a sect of infidels called Gurú, more commonly known as Sikhs. Their chief, who dresses as a fakír, has a fixed residence near Láhore. From old times he has built temples in all the towns and populous places, and has appointed one of his followers to preside in each temple as his deputy. When any one of the sect brought presents or offerings for the Gurú to the temple, the deputy had to collect them, and, after deducting sufficient for his own food and expenses, his duty was to send the balance faithfully to the Gurú. This sect consists principally of Játs and Khatrís of the Panjáb and of other tribes of infidels. When Aurangzeb got knowledge of these matters, he ordered these deputy Gurús to be removed and the temples to be pulled down.

At the time that Bahádur Sháh marched towards Haidarábád, Gobind, the chief Gurú of the sect, came to join him with two or three hundred horsemen bearing spears and some footmen. After two or three months, he died from the wounds of a dagger, and his murderer was not discovered. When the news of his death reached the Panjáb, where the bulk of the Sikhs were living, an obscure member of the sect, about the name⁴¹³ given to whom there are various statements, gave out that in the course of transmigration, which the Sikhs believe in and call avatár, he had taken the place of the murdered Gobind, who had come to life again as a bearded man in his body, for the purpose of taking revenge. This worthless dog, having published this statement, stirred up disaffection in the sect, and raised the standard of rebellion. By jugglery, charms, and sorcery, he pretended to perform miracles before credulous people, and gave himself the name of Sachá Pádsháh “True King.”

He began to plunder in the Panjáb and the country about Sihrind, and in the course of three or four months he gathered round him four or five thousand pony (yábú) riders and seven or eight thousand motley footmen. His numbers daily increased, and much plunder fell into his hands, until he had eighteen or nineteen thousand men under arms, and carried on a predatory and cruel warfare. He fought with two or three faujdárs who went out to punish him, defeated them and killed them. In many villages which he plundered he appointed thánádárs and tahsíldárs to collect the revenues of the neighbourhood for him, and matters came to such a pass that with three or four thousand infidels who were leagued with him, he wrote orders to the Imperial officials and the managers of the jágírdárs, calling upon them to submit to him, and to relinquish their posts.

Wazír Khán, Faujdár of Sihrind, had held the charge of the civil and revenue affairs of that district for a long time. He had some troops and treasure, and had obtained a reputation by his firm management. When he heard how districts in his charge had been ravaged and plundered, he set about collecting troops and warlike equipments. He joined with him four or five faujdárs and zamíndárs of name, prepared lead and gunpowder, mustered five or six thousand horse and seven or eight thousand musketeers (barkandáz) and archers, and with these and some artillery and elephants he marched out to give battle and to punish that perverse sect. After marching three or four kos, he came up with the enemy.

The accursed wretches had got warning of the movement of Wazír Khán, and advanced to meet him. All his followers kept shouting “Sachá Pádsháh” and “Fath daras.” The battle began, and great bravery was shown on both sides, but especially by the confederate sectarians. They advanced sword in hand against the elephants, and brought two of them down. Many Musulmáns found martyrdom, and many of the infidels went to the sink of perdition. The Musulmán forces were hardly able to endure the repeated attacks of the infidels, when a musket-ball made a martyr of Wazír Khán, and they were put to flight. Money and baggage, horses and elephants, fell into the hands of the infidels, and not a man of the army of Islám escaped with more than his life and the clothes he stood in. Horsemen and footmen in great numbers fell under the swords of the infidels, who pursued them as far as Sihrind.

Sihrind was an opulent town, with wealthy merchants, bankers, and tradesmen, men of money, and gentlemen of every class; and there were especially learned and religious men in great numbers residing there. No one found the opportunity of saving his life, or wealth, or family. When they heard of the death of Wazír Khán, and the rout of his army, they were seized with panic. They were shut up in the town, and for one or two days made some ineffectual resistance, but were obliged to bow to fate. The evil dogs fell to plundering, murdering, and making prisoners of the children and families of high and low, and carried on their atrocities for three or four days with such violence that they tore open the wombs of pregnant women, dashed every living child upon the ground, set fire to the houses, and involved rich and poor in one common ruin. Wherever they found a mosque, a tomb, or a gravestone of a respected Musulmán, they broke it to pieces, dug it up, and made no sin of scattering the bones of the dead. When they had done with the pillage of Sihrind, they appointed officers to collect the rents and taxes in all the dependent districts.

Accounts of the calamity which had fallen upon Sihrind reached 'Alí Muhammad Khán, Faujdár of Saháranpúr, and he was terror-struck. Although a number of gentlemen and Afgháns gathered round him and urged him to act boldly and to put his fortifications in a state of defence, it was of no avail; he went off to Dehlí with his property and family. The men of the town assembled, and, moved by one spirit, they threw up breastworks all round. When the villainous foe arrived, they made a manful resistance, and fighting under the protection of their houses, they kept up such a discharge of arrows and balls, that they sent many of their assailants to hell. Many men of noble and respectable families fell fighting bravely, and obtained the honour of martyrdom. The property and the families of numbers of the inhabitants fell into the hands of the enemy, and numerous women, seeing that their honour was at stake, and captivity before them, threw themselves into wells. A party of brave gentlemen collected their wives and families in one spot, and kept up such a manful resistance that they saved the lives, the property, and the honour of their families.

After a large booty of money, jewels, and goods of Sárangpúr had fallen into the hands of the enemy, they took measures to secure the surrounding country, and they sent severe orders to Jalál Khán, Faujdár of Jalálábád, who had founded the town and built the fort, and was famed for his boldness and valour throughout the country. When the letter of the accursed wretches reached him, he ordered the bearers to be exposed to derision and turned out of the place. He set his defences in order, collected materials of war, and did his best to protect the name and honour of those around him, and to get together a force sufficient to oppose the infidels. Intelligence was brought in that the enemy were only three or four kos distant, and they had attacked and surrounded two villages dependent on Jalálábád, the forts and houses of which were full of property belonging to merchants.

Jalál Khán sent out three or four hundred Afghán horse, and nearly a thousand musketeers and archers, under the command of Ghulám Muhammad Khán, his own grandson, and Hizbar Khán, to relieve the besieged places and drive off the infidels. Their arrival greatly encouraged the people who were assailed. Four or five hundred brave musketeers and bowmen and numbers of peasants, armed with all sorts of weapons, and with slings, came forward boldly to oppose the enemy, and the battle grew warm. Although the enemy fought with great courage and daring, and Hizbar Khán with a great many Musulmáns and peasants were killed, the repeated attacks of the Afgháns and other Musulmáns of name and station routed the enemy, and they fled, after a great number had been slain. Several fights afterwards took place between Jalál Khán, and the infidels received two or three defeats; but they still persevered with the investment of Jalálábád.

At length seventy or eighty thousand men swarmed together from all parts like ants and locusts. They brought with them two or three hundred movable morcháls made of planks, on which they had placed wheels as upon carts, and with them surrounded Jalálábád as with a ring. It is impossible to relate in full all the brave deeds done by the Afgháns in their conflicts with the enemy. The assailants advanced their morcháls to the foot of the wall, when they discharged arrows, musket-balls, and stones, and raising their cry of “Fath daras,” they strove in the most daring way, with four or five hundred pickaxes and other implements, to undermine the wall, to pass over it by ladders, and to burn the gate. The Afgháns threw open the gate, and went out with their drawn swords in their hands, and shields over their heads, and in every attack killed and wounded a hundred or two of the infidels. Many Musulmáns also fell. Attacks were also made upon the enemy at night. For twenty days and nights the besieged could get neither food nor rest. At length the infidels, having lost many thousand men and gained no advantage, raised the siege. They went off to reduce Sultánpúr and the par-ganas of the Jálandhar Doáb. They sent a letter to Shams Khán, the Faujdár, calling upon him to submit, to carry out certain instructions, and to come to meet them with his treasure. ^{* *}

Shams Khán, with four or five thousand horse and thirty thousand foot, armed with matchlocks, bows and all kinds of weapons, which they had possessed for a long time or newly acquired, went forth accompanied by the zamíndárs. Gentlemen of every tribe, peasants, and mechanics, principally weavers, came forth boldly to stake their lives and property in resisting the infidels. They pledged themselves to support each other, and contributed their money for the general good. More than a hundred thousand men so assembled, and went forth from Sultánpúr with great display. The infidels, on hearing of these bold proceedings of Shams Khán, and of his coming forth with such an army and implements of war, moved with their whole force, amounting to seventy or eighty thousand horse and foot. They had with them the guns they had brought from Sihrind, their plank constructions, bags full of sand for making lines, and lead and gunpowder. Plundering everywhere as they went, they came to Ráhún,⁴¹⁸ seven kos from Sultánpúr. There they had halted, and took post by a brick-kiln, all the bricks of which they used for making a sort of fort; and having thrown up lines all round, they made ready for battle. They sent out patrols in all directions, and they wrote threatening orders to the chaudharís and kánúngos calling upon them to submit.

Shams Khán had many thousands of brave Musulmáns on his right hand and his left, all animated with desire for a holy war and hope of martyrdom, who encouraged each other and said, “If Shams Khán is defeated and killed, our lives and property and families are all lost.” Vying with and inspiriting each other, they advanced boldly to within cannon-shot of the enemy. At the close of the first watch of the day, the battle began with a discharge of guns and muskets. Ten or twelve thousand balls and stones from slings came rattling like hail upon the forces of Islám, but by God's mercy produced no great effect, and no man of note was killed. Shams Khán forbade haste and a useless discharge of ammunition. He went steadily forward, and after a volley or two from the infidels, he sent forward an elephant supported by forty or fifty thousand Musulmáns who had come together from all parts. They raised their war-cry, charged the infidels, and killed and wounded great numbers.

The infidels, after fruitless struggles, were overpowered, and being discouraged, they took refuge in the fort of Ráhún, of which they had obtained possession before the battle. This was invested, and a general fire of muskets and rockets began. The garrison of the fort of Ráhún had left in it their warlike stores and provisions when they evacuated it, and of these the infidels took possession and stood firm in the fort. They were invested for some days; but at night parties of them came out, and attacked the forces of Islám, killing men and horses. Both sides were in difficulty, but especially the enemy. They evacuated the fort at night and fled. Shams Khán pursued them for some kos, and took from them a gun and some baggage, camels and bullocks, with which he returned to Sultánpúr.

Next day about a thousand of the enemy attacked the garrison which Shams Khán had placed in Ráhún, drove them out and occupied it themselves. The enemy then proceeded to plunder the neighbourhood of Láhore, and great alarm was felt in that city and all around. Islám Khán, the Prince's díwán, and náíb of the súba of Láhore, in concert with Kázim Khán, the royal díwán, and other officials, after setting in order the fortifications of the city, went out with a large muster of Musulmáns and Hindús, and encamped four or five kos from the city, where he busied himself in cutting off the patrolling parties of the enemy. The people in Láhore were safe from danger to life and property, but the outskirts up to the garden of Shálimár, which is situated two kos from the city, were very much ravaged.

For eight or nine months, and from two or three days' march of Dehlí to the environs of Láhore, all the towns and places of note were pillaged by these unclean wretches, and trodden under foot and destroyed. Men in countless numbers were slain, the whole country was wasted, and mosques and tombs were razed. After leaving Láhore, they returned to the towns and villages of Shádhúra and Karnál, the faujdár of which place was slain after resisting to the best of his ability. Now especially great havoc was made. A hundred or two hundred Hindús and Musulmáns who had been made prisoners were made to sit down in one place, and were slaughtered. These infidels had set up a new rule, and had forbidden the shaving of the hair of the head and beard. Many of the ill-disposed low-caste Hindús joined themselves to them, and placing their lives at the disposal of these evil-minded people, they found their own advantage in professing belief and obedience, and they were very active in persecuting and killing other castes of Hindús.

The revolt and the ravages of this perverse sect were brought under the notice of His Majesty, and greatly troubled him; but he did not deem its suppression so urgent as the putting down of the Rájpút rebellion, so the royal armies were not sent against them at present. Giving the Rájpút difficulty his first attention, the royal army marched from Ujjain towards the homes of the Rájpúts.

The Rájpúts.

[vol. ii. p. 661.] The march of the royal army to lay waste the land of the Rájpúts awakened these rebellious people to a sense of their danger. They sent representatives to make friends of Khán-khánán Mu'azzam Khán and Mahábat Khán, and through their intervention to obtain peace. The Emperor was in some points unwilling to concede this; but the troubles near Láhore and Dehlí disturbed him, and he yielded to the representations of the vakíls for the sake of being at liberty to punish these infidel rebels. It was settled that Rája Jai Singh, Rája Ajít Singh, and the vakíls of the Ráná and other Rájpúts, should make their homage, put on the robes presented to them, and accompany the royal train. All the Rájpúts of name and station, forming a body of thirty or forty thousand horse, passed in review; they tied their hands with handkerchiefs, and paid homage in front of the cavalcade. Robes, horses, and elephants were then distributed.

FOURTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1121 A.H. (1709-10 A.D.).

[vol. ii. p. 663.] An order was given (near the end of the previous year of the reign) that the word wasí (heir) should be inserted among the attributes of the Khalif 'Alí in the khutba.⁴²⁰ When this order reached Láhore, Ján Muhammad and Hájí Yár Muhammad, the most eminent learned men in that city, in accord with many other good and learned men, went in a crowd to the houses of the Kází and the Sadr, to forbid the reading of the word wasí in the khutba. In the same way the learned men and elders of Ágra, supported by a large number of Musulmáns, raised a disturbance and forbade the reading of the khutba in the form directed. Similar reports were sent by the news-writers of other cities. From Ahmadábád it was reported that a party of Sunnís with a crowd killed the khatíb⁴²¹ of the chief mosque, who had read the word wasí in the khutba.

After the order for the insertion of the word wasí in the khutba reached Ahmadábád, the Sadr wrote to Fíroz Jang, the Súbadár, for official directions as to the course he was to pursue, and in reply received an autograph letter, directing him to act in obedience to the orders of the Khalífa (the Emperor). On the following Friday the khatíb used the word wasí in the khutba. Some men of the Panjáb and some notables of Túrán came noisily forward, and harshly addressing the khatíb, said, “We excuse you this Friday for using the word, but next Friday you must not pronounce it.” He replied that he would act in obedience to the orders of the Emperor, the Názim (viceroy), and the Sadr. On the following Friday, when the khatíb ascended the pulpit, one of the Mughals said to him, “You must not use the word wasí.” The doomed khatíb would not be restrained; but the moment the word wasí fell from his tongue, a Panjábí rose, seized him by his skirt, dragged him from the top of the pulpit, and treated him with harsh scorn. A Túrání Mughal jumped up, drew his knife, stuck it into the stomach of the khatíb, and threw him down under the pulpit. A general disturbance followed, and all the people started up. The khatíb, half dead, was dragged out into the forecourt of the mosque, and there he received so many stabs from daggers and blows from slippers that he died ignominiously. For a night and a day his heirs had not the courage to remove his corpse and bury it. On the second day the parents of the deceased petitioned Fíroz Jang for permission to inter him. He gave them some rupees of Government money and his authority for the burial.

Mahratta Attack on Burhánpúr.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 666.] A Mahratta woman named Tulasí Báí, with fifteen or sixteen thousand horse, came demanding payment of the chauth to the town of Ránwír, seven kos from Burhánpúr. Having surrounded the saráí of Ránwír, in which a great number of travellers and villagers had taken refuge, she sent a message to Mír Ahmad Khán Súbadár, demanding payment of eleven lacs as chauth to save the town and the men who were besieged in the saráí. Mír Ahmad, in his contempt for a female warrior, having got together a force of eight or nine thousand horse, part his own, and part obtained from the faujdárs of the vicinity, and with all the officials of Burhánpúr, marched out of that place on the 9th Muharram. ^{* *}

The enemy having got intelligence of his approach, left three or four thousand men in charge of their baggage, and marched to meet Mír Ahmad Khán with four or five thousand veteran horse. The remainder of the Mahratta force was sent to invest and plunder the suburbs of Burhánpúr. Mír Ahmad Khán was severely wounded in the sharp encounters which he had with the enemy in the course of two or three days; but hearing of the investment of Burhánpúr, he turned to succour the besieged. Wherever he went, the enemy hovered round him and kept up a continuous fight. Zafar Khán was wounded fighting bravely, and finding that the enemy's force was increasing, he deemed it necessary for saving his life to take a son of Ahmad Khán with him, and go to the city. The men of his rear guard were nearly all killed, and his remaining men endeavoured to save their lives by flight. Many were made prisoners. Mír Ahmad Khán, who was left alone fighting with the enemy, received several wounds, and fell from his horse; but he dragged himself half dead under a tree, and obtained martyrdom.

The Sikhs.

[vol. ii. p. 669.] The Emperor came near to Dehlí, and then sent Muhammad Amín Khán and ^{* * *} with a strong force against the Sikhs. His instructions were to destroy the thánas (military posts) established by the enemy, to re-establish the Imperial posts, and to restore the impoverished people of Sháhábád, Mustafa-ábád, Shádhúra, and other old seats of population, which had been plundered and occupied by the enemy. Forgetful of former defeat, the enemy had resumed his predatory warfare, and was very daring. On the 10th Shawwál, 1121 (5th Dec., 1709), the royal army was four or five kos from Shádhúra, and a party was sent forward to select ground for the camp, when the enemy, with thirty or forty thousand horse and countless numbers of foot, shouting their cry of “Fath daras,” attacked the royal army.

I cannot describe the fight which followed. The enemy in their fakír clothing struck terror into the royal troops, and matters were going hard with them, when a party of them dismounted from their elephants and horses, charged the enemy on foot, and put them to flight. The royal commander then went and took post in Shádhúra, with the intention of sending out forces to punish and drive off the enemy. ^{* *} But rain fell for four or five days, and the weather became very cold. ^{* * *} Thousands of soldiers, especially the Dakhinís, who were unaccustomed to the cold of those parts, fell ill, and so many horses died that the stench arising from them became intolerable. The men attributed it to the witchcraft and sorcery of the enemy, and uttered words unfit to be spoken. News also was brought in of the daring attacks made by the enemy on the convoys and detachments of the royal army, in which two or three faujdárs of repute were killed. Jumlatu-l Mulk Khán-khánán, with one son, and ^{* *}, were sent under the command of Prince Rafí'u-sh Shán to repress the enemy.

After repeated battles, in which many men were killed on both sides, the infidels were defeated, and retreated to a fastness in the hills called Lohgarh, which is near the hills belonging to the Barfí Rája (Icy King),⁴²⁴ and fortified themselves. ^* The Gurú of the sect incited and encouraged his followers to action by assuring them that those who should fall fighting bravely on the field of battle would rise in a state of youth to an everlasting existence in a more exalted position. ^* Continual fighting went on, and numbers fell. ^{* *} The provisions in their fortress now failed, and the infidels bought what they could from the grain-dealers with the royal army, and pulled it up with ropes. ^{* *} The infidels were in extremity, when one of them, a man of the Khatrí tribe, and a tobacco-seller by trade, resolved to sacrifice his life for the good of his religion. He dressed himself in the fine garments of the Gurú, and went and seated himself in the Gurú's house. Then the Gurú went forth with his forces, broke through the royal lines, and made off to the mountains of the Barfí Rája.

The royal troops entered the fort, and, finding the false Gurú sitting in state, they made him prisoner, and carried him to Khán-khánán. Great was the rejoicing that followed; the men who took the news to the Emperor received presents, and great commendation was bestowed on Khán-khánán. The prisoner was taken before Khán-khánán, and the truth was then discovered—the hawk had flown and an owl had been caught. Khán-khánán was greatly vexed. He severely reprimanded his officers, and ordered them all to dismount and march on foot into the hills of the Barfí Rája. If they caught the Gurú, they were to take him prisoner alive; if they could not, they were to take the Barfí Rája and bring him to the presence. So the Rája was made prisoner and brought to the royal camp, instead of the Gurú. Clever smiths were then ordered to make an iron cage. This cage became the lot of Barfí Rája and of that Sikh who so devotedly sacrificed himself for his Gurú; for they were placed in it, and were sent to the fort of Dehlí.

In this sect it is deemed a great sin to shave the hair of the head or beard. Many of the secret adherents of the sect belonging to the castes of Khatrí and Ját were employed in service with the army, at the Court, and in public offices. A proclamation was issued requiring Hindús in general to shave off their beards. A great many of them thus had to submit to what they considered the disgrace of being shaved, and for a few days the barbers were very busy. Some men of name and position committed suicide to save the honour of their beards.

Death of Mun'im Khán, Khán-khánán.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 674.] Khán-khánán now fell ill. Since the day he incurred the shame of allowing the real Gurú to escape, he pined with vexation, and he was attacked with a variety of diseases, which neither Greek nor European physicians could cure, and he died. He was a man inclined to Súfí-ism, and was a friend to the poor. During all the time of his power he gave pain to no one. ^{* * *} But the best intentions are often perverted into wrong deeds. It entered the mind of Khán-khánán that he would build in every city a saráí, a mosque, or a monastery, to bear his name. So he wrote to the súbadárs and díwáns of different places about the purchase of ground and the building of saráís, mosques, and colleges. He gave strict injunctions and also sent bills for large sums of money. When his order reached the place, all the officials had regard to his high dignity, and looking upon his order as a mandate from heaven, they directed their attention to the building of the saráís in their respective cities. In some places ground fit for the purpose was freely sold by the owners; but it happened in other places that although the officials were desirous of buying suitable land, they could not obtain it with the consent of the owners. Considering only their own authority, and the necessity of satisfying Khán-khánán, the officials forcibly seized upon many houses which had been occupied by the owners and their ancestors for generations, and drove the proprietors out of their hereditary property. Numbers of Musulmáns, Saiyids and Hindús were thus driven, sighing and cursing, out of their old homes, as it happened at Burhánpúr and at Surat. ^{* *}

Upon the death of Khán-khánán there were various opinions as to who should be appointed to his office of wazír and the súbadárí of the Dakhin. It was the desire of Prince 'Azímu-sh Shán, who had a leading part in the government of the country, and of Sa'du-llah Khán, the díwán, that Zú-l fikár Khán should be appointed wazír, and that the two sons of Khán-khánán should be respectively appointed Bakhshíu-l Mulk and Súbadár of the Dakhin. But Zú-l fikár Khán was unwilling to retire from his position as Bakhshí of the Empire and Súbadár of the Dakhin for the sake of being made minister. He said, “When Your Majesty made Khán-khánán your minister, I could make no objection; but now, until my father has been raised to that dignity in the usual way, I cannot presume to accept the office.” A long discussion followed. Prince 'Azímu-sh Shán said that Zú-l fikár wanted to have his father appointed minister, and to hold all the other offices himself. The Emperor could not make up his mind to act in opposition to the wishes of any one. ^{* *} It was finally arranged that until the appointment of a permanent wazír, Sa'du-llah Khán, son of 'Ináyatu-llah Khán, díwán of the person and the khálisa, should be appointed to act as deputy, and to carry on affairs in communication with Prince Muhammad 'Azím.

Death of Gházíu-d dín Khán Fíroz Jang.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 681.] Intelligence now arrived of the death of Gházíu-d dín Khán Bahádur Fíroz Jang, Súbadár of Ahmad-ábád, in Gujarát. It was also reported that Amánat Khán, mutasaddí of the port of Surat, on hearing of his death, and that he, in prospect of death, had ordered his troops and officers to be paid and discharged, hastened to Ahmadábád, and took charge of the treasure and stores. Gházíu-d dín Khán was a man born to victory, and a disciplinarian who always prevailed over his enemy. A nobleman of such rank and power, and yet so gentle and pleasant spoken, has rarely been seen or heard of among the men of Túrán. It is said that the Government officials took nearly nine lacs of rupees out of his treasury. ^{* *}

The Khutba.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 681.] The insertion of the word wasí in the khutba had given great offence to the religious leaders⁴²⁷ of Láhore, and the order for it had remained a dead letter. An order was now given that these religious men should be brought into the royal presence. Hájí Yár Muhammad, Muhammad Murád Khán, and three or four other learned men of repute, waited upon His Majesty in the oratory. They were told to be seated. The Emperor, and some learned men whom he had to support him, brought forward proofs that the word wasí should be used. ^{* *} After much disputation Hájí Yár Muhammad grew warm in replying to the Emperor, and spoke in a presumptuous, unseemly manner. The Emperor got angry, and asked him if he was not afraid to speak in this bold and unmannerly way in the audience of a king. The Hájí replied, “I hope for four things from my bounteous Creator. 1. Acquisition of knowledge. 2. Preservation of the Word of God. 3. The Pilgrimage. 4. Martyrdom. Thanks be to God that of his bounty I enjoy the first three. Martyrdom remains, and I am hopeful that by the kindness of the just king I may obtain that.” The disputation went on for several days. A great many of the inhabitants of the city, in agreement with a party of Afgháns, formed a league of more than a hundred thousand persons, who secretly supported Hájí Yár Muhammad. Prince 'Azímu-sh Shán also secretly gave his countenance to this party. At the end of Shawwál, the Sadr presented a petition on the subject of the khutba, and on this His Majesty wrote with his own hand that the khutba should be read in the form used during the reign of Aurangzeb. ^{* *} After this concession the agitation ceased, but I have heard that Hájí Yár Muhammad and two other learned men, whom the Emperor was angry with, were sent to one of the fortresses.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 683.] The festival of His Majesty's accession was celebrated as usual. ^{* * *} About the 20th Muharram, 1123⁴²⁸ (Feb. 18, 1711 A.D.), when the Emperor had passed his seventieth lunar year, there was a great change perceptible in him, and in twenty-four hours it was evident that he was marked for death. Prince 'Azímu-sh Shán, who had come to visit his father, when he heard that all the (other) three Princes had suddenly arrived, was so alarmed that he gave no thought to the condition of his father; but, not seeing how to secure himself, he thought it advisable to go away. On the night of the 8th of the month the Emperor died, and was buried near the tomb of Kutbu-d dín, four or five kos from Dehlí. He had reigned four years and two months. At the end of the four years the treasure of thirteen lacs of rupees, to which he succeeded, had all been given away. The income of the Empire during his reign was insufficient to meet the expenses, and consequently there was great parsimony shown in the Government establishments, but especially in the royal household, so much so that money was received every day from the treasure of Prince 'Azímu-sh Shán to keep things going.

[vol. ii. p. 685.] One week after the death of Bahádur Sháh was passed in amicable communications and correspondence between the four brothers (his sons) about the division of the kingdom and property. Zú-l fikár Khán, who really inclined to Jahándár Sháh, was the negociator among them. Some of the friends and associates of Jahán Sháh advised him to seize Zú-l fikár Khán when he came to wait upon him, and so to clip the wings of Jahándár Sháh. But Jahán Sháh had not the courage to take this step. An opportunity was found for firing the arsenal of Jahán Sháh, so that all his powder and rockets were exploded. The patrols of each of the four brothers were constantly moving about. While things were in this state, two or three camels loaded with property and stuffs, including perhaps also some bags of ashrafís, belonging to Prince 'Azímu-sh Shán, fell into the hands of the patrols of Jahán Sháh, and a contention arose about the division of them.⁴²⁹

It was settled that the Dakhin should fall to Jahán Sháh; Multán, Thatta, and Kashmír, to Rafí'u-sh Shán; and that 'Azímu-sh Shán and Jahándár Sháh should divide the remaining Súbas of Hindústán between them. But the agreement about the division of the kingdom and treasure all turned into discord, and the partition of the realm was never effected. Mirzá Sadru-d dín Muhammad Khán Safawí Bakhshí deserted Prince 'Azímu-sh Shán, and joined the party of Prince Jahán Sháh; but the men of this Prince held the Mirzá in such suspicion and distrust, that by constant opposition they got him removed before the war began.

Defeat and Death of 'Azímu-sh Shán.

[vol. ii. p. 686.] Prince Rafí'u-sh Shán having taken offence against Hakímu-l Mulk, son of Hakím Muhsin Khán, for some fault, extorted from him a sum of money and some jewels by torture and ignominious treatment. Having then changed his post, he went near to the village of Budána, three or four kos from the city (of Láhore), and there took up a position against Prince 'Azímu-sh Shán. He was protected by the river (on one side), and on the other two sides he ordered intrenchments to be thrown up. 'Azímu-sh Shán held the other side of the river. The three brothers agreed together in opposition to 'Azímu-sh Shán. All three, in accord with each other, mounted their horses, and for four or five days selected positions from which to fire guns and rockets upon the army of 'Azímu-sh Shán. The artillery of 'Azímu-sh Shán replied to that of the three brothers, and many horses and men were killed. About the 20th of Safar the sound of battle rose high on every side, and the fight was begun. ^{* *} 'Azímu-sh Shán, who was mounted on an elephant, disappeared. Some said he had been killed by a cannon-ball: others, that when he saw his enemies closing around him on all sides, and that there was no escape from the surging armies around him, he cast himself into the waves of the river, and no trace of him was afterwards found. The ruffians of the neighbourhood and the soldiers of all the four princes fell upon Prince 'Azím's treasure, and the vast sums which he had extorted by tyranny and violence in and about the súba of Bengal were plundered in the twinkling of an eye, and dispersed into many hands. The three princes caused the drums of victory to be beaten, and then retired to their own dwellings.

Defeat and Death of Jahán Sháh.

[vol. ii. p. 687.] Next day many messages passed between Jahándár Sháh and Jahán Sháh respecting an arrangement, but without result, and the course of affairs tended to the shedding of each other's blood. A battle followed between the armies of the two brothers, and raged from the beginning of the day to the third watch. Farkhanda Akhtar, son of Jahán Sháh, and several amírs of reputation, were killed. On the side of Jahándár Sháh, also, some amírs and many men were killed. At length Jahán Sháh, mounted on an elephant, made an impetuous charge upon the army of Jahándár, and bore all before him, and matters went so ill with Jahándár that he was parted from Lál Kunwar, his favourite charmer, and had to seek refuge among some stacks of bricks. Jahán Sháh beat the drums of victory. The letters of the Rájpút saráfs carried the news of his victory to many parts, and the khutba was read with his name in several places. After the victory had been proclaimed, and the soldiers were dispersed in all directions hunting for Jahán Sháh, a cannon-ball directed by fate killed him, and his army fled. Zú-l fikár Khán's men hearing of this, attacked the elephant of Jahán Sháh, and brought it with his corpse, and the corpse of his son Farkhanda, to Jahándár Sháh. Khujista Akhtar, another son of Jahán Sháh, with a younger brother, were brought prisoners to Jahándár Sháh, who then proclaimed his victory.

Death of Rafí'u-sh Shán.

[vol. ii. p. 688.] There remained Prince Rafí'u-sh Shán, with whom also Jahándár proposed friendly negociations about the division of the kingdom. Having put the Prince off his guard, Jahándár sent a detachment of horse against him by night. Rafí'u-sh Shán fought desperately. He and his two sons threw themselves from their elephant, and fought bravely on foot; but he and several of his companions were killed. Three of his sons remained alive, but were wounded, Muhammad Ibráhím, Rafí'u-d Daula, and Rafí'u-d Daraját.

Jahándár Sháh Emperor.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 688.] Jahándár, being thus freed from his three brothers, became the monarch of Hindústán. He sent Muhammad Karím and Prince Humáyún Bakht, who were only nine or ten years old, the two sons of Jahán Shah, and the sons of Rafí'u-sh Shán, to the fort of Dehlí. He ordered Rustam Dil Khán and Allah Wardí Khán, who had been guilty of open and secret actions against him, and Mukhlis Khán, whose offence was not manifest, to be subjected to various punishments and imprisoned. Mahábat Khán and ^{* *} other amírs, more than twenty in number, were ordered to be confined in chains, and some were put to the rack and other tortures. Their houses also were seized. ^{* *} Prince Muhammad Karím, after the death of 'Azímu-sh Shán, fled, and concealed himself in the house of one of the unfortunate men. He took off his ring and sent it for sale, and this led to his capture. He was brought before Jahándár, who was unwilling to kill him; but being persuaded by Zú-l fikár Khán and Sháh Kudrat Allah Fakír (may the curse of God be on him!), he put him to death.

In the brief reign of Jahándár, violence and debauchery had full sway. It was a fine time for minstrels and singers and all the tribes of dancers and actors. There seemed to be a likelihood that kázís would turn toss-pots, and muftís become tipplers. All the brothers and relatives, close and distant, of Lál Kunwar, received mansabs of four or five thousand, presents of elephants, drums and jewels, and were raised to dignity in their tribe. Worthy, talented, and learned men were driven away, and bold impudent wits and tellers of facetious anecdotes gathered round. Among the stories told is the following.

The brother of Lál Kunwar, Khushhál Khán, who had received a mansab of 5000 and 3000 horse, was named Súbadár of Ágra. Zú-l fikár Bakhshíu-l Mulk purposely made a delay of several days in the preparation of the farmán and other deeds. Lál Kunwar complained of this to Jahándár, and he asked Zú-l fikár Khán what was the cause of the delay in the drawing out of the documents. Zú-l fikár Khán was very free-spoken to Jahándár, and he replied, “We courtiers have got into the bad habit of taking bribes, and we cannot do any business unless we get a bribe.” Jahándár Sháh smiled, and asked what bribe he wanted from Lál Kunwar, and he said a thousand guitar-players and drawing masters (ustád-i nakkáshí). When the Emperor asked what he could want with them, he replied, “You give all the places and offices of us courtiers to these men, and so it has become necessary for us to learn their trade.” Jahándár smiled, and the matter dropped.

Another story about him was spoken of in society, and has become notorious from city to city. He used to go out sometimes in a cart with a mistress and some companions to enjoy himself in the markets and drinking shops. One night he and his favourite went out in this way, and both drank so much that they became drunk and senseless. On arriving at the door of the palace, Lál Kunwar was so drunk that when she got out she took no notice whatever of the Emperor, but went to bed and slept heavily. The Emperor, who was perfectly helpless, remained fast asleep in the cart, and the driver drove home and put the cart away. When the servants saw that the Emperor was not with Lál Kunwar, they were alarmed, and having roused her up, they inquired what had become of him. Lál Kunwar recovered sufficient sense to see that the Emperor was not by her side, and fell a-crying. People went running about in all directions till the Emperor was found in the cart.

Dáúd Khán, who was deputy of Zú-l fikár Khán in the súbas of the Dakhin, exercised such tyranny as is quite incapable of relation. Sambhá Chand, who was called the díwán and manager of Zú-l fikár Khán, used such filthy obscene language that the breath of his foul mouth threw decent men into agony and disgust. Night and day was passed in devotion to the lusts of this vile world.

Two or three months only had passed, when it became known that Farrukh Siyar was at Patna preparing for war, and that he was strongly supported by the Saiyids of Bárha. In Rabí'u-s sání, Jahándár Sháh proceeded from Láhore to Dehlí. Kalích Khán, son of Gházíu-d dín Khán Fíroz Jang, was a man of courage, action, and intelligence. His mansab had been taken from him by Bahádur Sháh, through heedlessness and want of appreciation of his merits, and he retired from Court in disgrace. He was now restored, and received a mansab of 5000. ^{* *}

Troops sent against Farrukh Siyar.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 697.] Information was continually brought to Jahándár Sháh of the proceedings of Farrukh Siyar and the Saiyids of Bárha. He now sent against them his son A'azzu-d dín Khán, with 5000 horse; and he deputed with him Khwája Hasan Khán, to whom he gave the title of Khán-daurán, and under whom he placed the Prince and the army and all the artillery and military equipments. Zú-l fikár Khán was aware of the limited capacity, want of experience, imbecility and frivolity of the Prince. He was also aware of the extraction, character, and evil disposition of Khwája Hasan Khán, who was one of the lowest men of the time. He disapproved of sending him with the Prince, and of placing such extensive authority in his hands. He mentioned this matter to the Emperor, but Miyán Kokaltásh Khán, father of Khwája Hasan, had long entertained inimical and jealous feelings towards Zú-l fikár Khán, and opposed everything that he proposed. The Emperor trusted Kokaltásh Khán Koka and Lál Kunwar more than any one else at his Court, and so he shut his eyes to what was passing. Chín Kalích Khán, who had also been directed to accompany the Prince, was unable to do so for want of the means of transport, and was ordered to follow him.

No sooner had Prince A'azzu-d dín passed the Jumna than great disorder arose in his army in consequence of jealousy and want of co-operation among the sardárs, and the irresolution of the Prince. When Kalích Khán arrived at Ágra, he heard of the disordered state of the Prince's army in consequence of the want of union among the officers, and he advised a delay of a few days at Ágra to see what course events would take.

Muhammad Farrukh Siyar, supported by Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán, Husain 'Alí Khán, and other experienced warriors, was marching onwards. Chhabíla Rám, Faujdár of Kora and Karra, with Asghar Khán, Faujdár of Itáwa, took the treasure of their districts, and went to join Prince (A'azzu-d dín); but when they got knowledge of the conduct and doings of Khán-daurán, the incapacity of the Prince, and the disorders in the army, they fell back and carried the treasure to Farrukh Siyar.

A'azzu-d dín arrived at the town of Khajwa, and there he obtained intelligence of the approach of Farrukh Siyar. Although there was a distance of thirteen or fourteen kos between them, he was frightened. Towards the end of Shawwál he halted at Khajwa,⁴³⁵ and ordered intrenchments to be thrown up and lines to be drawn around his tents and his position. When the banners of Farrukh Siyar's advanced force were seen at the distance of two kos, a great panic fell upon his whole army. Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán, who commanded Farrukh Siyar's advanced force, having seized upon the walls about the ruined villages, opened fire, and continued his cannonade from the third watch of the day to the third watch of the night.

A'azzu-d dín had long been angry with his father in consequence of the harsh treatment he had received from Lál Kunwar; and on the 29th Shawwál he was much dispirited, as he received no support and guidance from Khán-daurán, who showed more pusillanimity than ever. The terror of Khán-daurán was visible in his face, and the Prince consulted with him about running away. Both of them were so alarmed that they packed up what they could of their jewels, treasure and ashrafís to carry with them. The rest of their money, their tents, their wardrobes, and all their military implements, they left to plunderers. At a watch before day these two dignified chiefs, with some trusted companions, took horse and fled. Such a panic fell upon the whole army that the men lost all heart and self-command. Some of them did not wait to put saddles on their horses, or to collect their necessaries, but vied with each other in running away to save their lives. Messengers carried the news of their flight to the camp of Farrukh Siyar. Congratulations passed from tent to tent, and the sounds of rejoicing rose high. The ruffians of the bázár and the soldiers, more hungry than hawks on a hunting day, started off to plunder, and they seized upon money, horses, elephants, and whatever came under their hands.

When Prince A'azzu-d dín arrived at Ágra, Chín Kalích Khán advised him to go no farther, and kept him there. On the 18th of the month Jumáda-l awwal Jahándár Sháh entered Dehlí. He was looking for news of victory from his son; and when he received the intelligence of his defeat he exerted the sense and judgment which the plunderers of the army of Venus had left him in making preparations for war. About the middle of Zí-l ka'da he left Dehlí. The forces under the command of Zú-l fikár Khán Nusrat Jang did not exceed 20,000 horse. Twenty-five thousand horse under Kokaltásh Khán came to the muster. Altogether the army contained about seventy or eighty thousand horse, and nearly a hundred thousand infantry. With this force he marched against Farrukh Siyar, and reached Samúgarh near Ágra. Farrukh Siyar's army did not number one-third of that of Jahándár Sháh, which was advancing with difficulty.

When Farrukh Siyar drew near to Ágra, and his forces were compared with Jahándár's, most men anticipated a victory for the latter. But the Emperor's partiality for low women, his liking for low company, and his patronage of base-born nameless men, had disgusted all the nobles of Írán and Túrán. They spoke with discontent, and uttered ominous words about the defeat of Jahándár Sháh. The victory of Farrukh Siyar became the hope of every man in the army, great and small. Kalích Khán Bahádur and Muhammad Amín Khán, both of them leaders of the men of Túrán, had come to an understanding with Farrukh Siyar, and endeavoured to bring on a battle. Zú-l fikár Khán and Kokaltásh Khán considered themselves loyal and devoted servants; but their envy and hatred of each other appeared in all their acts, and everything that one did was opposed by the other. ^{* *}

On the 16th Zí-l hijja the armies confronted each other, and the battle began by Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán attacking Jahándár's army. ^{* *} The repulse of the Saiyids of Bárha drew shouts of victory from Jahándár's army. But Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán came up and attacked the centre, in which Jahándár was present. ^{* *} Fright seized the elephants of the zanána. The elephants which carried Lál Kunwar and the singers and eunuchs were worried by the arrows; they began to dance and became violent. Some of Jahándár's companions also were overcome with fright, and thought of fleeing. Just at this time Jahándár Sháh's elephant became unmanageable, and his driver lost all control over him. The fierce attack of the Bárha Saiyids threw Jahándár's army into confusion, and he now heard of the death of Kokaltásh Khán and ^{* *}. He was so disheartened that he mounted the elephant of Lál Kunwar, and, towards the end of the day, moved off, with the intention of flying to Ágra.

Zú-l fikár Khán was informed of these facts; but although the day was going hard with him, he struggled on until one watch of the night, waiting to be assured of the truth about Jahándár Sháh and Prince A'azzu-d dín; for he said, “If they find A'azzu-d dín, let them bring him forward quickly, for with his support I can repulse the enemy.” No trace of him was to be found. Zú-l fikár Khán had not the heart to persevere, although he might with a little exertion have made Farrukh Siyar prisoner, for the Prince was in front of him, protected by only a small force. According to common report, Jahándár Sháh shaved off his beard, and riding behind Lál Kunwar, took the road to Dehlí. Zú-l fikár Khán having lost all hope, repaired to his father at Dehlí, and he and Jahándár Sháh reached that city within one watch of each other. Jahándár Sháh proceeded alone to the house of Ásafu-d daula Asad Khán, to seek his counsel and assistance. Zú-l fikár Khán reached his father's house soon after, and said that if Jahándár Sháh was sent off to the Dakhin or Kábul, another army might be raised, and something might be done to retrieve the position. Ásafu-d daula, however, perceived that the matter was beyond remedy, that Jahándár Sháh was not fit to reign, and that money for one month's expenditure would be difficult to raise; so he thought the best course was to send Jahándár to the fort, and keep him under restraint. ^{* *} The reign of Jahándár Sháh had reached only eleven months when he met his death from the hands of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar.

REIGN OF SULTÁN MUHAMMAD FARRUKH SIYAR, SON OF 'AZÍMU-SH SHÁN, SON OF BAHÁDUR SHÁH, FOURTEENTH IN DESCENT FROM AMÍR TÍMÚR.

[vol. ii. p. 707.] When Prince 'Azímu-sh Shán, eldest son of Bahádur Sháh, left the súba of Bengal, to proceed to the Dakhin, in obedience to the summons of the Emperor Aurangzeb, he placed his middle son, Farrukh Siyar, as his deputy in the súba of Bengal, ^{* *} and Farrukh Siyar remained acting as deputy of his father in Bengal until Bahádur Sháh returned from the Dakhin to Láhore. In the year 1122 A.H. (1710 A.D.), in the fifth year of the reign, the súba of Bengal was taken from Farrukh Siyar, and given to A'azzu-d daula Khán-khánán. Farrukh Siyar was recalled to Court, and starting on his journey, he got as far as 'Azímábád, i.e. Patna. For personal appearance, and for intelligence, he was not held in the same esteem by his father as his elder brother, Muhammad Karím, or his younger brother, Muhammad Humáyún Bakht. So his coming to Court was disagreeable to his father. On reaching Patna, Farrukh Siyar, alleging a want of money and the approach of the rainy season, made a stay in the environs of that city. ^{* *}

When Farrukh Siyar received intelligence of the death of Bahádur Sháh, he caused the khutba to be read and coins to be struck in the name of 'Azímu-sh Shán. ^{* *}

Husain 'Alí Khán Bárha was acting as deputy of 'Azímu-sh Shán in the súbadárí of Patna, but at this time he had gone out into the country to punish some robbers. When he heard that the name of 'Azímu-sh Shán had been placed in the khutba and on the coins, before the defeat of his three brothers had been ascertained, he felt very sorry for and suspicious of Farrukh Siyar. The Prince, on his side, had observed the high courage of the Bárha Saiyids, and the sway of Husain 'Alí Khán in that súba had deeply impressed him. He addressed kind and friendly letters to Husain, inviting him to his side. The mother of Farrukh Siyar also interceded with Husain 'Alí, and promises and engagements having been made, doubt and suspicion were changed into brotherly concord.

The intelligence of the death of 'Azímu-sh Shán, and of the victory of Jahándár Sháh reached Patna. Thereupon Farrukh Siyar, in the beginning of Rabí'u-l awwal, 1123 A.H., struck coins, and had the khutba read in his name, and day by day he entered into closer relations with Husain 'Alí. Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán, otherwise known as Hasan 'Alí Khán, was Súbadár of Alláhábád, and during these troubles about the succession the treasure of Bengal had come into his possession. He was considered a man of courage and judgment. Some intimations of his suspicion and mistrust, and of his want of obedience to the profligate Jahándár, reached Farrukh Siyar. So the Prince wrote him re-assuring letters, informing him of the compact he had made with his brother Husain 'Alí. He also gave him permission to retain the treasure and to enlist troops. Husain 'Alí also wrote what was necessary on the subject, and removed all doubt from his mind. After that the two brothers, who were chiefs of the brave Bárha Saiyids, worked heart and soul to assist Farrukh Siyar. New engagements were openly and secretly exchanged, and they set about making preparations for the great emprise, with hearts full of hope and in union with each other.

March of Farrukh Siyar from Patna.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 715.] Farrukh Siyar marched from Patna towards Dehlí with his two faithful generals, also with Saf-shikan Khán, who held the deputy súbadárship of Orissa, and ^{* *} other devoted followers, amounting in all to twenty-five thousand horse. He was in difficulty as to money. Out of the royal treasure, and of the treasure arising from the jágír of 'Azímu-sh Shán that was sent from Bengal that year, nearly twenty-eight lacs fell into the hands of Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán. About seventy-five lacs came into the possession of Farrukh Siyar, and he borrowed two or three lacs from the merchants of Patna. Of all the treasure that fell into the hands of Sarbuland Khán, Faujdar of Karra, he kept some lacs, and the remainder he carried, with the help of hired carriers, to Jahándár Sháh. On arriving with it, Jahándár was pleased with him, and made him Súbadár of Ahmadábád in Gujarát. [Victory over Jahándár.]

[Text, vol. ii. p. 724.] After the victory of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar had been loudly proclaimed, the men of Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán began to search among the dead for Husain 'Alí Khán. They found him lying senseless, and he had been stripped naked by plunderers; but the moment the good news of the victory of Farrukh Siyar fell upon the ears of the wounded man, new life came into his body, and he got up and went to his brother Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán.

Jahándár Sháh remained a night in Ágra. He and Zú-l fikár Khán arrived at Dehlí within a watch of each other.^{440 * *} Ásafu-d daula saw that Jahándár's^440a course was run, and sent him to the fort, to be kept in custody. He said to his son Zú-l fikár, who opposed this violent course, “It is our duty to render obedience to whomsoever of the House of Tímúr the sovereign power devolves; so, as Jahándár Sháh has been removed, we must betake ourselves to the other.” The counsel of Ásafu-d daula in restraining his son was ^{* *} wise and appropriate; but he did not know that it would result in the loss of his son's life and of the honour of his house.

Personal to the Author.

[vol. ii. p. 726.] I have already said in my Preface, that it is the duty of an historian to be faithful, to have no hope of profit, no fear of injury, to show no partiality on one side, or animosity on the other, to know no difference between friend and stranger, and to write nothing but with sincerity. But in these changeful and wonderful times of Farrukh Siyar Bád-sháh, ^{* *} men have shown a partiality or an animosity to one side or the other exceeding all bounds. They have looked to their own profit and loss, and turned the reins of their imagination accordingly. The virtues of one side they have turned into faults, while they have shut their eyes to the faults of the other—passing all the bounds of moderation. The writer of these leaves, who, following his own inclination, has wasted his days in authorship, has not been partial either to friends or strangers, and has flattered neither nobles nor wazírs in the hope of reward. What he himself saw, what he heard from the tongues of men who from time to time were the associates of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar, and from the Saiyids who were his companions at the banquet table and in battle, that he has honestly committed to writing, after endeavouring to arrive at the truth when statements varied. But as notes of various occurrences and transactions did not reach the author, and as, through distress and the unfriendliness of fortune, he was unable to procure paper for his rough drafts, and as discrepancies in the various statements became greater, if it should appear that in any place the author differs in any particulars from other histories and writers, who themselves may not be free from partiality, and as variations will appear in the most trustworthy histories, he begs that his stories being excused, they may not be made a target for the arrows of censure, but that the pen of kindness may be drawn over his hasty statements.

Appointment of Ministers.

[vol. ii. p. 727.] After the victory ^{* *} Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán, Lutfu-llah Khán Sádik, and other amírs were sent to arrange matters at Dehlí. Farrukh Siyar, after a week's rest, started for that city, and encamped in the environs on the 11th Muharram, 1124 A.H. (Feb. 9th, 1712 A.D.). Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán received the title of Kutbu-l Mulk and Yár-i wafádár Zafar Jang, with other favours, and a mansab of 7000 and 7000 horse, do-aspas and sih-aspas. Husain 'Alí Khán received the title of Amíru-l umará Fíroz Jang, with a mansab of 7000 and 7000 horse. He also received other honours, and was appointed to the office of Mír-Bakhshí. Muhammad Amín Khán was entitled I'timádu-d daula; his mansab was increased 1000, and he was appointed second Bakhshí. Kalích Khán's mansab was augmented from 5000 to 7000 and 7000 horse; he received the title of Nizámu-l Mulk Bahádur Fath Jang, and was appointed Súbadár of the Dakhin.⁴⁴² [Many other promotions and appointments.]

[Text, vol. ii. p. 730.] Farrukh Siyar had no will of his own. He was young, inexperienced in business, and inattentive to affairs of State. He had grown up in Bengal, far away from his grandfather and father. He was entirely dependent on the opinions of others, for he had no resolution or discretion. By the help of fortune he had seized the crown. The timidity of his character contrasted with the vigour of the race of Tímúr, and he was not cautious in listening to the words of artful men. From the beginning of his reign he himself brought his troubles on himself. One great fault he committed at the outset of his reign, in appointing Saiyid 'Abdu-llah, a Saiyid of Bárha, to the office of wazír, which is such a high and important trust that former kings always bestowed it upon wise, great and high-minded men, remarkable for patience, experience, clemency and affability, whose qualities had been tested by long experience. ^{* *} [The various appointments] sowed the seed of enmity in the hearts of both parties, and the watering it received from malicious calumnious people brought it to maturity.

Mír Jumla⁴⁴³ had risen into the King's favour. He was a friendly, generous, and upright man (diyánat), from whom many received kindnesses; but he was unwilling that the reins of the government of Hindústán should pass into the hands of the Bárha Saiyids. When he saw that the sovereign power was entirely under the control of the two brothers, he could not suppress his envy and rivalry. By lauding the interest and sympathy shown to the Emperor by his new associates, he gained his point, and stirred up dissensions between him and the Bárha Saiyids. According to common report, it was he who was the prime mover in recommending the destruction of the old hereditary nobles, and also of overthrowing the family of Ásafu-d daula. The two brothers were not inclined to bear patiently Mír Jumla's invidious and provoking interference in their affairs, and every day they overstepped the bounds of subordination and duty. It has been commonly reported that the Saiyids prompted and shared in the execution of Zú-l fikár Khán Nusrat Jang; but I will now relate what I have ascertained from sure sources.

Murders, and other Punishments.

Ásafu-d daula and Zú-l fikár Khán came with their hearts full of doubt and apprehension to wait upon the Emperor. Amíru-l umará Husain 'Alí Khán, having been informed of the consultation and desires of Mír Jumla and the Emperor, sent a message to Ásafu-d daula, promising him that, if he would wait upon the Emperor under his (Husain Khán's) introduction, not a hair of his head should be injured. Some other nobles, when they heard of this advice, disapproved of it, and sent Takarrub Khán, who was a man of Írán, and chosen for being a compatriot, to Zú-l fikár Khán, to console him, and to assure him, after taking the most sacred oaths, that his introduction to the Emperor by Husain 'Alí Khán would be productive of nothing but repentance and danger to his life and property. ^{* *} Mír Jumla having brought Ásafu-d daula and Zú-l fikár Khán, fastened the hands of the latter to his turban, and thus presented them. Ásafu-d daula spoke two or three words, expressing sorrow for his offences and hope of pardon. Farrukh Siyar spoke with apparent kindness, ordered (Zú-l fikár Khán's) hands to be released, and made presents of robes and jewels. He then told Ásafu-d daula to return home, and said that there was some business about which he wanted to consult with Zú-l fikár Khán, and that Zú-l fikár Khán should sit down in an outer tent.

The father saw that his son was doomed, and with a swelling heart and tearful eyes he repaired to his tent. Zú-l fikár Khán washed his hands of life, and having prepared himself for death, he went to the place appointed. He was surrounded by amírs and their men (chelas). First, with bitter words, they demanded of him the blood of 'Azímu-sh Shán and Muhammad Karím, and he replied to them with rough and sharp answers. Thereupon Láchín Beg, entitled Bahádur Dil Khán, and according to common report, one of the chelas, came behind Zú-l fikár Khán, threw a thong (tasma)⁴⁴⁴ round his neck unawares, and pulled it tight. The chelas surrounded him on all sides; they struck him with sticks and their fists and kicked him; others used their knives and daggers, and never ceased till they had despatched him.

On the same day the order was given that men should go into the fort, to the tirpauliya, a small and dark room in which Jahándár Sháh was confined, and despatch him also with the thong. Muhammad Farrukh Siyar entered the city and fort on the 17th Muharram (15th Feb. 1712 A.D.), and gave orders that, in retaliation for violent acts against his brothers and the amírs, his head should be stuck upon a spear, and carried round the city on an elephant, with the carcase lying in the howda. The corpse of Zú-l fikár was ordered to be hung head downwards from the tail of the elephant. After thus being paraded before the people, the bodies were to be brought into the city and thrown down at the gate of the fort.

Directions were also given that Ásafu-d daula should be placed in a palankin and conducted along with his zanána—and carrying only the clothes and appurtenances which he and his attendants stood upright in—to the house of Khán-Jahán, there to be kept in confinement and under guard. An order of confiscation was also made against the household effects of father and son, and the effects of Kokaltásh Khán, Rája Sabhá Chand, and some others connected with Jahándár Sháh, who had incurred the anger of the Emperor and of Heaven. Rája Sabhá Chand abused the officials, and so an order was given for cutting out his tongue. [More executions.]

In common conversation the title of Láchín Beg was changed into the nickname Tasma-kash (thong-puller). As men were subjected to this punishment of the thong without ascertainment or proof of offence, such a terror of it seized the hearts of the nobles of the reign of Aurangzeb and Bahádur Sháh, that when any one left his home to attend upon the Emperor, he took farewell of his sons and family. Matters went to such a length that actors and mountebanks got a living by exhibiting the newly-invented punishment of the thong. ^{* *} Hakím Salím had been one of the personal attendants upon 'Azímu-sh Shán, and it was said that the Prince was killed at his suggestion. Mír Jumla invited the hakím to his house, and treated him sumptuously at night; but before morning men were sent to his door, and they strangled him. The deaths of several victims were attributed by evil report to Mír Jumla.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 737.] An order was made that the reign of Jahándár Sháh should be considered as an adverse possession, and that the reign of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar should date from the 1st Rabí'u-l awwal, 1123 A.H. (April 8, 1711 A.D.).

After Nizámu-l Mulk Bahádur Fath Jang arrived in the Dakhin, the might of his hereditary sword and his own sound judgment brought about, as they had done before, a great abatement of the ravages perpetrated by the Mahrattas upon the country and upon caravans, without his having to resort to war with the vile foe. But wherever Nusrat Jang and Dáúd Khán went, the Mahrattas made their incursions, and levied the chauth.

SECOND YEAR OF THE REIGH (1124 A.H., 1712 A.D.).

[vol. ii. p. 737.] After the death of Aurangzeb, Rája Ajít Singh of Jodhpúr showed his unworthy character by rebuilding the temples and destroying the mosques in his territory. When Bahádur Sháh had fought against and overcome Muhammad A'zam Sháh, he formed the design of chastising the Rája, and of ravaging his country and the territories of other impious Rájpúts. But events would not allow him to prosecute his intention, and he had to march to the Dakhin against his younger brother Muhammad Kám Bakhsh. In the reign of Bahádur Sháh also Ajít Singh and other vicious Rájpúts were guilty of many improper acts. Bahádur Sháh, on returning from the Dakhin, again resolved to lead an army to chastise this perverse tribe. The revolt of the Sikhs and the troubles they caused obliged him to abandon the enterprise, and to march against the Sikh revolters. Upon the accession of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar, the Rájpúts did not show proper allegiance, and therefore Amíru-l umará Husain 'Alí Khán and the Emperor's maternal uncle, Sháyista Khán, were sent against them, with other amírs and a suitable army.

Rája Ajít Singh, upon learning of the march of this army, was alarmed at its strength and at the prowess of the Saiyids. He sent his property and family into the hills and strong places, and, having cleared his country, he sent envoys to Amíru-l umará with presents, suing for peace and forgiveness of his offences. Just at this time several letters arrived from Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán, informing his brother of the intrigues and malice of their rivals at Court, and urging him to return. Amíru-l umará Husain 'Alí consequently concluded a peace with Ajít Singh, the Rája agreeing to pay tribute, to send his daughter for Farrukh Siyar, and his son to pay homage. Having made this settlement, Amíru-l umará left Sháyista Khán, the King's uncle, to bring the girl, while he went on to Court.

'Abdu-llah Khán and Husain 'Alí Khán desired that no mansabs or promotions or appointments to office should be made without consulting them. The Emperor had given Mír Jumla authority to sign his name, and repeatedly said, “The word of Mír Jumla and the signature of Mír Jumla are my word and my signature.” Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid 'Abdu-llah had given to his díwán, a grain-dealer named Ratan Chand, the title of Rája, and a mansab of two thousand, and he had reposed in him authority in all government and ministerial matters. This man attended to nobody's business without some underhand arrangement for the benefit of Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán and himself. When an aspirant resorted to Mír Jumla for a mansab, for promotion, or for an appointment to office, he, acting uprightly as the deputy of the Emperor, wrote his signature and satisfied the applicant. This practice was contrary to all the rules of the wazír's office; it weakened the authority of the Saiyids, and was the cause of great annoyance to the two brothers. Mír Jumla also often exhibited his own devotion to the Emperor by complaining of and blaming the Saiyids, and he persuaded him by various proofs that such high offices and ministerial authority were above the abilities of the Saiyids of Bárha. By various unworthy artifices he brought forward evidence of their disloyalty, and by malicious statements made in private, he succeeded in turning the heart of Farrukh Siyar against the two brothers. He repeatedly urged the Emperor to make Husain 'Alí and 'Abdu-llah Khán prisoners. They went out on a hunting excursion to the garden of Muhsin Khán, and by various representations, he tried to stir the Emperor up to take the bold step (of seizing them), but he did not succeed. Report says that Farrukh Siyar's mother, remembering the promise and agreement he had made with the two brothers, gave information of this secret intrigue to Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán.

Another work which the common talk of all classes attributed to the influence of Mír Jumla, and in which it is probable the Saiyids of Bárha had no part, was the blinding of the Princes. A'azzu-d dín, son of Jahándár Sháh, after the flight of his father from the field of battle, hid himself in Ágra, but he was discovered and taken. Muhammad Humáyún Bakht, younger brother of Farrukh Siyar, was only ten or eleven years old. Wálá-tabár was son of Muhammad A'zam Sháh. All these were deprived of sight. In retribution of this (cruelty), Farrukh Siyar's son, a child of two years old, was suddenly taken from him by death.

At this time Amíru-l umará Husain 'Alí preferred a claim to the Súbadárí of the Dakhin, with the intention of adopting Zú-l fikár Khán's practice of discharging the duties of the office by deputy. His plan was to appoint Dáúd Khán as his deputy, to agree with him on a total sum to be paid annually, while he himself would remain at Court. But the Emperor, in consultation with Mír Jumla, desired that Husain 'Alí should go in person to the Dakhin. It was necessary to accept or reject the conditions, and Amíru-l umará Husain 'Alí, after considering the course pursued by the King and Mír Jumla, refused to go to the Dakhin and leave his brother (alone at Court). A strong altercation arose, and matters went so far that both brothers refrained from going to Court and waiting upon the Emperor; they even meditated the levying of soldiers and throwing up lines of defence round their residence.

The Emperor called together for private consultation his well-affected nobles, who had taken part in his councils with Mír Jumla, Khán-daurán and Muhammad Amín Khán, and every day he brought forward a new proposition. Reports of these dissensions and of the dearness of grain caused uneasiness and disturbances in the cities far and near. After a great deal of correspondence, and the mediation of the mother of the Emperor, who went to see Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid 'Abdu-llah at his house, and satisfied him, it was agreed that the Saiyids should make their own arrangements in the fort, and that both brothers should then attend the darbár. Accordingly the men of Saiyid 'Abdu-llah and of Husain 'Alí were posted in various places under their direction; the brothers then went to wait upon the Emperor, to ask pardon for their offences. They complained of the Emperor's change of feeling, and, taking off their swords, they laid them before him, and said, “If, through the words of detractors, suspicion of us has found its way into your gracious mind, order that we should be put to death upon the spot, or deprive us of our mansabs and send us to the holy temple. But to let the suggestions of calumniators and the words of mischief-making designing men operate to the insult and to the injury of the life and property of faithful servants, is far from being the practice of just-minded kings.”

To put away strife, and lay the foundations of peace, it was settled that Mír Jumla should depart to the súba of 'Azímábád (Patna) before Amíru-l umará Husain 'Alí started for the Dakhin. So with all despatch Mír Jumla was presented with his robe, and was sent off to Patna. Amíru-l umará further stated to the Emperor, “If in my absence you recall Mír Jumla to your presence, or if my brother, Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid 'Abdu-llah, again receives similar treatment, you may rely upon my being here from the Dakhin in the course of twenty days.” He made another stipulation that the removal from and appointment to all jágírs and offices, and the change of commandants of forts, should be under his control. The Emperor was in such a difficult position that he deemed it advisable to comply. Moreover, according to common report, he nolens volens delivered over with his own hand to Amíru-l umará his signet ring, so that the farmáns appointing commandants of forts should not require the royal assent. For four or five months after the departure of Amíru-l umará there was a cessation of these exciting scenes.

Nizámu-l Mulk.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 742.] Nizámu-l Mulk Bahádur Fath Jang, after receiving his appointment as Súbadár of the Dakhin, went to Khujista-bunyád (Aurangábád). It has already been stated that the fame of the sword of this renowned noble put a stop to the ravaging of the country and the plundering of the caravans, which the forces of the Mahrattas practised every year, without his having to fight with either the army of Rája Sáhú or Tárá Báí. But as the hands of the Mahrattas stretched everywhere, their agents appeared in all places according to usage to collect the chauth, that is to say, the fourth part of the land revenue of every district, which they levied every year. Nizámu-l Mulk's pride was too great to submit to this, and he was desirous of preventing the collection of chauth, and especially in the neighbourhood of Aurangábád. He wrote orders to the faujdárs and zila'dárs, directing them to oust the kamáísh-dárs of Rája Sáhú from several places dependent upon Aurangábád.

After the 'I'd-i fitr, in the second year of the reign, he went out with five or six thousand horse and a strong force of artillery to settle the country, and repel any attempt of the enemy's army. ^{* *} None of the Mahratta chiefs had the courage to face him, but fled at his approach; so, after satisfying himself as to the state of the country, and chastising some rebels, he returned to Aurangábád, where he arrived at the beginning of Zí-l hijja. After his return, the Mahrattas summoned up courage enough to begin plundering the caravans in remote districts. There was a caravan proceeding from Surat and Ahmadábád to Aurangábád, and Muhammad Ibráhím Khán Tabrízí, Bakhshí and Wáki'-nigár of Baglána, who with a party was travelling along with that caravan, was killed. In Rajab of the second year of the reign, 1125 (July, 1713), the enemy assembled twenty-three kos from Aurangábád, at a fort called Panáh-garhí, which they had built, as in other súbas, as a place of refuge for themselves in their retreats. [Defeat of the Mahrattas, and destruction of the forts by Nizámu-l Mulk's lieutenants.]

Husain 'Alí Khán in the Dakhin.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 750.] Intelligence arrived [in the Dakhin] of the appointment of Amíru-l umará Husain 'Alí Khán to the Súbadárí of the Dakhin, and of the despatch of a sanad appointing Najábat Khán Súbadár of Burhánpúr for civil affairs, and Haidar Kulí Khán his díwán for revenue matters. Nizámu-l Mulk accordingly left Aurangábád at the beginning of Safar, with the intention of proceeding to Court, and got as far as Burhánpúr. There he found that two or three Mahratta leaders with a large force were making threatening demonstrations; so he took horse, and went forth to attack them. ^{* *} The Mahrattas were unable to make any resistance, and after chastising and pursuing them for forty kos, he returned to Burhánpúr, and resumed his journey to Court.

Towards the end of Jumáda-l awwal, Husain 'Alí Khán, who was on his journey from the capital, and Nizámu-l Mulk, passed within one or two kos of each other. Although Husain 'Alí Khán wished very much to meet Nizámu-l Mulk, out of consideration for the feelings of the Emperor he passed on. When Amíru-l umará Husain 'Alí arrived at the ford of Akbarpúr on the Nerbadda, he there heard that Dáúd Khán Paní, Súbadár of Ahmadábád, having, in pursuance of orders, become Súbadár of Khándesh, had come to Burhánpúr. Husain 'Alí Khán also heard the common report that secret orders had reached Dáúd Khán, directing him neither to meet nor obey Husain 'Alí, but rather to do his best in resisting him, and hopes were held out of his being appointed Súbadár of the whole Dakhin. So Dáúd Khán had set his heart upon winning the Súbadárí, and had no intention of waiting upon Husain 'Alí Khán.

Amíru-l umará, upon hearing these matters, sent a message to Dáúd Khán to the effect: “The whole Súbadárí of the Dakhin has been confided to me, therefore you must not overstep the bounds of subordination, but must hasten to meet me. Otherwise you must proceed to the Emperor, so that there may be no disturbance and shedding of the blood of Musulmáns.” Dáúd Khán was unwilling to assent to either proposition, and although he very unwillingly came, he encamped outside the city; and he refrained from making his submission to Amíru-l umará Husain 'Alí, because he had very close relations with the Mahratta chiefs. Nímá Sindhiá, who was the most important of all the servants of the State, having heard a report of Dáúd Khán's going to Husain 'Alí and giving him his support, had come with several other chiefs and encamped near Burhánpúr, so that at the proper time he might join the stronger party. The dispute (guftgú) between Amíru-l umará and Dáúd Khán daily grew longer, and at length, in the beginning of Ramazán, it came to the test of battle. Amíru-l umará had 15,000 horse with him, and with these he went forth to battle. Dáúd Khán had not more than three or four thousand Afghán horse on that day; but he placed Híráman Baksariya, who was always his chief swordsman, in command of his advanced force, and came to the field of battle in the plain of the Lál Bágh of Burhánpúr. ^{* *} A desperate fight followed. ^{* *} Dáúd Khán had resolved to have a personal combat with Husain 'Alí Khán. He went into the field fully accoutred, and he directed his elephant-driver to place his elephant by the side of that ridden by Husain 'Alí. ^{* *} Although few men remained with Dáúd Khán, he fought most vigorously against Husain 'Alí. With the two or three hundred devoted Afghán horse which remained with him, he pressed forward, discharging arrows, to encounter Husain 'Alí. Great disorder and panic spread in the Amíru-l umará's force, and [many of his nobles] were killed and wounded.

Mír Mushrif, who was renowned for his bravery and personal strength, went out to battle clad in armour. Seated in a splendid howda, and drawing his bowstring to his ear, he urged his elephant on against that of Dáúd Khán. As Dáúd Khán had come into the field without armour, he cried out to Mír Mushrif, “Why do you cover up your face like a woman? Put off your armour that I may see your person!” Saying this he discharged an arrow at him, which wounded him in the throat. Mír Mushrif pulled out the arrow with great pain, and fell fainting in his howda. According to the statements of several elephant-drivers, Dáúd Khán then tried to fasten the two elephants together, and, in so doing, struck Mír Mushrif three or four blows on the back and side with the elephant-goad. Mír Mushrif's driver managed to get his elephant away from that of Dáúd Khán; but Amíru-l umará's men, who had seen the blows, thought Mír Mushrif was killed; so great alarm spread through their ranks, and a total rout seemed about to fall upon the army. Some indeed withdrew from the fight, leaving their leaders still holding their ground and fighting bravely. At this critical moment a musket-ball struck Dáúd Khán and killed him. The elephant-driver and Dáúd's companions, who had escaped the sword, finding that he was dead, turned away the elephant from the field. The bloody elephant was brought back, and the corpse of Dáúd was taken out and tied to its tail, and in that state it was brought to the city.

Nímá Sindhiá and the other Mahratta chiefs who had joined Amíru-l umará looked on the battle from a distance with an eye to plundering the vanquished party. In the height of the battle they withdrew, and prepared to flee; but they came to offer their congratulations to Amíru-l umará on his victory. Their men fell to plundering the baggage and property of Dáúd Khán's army; but all the treasure, elephants, horses, and warlike stores fell into the hands of Amíru-l umará. Out of all this he sent some elephants to the Emperor after the lapse of two years.

Dáúd Khán was said to be impotent; but when he was Súbadár of Ahmadábád, a daughter of one of the zamíndárs was brought, and, according to the custom of the country, was presented to the ruler as tribute. He converted her to Islám, and married her. She became pregnant by him, and when he went forth to battle, she was seven months gone with child. On his departure, she, in her pride, took the dagger from his belt, and kept it carefully by her. When she heard of his death, she ripped open her belly, brought forth the child alive, and then departed with her husband to the next world. But this story has not been authenticated.

When the result of the battle and the death of Dáúd Khán was reported to Farrukh Siyar, his countenance seemed clouded with sorrow, and he said to Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid 'Abdu-llah that it was a pity such a renowned and noble chief had been killed. Kutbu-l Mulk replied, “If my brother had been slain by the hands of the Afghán, it would have given Your Majesty satisfaction.”

[vol. ii. p. 755.] After Dáúd Paní became Súbadár of Ahmad-ábád in Gujarát, in the second year of the reign, on the night when the holí of the Hindús is burnt, a certain Hindú, between whose house and the house of some Musulmáns there was a court-yard common to both houses, prepared to burn the holí in front of his house; but the Musulmáns prevented him. The Hindú went to Dáúd Khán, who frequently favoured the infidels, and argued that he had a right to do as he liked in his own house. After a good deal of talk and importunity, the right to burn the holí was allowed. Next day a Musulmán, who dwelt opposite the house, desiring to give an entertainment in honour of the Prophet, brought a cow and slaughtered it there, on the ground that it was his own house. All the Hindús of the quarter assembled in a mob round the Musulmáns, and the Musulmáns, being unable to resist, went into their houses and hid themselves.

The Hindús grew so bold and violent that they seized a lad of fourteen or fifteen years old, the son of a cow-butcher, and, according to the statement of one of the citizens who fell into their hands, they dragged the boy off and slaughtered him. The report and sight of this outrage drew the Musul-máns together from all quarters; the cry for a general disturbance was raised, and they were ready to do battle with the Hindús. A great concourse assembled, and among them several thousand Afgháns, in the service of Dáúd Khán, eager to defend the honour of Islám, without caring to please their master. The Afgháns of the suburbs and the inhabitants of the city assembled together in a great crowd, and went off with one accord to the house of the kází. The kází seeing the mob, hearing the disturbance, and thinking of the partiality of the Súbadár, shut his door upon the people.

Report says that upon a hint of the kází as to the conduct and partiality of Dáúd Khán towards the Hindús, the Musulmáns set fire to the door of the kází's house, and began to burn the shops in the chauk and the houses of the Hindús. In the riot many shops were destroyed. They then went off with the intention of burning the house of Kapúr Chand, a jeweller, and an active infidel, who took a leading part in this business, and was an acquaintance of Dáúd Khán. He got notice of their intention, and, with a number of matchlockmen whom he collected, he shut the gate of his ward of the town and showed fight. Numbers of Musulmáns and Hindús were killed. The riot reached such a pitch that for three or four days all business and work in Ahmadábád was suspended. A large number of the leaders on both sides resolved to appeal to the Emperor. Dáúd Khán placed his own seal on the petition of Kapúr Chand, and the kází and other officials having certified to the violence of the Musulmáns, it was sent to Dehlí. Shaikh 'Abdu-l azíz [and other Musulmáns] went in person to Court. [Further religious contention and violence at Dehlí.]

[Text, vol. ii. p. 761.] The violence [of the Sikhs] passed all bounds. The injuries and indignities they inflicted on Musul-máns, and the destruction of mosques and tombs, were looked upon by them as righteous meritorious acts. They had built a fort at Gurdáspúr in the Panjáb, ten or twelve days' journey from Dehlí, and extended its limits so that fifty or sixty thousand horse and foot could find protection. They strengthened the towers and walls of the place, took possession of all the cultivated land around, and ravaged the country from Láhore to Sihrind, otherwise called Sirhind. 'Abdu-s Samad Khán Diler Jang was appointed Súbadár of Láhore, and was sent thither with ^{* *} and with a select army and artillery. 'Abdu-s Samad engaged the vast army of the Gurú near his fort. The infidels fought so fiercely that the army of Islám was nearly overpowered; and they over and over again showed the greatest daring. Great numbers were killed on both sides; but Mughal valour at length prevailed, and the infidels were defeated and driven to their stronghold.

The infidels on several occasions showed the greatest boldness and daring, and made nocturnal attacks upon the Imperial forces. 'Abdu-s Samad Diler Jang, while lying in front of their poor fortress,⁴⁵⁷ was obliged to throw up an intrenchment for the defence of his force. He raised batteries, and pushed forward his approaches. The siege lasted a long time, and the enemy exhibited great courage and daring. They frequently made sallies into the trenches, and killed many of the besiegers. To relate all the struggles and exertions of 'Abdu-s Samad and his companions in arms would exceed our bounds. Suffice it to say that the Royal army in course of time succeeded in cutting off from the enemy his supplies of corn and fodder, and the stores in the fort were exhausted. [Great straits and sufferings of the besieged.]

Being reduced to the last extremity, and despairing of life, the Sikhs offered to surrender on condition of their lives being spared. Diler Jang at first refused to grant quarter; but at length he advised them to beg pardon of their crimes and offences from the Emperor. Their chief Gurú,^457a with his son of seven or eight years old, his díwán, and three or four thousand persons, became prisoners, and received the predestined recompense for their deeds. 'Abdu-s Samad had three or four thousand of them put to the sword, and he filled that extensive plain with blood as if it had been a dish. Their heads were stuffed with hay and stuck upon spears. Those who escaped the sword were sent in collars and chains to the Emperor. ^{* *} 'Abdu-s Samad sent nearly two thousand heads stuffed with hay and a thousand persons bound with iron chains in charge of his son, Zakaríya Khán, and others, to the Emperor.

In the month of Muharram, the prisoners and the stuffed heads arrived at Dehlí. The Bakhshí I'timádu-d daula Muhammad Amín Khán received orders to go out of the city, to blacken the faces and put wooden caps on the heads of the prisoners; to ride himself upon an elephant, place the prisoners on camels, and the heads on spears, and thus enter the city, to give a warning to all spectators. After they had entered the city, and passed before the Emperor, orders were given for confining the Gurú, his son and two or three of his principal companions, in the fort. As to the rest of the prisoners, it was ordered that two or three hundred of the miserable wretches should be put to death every day before the kotwal's office and in the streets of the bázár. The men of the Khatrí caste, who were secretly members of the sect, and followers of the Gurú, sought by the offer of large sums of money to Muhammad Amín Khán and other mediators to save the life of the Gurú, but they were unsuccessful. After all the Gurú's companions had been killed, an order was given that his son should be slain in his presence, or rather that the boy should be killed by his own hands, in requital of the cruelty which that accursed one had shown in the slaughter of the sons of others. Afterwards, he himself was killed.

Many stories are told about the wretched dogs of this sect, which the understanding rejects; but the author will relate what he saw with his own eyes.

When the executions were going on, the mother of one of the prisoners, a young man just arrived at manhood, having obtained some influential support, pleaded the cause of her son with great feeling and earnestness before the Emperor and Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán. She represented that her son had suffered imprisonment and hardship at the hands of the sect. His property was plundered, and he was made prisoner. While in captivity, he was, without any fault of his own, introduced into the sect, and now stood innocent among those sentenced to death. Farrukh Siyar commiserated this artful woman, and mercifully sent an officer with orders to release the youth. That cunning woman arrived with the order of release just as the executioner was standing with his bloody sword upheld over the young man's head. She showed the order for his release. The youth then broke out into complaints, saying, “My mother tells a falsehood: I with heart and soul join my fellow-believers in devotion to the Gurú: send me quickly after my companions.”

It is said that I'timádu-d daula Muhammad Amín Khán, when he had an interview with the Gurú, said to him, “The marks of sense and intelligence are visible in thy countenance: how is it that you never thought about the recompense of your deeds, and that in a short span of life with a dreadful futurity you have been guilty of such cruelty and of such detestable actions to Hindús and Musulmáns? He replied, “In all religions and sects, whenever disobedience and rebellion among mortal men passes all bounds, the Great Avenger raises up a severe man like me for the punishment of their sins and the due reward of their works.

‘When He wishes to desolate the world,
He places dominion in the hands of a tyrant.’

When He desires to give the tyrant the recompense of his works, He sends a strong man like you to prevail over him, and to give him his due reward in this world: as you and I can see.”

FIFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN (1127 A.H., 1715 A.D.).

[vol. ii. p. 769.] Mír Jumla found it impossible to remain at Patna with honour, in consequence of the excessive demands which the army made upon him for pay. He had disbursed a large sum of government treasure, but their demands and the loud cries raised by the peasantry against their violence made him resolve to go off with all speed to Dehlí. ^{* *} In those days, every week and every month some new report got abroad as to the Emperor's intentions and designs in respect to Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid 'Abdu-llah. There was a general rumour that Mír Jumla had been recalled, and that Saiyid 'Abdu-llah was to be made prisoner. When Mír Jumla waited upon the Emperor, he was coldly received, and he was severely censured for the wretched state of the people of Patna, and for having come to Court without permission. Mír Jumla, being hurt, went to the Saiyid, and having represented his helplessness, despair and obedience, sought to obtain forgiveness of his offences from the Emperor and from Saiyid 'Abdu-llah. But intelligent men looked on all this as trick and artifice to secure the imprisonment of the wazír.

About the same time, either by design or accident, seven or eight thousand horsemen of dismissed mansabdárs went to the houses of Muhammad Amín Khán Bakhshí, Khán-daurán the deputy of Amíru-l umará, and Mír Jumla, complaining and demanding their arrears of pay. ^{* *} For four or five days bodies of horsemen appeared in the streets and bázárs armeo and prepared for battle. On the other side the officers of Saiyid 'Abdu-llah, with suitable forces, ready accoutred and mounted on elephants and horses, held themselves ready for a conflict until night-fall. Mír Jumla was bewildered, and not knowing which way to turn, he went and took refuge in the house of Muhammad Amín Khán. The arrows of censure were aimed at him from all sides, and he knew not what to do. At length it was deemed expedient, in order to quell the disturbance and pacify Kutbu-l Mulk, that the Emperor should look with anger upon Mír Jumla, diminish his mansáb, remove him from the súba of 'Azímábád (Patna), and appoint him to that of the Panjáb. Sarbuland Khán was named Súbadár of 'Azímábád and Nizámu-l Mulk Bahádur Fath Jang was appointed Faujdár of Murádábád, to repress the disorder which reigned there.

For a long time it was the talk of strife-makers and restless men that the Emperor had sent Mír Jumla to Sirhind and the Panjáb, as a matter of policy, and that he intended to recall him. Whenever the Emperor went out into the country round the capital to hunt, and remained out for three or four months, the rumour spread from house to house, and from tent to tent, that he had come out for the purpose of making Saiyid 'Abdu-llah prisoner. On the other side, the Saiyid was suspicious, and continued to enlist soldiers, but he engaged very few who were not Saiyids or inhabitants of Bárha.

In this year died Asad Khán Karam-málu,⁴⁶⁰ at the age of ninety-four years. He had held the office of wazír and other important posts under Sháh Jahán, Aurangzeb and Bahádur Sháh. ^{* *} His ancestors were nobles of Írán. ^{* *} It is said that in the days of his last illness, Farrukh Siyar sent one of his attendants to visit him, and deliver the following message secretly, “We did not know your worth, and have done what we ought not to have done to such a valuable servant of the State, but repentance is of no avail; still we hope you will give us your advice about the way to treat the Saiyids.” The old man said, “The fault which you committed, contrary to the practice of your ancestors, proceeded only from the will of God. I knew that, when the office of minister went out of my family, ruin threatened the House of Tímúr. But as you have placed yourself and the reins of power in the hands of the Saiyids of Bárha, the best thing for the State is, that you should, to the best of your ability, deal kindly with them, and not carry matters to such a pitch that strife and discord should increase, and you should lose all power.

SIXTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1129⁴⁶¹

A.H. (1717 A.D.).

[Text, vol. ii. p. 773.] Intelligence arrived from the Dakhin which found no place in the communications sent to Court by Amíru-l umará Husain 'Alí. He was appointing his own followers to the command of the great fortresses, which appointments had always been made previously by the sovereign himself. At Court, also, Rája Ratan Chand, the díwán of Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán, interfered with the appointments of the revenue officers, allowing them no certainty or security in their positions. ^{* *} Every day these things became more and more annoying to the Emperor.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 775.] In consequence of the ill-temper of the Emperor, who had become more than ever a man of pleasure and retirement, Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán did not, for four or five months together, go to his office to perform his duties as minister and sign papers, so all business was stopped. 'Ináyatu-llah Khán made a representation upon this matter, and asked that he would attend the office once or twice a week. There was a contention about this for several days, but nothing came of it.

At the instance also of 'Ináyatu-llah, in this year 1131 (sic) A.H., an order was given for levying the jizya from the Hindús, which was against the wish of Ratan Chand. Hindús, eunuchs and Kashmíríans, by craft, cheating, and oppression, had got possession of mansabs and the rents of jágírs, and the extent of other jágírs had in like manner been reduced. 'Ináyatu-llah prayed that the accounts should be inquired into, and that the mansabs in the possession of Hindús and other oppressors should be diminished or confiscated. This proposition was very distasteful to Ratan Chand and other revenue officials. They addressed themselves to Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid 'Abdu-llah, and he was opposed to the issue of the order. All the Hindús were greatly enraged with 'Ináyatu-llah, because of the order for collecting the jizya, and of the advice about the cutting down of the mansabs.

SEVENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1129 A.H. (1717 A.D.).

[Text, vol. ii. p. 777.] After Amíru-l umará Husain 'Alí had defeated Dáúd Khán, he went to Aurangábád, and busied himself in settling the country. There he heard of the doings of Khandú Dapháriya,⁴⁶² general in chief of Rája Sáhú. In each of the two súbas of the Dakhin a Mahratta chief was appointed súbadár for the collection of the Mahratta chauth, in the same way as Imperial súbadárs were appointed. Khandú held the súba of Khándesh. On the road to the port of Surat he had built a mud fort and placed a garrison in it. All caravans that passed were required to pay the chauth, i.e. a fourth part of the value of property of merchants and others which was in the convoy. If they agreed to pay, they passed safe; if not, they were plundered, the men were made prisoners, and were not released until a ransom was paid for each.

Husain 'Alí sent his bakhshí, Zú-l fikár Beg, with three or four thousand horse and five or six thousand musketeers, to chastise this chief. After Zú-l fikár Beg had passed through the pass between Aurangábád and Khándesh, he learnt that Khandú, with eight or nine thousand horse, was near the confines of Baglána and Gálna, seventy kos from Aurangábád. He was anxious to attack him, but Khandú made an ignominious flight, and led Zú-l fikár Beg towards thorny and difficult jungles. For all the scouts reported that there was no good opportunity of engaging the enemy, Zú-l fikár Beg, proud of his own courage, and seconded by the advice of some ignorant men of Bárha, paid no heed to their reports, but attacked Khandú. At the first attack many of the enemy were killed; but Khandú, according to Dakhiní practice, took to flight, drawing after him in pursuit four or five hundred well-mounted horse. Having thus dispersed the army of the Bárhas, he suddenly faced round, and falling upon Zú-l fikár Beg with a large force, he closed the way by which support could be rendered to the scattered horse, and attacked so fiercely that the army of Islám was in hard straits. Zú-l fikár Beg and a number of his brave followers were killed. Of the rest of the army, those who wished to save their lives threw themselves from their horses, laid down their arms, and were taken prisoners alive. Those who resisted were all put to the sword. It is commonly said that not one bullock, camel or horse belonging to that army was saved.

Amíru-l umará Husain 'Alí sent Rája Muhakkim Singh, his díwán, with a suitable force, to punish Khandú. He also directed his own brother Saifu-d dín 'Alí Khán, Súbadár of Burhánpúr, to support the Rája. Saifu-d dín had gone out of Burhánpúr towards Sultánpúr and Nandurbár for settling the country. These two famous chiefs pursued Khandú, in the hope of retaliating upon him, or of removing his posts so that they might no longer trouble the country and people of Khándesh. But they accomplished nothing. Khandú bided his time, and went to Rája Sáhú, who was in a secure fortress. His garrisons, which were posted in various places, held their ground. Whenever the army of Amíru-l umará approached, their force fled, and as soon as it had departed, they returned and reoccupied their positions. Muhakkim Singh succeeded in engaging some other Mahratta forces which were plundering in the vicinity of Ahmadnagar, and drove them under the walls of the fort of Sattára. They were, however, unable to exact revenge from Khandú for the death of Zú-l fikár Beg, and the destruction of his army.

The fact of the disagreement between the Emperor and the Saiyids was well known from the farmáns and orders which had been sent secretly to Rája Sáhú, the díwáns and the chief zamíndárs of Karnátik, desiring them not to obey Husain 'Alí Khán. They had accordingly showed resistance, and no settlement of Bíjápúr and Haidarábád had been effected.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 781.] The Emperor Aurangzeb having resolved upon the reduction of the fortresses of the Dakhin, spent long time and great treasure in the work. He took the forts of Sattára, Parnála, Rájgarh, and others, thirty or forty in number, all fortresses of strength and repute, and deprived the Mahrattas of house and home. The chiefs of this race of robbers, knowing that the Imperial territory was now vacant, and the Emperor far away, showed greater boldness than in former years. With large armies they invaded the súbas of the Dakhin, and Ahmadábád, and Málwá, for the purpose of collecting the chauth, and they plundered and ravaged wherever they went. To cities and large towns they sent messengers and letters, demanding payment of the chauth from the governor or zamíndár. Or the mukkaddams and zamíndárs of the towns and villages hastened out to meet the Mahratta army, undertaking to pay the chauth, and begged for protection. Taking back with them a messenger (harkára) and a horseman, to protect the village and the cultivation, instead of showing their total rent to be one or two thousand (rupees), they made it out to be four or five hundred. But whatever sum was settled, they promised payment, and gave sureties, called ol in the language of India. They thus saved themselves from violence and plunder.

When the faujdárs or zamíndárs of a place refused to pay the chauth, and made no propositions, the Mahrattas attacked the place and thoroughly ravaged it. If, after investing a place for some days, they found themselves unable to take it, they moved away. In this way the towns of Nandurbár, Sultánpúr, Jámúd, and many other well-known towns of Burhánpúr, Birár, and other súbas of the Dakhin, were invested by twenty-eight thousand horsemen for two or three weeks, who were finally beaten off.

The Mahrattas treated caravans just in the same way, and many were plundered. The commanders of their bands did their best to settle the amount of chauth to be paid, and were not willing to pillage. Their men, on the contrary, strove to prevent any arrangement of the chauth, so that they might be free to plunder. For, if an agreement was arrived at, and the chauth was settled without plundering, it belonged to the chiefs, and the men got nothing. But, if it came to plundering, each man kept what he could lay hands upon, and the chiefs did not gain so much.

Towards the end of the reign of Aurangzeb, Rání Tárá Báí, widow of Rám Rája, kept up a state of warfare with the Emperor for ten or twelve years after her husband's death. She then offered to make peace upon condition of receiving a grant of the sar-deshmukhí of the six súbas of the Dakhin, at the rate of nine per cent. For the honour of Islám, and for other reasons, Aurangzeb rejected this proposal.

In the reign of Bahádur Sháh the vakíls of Rája Sáhú and the Rání made proposals, and obtained a grant of the sar-desh-mukhí , upon certain conditions, which have been stated in the history of that reign. But differences arose between the Rání and Rája Sáhú, so that Bahádur Sháh's intentions were never carried out. Neither did the arrangement as to the sar-deshmukhí take effect. In the time of Dáúd Khán, while he was acting as deputy of Zúl-l fikár Khán, a treaty and friendly agreement was made between him and the enemy, in which it was stipulated that the jágírs of the princes and Dáúd Khán should not be molested; but that as regarded the remaining tenures of the great nobles, Dáúd Khán's deputy, Híráman, should arrange for the payment of the chauth. Caravans were not to be molested. So they simmered together like milk and sugar, and matters went on without⁴⁶⁶ hitch or evasion.

The government of Nizámu-l Mulk, as we have recorded, began in peace, and ended with war, which lasted for one year and five months, and inflicted chastisement upon the enemy. Two or three years of Husain 'Alí Khán's government passed in quarrels with the Emperor, so that, although he raised a large army, he could not show the vigour that was necessary, nor effect such a settlement as he himself desired and the character of the Saiyids of Bárha required. In the year 1130 A.H., acting upon the advice of Anwar Khán, one of the shaikh-zádas of Burhánpúr, who were patronized by the Saiyids, and upon the counsel of other trusted nobles, he availed himself of the services of a Brahman named Sankarájí. This man had been one of the principal servants of Sivají and Sambhájí, and in their confidence. After the conquest of Jinjí, he entered the Imperial service, and acted as vakíl of those Mahratta chiefs who had submitted and of some who had not. He was not wanting in the intelligence which is helped by fortune.

Through Bálájí Bishwanáth and Jamnájí, brahmans, and most intelligent generals of Rája Sáhú, a proposal of peace was made on these terms. There was to be paid to the officers of Rája Sáhú a fourth part of what the amíns, krorís, and shikkdárs collected as land revenue, and as sáir from the government lands and from the jágírdárs. It was also settled that, in addition to the fourth share which they were to get from the receipts of the jágírdárs, they were to receive from the raiyats ten per cent. as sar-deshmukhí. Altogether they were to receive thirty-five per cent. upon the total collections, (and also) upon the abwábs called faujdárí, shikkdárí, ziyáfat, and other charges, as shown in the gross account of the collections. According to this account they were to receive nearly half the total revenue recorded in the Government rent-roll, and (the collections) were thus shared by the domineering collectors of Rája Sáhú. This arrangement, by which they were to collect all taxes, fell very hard upon the raiyats, and the government officers and jágírdárs; for in every district there were two collectors—one called the kamáíshdár, the other the gumáshta of the sar-deshmukhí. On the roll of the collections the signature of the sarrishtadár of the sar-deshmukhí was first placed, and what was required by the rules on that account was to be taken separately.⁴⁶⁷ The position and life of the officers of Government and of the jágírdárs became (irksome).

Besides these, there were two separate collectors of the ráhdárí (road duties) in each district. In consequence of the negligence of the faujdárs and the dominance of the enemy, these had for some time taken their positions in different places, and exacted half a rupee, or one rupee, for each bullock and cart, from merchants, and whatever they pleased from other persons. They exacted twice or three times more than (the most) tyrannical fauj-dárs . Now also, since the days of the peace, the former grievance remained, but it was aggravated by more taking part in it. In the present state of things there were in each district three regular collectors of Rája Sáhú, with parties of horsemen and footmen stationed at the office, the guard-house where the land-revenue the sáir and the tolls were collected.

Besides this there were in many places villages which had been laid waste by the Mahrattas, and which had been again brought into cultivation under special agreements, such as the districts about Nandurbár, in Khándesh, in Birár, and in other places. They paid no heed to the special contracts made by Husain 'Alí Khán; but, conceding the third share belonging to the jágírdár, they made the following arrangement. They recognized three shares; one was for the jágírdár, one they took themselves, and the third they left to the raiyats. In revenue and civil matters the orders and the action of the enemy prevailed over the authority of the faujdárs and jágírdárs. At the time of the peace Husain 'Alí Khán determined, and issued strict injunctions that the ráhdárí should not be exacted, as in the days before the peace, from merchants and travellers at the rate of three (rupees) or four upon each bullock and cart, as if faujdárs and harsh officials were acting. But it was no good. In several districts there was no longer any plundering of villages and caravans; but, as in former days, travellers and wanderers paid the ráhdárí, and went on in peace without interruption. Villages which had been ravaged by plunderers, or made completely desolate by the tyranny of rapacious managers, were now restored to cultivation.

Husain 'Alí delivered a sanad containing the conditions of peace, under his seal, to the vakíls of Rája Sáhú, and made no delay in writing for a royal farmán confirmatory of this document. He introduced the agents of Rája Sáhú everywhere, and he settled that Bálájí Bishwanáth and Jamnájí, two of the highest officers of Rája Sáhú, should stay with a suitable escort in Aurangábád as deputy and vakíl of the Rája, so that all civil and revenue matters might be settled through them.

Transactions at Court.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 790.] Husain 'Alí Khán's letter communicating the terms of the peace, and asking for a confirmatory