History of India, as Told by its own Historians: The Muhammadan Period - The History of India, Volume 7

THIS work, which the author himself styles Muntakhabu-l Lubáb Muhammad Sháhí, is frequently called Táríkh-i Kháfí Khán. It is a highly esteemed history, commencing with the Invasion of Bábar, A.D. 1519, and concluding with the fourteenth year of the reign of Muhammad Sháh. It contains also an Introduction, giving an outline of the history of the Mughals and Tartars from Noah to Bábar. It is chiefly valuable for containing an entire account of the reign of Aurangzeb, of which, in consequence of that Emperor's well-known prohibition, it is very difficult to obtain a full and connected history. It is, however, to that very prohibition we are indebted for one of the best and most impartial Histories of Modern India.

Muhammad Háshim, also called Háshim 'Alí Khán, is better known as an author by the designation Kháfí Khán. He was a man of a good family residing at Dehlí, and he privately compiled a minute register of all the events of this reign, which he published some years after the monarch's death. His father, Khwája Mír, also an historian, was an officer of high rank in the service of Murád Bakhsh; but after that Prince's confinement and murder, he passed into the employment of Aurangzeb. Muhammad Háshim Khán was brought up in Aurangzeb's service, and was employed by him in political and military situations. He himself gives an interesting account of a mission on which he was sent by the Viceroy of Gujarát to the English at Bombay; on which occasion, while commending them in other respects, he accuses them of levity in laughing more than befitted the solemnity of political intercourse. [He frequently speaks in his own person, reporting what he had himself seen or heard. In the reign of Farrukh Siyar, he was made a díwán by Nizámu-l Mulk (the first of the Nizáms of Haidarábád), and writes with interest and favour in all that concerns that chief. For this reason he is sometimes designated Nizámu-l Mulkí.]

His work is a complete history of the House of Tímúr, giving first a clear and concise account of that dynasty, from the founder down to the close of Akbar's reign. This portion of the work is condensed, the events having been so fully detailed by previous writers. The great body of the work is occupied with the hundred and thirty years that succeeded the death of Akbar, of which period the author states that the last fifty-three years were written from his own personal observation, and the verbal accounts of men who had watched the occurrences of the time. It is considered probable that he had composed the first half of the work before he was compelled to stop by Aurangzeb's orders, but, being anxious to bring down his history to the close of his own life, he continued his labours in secret. It is represented that Muhammad Sháh was so pleased with the history that he ennobled the author with the title of Kháfí Khán, the word kháfí meaning “concealed.” This origin of the designation is the one ascribed by all modern writers, and has been fully accredited by our English historians; but I am disposed to dispute the correctness of this story, and to consider Kháfí as a gentilitious name denoting the country whence his family sprung. Kháf, or more correctly Khwáf, is a district of Khurásán near Naishápúr, and Khwáfí so applied is by no means unfamiliar to Asiatics. Thus we have the famous doctor Shaikh Zainu-d dín Khwáfí,²⁰⁸ Imám Khwáfí, the Khwáfí Saiyids, etc., and what is confirmatory of this opinion is that not only does Ghulám 'Alí Sháh style our author Muhammad Háshim the son of Khwája Mír Khwáfí, but he himself gives his father's name as Mír Khwáfí. It is not impossible that Muhammad Sháh may have indulged in a joke upon the author's original name, and may have expressed himself in some such phrase to the effect that the author was now really Khwáfí. [Mr. Morley, in his Catalogue of the MSS. of the Royal Asiatic Society, adopts the former explanation, and says: “From the fact of the work having been so long concealed (kháfí), its author received the title of Kháfí Khán.” Colonel Lees, on the other hand, arrived independently at the same conclusion as Sir H. M. Elliot. He shows that the patronymic Khwáfí was one in very common use, and thinks that the interpretation “concealed” “had its origin in an imperfect and somewhat ludicrous misrepresentation of what Kháfí Khán himself says, to which has consequently been given a sense the very opposite of its true meaning. Kháfí Khán certainly says that he kept all these things locked up in a box, but it was the box of his ‘memory.’²⁰⁹ There might have been some reason for Kháfí Khán concealing his work for a year or two after the death of Aurangzeb; but there seems no sound or apparent reason for his concealing his work for nearly thirty years after that event.”^209a]

The author of the “Critical Essay,” translated and published for the Oriental Translation Fund, speaks of this history as containing a detailed and particular statement of various transactions which the author himself had actually witnessed, regretting at the same time that he had never seen it. When Colonel Dow wrote his History of Hindústán, he was obliged to conclude at the end of the tenth year of Aurangzeb's reign, because there were no documents calculated to throw light upon the subsequent period. Mill also complains that we have no complete history of Aurangzeb. This defect has since been remedied by the Honourable Mountstewart Elphinstone, who has judiciously availed himself of Kháfí Khán's history, and thus has been enabled to give us a complete narrative of the reign of Aurang-zeb and his immediate successors. Elphinstone confesses himself indebted to Major A. Gordon, of the Madras Army, for a MS. translation of Kháfí Khán's history down to near the end of Jahángír's reign; and he expresses his regret (Book X. Ch. I.), “that this excellent translation has not been carried on to the end of the history, which comes down to recent times, and affords the only full and connected account of the whole period which it embraces.” Grant Duff acknowledges the same obliga-tíon in his History of the Mahrattas (vol. i. p. 118), and states that Mr. Erskine had translated the portion relating to Sháh Jahán's transactions with the Dakhin. [Inquiries have been made for this MS. translation of Major Gordon, but without success.]

[Sir H. M. Elliot had made no provision for the translation of this work. The lengthy translation which follows is entirely the work of the Editor. The Text used is that published in the Bibliotheca Indica; but two MSS. containing the history of Aurangzeb's reign, one belonging to the Library of the East India Office, and the other to the Royal Asiatic Society, have been occasionally referred to. A greater number of copies has not been sought for, because, according to Colonel Lees, the MSS. differ very much. “Copies (of Kháfí Khán's history) are very numerous; but, strange to say, no two copies that I have met with—and I have compared five apparently very good MSS. —are exactly alike, while some present such dissimilarities as almost to warrant the supposition that they are distinct works, some passages being quite accurate, and others again entirely dissimilar. In the copies to be found of other well-known MSS., which have been copied and recopied repeatedly, we find omissions and a variety of readings, but not such broadcast discrepancies as I have found in some of the copies of Kháfí Khán which I have consulted.”]

[Text, vol. i. p. 468.] The Firingís had formed a commercial settlement at Húglí, twenty kos from Rájmahál in Bengal. In former times they had obtained the grant of a parcel of land for the stowing of their merchandize and for their abode. There they built a strong fort, with towers and walls, and furnished it with artillery. They also built a place of worship which they call “church” (kalísá). In course of time they overstepped the sufferance they had obtained. They vexed the Musulmáns of the neighbourhood, and they harassed travellers, and they exerted themselves continually to strengthen their settlement. Of all their odious practices this was the worst:—In the ports which they occupied on the sea-coast, they offered no injury either to the property or person of either Muhammadans or Hindús who dwelt under their rule; but if one of these inhabitants died, leaving children of tender age, they took both the children and the property under their charge, and, whether these young children were saiyids, or whether they were bráh-mans , they made them Christians and slaves (mamlúk). In the ports of the Kokan in the Dakhin, and on the sea-coast, wherever they had forts and exercised authority, this was the custom of that insolent people. But notwithstanding the notoriety of this tyrannical practice, Musulmáns and Hindús of all tribes went into their settlements in pursuit of a livelihood, and took up their abode there. They allowed no religious mendicant (fakír) to come into their bounds. When one found his way in unawares, if he were a Hindú he was subjected to such tortures as made his escape with life very doubtful; and if he were a Musulmán he was imprisoned and worried for some days, and then set at liberty. When travellers passed in, and their baggage was examined for the custom-duties, no leniency was shown if any tobacco was found, because there are regular licensed sellers of tobacco, and a traveller must not carry more than enough for his own use. Unlike a Hindú temple, their place of worship was very conspicuous, for tapers of camphor were kept burning there in the day-time. In accordance with their vain tenets, they had set up figures of the Lord Jesus and Mary (on our Prophet and on them be peace!), and other figures in wood, paint and wax, with great gaudiness. But in the churches of the English, who are also Christians, there are no figures set up as idols. The writer of these pages has frequently gone into that place, and has conversed with their learned men, and records what he has observed.

Reports of the unseemly practices of these people reached the Emperor, and when Kásim Khán was sent to Bengal as Governor, he received secret orders to suppress them, and to take their fortress. Kásim Khán accordingly proceeded to Húglí and laid siege to it. The detail of his skilful arrangements and strenuous exertions would be of great length; suffice it to say that, by the aid of boats, and by the advance of his forces both by land and water, he brought down the pride of those people, and subdued their fortress after a siege of three months. Nearly 50,000 raiyats of that place came out and took refuge with Kásim Khán. Ten thousand persons, Firingís and raiyats perished in the course of the siege. Fourteen hundred Firingís, and a number of persons who had been made Christians by force, were taken prisoners. Nearly ten thousand persons, innocent raiyats and captives of those people, were set free. More than a thousand Musulmáns of the Imperial army fell in the course of the siege.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 2.] The attempt to write an epitome of the fifty years' reign of this illustrious monarch is like trying to measure the waters of the sea in a pitcher; the affairs of the last forty years in particular are a boundless ocean, which authors have shrunk from committing to the thread of narrative. But for all this, the writer of these pages has resolved that to the best of his ability, and with the most active exertion, after the most exhaustive inquiry and complete investigation, he will narrate some events capable of narration which he has heard from the tongues of men advanced in years, which he has fully verified by inquiries from men in office and from the writers of official despatches, and by the evidence of his own eyes during this period of time. Like plagiarists of no ability, he commits one fact out of a hundred to his crude relation, and offers his petition to his intelligent critics and well-informed readers, that if, from his feeble grasp of the thread of narrative, any discrepancies should appear between the earlier and later portions of his work, or if any trifling variations from other histories should appear, they will hold him excused, because in trustworthy books even discrepancies are found arising from varying versions (of the same occurrence).

Birth of Aurangzeb.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 3.] Aurangzeb was born in the year 1028 A.H. (1619 A.D.) at Dhúd,²¹³ which is on the frontiers of the súba of Ahmadábád and Málwá, whilst his father was súbadár of the Dakhin.

Illness of Sháh Jahán.

[vol. ii. p. 4.] On the 7th Zí-l hijja, 1067 A.H. (Sept. 8, 1657 A.D.), (the Emperor Sháh Jahán, called after his death) Firdaus makání, was attacked with illness, which turned out to be strangury. This produced much derangement in the government of the country, and in the peace of the people. Dárá Shukoh looked upon himself as heir to the throne, and even in the time of his father's health he had held the reins of government. But he had fallen into ill repute through having imbibed the heretical tenets of the Súfís. He had declared infidelity (kufr) and Islám to be twin brothers, and had written treatises on this subject; he had also associated himself with Bráhmans and Gosains. Seizing the opportunity (of his father's illness), he took the direction of State affairs into his own hands, and having exacted from the ministers their pledges not to publish what passed in council, he closed the roads of Bengal, Ahmadábád, and the Dakhin against messengers and travellers. But when the intelligence of his officious meddling had spread abroad through the provinces by the dák-chauki (post), a strong adverse feeling was shown by the amírs, zamíndárs, and raiyats, and also by the unruly spirits who sought for a field of action. Turbulent men from every corner and quarter, and men eager for a fray, in every province and country, raised their heads in expectation of strife.

When intelligence of these proceedings reached Muhammad Shujá' in Bengal, and Muhammad Murád Bakhsh in Ahmad-ábád, each of them, vying with the other, had coins struck and the khutba read in his own name. Shujá', with a large force, marched against Bihár and Patna, and the news of his movements was carried to the capital. Sháh Jahán had from the very first shown great partiality and affection for Dárá Shukoh, and generally, in all matters, had done his best to gratify his son. Now that he was ill, and no longer master of himself, he was more than ever inclined to gratify Dárá and yield to his wishes. Dárá Shukoh looked with an eye of apprehension upon the talents of Prince Aurangzeb, and was made uneasy by the vigour and wisdom which he displayed. So, by various arguments, he induced his father to recall to Court the nobles and generals who were engaged with Aurangzeb in the siege of Bíjápúr. When this evil news became known, the prosecution and completion of the siege of Bíjápúr was prevented. Aurang-zeb made an arrangement with Sikandar 'Ádil Sháh of Bíjápúr, and accepted from him a promise to pay a tribute of a kror of rupees in cash and goods as the price of peace. He then raised the siege of Bíjápúr, and proceeded to Khujista-bunyád (Aurangábád). After this he learned that Dárá Shukoh, with the intention of getting possession of the treasure of Sháh Jahán, had left Dehlí, and had gone to Ágra.

Defeat of Muhammad Shujá'.

[vol. ii. p. 5.] On the 4th Rabí'u-l awwal, 1068 A.H. (1st December, 1657), Dárá Shukoh sent Rája Jai Singh, and several other amírs, with an army under the command (of his son) Sulai-mán Shukoh against Muhammad Shujá'. When the Rája with the vanguard arrived near Benares,²¹⁵ Muhammad Shujá' prepared his forces for battle, and having got possession of several boats, he advanced to give battle to the Rája, and halted a kos and a half from him. Next day the Rája moved from his ground early in the morning before sunrise, and while Muhammad Shujá' was yet asleep under the influence of wine, the Rája attacked him. Roused from his slumber, the incautious and careless Prince found that all was lost. He made a hurried flight with some of his servants and companions to a boat, and made his escape. All his camp and treasure, artillery, and matériel, was plundered, and fell into the hands of the Rája. After this defeat, Muhammad Shujá' did not return to Bengal, and that country fell into the possession of the officers of Dárá Shukoh. A number of his servants and companions were taken prisoners, and were carried off by the Rája to Ágra. Dárá Shukoh had them paraded round the city; afterwards he put some of them to death, and of many others he had a hand amputated.

March against Murád Bakhsh.

[vol. ii. p. 6.] ²¹⁶ On the same day that Sulaimán Shukoh and Rája Jai Singh were sent against Muhammad Shujá', Mahárája Jaswant Singh and Kásim Khán, with the royal artillery and with several thousand horse and some guns of their own, and attended by several amírs of repute, were ordered to march to Ahmadábád and the Dakhin. Their instructions were that they were to ascertain the true state of affairs, and if Muhammad Murád Bakhsh should move from Ahmadábád, Kásim Khán^216a was to advance with several amírs and some guns to meet and receive him. After receiving intelligence of Prince (Murád Bakhsh's) departure from the Dakhin, Mahárája Jaswant Singh was to act according to circumstances. If Prince Aurangzeb should begin to move from the Dakhin, the Mahárája and Kásim Khán were to lead all the royal forces across his line of march, and give him battle when opportunity offered. Dárá Shukoh made the province of Málwá his own iktá', and devoted the whole of the revenues to the payment of his officers, so that, their hopes being excited by the riches of that country, they might heartily support each other, and strengthen the army in prosecuting the war.

It also came to hearing that Dárá Skuhoh had imprisoned Ísá Beg, the vakíl of Aurangzeb, and had sequestered his house.

Proceedings of Murád Bakhsh.

[vol. ii. p. 7.] It was learned from the news-letters (akhbár) of Ahmadábád that Prince Muhammad Murád Bakhsh had struck coin and caused the khutba to be read in his name. He had also sent Khwája Sháhbáz, a eunuch, with an army and necessary siege train for the reduction of the fort of Surat, and the occupation of the port. Khwája Sháhbáz, on reaching Surat, invested the place, and after driving mines and blowing up bastions and forts, he reduced the fortress. Then he called together the merchants of the place, and demanded from them a contribution of fifteen lacs of rupees. After much parley, the chiefs of the merchants agreed to pay six lacs of rupees on behalf of their body, and took a bond for the money under the seal of Muhammad Murád Bakhsh, and the bail of Khwája Sháhbáz. * * * *

Movements of Aurangzeb.

[vol. ii. p. 9.] About this time Mír Jumla arrived, who had been sent by Sháh Jahán before his illness to support Aurangzeb, and he acted as a trusted friend and faithful counsellor. But Aurangzeb deemed it expedient, in order to avoid reproach, to leave Mír Jumla as a prisoner at Daulatábád, while he himself marched against his enemies. As a matter of prudence and expediency, Aurangzeb wrote repeatedly and in the most affectionate terms to Muhammand Murád Bakhsh, and offered him his congratulations. In his letters he said, “I have not the slightest liking for or wish to take any part in the government of this deceitful and unstable world, my only desire is that I may make the pilgrimage to the temple of God. But whatever course you have resolved upon in opposition to the good-for-nothing and unjust conduct of our disgraceful brother (birádar-i be-shukoh), you may consider me your sincere friend and ally. Our revered father is still alive, and I think that we two brothers should devote ourselves to his service, and to the punishment of the wilfulness of that haughty one and the presumption and conceit of that apostate. If it be possible, and we are permitted to see our father again, after exerting ourselves to put down that strife and insurrection, we will entreat the King to forgive the faults of our brother, who has involuntarily been impelled to such a course of action. After setting the government in order, and punishing the enemies of the State, our brother must be reclaimed, and he must go to pay a visit to the holy temple. It is important that you should allow of no delay in your movements, but should march at once to chastise that presumptuous infidel Jaswant Singh. You must consider me as having arrived on your side of the Nerbadda, and must look upon my numerous army and powerful artillery as the means of securing your victory. You must know that I make the Word of God my bail for this treaty and compact, and you must by all means banish suspicion from your mind.”

Aurangzeb arrived in Burhánpúr on the 25th Jumáda-l awwal, (1068 A.H., 19th February, 1658 A.D.), * * and remained there a month attending to necessary arrangements, and obtaining accurate intelligence. On the 25th Jumáda-l ákhir he set out on his march to the capital. * * Jaswant Singh knew nothing of the approach of the great army of the two brothers until they came within seven kos of Ujjain, when Rája Sheoráj, commandant of Mándú, obtained information of their having crossed at the ford of Akbarpúr, and wrote the particulars to the Mahárája. Kásim Khán, on hearing that Prince Murád Bakhsh had left Ahmadábád, went forth in haste to welcome him. But when he learnt that the Prince had gone eighteen kos out of the way to meet Aurangzeb, he turned back disappointed. Dárá Shukoh's men, who were in the fortress of Dhár, when they beheld the irresistible forces of the two brothers, took to flight and joined the Mahárája.

Rája Jaswant Singh, with Kásim Khán, on the approach of Prince Aurangzeb, advanced a march to meet him, and pitched his camp at the distance of one kos and a half. Aurangzeb then sent a Bráhman called Kab, who had a great reputation as a Hindí poet and master of language, to the Rája with this message: “My desire is to visit my father.²¹⁸ I have no desire for war. It is therefore desirable that you should either accompany me, or keep away from my route, so that no conflict may arise, or blood be shed.” The Rája did not acquiesce in this proposition, and sent an impertinent answer. Next day both sides prepared for battle. * * * On the 22nd Rajab, 1068 A.H. (20th April, 1658 A.D.), the battle was joined.²¹⁹ * * * Every minute the dark ranks of the infidel Rájpúts were dispersed by the prowess of the followers of Islám. Dismay and great fear fell upon the heart of Jaswant, their leader, and he, far from acting like one of the renowned class of rájas, turned his back upon the battle, and was content to bring upon himself everlasting infamy. * * Kásim Khán also, with other Imperial officers and the forces of Dárá Shukoh, took to flight. Shouts of victory arose from the men of Aurangzeb, and all the artillery, elephants, treasure, camels, baggage, animals, and equipments of the enemy, after being rifled and plundered, came into the possession of Aurangzeb. * * On the 27th Rajab the Prince marched from the borders of Ujjain, and on the 28th pitched his camp in the territories of Gwálior, * * and on the 1st of Ramazán crossed the Chambal.

Condition of the Emperor Sháh Jahán.

[vol. ii. p. 20.] The hot climate of Ágra did not agree with the Emperor, and as he had only slightly improved in health, he set off for Dehlí. Dárá Shukoh from the first disapproved of this removal, and spoke against it. Now when he had heard of the defeat of Rája Jaswant Singh, he was bewildered, and so worried his father with complaints and importunities, that he prevailed upon him to return. With the greatest urgency he made preparations for the coming conflict, and began his march with all the great nobles of his father's suite, with the old and newly raised followers of his own amounting to about 60,000 men, and with a strong train of artillery. * * It is said that the Emperor repeatedly forbad the march of Dárá Shukoh, and said that nothing would come of it but further strife and contention between the brothers. He conceived the idea of setting out himself to expostulate with the two brothers, and bring about a peace, and gave orders that preparations should be made for his journey. But Dárá Shukoh was averse to this, and being supported in his representations by Khán-Jahán Sháyista Khán, he diverted his father from his purpose. It is also recorded that before the news arrived of Rája Jaswant's defeat, and before the two armies of the Dakhin and Ahmadábád had united, the Emperor desired to go towards them, and frequently consulted Khán-Jahán about it. Khán-Jahán was maternal uncle of Aurangzeb, and was well disposed towards him. He did not approve of the Emperor's design, but spoke of the excellent character and intelligence of Aurangzeb out of the hearty kindness he felt for him. When the intelligence arrived of the defeat of Rája Jaswant Singh, the Emperor was very angry with Khán-Jahán for the part he had taken. He struck him on the breast with his staff, and refused to see him for some two or three days. But his old feeling of kindness revived. He again consulted him about going forth to meet his sons; but the Khán gave the same advice as before, so that, notwithstanding the preparations, the intended journey ended in nothing.

Defeat of Dárá Shukoh by Aurangzeb.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 22.] On the 16th of Sha'bán, (1068 A.H., 10th May, 1658 A.D.), Dárá Shukoh sent Khalílu-llah Khán, and * * with some of the Imperial and his own forces, as an advanced force to Dholpúr, to make a stand there, and secure the fords of the Chambal. He himself remained outside the city (of Ágra) waiting for the arrival of Sulaimán Shukoh, who was expected to return from his operations against Shujá'. But as Sulaimán did not arrive, he was obliged to start on his march to meet and engage his two brothers. On the 6th Ramazán, near Samúgarh, the two armies encamped about half a kos distant from each other. The forces which had been sent to guard the fords had effected nothing at all. Next day Dárá Shukoh busied himself in distributing his forces, putting his guns in position, and arranging his train of elephants. He advanced a little and took up a position in a wide plain, presenting a front nearly two kos in width. The day was so hot that many strong men died from the heat of their armour and want of water. Aurangzeb also rode forth, but as he saw no advantage in being precipitate and beginning the fight, he took his stand about a cannon-shot distance, and waited for his adversary to commence the attack. But, as he made no sign beyond a parade of his forces, after evening prayer, Aurangzeb encamped in the same position, but gave orders for a strict watch being kept until morning. Next morning²²¹ Aurangzeb * * distributed his forces (in the following manner). * * Muhammad Murád Bakhsh, with his famous sardárs, took his place with the left wing. * * Having made his arrangements, he kept with him a party of bold and trusty men, of all tribes, and placing Prince Muhammad A'zam behind, in the howda, he went forth to battle. * *

The action began with discharges of rockets and guns, and thousands of arrows flew from both sides. Sipihr Shukoh, the leader of Dárá's advanced force, in concert with Rustam Khán Dakhiní, with ten or twelve thousand horse, made an attack upon Aurangzeb's guns. Driving back all before them, they pressed forward to Prince Muhammad Sultán, who was with Aurangzeb's advance, and great confusion arose in this part of the army. Just at this juncture, by luck, a ball from the enemy's own guns struck the elephant of the brave Rustam Khán, and stretched the animal dead upon the ground. This accident intimidated Rustam Khán, and he withdrew from his attack upon the advanced force, and fell upon the right wing under Bahádur Khán Koka. This commanding officer made a vigorous resistance; but forces were continually brought to support Rustam Khán, and the battle grew warm. Bahádur Khán at length received a wound which compelled him to retire, and many were killed and wounded on both sides. Aurangzeb's forces wavered, and seemed about to give way, when Islám Khán and others brought reinforcements to Bahádur. At the same time Shaikh Mír and others, with the altamsh, came up to support the right wing, and to oppose Rustam Khán and the forces under Sipihr Shukoh. A desperate contest was maintained, * * but at length Rustam Khán was defeated, and Sipihr Shukoh also was hurled back.

Dárá Shukoh, being informed of the repulse of Sipihr Shukoh and Rustam Khán, led the centre of his army, composed of not less than 20,000 horse, against the victorious wing. He advanced with great bravery and firmness from behind his own guns against the guns and the advanced force which had won the victory. He was received with such heavy discharges of rockets, guns and muskets, and with such fierce charges from his brave opponents, that he was compelled to retire.

Dárá next made an attack upon Prince Murád Bakhsh, and led a force like the waves of the sea against that lion of the field of battle. The conflict was raging when Khalílu-llah Khán, the leader of the enemy's vanguard, led three or four thousand Uzbek archers against the elephant of Murád Bakhsh. The arrows rained down from both sides, and confusion arose in the ranks of Murád Bakhsh, so that many were overpowered with fear and fell back. The elephant of Murád Bakhsh was about to turn away covered with wounds from arrows, spears, and battle-axes, but his brave rider ordered a chain to be cast round his legs. At this moment Rája Rám Singh, a man highly renowned among the Rájpúts for his bravery, wound a string of costly pearls round his head, and with his men clothed in yellow, as bent upon some desperate action, charged upon the elephant of Murád Bakhsh, and crying out defiantly, “What, do you contest the throne with Dárá Shukoh?” hurled his javelin against Murád Bakhsh. Then he cried out fiercely to the elephant-driver, “Make the elephant kneel down!” Murád Bakhsh having warded off his assault, shot him in the forehead with an arrow and killed him. The Rájpúts who followed that daring fellow mostly fell dead around the feet of the Prince's elephant, and made the ground as yellow as a field of saffron.

It is related in the 'Álamgír-náma that at this point of the battle Aurangzeb came to the support of his brother, and helped to repulse the enemy. But the author of this work has heard from his father (who was present in the battle in the suite of the Prince, and remained with him to the end of the engagement, although he was severely wounded), and from other trustworthy informants, that the Prince, after repeatedly making inquiries and learning of the progress of the enemy, was desirous of going to the support of his brother. But Shaikh Mír dissuaded him, and advised him to remain patient where he was. Meanwhile the battle raged fiercely, and deeds of valour and devotion were displayed on all sides.

The fierce Rájpúts, by their energy and desperate fighting, made their way to the centre (which was under the command of Aurangzeb himself). One of them, Rája Rúp Singh Ráthor, sprang from his horse, and, with the greatest daring, having washed his hands of life, cut his way through the ranks of his enemies sword in hand, cast himself under the elephant on which the Prince was riding, and began to cut the girths which secured the howda. The Prince became aware of this daring attempt, and in admiration of the man's bravery, desired his followers to take the rash and fearless fellow alive, but he was cut to pieces.

While this was going on, Rustam Khán again advanced against his brave opponents, and the fight grew hotter. Rustam, who was the mainstay of Dárá's army, Rája Sattar Sál, and * * were killed in this conflict. Dárá, seeing so many of his noble and heroic followers killed and wounded, was much affected. He became distracted and irresolute, and knew not what to do. Just at this time a rocket struck the howda of his elephant. This alarmed and discouraged him so much that he dismounted in haste from his elephant, without even waiting to put on his slippers, and he then without arms mounted a horse. The sight of this ill-timed alarm, and of the empty howda, after he had changed his elephant for a horse, disheartened the soldiers. The men lost heart in sympathy with their leader, and began to think of flight. Just at this time, as one of his attendants was girding him with a quiver, a cannonball carried off the man's right hand and he fell dead. The sight of this struck terror into the hearts of those around him; some of them dispersed, and others fled from the fatal field. Dárá, beholding the dispersion of his followers, and the repulse of his army, prizing life more than the hope of a crown, turned away and fled. Sipihr Shukoh also, at this time, joined his father with some of his followers,²²⁴ and they all fled in despair towards Ágra. A great victory was thus gained. Shouts of exultation followed, and the young princes offered their congratulations.

Aurangzeb descended from his elephant to return thanks for this signal victory, surpassing all expectation, and, after performing his devotions, he proceeded to the tent of Dárá Shukoh. Everything had been ransacked except this tent and the artillery, so he took possession of the tent, which thus received a new honour. He bestowed presents and praises upon the princes and his devoted nobles, delighting them with his commendation and eulogy.

Prince Murád Bakhsh had received many arrow wounds in his face and body. Aurangzeb first applied to them the salve of praise and compliment, and then had them dressed by skilful surgeons. To the internal wounds of that weak-minded ^224a Prince he applied the balm of thousands of praises and congratulations upon (his approaching) sovereignty. Then he wiped away the tears and blood from his brother's cheek with the sleeve of condolence. It is said that the howda in which Murád Bakhsh rode was stuck as thick with arrows as a porcupine with quills, so that the ground of it was not visible. This howda was kept in the store-house in the fort of the capital as a curiosity, and as a memorial of the bravery of that descendant of the house of Tímúr, and there it remained till the time of the Emperor Farrukh Siyar. * *

Dárá Shukoh, with two thousand horse, many of whom were wounded, and without baggage, arrived at Ágra in the evening without torches. He proceeded to his own house, and shame and remorse for his ruined fortune would not allow him to visit his father. The Emperor sent for him, professing a desire to talk and take counsel with him, but he excused himself. In the same night, after the third watch, he went out of the city towards Dehlí, intending to proceed to Láhore. He took with him Sipihr Shukoh, his wife and daughter and several attendants. He also carried off on elephants, camels and mules, his jewels, gold, silver, necessaries, and whatsoever he could. In the third day's march he was joined by nearly 5000 horse, and some nobles and equipments, which were sent after him by his father.

After resting a while from his victory, Aurangzeb addressed a letter to the Emperor [recounting what had passed], and excusing himself by referring all to the will of God. Soon afterwards, Muhammad Amín Khán, and Khán-Jahán, son of Ásaf Khán, with many other nobles, who were the props of the State, came and proffered their services to Aurangzeb, and he honoured them with gifts of robes and jewels, horses and elephants. On the 10th Ramazán Aurangzeb marched from Samúgarh for Ágra, and encamped outside the city. There he received from his father a consolatory letter written in his own hand. Next day Kudsiya Pádsháh Begam, by command of her father, came out to her brother, and spake to him some words of kindness and reproach by way of advice and as a proof of affection. The answer she received was contrary to what she had wished, and she returned. The Emperor then wrote another admonitory letter, and with a sword which bore upon it the auspicious name “Álamgír” (world-conqueror), he sent it with kind messages by one of his personal attendants to Aurangzeb. The word “Álamgír” immediately attracted notice. It was deemed a good omen, and called forth congratulations. Aurangzeb then sent Prince Muhammad Sultán to restore order in the city, to rescue it from the violence and oppression of the army and the mob, and to give peace to the people. To Khán-Jahán, son of Ásaf Khán, he gave the title of Amíru-l umará, * * and many of the other nobles who had come to wait upon him were rewarded with increase of rank and presents of money and jewels. * *

Confinement of Sháh Jahán.

[vol. ii. p. 32.] The authors of the three 'Álamgír-námas have each described the seclusion of the Emperor Sháh Jahán by the will of Aurangzeb, but 'Ákil Khán Kháfí, in his Wáki'át-i 'Álamgírí has entered fully and particularly into matters, and has described the investment of the fort (of Ágra), the confinement of Sháh Jahán, the closing up of the waters (band-namú-dan-i áb),²²⁶ and the somewhat bitter correspondence which passed. From this it appears that on the 17th Ramazán, 1068 (8th June, 1658), Aurangzeb directed Prince Muhammad Sultán to go into the fort of Ágra, and to place some of his trusty followers in charge of the gates. Afterwards he was directed to wait upon his grandfather, to deliver to him some agreeable and disagreeable messages respecting his retirement, and to cut off from him all means of intercourse with the outside. Accordingly Prince Muhammad Sultán went in and acted according to his instructions. He took from the Emperor all power and choice in matters of rule and government, and placed him in seclusion.

Muhammad Ja'far Khán was sent to secure Mewát, which formed part of the jágír of Dárá Shukoh. Twenty-six lacs of rupees, with some other requirements of royalty, were presented to Murád Bakhsh. On the 22nd Ramazán Aurangzeb made his entry into Ágra, and took up his abode in the house of Dárá Shukoh. * *

Flight of Dárá Shukoh.

[vol. ii. p. 33.] When Dárá Shukoh reached the vicinity of Dehlí, the close pursuit of Aurangzeb's forces, and the apprehension of being shut up in the city, determined him to remain outside. There he employed himself in gathering money and supplies. Whatever he found in the royal stores, or in the houses of the amírs, he laid hands upon. He remained some days awaiting the arrival of Sulaimán Shukoh, who, after his defeat of Shujá', was wandering about in Bihár and Patna in a state of perplexity—for the news of the success of Aurangzeb frightened him from going to join his father. Dárá, perceiving that if he remained longer he would fall a prisoner into the harsh hands of his brother, marched off towards the Panjáb with the new army which had gathered round him, numbering about 10,000 horse. Every day he wrote letters to Sulaimán Shukoh, describing his wretched condition and his approaching arrival at Sirhind and Láhore. He also wrote conciliatory letters to the faujdárs and governors of the Panjáb, in which he mingled promises and threats. He repeatedly wrote to his father, lamenting his inability to wait upon him, through his adverse fortune and the unhappy dissension between the two brothers and their respective adherents.

Aurangzeb also frequently resolved to go and see his father, to make excuses, and to seek forgiveness of the offences of which he had been guilty, by no choice of his own, but through the divine decrees of fate, and the unseemly conduct of his brother. But he knew that his father's feelings were strongly in favour of Dárá Shukoh, and that under the influence of destiny he lost all self-control, so he determined that it was better not to pay the visit. Instead of going himself, he directed Prince Muhammad A'zam to go and wait upon the Emperor with many apologies. The Prince accordingly presented 500 ashrafís and 4000 rupees; and the Emperor, half in joy, half in anger, took the Prince to his bosom, and shed tears over him as he embraced him.

Aurangzeb next turned his attention to the pursuit of Dárá Shukoh. He left Prince Muhammad Sultán with * * * to attend upon the Emperor, and he appointed Islám Khán to be the Prince's director (atálík). * * On the 22nd Ramazán he started in pursuit of his brother. On his way he learnt that Dárá had left Dehlí on the 21st Ramazán, and had gone towards Láhore. * * * He sent Khán-daurán to supersede Saiyid Kásim Bárha in command of the fortress of Alláhábád. If the Saiyid gave over the fortress, he was to be treated with courtesy and sent to Aurangzeb; if he refused to yield, Khán-daurán was directed to invest the fortress, and to call for reinforcements if necessary.

Sháh Jahán, while in confinement, wrote secretly to Mahábat Khán, Governor of Kábul [a long letter, in which he said]: “Dárá Shukoh is proceeding to Láhore. There is no want of money in Láhore, there is abundance of men and horses in Kábul, and no one equal to Mahábat Khán in valour and generalship. The Khán ought therefore to hasten with his army to Láhore, and, having there joined Dárá Shukoh, they might march against the two undutiful sons, to inflict upon them the due reward of their misconduct, and to release the Emperor, the Sáhib Kirán-i sání, from prison.” * *

Imprisonment of Murád Bakhsh.

[vol. ii. p. 37.] This simple-minded²²⁸ Prince had some good qualities; but in the honesty of his heart and trustfulness of his disposition, he had never given heed to the saying of the great man (Sa'dí) that two kings cannot be contained in one kingdom. He was deluded by flattering promises, and by the presents of money, etc., which had been sent to him, but they were deposits or loans rather than gifts. * * * On the 4th Shawwál, while they were encamped at Mathurá, twenty-five kos from Ágra, Murád Bakhsh was made prisoner by a clever trick, which was aided by fortune, and into the particulars of which it is needless to enter. Chains were placed upon his feet. That same night four elephants with covered howdas were sent off in four different directions, each under two or three sardárs and an escort. The elephant which was sent to the fort of Salím-garh carried the prisoner Murád Bakhsh. This precaution was taken lest the partisans of the Prince should fall upon the howda in which he was confined. All the treasure and effects of Murád Bakhsh, not one dám or diram of which was plundered, was confiscated.

Flight of Dárá Shukoh. Aurangzeb ascends the Throne.

[vol. ii. p. 39.] Dárá Shukoh, in his progress through the Panjáb, broke up, burnt or sunk the boats where he crossed the rivers. * * It was reported that upon his arrival at Láhore he had seized upon nearly a kror of treasure, together with all the stores belonging to the Government and the royal amírs, and that he was engaged in enlisting soldiers and collecting munitions of war. On hearing this, Aurangzeb, not caring to enter the fortress of Dehlí, encamped in the garden of Ághar-ábád, now called Shálámár, and he sent on an advanced force, under Bahá-dur Khán, in pursuit of Dárá. On the 1st Zí-l ka'da, 1068 A.H. (22nd July, 1658 A.D.), after saying his prayers, and at an auspicious time, he took his seat on the throne of the Empire of Hindústán, without even troubling himself about placing his name on the coinage or having it repeated in the khutba. * * Such matters as titles, the khutba, the coinage, and the sending of presents to other sovereigns, were all deferred to his second taking possession of the throne.

Sulaimán Shukoh.

[vol. ii. p. 41.] Intelligence now arrived that Sulaimán Shukoh had crossed the Ganges, and intended to proceed by way of Hardwár, to join his father. The Amíru-l umará and * were sent off to intercept him by forced marches. On the 7th Zí-l ka'da Aurangzeb began his march to Láhore in pursuit of Dárá. * * The reporters now sent in the news that when Sulaimán Shukoh was approaching Hardwár, he heard that a force had been sent against him, and he had consequently turned off to the mountains of Srínagar. His expectations of assistance from the zamíndárs of this country had not been fulfilled; so some of his adherents had parted from him, and were repairing to Aurangzeb. There remained with him altogether not more than five hundred horsemen; so, not deeming it prudent to stop longer there, he went off in the direction of Alláhábád. Before reaching that city his guardian²³⁰ (atálík) fell ill, and parted from him with more of his followers. Not more than two hundred now remained with him, so he returned to the Zamíndár of Srínagar. His road passed through the jágír of the Princess Kudsiya. He extorted two lacs of rupees from her manager, plundered his house, carried the man off prisoner, and afterwards put him to death. The remainder of his men now deserted him, and there remained only Muhammad Sháh Koka and a few attendants and servants. The Zamíndár of Srínagar coveted the money and jewels that he had with him, and kept him as a sort of prisoner in his fort. After this had been reported, Amíru-l umará, who had been sent to intercept Sulaimán Shukoh, was directed to send him prisoner in charge of a detachment, and to go himself to Ágra to Prince Muhammad Sultán.

Dárá Shukoh.

[vol. ii. p. 42.] After leaving Láhore, Dárá Shukoh busied himself in raising forces, and in winning the hearts of the dwellers in those parts. He made promises and engagements in writing to the zamíndárs and faujdárs, to conciliate them and augment his army. So he collected nearly twenty thousand horsemen. He wrote to his brother Shujá', and made the most solemn promises and oaths, that after bringing the country into subjection they would divide it between them in a brotherly way. These deceitful and treacherous letters deceived Shujá', and although he had received kind and assuring letters and promises from Aurangzeb, the foolish fellow busied himself in collecting forces, and marched from Dacca to the assistance of Dárá Shukoh, with a strong army and a large force of artillery. It was Dárá Shukoh's desire to celebrate his accession to the throne at Láhore, and to have his name placed upon the coins and repeated in the khutba; but the power of the sword of Aurangzeb prevented this. The zamíndárs and faujdárs of name and station, hearing of the decline of the fortunes of Dárá and the rise of the fortunes of Aurangzeb, forsook the former.

Rája Jasnant.

[vol. ii. p. 42.] Rája Jaswant, when he fled from the encounter with Aurangzeb, betook himself to his own country. Women, especially Rájpút women, have often a higher sense of honour than men; and for this reason will rather bear the torture of fire than suffer disgrace. Rája Jaswant's chief wife was a daughter of Rája Chattar Sál. She strongly condemned her husband's conduct, and refused to sleep with him. In conversation she would express her censure both by words and hints. The Rája was stung to the quick by her reproaches, so he sent a letter by his vakíls to Aurangzeb, asking forgiveness of his offences. After his apology was accepted, he proceeded to Court, where he was graciously received, presented with many gifts and confirmed in his mansab.

Dárá Shukoh.

[vol. ii. p. 44.] Dárá Shukoh's newly-raised army had been greatly reduced by desertion, and he was alarmed at the approach of Aurangzeb; so he fled with three or four thousand horse and a few guns towards Thatta and Multán. He left behind Dáúd Khán to obstruct as much as possible the passage of the rivers by the army of Aurangzeb, by burning or sinking the boats. * * After a while the intelligence arrived that Dárá Shukoh, after staying at Multán for a short time, had gone off towards Bhak-kar, and that his followers were daily decreasing. * * In the beginning of Muharram, 1069 A.H., Aurangzeb (continuing his pursuit of Dárá) pitched his camp on the banks of the Ráví near Multán. * *

Prince Shujá'.

[vol. ii. p. 45.] Intelligence now arrived that Muhammad Shujá' had marched from Bengal with 25,000 horse and a strong force of artillery, with the intention of fighting against Aurang-zeb. This proceeding changed the plans of Aurangzeb, who deemed it necessary to give up the pursuit of Dárá, and to direct his energies to the repression of this graceless brother. So on the 12th Muharram, 1069 (30th Sept., 1658 A.D.), Aurangzeb fell back towards Dehlí, the capital. * * On the last day of Muharram, he started from Láhore, * * and on the 4th Rabí'u-l awwal he reached Dehlí. There he learned that Muhammad Shujá' had advanced as far as Benares, and that Rám Dás, the commandant, who had been appointed by Dárá Shukoh, had surrendered the fort to Shujá'. The commandants of Chítápúr and Alláhábád had also surrendered their fortresses and joined him. * * After exacting three lacs of rupees under the name of a loan from the bankers of Benares, Muhammad Shujá' continued his march. He sent a force against Jaunpúr, and the commander of that fortress after its investment surrendered and joined Shujá'.

Mír Jumla Mu'azzam Khán.

[vol. ii. p. 44.] Instructions were sent to the Dakhin, directing the release of Mu'azzam Khán, alias Mír Jumla, whom Aurangzeb had deemed it desirable to leave in confinement at Daulatábád.²³² Mu'azzam Khán now arrived from the Dakhin, his zeal having urged him to make a quick journey. He brought with him his military matériel. Aurangzeb received him graciously, and acted under his advice in managing the army. * * He and his son Muhammad Amín Khán, with some other devoted adherents, were appointed to attend Aurangzeb, who was with the centre of the army.

Defeat of Prince Shujá'.

[vol. ii. p. 50.] The armies of Aurangzeb and Shujá'²³³ were within half a kos of each other, and both sides prepared for battle. * * The guns of Shujá' were so placed as to have an advantage over those of his opponents; so Mu'azzam Khán, who was a good tactician, removed forty guns during the night to another position. He took no rest, but busied himself in ordering his army and encouraging the men. The Emperor Aurangzeb was engaged in his tent performing his devotions, and praying to God for victory. Suddenly, about the fourth watch, a great tumult arose. Rája Jaswant Singh,^233a the treacherous wretch,^233b who marched with the army, had, through one of his confidants, opened communications with Shujá' in the early part of the night, undertaking to make a sudden assault upon the army just before daybreak, and to desert, doing as much mischief as he could. “When I do this,” said he, “the King (Aurangzeb) will come in pursuit of me; you must then charge sharply upon his forces.”

About two hours of the night remained, when Jaswant Singh, in league with other Rájpút leaders, set their numerous followers in motion, and began to move off, destroying and plundering as they went, and cutting down all who opposed them. The forces under Prince Muhammad Sultán suffered especially from their attacks. No tent, small or great, escaped their ravages. All his treasure and effects were plundered. * * Then they made towards the royal quarters, ransacking everything, and not a tent near the royal pavilion remained safe from them. For some time the cause of all this disorder was unknown. All kinds of erroneous surmises were made, and a panic was spreading through the whole army. Many men were so disheartened that they joined the plunderers, thinking that the best way of escaping from the disaster. One party fled to the open country; another approached the enemy's army, and set about ravaging. * * But for all this confusion in the army, nothing shook the resolution of Aurangzeb. It was now reported to him that the traitor had moved off towards his home. Then Aurangzeb descended from his elephant, and took his seat in a litter that all the panic-stricken men who beheld him might see that he was resolute, and had no intention of retreating. He sent orderlies round to the commanders, directing them to forbid all riders of elephants or horses to stir from their places.²³⁴ * * Without exaggeration, half the army had gone away to plunder or escape, and many had joined the enemy. Intelligence was brought of Jaswant Singh having marched away towards Ágra.

Aurangzeb's devoted servants now gathered round him from far and near. He then again mounted his elephant, and without a cloud upon his brow rode forth to arrange his order of battle. * * Mu'azzam Khán received authority to make such alterations in the disposition of the forces as he deemed necessary. * * The battle began about the fourth or fifth gharí of the day with a cannonade which made the earth to tremble, and filled the hearts of both armies with awe and trembling. * * A cannon-ball from the Emperor's army reached the elephant on which Sultán Zainu-l 'ábidín^234a was riding, and although it did not strike the Sultán,^234b it carried off one leg of the elephant-driver, and one leg also of the personal attendant who was seated behind the howda. This circumstance greatly discouraged many of Shujá's army. * * Saiyid 'Álam Bárha, with three elephants, made an attack upon the left of the royal army, and the vigour of his assault spread confusion in the ranks of his opponents, and many of them took to flight. The retreat of the left wing made the centre waver, and the Emperor was left with only 2000 horsemen to protect him. Greatly encouraged by the sight, the enemy made a bold and fierce attack upon the centre. The Emperor mounted upon an elephant, moved about inspiriting his men and shooting arrows against his enemies. Murtazá Kúlí Khán, of the left wing, with * * several others, made a bold charge upon the enemy, and the Emperor, seeing how matters stood, joined in the charge. * * This gave a severe check to the enemy, who lost many men killed and wounded.

The vigour of the Saiyids of Bárha had abated, but their three elephants, each of them dashing about with his trunk a chain of two or three mans weight, overthrew and crushed every one who came in their way. One of them at length charged towards the elephant of the Emperor. Without moving from his place or changing countenance, the Emperor made signs for his guards to shoot the animal's driver. One of the guards brought the man to the ground, and then one of the royal elephant-drivers got upon the elephant's neck and led him off. The other two elephants then charged the right wing of the royal army, and other forces of the enemy coming up, this wing fell into confusion. * * The Emperor was urged to move to its support, but he was hotly engaged himself. * * He sent messages to the officers of the right wing, urging them to stand fast until he could come to their assistance. Several of the enemy's leading men now fell, and the efforts of the forces opposed to the Emperor relaxed, so that he was able to proceed to the succour of his right. This encouraged the men. Cries of “Kill! kill!” were raised on every side, and many of the enemy were killed. A general attack was made on the enemy's centre, and then several chiefs, who had thought it expedient to support him, came over and joined the Emperor. Victory declared in favour of the Emperor, and when the glad news of Shujá's flight was brought, shouts of congratulation and victory arose, and the drums and trumpets sounded in triumph.

The victors fell upon the camp of the enemy and thoroughly plundered it; every man took what he could lay hands on; but 114 guns, 115 elephants, and much treasure, and many jewels, came into the possession of the Emperor. After descending from his elephant, and returning thanks to God for his victory, he praised his nobles for their exertions. Then he sent his son Muhammad Sultán²³⁶ in pursuit of Shujá', with directions to use every exertion to cut off his flight. ^{* *}

Flight of Dárá Shukoh.

[vol. ii. p. 60.] Intelligence was brought that Dárá Shukoh had arrived at Bhakkar in a wretched condition, with only three thousand horse. Want of porters, and the desertion of many of his adherents, compelled him to leave part of his treasure and baggage under charge of some of his servants at Bhakkar. Dense thorn-brakes, toilsome marches, and loss of porters, impeded his progress through the salt desert beside the river of Thatta; this, with the loss of baggage, which fell into the hands of his pursuers, allowed him no rest. Through want of water, the hardships of the march, and various diseases, many of his men died or fell away from him. Shaikh Mír, his pursuer, kept treading on his heels, and, after crossing the desert, he had not more than a thousand horsemen left. After arriving at Siwistán he determined to proceed to Ahmadábád.

The force of Shaikh Mír, the pursuer, also suffered greatly from want of water, and the long and rapid march. Loss of horses and porters, added to the other hardships, killed and scattered them. Most of those who remained had to march on foot. On these facts being reported, Shaikh Mír was ordered to return.

Surrender of Alláhábád.

[vol. ii. p. 61.] On the 1st Jumáda-l awwal Aurangzeb proceeded towards Ágra, and at the second stage he received a despatch from Prince Muhammad Sultán, reporting a second success over Shujá'. Saiyid Kásim, commandant of the fortress of Alláhábád, left a deputy in charge of the fortress, and accompanied Shujá' to battle. After the defeat, Kásim Khán returned to the fortress, and busied hímself in making it secure. When Shujá' arrived, he made plausible excuses for not giving up the place. He went out with alacrity to meet the Prince, made promises of fidelity, and entertained him, after which he was dismissed to his post. When Prince Muhammad Sultáu drew near, he wrote to him a repentant letter, professing his obedience, and sending to him the keys of the fortress. On hearing of this, Aurangzeb ordered Khán-daurán to be placed in command of Alláhábád, and Kásim Khán to be sent courteously to his presence.

Rája Jaswant.

[vol. ii. p. 61.] Aurangzeb appointed Amír Khán and ^{* *} with ten thousand horse to punish the traitor Rája Jaswant. He also joined to this force Ráí Singh Ráthor, a nephew of Rája Jaswant, who had a family feud with his uncle. This chief was honoured with the title of rája and many presents. Hopes also were held out to him of a grant of Jodpúr, his native country.

Dárá Shukoh.

[vol. ii. p. 62.] Directions were sent to Amír Khán, Governor of Láhore, that upon the return of Shaikh Mír from the pursuit of Dárá, he was to remove Prince Murád Bakhsh from Salím-garh, and send him under charge of Shaikh Mír to Gwálior.

On the 18th Jumáda-l awwal Aurangzeb reached Ágra, and on the 23rd he again set out. He now learnt that Dárá Shukoh had passed through Kachh to the borders of the province of Ahmadábád. He had collected round him three or four thousand horse. After the troops of Aurangzeb had given up the pursuit of him, he proceeded leisurely, endeavouring to gain over the faujdárs and zamíndárs, and to collect soldiers. By presents of money and jewels he won over the Zamíndár of Kachh, and affianced his daughter in marriage to Prince Sipihr Shukoh. The zamíndár sent him on with an escort through his territory towards Ahmadábád. Upon his arriving there, Sháh Nawáz Khán, the súbadár, one of whose daughters was married to Aurangzeb, and another was in the house of Murád Bakhsh, went out to meet him, accompanied by Rahmat Khán díwán, and others. They presented to him near ten lacs worth of gold, silver, and other property belonging to Murád Bakhsh, which was in Ahmadábád. Dárá Shukoh then exerted himself in collecting money and men, and in winning adherents by presents of robes and jewels, and by promotions in rank and title. He appointed officers, who took possession of the ports of Surat, Kambáyat, Broach, and the districts around. In the course of a month and seven days he collected 20,000 horse, and he sent requisitions to the governors of Bíjápúr and Haidarábád for money and men. He also thought over several plans for going to the Dakhin, and for joining Rája Jaswant Singh. ^{* *} On the 1st Jumáda-l ákhir Dárá Shukoh began his march with a well-appointed army and a large train of artillery, for he had obtained thirty or forty guns from Surat. As he pursued his march, he every day received false and delusive letters from Rája Jaswant, befooling him with promises of coming to his assistance.

When Aurangzeb received intelligence of these proceedings, he marched towards Ajmír. Mirzá²³⁸ Rája Jai Singh had interceded with him on behalf of Rája Jaswant; so he pardoned his offences, and wrote to him a conciliatory letter, reinstating him in his mansab, and restoring to him his title of Mahárája. He at the same time directed the Rája to write to him about the state of affairs, and send the letter by swift messengers. ^{* *} Muhammad Amín Khán, who had been commissioned to punish the Rája, was recalled. Rája Jaswant, who had advanced twenty kos from Jodpúr to meet Dárá Shukoh, on receiving the Emperor's letter, broke off his alliance with Dárá, and returned to his own country.

This defection greatly troubled Dárá, who opened a correspondence with the Rája, and endeavoured to win him over by promises and flattery, but without effect. When Dárá came to a place twenty kos distant from Jodpúr, he sent a Hindú named De Chand to the Rája; but he artfully replied that he remained true to his engagement, but that it was not expedient for him to move just then. Dárá Shukoh, he said, should go to Ajmír, and open communications with other Rájpúts. If two or three Rájpúts of note joined him, then he, the Rája, would also come to his support. Dárá Shukoh, having no other course open, proceeded to Ajmír, and again sent De Chand to Jaswant; but all his persuasions and remonstrances were in vain, and it was evident that all the Rája's statements were false and treacherous. The fact of his having received a letter of pardon from Aurangzeb was also publicly talked about. It has been said that “Necessity turns lions into foxes,” and so Dárá Shukoh, notwithstanding his knowledge of the Rája's perfidy, sent Sipihr Shukoh to him; but although the Prince flattered and persuaded, and held out great promises, the traitor did not listen, and the Prince, like De Chand, turned empty away.

Deprived of all hope of assistance from Rája Jaswant, Dárá Shukoh was at a loss what course to pursue. Then he heard of the near approach of Aurangzeb, and resolved to fight. But not deeming it expedient to fight a regular battle, he determined to retire into the hills about Ajmír, and to throw up lines of defence. Accordingly he moved into the defiles, blocked up the roads with barriers of stone and earth, and stationed his guns and musketeers so as to make his position secure. ^{* *} He himself took his station with the centre. ^{* *} Aurangzeb directed the commander of his artillery to advance his guns against Dárá's lines. ^{* *} For three days most vigorous attacks were made, but Dárá's position was very strong, and his men fought bravely, so that the assailants made no impression. Dárá's forces indeed sallied out, and after causing considerable destruction of men and beasts, returned to their positions. The artillery practice of the assailants damaged only the defence works. On the fourth night Aurangzeb called around him some of his most trusty servants, and incited them by strong exhortations and promises to undertake an assault. ^{* *} Next day Aurangzeb sent Rája Rájrúp, Zamíndár of Jamún, with his infantry, against the rear of a hill, where an assault was not expected, and where the concentration of forces was thought to render it impossible. ^{* *} But he forced his way, and planted his banner on the summit of the hill. ^{* *} The success at the beginning of the battle was due to Rája Rájrúp; but at last the victory was owing to the devotion of Shaikh Mír, and the intrepidity of Diler Khán Afghán, who attacked the lines held by Sháh Nawáz Khán. Pride and shame so worked upon Sháh Nawáz, that he gave up all hope of surviving, and died fighting most courageously.

Dárá Shukoh seeing the defeat of his army, and hearing of the death of Sháh Nawáz Khán, seeing also the approach of his victorious foes, lost all sense and self-control, and fled with Sipihr Shukoh, Fíroz Mewátí, and some of the inmates of his harem, in great consternation and sorrow. Of all his nobles none accompanied him but the two above named. He managed to save some jewels and money, and with some of his women, his daughter, and a few attendants, he went off towards Ahmadábád. ^{* *} The fact of his flight was not known for certain until three hours after dark, and fighting went on in several parts of the lines until the flight of the enemy and the abandonment of the lines were ascertained. ^{* *} Rája Jai Singh and Bahádur were sent in command of a force in pursuit of Dárá Shukoh. ^{* *} Aurangzeb made a short stay at Ajmír, and started from thence for the capital on the 4th Rajab, 1069.

Prince Shujá'.

[vol. ii. p. 75.] Prince Shujá' fled before the pursuing force of Prince Muhammad Sultán to Jahángír-nagar (Dacca), and Mu'azzam Khán obtained possession of the fort of Mongír. ^{* *} Shortly afterwards the fort of Chunár, which Shujá' had got into his power, was given up to Aurangzeb.

SECOND YEAR OF THE REIGN (1659 A.D.).

[vol. ii. p. 77.] The second year of the reign commenced on the 4th Ramazán, 1069 A.H. ^{* *} The Emperor's name and titles were proclaimed in the pulpit as “Abú-l Muzaffar Muhíu-d dín Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahádur 'Álamgír Bádsháh-i Ghází.” In former reigns one side of the coins had been adorned with the words of the creed and the names of the first four Khalífs; but as coins pass into many unworthy places, and fall under the feet of infidels, it was ordered that this superscription should be changed [for certain couplets containing the Emperor's name].

[vol. ii. p. 79.] Since the reign of the Emperor Akbar the official year of account and the years of the reign had been reckoned from the 1st Farwardí, when the Sun enters Aries, to the end of Isfandiyár, and the year and its months were called Iláhí; but as this resembled the system of the fire-worshippers, the Emperor, in his zeal for upholding Muhammadan rule, directed that the year of the reign should be reckoned by the Arab lunar year and months, and that in the revenue accounts also the lunar year should be preferred to the solar. The festival of the (solar) new year was entirely abolished. Mathematicians, astronomers, and men who have studied history, know that ^{* *} the recurrence of the four seasons, summer, winter, the rainy season of Hindú-stán, the autumn and spring harvests, the ripening of the corn and fruit of each season, the tankhwáh of the jágírs, and the money of the mansabdars, are all dependent upon the solar reckoning, and cannot be regulated by the lunar; still his religious Majesty was unwilling that the nauroz and the year and months of the Magi should gives their names to the anniversary of his accession.

Dárá Shukoh.

[vol. ii. p. 80.] The sad circumstances of the remainder of Dárá Shukoh's career must now be related. On leaving the mountains of Ajmír, he proceeded with his wife, daughter, some jewels, a little money, and a few domestic servants, towards Ahmadábád. The rest of his treasure, goods, and necessary baggage, with some female servants, borne by twelve elephants and horses, he left behind in charge of servants, some of them old, some new, in the company and under the superintendence of some trusty eunuchs, with orders to follow as quickly as possible. When this party had marched four or five kos, all the servants²⁴² began to plunder the property, and struggling and fighting with each other, every man seized what he could lay hands on. The baggage was taken from the backs of the elephants and placed on camels, and the women were stripped of their jewels and taken off the camels to be mounted on the elephants; then the plunderers, with camels and horses laden with money and articles of great value, made off for the desert. The eunuchs were unable to prevent the proceedings of their escort. In great distress, and in dread of the pursuit of the victorious troops, they were intent upon preserving their own honour and that of their master; so they led off the women on the elephants, and pursuing all night the track of Dárá through the desert, after a night and a day they overtook him.

That forlorn fugitive, in sore distress, without baggage, and despoiled by plunderers, wandered on through the desert. In eight days' time he approached Ahmadábád. But the officials of the city ^{* *} proclaimed Aurangzeb, and took measures to prevent Dárá from entering. The fugitive perceived that ill-fortune everywhere awaited him. He gave up all hope of getting possession of the city, and went to Karí, two kos from Ahmadábád. There he sought assistance from Kánjí Kolí, one of the most notorious rebels and robbers of that country. Kánjí joined him, and conducted him through Gujarát to the confines of Kachh. Here he was joined by Gul Muhammad, whom he had made governor of Surat and Broach, and who brought with him fifty horse and two hundred matchlockmen. The zamíndár of Kachh, when Dárá lately passed through the country, entertained him, treated him with every respect, and affianced a daughter in marriage to his son, all in expectation of future advantage. Dárá, in his distress, now looked to him for assistance; but he heeded not, and did not even show the courtesy of a visit. After two days spent in fruitless efforts to soften the zamíndár, Dárá, with tearful eyes and burning heart, resolved to proceed to Bhakkar.

On reaching the frontier of Sind, Fíroz Mewátí, who had hitherto accompanied the unfortunate Prince, seeing how his evil fate still clung to him, abandoned the ill-starred fugitive, and went off to Dehlí. Dárá, in a bewildered condition, proceeded towards the country of Jáwiyán;²⁴³ but the dwellers in the deserts of that country closed the roads with the intention of making him prisoner. With some fighting and trouble he escaped from these people, and made his way into the country of the Makashís. Mirzá Makashí, the chief of the tribe, came forth to meet him, took him home with great kindness, and entertained him. After this he proposed to send him towards Írán, under an escort which was to conduct him to Kandahár, twelve marches distant from where he was, and he strongly advised the adoption of this course. But Dárá could not give up his futile hopes of recovering his throne and crown, and resolved to go to Malik Jíwan, zamíndár of Dhándar,²⁴⁴ who had long been bound to him by acts of generosity, and sent to assure him of his devotion and fidelity.

When Dárá reached the land of this evil zamíndár, Malik Jíwan came out like the destroying angel to meet him. As a guest-murdering host he conducted Dárá home, and exerted himself to entertain him. During the two or three days that Dárá remained here, his wife, Nádira Begam, daughter of Parwez, died of dysentery and vexation. Mountain after mountain of trouble thus pressed upon the heart of Dárá, grief was added to grief, sorrow to sorrow, so that his mind no longer retained its equilibrium. Without considering the consequences, he sent her corpse to Láhore in charge of Gul Muhammad, to be buried there.^244a He thus parted from one who had been faithful to him through his darkest troubles. He himself remained, attended only by a few domestic servants and useless eunuchs.

After performing the ceremonies of mourning, Dárá determined to set out the next morning under the escort of Malik Jíwan for Írán, by way of Kandahár. Jíwan apparently was ready to accompany him to Írán; but he had inwardly resolved to forward his own interests by trampling under foot all claims of gratitude,^244b and of making the wretched fugitive prisoner. So he formed his plan. He accompanied his guest for some kos. Then he represented that it was necessary for him to return, in order to procure some further provisions for the journey, which he would collect, and would overtake Dárá after two or three days' march. Accordingly he went back, leaving his brother with a party of the ruffians and robbers of the country to attend Dárá. This man suddenly fell upon his victim and made him prisoner, without giving him a chance of resistance. Then he carried him back with Sipihr Shukoh and his companions to the perfidious host, and kept him under guard in the place appointed. Malik Jíwan wrote an account of this good service to Rája Jai Singh and Bahádur Khán, who had been sent from Ajmír in pursuit of Dárá, and he also wrote to Bákir Khán, governor of Bhakkar. Bákir Khán instantly sent off Malik Jíwan's letter express to Aurangzeb. Upon the arrival of Bákir Khán's despatch, Aurangzeb communicated the fact to his private councillors, but did not make it public until the arrival of a letter from Bahádur Khán confirming the news. At the end of the month of Shawwál it was published by beat of drum. The public voice spoke with condemnation and abhorrence of Malik Jíwan; but a robe and a mansab of 1000, with 200 horse, were conferred upon him.

It was now ascertained that Sulaimán Shukoh had sought refuge with the zamíndár of Srínagar. Rája Rájrúp was therefore directed to write to the zamíndár, and advise him to consult his own interest and bring Sulaimán out of his territory; if not, he must suffer the consequences of the royal anger.²⁴⁵

In the middle of Zí-l hijja, Bahádur Khán brought Dárá Shukoh and his son Sipihr Shukoh to the Emperor, who gave orders that both father and son should be carried into the city chained and seated on an elephant, and thus be exposed to the people in the Chándní chauk and the bázár, after which they were to be carried to Khizrábád in old Dehlí, and there confined. Bahádur Khán, after giving up his prisoner, received great rewards and marks of favour.

Two days afterwards Malik Jíwan, who had received the title of Bakhtiyár Khán, entered the city, and was passing through the streets of the bázár. The idlers, the partisans of Dárá Shukoh, the workmen and people of all sorts, inciting each other, gathered into a mob, and, assailing Jíwan and his companions with abuse and imprecations, they pelted them with dirt and filth, and clods and stones, so that several persons were knocked down and killed, and many were wounded. Jíwan was protected by shields held over his head, and he at length made his way through the crowd to the palace. They say that the disturbance on this day was so great that it bordered on rebellion. If the kotwál had not come forward with his policemen, not one of Malik Jíwan's followers would have escaped with life. Ashes and pots full of urine and ordure were thrown down from the roofs of the houses upon the heads of the Afgháns, and many of the bystanders were injured. Next day the kotwál made an investigation, and it was ascertained that an ahadí (guardsman) named Haibat had taken a leading part in the disturbance. He was condemned by a legal decision, and was executed.

At the end of Zí-l hijja, 1069²⁴⁶ (Sept. 1659), the order was given for Dárá Shukoh to be put to death under a legal opinion of the lawyers, because he had apostatized from the law, had vilified religion, and had allied himself with heresy and infidelity. After he was slain, his body was placed on a howda and carried round the city.^246a So once alive and once dead he was exposed to the eyes of all men, and many wept over his fate. He was buried in the tomb of Humáyún. Sipihr Shukoh was ordered to be imprisoned in the fortress of Gwálior.

Remission of Taxes.

[vol. ii. p. 87.] The movements of large armies through the country, especially in the eastern and northern parts, during the two years past, and scarcity of rain in some parts, had combined to make grain dear. To comfort the people and alleviate their distress, the Emperor gave orders for the remission of the ráhdárí (toll) which was collected on every highway (guzar), frontier and ferry, and brought in a large sum to the revenue. He also remitted the pándarí, a ground or house cess, which was paid throughout the Imperial dominions by every tradesman and dealer, from the butcher, the potter, and the greengrocer, to the draper, jeweller, and banker. Something was paid to the government according to rule under this name for every bit of ground in the market, for every stall and shop, and the total revenue thus derived exceeded lacs (of rupees). Other cesses, lawful and unlawful, as the sar-shumárí, buz-shumárí,²⁴⁷ bar-gadí,^247a the charáí (grazing tax) of the Banjáras, the tuwa'ána,^247b the collections from the fairs held at the festivals of Muhammadan saints, and at the játras or fairs of the infidels, held near Hindú temples, throughout the country far and wide, where lacs of people assemble once a year, and where buying and selling of all kinds goes on. The tax on spirits, on gambling-houses, on brothels, the fines, thank-offerings, and the fourth part of debts recovered by the help of magistrates from creditors. These and other imposts, nearly eighty in number, which brought in krors of rupees to the public treasury, were all abolished throughout Hindústán. Besides these, the tithe of corn,^247c which lawfully brought in twenty-five lacs of rupees, was remitted in order to alleviate the heavy cost of grain. To enforce these remissions, stringent orders were published everywhere throughout the provinces by the hands of mace-bearers and soldiers (ahadí).

But although his gracious and beneficent Majesty remitted these taxes, and issued strict orders prohibiting their collection, the avaricious propensities of men prevailed, so that, with the exception of the pándarí, which, being mostly obtained from the capital and the chief cities, felt the force of the abolition, the royal prohibition had no effect, and faujdárs and jágírdárs in remote places did not withhold their hands from these exactions. Firstly, because throughout the Imperial dominions in the reign of Aurangzeb, no fear and dread of punishment remained in the hearts of the jágírdárs, faujdárs, and zamíndárs. Secondly, because the revenue officers, through inattention, or want of consideration, or with an eye to profit, contrary to what was intended, made deductions (for these cesses) from the tankhwáh accounts of the jágírdárs. So the jágírdárs, under the pretext that the amount of the cesses was entered in their tankhwáh papers, continued to collect the ráhdárí and many other of the abolished imposts, and even increased them. When reports reached the government of infractions of these orders, (the offenders) were punished with a diminution of mansab, and the delegation of mace-bearers to their districts. The mace-bearers forbad the collection of the imposts for a few days, and then retired. After a while, the offenders, through their patrons or the management of their agents, got their mansab restored to its original amount. So the regulation for the abolition of most of the imposts had no effect.

The ráhdárí in particular is condemned by righteous and just men as a most vexatious impost, and oppressive to travellers, but a large sum is raised by it. In most parts of the Imperial territories the faujdárs and jágírdárs, by force and tyranny, now exact more than ever from the traders and poor and necessitous travellers. The zamíndárs also, seeing that no inquiries are made, extort more on roads within their boundaries than is collected on roads under royal officers. By degrees matters have come to such a pass, that between the time of leaving the factory or port and reaching their destination, goods and merchandize pay double their cost price in tolls. Through the villainy and oppression of the toll-collectors and the zamíndárs , the property, the honour, and the lives of thousands of travellers and peaceful wayfarers are frittered away. The Mahrattas, those turbulent people of the Dakhin (before the peace and after the peace which I shall have to write about in the reign of Farrukh Siyar), and other zamíndárs upon the frontier, have carried their violence and oppression in the matter of the ráhdárí to such extremes as are beyond description.

The War with Shujá'.—Defection of Prince Muhammad Sultán.

[vol. ii. p. 90.] Prince Muhammad Sultán, with Mu'azzam Khán as his adviser and commander-in-chief, pursued Shujá' until he reached Dacca, where Shujá' busied himself in collecting munitions of war, men and artillery. The command of the Imperial army and the appointment of the amírs rested in a great degree with Mu'azzam Khán. This was a great annoyance to the Prince, and Shujá', having got information of this, conceived the idea of winning the Prince over to his side. So he opened communications with the Prince, and by letters and presents, and the arts which gain the feelings of young, inexperienced men, he seduced the Prince from the duty he owed to his father, and brought him over to his own side. Soon he offered the Prince his daughter in marriage, ^{* *} and at length the Prince was so deluded as to resolve upon joining Shujá'. Towards the end of the month Ramazán, at the beginning of the third year of the reign, he sent a message to Shujá', informing him of his intention, and in the night he embarked in a boat on the Ganges with Amír Kúlí, the commander of the artillery, Kásim 'Alí Mír-tuzak, who were the prime movers in this business, and with some eunuchs and domestic servants, taking with him all the treasure and jewels he could. When Shujá' heard of this step, he referred it to the favour of God, and sent his son Buland Akhtar with several boats and porters to conduct the Prince with his treasure and baggage over the river.

After the Prince had crossed over, and Shujá's men were busy in carrying away his treasure and baggage, the fact of his evasion became known, and was communicated to Mu'azzam Khán. The desertion caused great uneasiness in the Imperial army, ^{* *} and Mu'azzam Khán himself was much annoyed and troubled, but he would not allow this to be seen. He mounted his horse, inspected the lines, encouraged the troops, and did all he could to counteract the effects of this untoward proceeding. The rainy season had come, ^{* *} so, for the comfort of his troops, he removed thirty kos from Akbar-nagar, to a high ground suitable for a camp in the rains. ^{* *}

Shujá' passed over to Akbar-nagar by boats, and attacked Mu'azzam unawares; and although the Imperial forces made a splendid resistance, some of their allies were indifferent or disaffected, so they were overpowered and compelled to retreat. Mu'azzam Khán brought up some forces from his centre, and encouraging the waverers, he renewed the resistance, and charged. Two or three of Shujá's chief amírs were killed or wounded, and his attack was eventually repulsed. There were several other conflicts with similar results, until the rains and the rising of the river put an end to all fighting. ^{* *} Muhammad Sultán married Shujá's daughter, and it was announced that after spending a few days in nuptial pleasure at Akbar-nagar, the attack on the Imperial army would be renewed. ^{* *} Mu'azzam Khán received reinforcements after the cessation of the rains, and it would be a long story to relate all his bold and skilful movements. Suffice it to say that in the course of fifteen to twenty days there were some sharp conflicts, in which Shujá' was defeated, and eventually put to flight, and escaped in the war-boats, by means of which he had been enabled to make his attacks on the army of Mu'azzam, ^{* *} Many of the war-boats were sunk by the fire of the artillery, and some were captured. ^{* *} Several actions were fought near the streams, and also between the war-boats on the Ganges in the vicinity of Tánda, in which many men were killed and wounded.

When Aurangzeb received the intelligence of Muhammad Sultán's going over to Shujá', and of Mu'azzam Khán's obstinate fighting, he thought it prudent and necessary to go himself to the seat of war, and on the 5th Rabí'u-l awwal he set out for the East. ^{* *} About the middle of Rabí'u-s sání intelligence arrived that Prince Muhammad Sultán had left Shujá', and had again joined Mu'azzam Khán. The Prince repented of the step he had taken, ^{* *} and communicated to one of the commanders in the royal army that he desired to return. ^{* *} He escaped with some of his servants and jewels and money on board of four boats, but he was pursued by the boats of Shujá'. ^{* *} The boats were fired upon, and one was sunk, but the Prince escaped. His return gave great joy to Mu'azzam Khán, who reported the fact to the Emperor, under whose orders he was sent to Court²⁵¹ [and his associates to prison].

When the Prince returned to his father's army, Shujá' meditated flight, but still some hard fighting went on. At length Shujá' despaired of success, and retired leaving Bengal to the occupation of Mu'azzam Khán.

Sháh Jahán.

[vol. ii. p. 101.] Many letters passed between the Emperor Sháh Jahán and Aurangzeb, full of complaints and reproaches on one side, and of irritating excuses on the other. There is no advantage to be gained from recording this correspondence, and the copies of the Emperor's letters are not in the author's possession; but two or three^251a letters which Aurangzeb wrote to his father are here reproduced verbatim, and the contents of Sháh Jahán's letters may be inferred from them.

[p. 104.] The third letter is in answer to one written by Sháh Jahán to Aurangzeb, pardoning his offences, and sending some jewels and clothes, belonging to Dárá Shukoh, which had been left in his palace.

“After discharging the observances of religion, it is represented to your most august presence. The gracious letter which you sent in answer to the humble statement of your servant²⁵² conferred great honour upon him at a most auspicious time. The glad tidings of the pardon of his faults and sins has filled him with joy and gladness. Through the gracious kindness of his fault-forgiving and excuse-accepting father and master, he is filled with hope. Thanks be to God that Your Highness, listening to the suggestions of equity and merit, has preferred mercy to revenge, and has rescued this wicked and disgraced sinner from the abyss of sorrow and misery in both worlds! His firm hope in the mercy of God is that in future no unworthy action will proceed from this humble servant! God, who knows the secrets of the hearts, who, according to the belief of the faithful and the infidel, and according to all religions and faiths, takes note of lies and falsehoods, He knows that this servant is not and has never been acting in opposition to the will and pleasure of his august father, as evil-judging men have supposed, but that he has considered himself the deputy of his father, and continues firm in this important service and duty! But the due ordering of the affairs of the State and of the Faith, and the comfort of the people, are impossible under the rule of one who acts as a deputy. So, unwillingly, for the safety of the State and the good of the people, he is acting, for a few days, in the way which his heart disapproves. God knows how many regrets he has felt in this course of action! Please God, the moment that peace shall dawn upon the country, and the clouds of strife shall be dispelled, all Your Majesty's wishes shall be gratified to your heart's desire! This humble one has devoted the best part of his life entirely to performing good service and rendering satisfaction (to God); how then can he be satisfied that, for the fleeting trifles of the world, the august days of Your Majesty, to whose happiness the life and wealth of your children are devoted, should be passed in discomfort, and that the people of your palace should be separated from you! Shujá', not knowing the value of safety, came to Alláh-ábád with evil intentions, and stirred up strife. Your Majesty's humble servant, though he feels somewhat at ease as regards his elder brother, has not given up all thought of him; but, placing his trust in God, and hoping for the help of the true giver of victory, he marched against him on the 17th instant. He is hopeful that, under the guidance of God and the help of the Prophet, and the good wishes of his old paternal protector,²⁵³ he will soon be free of this business, and do nothing to hurt the feelings of Your Majesty. It is clear to Your Majesty that God Almighty bestows his trusts upon one who discharges the duty of cherishing his subjects and protecting the people. It is manifest and clear to wise men that a wolf is not fit for a shepherd, and that no poor-spirited man can perform the great duty of governing. Sovereignty signifies protection of the people, not self-indulgence and libertinism. The Almighty will deliver your humble servant from all feeling of remorse as regards Your Majesty. Your servant, after acknowledging your pardon of his faults and offences, and the present of the jewels of Dárá Shukoh, returns his thanks for your kindness and forgiveness.”

The author heard from a trustworthy person, who was formerly superintendent of the jewel-house, that Dárá Shukoh left jewels and pearls worth 27 lacs of rupees, belonging to the inmates of his harem, in the jewel-room inside the palace, with the cognizance of the Emperor. After his defeat he found no opportunity of removing them. Sháh Jahán, after much contention, perquisition and demanding, sent them to Aurangzeb, with the letter of forgiveness which nolens volens he had written.

[vol. ii. p. 107.] The third year of the reign began on the 24th Ramazán. ^{* *} Despatches about this time arrived from Mu'azzam Khán, reporting his successive victories and the flight of Shujá' to the country of Rakhang (Arracan), leaving Bengal undefended. It appeared that there had been several actions in which Shujá' was invariably defeated, and that after the last, he loaded two boats with his personal effects, vessels of gold and silver, jewels, treasure and other appendages of royalty. ^{* *} His son had been in correspondence with the Rája of Rakhang, (Arracan), ^{* *} and when Shujá' saw that he had no ally or friend anywhere left, and that those whom he had deemed faithful had deserted him, he conceived the idea of occupying one of the fortresses on the frontiers of the Rája of Rakhang, and addressed the Rája on the subject. ^{* *} But he was unable to carry his design into execution, and at length, in the greatest wretchedness and distress, he fell into the clutches of the treacherous infidel ruler of that country, and according to common rumour he was killed, so that no one ascertained what became of him.²⁵⁴

Beginning of the troubles with Sivají.^254a

[vol. ii. p. 110.] I now relate what I have heard from trusty men of the Dakhin and of the Mahratta race about the origin and race of the reprobate Sivají. His ancestors owe their origin to the line of the Ránás of Chitor. In the tribe of the Rájpúts, and among all Hindús, it is the settled opinion, that to have a son by a woman of a different caste, or to beget one upon a slave-girl (kaníz), is wrong and censurable. But if in youth, when the passions are strong, a man should have a son by a strange woman, he should take him into his house and have him brought up among his confidential handmaids and slaves. But nothing descends to such a son on the death (of the father). Even if the mother of the child is of a better stock than the father, she cannot marry him unless she be of the same tribe. If, through love, a man consorts with such a woman, and has a son, the child is looked upon with great disdain, he is brought up as a bastard, and can only marry with one like himself. If a woman of the merchant caste goes into the house of a man of lower caste than herself, or the daughter of a Bráhman consorts with a Khatrí, every child that is born is looked upon as a slave (kaníz o ghulám).

It is said that one of the ancestors of Sivají, from whom he received the name of Bhoslah, dwelt in the country of the Ráná. He formed a connexion with a woman of inferior caste, and, according to the custom of his tribe, he took the woman to himself without marriage. She bore him a son. Reflecting upon this disgrace to himself and tribe, he kept the child concealed in the hills in that position of life which he had determined for him. There he secretly brought him up. He was very devoted to the woman; so that, although his father and mother wished him to marry a woman of his own tribe, he would not consent. When the cup of his affection ran over, and the fact of this maintenance of his child was the common talk of friends and strangers, he secretly took the boy from the place where he had concealed him, and carried him off along with his mother to the Dakhin. Although he falsely gave out that his son was by a woman of his own tribe, no Rájpút of pure race would allow of any matrimonial connexion with the boy. So he was obliged to marry the lad to a girl of the Mahratta tribe, which also claims to belong to an obscure class of Rájpúts. From this good stock, in the seventh or eighth generation, was born Sáhú Bhoslah. The origin of the name Bhoslah, according to the commonly-received opinion, is from the Hinduwí word “ghoslah,” meaning “place,”²⁵⁵ or a very small and narrow place; and as that man was brought up in such a place, he received the name of Bhoslah. But I have heard a different explanation.

After the dominions of the Nizámu-l Mulk dynasty had passed into the possession of Sháh Jahán, and that Emperor had entered into friendly relations with 'Ádil Khán of Bíjápúr, the latter proposed to exchange certain districts in the neighbourhood of Khujista-bunyád (Aurangábád), and belonging to Bíjápúr, for the ports of Jíwal, Bábal Danda Rájpúrí, and Chákna²⁵⁶ in the Kokan, which had formerly appertained to Nizámu-l Mulk, but had been taken possession of by 'Ádil Sháh, as being in proximity with his territory in the Konkan known by the name of Tal Kokan. These districts consisted of jungles and hills full of trees. The proposal was accepted, and both Kokans were included in the territory of 'Ádil Khán of Bíjápúr. ^{* *}

Mullá Ahmad, an adherent of the Bíjápúr dynasty, who was descended from an Arab immigrant, held three parganas in this country. ^{* *} At this time two parganas, named Púna and Súpa, became the jágír of Sáhú Bhoslah. Sivají became the manager of these two parganas on the part of his father, and looked carefully after them. He was distinguished in his tribe for courage and intelligence; and for craft and trickery he was reckoned a sharp son of the devil, the father of fraud. In that country, where all the hills rise to the sky, and the jungles are full of trees and bushes, he had an inaccessible abode. Like the zamíndárs of the country, he set about erecting forts on the hills, and mud forts, which in the Hinduwí dialect of the Dakhin are called garhí.

'Ádil Khán of Bíjápúr was attacked by sickness, under which he suffered for a long time, and great confusion arose in his territory. At this time Mullá Ahmad went with his followers to wait upon the Emperor Sháh Jahán, and Sivají, seeing his country left without a ruler, boldly and wickedly stepped in and seized it, with the possessions of some other jágírdárs. This was the beginning of that system of violence which he and his descendants have spread over the rest of the Kokan and all the territory of the Dakhin. Whenever he heard of a prosperous town, or of a district inhabited by thriving cultivators, he plundered it and took possession of it. Before the jágírdárs in those troublous times could appeal to Bíjápúr, he had sent in his own account of the matter, with presents and offerings, charging the jágírdárs or proprietors with some offence which he had felt called upon to punish, and offering to pay some advanced amount for the lands on their being attached to his own jágír, or to pay their revenues direct to the Government. He communicated these matters to the officials at Bíjápúr, who in those disturbed times took little heed of what any one did. So when the jágírdár's complaint arrived, he obtained no redress, because no one took any notice of it. The country of the Dakhin was never free from commotions and outbreaks, and so the officials, the raiyats, and the soldiery, under the influence of surrounding circumstances, were greedy, stupid, and frivolous; thus they applied the axe to their feet with their own hands, and threw their wealth and property to the winds. The greed of the officials increased, especially in those days when the authority of the rulers was interrupted, or their attention diverted. In accordance with the wishes of this disturber, the reins of authority over that country fell into his hands, and he at length became the most notorious of all the rebels.

He assembled a large force of Mahratta robbers and plunderers, and set about reducing fortresses. The first fort he reduced was that of Chandan.²⁵⁷ After that he got possession of some other fortresses which were short of supplies, or were in charge of weak and inexperienced commandants. Evil days fell upon the kingdom of Bíjápúr in the time of Sikandar 'Alí 'Ádil Khán the Second, whose legitimacy was questioned, and who ruled when a minor as the locum tenens of his father. The operations of Aurangzeb against that country when he was a prince in the reign of his father, brought great evil upon the country, and other troubles also arose. Sivají day by day increased in strength, and reduced all the forts of the country, so that in course of time he became a man of power and means. He had drawn together a large force, and attacked the Kings of Hind and of Bíjápúr, and, protected by mountains and jungles full of trees, he ravaged and plundered in all directions far and wide. The inaccessible forts of Rájgarh²⁵⁸ and Chákna were his abodes, and he had secured several islands in the sea by means of a fleet which he had formed. He built several forts also in those parts, so that altogether he had forty forts, all of which were well supplied with provisions and munitions of war. Boldly raising his standard of rebellion, he became the most noted rebel of the Dakhin.

Sivají murders Afzal Khán Bíjápúrí.

When Sikandar 'Alí 'Ádil Khán came to years of discretion, and took the government into his own hands, he wrote letters to Sivají, but without effect. He then sent Afzal Khán with a large army to chastise the rebel. Afzal Khán was one of 'Ádil Khán's most distinguished and courageous officers, and he pressed Sivají hard. The truculent rebel, knowing that he could gain nothing by regular warfare, artfully sent some of his people to express his repentance, and to beg forgiveness of his offences. After some negociation, the deceitful bráhmans made an agreement that Sivají should come to wait upon Afzal Khán at a certain place under his fortress with only three or four servants and entirely without arms. Afzal Khán likewise was to proceed in a pálkí, with four or five servants, and without arms, to the place agreed upon under the fort. After Sivají had paid his respects, and verbal agreements had been made, he was to receive a khil'at and then be dismissed. When Afzal Khán had taken the proffered tribute and peshkash, Sivají was to entertain him, and speed him on his way back to Bíjápúr, or rather he would attend him thither in person upon an assurance of reconciliation.

The designing rascal by sending various presents and fruits of the country, and by his humbleness and submission, conciliated Afzal Khán, who fell into the snare, believing all his false deceiving statements, and observing none of that caution which the wise commend. Without arms he mounted the pálkí, and proceeded to the place appointed under the fortress. He left all his attendants at the distance of a long arrow-shot. Then the deceiver came down on foot from the fort, and made his appearance with manifestations of humility and despair. Upon reaching the foot of the hill, after every three or four steps, he made a confession of his offences, and begged forgiveness in abject terms and with limbs trembling and crouching. He begged that the armed men and the servants who had accompanied Afzal Khán's litter should move farther off. Sivají had a weapon, called in the language of the Dakhin bichúá,²⁵⁹ on the fingers of his hand hidden under his sleeve, so that it could not be seen. He had concealed a number of armed men among the trees and rocks all about the hill, and he had placed a trumpeter on the steps, to whom he said, “I intend to kill my enemy with this murderous weapon; the moment you see me strike, do not think about me, but blow your trumpet and give the signal to my soldiers.” He had given orders to his troops also that as soon as they heard the blast of the trumpet, they should rush out and fall upon the men of Afzal Khán, and do their best to attain success.

Afzal Khán, whom the angel of doom had led by the collar to that place, was confident in his own courage, and saw Sivají approach unarmed and fearing and trembling. He looked upon his person and spirit as much alike, so he directed all the men who had accompanied his litter to withdraw to a distance. The treacherous foe then approached and threw himself weeping at the feet of Afzal Khán, who raised his head, and was about to place the hand of kindness on his back and embrace him. Sivají then struck the concealed weapon so fiercely into his stomach that he died without a groan. According to his orders, the trumpeter blew a blast of triumph to arouse the concealed troops. Men on horse and foot then rushed forth in great numbers on all sides, and fell upon the army of Afzal Khán, killing, plundering, and destroying. The bloodthirsty assassin rushed away in safety and joined his own men, whom he ordered to offer quarter to the defeated troops. He obtained possession of the horses, elephants, treasure, and all the baggage and stores. He proposed to take the soldiers into his service, and gained them over. Then, as usual, he went on collecting stores and men.

'Ádil Khán of Bíjápúr, on hearing of this defeat, sent another army against Sivají, under the command of Rustam Khán, one of his best generals. An action was fought near the fort of Parnála, and Rustam Khán was defeated. In fine, Fortune so favoured this treacherous worthless man, that his forces increased, and he grew more powerful every day. He erected new forts, and employed himself in settling his own territories, and in plundering those of Bíjápúr. He attacked the caravans which came from distant parts, and appropriated to himself the goods and the women. But he made it a rule that wherever his followers went plundering, they should do no harm to the mosques, the Book of God, or the women of any one. Whenever a copy of the sacred Kurán came into his hands, he treated it with respect, and gave it to some of his Musulmán followers. When the women of any Hindú or Muhammadan were taken prisoners by his men, and they had no friend to protect them, he watched over them until their relations came with a suitable ransom to buy their liberty. Whenever he found out that a woman was a slave-girl, he looked upon her as being the property of her master, and appropriated her to himself. He laid down the rule that whenever a place was plundered, the goods of poor people, pul-siyáh (copper money), and vessels of brass and copper, should belong to the man who found them; but other articles, gold and silver, coined or uncoined, gems, valuable stuffs and jewels, were not to belong to the finder, but were to be given up without the smallest deduction to the officers, and to be by them paid over to Sivají's government.

March of Amíru-l umará²⁶¹

to punish Sivají.

[vol. ii. p. 119.] When Aurangzeb was informed of Sivají's violence, he directed Amíru-l umará who was Súbadár of the Dakhin, to punish and put him down. Amíru-l umará marched, in accordance with these orders, from Aurangábád at the end of Jumáda-l awwal, 1070 (end of January, 1660 A.D.), and marched towards Púna and Chákna, which in those days were Sivají's places of abode and security. He left Mumtáz Khán in command at Aurangábád, and on the 1st Rajab arrived at the village of Seogánw, belonging to Sivají. At this time Sivají was at the town of Súpa,^261a but upon hearing of Amíru-l umará's movements, he vacated that place, and went off in another direction. Amíru-l umará took Súpa without opposition, and left Jádú Ráí there to take charge of it, and to provide supplies of corn for the army. The daring freebooter Sivají ordered his followers to attack and plunder the baggage^261b of Amíru-l umará's army wherever they met with it. When the Amír was informed of this, he appointed 4000 horse, under experienced officers, to protect the baggage. But every day, and in every march, Sivají's Dakhinís swarmed round the baggage, and falling suddenly upon it like Cossacks, they carried off horses, camels, men, and whatever they could secure, until they became aware of the approach of the troops. The Imperial forces pursued them, and harassed them, so that they lost courage, and giving up fighting for flight, they dispersed. At length they reached Púna and Sívápúr, two places built by that dog (Sivají). The Imperial forces took both these places and held them.

Then the royal armies marched to the fort of Chákna, and after examining its bastions and walls, they opened trenches, erected batteries, threw up intrenchments round their own position, and began to drive mines under the fort. Thus having invested the place, they used their best efforts to reduce it. The rains in that country last nearly five months, and fall night and day, so that people cannot put their heads out of their houses. The heavy masses of clouds change day into night, so that lamps are often needed, for without them one man cannot see another one of a party. But for all the muskets were rendered useless, the powder spoilt, and the bows deprived of their strings, the siege was vigorously pressed, and the walls of the fortress were breached by the fire of the guns. The garrison were hard pressed and troubled, but in dark nights they sallied forth into the trenches and fought with surprising boldness. Sometimes the forces of the freebooter on the outside combined with those inside in making a simultaneous attack in broad daylight, and placed the trenches in great danger. After the siege had lasted fifty or sixty days, a bastion which had been mined was blown up, and stones, bricks and men flew into the air like pigeons. The brave soldiers of Islám, trusting in God, and placing their shields before them, rushed to the assault and fought with great determination. But the infidels had thrown up a barrier of earth inside the fortress, and had made intrench-ments and places of defence in many parts. All the day passed in fighting, and many of the assailants were killed. But the brave warriors disdained to retreat, and passed the night without food or rest amid the ruins and the blood. As soon as the sun rose, they renewed their attacks, and after putting many of the garrison to the sword, by dint of great exertion and resolution they carried the place. The survivors of the garrison retired into the citadel. In this assault 300 men of the royal army were slain, besides sappers and others engaged in the work of the siege. Six or seven hundred horse and foot were wounded by stones and bullets, arrows and swords. The men in the citadel being reduced to extremity, sent Ráo Bháo Singh to make terms, and then surrendered. Next day Amíru-l umará entered and inspected the fortress, and having left Uzbek Khán in command of it, he marched after Sivají. After a time he gave the name of Islámábád to Chákna, and called Ja'far Khán from Málwá to his assistance. Amíru-l umará reported that the fort of Parenda had been won without fighting.²⁶³

Sulaimán Shukoh.

[vol. ii. p. 123.] Sulaimán Shukoh had for some time found refuge in the hills with Pirthí Singh, Zamíndár of Srínagar, and Tarbiyat Khán had been sent with an army to overrun that territory. Pirthí Singh now wrote, through the medium of Rája Jai Singh, begging forgiveness for his offences, and offering to give up Sulaimán Shukoh. Kunwar Ráí Singh, son of Rája Jai Singh, was sent to fetch Sulaimán Shukoh, ^{* *} and he brought him to Court on the 11th Jumáda-l awwal. He was led into the presence of the Emperor, who graciously took a lenient course, and ordered him to be sent prisoner to the fort of Gwálior, along with Muhammad Sultán, who had been confined in Salím-garh.

Season of Scarcity.

[vol. ii. p. 123.] Unfavourable seasons and want of rain, combined with war and movements of armies, had made grain very scarce and dear. Many districts lay entirely waste, and crowds of people from all parts made their way to the capital. Every street and bázár of the city was choked with poor helpless people, so that it was difficult for the inhabitants to move about. An Imperial order was issued, that in addition to the regular bulghúr-khánas, where raw and cooked grain was given away, ten more langar-khánas (free houses of entertainment), should be opened in the city, and twelve bulghúr-khánas in the suburbs and among the tombs, and careful men were appointed to superintend them. Instructions were also issued for the amírs to make provision for langar distributions, and orders were given for the remission of taxes on (the transport of) grain, with the view of favouring the gathering of stores.

FOURTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1071 A.H. (1661 A.D.).

[vol. ii. p. 128.] Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam married (in 1071 A.H.) the daughter of Rája Rúp Singh.

[vol. ii. p. 130.] The country of Áshám (Assam) lies to the east and north of Bengal between long ranges of hills. Its length is nearly 100 jaríbí kos, and its width from the mountains on the north to those on the south side is eight days' journey. It is said to be the native land of Pírán Waisiya,²⁶⁴ the wazír of Afrásiyáb, and the Rája of the country traces his descent from this Pírán. In the beginning the Rájas were fire-worshippers, but in course of time they became identified with the idolators of Hind. ^{* *} It is the established practice in that country that every individual pays annually one tola of gold-dust to the government of the Rája. ^{* *} When the Rája of that country or a great zamíndár dies, they dig a large tomb or apartment in the earth, and in it they place his wives and concubines, as also his horses and equipage, carpets, vessels of gold and silver, grain, etc., all such things as are used in that country, the jewels worn by wives and nobles, perfumes and fruit, sufficient to last for several days. These they call the provisions for his journey to the next world, and when they are all collected the door is closed upon them. It was in consequence of this custom that the forces of Khán-khánán obtained such large sums of money from under ground. The country of Kámrúp borders upon Assam, and the two countries are friendly. For the last twenty years the people of this country had been refractory. They were in the habit of attacking the Imperial territories in the province of Bengal, and of carrying off the ryots and Musulmáns as prisoners. So great injury was done to life and property, and great scandal was cast upon the Muhammadan religion.

Islám Khán, Súbadár of Bengal, led an army against the country in the reign of Sháh Jahán, but he was recalled and appointed to the office of wazír before the work was accomplished. Afterwards Shujá' went to seek refuge with the Zamíndár of Rak-hang, who was one of the zamíndárs of those parts, and his fate was never ascertained. After Khán-khánán had settled the affairs of Dacca and other parts of Bengal, he resolved upon marching against Assam, and began to collect men and supplies for the campaign. When the Rája of Assam and the Zamíndár of Kúch Bihár, named Bhím Naráín, heard of this, they were greatly alarmed, and wrote penitent letters making submission and seeking forgiveness. ^{* * *} These were forwarded to the Emperor, but orders were sent to Khán-khánán for the extermination of both of them. So he marched against that country with artillery, provisions for sieges, and a number of boats, which are of great importance for carrying on war in those parts. [Long details of the campaign.] Khán-khánán had the khutba read and money coined in the name of the Emperor. He set aside the government of the Rája, and was desirous of pursuing him; but the rainy season was coming on, and in that country it lasts five months, and rains almost incessantly night and day. ^{* *} Large quantities of gold and silver were obtained from the places of sepulture. ^{* *} Khán-khánán left the commander of his artillery in the conquered fortress of Ghar-gánw to take charge of it, and to get his guns in order, for artillery is all-important in that country. The Khán then retired thirty kos and a half from Ghar-gánw to Mathura-púr, which is situated at the foot of a hill, and is not liable to inundation. There he found cantonments in which to pass the rainy season. For seven or eight kos round he stationed outposts under experienced officers to guard against surprise by the Assamese. The infidels repeatedly made attacks on dark nights, and killed many men and horses.

[vol. ii. p. 154.] The fifth year of the reign began 1st Shaw-wál. Soon after the celebration of the fifth anniversary, the Emperor was attacked by illness.²⁶⁶ In the course of a week the fact got noised about in the vicinity of the capital, where it interrupted the ordinary occupations of the people, and excited the hopes of the disaffected. But His Majesty's health soon recovered, ^{* *} and on the 7th Jumáda-l awwal he started from Dehlí for Láhore on his way to Kashmír.

Murder of Prince Murád Bakhsh.

[vol. ii. p. 155.] The author of the 'Álamgír-náma has given an account of the killing of Murád Bakhsh as suited his own pleasure (marzí). I now give my version of it as I have ascertained it from written records, and as I have heard it from the evidence of truthful men of the time, and from the mouth of my own father, who was a confidential servant of Murád Bakhsh, and until his services were no longer needed lived at the foot of the fort (of Gwálior), intent upon raising a rope-ladder (kamand) and of rescuing his master, without even thinking of taking service under Aurangzeb. When Muhammad Bakhsh was sent to the fortress, a favourite concubine, named Sarsun Báí, was at his request allowed to accompany him. The unfortunate prisoner used to give away half what was allowed him for his support in cooked food to the Mughals and Mughal woman who had followed him to his place of captivity, and lived in poverty at the foot of the fortress. After many schemes had been proposed, the Mughals contrived a plan for fastening a rope-ladder to the ramparts at a given time and place. After the second watch of the night, before the world was asleep, Murád Bakhsh communicated his intended escape to Sarsun Báí, and promised to do his best to return and rescue her. On hearing this, Sarsun Báí began to weep and cry out in such a way that the guards heard what she said, and with lights and torches searched for and discovered the ladder. When the plot was communicated to Aurangzeb, he felt some alarm for his throne. At the instigation of some of the Emperor's friends, the sons of 'Alí Nakí, whom Murád Bakhsh had put to death, brought a charge of murder against him. The eldest son refused to demand satisfaction for his father's death, but the second complied with the expressed wish, and brought a charge of murder in a court of law against Murád Bakhsh. The case came at length before the Emperor, and he directed that it should be submitted to a judge. After it had been decided according to law, the order was given in Rabí'u-s sání, 1072 A.H., for the judge to go along with the heir of the slain man to Murád Bakhsh to pronounce the sentence of the law, upon the murder being proved. The date of his death is found in the line Ai wai ba-har bahánah kushtand, “Alas and alas! on some pretext they killed him.” His gracious Majesty rewarded the eldest son for not enforcing his claim of blood.

The Campaign in Assam.

[vol. ii. p. 157.] I now revert to the campaign of Khán-khánán in Assam. [Long details of the sufferings of the troops from the constant attacks of the natives, from the rains and floods, from want of food, and from sickness and disease.] The men of the army were reduced to such extremity that some of the officers, after consulting together, were about to move off and leave Khán-khánán. He got information of this, and took measures to prevent it. He gave public orders for the army to move its position towards that held by the Rája, but privately he prepared for a (backward) march, and comforted his men with prospects of peace and return. When the Assamese got intelligence of the movement, they assembled in great numbers, and showed great insolence. Diler Khán resolved to punish them, and thousands of them were slain and made prisoners. Khán-khánán ordered that the prisoners should have the heads of the slain tied round them, and be thus exposed to the derision of the camp. He then sent them to the outposts to be again exposed, and afterwards put to death. ^{* *} The Rája at length consented to terms of peace. He agreed to pay 120,000 tolas of silver, and 2000 tolas of gold, and to present fifty elephants and one of his ugly daughters to the Emperor. He also agreed to present fifteen elephants and another daughter to Khán-khánán, together with some cash and goods. It was further agreed that of the conquered places a few forts and towns in cultivated districts near the frontier of Bengal should be attached to the Imperial dominions. ^{* *}

In the middle of Jumáda-l awwal, in the fifth year of the reign, the Khán-khánán began his return march with an army broken down by disease, and with many of the officers and nobles at the point of death. The Khán-khánán himself was seriously ill, but he strove to the last in the service of his master. Concealing his own suffering, or making light of it, he exerted himself night and day to direct and comfort his army, until he was overpowered by disease, and knew that the time of his departure was near. He appointed certain of his officers to march against the Rája of Kúch Bihár, who had failed in keeping his engagements and paying tribute. Then he spoke a few last words of kindly counsel, and died at Khizr-púr, on the frontiers of Kúch Bihár, on the 12th Ramazán, at the beginning of the sixth year of the reign.

[vol. ii. p. 171.] The Amíru-l umará (Sháyista Khán), after taking several forts and strong places, proceeded to Púna, and lodged there in a house which had been built by that hell-dog Sivají. From thence he sent out detachments to destroy the power of Sivají, and to make him prisoner. A regulation had been made that no person, especially no Mahratta, should be allowed to enter the city or the lines of the army without a pass, whether armed or unarmed, excepting persons in the Imperial service. No Mahratta horseman was taken into the service. Sivají, beaten and dispirited, had retired into mountains difficult of access, and was continually changing his position. One day a party of Mahrattas, who were serving as foot-soldiers, went to the kotwál, and applied for a pass to admit 200 Mahrattas, who were accompanying a marriage party. A boy dressed up as a bridegroom, and escorted by a party of Mahrattas with drums and music, entered the town early in the evening. On the same day another party was allowed to enter the town on the report that a number of the enemy had been made prisoners at one of the outposts, and that another party was bringing them in pinioned and bare-headed, holding them by ropes and abusing and reviling them as they went along. They proceeded to the place agreed upon, where the whole party met and put on arms. At midnight they went to the cook-house, which was near the women's apartments. Between the two there was a small window stopped up with mud and bricks. They proceeded by a way well known to them, and got into the kitchen. It was the month of the fast. Some of the cooks were awake, and busy in preparing the vessels for cooking, and others were asleep. The assailants approached noiselessly, and, as far as they were able, they attacked and killed unawares those who were awake. Those who were asleep they butchered as they lay. So no great alarm was raised. They then quickly set to work about opening the closed window in the palace. The noise of their pickaxes and the cries of the slaughtered men awoke a servant who was sleeping in a room next to the wall of the cook-house. He went to the Amíru-l umará (Sháyista Khán), and informed him of what he had heard. The Amír scolded him, and said that it was only the cooks who had got up to do their work. Some maid-servants then came, one after another, to say that a hole was being made through the wall. The Amír then jumped up in great alarm, and seized a bow, some arrows, and a spear. Just then some Mah-rattas came up in front, and the Amír shot one with an arrow; but he got up to the Amír, and cut off his thumb. Two Mahrattas fell into a reservoir of water, and Amíru-l umará brought down another with his spear. In the midst of the confusion two slave-girls took Sháyista Khán, Amíru-l umará, by the hand, and dragged him from the scene of strife to a place of safety. A number of Mahrattas got into the guard-house, and killed every one they found on his pillow, whether sleeping or awake, and said: “This is how they keep watch!” Some men got into the nakár-khána, and in the name of the Amíru-l umará ordered the drums to be beaten; so such a din was raised that one man could not hear another speak, and the noise made by the assailants grew higher. They closed the doors. Abú-l Fath Khán, son of Sháyista Khán, a brave young man, rushed forward and killed two or three men, but was himself wounded and killed. A man of importance, who had a house behind the palace of the Amíru-l umará, hearing the outcry, and finding the doors shut, endeavoured to escape by a rope-ladder from a window; but he was old and feeble, and somewhat resembled Sháyista Khán. The Mahrattas mistook him for the Amíru-l umará, killed him and cut off his head. They also attacked two of the Amír's women. One of them was so cut about that her remains were collected in a basket which served for her coffin. The other recovered, although she had received thirty or forty wounds. The assailants gave no thought to plundering, but made their way out of the house and went off.

In the morning Rája Jaswant, who was commander of Amíru-l umará's supports, came in to see the Amír, and make his apology; but that high-born noble spoke not a word beyond saying, “I thought the Mahárája was in His Majesty's service when such an evil befell me.” When this occurrence was reported to the Emperor, he passed censure both upon the Amír and Rája Jaswant. The Súbadárí of the Dakhin and the command of the forces employed against Sivají was given to Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam. The Amíru-l umará was recalled, but a subsequent order sent him to be Súbadár of Bengal. Mahárája Jaswant was continued as before among the auxiliary forces under the Prince.

SEVENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1074 A.H. (1664 A.D.).

[Text, vol. ii. p. 177.] Despatches arrived from Prince Mu'azzam to the effect that Sivají was growing more and more daring, and every day was attacking and plundering the Imperial territories and caravans. He had seized the ports of Jíwal, Pábal²⁷¹ and others near Surat, and attacked the vessels of pilgrims bound to Mecca. He had built several forts by the seashore, and had entirely interrupted maritime intercourse. He had also struck copper coins (sikka-i pul) and huns in the fort of Ráj-garh. Mahárája Jaswant had endeavoured to suppress him, but without avail. Rája Jai Sing [and many other nobles] were sent to join the armies fighting against him.

Rája Jai Singh proceeded to his command and paid his respects to Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam at Aurangábád. He then went to Púna, and having arranged the affairs of that district, he employed himself in distributing the forces under his command to ravage the country and attack the forts of the enemy. He himself proceeded to attack the forts of Púrandhar and Rúdar Mál,²⁷² two of the most noted fortresses in the country, which had formerly belonged to Nizámu-l Mulk. The two forts were close to each other. Diler Khán was sent on in command of the advanced force. * * Diler Khán began the siege, and both the forts were invested. The garrison made a vigorous defence. * * Jai Singh arrived with his son Kesar Singh. * * After a bastion had been blown up on one side, a panic seized the defenders of the foot of the hill. The besiegers then attacked them and succeeded in making their way to the top of the hill, when the defenders called for quarter, which was granted to them by the Rája and Diler Khán. The two commandants waited upon Diler Khán, and were sent to the Rája, who disarmed the garrison, and took possession of the forts. Eighty men, horsemen, infantry and sappers, were lost in the siege, and more than a hundred were wounded.

After the conquest of the two forts, Rája Jai Singh sent Dáúd Khán and * * with seven thousand horse to plunder and lay waste the country which Sivají had won by force and violence. Great efforts were made on both sides, and for five months the Imperial forces never rested from harassing and fighting the enemy. At Sívápúr, which was built by Sivají, and at the forts of Kandána^272a and Kanwárí-garh, not one trace of cultivation was left, and cattle out of number were taken. But on the other hand, the sudden attacks by the enemy, their brilliant successes, their assaults in dark nights, their seizure of the roads and difficult passes, and the firing of the jungles full of trees, severely tried the Imperial forces, and men and beasts in great numbers perished. But the enemy also had suffered great losses, and took to flight. The fort of Rájgarh,²⁷³ which Sivají himself held, and the fort of Kandána, in which were his wife and his maternal relations, were both invested, and the besiegers pressed the garrisons hard. The roads on all sides were blockaded, and Sivají knew that, however much he might desire it, he could not rescue his family and carry them to a place of safety. He also knew that if these strongholds were taken, his wife and family would be liable to suffer the consequences of his own evil deeds. Accordingly he sent some intelligent men to Rája Jai Singh, begging forgiveness of his offences, promising the surrender of several forts which he still held, and proposing to pay a visit to the Rája. But the Rája, knowing well his craft and falsehood, gave directions for pressing the attack more vigorously, until the intelligence was brought that Sivají had come out of the fortress. Some confidential Bráhmans now came from him, and confirmed his expressions of submission and repentance with the most stringent oaths.

The Rája promised him security for his life and honour, upon condition of his going to wait on the Emperor, and of agreeing to enter into his service. He also promised him the grant of a high mansab, and made preparations for suitably receiving him. Sivají then approached with great humility. The Rája sent his munshí to receive him, and he also sent some armed Rájpúts to provide against treachery. The munshí carried a message to say that if Sivají submitted frankly, gave up his forts, and consented to show obedience, his petition for forgiveness would be granted by the Emperor. If he did not accept these terms, he had better return and prepare to renew the war. When Sivají received the message, he said with great humility that he knew his life and honour were safe if he made his submission. The Rája then sent a person of higher rank to bring him in with honour.

When Sivají entered, the Rája arose, embraced him, and seated him near himself. Sivají then, with a thousand signs of shame, clasped his hands and said, “I have come as a guilty slave to seek forgiveness, and it is for you either to pardon or to kill me at your pleasure. I will make over my great forts, with the country of the Kokan, to the Emperor's officers, and I will send my son to enter the Imperial service. As for myself, I hope that after the interval of one year, when I have paid my respects to the Emperor, I may be allowed, like other servants of the State, who exercise authority in their own provinces, to live with my wife and family in a small fort or two. Whenever and wherever my services, are required, I will, on receiving orders, discharge my duty loyally.” The Rája cheered him up, and sent him to Diler Khán.

After directions had been given for the cessation of the siege, seven thousand persons, men, women and children, came out of the fort. All that they could not carry away became the property of the Government, and the fort was taken possession of by the forces. Diler Khán presented Sivají with a sword, and * *. He then took him back to the Rája, who presented him with a robe, * * and renewed his assurances of safety and honourable treatment. Sivají, with ready tact, bound on the sword in an instant, and promised to render faithful service. When the question about the time Sivají was to remain under parole, and of his return home, came under consideration, Rája Jai Singh wrote to the Emperor, asking forgiveness for Sivají and the grant of a robe to him, and awaited instructions. * * A mace-bearer arrived with the farmán and a robe, * * and Sivají was overjoyed at receiving forgiveness and honour.

A discussion then arose about the forts, and it was finally settled that out of the thirty-five forts which he possessed, the keys of twenty-three should be given up, with their revenues, amounting to ten lacs of huns, or forty lacs of rupees. Twelve small forts, with moderate revenues,²⁷⁵ were to remain in the possession of Sivají's people. Sambhá his son, a boy of eight years old, in whose name a mansab of 5000 had been granted at Rája Jai Singh's suggestion, was to proceed to Court with the Rája, attended by a suitable retinue. Sivají himself, with his family, was to remain in the hills, and endeavour to restore the prosperity of his ravaged country. Whenever he was summoned on Imperial service, he was to attend. On his being allowed to depart, he received a robe, horse, and * *.

Death of Sháh Jahán.

[vol. ii. p. 186.] It now became known that the Sáhib Kirán-i sání (Sháh Jahán) was very ill, and that his life was drawing to a close. Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam was immediately sent off in haste to visit him, but he received the intelligence of his (grandfather's) death while on his way. He died^275a at the end of Rajab 1076 A.H. (22nd Jan. 1666), in the eighth year of the reign of Aurangzeb, who grieved much over his deatḥ. Sháh Jahán reigned thirty-one years, and he was secluded and under restraint nearly eight years.^275b

[vol. ii. p. 188.] Among the events of this year was the subjugation of Sangrám-nagar and Chátgám near Arracan. The zamíndárs of these places had shaken off their allegiance, but Ummed Khán, eldest son of Sháyista Khán, Amíru-l umará, defeated them. * * The name of Sangrám-nagar was changed to 'Álamgír-nagar, and that of Chátgám to Islámábád.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 189.] Rája Jai Singh, in the war with Bíjápúr, to be described presently, had, with the co-operation of Sivají, done splendid service. After giving Sivají every assurance of a kind and gracious reception, he made himself responsible for his safety, and sent him to Court. News of Sivají's arrival was brought as the festival of the accession was being celebrated. It was ordered that Kunwar Rám Singh, son of Rája Jai Singh, with Mukhlis Khán, should go out to meet and conduct that evil malicious fellow into Ágra. On the 18th Zí-l ka'da, 1076, Sivají, and his son of nine years old, had the honour of being introduced to the Emperor. He made an offering of 500 ashrafís and 6000 rupees, altogether 30,000 rupees. By the royal command he was placed in the position of a panj-hazárí. But his son, a boy of eight years, had privately been made a panj-hazárí, and Nathují, one of his relations, who had rendered great service to Rája Jai Singh in his campaign against Bíjápúr, had been advanced to the same dignity, so that Sivají had a claim to nothing less than the dignity of a haft-hazárí (7000). Rája Jai Singh had flattered Sivají with promises; but as the Rája knew the Emperor to have a strong feeling against Sivají, he artfully refrained from making known the promises he had held out. The istikbál, or reception of Sivají, had not been such as he expected. He was annoyed,²⁷⁶ and so, before the robe and jewels and elephant, which were ready for presentation to him, could be presented, he complained to Rám Singh that he was disappointed. The Kunwar tried to pacify him, but without effect. When his disrespectful bearing came to the knowledge of the Emperor, he was dismissed with little ceremony, without receiving any mark of the Imperial bounty, and was taken to a house outside the city near to the house of Rája Jai Singh, as had been arranged by Kunwar Rám Singh. A letter was sent to Rája Jai Singh, informing him of what had passed, and Sivají was forbidden to come to the Royal presence until the Rája's answer and advice should arrive. His son was ordered to attend the presence in the company of Rám Singh.

Campaign against Bíjápúr.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 191.] Rája Jai Singh, with Diler Khán and his other associates, in obedience to orders, marched against Bíjá-púr. He took with him, as guides and assistants, Mullá Yahyá Bíjápúrí, Purdil Khán, Sivají, and Nathují, one of Sivají's relations, who was his chief supporter, and for whom also a mansab of 5000 had been proposed. His force amounted on paper (kalamí) to 33,000 horse, but he had with him 25,000. Abú-l Majd, grandson of Bahlol Khán, and one of the bravest of the nobles of Bíjápúr, separated from 'Ádil Khán, and joined Rája Jai Singh, whom he assisted in subduing that country. The Rája acted in all matters upon his advice, and he wrote to the Emperor recommending that a mansab of 5000 and 4000 horse should be settled upon him, which request was graciously acceded to. Forts belonging to Bíjápúr were taken by storm, or after a few days' siege, in all directions. Sivají and Nathují, with two thousand horse and eight or nine thousand infantry, showed great skill in taking forts, and won much fame. In the course of three or four weeks three forts, Mangal-pahra and others, were taken. [Severe fighting.]

At length, after two months' fighting, the Imperial forces came to five kos distance from Bíjápúr. On the 2nd Rajab they began the investment of the city. 'Ádil Khán, being now closed in, directed his generals to enter the Imperial territory and lay it waste. Others were sent to oppose the Rája and attack his baggage. The embankments of the tanks were cut, poisonous matters and carrion were thrown into the wells, the trees and lofty buildings near the fortress were destroyed, spikes were fixed in the ground, and the gardens and houses on both sides of the city were so destroyed that not a trace of culture was left near the city. * * Khwája Neknám, a eunuch, joined Sharza Khán, the commander of 'Ádil Khán's army, with a reinforcement of 6000 horse and 25,000 infantry, from Kutbu-l Mulk. Every day there was severe fighting, and the men and animals which went out from the Imperial army to forage were cut off. Diler Khán was present wherever danger was, but to recount all the combats which were fought would be long and tedious. * *

Sivají, with Nathují and several thousand Imperial horse, had been sent to reduce the fort of Parnála;²⁷⁸ but after making some bold movements, he was obliged to relinquish the attempt, and proceeded to Khelna,^278a one of his own forts. Nathújí, who had been corrupted by some of the Bíjápúr chiefs, separated from Sivají, and went off along with them. The Rája called Sivají to him, and treated him very courteously. At length, by the active exertions and clever management of Sivají, several forts came into the possession of the royal forces. In accordance with Sivají's own desire, and in performance of the promise made to him, under the Imperial orders he was sent off express with his son at the end of the month of Ramazán to Court. After the departure of Sivají, the siege of Bíjápúr was carried on for two months and a half longer, and there were many hard fights under the walls. * *

At the end of Zí-l ka'da the siege had gone on for eight months, during which neither cavalry nor infantry had rested. All round Bíjápúr for forty or fifty kos not a trace of grass or fodder was left. No supplies arrived, so the Imperial armies were reduced to great straits. The Rája and Diler Khán therefore deemed it advisable to remove to the neighbourhood of Dhárúr, to have their wounded tended, to give rest to their troops, and to collect lead and powder. They also hoped to obtain there supplies of fodder and corn. A despatch to this effect was sent off to the Emperor. The Dakhinís also, inside the fortress, found their provisions drawing to an end, and their weapons expended or damaged. Both besiegers and besieged were therefore anxious for an arrangement. * * When the despatch reached the Emperor, he issued an order directing his generals to cease operations against 'Ádil Khán. Rája Jai Singh was directed to proceed to Auraugábád, and Diler Khán was recalled to Court.

Sivají's Escape.

[vol. ii. p. 198.] After Sivají returned angry and disappointed from the royal presence to his house, orders were given to the kotwál to place guards round it.²⁷⁹ Sivají, reflecting upon his former deeds and his present condition, was sadly troubled by the state of his affairs. He thought of nothing else but of delivering himself by some crafty plan from his perilous position. His subtle mind was not long in contriving a scheme. From the beginning he kept up a show of friendship and intimacy with the amírs, and with Kunwar Rám Singh. He sent them presents of Dakhin products, and, by expressing contrition for his past conduct, he won them over to advocate the acceptance of his shame and repentance.

Afterwards he feigned to be ill, and groaned and sighed aloud. Complaining of pains in the liver and spleen, he took to his bed, and, as if prostrated with consumption or fever, he sought remedies from the physicians. For some time he carried on this artifice. At length he made known his recovery. He sent presents to his doctors and attendants, food to the Bráhmans, and presents of grain and money to needy Musulmáns and Hindús. For this purpose he had provided large baskets covered with paper. These, being filled with sweetmeats of all sorts, were sent to the houses of the amírs and the abodes of fakírs. Two or three swift horses were procured, and, under the pretence of being presents to Bráhmans, they were sent to a place appointed fourteen kos from the city, in charge of some of his people, who were privy to his plans. A devoted companion, who resembled him in height and figure, took his place upon the couch, and Sivají's gold ring was placed upon his hand. He was directed to throw a piece of fine muslin over his head, but to display the ring he wore upon his hand; and when any one came in, to feign to be asleep. Sivají, with his son, got into two baskets, and were carried out, it being pretended that the baskets contained sweetmeats intended for the bráhmans and fakírs of Mathurá.

Thus, on the last day of Safar, Sivají got out of Ágra, and proceeded to where his horses were posted. Thence, in the course of two watches, he reached Mathurá. There he shaved off his beard and whiskers, and smeared his own and his son's face with ashes, and, taking with him some jewels and gold, he went off with some of his confederates, who were also disguised as fakírs. He crossed the Jumna at an unfrequented ferry, and proceeded towards Benares, travelling in the night, and being guided by some swift Dakhiní runners, whose business is to disguise themselves and travel in all directions. It is said that they carried sufficient money and jewels for their wants in hollow walking-sticks.

On the following day, at the fifth watch, a Dakhiní runner, employed as a spy, brought information that Sivají had got free and was making off. The kotwál was directed to make inquiry, but he replied that the guards were at their posts round the house. Another spy confidently reported his escape. The kotwál's men went to see, and they saw as they thought Sivají asleep under his thin covering, and his ring distinctly visible. The kotwál reported accordingly. A third spy now strongly asseverated that Sivají had escaped, and was forty or fifty kos away. A closer investigation revealed the fact of his escape. The kotwál and Kunwar Rám Singh were censured, and as Rám Singh was suspected of having prompted the evasion, he was deprived of his mansab and forbidden to come to Court. Orders were sent to the provincial governors, and to the officials in all directions, to search for Sivají, and to seize him and send him to the Emperor.

Rája Jai Singh, who just at this time had retired from Bíjápúr, and had arrived at Aurangábád, received orders to arrest Nathújí before the escape of Sivají became public, and to send him to Court. After that he was to watch carefully for the bird escaped from the cage, and not suffer him to re-establish himself in his old haunts and to gather his followers around him. * * It is said that Sivají made such expedition in his flight that no courier could have overtaken him. But his son Sambhá, a boy of tender years, was with him, and he suffered so much from the rapid motion, that Sivají left him behind at Alláhábád, in charge of a Bráhman, a man of high repute in that place, whose relations in the Dakhin had been closely connected with Sivají's father. Sivají placed a sum of money with the Bráhman and commended the boy to his care. He was not to part from him until he received a letter in Sivají's own hand; and if he obtained certain intelligence of Sivají's death, he was to act as he deemed best.

Siege of Bíjápúr raised.

Rája Jai Singh, in obedience to orders, raised the siege of Bíjápúr. Knowing that the forts which he had taken could not be held after his departure, through want of provisions on the inside, against the swarms of Dakhinís outside, he resolved to abandon them. He took out of them such guns as he could carry away. Then he gave the forts up to plunder, and afterwards set fire to them, and blew up the strong towers and walls. Then he proceeded to Aurangábád. Information now reached him of the flight of Sivají, and, in obedience to the Imperial command, he arrested Nathújí and his son, and sent them to Court. * * On arriving there, Nathújí was ordered to be kept under close surveillance. Seeing no other chance of escape, he expressed a wish to become a Musulmán, which greatly pleased the Emperor. So he was initiated, and received a mansab of three thousand and two thousand horse, with the title of Muhammad Kulí Khán. After some time, when he returned to the Dakhin with reinforcements for Diler Khán, he recanted, and seized an opportunity to join Sivají.

TENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1077 A.H. (1667 A.D.).

[Text, vol. ii. p. 207.] Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam was appointed Súbadár of the Dakhin, * * and intelligence reached the Court of the death of Rája Jai Singh.

ELEVENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1078 A.H. (1668 A.D.).

[Text, vol. ii. p. 211.] After the expiration of ten years (of the reign), authors were forbidden to write the events of this just and righteous Emperor's reign. Nevertheless some competent persons (did write), and particularly Musta'idd Khán, who secretly wrote an abridged account of the campaign in the Dakhin, simply detailing the conquests of the countries and forts, without alluding at all to the misfortunes of the campaign; and Bindrában, who wrote an abridged account of the events of some years of the second and third decades. But I have neither seen nor obtained any history that contains a full and detailed account of the forty remaining years of the reign. Consequently, from the eleventh to the twenty-first year of the Emperor's reign, I have not been able to relate the events in the order in which they occurred, giving the month and year; but after this year, with very great labour and pains, I collected information from the papers in the public offices, and by inquiry made from truthful persons, the confidential and old servants of the Emperor and old eunuchs. This, and whatsoever I myself observed, after attaining years of discretion, for thirty or forty years, I laid up in the strong box (of my memory), and that I have written. And since I heard that Bindrában Dás Bahádur Sháhí, who was long a mutasaddi of Sháh 'Álam during the time he was a prince, had compiled a history, and had included in it an account of upwards of thirty years, being exceedingly anxious to see it, I made great search for it. Subsequently when, after great trouble, I obtained a copy, and examined it carefully from beginning to end, in the hope that I might gather the rich fruits of his labours, I discovered that his work did not contain one-half of what I had collected and included in my own history.²⁸³

The King of happy disposition strove earnestly from day to day to put in force the rules of the Law, and to maintain the Divine commands and prohibitions. Orders were also issued prohibiting the collection of the ráhdárí, the pándarí, and other imposts which brought in lacs of rupees to the State. Prohibitions were promulgated against intoxicating drinks, against taverns and brothels, and against the meetings called játras or fairs, at which on certain dates countless numbers of Hindús, men and women of every tribe, assemble at their idol temples— when lacs of rupees change hands in buying and selling, and from which large sums accrue to the provincial treasuries. The minstrels and singers of reputation in the service of the Court were made ashamed of their occupation, and were advanced to the dignities of mansabs. Public proclamations were made prohibiting singing and dancing. It is said that one day a number of singers and minstrels gathered together with great cries, and having fitted up a bier with a good deal of display, round which were grouped the public wailers, they passed under the Emperor's jharokha-i darsan, or interview-window. When he inquired what was intended by the bier and the show, the minstrels said that Music was dead, and they were carrying his corpse for burial. Aurangzeb then directed them to place it deep in the ground, that no sound or cry might afterwards arise from it.

In the reigns of former kings, and up to this year, the jharokha-i darsan had been a regular institution. Although the King might be suffering from bodily indisposition, he went to the jharokha once or twice a day at stated times, and put his head out of the window to show that he was safe. This window, at Ágra and at Dehlí, was constructed on the side looking towards the Jumna. Besides the nobles in attendance at the Court, hundreds of thousands of men and women of all classes used to collect under the jharokha and offer their blessings and praises. Many Hindús were known by the name of darsaní, for until they had seen the person of the King at the window, they put not a morsel of food into their mouths. His religious Majesty looked upon this as among the forbidden and unlawful practices, so he left off sitting in the window, and forbade the assembling of the crowd beneath it.

[TWELFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN.]²⁸⁴

Escape of Sivají.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 217.] Sivají left Mathurá after changing his clothes and shaving off his beard and whiskers, carrying with him his youthful son and forty or fifty individuals, servants and dependents, who all smeared their faces with ashes, and assumed the appearance of Hindú mendicants. The valuable jewels and the gold mohurs and the huns they carried with them were concealed in walking sticks, which had been hollowed out for the purpose, and were covered at the top with knobs. Some was sewed up in old slippers, and the wearers, pretending to be Hindú mendicants of three different classes, Bairágís, Gosáíns, and Udásís, proceeded by way of Alláhábád to Benares. One very valuable diamond with some rubies was encased in wax, and concealed in the dress of one of his followers, and other jewels were placed in the mouths of other attendants.

So they proceeded until they reached a place of which the faujdár, 'Alí Kulí Khán, had received private and public notice of Sivají's escape. The faujdár, knowing of the escape of Sivají, on hearing of the arrival of these three parties of Hindú devotees, ordered them all to be placed in confinement, and an inquiry to be made. All these men and some other travellers remained in confinement a night and a day. On the second night Sivají, at the second watch of the night, proceeded alone to the faujdár in private, and acknowledged that he was Sivají. But, said he, “I have two gems, a diamond and a ruby of great value, with more than a lac of rupees. If you secure me and send me back a prisoner, or if you cut off my head and forward that, the two priceless jewels will be lost to you. Here am I, and here is my head; but still, keep off thine hand from wretched me in this dangerous strait.” 'Alí Kulí preferred the ready bribe to the hope of the reward which might afterwards accrue to him. He took the two valuable jewels, and on the following morning, after making inquiries, he released all the devotees and travellers from custody.

Sivají, looking upon his escape as a new lease of life, hastened to pursue his journey in the direction of Benares. He himself in rapid travelling and walking beat even the regular runners; but after reaching Alláhábád, his young son Sambhá, who accompanied him, was foot-sore and worn out. Sivají therefore at Benares gave a quantity of jewels and money, and placed his boy in the charge of a Bráhman, named Kabkalas,²⁸⁵ who was the hereditary family priest of his family, and who happened at that time to be at Benares. Sivají promised that if he reached home alive, he would write to the Bráhman, who was then to conduct the boy to his father by the road and in the manner prescribed in the letter. He warned him against listening to the wishes of the boy, or attending to letters from his mother. Having thus provided for the care of his boy, he continued his flight, * * and he had hardly entered Benares before the government messengers brought the news of Sivají's escape. * * Sivají then continued his flight by way of Bihár, Patna and Chánda, which is a thickly-wooded country and difficult of passage. Every place he came to, he and his followers changed their disguises, and so passed on from place to place secretly till he reached Haidarábád, and came to 'Abdu-llah Kutbu-l Mulk. There he told such stories and used such arts and wiles to forward his purpose that he deceived 'Abdu-llah Sháh.

Conquests of Sivají.

[vol. ii. p. 220.] Sundry forts which had belonged to the Kutb-Sháhí kings had passed into the hands of the 'Ádil-Sháhís. Sivají had a great reputation for skill in the reduction of forts, and he swore to 'Abdu-lla Sháh, that if he would supply him with forces and the means for conducting sieges, he would in a short time wrest these forts from the Bíjápúrís, and hand them over to the officers appointed to accompany him; he would not even accept some forts which had belonged to himself, and were in the possession of the officers of Aurangzeb, if he recovered them by the means supplied him. He vowed also that for the remainder of his life he would remain the devoted servant and adherent of 'Abdu-lla Sháh. The ultimate objects of the arch deceiver never entered into the consideration of 'Abdu-llah Sháh. He provided a sufficient force and a suitable siege train, and he appointed to it several officers acquainted with siege operations, whom he enjoined to serve heartily in obedience to and in accord with Sivají.

Sivají, with the force placed under his command, marched on his enterprise. By fraud and stratagem, and by his marvellous skill in the conduct of sieges, every fort that he approached fell into his hands after a few days' investment. He cajoled the officers who had been sent with him to take charge of the captured forts, with plausible statements, with promises of giving them the command of more important places, and by using the money and property he had obtained from the captured strongholds. So he carried them with him to other forts, and in a short time he reduced Sattára, Parnála, and ten or twelve other renowned forts belonging to Bíjápúr, which it would have taken years and lacs of expense to conquer. He then marched against Rájgarh, and other forts which had been captured by Rája Jai Singh, Diler Khán, and other Imperial generals, the keys of which he himself had surrendered. Having mastered them all, he placed one or two of them in charge of the officers of 'Abdu-llah Sháh.

According to common report, and the oral statements of men of Haidarábád, Sivají came to that city in the first or second year of the reign of Abú-l Hasan, and succeeded in wheedling and satisfying that sovereign. When he had finished his fortress-taking, according to his wont, he took up his abode at Rájgarh, and there again raised the standard of rebellion. In the days when the fortifications of the port of Surat were not yet completed, he attacked and took the place.²⁸⁷ There he obtained an immense booty in gold and silver, coined and uncoined, and in the stuffs of Kashmír, Ahmadábád, and other places. He also made prisoners of some thousand Hindú men and women of name and station, and Musulmáns of honourable position. Krors in money and goods thus came into the hands of that evil infidel.

Aurangzeb, on being informed of the capture and plunder of Surat, ordered that the fortifications of that port should be completed; and he placed Diler Khán and Khán-Jahán in command of an army to punish Sivají. It is said that Sivají got together some ten or twelve thousand Kachh and Arab horses, so that when he sent out an army most of the horsemen were bárgírs, i.e. they rode horses belonging to him. He rebuilt the forts which had formerly stood on the sea-shore, and he constructed also vessels of war, which were kept under the guns of the fortress. With these vessels he attacked and plundered ships which were proceeding to Europe and to Mecca.

When Sivají had satisfied himself of the security of Rájgarh, his old retreat, and of the dependent territory, he turned his thoughts towards finding some other more inaccessible hill as a place for his abode. After diligent search he fixed upon the hill of Ráhírí,²⁸⁸ a very high and strong place. The ascent of this place was three kos, and it was situated twenty-four kos from the sea; but an inlet of the sea was about seven kos from the foot of the hill. The road to Surat passed near the place, and that port was ten or twelve stages distant by land. Rájgarh was four or five stages off. The hills are very lofty and difficult of ascent. Rain falls there for about five months in the year. The place was a dependency of the Kokan, belonging to Nizámu-l Mulk. Having fixed on the spot, he set about building his fort. When the gates and bastions and walls were complete and secure, he removed thither from Rájgarh, and made it his regular residence. After the guns were mounted, and the place made safe, he closed all the roads around, leaving only one leading to his fortress. One day he called an assembly, and having placed a bag of gold and a gold bracelet worth a hundred pagodas before the people, he ordered proclamation to be made that this would be given to any one who would ascend to the fort, and plant a flag, by any other than the appointed road, without the aid of ladder or rope. A Dher came forward, and said that with the permission of the Rája he would mount to the top of the hill, plant the flag, and return. He ascended the hill, fixed the flag, quickly came down again, and made his obeisance. Sivají ordered that the purse of money and the gold bracelet should be given to him, and that he should be set at liberty; and he gave directions for closing the way by which the Dher had ascended.

At the first, Ráhírí was attached to the Kokan, and belonged to Nizámu-l Mulk. Afterwards this country and several of the dependencies of Bíjápúr passed into the possession of the Emperor Sháh Jahán. When the Imperial government became friendly with Bíjápúr, the Kokan, which had belonged to Nizámu-l Mulk, was granted to 'Ádil Sháh in exchange for territory newly acquired by Bíjápúr. Fath Khán, an Afghán, was appointed governor of the country on the part of Bíjápúr, and he posted himself in the fort of Dandá-Rájpúrí,²⁸⁹ which is situated half in the sea and half on land. Subsequently he built the fort of Jazíra^289a upon an island in the sea, about a cannon-shot distant from Dandá-Rájpúrí, in a very secure position, so that, if the governor of the country was hard pressed by an enemy, he might have a secure retreat in that place.

After Sivají had fixed his abode at Ráhírí, which is twenty kos from Dandá-Rájpúrí, he appointed a commandant of that fortress. In a short time, he reduced and occupied seven other forts, small and great, in that neighbourhood, and then resolved upon the conquest of Dandá-Rájpúrí. Fath Khán had observed the triumphant progress of Sivají, and how fortress after fortress had fallen into his hands. So Fath Khán lost courage; he abandoned Dandá-Rájpúrí, and retired to the island fortress in the sea. Sivají then resolved to effect the conquest of the island also, and he so conducted matters that Fath Khán was soon reduced to extremities, and he offered to surrender the place to Sivají, upon a pledge of security to himself and the garrison.

Fath Khán had in his service three Abyssinian slaves, Sídí Sambal, Sídí Yákút, and Sídí Khairiyat, each of whom had ten Abyssinian slaves, which he had trained and drilled. The management of the island and of many domestic concerns was in the hands of these Abyssinians. These three men got information of the enemy's power, and of Fath Khán's intention of surrendering the island to Sivají. They took counsel together, and resolved that no good could come from allowing the island to pass into the hands of any infidel. So they determined to take Fath Khán prisoner, and to make Sídí Sambal governor of the fortress. In the fourteenth year of the reign these Abyssinians seized Fath Khán unawares, placed chains upon his legs, and wrote a statement of the facts to 'Ádil Sháh Bíjápúrí. They also wrote to Khán-Jahán, the Súbadár of the Dakhin, begging the aid of the Imperial forces, and requesting him to send his forces by sea from Surat. Khán-Jahán graciously bestowed mansabs and presents on each of the three Abyssinians.

Khán-Jahán also took measures to thwart the designs of Sivají. Hegot together some ships at the fortress (of Surat), and began the rebuilding which had been ordered. Then he collected some ships of war with the intention of taking a cruise. One night he attacked the vessels of Sivají which lay near the fort of Dandá-Rájpúrí, and captured them with two hundred sailors trained for warlike work. One hundred of them were Mahrattas, and had lately been appointed to this duty by Sivají. Stones were tied to the feet of these men, and they were thrown into the sea. From that day forth the animosity between the Abyssinians and Sivají grew more violent. Sivají collected forty or fifty vessels of war to defend the forts of Kalába and Gandírí, which were the strongest of his newly-built forts on the sea-shore. He then turned his thoughts to the reduction of the fort of Jazíra (Jinjera), and the capture of the Abyssinians. There were frequent naval fights between the opposing forces, in which the Abyssinians were often victorious.

Sídí Sambal was advanced to a mansab of 900, and then he died. Before he expired he made Sídí Yákút his successor, and enjoined all the other Abyssinians to pay him a loyal and cheerful obedience. Sídí Yákút was distinguished among his people for courage, benignity and dignity. He now strove more than ever to collect ships of war, to strengthen the fortress, and to ward off naval attacks. He was armed and ready night and day. He frequently captured ships of the enemy, and cut off the heads of many Mahrattas, and sent them to Surat. He used to write reports to Khán-Jahán, and he frequently received marks of approbation from him. He was constantly revolving in his mind plans for wresting the fort of Dandá-Rájpúrí from the hands of Sivají. He got together some rockets,²⁹¹ which he fastened to trees, and discharged them at night against the fort.

Sivají also was prosecuting his plans for the reduction of Jazíra. But he now retired to a dwelling about three kos to celebrate the holí, leaving in command at Rájpúrí some officers experienced in siege work, to prosecute incessantly the operations against Jazíra during his absence, and he held out to them the reward of a man of gold and other presents. One night, while the garrison of Dandá-Rájpúrí were celebrating the holí, and were intoxicated or inattentive, Sídí Yákút sent on shore four or five hundred men under Sídí Khairiyat with ropes, ladders, and other apparatus. He himself drew thirty or forty boats laden with siege matériel under the walls of Rájpúrí, and gave the signal agreed upon to announce his arrival. They found the garrison off their guard, and Sídí Khairiyat assaulted the place with loud cries from the land side. When the enemy took the alarm, and rushed to repel the attack on that side, Sídí Yákút planted his scaling-ladders, which he had brought in his boats, and by means of these and of ropes, his brave followers scaled the walls, and quickly made their way up. Some of the assailants were cast into the sea, and were drowned, others fell under the swords of the defenders, but the storming party forced its way into the fort, and raised the cry, “Strike! kill!” Just at this time the powder magazine caught fire, and blew up a number of men, including ten or twelve who were with Sídí Yákút. The smoke and the noise made it difficult to distinguish friend from foe, but Sídí Yákút raised his war-cry, and encouraged his men to slaughter the defenders who had escaped the fire. Sídí Khairiyat also scaled the walls on his side, and the place was taken.

I, the author, was in that country some time, and I repeatedly heard from many men, and from the mouth of Yákút Khán himself, that when the magazine blew up, although Sivají was twenty kos off, it awoke him from sleep, and he said that some misfortune had fallen on Dandá-Rájpúrí, and he sent men to ascertain what had happened.

At this time Sivají's forces had gone to attack the neighbourhood of Surat. Within the space of four or five kos from Rájpúrí there were six or seven Nizámu-l Mulkí forts which had fallen into the hands of Sivají, but he was unable at this time to render them any assistance. So Sídí Yákút seized the opportunity to attack them. Six forts surrendered after two or three days' resistance, but the commandant of one fort held out for a week in the hope of relief from Sivají. The Abyssinians pushed forward their approaches, and kept up such a fire that he was obliged to surrender. Sídí Yákút granted quarter to the garrison, and seven hundred persons came out. But notwithstanding his word, he made the children and pretty women slaves, and forcibly converted them to Islám. The old and ugly women he set free, but the men he put to death. This struck such terror into the hearts of Sivají and his followers that he was obliged to confine himself to securing Ráhírí. Sídí Yákút sent an account of his victory to Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, Súbadár of the Dakhin, and to Khán-Jahán. His mansab was raised, a robe of honour was sent to him, and he received the title of Khán. Similar honours were also given to Sídí Khairiyat.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 229.] A report reached Sivají that his son Sambhá, whom he had left at Alláhábád with the Bráhman, was dead, and Sambhájí's wife wanted to become a satí, * * but a few months afterwards the Bráhman arrived, bringing Sambhájí with him.

Taxes.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 229.] An order was promulgated exempting the commercial goods of Musulmáns from tax throughout the dominions of Hindústán. But after a short time, upon the reports of the revenue officers, and by recommendation of good and experienced persons, an order was issued that every article belonging to Musulmáns, the price of which was not large, should pass free; but that goods of value should pay duty. Goods belonging to partners were not to be troubled with duties. The revenue officers then reported that Musulmáns had adopted the practice of dividing their goods into small parcels in order to avoid the duty, and that they passed the goods of Hindús in their names, and thus the payment of the zakát prescribed by the Law was avoided. So an order was given that, according to the Law, two and a half per cent. should be taken from Musulmáns and five per cent. from Hindús.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 236.] In the sixteenth year of the reign, corresponding to 1083 A.H. (1673 A.D.),²⁹³ Khán-Jahán fought a battle with Bahlol, the Bíjápúr general, near the town of Málkher,^293a about four stages from Bíjápúr. Islám Khán Rúmí fought splendidly, and the Imperial army was worsting the enemy in all directions, when an explosion of gunpowder took place, which so frightened the elephant of Islám Khán that the driver lost all control of it, and the animal carried off his rider to the lines of the enemy, where Islám Khán was dragged off the elephant and killed. A good deal of the baggage of the Imperial army was plundered, and many men were slain in the battle. * * Aurangzeb received the news of the defeat of Diler Khán and the death of Islám Khán in the Dakhin, while he was at Hasan Abdál on his march against the Afgháns, in the beginning of the seventeenth year of his reign, and he was obliged to defer the punishment of the Dakhinís for the time. * * The Emperor returned from Hasan Abdál to the capital at the end of the eighteenth or nineteenth year of his reign.

Riot of Hindú Devotees.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 252.] One of the remarkable occurrences of this year²⁹⁴ was the outburst of the Hindú devotees called Sat-námís , who are also known by the name of Mundíhs. There were four or five thousand of these, who were householders in the parganas of Nárnaul and Mewát. These men dress like devotees, but they nevertheless carry on agriculture and trade, though their trade is on a small scale. In the way of their religion they have dignified themselves with the title of “Good name,” this being the meaning of Sat-nám. They are not allowed to acquire wealth in any but a lawful calling. If any one attempts to wrong or oppress them by force, or by exercise of authority, they will not endure it. Many of them have weapons and arms.

At the time Aurangzeb was returning from Hasan Abdál, a strong altercation arose one day near Nárnaul, between a man of this sect, who was engaged in agricultural work, and a man who was keeping watch over the harvest. The latter broke the Sat-námí's head with his staff. A number of Sat-námís then collected and beat the watchman, so that they left him for dead. When intelligence reached the shikkdár, he assembled his men and sent them to arrest those Sat-námís. Meantime numbers of the Sat-námís assembled. They attacked the shikkdár's men, overpowered them, wounded several, and took away their arms. Their numbers went on increasing, and information was carried to Kár-talab Khán, faujdár of Nárnaul. He sent a large force of horse and foot to the assistance of the shikkdár, and to punish and seize the rioters. The Sát-námís fought this force also, wounded and killed a great many of them, and put the rest to flight. Matters grew worse, and the faujdár set about collecting more men, both horse and foot, and called to his assistance the zamíndárs of the neighbourhood. With his old and new men, and with the levies from the zamíndárs, he marched against the rioters, and gave them battle. He killed a good many of them, but was repulsed and compelled to fly.

To shorten a long story, suffice it to say that after several fights the faujdár was killed, and the town of Nárnaul fell into the hands of the Sat-námís. They proceeded to collect the taxes from the villages, and established posts of their own. When the Emperor reached Dehlí, he was informed of this outbreak, and he sent force after force to quell it, but they were all defeated and dispersed. It was said that swords, arrows, and musket-balls had no effect upon these men, and that every arrow and ball which they discharged against the royal army brought down two or three men. Thus they were credited with magic and witchcraft, and stories were currently reported about them which were utterly incredible. They were said to have magic wooden horses like live ones, on which their women rode as an advanced guard.

Great rájas and veteran amírs were sent against them with powerful armies. But the revolters were eager for the fight, and advanced to about sixteen or seventeen kos from Dehlí. The royal army went forth boldly to attack them; but the zamíndárs of the neighbourhood, and some cowardly Rájpúts, seized the opportunity to throw off their obedience, and to withhold the government dues. They even broke out into open violence, and the flames daily increased. The King ordered his tents to be brought out. He then wrote some prayers and devices with his own hands, which he ordered to be sewn on the banners and standards, and carried against the rebels. At length, by the exertions of Rája Bishan Singh, Hámid Khán, and others, several thousands of them were killed, and the rest were put to flight, so that the outbreak was quelled. * *

Re-Imposition of the Jizya.

With the object of curbing the infidels, and of distinguishing the land of the faithful from an infidel land, the jizya, or poll-tax, was imposed upon the Hindús throughout all the provinces.²⁹⁶ Upon the publication of this order, the Hindús all round Dehlí assembled in vast numbers under the jharokha of the Emperor on the river front of the palace, to represent their inability to pay, and to pray for the recall of the edict. But the Emperor would not listen to their complaints. One day, when he went to public prayer in the great mosque on the Sabbath, a vast multitude of Hindús thronged the road from the palace to the mosque, with the object of seeking relief. Money-changers and drapers, all kinds of shopkeepers from the Urdú bázár, mechanics, and workmen of all kinds, left off work and business, and pressed into the way. Notwithstanding orders were given to force a way through, it was impossible for the Emperor to reach the mosque. Every moment the crowd increased, and the Emperor's equipage was brought to a stand-still. At length an order was given to bring out the elephants and direct them against the mob. Many fell trodden to death under the feet of the elephants and horses. For some days the Hindús continued to assemble in great numbers and complain, but at length they submitted to pay the jizya.

Death of Rája Jasnant Singh.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 259.] ^296a Intelligence now arrived of the death of Rája Jaswant Singh, who had gone to Kábul with reinforcements. After the death of the Rája, his foolish servants took away the Rája's two sons, named Ajít Singh and Dalathaman,²⁹⁷ who were of tender years, and the Ránís also. Without waiting for permission from Aurangzeb, and without even obtaining a pass from the Súbadár of the province, they set off towards the capital. When they reached the ferry of Atak, they were unable to produce any pass, so the commander of the boats refused to let them proceed. They then attacked him, killed and wounded some of his men, and by force made good their way over the river and went onwards towards Dehlí.

There was an old standing grievance in the Emperor's heart respecting Rája Jaswant's tribute, which was aggravated by these presumptuous proceedings of the Rájpúts. He ordered the kotwál to take his own men, with an additional force obtained from the mansabdárs, as well as some artillery, and to surround the camp of the Rájpúts, and keep guard over them. After some days, a party of Rájpúts sought permission to go home. Their request was made known to Aurangzeb, and, as it seemed right and proper, it was granted.

Meanwhile the Rájpúts had obtained two boys of the same age as the Rája's children. They dressed some of the female attendants in the garments of the ránís, and taking every precaution that their stratagem should not be discovered, they left these women and the boys under guard in their camp. The (real) ránís, disguised as men, went off at night in charge of two trusty servants and a party of devoted Rájpúts, and made their way with all speed to their own country. The brave and active chiefs, who might have stopped or overtaken them, were keeping guard over the tents in which the pretended children of the Rája were. After two or three watches, when a report of the fact was made, some officials were sent to make inquiries, and it was repeatedly stated that the ránís and the children were still there. Orders were then given for taking all the Rája's followers into the fortress. The Rájpúts and the disguised women, who were ready to fight like men for the honour of their Rája, made a determined resistance. Many were killed, but a party escaped.

The flight of the ránís was not clearly proved. Some men, who wished to show their zeal, and to cover their negligence in the matter, asserted that the boys had escaped, and that the wazír had sent out a force to secure them. The royal forces went in pursuit twenty kos from Dehlí, but they could not overtake the Rájpúts, and returned unsuccessful. The two (substituted) boys were given into the charge of the women of the royal harem, and were there brought up. The two boys which the Rájpúts carried off were for a long time rejected by Aurang-zeb, who refused to acknowledge that they were the sons of Jaswant, until all doubt was removed by the Ráná of Chitor, who married Ajít Singh to a girl of his family.

The Ráná and other Rájpúts. Defection of Prince Akbar.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 261.] At the beginning of Zí-l hijja of the twenty-second year of the reign, Aurangzeb started from Ajmír, with the intention of bringing the refractory Rájpúts to punishment. * * A strict farmán was sent to the Ráná of Chitor, calling upon him to assent to the payment of the jizya, and directing him to bring from the territories of Jodhpúr the two alleged sons of Rája Jaswant Singh. After a short stay at Ajmír, the army marched with the intention of ravaging Jodhpúr, and other Rájpút districts. The Ráná, feeling himself incapable of resistance, sent his vakíls with tribute and a letter declaring his obedience in the matter of the jizya, but offering to give over two or three parganas (districts) in commutation. He declared that he was not supporting the sons of Jaswant, and finally begged forgiveness for his offences. Aurangzeb left Khán-Jahán Bahádur to complete the arrangements in this quarter, and returned to Dehlí. His journey to Ajmír and back occupied seven months and twenty days.

It was soon after reported that the mean-spirited Ráná had again broken his engagements, and showed rebellious designs, so that Khán-Jahán could bring him to no final settlement. This kindled the flames of the Emperor's wrath, and towards the end of the same year, he set off again to Ajmír, with the intention of punishing the Ráná and the other evil-disposed Rájpúts. He wrote to Prince Mu'azzam, directing him to come from the Dakhin to Ujjain, and Prince Muhammad A'zam was ordered to march with all speed from Bengal. When the King's tents were pitched near Ajmír, Prince Muhammad Akbar was sent with a large force to attack and chastise the Ráná. Sháh Kulí Khán, who was promoted and received the title of Tahawwur Khán, was placed in command of his advanced guard.

When the Ráná heard of these preparations, he laid Údípúr, his capital, waste, and with the treasure and family and followers of himself and Jaswant Singh, he fled to the mountains and difficult passes. The Prince was ordered to follow him into the hills with a strong force of brave men suited for mountain warfare. Another force was sent to ravage the country of the Ráná, and destroy the crops. When Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam arrived at Ujjain, he was directed to march against the lake of Aná-ságar, which belonged to the Ráná, and was about eighty kos from Ajmír. His orders were to station his army about that neighbourhood, and to trample every scrap of cultivation under the hoofs of his horses.

It was now announced that Prince Muhammad A'zam had shown such alacrity in the execution of the orders issued to him, that he had compressed four months' march into less than one, and came up with his army. He was ordered to march through the mountains and central fastnesses of the Ráná, into the territories of the Ráhtors, and there to kill, ravage and make prisoners among the Rájpúts. He was also ordered to employ a force in preventing the transport of supplies to the Ráná, and in stopping cultivation. Nearly twenty-five thousand horse, Ráhtors, belonging to the territories of Jaswant, and other Rájpúts, assembled to support the Ráná, and had the boldness to attack the royal forces, and to fall upon their supplies. They allured several thousand of the royal forces into the heart of the Ráná's fastnesses. There they attacked them, and killed many, both horse and foot; but the royal forces at length prevailed and beat them. Notwithstanding that the Rájpúts held all the roads through the hills, and came down occasionally from the hills, and attacked the Prince's forces by surprise, the Prince's army fought bravely, and Tahawwur Khán and others rendered distinguished service in chastising the enemy. They employed themselves in laying waste the country, destroying temples and buildings, cutting down fruit-trees, and making prisoners of the women and children of the infidels who had taken refuge in holes and ruined places.

Orders were also issued to Muhammad Amín Khán, Súbadár of Ahmadábád, directing him to take up a position with his forces between Ahmadábád and the territories of the Rájpúts, and to march against them wherever he heard of them. Khán-Jahán Bahádur Kokaltásh was re-appointed Súbadár of the Dakhin, and sent to lay siege to the fort of Sálír,³⁰⁰ which had fallen into the possession of the enemy.

When the Ráná was hard pressed, and his allies were crippled, when not a scrap of grain was left, and not a trace of cultivation was to be found, the Ráná and the Ráhtor Rájpúts had recourse again to lies and stratagems. They first addressed themselves to Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, and sought to make him an intercessor for their forgiveness, or to persuade him to rebel and join them. The Prince paid no heed to their allurements, and Nawáb Báí, the mother of the Prince, being informed of what was passing, gave good counsel to the Prince, and strongly dissuaded him from yielding an assent; and from giving any aid, assistance, or intercession on behalf of the Rájpúts. She even persuaded him not to allow the vakils of the Ráná to approach him. When they despaired of success in this quarter, the Rájpúts betook themselves to Prince Muhammad Akbar, taking advantage of his youth, and the favour of some of his friends. Durgá Dás was their spokesman. He was noted among them for his plausibility, and he used all his arts and wiles to persuade the Prince that they would supply him with forty thousand Rájpút horse, and with abundance of treasure. This so dazzled the Prince that he was deluded, and several of his evil companions artfully used their persuasions. So the inexperienced Prince was led astray from the path of rectitude, and through his youth and covetousness he fell into the snares of the Rájpúts.

Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, when he heard of these doings, wrote a few words of friendly counsel to the Prince, to whom he was much attached. He also wrote a letter to Aurangzeb, informing him that the false and deceitful infidels were using all their wiles to mislead the Prince, and that he must watch against being taken unawares. Aurangzeb entertained no suspicions of Muhammad Akbar; but report had cast an evil aspersion on the name of Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam at the time when Aurangzeb was at Hasan Abdál. The infidels had addressed themselves to Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam in the first instance, and Aurang-zeb had received information about it, so he now thought that Mu'azzam's letter about his brother Akbar was sheer calumny. Accordingly he wrote to him, and accused him of making a false charge, and praying that the Almighty would keep him in the right course, and preserve him from listening to the evil suggestions of designing people.

Soon afterwards the secret became public. Thirty thousand Rájpúts under Durgá Dás joined the Prince. The news spread from tent to tent, and was the talk of young and old. It was reported that he had ascended the throne, and that coins had been struck in his name; that Tahawwur Khán had been made a haft-hazárí, and had received the title of Amíru-l umará; that Mujáhid Khán, and other great servants of the State, who were with the Prince, had received distinguished honours, which some of them had felt themselves constrained to accept. The Prince was doing his best to win the affections of all, and was said to be marching against Aurangzeb.

On the forces being sent off, under the command of Prince Akbar, against the infidels, only Asad Khán and a limited number of officers and men were left in attendance upon the Emperor. All his retinue, counting the eunuchs and writers, did not exceed seven or eight hundred horsemen. A great panic fell upon the royal camp, and wild confusion followed. A letter under the royal signature was sent off in haste to Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, urging him to come with all his army, and with the greatest haste, to Aurangzeb. When the Prince received it, he marched without a moment's delay to join his father. Leaving his ladies and attendants behind under protection, he set off with all speed, and, pressing nine or ten days' journey into the space of two or three, he joined his father, bringing with him Prince Mu'izzu-d dín and Muhammad 'Azím.

When Muhammad Mu'azzam arrived with his nine or ten thousand horse, and they heard the reports about the mighty force of seventy thousand horse with which Prince Muhammad Akbar was approaching to the attack, no man of the army had any hope of escape. The expressions of some of Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam's thoughtless companions roused Aurangzeb's caution and prudence. Suspicion arose in his heart, and he thought it advisable to order that his guns should be pointed against the Prince's army, and he sent a message desiring the Prince to leave his army, and to come to him in all speed with his two sons. The Prince obeyed the summons, and hastened to wait upon his father.

The precautions taken by the Rájpúts prevented intelligence being obtained of the movements of Prince Muhammad Akbar. Shahábu-d dín, son of Kalich Khán, a brave and intelligent man, was sent out with a force to reconnoitre. On coming in sight of the Prince's army, Shahábu-d dín's brother, Mujáhid Khán, who was with the Prince, and had found it necessary to temporize, but watched for an opportunity to escape, went to the Prince, and said that if he were allowed he would go to his brother, and bring him over to the Prince's side. Permission being given, Mujáhid Khán took all the money and valuables he could carry, and joined his brother. The two brothers then went together to the Emperor.

Aurangzeb had been greatly depressed by the adverse news which reached him; but on hearing of the approach of the two brothers, he recovered his spirits. He directed that Shahábu-d dín should be addressed with the title of Khán, and he also conferred great favours on Mujáhid Khán. From the latter he learnt the state of the Prince's army, and about those who were acting with him from choice or from necessity. Some other men of note now came over, and it was ascertained that after the departure of Mujáhid Khán, dissensions had arisen in the Prince's army.

Khwája Makárim, a confidential adherent of Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, led an advanced force towards the army of Prince Muhammad Akbar. A skirmish took place. The Khwája was wounded, and so were two or three men on the other side; but he ascertained that Tahawwur Khán had advanced from the Prince's army with a small escort, intending to desert the Prince and join Aurangzeb. On this being reported to the Emperor, he ordered that Tahawwur Khán should take off his arms before being admitted to the presence. The Khán demurred to putting off his arms, so Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam made a sign to kill the unhappy man. It was now stated to the Emperor that Tahawwur Khán had come, under the orders of Prince Muhammad Akbar, to make known his pretensions and demands. On hearing this, Aurangzeb's anger blazed forth, and he placed his hand upon his sword, and ordered that the Khán should be allowed to enter with his arms. But one of the attendants, in an insulting way, placed his hand upon the Khán's breast to stop him. The Khán struck him a blow on the face and retreated, but his foot caught in a rope, and he fell down. Cries of “Strike! slay!” arose on all sides. Numbers fell upon him, and he was soon killed, and his head was cut off. After he was dead, it was found that he had armour under his clothes, but there were various opinions as to what his real intentions were.

The author of this work heard from Khwája Makárim, afterwards Ján-nisár Khán, and from several of his contemporaries, in their old age, that Tahawwur Khán returned in good faith, in consequence of a letter he had received from 'Ináyat Khán, his father-in-law, who was a private secretary of Aurangzeb, but that he felt the order to put off his arms was an insult to his position, his services, and his character. However it may be, his murder caused great divisions in the Prince's army, and among his Rájpúts, and they were much dispirited.

It was commonly reported that Aurangzeb craftily wrote a letter to Prince Muhammad Akbar, and contrived that it should fall into the hands of the Rájpúts. In it he praised the Prince for having won over the Rájpúts as he had been instructed, and that now he should crown his service by bringing them into a position where they would be under the fire of both armies. This letter was the cause of great divisions among them. Such is the story I have heard, but not from any trustworthy person. For all the mighty force which Prince Akbar brought against his father, the sword was not drawn, and no battle was fought, but his army was completely broken. The Prince was soon informed that the Rájpúts had abandoned him. There remained with him only Durgá Dás, two or three confidential officers of the Ráná, and a small force of two or three thousand horse. Of all his old servants and men, these alone remained. He lost all courage, self-reliance, and hope, and being utterly cast down, he took to flight. ^{* *} Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam was ordered to pursue him.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 270.] Khán-Jahán Bahádur Kokaltásh, after arriving at the Khujista-bunyád Aurangábád, according to order, laid siege to the fort of Sálír. Many Rájpúts were killed, and many Musulmáns also fell. He pressed the siege for four or five months, but making no impression, he withdrew to Aurangábád.

The hell-dog Sivají went forth with an army on a plundering expedition, and while Khán-Zamán, the Súbadár, was at Burhánpúr, he entered Khandesh, and plundered the town of Dharan-gánw,³⁰⁵ one of the most flourishing places in that country. ^{* * *} Afterwards he ravaged and burnt Chopra^305a and other parganas. He then marched against Jálna, a rich mercantile place in the Bálághát.^{305b * *} In the course of the same year he was attacked with illness and died.^305c The date of his death is found in the words, “Káfir ba-jahannam raft,” “The infidel went to hell,” which was discovered by the writer of these pages. Sivají left two sons, Sambhá and Rám Rája. The former succeeded him. He made Kabkalas,^305d the Bráhman who brought him from Allahábád, his minister.

Sivají had always striven to maintain the honour of the people in his territories. He persevered in a course of rebellion, in plundering caravans, and troubling mankind; but he entirely abstained from other disgraceful acts, and was careful to maintain the honour of the women and children of Muhammadans when they fell into his hands. His injunctions upon this point were very strict, and any one who disobeyed them received punishment. But the son, unlike his father, obtained an evil name by collecting round him women of all tribes, and by assailing the honour of the women of the places in which he dwelt. His father never showed any backwardness in attacking and plundering prosperous places, but he never made any attack upon Aurangábád and Burhánpúr, the provincial capitals of the Imperial dynasty. If any of his counsellors advised an attack upon these places, he very wisely and prudently forbade it; “for,” said he, “if we attack these places, the honour of Aurangzeb will be wounded, and he will march hither himself, and then, God knows how the strife will end!”

When Sivají was dead, his wretched son Sambhá desired to surpass his father. He raised the standard of rebellion, and on the 20th Muharram, in the twenty-third year of the reign, corresponding with 1091 A.H. (15th February, 1680), he attacked Kákar Khán Afghán, who acted as collector of the jizya, under Khán-Zamán, the Súbadár of the Dakhin. Sambhá was returning with nearly twenty thousand men from a plundering expedition in Birár. He made a forced march of three or four kos, as was the practice in those days, and early in the morning made his attack, while his victims were entirely ignorant of his approach. Thus he fell upon Bahádur-púr, one kos and a half from Burhánpúr. This place was rich, and there were many bankers and merchants in it. Jewels, money, and goods from all parts of the world were found there in vast abundance. He surrounded and attacked this place, and also another town called Hafda-púra, which was outside of the fortifications, and his attack was so sudden and unexpected, especially upon Bahádur-pur, that no one was able to save a dám or a diram of his property, or a single one of his wives and children.

Kákar Khán, with his men in the city, saw the smoke of these towns rising to the sky, but he had not a force sufficient to go out and attack the plunderers, so he shut himself up within the walls and looked after the security of his gates and defences. Seventeen other places of note, such as Hasan-púra, etc., in the neighbourhood of the city, all wealthy and flourishing places, were plundered and burnt. Many honourable men girded on their swords, and, joining in the fight, attained martyrdom. Others submitted themselves humbly to the will of God. Some who were near the fortress took their wives and children by the hand, and fled in distress within the walls. For three days the plunderers ravaged these towns at their will. Large sums of money fell into their hands, much of which had been buried for long periods, and sometimes in places unknown even to the householders. They then repeatedly attempted to carry the fortress by assault. But the officers took their stations at the gates and other points of attack, and with great bravery beat off the assailants. Being unable to enter the city, the plunderers carried off with them the gold, silver, jewels, and other articles of value which were portable; but many other things which they had taken they were obliged to leave behind, because they could not carry them. The property which was thrown into the streets of the bázárs and burnt exceeded all computation.

Intelligence of this raid upon the neighbourhood of Burhánpúr was carried by runners to Aurangábád, to Khán-Jahán Bahádur Kokaltásh. He immdiately took horse, and accomplished three or four days' march in one day and night, and reached the pass of Fardápúr, thirty-two kos distant. There it became necessary to wait three or four watches to rest the animals, and to provide means for crossing the river. According to the current reports of some men who took a worldly view of things, and had a bad opinion of Khán-Jahán, some emissaries of Sambhájí came to him with an immense sum of money, and prevailed upon him to halt there for four or five watches. One thing is certain. After the enemy were repulsed from Burhánpúr, the burden of their plunder, and the knowledge of Khán-Jahán's pursuit, prevented them from reaching their renowned but distant fortresses. They were obliged to go to the fort of Sálír, in Baglána, which was the nearest of their strongholds. They went by way of Mustafa-ábád or Chopra. Under these circumstances the proper course for Khán-Jahán was to leave Fardápúr without delay, and, bearing towards his left hand, to pass through Dharan-gánw and Chopra, to intercept the marauders. But, through the representations of Sambhájí's emissaries, he went towards his right hand, contrary to what was desirable, and proceeded to 'Ídal-ábád. When the enemy heard this, he made the most of his opportunity, and carried off all the plunder he could transport, and all his prisoners, by a rapid march, through Chopra, to the fort of Sálír, which he reached in four or five days. The principal inhabitants of Burhánpúr wrote a statement to Aurangzeb, describing the success of the enemy, the loss inflicted on the property and honour of Muhammadans, and the discontinuance of the public prayers on Fridays. Aurangzeb then wrote a letter strongly censuring Khán-Jahán, and announcing his own intention of proceeding to the Dakhin. In his anger he took away from Khán-Jahán all the increased honours and emoluments he had conferred upon him in that year. Considering the disorders in the Dakhin, and the flight of Prince Muhammad Akbar, he gave orders for his travelling equipage to move towards Burhánpúr.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 275.] When Prince Muhammad Akbar took to flight, not more than three or four hundred men remained with him. Some of them were his own old followers, and others were Rájpúts. ^{* *} All his property and treasure and guns fell into the hands of the royal army, as well as one son, a boy of tender years, named Nekú Siyar, and two daughters. One son, who had arrived at years of discretion, remained with the Rájpúts. The Prince himself was distracted, and knew not whither to go. At one time he thought of going to Dehlí and Láhore by way of Ajmír. Then he proposed to go to Persia. Whichever way he turned, the faujdárs and zamíndárs, under orders from the Emperor, blocked his way. Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam received orders to pursue him; but the common report is that he only made a feint of doing so, and marched leisurely.

Akbar proceeded by way of Láhore and Multán, and under the guidance of the zamíndárs he then passed by difficult roads through the hills towards the Dakhin. ^{* *} Orders had been repeatedly sent to Khán-Jahán Bahádur, Súbadár of the Dakhin, and to all the faujdárs, directing them to stop him wherever he might come, to take him prisoner alive if possible, if not, to kill him. Under these orders Khán-Jahán pursued the Prince with the intention of making him prisoner. He came within fourteen or fifteen kos of him, but on approaching nearer he made only a feint of arresting him. The fact was reported to the Emperor by Mír Núru-llah, who was very unceremonious in these matters. A strong letter of censure was written upon the matter, and strict directions were sent to all the news-writers.

Prince Akbar then proceeded to Baglána, to the territory of Rája Debí Singh, the commandant and faujdár of Malír. Rája Debí sent out a force to take him prisoner; but when the force followed, the Prince escaped from Baglána. A few of his Rájpúts remained behind, and these were taken to the Rája. Whilst the Rája was making inquiries of these men, another party of his horsemen overtook one of the Prince's followers, who had upon his back a blood-stained jacket belonging to the Prince, but which he had thrown off in consequence of the heat. They attacked and wounded this man, and carried him off to the Rája, under the impression that he was the Prince. The Rája did not believe it, and abused his men for their stupidity. Prince Akbar, after passing through the territories of the Firingís, found unquiet refuge for a while in the hills of Baglána. By means of a bribe of money, he induced the hill-men to guide him to Ráhírí, belonging to Sambhá. This chieftain came forth to receive him, gave him a house of his own to dwell in, about three kos from the fort of Ráhírí, and fixed an allowance for his support.

TWENTY-FIFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1092 A.H. (1681 A.D.).

[Text, vol. ii. p. 278.] After the 'Íd-i fitr, Aurangzeb started for the Dakhin, to punish the infidels, and to pursue Prince Muhammad Akbar. ^{* *} On the 14th Zí-l ka'da he reached Burhánpúr, the Dáru-s súrúr (abode of joy). Khán-Jahán Bahádur, the Súbadár, and Amín Khán, the Díwán of the four súbas of the Dakhin, with the faujdárs and the officials and nobles there, waited upon him. Many great men of Bíjápúr, of the Kutb-Sháhí dynasty, and of the Mahrattas, also came to pay their respects.

The infidel inhabitants of the city and the country round made great opposition to the payment of the jizya. There was not a district where the people, with the help of the faujdárs and mukaddams, did not make disturbances and resistance. Mír 'Abdu-l Karím, an excellent and honest man, now received orders to collect the jizya in Burhánpúr. A suitable force of horse and foot was appointed to support him, and the kotwál was directed to punish every one who resisted payment.

A fire broke out in a house near the citadel and the chauk. There were several sacks³¹⁰ of powder in the house, the roof was blown off, and many men were burnt. It came to Aurangzeb's knowledge that there were thirty sacks of gunpowder in a cellar under his sleeping apartment. An investigation was made, and it appeared that at the very commencement of the reign, when Aurangzeb left Burhánpúr to proceed to Dehlí, the gunners left this powder there, and during all that time it had never been taken out. The Emperor severely censured the officials who were answerable for this neglect, and degraded some of them. He told them that if this had happened in the reign of Jahángír, that King would have blown them all up with the powder. Aurangzeb's humanity and kindness was such that the severest punishment was reduction of dignity, and this even was soon restored through the intercession and kind offices of men high in office.

Aurangzeb passed three or four months very pleasantly at Burhánpúr; he then left for Aurangábád. Before he departed, Mír 'Abdu-l Karím, the Amín-i jizya, reported that the jizya of the city of Burhánpúr for the past year, amounting to 26,000 rupees, had been paid into the public treasury. During the three months that he had been in office, he had settled the sum of one lac and 80,000 rupees as the amount payable by half the towns connected with Burhánpúr. He now hoped that he might be allowed to leave with His Majesty, and that the collection of the jizya might be deputed to some one else. He was applauded and promoted. He was allowed to accompany the Emperor, and his deputies were to collect the tax. ^{* *}

After Aurangzeb reached Aurangábád, Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam was sent to take the forts and punish the infidels of Rám-darra in the Kokan; and Prince Muhammad A'zam was directed to reduce the fort of Sálír, near the fort of Malír in Baglána, which had been held for some time by the Mahrattas. Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam penetrated into the Kokan, and passing through its inmost recesses, passes and thick woods, he laid the country waste in all directions, and put many infidels to the sword. Khwája Abú-l Makárim, afterwards Ján-nisár Khán, and others, greatly distinguished themselves in this campaign; but the grain and millet and vetches of that country were injurious to strangers, and the climate was very uncongenial to camels and horses. Men in great numbers and quadrupeds beyond compute perished. Horses were so scarce that there was not one left in the stable of the Prince which was fit to carry him. Most men were obliged to walk, and no provisions arrived, for the enemy closed the roads on every side. Life became insupportable, and it was impossible for the Prince to remain there. On the facts being reported to the Emperor, he gave orders for the recall of the army.

TWENTY-SIXTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1093 A.H. (1682 A.D.).

[Text, vol. ii. p. 281.] The fort of Sálír, against which Prince Muhammad A'zam had been sent, is not one capable of investment. It is near the sea, and there are so many ravines near, that hundreds of thousands of horsemen could not invest that lofty fortress. ^{* *} Neknám Khán was commandant of Malír and faujdár of Baglána. When the Prince was ordered to conquer it, Neknám opened negociations with the commandant of Sálír, and by promises and presents, ^{* *} induced him to surrender the fortress.

[Three officers in succession, Shahábu-d dín, Khán-Jahán, and Kásim Khán, fail to take the fortress of Rám Síj.]

Prince Akbar.

[vol. ii. p. 284.] When Prince Akbar went to Ráhírí, and became the guest of the accursed Sambhá, he was at first treated very kindly and respectfully, and provision was made for the necessary expenses of his followers. One day a kází in the presence of Muhammad Akbar, in a stupid flattering way, said to Sambhá, “May all the Mahárája's enemies be trodden under foot.” The Prince heard this, and being angry, reprimanded the kází for his folly. He also told Sambhá that such vain words ought not to be spoken in his (the Prince's) presence, and that it was also unbecoming in Sambhá to listen to them. The report also came that an army had been sent under the command of I'tikád Khán to effect the conquest of Ráhírí. Prince Muhammad Akbar therefore thought it advisable to make his way as best he could to Persia. He bought two small ships, furnished them with provisions for forty days, and was about to start. Sídí Yákút Khán Habshí, who scoured the seas in those parts, was at first desirous of stopping the progress of the Prince, but he at last connived at it. The Prince, with Zíáu-d din Muhammad Shujá'í and forty or fifty persons, put his trust in God and embarked on his voyage. His ships were separated and endured great distress, the account of which would be too long for admission here.

Through stress of weather, the Prince's ship fell upon an island belonging to the Imám of Maskat. The people of the island made him prisoner and sent him to the Imám. This ruler is one of the great zamíndárs or rulers who are dependent on Persia. He affected to treat the Prince with hospitality and respect; but in reality he kept him under surveillance, and wrote to Aurangzeb offering to surrender the Prince for the sum of two lacs of rupees and for a charter exempting goods carried in the ships of Maskat from the payment of duty in the port of Surat. If Aurangzeb would send one of his officers, the Imám promised to give up the Prince.

Upon receiving this letter, Aurangzeb wrote to the officials of the port of Surat, directing them to act in accord with the proposition of the Imám. So the people at Surat sent Hájí Fázil, an old sailor in the royal service, to take Prince Akbar in charge. When intelligence of Prince Akbar's arrival in Maskat, and the evil designs of the Imám, became known to the King of Persia, he issued peremptory commands to the Imám, directing him to send the Prince (his guest) to him without delay, or an army would be appointed to deliver him and punish the Imám. So preforce the Imám delivered up the Prince to the Sháh's officers. ^{* *} When the Prince approached Isfahán, Sháh Sulaimán went forth to meet him. ^{* *} On the death of Sháh Sulaimán, his successor showed the Prince even greater hospitality and attention, so that the Prince asked for an army and money to assist him in Hindústán. Sháh Husain excused himself, ^{* *} and the Prince then asked permission to go to Garmsír in Khurásán. ^{* *} This was granted, and provision was made for his maintenance. ^{* *} He retired thither, and died there towards the close of the reign of Aurangzeb.

TWENTY-SEVENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1094 A.H. (1683 A.D.).

[Text, vol. ii. p. 290.] The author of this work has not been able to obtain such satisfactory accounts of these two or three years (in do sih sál), as to be worthy of being committed to writing. ^{* *} But he has here recorded what he has heard from the mouths of trustworthy witnesses; also what he heard from his late brother, Muhammad Murád Khán, who was a servant of the Court, and on whose statements he places implicit trust; and lastly, what the author himself witnessed in his travels and at Haidarábád. He has compared and considered the information derived from these various sources, and has reduced it to writing. If there should appear to be any excess or deficiency, the pardon of the reader is solicited.

Siege of Rám-darra.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 290.] In the beginning of the twenty-seventh year Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam marched from Ahmadnagar to lay siege to the forts of Rám-darra, belonging to Sambhá, which were in a part of the country never before penetrated by an Imperial army. ^{* *} The roll of his army numbered 20,000 horse. ^{* *} On the march through the narrow passes, there were many sharp fights with the enemy, in which numbers of the royal soldiers fell; but the enemy were put to flight. On reaching the village of Sámpgánw, the fort of that place was invested. The besiegers showed great bravery, and took the fort in two days. They then entered the country of Rám-darra. It was in a very strong position, and the air of the place did not suit the invaders. The enemy swarmed around on every side, and cut off the supplies. On one side was the sea, and on two other sides were mountains full of poisonous trees and serpents. The enemy cut down the grass, which was a cause of great distress to man and beast, and they had no food but cocoa-nuts, and the grain called kúdún, which acted like poison upon them. Great numbers of men and horses died. Grain was so scarce and dear that wheat flour sometimes could not be obtained for less than three or four rupees. Those men who escaped death dragged on a half existence, and with crying and groaning felt as if every breath they drew was their last. There was not a noble who had a horse in his stable fit for use. When the wretched state of the royal army became known to Aurangzeb, he sent an order to the officers of the port of Surat, directing them to put as much grain as possible on board of ships, and send it to the Prince's succour by sea. The enemy got intelligence of this, and as the ships had to pass by their newly-erected fortresses, they stopped them on their way, and took most of them. A few ships escaped the enemy, and reached their destination; but no amír got more than two or three palas of corn. The order at length came for the retreat of the army, and it fell back fighting all the way to Ahmadnagar, where Aurangzeb then was.

Kutbu-l Mulk.

[vol. ii. p. 292.] It now became known to the Emperor that Abú-l Hasan Kutbu-l Mulk, Sovereign of Haidarábád, had entrusted the government of his kingdom to Mádaná and Ákaná, two infidels, who were bitter enemies to the Musulmáns, and brought great and increased troubles upon them. The King himself was given up to luxury, drinking and debauchery. ^{* *} Aurangzeb having turned his attention to the conquest of Haidar-ábád, and the subjugation of Abú-l Hasan, he first sent Khán-Jahán Kokaltásh with his sons and ^{* *} with a detachment against certain adherents of Abú-l Hasan, who had taken possession of some districts dependent upon Zafar-nagar, on the pretence that they had formerly formed part of the country of Telingána. Their instructions were to chastise these men, and to recover the districts. After this, Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam with ^{* *} were sent to effect the conquest of the country of Telingána.

Aurangzeb now sent Mirzá Muhammad, the superintendent of his ghusl-khána, to Abú-l Hasan Kutbu-l Mulk, with a message to this effect: “It has come to our hearing that you have two very fine diamonds of 150 surkhs in weight, with sundry other rarities. We wish you to ascertain the value of these gems, and to send them to us for the balance of tribute due.” But he told his envoy confidentially that he did not send him to obtain the two diamonds, which he did not at all want, but rather to ascertain the truth of the evil reports which had reached him. ^{* *} Upon the arrival of Mirzá Muhammad, he demanded the diamonds, according to his instructions. Abú-l Hasan swore that he had no such gems, and that if he had, he would have been happy to send them without any demand being made for them. ^{* *} Such stones as his predecessors possessed had been sent to the late Emperor. ^{* *}

Mirzá Muhammad returned, and Abú-l Hasan learnt that armies had been sent against him under the command of Khán-Jahán and Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam. He then sent Ibráhím Khán, otherwise called Husainí, who had received the title of Khalílu-llah Khán, and was commander-in-chief, and one of the chief nobles of Haidarábád, with ^{* *}, and a force of thirty or forty thousand horse, to oppose the armies sent against him.

When the two armies approached each other, between the territories of Bíjápúr and Haidarábád, Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam was desirous of avoiding actual war by all means in his power. He sent a message to Khalílu-llah Khán, offering peace, on the following terms. Abú-l Hasan must express regret for his offences, and ask forgiveness. He must remove Mádaná and Ákaná from the management of affairs, and place them in confinement. The parganas of Síram, Rámgír, etc., which had been taken by force, upon unjust grounds, from the possession of servants of the Imperial throne, must be restored. The balance of tribute due must be forwarded without delay. The foolish amírs of the Dakhin, in their pride, sent improper answers, regardless of the Imperial anger. So preparations for battle were made on both sides.

The limits of this brief history will not admit of a detailed account of all the actions fought by Khán-Jahán Bahádur Kokaltásh; but a short account of one engagement is given. In this action Khán-Jahán had not more than ten or eleven thousand horse, and Khalílu-llah Khán had more than thirty thousand. ^{* *} Khán-Jahán's army was so outnumbered and overpowered that all chance of escape seemed difficult, and the enemy's forces came on every moment with greater strength. ^{* *} One of the enemy's chiefs pressed forward, with a loud cry, to the elephant of Khán-Jahán, with the intention of hurling a javelin at him. Khán-Jahán encountered him, shouting out, “I am a nobleman,” and, allowing him no time to throw his javelin, Khán-Jahán drew his bow to his ear, and pierced his assailant with an arrow, so that he fell headlong from his horse. The royal army was still very hard pressed, intelligence constantly came in from the front and rear that the enemy were in overwhelming force, and the only course left for the army of Khán-Jahán was to retreat. At this juncture the driver of an elephant belonging to Rája Rám Singh placed a heavy chain in its mouth, and made it charge upon the enemy's advanced force. ^{* *} Wherever the elephant charged, the noise of the chain and the blows of his trunk struck terror into the enemy. The horses of two or three officers took fright, and threw their riders. Thus the army of the enemy was put to flight, and Khán-Jahán celebrated his victory, and pitched his camp on the field of battle. Many horses, elephants, and guns fell into his hands. ^{* *} He then sent an officer who wrested the fort of Síram from the hands of the enemy, and placed a garrison therein. ^{* *}

The enemy advanced also against Prince Mu'azzam, and for some days kept up a deceptive correspondence. Fighting began and went on for three days, with great loss to both sides. On the fourth day the action was continued with increased violence, and the enemy were at length compelled to retreat. The Prince, Khán-Jahán, and the other Imperial officers, did not deem it expedient to pursue them. They determined to remain where they were, and sent a despatch of the victory to Aurangzeb. The Emperor had for some time felt a little dissatisfied with the Prince, and he was displeased with Khán-Jahán for the licence and debauchery which prevailed in his camp, and which he had repeatedly censured without effect. He was also annoyed with him for not having pursued and secured Prince Akbar when that Prince was near his territory. ^{* *} Whenever he wrote to him, he got a saucy answer. For these and other reasons Aurangzeb was quite offended with Khán-Jahán.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 300.] The despatch of victory and the intelligence of the retreat of the enemy reached Aurangzeb; but his satisfaction was turned into displeasure when he learnt that the enemy had not been pursued. He wrote an angry letter to the Prince Sháh 'Álam,³¹⁸ and to Khán-Jahán, and was much dissatisfied. The generals of Abú-l Hasan did not after this dare to venture upon an engagement, but from time to time roving parties of them annoyed the Imperial forces at night with rockets. They sometimes showed themselves in reconnoissances by day, and fell back upon their camp. The Prince and Khán-Jahán were offended, and made no attack upon them, and remained for four or five months inactive without moving. This aggrieved Aurangzeb still more, and he wrote a strong letter of censure with his own hand to the Prince and Khán-Jahán. This letter greatly incensed the Prince.

The morning after the receipt of the letter, he held a council of war with Khán-Jahán, and the other nobles. ^{* *} Khán-Jahán was opposed to fighting, and some amírs agreed with him. Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán and two or three rájas advised active operations. Nothing was decided that day, and next day Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán in private [urged an attack upon the enemy]. Prince Sháh 'Álam wrote to Muhammad Ibráhím, the commander of the enemy's army, offering terms of peace on condition of the parganas of Síram, Kír (or Khír), etc., being restored to the Imperial officers. ^{* *} Muhammad Ibráhím consulted with his officers as to the answer to be given, ^{* *} and the answer given was that they had taken the parganas at the point of the sword and spear, and were ready to fight for them. ^{* *} [Fighting recommenced,] and the enemy were at length defeated and put to flight. The Prince pursued them into their camp, and great consternation fell upon them.

One of the enemy's generals then sent two officers to the royal army to represent that the combatants on both sides were Musul-máns, and therefore the honour and safety of the women should be regarded. They asked for a truce of three or four hours to remove the women to a place of safety, and after that they would be ready to fight again. ^{* *} So the fighting and plundering was stayed. The enemy sent their women to a fort which was near, and at the end of three pahars the fighting recommenced on every side. ^{* *} The enemy kept up the fight till evening, but then they retreated.

The Prince sent a message to the enemy, to the effect that in battles numbers of Musulmáns on both sides are killed; it would therefore be better if two or three chiefs from both sides should meet and fight it out. This would be a real trial of strength, skill and courage, and it would be seen which side had the favour of God. ^{* *} Next day messengers brought the news that the enemy's horse had fled towards Haidarábád. The Prince marched in pursuit, and came near to Haidarábád.

Mádaná Pant and his friends had raised suspicions in the mind of Abú-l Hasan, that Muhammad Ibráhím had been the means of bringing the Prince thither. Abú-l Hasan was very angry, and was intent upon seizing Ibráhím, and putting him to death. Muhammad Ibráhím got intelligence of this, and went to offer his services to the Prince, who received him with great favour. When intelligence of this desertion became known in Haidarábád, Abú-l Hasan was greatly alarmed, and without consulting with any of his nobles, or even caring anything for his property or the honour of his own women and family, or of others, he fled with a few servants by night, with boxes full of such valuables as he could carry, to the fort of Golkonda. When this fact became public, the stores of Abú-l Hasan were plundered, as also was the property of the merchants, worth four or five krors of rupees. The women of the soldiers, and of the inhabitants of the city, were subjected to dishonour, and great disorder and destruction prevailed. Many thousand gentlemen being unable to take horse, and carry off their property, in the greatest distress took the hands of their children and wives, many of whom could not even seize a veil or sheet to cover them, and fled to the fortress.

Before Prince Sháh 'Álam got intelligence of what was passing, the ruffians and plunderers of the city began their work of pillage and devastation. Nobles, merchants, and poorer men, vied with each other as to who, by strength of arm, and by expenditure of money, should get their families and property into the fortress. Before break of day, the Imperial forces attacked the city, and a frightful scene of plunder and destruction followed, for in every part and road and market there were lacs upon lacs of money, stuffs, carpets, horses, and elephants, belonging to Abú-l Hasan and his nobles. Words cannot express how many women and children of Musulmáns and Hindús were made prisoners, or how many women of high and low degree were dishonoured. Carpets of great value, which were too heavy to carry, were cut to pieces with swords and daggers, and every bit was struggled for. Prince Sháh 'Álam appointed officers (sazáwal) to prevent the plunder, and they did their best to restrain it, but in vain. The kotwál of the army received orders to go with the Imperial díwán, with an escort of four or five hundred horse, to take possession of what was left of the property of Abú-l Hasan.

Some persons now came from Abú-l Hasan to the Prince, most humbly and earnestly begging forgiveness of the sins which he had and had not committed. The Prince thereon strictly enjoined his officers to repress the plundering, and to punish those who were setting places on fire. The disorder was in some measure diminished; but the plunderers were not really stopped in their work. After a good deal of negociation, the Prince took pity upon Abú-l Hasan and the inhabitants of the place. He accepted his proposals, upon certain conditions. A tribute of one kror and twenty lacs of rupees was to be paid, in addition to the usual annual tribute. Mádaná and Ákaná, the two brothers, and the chief causes of the war, were to be imprisoned and deprived of all authority. The fort of Síram and the pargana of Khír, and other districts which had been conquered, were to remain in the hands of the Imperialists, and Abú-l Hasan was to ask forgiveness of his offences from Aurangzeb.

While the negociations were pending, ^{* * *} some women of great influence in the harem, without the knowledge of Abú-l Hasan, laid a plot for the murder of Mádaná and Ákaná. ^{* *} Whilst the two doomed wretches were proceeding from the darbár to their own houses, a party of slaves attacked them and killed them. Rustam Rás also, who had reached the house, was killed. Many bráhmans lost their lives and property on that day. The heads of the two brothers were cut off, and were sent to Prince Sháh 'Álam by the hands of a discreet person. ^{* *}

When the Prince's despatch reached Aurangzeb, he in public approved of the terms of peace, and sent ^{* *} an officer to receive the tribute. Privately, however, he censured the Prince and Khán-Jahán, and summoned the latter to his presence.

War with Bíjápúr.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 316.] Aurangzeb determined that he would march in person to effect the conquest of Bíjápúr, and he started with that intention on the 4th Sha'bán. ^{* *} Prince A'zam, with some experienced nobles and a suitable force, was sent to reduce Bíjápúr. On approaching the place, he found that the forces of the Dakhin, under the command of 'Abdu-r Rúf and Sharza Khán, hovered round him in all directions. In that year calamity had fallen on the crops, and grain was very dear. The Dakhiní forces occupied the country all around, and prevented all supplies of corn from reaching Bíjápúr, so that grain became very scarce and dear in the (Imperial) army, and it was difficult to get a loaf. ^{* *} At length, after many severe actions, ^{* *} the forces of the enemy were driven back, and convoys of provisions were brought safely into the camp of Prince Muhammad A'zam, and he was relieved from the difficulties which had beset him. ^{* *} Great favours and honours were bestowed on Gházíu-d dín Khán for the service he had rendered in bringing in the convoy.

The protracted duration of the siege of Bíjápúr, and the information he had received of the disaffection of the allies who accompanied Prince Muhammad A'zam, made Aurangzeb determine to proceed thither in person. At the beginning of Sha'bán, in the twenty-eighth year of the reign, he set out from Sholápúr, and on the 21st of the month he arrived before the fortress, to the great dismay of the besieged. He appointed ^{* *} several of his best officers to assist the Prince in carrying on the siege, and addressed to them some soul-stirring words. They set heartily to work constructing lines of approach, driving mines and filling up the ditch. ^{* *}

Some mischief-making people reported to Aurangzeb that on a day when an attack was made Sháh Kulí was inside the fortress along with Sikandar; also that a person named Saiyid 'Álam used to come out of the city by night, and have interviews in secret with the Prince. This was confirmed by the report of Rúhu-llah Khán kotwál. Orders were accordingly given for the arrest of Saiyid 'Álam when he came out to see Prince Sháh 'Álam, and also for the apprehension of Sháh Kulí. Sháh Kulí was at length seized and brought before Aurangzeb, who examined him and endeavoured to extract from him the truth about his visits to the city. Nothing but denial was obtained from the prisoner, so the order was given for binding him and submitting him to the torture. After receiving a few blows, his spirit gave way; he divulged the whole secret, and named several others who had been concerned with him. Aurangzeb sent for Prince Sháh 'Álam, and in a private interview reproached him with these secret negociations. The Prince denied them, and said that Sháh Kulí was no servant of his. Orders were given for the confinement of Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán, and for the expulsion of several other persons from the army. Aurangzeb's feelings had been estranged from Prince Sháh 'Álam since the transactions at Haidarábád, and he was now still more offended with him. He made no outward change in the Prince's rank and allowances, or in the honours due to him as heir apparent, but his estrangement daily increased.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 322.] By the exertions of Gházíu-d dín Khán Fíroz Jang, and other renowned warriors, and through want of supplies, the garrison of Bíjápúr was in great distress, and many men and horses had perished. Sharza Khán and other nobles asked for terms on behalf of Sikandar, and at the beginning of the thirtieth year of the reign, in Zí-l ka'da, 1097 (October, 1686), the keys of the fortress were surrendered to Aurangzeb. The conquest was celebrated with great display, and Sikandar was placed in confinement in the fort of Daulat-ábád, a suitable provision being made for his support.

At the end of Muharram Aurangzeb notified his intention of going to pay a visit to the tomb of Hazrat Banda-nawáz Saiyid Muhammad Gísú, and marched towards Kulbarga. He sent a kind farmán to Abú-l Hasan, and another to Sa'ádat Khán, his own hájib at Haidarábád, asking for payment of the tribute. He also wrote privately to Sa'ádat Khán, to the effect that it was his intention shortly to march against Haidarábád and conquer it; but Sa'ádat Khán was meanwhile to do his utmost to obtain money from Abú-l Hasan. Sa'ádat Khán flattered Abú-l Hasan with hopes of favours from Aurangzeb, and exerted himself to obtain payment of the tribute. Abú-l Hasan, in the hope of finding safety, told Sa'ádat Khán that he was unable to find the money; but he offered instead the jewels and valuables belonging to his wives and others. He therefore asked him to send his young eunuch to select and take away the jewels and other things. Sa'ádat Khán refused to send the eunuch, and negocia-tions went on for some days, until the intelligence was brought that Aurangzeb was at Kulbarga.

Abú-l Hasan, in the extremes of fear and hope, sent for Sa'ádat Khán, and delivered into his charge several trays of jewels and valuables, without even settling the value of them. These were sealed up, and it was arranged that Sa'ádat Khán should carry them to his house. In the course of the next two or three days Abú-l Hasan would do his best to obtain the tribute money, and would send it to the house of Sa'ádat Khán. The value of the jewels was then to be settled, and the whole was to be sent to Aurangzeb, with a letter from Sa'ádat Khán commending Abú-l Hasan's willingness and obedience, and praying for merciful consideration. Abú-l Hasan sent some loads of fruit for Aurangzeb, and Sa'ádat Khán also sent some baskets with them.

Two or three days later intelligence was brought that Aurangzeb had left Kulbarga and had arrived at Golkonda. Everybody now said that his object was to conquer Gol-konda. Abú-l Hasan sent to Sa'ádat Khán, saying ^{* *} that he had no longer hope of any consideration from Aurangzeb, and demanded back the jewels which he had placed in his charge. Sa'ádat Khán replied that ^{* *} he had sent the jewels to Aurangzeb in the baskets which accompanied Abú-l Hasan's present of fruit. A great scene followed. Abú-l Hasan placed a guard over Sa'ádat Khán's house. ^{* *} The latter said that he had only obeyed the orders, and acted in accordance with his wishes in sending the jewels. “For this,” said he, “you are now about to kill me. My master has long desired some pretext for destroying you, he cannot have a better one than the murder of his hájib. If I am spared, I can do something to obtain forgiveness for you, and I will exert myself to the utmost.” ^{* *} In some matters Sa'ádat Khán had befriended Abú-l Hasan against the designs of his own master. So Abú-l Hasan, thinking of what might follow, refrained from injuring him, and made him presents. ^{* *}

When Aurangzeb drew near to Haidarábád, Abú-l Hasan felt that the time of his fall was near; but he sent a letter to Aurangzeb, renewing his protestations of obedience, and reiterating his claims to forgiveness. ^{* *} Aurangzeb wrote a reply, the gist of which was as follows: “The evil deeds of this wicked man pass beyond the bounds of writing; but by mentioning one out of a hundred, and a little out of much, some conception of them may be formed. First, placing the reins of authority and government in the hands of vile tyrannical infidels; oppressing and afflicting the saiyids, shaikhs, and other holy men; openly giving himself up to excessive debauchery and depravity; indulging in drunkenness and wickedness night and day; making no distinction between infidelity and Islám, tyranny and justice, depravity and devotion; waging obstinate war in defence of infidels; want of obedience to the Divine commands and prohibitions, especially to that command which forbids assistance to an enemy's country, the disregarding of which had cast a censure upon the Holy Book in the sight both of God and man. Letters full of friendly advice and warning upon these points had been repeatedly written, and had been sent by the hands of discreet men. No attention had been paid to them; moreover it had lately become known that a lac of pagodas had been sent to the wicked Sambhá. That in this insolence and intoxication and worthlessness, no regard had been paid to the infamy of his deeds, and no hope shown of deliverance in this world or in the next.”

Abú-l Hasan, seeing that there was no longer any hope for him, sent forth his forces, under the command of his best officers, to meet Aurangzeb, urging them to fight valiantly, and to endeavour to make Aurangzeb prisoner. ^{* *} On the 24th Rabí'u-l awwal the royal army took ground at gun-shot distance from Golkonda, and the work of the siege began. ^{* *} Abú-l Hasan had forty or fifty thousand horse outside the walls, with whom the royal army had frequent encounters, and a sharp fire of guns and rockets was kept up from the fortifications. Some distinguished officers of the royal army and many men were lost on both sides. After the arrival of Fíroz Jang, the whole management of the siege was placed in his hands.

Prince Sháh 'Álam had fallen under the displeasure of his father at the siege of Bíjápúr; still, at the siege of Golkonda, the lines on the right side were under his command. But the days of his fortune and prosperity had been overshadowed by some years of trouble and misconduct. He now secretly received messages and presents from Abú-l Hasan, to secure his services and the services of his associates, in obtaining forgiveness of past offences. The Prince's objects were that peace and war should be dependent upon his approval as heir apparent, and that as far as possible he should bind Abú-l Hasan to his interests. He never reflected that this course must eventually end in his fall and disgrace. Some meddling mischief-making people got information of what was going on, and informed Aurangzeb. ^{* *} The manager of the Prince's equipages now reported to him that the carriages belonging to his zanána were far away from his tents, and were open to attacks from the garrison. He accordingly ordered that they should be brought nearer to his tent.

Some of Prince Muhammad A'zam's companions informed Aurangzeb that Sháh 'Álam was about to make his way into the city. On hearing this, Aurangzeb was greatly enraged. He called Hayát Khán, and another of Sháh 'Álam's confidential servants, to his presence, and questioned them in private as to the Prince's intention. They replied that the Prince's object was to obtain, by his influence, a pardon for Abú-l Hasan, and, failing in that, to do his best for the reduction of the fortress. Of evil intentions he had none. ^{* *} But for all their pleas and protestations they could not remove the suspicions which Aurangzeb had of his son. ^{* *} Orders were given for a force to be sent to bring the Prince before him. Hayát Khán said there was no necessity for that. If the Emperor sent an officer to call the Prince, he would come at once, for he had no thought but of obedience. So on the 18th Rabí'u-s sání, in the twenty-ninth year of the reign, an officer was sent to bring the Prince, with Muhammad 'Azím, his second son, to the royal presence. The Prince obeyed immediately, and waited on his august father. ^{* *} The Emperor ordered that all the establishments of the Prince should be seized, and his mansabs and jágírs confiscated. [Harsh treatment of Núru-l Nissa, the Prince's wife, and of her eunuchs.] But here we will refrain from entering upon the unhappy details of the Prince's imprisonment, and his liberation, and will proceed with the account of the conquest of Golkonda.

Day by day, and week by week, the approaches were pushed forward under the direction of Gházíu-d dín Fíroz Jang, but they were encountered with great daring by the besieged under the command of Shaikh Nizám, Mustafá Khán Lárí, otherwise called 'Abdu-r Razzák, and others. The fighting was desperate, and many were killed on both sides. ^{* *} After one sharp encounter, in which a sally of the garrison was driven back with loss, Shaikh Minháj, Shaikh Nizám, and others, deserted Abú-l Hasan, and came over to the besiegers, when Aurangzeb granted to them suitable mansabs and titles. Muhammad Ibráhím, who was the first to quit the way of error, and to enter upon the royal road of rectitude, received a mansab of 7000 and 6000 horse, with the title of Mahábat Khán. He exerted himself above all others in endeavouring to reduce the fortress. Shaikh Nizám received a mansab of 6000 and 5000 horse, with the title of Takarrub Khán. Of all the nobles of Abú-l Hasan, the one who never forsook him until the fall of the place, and who throughout exerted himself in an inconceivable manner, was Mustafá Khán Lárí, or, as he was also called, 'Abdu-r Razzák.

The siege was protracted for a long time, and from the immense stores of ammunition in the fortress, an unintermitting discharge was kept up night and day from the gates, and towers, and walls, of cannon-balls, bullets, rockets and other fiery missiles. The smoke arising from the constant firing removed the distinction of day and night, and no day passed without the besiegers suffering a loss in killed and wounded. The assailants exerted themselves vigorously, especially ^{* *}, and so in the course of a month and some days the lines were carried up to the very edge of the ditch, and orders were issued for filling it up. It is said that Aurangzeb himself, after observing the rite of purification, sewed the seams of the first cotton bag to be filled with earth and thrown into the moat. High mounds were raised, and heavy guns were placed upon them and pointed against the fortress. Their heavy five greatly harassed the defenders. The scarcity and dearness of grain and fodder (within the city) was extreme, so that many men of wealth were disheartened; who then can describe the position of the poor and needy? Throughout the Dakhin in the early part of this year there was a scarcity of rain when the jowár and bájrá came into ear, so they dried up and perished. These productions of the autumn harvest are the main support of the people of the Dakhin. Rice is the principal food of the people of Haidar-ábád, and the cultivation of this had been stopped by war and by scarcity of rain. The Dakhinís and the forces of the hell-dog Sambhá had come to the assistance of Haidarábád, and hovering round the Imperial forces, they cut off the supplies of grain. Pestilence (wabá) broke out, and carried off many men. Thus great numbers of men were lost. Others, unable to bear the pangs of hunger and wretchedness, went over to Abú-l Hasan, and some treacherously rendered aid to the besieged.

When the siege had been carried on for some time, Aurangzeb recalled Prince Muhammad A'zam, whom, in consequence of the unfaithfulness of Prince Sháh 'Álam, he had sent to settle the country round Ujjain and Akbarábád, and who had got as far as Burhánpúr. He also summoned Rúhu-lláh Khán, an experienced and highly-trusted nobleman, from Bíjápúr. Soon after the Prince's arrival, the dearness of grain passed all bounds. ^{* *} In the middle of Rajab, when the siege had lasted three months, ^{* *} it was resolved to make an attempt to take the place by surprise at night, by means of scaling-ladders and ropes. ^{* *} A few brave men succeeded in ascending the ramparts, ^{* *} but the barking of a dog gave the alarm, and the defenders rushed to the walls and soon despatched those who had gained the top. They also threw down the ladders, and so made an end of those who were mounting. Others opened fire. When the leaders of the storming party gained the summit of the ramparts, one of Aurangzeb's servants ran off to report their success, without waiting to see the result of the enterprise. Aurangzeb, on receiving his report, ordered the drums of victory to be beaten, and ordered out his royal equipage and state dress. Next day spies reported that Abú-l Hasan gave the dog a gold collar, a plated chain, etc., and directed that the dog should be kept chained near to himself.

In the middle of Sha'bán a heavy rain fell for three days, ^{* *} which was the cause of very great distress to the besiegers, ^{* *} and destroyed many of their works. ^{* *} The enemy also took courage, and made a sally in great force, in which they did great damage, ^{* *} and killed many men and took some prisoners. Abú-l Hasan treated his prisoners with hospitality and honour. ^{* *} He took Sarbaráh Khán to his granaries and magazines and showed him his stores of corn and heaps of treasure. He then wrote a letter to Aurangzeb, reciting ^{* *} and offering to present a kror of rupees, and also to pay a kror of rupees for each time that Aurangzeb had besieged the place; so that any further slaughter of Musulmáns might be prevented. If his proposals were not accepted, he offered to supply five or six hundred thousand mans of grain for the troops. When these proposals were reported to Aurangzeb, he said, “If Abú-l Hasan does not repudiate my authority, he must come to me with clasped hands, or he must be brought bound before me. I will then consider what consideration I can show him.” He then issued orders to the officials of Birár for the preparation of 50,000 bags of cotton, and for other materials for carrying on the siege and filling up the moat. ^{* *}

On the 19th Sha'bán it was reported that a triple mine had been driven under the bastions of the fortress, and charged with gunpowder. Orders were then given that a force should be collected in the lines as if about to make an attack upon the undermined work, so that the enemy might observe this, and assemble his men there. The mines were then to be fired. 'Abdu-r Razzák Lárí and others of the besieged, having observed these proceedings, commenced countermining. They pushed their work with such skill and activity, ^{* *} that they drew the powder and match from one mine, and poured water into the other two. The Imperial troops collected for the assault, and raised their cries; and the gunners watched the ramparts for the proper moment for firing the mine. When the signal was given, one mine exploded, but as part of the powder had been extracted, and of the remaining part that which lay nearest to the fortress was wet, the blowing up of the bastion did more injury to the besiegers than the besieged. ^{* *} The garrison then sallied forth, and occupied the trenches, killing all whom they found alive in them. After a severe struggle, in which many men fell on both sides, the trenches were recovered. The second mine was exploded, and thousands of stones, great and small, were hurled into the air; but, as in the former case, they fell upon the heads of the besiegers, ^{* *} and great numbers were killed and wounded. ^{* *}

Great wailings and complaints arose from the troops engaged in the siege. ^{* *} The cannonade recommenced on both sides, and many more of the besiegers fell. ^{* *} Although Fíroz Jang exerted himself most strenuously, he made no impression upon the place. The long delay kindled the anger of Aurangzeb. He called his chiefs and officers together, ^{* *} and placing himself at about a gun-shot distance from the walls, he ordered an assault to be made under his own eyes. Prodigies of valour were exhibited. ^{* *} But a storm of wind and rain arose, and obstructed the progress of the assailants, ^{* *} and they were forced to fall back drenched with rain. The garrison again made a sally, took possession of the trenches, spiked the heavy guns, on the mounting of which immense money and labour had been expended, and carried away all that was portable. They pulled out of the moat the logs of wood, and the many thousands of bags which had been used to fill it up, and used them to repair the breaches made by the mines. ^{* *} It was afterwards determined that the third mine should be sprung in the presence of Aurangzeb. But although fire was applied, nothing resulted. An examination as to the cause was instituted, but nothing was discovered until it was learnt from spies that the enemy had cleared out the powder and cut the match. ^{* *} Fíroz Jang had received two arrow wounds. The command of the army was then given to Prince Muhammad A'zam.

Several of the officers of Abú-l Hasan had come over to the side of Aurangzeb, and had received suitable titles, mansabs, and presents. Shaikh Minháj, having heard of this, was about to desert, but Abú-l Hasan placed him in confinement, and seized his house. Of all his nobles, none remained faithful to Abú-l Hasan but 'Abdu-r Razzák Lárí, who had received the title Mustafá Khán, and 'Abdu-llah Khán Paní Afghán. At the end of Sha'bán, the siege had lasted eight months, and Abú-l Hasan's men still worked indefatigably. At length, 'Abdu-llah Khán made secret overtures to Aurangzeb, and agreed to open one of the gates of the city for the admission of his troops.

Aurangzeb frequently communicated with 'Abdu-r Razzák Lárí, and promised him a mansab of six thousand, with six thousand horse, and other regal favours. But that ungracious faithful fellow, taking no heed of his own interest and life, in the most insolent manner exhibited the Emperor's letter to the men in his bastion, and tore it to pieces in their presence, and he sent a message by the spy who had brought it to say that he would fight to the death like the horsemen who fought with Imám Husain at Karbalá. ^{* *}

The besiegers continued to show great resolution in pushing on the siege. They cast into the ditches thousands of bags filled with dirt and rubbish, and thousands of carcases of animals and men who had perished during the operations. Several times the valour of the assailants carried them to the top of the walls; but the watchfulness of the besieged frustrated their efforts; so they threw away their lives in vain, and the fortress remained untaken. But the fortune of 'Álamgír at length prevailed, and after a siege of eight months and ten days, the place fell into his hands; but by good fortune, not by force of sword and spear.

THIRTY-FIRST YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1098 A.H. (1687 A.D.).

[Text, vol. ii. p. 361.] At the beginning of the month Zí-l ka'da, at the commencement of the thirty-first year of the reign, agreeing with 1098 A.H. (Sept. 1687), by the efforts of Rúhu-llah Khán, a negociation was concluded, through Ranmast Khán Afghán Paní, with 'Abdu-llah Khán, who was one of the confidential officers of Abú-l Hasan, and had charge of the gate called the khirkí (wicket). In the last watch of the night Rúhu-llah Khán and ^{* *}, at a sign from 'Abdu-llah, entered the fortress by means of ladders. Prince Muhammad A'zam, mounted on an elephant, had a large force ready to enter by the gate. Those who had got in went to the gate, posted their men, opened the gate, and raised the cry of victory.

'Abdu-r Razzák Lárí heard this, and, springing on a horse without any saddle, with a sword in one hand and a shield in the other, and accompanied by ten or twelve followers, he rushed to the open gate, through which the Imperial forces were pouring in. Although his followers were dispersed, he alone, like a drop of water falling into the sea, or an atom of dust struggling in the rays of the sun, threw himself upon the advancing foe, and fought with inconceivable fury and desperation, shouting that he would fight to the death for Abú-l Hasan. Every step he advanced, thousands of swords were aimed at him, and he received so many wounds from swords and spears that he was covered with wounds from the crown of his head to the nails of his feet. But his time was not yet come, and he fought his way to the gate of the citadel without being brought down. He received twelve wounds upon his face alone, and the skin of his forehead hung down over his eyes and nose. One eye was severely wounded, and the cuts upon his body seemed as numerous as the stars. His horse also was covered with wounds, and reeled under his weight, so he gave the reins to the beast, and by great exertion kept his seat. The horse carried him to a garden called Nagína, near the citadel, to the foot of an old cocoa-nut tree, where, by the help of the tree, he threw himself off. On the morning of the second day a party of men belonging to Husainí Beg passed, and recognizing him by his horse and other signs, they took compassion upon him, and carried him upon a bedstead to a house. When his own men heard of this, they came and dressed his wounds. The remainder of the story of this brave devoted warrior shall be told hereafter.

The shouts and cries, and the groans and lamentations, within and without, made Abú-l Hasan aware that all was over. He went into his harem to comfort his women, to ask pardon of them, and take leave of them. Then, though his heart was sad, he controlled himself, and went to his reception room, and took his seat upon the masnad, and watched for the coming of his unbidden guests. When the time for taking his meal arrived, he ordered the food to be served up. As Rúhu-llah Khán and others arrived, he saluted them all, and never for a moment lost his dignity. With perfect self-control he received them with courtesy, and spoke to them with warmth and elegance. ^{* *}

Abú-l Hasan called for his horse and accompanied the amírs, carrying a great wealth of pearls upon his neck. When he was introduced into the presence of Prince Muhammad A'zam Sháh, he took off his necklace of pearls and presented it to the Prince in a most graceful way. The Prince took it, and placing his hand upon his back, he did what he could to console and encourage him. He then conducted him to the presence of Aurangzeb, who also received him very courteously. After a few days the Emperor sent him to the fortress of Daulatábád, and settled a suitable allowance for providing him with food, raiment, and other necessaries. Officers were appointed to take possession of the effects of Abú-l Hasan and his nobles.

'Abdu-r Razzák,³³⁴ senseless, but with a spark of life remaining, was carried to the house of Rúhu-llah Khán. As soon as the eyes of Saf-shikan Khán fell upon him, he cried out, “This is that vile Lárí! cut off his head and hang it over the gate.” Rúhu-llah replied that to cut off the head of a dying man without orders, when there was no hope of his surviving, was far from being humane. A little bird made the matter known to Aurangzeb ,who had heard of 'Abdu-r Razzák's daring and courage and loyalty, and he graciously ordered that two surgeons, one a European, the other a Hindú, should be sent to attend the wounded man, who were to make daily reports of his condition to Aurangzeb.

The Emperor sent for Rúhu-llah Khán, and told him that if Abú-l Hasan had possessed only one more servant devoted like 'Abdu-r Razzák, it would have taken much longer to subdue the fortress. The surgeons reported that they had counted nearly seventy wounds, besides the many wounds upon wounds which could not be counted. Although one eye was not injured, it was probable that he would lose the sight of both. They were directed carefully to attend to his cure. At the end of sixteen days, the doctors reported that he had opened one eye, and spoken a few faltering words expressing a hope of recovery. Aurangzeb sent a message to him, forgiving him his offences, and desiring him to send his eldest son 'Abdu-l Kádir with his other sons, that they might receive suitable mansabs and honours, and return thanks for the pardon granted to their father, and for the mansabs and other favours. When this gracious message reached that devoted and peerless hero, he gasped out a few words of reverence and gratitude, but he said that there was little hope of his recovery. If, however, it pleased the Almighty to spare him and give him a second life, it was not likely that he would be fit for service; but should he ever be capable of service, he felt that no one who had eaten the salt of Abú-l Hasan, and had thriven on his bounty, could enter the service of King 'Álamgír (Aurangzeb). On hearing these words, a cloud was seen to pass over the face of His Majesty; but he kindly said, “When he is quite well, let me know.” Most of 'Abdu-r Razzák's property had been plundered, but such as was left was given over to him.

³³⁵ Some time afterwards it was reported that 'Abdu-r Razzák had got quite well, and an order was issued to the Súbadár to send him to the royal presence. 'Abdu-r Razzák tried to excuse himself, and expressed a wish to go with his children on the pilgrimage to Mecca, on returning from which blessed journey he would devote himself to prayer for the long life of His Majesty. Orders were then given for arresting him and sending him to Court. Fíroz Jang got information of this, and with great sympathy invited 'Abdu-r Razzák to come and stay with him. He kept him for some time with marked kindness, and after the lapse of a year 'Abdu-r Razzák entered the Imperial service with a mansab of 4000 and 3000 horse.

The property of Abú-l Hasan which was recovered after its dispersion amounted to eight lacs and fifty-one thousand huns, and two krors and fifty-three thousand rupees, altogether six krors eighty lacs and ten thousand rupees, besides jewels, inlaid articles and vessels of gold and silver. The total in dáms was one arb fifteen krors sixteen lacs and a fraction, which was the sum entered on the records.

The mud fort of Golkonda was built by the ancestors of Rája Deo Ráí, and it was acquired by the Bahmaní Sultáns after a good deal of resistance. Upon the fall of the Bahmaní dynasty, their territories fell into the hands of a number of petty chiefs; but Sultán Muhammad Kulí, entitled Kutbu-l Mulk, who had been one of the nobles of Sultán Muhammad Sháh Bahmaní, brought some of the provinces of the Dakhin under his rule. For the old mud fort of Rája Deo Ráí, which stood upon the summit of a hill, he substituted one of stone. After some descents, the kingdom came to Muhammad Kutbu-l Mulk, for all the descendants bore the name of Kutbu-l Mulk. He took great pains in repairing the fort of Golkonda. He had a wife named Bhágmatí, of whom he was very fond. At her request, he built a city two kos distant from the fortress, to which he gave the name of Bhágnagar. Some time after the death of Bhágmatí, the name was changed to Haidarábád; but in the vernacular language of the people it is still called Bhágnagar. That woman³³⁶ had established many brothels and drinking shops in that place, and the rulers had always been addicted to pleasure and to all sorts of debauchery. Abú-l Hasan exceeded all his predecessors in his devotion to pleasure. So the city got an evil name for licentiousness. After the conquest by Aurangzeb, it was called the hostile country (dáru-l jihád). [Surrender of the fort of Sakar between Haidarábád and Bíjápúr.]

THIRTY-SECOND YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1099 A.H. (1688 A.D.).

[Surrender of the fort of Adhoní to Prince Muhammad A'zam Sháh.]

THIRTY-THIRD YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1100 A.H. (1689 A.D.).

[Text, vol. ii. p. 372.] The plague (tá'ún) and pestilence (wabá), which had for several years been in the Dakhin as far as the port of Surat and the city of Ahmadábád, now broke out with violence in Bíjápúr, and in the royal camp. It was so virulent that when an individual was attacked with it, he gave up all hope, and thought only about his nursing and mourning. The black-pated guest-slayer of the sky sought to pick out the seed of the human race from the field of the world, and the cold blast of destruction tried to cut down the tree of life in every living being, and to remove every shoot and sign of life from the surface of the world. The visible marks of the plague were swellings as big as a grape or banana under the arms, behind the ears, and in the groin, and a redness was perceptible round the pupils of the eyes, as in fever or pestilence (wabá). It was the business of heirs to provide for the interment of the dead, but thousands of obscure and friendless persons of no property died in the towns and markets, and very few of them had the means of burial. ^{* *} It began in the twenty-seventh year of the reign, and lasted for seven or eight years.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 383.] Prince Muhammad A'zam Sháh was sent with an army and some experienced amírs to punish the infidels about Bahádur-garh and Gulshanábád.³³⁷ Fíroz Jang, with another army, was sent to reduce the forts in the neigh-bouhood of Rájgarh. Mukarrab Khan, otherwise called Shaikh Ni??ám Haidarábádí, was sent against the infidel Sambhá. Each of them endeavoured to distinguish himself in the performance of the service on which he had been sent. Mukarrab Khán was distinguished above all the nobles of the Dakhin for his military knowledge and enterprise. He laid siege to the fort of Parnála, near Kolápúr, and sent out his spies in all directions to gather intelligence, and especially to get information about Sambhá, who in his vile and evil course of life was ten times worse than his father Sivají. ^{* *}

This ill-bred fellow left his old home at Ráhírí, and went to the fort of Khelna. After satisfying himself of the state of its stores, and the settlement of the country round, under the guidance of adverse fortune, which kept him ignorant of the approach of the Imperial forces, he went to bathe in the waters of the Bán-Ganga, on the borders of the district of Sangamnír,³³⁸ one day's journey from the sea-shore. The place was situated in a valley, surrounded by high mountains of difficult passage. Here Kabkalas, the filthy dog, had built a house, embellished with paintings, and surrounded with a garden full of fruit-trees and flowers. Sambhá, with Kab-kalas, and his wives, and his son Sáhú, went there, accompanied with a force of two or three thousand horse, entirely unaware of the approach of the falcon of destiny. After bathing, he lingered there, viewing the lofty hills, the arduous roads full of ascents and descents, and the thick woods of thorny trees. Unlike his father, he was addicted to wine, and fond of the society of handsome women, and gave himself up to pleasure. Messengers brought him intelligence of the active movements of Mukarrab Khán; but he was absorbed in the pleasures which bring so many men of might to their ruin.

Mukarrab Khán started boldly from his base at Kolápúr, vhich was forty-five kos distant from the retreat to which Sambhá had resorted. He took with him two thousand horse and one thousand foot, selected men. The reports brought to him represented that the road was steep and arduous, over high hills, and that thrty or forty men without arms might hold the road against a large army by throwing down stones. But that brave leader hee??ed