BÁDSHÁH-NÁMA
OF
MUHAMMAD WÁRIS.
[THIS work is also called Sháh Jahán-náma. It is the completion of the Bádsháh-náma of 'Abdu-l Hamíd by his pupil and assistant Muhammad Wáris, who was appointed to carry on the work when his friend and master had become incapacitated by age. It embraces the last ten years of Sháh Jahán's reign, from the beginning of the twenty-first to the thirtieth year, in which his actual reign closed. The work was submitted for revision to 'Aláu-l Mulk Túní, entitled Fázil Khán, who became wazír in Aurangzeb's days, and the part of the work subsequent to the death of 'Allámí Sa'du-lla Khán was written by Fázil Khán, under the command of the Emperor himself. Little is known of Muhammad Wáris, but the author of the Ma-ásir-i 'Alamgírí records that “On the 10th Rabí'u-l awwal, 1091 (1680 A.D.), Wáris Khán, news reader, the graceful author of the third volume of the Bádsháh-náma, was killed by a blow of a penknife from a mad student, whom he had taken under his protection, and who used to sleep at night near his patron.”
The work is composed in a style similar to that of 'Abdu-l Hamíd, and is of considerable length. It closes with a list of the shaikhs, learned men and poets who flourished during its decade.
The history of this period of Sháh Jahán's reign has been so fully supplied by the Extracts from the Sháh Jahán-náma of 'Ináyat Khán, that only one short Extract has been taken from this work.
Sir H. M. Elliot's MS. is a poor one. It is an 8vo., twelve inches by six and a half, and contains 357 leaves, of nineteen lines to the page. There is a copy in the British Museum, and one in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society.]
Twenty-second Year of the Reign.
[122 When the Emperor set off from Sháhjahánábád to chastise the Persians, it was his intention to march on and make no stay until he reached Kábul. * * But afterwards it appeared clear to his far-reaching judgment, that it was very improbable that the Sháh of Persia would enter upon a campaign in the winter season, when grain and forage are very difficult to procure in that country (of Kandahár). The Emperor's counsellors also represented that the Sháh of Persia had resolved upon this evil enterprise in that infatuation which arises from youth and inexperience. During the winter he would be busy making preparations in Khurásán, and in the spring he would commence operations. In this way the late Sháh 'Abbás came up against Kandahár in the reign of the Emperor Jahángír. The severe cold and the heavy snow and rain, together with scarcity of provender for the horses, would be sources of great suffering to the Imperial army; so under all circumstances it was desirable to postpone the march until the Nau-roz. * * So it was resolved to wait the arrival of news from Kandahár. On the 12th Muharram a despatch arrived from the commandant of the fortress, to the effect that on the 10th Zí-l hijja the Sháh of Persia had invested the fortress, his evident object being to accomplish this, the first enterprise of his reign, before the spring, when the roads would be open for the advance of the Imperial army.]
'AMAL-I SÁLIH
OF
MUHAMMAD SÁLIH KAMBÚ.
[THIS, like the other histories of the reign of Sháh Jahán, is sometimes called Sháh Jahán-náma. It is a history of the reign of that Emperor from his birth to his death in 1076 A.H. (1665 A.D.).
Muhammad Sálih was a fine scribe,123 so there can be little doubt that he is the Muhammad Sálih he himself mentions in his list of the noted caligraphists of his time. Mír Muhammad Sálih and Mír Muhammad Múman were, he says, sons of Mír 'Abdu-lla, Mushkín kalam, whose title shows him to have also been a fine writer. Muhammad Sálih was known as a poet by the Persian title Kashfí and the Hindí Subhán. Both brothers were not only fine writers, but accomplished Hindí singers. In the list of mansabdárs, Muhammad Sálih is put down as commander of five hundred.
The 'Amal-i Sálih is a valuable history, and has a good reputation in the East. It is not so long as the Bádsháh-náma of 'Abdu-l Hamíd and Muhammad Wáris, and it does not enter into the same petty details. The latter part of it, devoted to the life of Sháh Jahán after his deposition, is very brief, and notices only the tragic deaths of his sons and his own peaceful decease. The style is polished, and often highly wrought and rhetorical. At the end of the work the author has added biographical notices of the saiyids, shaikhs, learned men, physicians, poets, and fine writers who were contemporary with Sháh Jahán. Also a list of princes, nobles, and commanders, arranged according to their respective ranks. A borrowed MS., belonging to a native gentleman, is a folio 13 in. X 9, containing about 1000 to 1200 pages.]
THIRTY-FIRST YEAR OF THE REIGN.
Death of 'Alí Mardán Khán.
[124 Amíru-l Umará 'Alí Mardán Khán, being ill with dysentery, started for Kashmír, the air of which country suited his constitution, but he died on his way on the 12th Rajab. * * His sons, Ibráhím Khán and the others, brought his corpse to Lahore, and buried it in the tomb of his mother. He was a noble of the highest dignity; he held a mansab of 7000 with 7000 horse, 5000 do-aspas and sih-aspas. He had an in'ám of one kror of dáms. Altogether his emoluments amounted to thirty lacs of rupees. His death caused the Emperor great grief.]
124a Mu'azzam Khán joins Aurangzeb. Capture of several fortresses belonging to Bíjápúr. Defeat of 'Ádil Khán's army.
[Mu'azzam Khán departed from Court, and marched with the army under his command to Prince Aurangzeb, whom he joined on the 12th Rabí'u-s sání. On the same day the Prince, making no delay, marched on his enterprise with all the Imperial forces and his own followers. In the course of fourteen days he reached Chándor. There he left Walí Mahaldár Khán with a force of matchlockmen, etc., to keep open the communications and provide supplies. Next day he encamped under the fort of Bidar. This fortress was held by Sídí Marján, an old servant of Ibráhím 'Ádil Khán. He had been commander of the fortress for thirty years, and had kept it fully armed and ready. He had under him nearly 1000 horse and 4000 infantry, consisting of musketeers, rocketmen and gunners. The bastions and walls and works were carefully looked after, and he made every preparation for sustaining a siege. As soon as Prince Aurangzeb reached the place, he resolved to reduce it. This strong fortress was 4500 yards (dará') in circumference, and twelve yards high; and it had three deep ditches twenty-five yards (gaz) wide, and fifteen yards deep cut in the stone. The Prince went out with Mu'azzam Khán and reconnoitered the fort on all sides. He settled the places for the lines of approach, and named the forces which were to maintain them. Notwithstanding the heavy fire kept up from the bastions and the citadel, in the course of ten days Mu'azzam Khán and the other brave commanders pushed their guns up to the very edge of the ditch and began to fill it up. Several times the garrison sallied forth and made fierce attacks upon the trenches, but each time they were driven back with a great loss in killed and wounded. The besiegers by the fire of their guns destroyed two bastions and battered down the battlements of the wall.
On the 23rd Jumáda-s sání, in the thirty-first year of the reign, Muhammad Murád, with a body of musketeers and other forces, sallied from his trenches to make the assault. As soon as he reached the bastion opposite the trench of Mu'azzam Khán, he planted scaling ladders in several places, and ascended the wall. Marján, the commandant, had dug a great hole in the rear of this bastion, and had filled it with gunpowder, rockets and grenades (hukka). With his eight sons and all his personal followers he stood near this bastion, and with the greatest courage and determination endeavoured to resist the assault. Just then, through the good fortune which at all times attends the royal arms, * * a rocket directed against the besiegers fell into the above-mentioned hole, and ignited the gunpowder. A tremendous explosion followed, which destroyed many of the enemy. Sídí Marján and two of his sons were severely burnt. Those who escaped the explosion bore him and his sons back into the citadel. The brave assailants took advantage of this accident, and pouring into the fortress on all sides, they killed or bore down all who resisted, and raised the flag of victory. * * The commandant of the fortress, with great humility, sued for quarter, and as he was mortally wounded and unable to move, he sent his sons with the keys of the fortress. They were graciously received by the Prince, who presented them with khil'ats, and promised them the Imperial favour. On the day after the giving up the keys, the Prince entered the city, and proceeding to a mosque which had been built two hundred years before, in the reign of the Bahmaní Sultáns, he caused the khutba to be read in the name of the Emperor. * * This strong fortress was thus taken in twenty-seven days. Twelve lacs of rupees in money, and eight lacs of rupees in lead, gunpowder, stores, and other munitions of a fortress, were obtained, besides two hundred and thirty guns.
Bidar is a pleasant, well-built city, and stands on the borders of Telingána. It is related in the histories of Hindústán, that Bidar was the seat of government of the Ráís of the Dakhin, and that the Ráís of the Karnátik, Mahratta (country), and Telingána were subject to the Ráí of Bidar. Daman, the beloved of King Nala of Málwá, whose story Shaikh Faizí has told in the poem entitled Nal o Daman, was daughter of Bhím Sen, the marzbán of Bidar. Sultán Muhammad, son of Sultán Tughlik, first subdued the place. After that, it passed into the hands of the Bahmanís, and subsequently into the possession of the Kings of Bíjápúr. By the favour of God, it now forms part of the Imperial dominions.
Intelligence reached the Prince that large bodies of the forces of 'Ádil Khán were collecting at Kulbarga, and preparing for war. He consequently sent Mahábat Khán with fifteen thousand well-mounted veteran cavalry to chastise these forces, and not to leave one trace of cultivation in that country. Every building and habitation was to be thrown down, and the land was to be made a dwelling for the owls and kites. The Khán had not got far from Bidar, when, in the middle of the next day, two thousand of the enemy's horse, at about three kos from the Imperial army, seized a number of bullocks, belonging to the Banjáras, while they were grazing, and were driving them off to their quarters. Mu'azzam Khán and * * led a detachment of the Imperial forces after them, to inflict chastisement upon them, and release the cattle. Pressing forward with all speed, they overtook the enemy, killed a great many of them, and rescued all the cattle. Such of the enemy as escaped made off with great difficulty, and the royal forces returned. The wretched Afzal, who had advanced very boldly, when he heard of this disaster, was paralyzed, and fled in consternation from Kalyání, without even waiting for the fugitives to come in, and fell back upon his other forces. Mahábat Khán then ravaged Kalyání, and continued his march. Every day the black-coated masses of the enemy appeared in the distance, but they continued to retreat. * *
On the 8th Rajab, Ján Muhammad and Afzal and Rustam, the son of Randaula, and others of the enemy, with about 20,000 horse, made their appearance near the royal army, and were very bold and insolent. * * Mahábat Khán left his camp in charge of Subhán Singh, and marched out against them. The enemy began to discharge rockets upon the right wing under the command of Diler Khán, and a battle followed. * * Mahábat Khán was a good soldier; and when reports were brought to him from all parts of the field, he saw that Ikhlás Khán and Diler Khán were hard pressed. * * So he charged the enemy with such impetuosity that they were filled with dismay and fled. The victors followed in close pursuit, and many of the fugitives fell by their swords.
Aurangzeb, having left Mu'azzam Khán and Ikbál Khán in charge of Bidar, on the 23rd Rajab marched against Kalyání. On the 29th he reached that place, and on the same day he reconnoitered the fortress and invested it. * * On the 8th Sha'bán the approaches were advanced to the edge of the ditch, and the besieged were hard pressed. [Several actions with and victories over the enemy. The country ravaged. Kulbarga occupied.] When the ditch was filled with stones and earth, and the bastions and ramparts had been well battered, on the 27th the assailants placed their ladders and mounted a bastion which had been much damaged, and began to undermine and throw down the wall. The besieged made a gallant resistance, and kept up a heavy discharge of rockets, arrows, and muskets. Grenades, naphtha-balls, and trusses of burning straw were thrown from the top of the walls. But the assailants pressed bravely on, and victory was not far off. At this juncture Diláwar Habshí, who with 2500 men held the place for 'Ádil Khán, felt himself in great danger of destruction, and on the 29th wrote a letter begging for forgiveness and offering to surrender. Most of the garrison were Musulmáns, so the commandant and all his men were allowed to march out with their property and their wives and families. On the 1st Zí-l ka'da, 1068, the keys of the fortress were given up, and the Prince entered and had the khutba read. The commandant sought and obtained permission to go to Bíjápúr.]
Illness of the Emperor.
[Suddenly, on the 1st Zí-l ka'da, 1067 A.H., the Emperor was attacked with serious illness in the form of strangury, constipation and other sympathetic affections, so that he was unable to attend to worldly affairs. Physicians tried all the remedies of their art, but in vain, for the disorder increased. * * In Safar, 1068, the health of the Emperor had so improved that he was convalescent, * * and great rejoicings followed.]
THIRTY-SECOND YEAR OF THE REIGN.
[In the eyes of his father the Emperor, Prince Dárá Shukoh was superior to his brothers both in merit and age. When his other sons departed to their respective governments, the Emperor, from excessive love and partiality, would not allow Dárá Shukoh to go away from him. He also evinced the greatest partiality and affection for the Prince, providing for his honour and dignity. * *
Sháh Buland Ikbál (Dárá Shukoh) took upon himself to interfere in the direction of affairs of State, and induced His Majesty to do many unwise things which tended to create disturbances. He urged that Murád Bakhsh had diverged from the path of rectitude, and had not ceased to act improperly. It was therefore advisable to remove him from the súba of Ahmad-ábád, and to settle upon him the jágír of Birár. If he obeyed the Emperor's order and proceeded to Birár, his offences might be forgiven and clemency be extended to him. But if, from want of foresight and intelligence, he should prove refractory and disobey the orders, he should be suitably chastised and be brought to Court under restraint. Dárá Shukoh then spoke of Prince Aurangzeb, and represented that a party of intriguers had artfully led him astray, and nolens volens had persuaded him that he had been worsted by the malice and revenge of his brother (Dárá Shukoh), and that he should get the assistance of his brother (Murád Bakhsh), who had resolved upon rebellion.129 He should then march with the splendid army under his command to the capital, under the pretence of paying a visit to his father, and wherever he passed he should subvert the authority of the Government. To carry out his aims Aurangzeb had set himself to win over to his side the great nobles of the State, some of whom he had made his own, and that he was endeavouring to effect his object by secret communications before his designs should become public. The money which he had received as tribute from Kutbu-l Mulk he had spent without permission in the raising of forces, and it would not be long before he would cast off his obedience and commence a war. It was to be hoped that the army which had been sent by the Emperor for the reduction of Bíjápúr, and was now with Aurangzeb, might not be won over by the money which he had received as tribute; for assuredly, if this were so, it would be a great danger to the State, which it would be almost impossible to avert. The first thing to be done was to send farmáns recalling all the nobles and their forces from the Dakhin. Then a strenuous effort should be made to get possession of the treasure. By these means the strength and greatness of the Prince would be diminished, and the friends and allies, the strength of his cause, would fall away. * *
Although the Emperor showed no haste in adopting these views, he was quite willing to send the letters. He could not resist the influence Prince Dárá had obtained over him. So letters of the unpleasant purport above described were sent off by the hands of some of the Imperial messengers. The messengers reached Prince Aurangzeb as he was engaged in directing the operations against Bíjápúr, and he had the place closely invested. The arrival of the messengers disturbed the minds of the soldiers, and greatly incensed the Prince; so, much confusion arose. Some of the nobles, Mahábat Khán, Ráo Sattar Sál, and others, went off to Ágra without leave or notice. Mu'azzam Khán also, who was the head and director of this campaign, acted in a very ungenerous and foolish way, and wanted to go off to Ágra, quite regardless of the duty and respect he owed to the Prince.
This want of support from his followers, and the anxiety he felt about the Emperor, led the Prince to accept the proposals of the people of Bíjápúr. Having settled this difficult matter, he marched towards Aurangábád; and as soon as he arrived there, he sent messengers in a courteous way130 to Mu'azzam Khán, desiring him to come and have an interview. The Khán would not listen to the invitation, and acted in a manner unworthy of a great noble. So the Prince ordered Prince Sultán Muhammad to set forth with all speed and use every expedient to bring the Khán to his presence. When the directions were carried out, and the Khán arrived, Aurangzeb immediately provided for his punishment, and sent him prisoner to the fort of Daulatábád. He seized all his treasure, elephants and other property, and gave them into the charge of the State treasurers.]
Rájá Jaswant.
[After the defeat of Sháh Shujá', and the return of Aurangzeb to Ágra, the Emperor sent a force * * to inflict salutary punishment upon Rájá Jaswant. The Rájá feeling himself unable to resist, in his great perplexity and alarm, sent some of his servants to Dárá Shukoh, who, previous to the Rájá's flight, had arrived at Ahmadábád, and, without waiting to recover from his toilsome journey through the sandy desert, was busily occupied in gathering forces. * * Dárá Shukoh, having satisfied himself by taking from the promise-breaking Rájá a covenant which the Rájá confirmed with the most solemn Hindu pledges, marched towards his country. The Emperor was meanwhile moving towards Rájá Jaswant's territory, and he wrote the Rájá a letter, in which expostulations and threats were mingled with kindness. This letter greatly alarmed the Rájá, so that he departed from Dárá and returned to his own country. Making use of Mírzá Rájá Jai Singh, he wrote a penitent and submissive letter to the Emperor, begging forgiveness for his offences; and the Emperor in his clemency forgave him, granted him the súbadárí of Ahmadábád, and sent him a farmán, bestowing honours and promising favours.]
and Murád Bakhsh.
[The zamíndár of Srínagar, having consented to surrender Prince Sulaimán Shukoh, sent him to Court in the custody of his son. Two days after his arrival, the Prince was brought into the Emperor's presence, who directed that on the morrow he, along with Prince Sultán Muhammad, should be sent to the fort of Gwálior, and that both should be fed with koknár.131 * * The sons of 'Alí Nakí, who had a charge against Murád Bakhsh for the murder of their father, were sent to Gwálior, with directions, that after a lawful judgment had been given, the retaliation for blood should be exacted from the Prince. When they arrived at Gwálior, an inquiry was made by the Kází. The Prince was resigned to his fate, and said, “If the Emperor will accept my pledges and spare my life, no harm will happen to his throne; but if he is resolved to take my life, there is no good in listening to such low fellows as these. He has the power, and can do what he likes.” On the 21st Rabí'u-s sání, 1072, under the orders of the Kází, two slaves killed the Prince with two blows of their swords. He was buried in the fort of Gwálior. In the month of Shawwal Prince Sulaimán Shukoh died from the treatment of his jailors, in the thirtieth year of his age, and was buried beside Murád Bakhsh.]
SHÁH-JAHÁN-NÁMAS.
[Besides the Sháh-Jahán-námas noticed at length, there are among the MSS. borrowed by Sir H. M. Elliot, several others bearing the same title. 1. “An abstract of the lengthy Sháh-Jahán-náma” (the Bádsháh-náma) of 'Abdu-l Hamíd Lahorí. This was written in 1225 A.H. (A.D. 1810), by Muhammad Záhid. 2. A fragment of another and lengthy Sháh-Jahán-náma, by Mirzá Jalálu-d dín Tabátabá. 3. A short work by Bhagwán Dás, which gives brief notices of the ancestors of Sháh Jahán, beginning with Adam. 4. A poem by Mirzá Muhammad Ján Mashhadí. This is called Sháh-Jahán-náma, but the title given to it by the author would rather appear to be Zafar-náma. 5. Another Sháh-Jahán-náma in verse, by Mír Muhammad Yahya Káshí.]
SHÁH JAHÁN-NÁMA
OF
MUHAMMAD SÁDIK KHÁN.
[THE author of this history of Sháh Jahán was Muhammad Sádik, who was Wáki'-navís in attendance upon Prince Sháh Jahán in his campaign against the Ráná during the life of Jahángír. He afterwards received the title of Sádik Khán. The work embraces the reign of Sháh Jahán “from his accession to the throne unto the termination of the confinement into which he fell through the stupidity of Dárá Shukoh.” A copy of the work in the British Museum ends with the deposition of Sháh Jahán, but the author adds that the deposed monarch lived eight years in captivity. Sir H. Elliot's MS. goes on without any break to the end of the reign of Aurangzeb; but to have written all this, Sádik Khán must have lived over a century. The history of the reign of Aurangzeb turns out to be the same as that of the Muntakhabu-l Lubáb of Kháfí Khán, with some slight variations, not greater perhaps than Col. Lees found in various MSS. of that work.133
The history is of moderate extent, and is written in a simple style. Similarity or identity in many passages shows that Kháfí Khán used the work for his history of the reign of Sháh Jahán. There is also among Sir H. M. Elliot's MSS. one called Tabakát-i Sháh-Jahání, written by the same author. This consists of notices of the great and distinguished men of the reign of Sháh Jahán. The names are numerous, but the notices are short.]
MAJÁLISU-S SALÁTÍN
OF
MUHAMMAD SHARÍF HANAFÍ.
THE Majálisu-s Salátín, or “Assemblies of the Sultáns,” was written by Muhammad Sharíf Hanafí. The reason he assigns for writing it is, that no one had courage enough in his time to wade through long histories, especially mentioning those of Zíá Barní, Kází 'Ajáz Bádsháhí, and 'Abdu-l Kádir, which are each works of considerable size, and he therefore determined, notwiṭh-standing his constant avocations, to write an abridged history of India. In the midst of a hundred interruptions, he set himself to the work, but, short as it is, he was nearly failing in his resolution to complete it, and “a wind arose occasionally which was nearly making his pen fly away like an arrow from a bow, and converting his paper into a flying kite.” At last he asked his spiritual teachers for their aid and countenance, and through their encouragement he brought it to a completion.
The same irresolution and want of leisure seem to have deprived us of the account of his travels, which, as will be seen from one of the following extracts, extended to a distance quite unusual in his days. He had travelled from Madura in Southern India to Kashmír, and had dwelt for some time in the intermediate countries; and he tells us that if he had recorded all the wonderful things he had seen, he might have filled a thousand volumes. He was employed in some public capacity during the whole time that he was making these tours, for he signifies that he was a person of no mean consideration.
The work was composed in the early part of Sháh Jahán's reign, in the year 1038 A.H. (1628 A.D.), according to a chronogram at the close of the work in which the date is recorded.
The Majálisu-s Salátín is not divided into chapters, but the following abstract will show the pages where the principal dynasties and reigns commence and end.
CONTENTS.
Preface, pp. 1 to 3.
The Ghaznívides, pp. 4 to 11.
The Ghorians and subsequent Dehlí dynasties, pp. 11 to 121.
Bábar, pp. 121 to 123.
Humáyún, Sher Khán, etc., pp. 124 to 193.
Akbar, pp. 193 to 200.
Jahángír, pp. 200 to 206.
Kingdoms of the Dakhin, Kashmír, etc., pp. 207 to 258.
SIZE—12mo. containing 258 pages, each of 9 lines.
The copy from which the following Extracts are taken is in
one of the Royal Libraries at Lucknow. I know of no other.
[The Extracts were translated by a munshí and corrected by
Sir H. M. Elliot.]
Anecdotes of Muhammad Tughlik.
135 After some time, intelligence was brought that Malik Bahrám Abiya, the adopted brother of Sultán Tughlik Sháh, had revolted in Multán, and put 'Alí Akhtí to death, whom Sultán Muhammad 'Ádil had sent with orders to summon the rebel. The Sultán, with a view to subdue the rebellion, marched from Daulatábád towards Dehlí, and thence reached Multán by successive marches. Malik Bahrám came out to oppose him, but was defeated and slain. His head was brought to the Sultán, who was about to order a general massacre of the inhabitants of Multán, and make streams of blood flow, when the staff of the world, the most religious Shaikhu-l Hakk, came bare-headed to the King's court, and stood before him soliciting pardon for the people. The Sultán forgave them for the sake of that holy man. In short, this King called himself just, and generally before executing persons he certainly did refer the case for the decree of the expounders of the law.
It is said of him, that one day, having put on his shoes, he went on foot to the court of Kází Kamálu-d dín, the Chief Justice, and told him that Shaikh-záda Jám had called him unjust; he demanded that he should be summoned and required to prove the injustice of which he accused him, and that if he could not prove it, he should be punished according to the injunctions of the law. Shaikh-záda Jám, when he arrived, confessed that he had made the assertion. The Sultán inquired his reason, to which he replied, “When a criminal is brought before you, it is entirely at your royal option to punish him, justly or unjustly; but you go further than this, and give his wife and children to the executioners that they may do what they like with them. In what religion is this practice lawful? If this is not injustice, what is it?” The Sultán remained silent; and when he left the court of the Kází, he ordered the Shaikh-záda to be imprisoned in an iron cage, and on his journey to Daulat-ábád he took the prisoner with him on the back of an elephant. When he returned to Dehlí, on passing before the court of the Kází, he ordered the Shaikh-záda to be brought out of the cage136 and cut to pieces. Hence it may be learnt that he possessed very opposite qualities. He was called by the common people “the unjust.” There are many similar stories of the atrocities he committed. Tyranny took the place of justice, and infidelity that of Islám. At last he was seized with fever, and departed to the next world, when he was in the vicinity of Thatta, on the 21st Muharram, A.H. 752 (20th March, 1351 A.D.). The period of his reign was twenty-seven years.
Accession of Sháh Jahán.137
When Núru-d dín Muhammad Jahángír died, the second Lord of the Conjunction, the rightful heir, Sháh Khurram, who was entitled Sháh Jahán, was in the Dakhin at a distance of three months' journey from the place where the Emperor Jahángír had died. It is well known to politicians that the throne of royalty cannot remain vacant for a moment, and therefore the ministers of the government and the principal officers of the Court considered it expedient to place Sultán Dáwar Bakhsh, the grandson of the Emperor Jahángír, upon the throne for some days; and thus to guard against mutinies and disturbances which might otherwise arise. They defeated Sháhriyár, who, through his vain ambition, had proclaimed himself King in Lahore. The Emperor Shahábu-d dín Muhammad Sháh Jahán (may his dominions and reign increase, and may the world be benefited by his bounty and munificence!) also came with a powerful army viâ Gujarát and Ajmír, and soon arrived at Ágra, which was the seat of his and his forefathers' government. He mounted the throne of sovereignty in the fort of Ágra on Monday the 7th of Jumáda-l ákhir, corresponding with the 25th of Bahman; and distributed largesses and rewards among his subjects. May the Almighty keep this generous and world-conquering King under His protection and care!
Revenues of Hindústán and the Dakhin.
It also entered into the mind of this “most humble slave of God” to write a short account of the different provinces of Hindústán, and make it a portion of this small work, detailing how much of this country was in possession of the Emperor Jalálu-d dín Muhammad Akbar and his son Núru-d dín Jahángír, and into how many súbas it is now divided.
Be it not concealed that the whole country of Hindústán, which is known to form one-fourth of the inhabited world, and reckoned as the largest of all the countries, is divided into fourteen súbas, or provinces.
First, the Province of Dehlí; revenue upwards of 65,61,00,000 dáms. Second, the Province of Ágra, which is the seat of government; revenue 82,25,00,000 dáms. Third, the Province of the Panjáb, or Lahore; present revenue, 82,50,00,000 dáms. Fourth, the Province of Kábul, including Kashmír, etc.; revenue 25,00,00,000 dáms. Fifth, the Province of the Dakhin, or Ahmadnagar; revenue 28,35,00,000 dáms. Sixth, the Province of Khándesh and Birár; revenue 87,32,00,000 dáms. Seventh, the Province of Málwá; revenue 28,00,00,000 dáms. Eighth, the Province of Gujarát; revenue 50,64,00,000 dáms. Ninth, the Province of Bihár, including Patná and Jaunpúr; revenue 31,27,00,000 dáms. Tenth, the Province of Oudh with its dependencies; revenue 23,22,00,000 dáms. Eleventh, the Province of Ajmír with its dependencies; revenue 42,05,00,000 dáms. Twelfth, the Province of Allahábád; revenue 30,70,00,000 dáms. Thirteenth, the Province of Sind, including Multán, Thatta and Bhakkar; revenue 40,00,00,000 dáms. Fourteenth, the Province of Bengal, which is equal to two or three kingdoms; revenue 50,00,00,000 dáms.
The revenue of all the territories under the Emperors of Dehli amounts, according to the Royal registers, to six arbs and thirty krors of dáms. One arb is equal to a hundred krors (a kror being ten millions), and a hundred krors of dáms are equivalent to two krors and fifty lacs of rupees. Each of the fourteen provinces above mentioned formed the territory of a powerful king, and was conquered by the sword of the servants of the Chaghatáís. Nine of these fourteen provinces have been visited by the poor compiler of this book, and the following is a detail of them.
The Author's Travels.
He was born in the province of the Dakhin, and lived five years there. Though it is mentioned as one province, yet the whole territory of the Dakhin, through which he travelled with his father, consists of five provinces. Ahmadnagar is one province, Bíjápúr is another, Golkonda is a third; the Karnátik, which is a large territory extending as far as Setband Rám-eshwar, forms a separate province. Khándesh and Birár, which are in reality two provinces, though rated above only as one, were visited throughout every space of their whole extent by the writer, who has also travelled over the provinces of Gujarát, Málwá, Ajmír, Dehlí, and Ágra, as well as those of the Panjáb or Lahore, and Sind, which includes Thatta, Bhakkar and Multán. By the favour of God, he possessed authority in all these provinces, and visited them as a person of consideration. If he were to note down the wonders and curiosities of all the places he has seen, he would require to blacken paper equal to one thousand volumes. He has therefore avoided enlarging his work.
He may, however, as well mention, that when in the territory of the Karnátik, he arrived in company with his father at the city of Southern Mathurá (Madura), where, after a few days, the ruler died and went to the lowest hell. This chief had 700 wives, and they all threw themselves at the same time into the fire. This event was related by the compiler of this book at Burhánpúr, in the presence of the Nawáb Khán-khánan, son of Bairám Khán; but the Nawáb did not believe it. The vakíl of the Rájá of the Karnátik, whose name was Kaner Ráí, was also present at the court of the Nawáb; and when inquiries were made of him respecting the truth of my assertion, he related the event exactly as the writer had done. So the Nawáb entered it in his note-book.
All the people of this territory are idolators, and eat all the wild animals of the forest. There is not a single Musulmán there. Occasionally a Musulmán may visit the country, deputed by Nizám Sháh, 'Ádil Sháh or Kutb Sháh, but the natives are all infidels. The Madarí malangs and jogís go by this road to Sarandíp and the hill-fort of Ceylon, which is the place where the impression of Adam's footstep is preserved.
In A.H. 1031 the writer of this book visited the delightful land of Kashmír, when he accompanied the victorious camp of the Emperor who had an army as numerous as the stars, viz. Núru-d dín Muhammad Jahángír, and was in the immediate service of the most exalted and noble Nawáb, the Great Khán, the best of all the descendants of the chosen prophet, the chief of the house of 'Alí, a nobleman of high rank and dignity, viz. Kásim Khán, may God preserve him!
TÁRÍKH-I MUFAZZALÍ
OF
MUFAZZAL KHÁN.
[THIS is a general history of considerable length, written by Saiyid Mufazzal Khán. It begins with the Creation, and comes down to 1077 A.H. (1666 A.D.), the tenth year of the reign of Aurangzeb. A copy of the Table of Contents from another MS. brings the work down to the time of Farrukh Siyar. The work is divided into seven makálas or sections, the sixth and seventh of which are devoted to India. In the account of Násiru-d dín Kubácha it gives an epitome of the Chach-náma, which was translated into Persian under his patronage.141 It is an extensive work of nearly a thousand pages, seventeen lines to the page. The following Extracts, apparently translated by a munshí, have been revised by Sir H. M. Elliot.]
EXTRACTS.
141a When Sháh Jahán mounted the throne at Ágra, all the officers of State came to pay their respects to him, but Khán-Jahán Lodí, who was one of the greatest officers under the late Emperor Núru-d dín Muhammad Jahángír, did not attend the Court on the plea of illness. This was very displeasing to His Majesty, and when at last he did attend the Court, he spoke in a very disrespectful tone, which greatly excited His Majesty's anger. As a punishment for his insolence, an order was given to level his house with the ground. Being informed of it, he fled immediately with his whole family and property, and attempted to cross the Chambal, but was pursued by Rájá Bahádur with a large force. Ismat Khán, the son of Khán-Jahán Lodí, a boy only twelve years of age, came to an engagement with this officer and killed him with his own hand. The royalists, on the death of their general, made a vigorous attack upon the enemy. Ismat Khán was slain, but Khán-Jahán himself escaped and crossed the river.
In A.H. 1040 (1630 A.D.) the Emperor proceeded to the Dakhin, and conquered many places there. The fort of Daulatábád, which was the capital of the neighbouring territory, was taken by Khán-khánán Muhammad Khán.
Such a magnificent and beautiful fort of red stone was built on the banks of the Jumná, that no building like it was ever constructed by any of the kings who had ruled in India. Besides other magnificent works, the Peacock throne was made by this monarch, which was set with all kinds of precious stones. It was prepared at the expense of nine krors nine lacs and one thousand rupees.
Sa'du-lla Khán and Mudabbir Khán, who were both good scholars, were deservedly appointed ministers to the throne.
Prince Dárá Shukoh was married to the grand-daughter of Sultán Parwez, and the nuptial ceremonies were performed with such pomp and splendour as was never witnessed before.
The Mosque of Jáma' Jahán-numá was built near the fort under the superintendence of Sa'du-lla Khán, at the expense of ten lacs of rupees.
Prince Muhammad Murád Bakhsh was appointed to the Governorship of Ahmadábád in Gujarát, with the grant of an honorary dress and some jewels to the value of five lacs of rupees; and Prince Aurangzeb Bahádur to that of the Province of the Dakhin, and a khil'at with a sarpech, a horse, and jewels to the value of five lacs of rupees, was granted to him. They were all ordered to go to their respective provinces, and the Emperor himself came to Ágra, where he remained nine months, and then returned to Dehlí. As he proceeded on his journey, he amused himself on the way with all kinds of sports.
His Majesty had been pleased to assure his mother-in-law, the wife of Ásaf Khán, in the days of her pregnancy, that if she brought forth a son, he would make him a mansabdár of 5000 horse; and accordingly, when a son was born to her, the rank was conferred on the child under the title of Sháyista Khán Bahádur.
About the same time Muhammad Dárá Shukoh was declared to be the successor to the throne, and the entire management of the Government was placed in his hands. The charge was accordingly undertaken by the Prince, but Providence had determined otherwise. The country was destined to be ruled by a juster and better prince, and every circumstance which occurred in those days combined to assist him in obtaining the throne.
On the 7th Zí-l hijja, 1067 A.H. (Sept. 1657 A.D.), the Emperor Sháh Jahán, who shall henceforth be called 'Álá Hazrat, fell sick in Dehlí, and was unable to attend the duties of the State. Dárá Shukoh, the eldest Prince, intending to avail himself of the circumstance, so managed that no news regarding the public affairs could transpire. This gave rise to great disturbances in the country. Murád Bakhsh, the fourth son of the Emperor, who was the Governor of Gujarát, seated himself on the throne and declared himself independent. Sháh Shujá', the second Prince, also followed the same course in Bengal and prepared an army. Dárá Shukoh, being afraid of his brother Aurangzeb, prevailed upon the Emperor during his sickness to recall the forces which were with that Prince. His object in taking this measure was first to despatch the two rebel princes, Shujá' and Murád Bakhsh, out of his way, and then to proceed to the Dakhin against Aurangzeb. He took His Majesty to Ágra in the very height of his illness, and sent Rájá Jai Singh with a royal army, and his own force under the command of his eldest son Sulaimán Shukoh, against Sháh Shujá'. He also ordered Rájá Jaswant Singh to march with a large army towards Málwá, the threshold of the Dakhin, to prevent the enemy from advancing. This Hindí chief was one of the greatest Rájás of Hindústán, and as he was very nearly related to the Emperor, he had gained his confidence in a considerable degree, and had obtained a few days before the title of Mahárájá. * * *
Towards the end of the year 1067 A.H., when, in consequence of the Emperor's sickness, disturbances arose in all parts of the country, Bím Narain, Zamíndár of Kúch Bihár, took possession of the territory of Kámrúp, which belonged to the empire of Dehlí. It was also at the same time encroached upon by Jai Bijai Singh, Rájá of Ásám, who always considered his dominions secure from the depredations of the royal army. To protect Kámrúp, a large army was despatched by land under the command of Khán-khánán, who, considering the service very important, obtained leave of the Emperor to depart immediately, and left Khizrpúr on the 13th of Rabí'u-l awwal, in the 4th year after His Majesty's accession to the throne, and conquered the city of Kúch Bihár on the 27th of the same month. After the conquest he changed the name of the city to 'Álamgírnagar, and on the 28th proceeded to invade Ásám by way of Ghorá-ghát. After five months' exertions, the city of Karkálu, which the chief residence of the ruler of Ásám, was taken on the 6th of Sha'bán. An account of the immense booty, both in property and cash, which fell into the hands of the victors, as also of the number of men killed on both sides in these battles, and of the rarities and wonders of Kúch Bihár and Ásám, together with a description of the vegetable and mineral products of the country, the manners and customs of the people, and their forts and buildings, is fully given in the 'A'lamgír-náma. When the Emperor received the report of these important conquests from the Khán-khánán, the general of the royal army, he showed great favour to his son, Muhammad Amín Khán, and honoured him with the grant of a khil'at in his own presence. The Khán also received a farmán in approbation of his services, and was rewarded with an honorary dress, one kror of dáms, and the insignia of the farmán and tugh.
MIR-ÁT-I 'ÁLAM,
MIR-ÁT-I JAHÁN-NUMÁ,
OF
BAKHTÁWAR KHÁN.
THESE two histories, though circulating under different names, may be considered as essentially one and the same.
Dr. Bernhard Dorn, at p. xv. of the Preface to his “History of the Afgháns,” describes the Mir-át-i'Álam as a most valuable universal history, written in Persian, by Bakhtáwar Khán, who by travel and assiduous study had qualified himself for the task of an historian. Dr. Dorn mentions also that the history of the Afgháns by Ni'amatu-lla, which he translated, frequently corresponds, word for word, with that found in the Mir-át-i'Á'lam.
He gives the following abstract of a copy in the British Museum:
“Section I.—History of the Patriarchs; of the Israelite Kings; of Lukmán and Daniel; of the Hebrew Prophets; of Jesus and the Apostles; of the Seven Sleepers; of some Saints, as Georgius, Barseesa, Samson, etc.; of the ancient Sages, as Solon, Pythagoras, Socrates, Diogenes, Plato, Aristotle, Pliny, Homer, Zeno, Ptolemy, Thales, Euclid: after that follows the history of the Persian Monarchs and of the Yemen Kings.
Section II.—History of Muhammad.
III.—History of the Khalífs of other Dynasties, as the
Saffárides, etc.
IV.—History of the Roman and the Turkish Em-
perors, etc.
Section V.—History of the Sharífs of Mecca and Medína.
VI.—History of the Turkish Kháns, etc.
VII.—History of Changíz Khán and his successors.
VIII.—History of different Dynasties in Írán, etc., after Sultán Abú Sa'íd Bahádur Khán. After that, a history of India follows, in which there is the History of the Kings of Dehlí, from Shahábu-d dín to Ibráhím Lodí; of the Kings of the Dakhin, of Humáyún, Sher Sháh, Islám Sháh, and 'Ádil Sháh; of the Kings of Bengal, etc.; of Jaunpúr, Kashmír, etc.; Humáyún's conquest of Kábul.”
Dow also quotes the work as one of his authorities in his Continuation of Firishta, and in the Preface to his third volume speaks of it as being composed by Názir Bakhtáwar Khán, a man of letters, who led a private life near Farídábád, within a few miles of Ágra, and states that it contains the history of the first ten years of Aurangzeb.
This latter description corresponds with the Mir-át-i Jahán-numá usually met with in this country; and though the name of the author is the same in both instances, it is evident that Dr. Dorn's and Colonel Dow's descriptions of the portions devoted to Indian history can scarcely refer to the same work. The contents also of the several books differ in many respects, as will be seen from the following abstract of the Mir-át-i Jahán-numá, which is found in India; but as there can be no doubt that the two works are the same in substance, there is reason to apprehend that Dr. Dorn's description is defective in some particulars.
The Mir-át-i Jahán-numá is divided into a Preface, seven Books (Áráish), and a Conclusion. These are subdivided into several Sections (namáish and pairáish) and Sub-sections (namúd), of all which the following is a full detail:
CONTENTS.
Preface.
Introduction—Gives an account of the creation of the heaven and earth, their inhabitants—the Jinns, Iblis, etc.
BOOK I.—History of the patriarchs, philosophers and kings who flourished before the dawn of Muhammadanism. In four Chapters.—Chapter 1. On the Patriarchs.—2. On the Ancient Philosophers.—3. On the Kings of Persia. In five Sections.—Section i. The Peshdádians.—ii. The Kaíánians. —iii. The Mulúku-t Tawáif.—iv. The Sásánians.—v. The Akásirás.—Chapter 4. History of the dependencies of Yaman.
BOOK II.—An account of Muhammad, his exploits, his character and miracles, his descendants and wives, his successors and Imáms, some of his friends and dependents, the learned men who expounded the religion, the Súfias and Masháikhs. In thirteen Chapters.—Chapter 1. An account of Muhammad and his exploits.—2. His character and miracles.—3. His wives. —4. His descendants.—5. The first four Khalífas.—6. The Imáms.—7. The ten disciples.—8. Friends of Muhammad whose names are given in alphabetical order.—9. The followers of Muhammad and their dependents.—10. The four great Imáms.—11. The seven persons who were appointed to read the Kurán.—12. The great expounders of the Kurán, the descent of the holy mantle, the different orders of the sects of the Shaikhs. In three Sections.—Section i. The great expounders of the Kurán.—ii. The preservation of the holy mantle. —iii. The different orders and sects of the Shaikhs.—Chapter 13. The holy men of Arabia and Persia, the celebrated saints of Hindústán, and the Muhammadan doctors. In three Sections.— Section i. On the Shaikhs and the holy men of Arabia and Persia.—ii. The celebrated Saints of Hindústán.—iii. The Muhammadan doctors.
BOOK III.—The 'Ummayides, 'Abbásides, and those kings who were contemporary with the 'Abbásides; the Cæsars of Rúm; the Sharífs of Mecca and Medína; the Kháns of the Turks; Mulúku-t Tawáif. In eight Chapters.—1. The 'Ummayides.— 2. The 'Abbáside Khalífas.—3. The kings who were contemporary with the 'Abbásides. In eleven Sections.—i. The Táhirians.—ii. The Saffáríans.—iii. The Sámáníans.—iv. The Ghaznívides.—v. The Ghorians.—vi. The Buwaihides or Dailamís.—vii. The Saljúkians.—viii. The Khwárizm-sháhís.— ix. The Atábaks.—x. The Isma'ílians.—xi. The Karákhitáís of Kirmán.—Chapter 4. On the Kings of Rúm. In eight Sections.—Section i. The Kaiásarás.—ii. The Saljúkians who ruled in Rúm.—iii. The Dánishmandias.—iv. The Salíkiá Kings who governed in Ázurbáiján and Rúm.—v. The Salíkiá or Mankúchakia Kings who ruled in Ázurbáiján and Kamákh. —vi. The Karámáns.—vii. The rulers of Malátiya and Abulistán. —viii. The Ottomans who are called out of respect Khwándgárs. —Chapter 5. The Sharífs of Mecca and Medína.—6. The Kháns of the Turks. In four Sections.—Section i. History of Turk, son of Yafís (Japhet), son of Núh, and his descendants.— ii. Tátár and his descendants.—iii. Moghúl and his descendants. —iv. Lánjar Ká-an and his descendants.—Chapter 7. Changíz Khán and his descendants. In seven Sections.—Section i. Changíz Khán.—ii. Descendants of Changíz Khán who ruled in Ulugh-yúrat, which was the seat of his government.—iii. His descendants who obtained the rank of Khán in the desert of Kipchák.—iv. His descendants who obtained the same rank in the country of Írán.—v. The Kháns of Túrán who were the descendants of Chaghatáí Khán, son of Changíz Khán.—vi. The Shaibánía Kings.—vii. The Kháns of Káshghar who were the descendants of Chaghatáí Khán, son of Changíz Khán.— Chapter 8. Mulúku-t Tawáif, who reigned in Írán after Sultán Abú Sa'íd Bahádur Khán. In five Sections.—Section i. The Chúbáníans.—ii. The Ílkáníans.—iii. Amír Shaikh Abú-l Ishák Injú and the Muzaffarides.—iv. The Kurt Kings.—v. The Sarabdárians.
BOOK IV.—Tímúr and his descendants who ruled in Írán and Túrán; the Kárá-kúínlú and Ák-kúínlú rulers;148 the Safawíya Kings. In four Chapters.—Chapter 1. Tímúr and his descendants who governed in Írán and Túrán.—2. The Gúrgánían rulers who ruled in Írán and Khurásán.—3. The Kárá-kúínlú Kings.—4. The Safawiyá Kings who still occupy the throne of the country of Írán.
BOOK V.—An account of Hindústán; religious notions of the Hindús; Sultáns of Dehlí and other parts of Hindústán, where at present the khutba is read and coin struck in the name of the Emperor. An Introduction and nine Chapters.—Introduction. On the religious notions of the Hindús, history of some of the Ráís of Hindústán, and the dawn of Muhammadanism in this country.—Chapter 1. Kings of Dehlí from Shahábu-d dín Ghorí to Sultán Ibráhím Lodí.—2. Rulers of the Dakhin. In six Sections.—Section i. The Bahmanís.—ii. The Barídís.—iii. The 'Imád-Sháhís.—iv. The Nizámu-l Mulkís.—v. The 'Ádil-Khánís.—vi. Kutbu-l Mulkís.—Chapter 3. The Rulers of Gujarát.—4. Chiefs of Sind. In two Sections.—Section i. Kings of Thatta.—ii. Rulers of Multán.—Chapter 5. Princes of Bengal. —6. Chiefs of Málwá.—7. The Fárúkís of Khándesh.—8. The Eastern Kings of Jaunpúr.—9. Rulers of Kashmír.
BOOK VI.—The Gúrgáníans who ruled in Hindústán from the time of Zahíru-d dín Muhammad Bábar to the reign of the Emperor Sháh Jahán. In five Chapters.—Chapter 1. History of Bábar.—2. Humáyún.—3. Akbar.—4. Jahángír.—5. Sháh-jahán.
BOOK VII.—Account of Aurangzeb 'Álamgír. In three Chapters.—Chapter 1. His history from the time of his minority to the period ten years subsequent to his accession.—2. His qualities and character; his descendants; the extent of his empire; his contemporary rulers, in five Sections.—Section i. His character.—ii. His descendants.—iii. The extent of his empire with a detail of the Provinces.—iv. His contemporary rulers.—v. The ancient ministers.—Chapter 3. Contains four Sections.—Section i. An account of the learned men of the author's time.—ii. The celebrated caligraphers.—iii. Some wonderful and marvellous occurrences.—iv. An account of the author's ancestors.
Conclusion.—On the Poets, including the Author.
SIZE—Small folio, comprising 1540 pages, each page containing an average of 20 lines.
It will be seen that both Dr. Dorn and Colonel Dow ascribe the Mir-át-i 'Álam exclusively to Bakhtáwar Khán; but it may be doubted if he had really anything to do with its composition. There is in fact very great confusion attending the authorship of this work, which ought, I believe, to be attributed almost entirely to Muhammad Baká of Saháranpúr, an intimate friend of Bakhtáwar Khán. It may be as well to consider the claims of these two, as well as of others, to the authorship.
I.—BAKHTÁWAR KHÁN. He was a nobleman of Aurangzeb's Court. In the tenth year of the reign he was appointed to the rank of one thousand, and in the thirteenth he was made superintendent of the eunuchs. He was a favourite eunuch of the Emperor, who followed his bier for some paces towards the grave.150 The Mir-át-i 'Álam, of which he is the presumed author, and which certainly bears his name, was comprised in a Preface, seven Áráish, two Afzáish, and a Conclusion, and was written in the year 1078 A.H., the date being represented by the words Áína-i bakht, “the mirror of fortune,” which also seems to confirm the title of Bakhtáwar Khán to the authorship of the work. He died in 1095 A.H. (1684 A.D.). The Preface states how fond the author was of historical studies, and how he had long determined upon writing such a work as this. Towards the end of the work, he shows how many works he had written and abridged; amongst others, which are all ascribed by Muhammad Shafí' to Muhammad Baká, we find an abridgment of the Táríkh-i Alfí and the Akhbáru-l Akhyár. There can be no mistake about the person to whom it is meant to ascribe these works in this passage, because the same Chapter mentions the buildings founded by the person alluded to as the compiler, and amongst them are mentioned the villages of Bakhtáwarpúr and Bakhtáwarnagar.
II.—MUHAMMAD BAKÁ. His name does not appear in the Preface to the Mir-át-i 'Álam, but in the biography of him, written by Muhammad Shafí', it is distinctly stated that he wrote the work at the request, and in the name, of his intimate friend Bakhtáwar Khán, but left it incomplete.
III.—MUHAMMAD SHAFÍ'. He was the son of the sister of Muhammad Baká, and he tells us in the Preface to the Mir-át-i Jahán-numá that Muhammad Baká had left several sheets of an historical work incomplete, ill-arranged, and requiring revision, and that he was thinking of putting them into shape and rendering them fit for publication, when he was warned in a dream that it was a sacred duty he should fulfil towards his uncle's memory, that he readily obeyed this injunction, and after supplying what was defective in the work, especially on the subject of the Prophets, completed his labours in 1095 A.H., the year of Bakhtáwar Khán's death; but after it, because he speaks of him under a title used only after death, and called his work Mir-át-i Jahán-numá. This is the history of which the detailed contents are given above. The loose sheets he alludes to are evidently the Mir-át-i 'Álam, though he does not expressly say so, even when he mentions that work as one of those composed by Muhammad Baká; nevertheless, as the very words of the Mir-át-i 'Álam and the Mir-át-i Jahán-numá are identical in the chapters which relate to the same subjects, there can be no doubt that “the loose sheets” and the Mir-át-í 'Álam are also the same; but why the credit of the Mir-át-i 'Álam should be so depreciated it is not easy to say, except it was done for the purpose of enhancing the merit of the nephew's labours.
IV.—MUHAMMAD RIZÁ. He was younger brother of Muhammad Baká. His concern in the work is very incomprehensible, unless on the understanding that, according to the usual Indian foible, he had a quarrel with his nephew; for he also edited the Jahán-numá from “the loose leaves” left by Muhammad Baká, without any allusion to the labours of his nephew. The precise date of his compilation is not mentioned, but that he succeeded Muhammad Shafí' in the work, and must have been aware of what he had done, is evident; for at the close of the work, where he gives an account of his ancestors and relations, he mentions the death of Fathu-lla in 1100 A.H., a date five years subsequent to that in which Muhammad Shafí' had stated that Fathu-lla was still living. Muhammad Rizá does not say he had the sanction of a dream for his undertaking, but that he had long wished to arrange the dispersed sheets of his brother's history, and had only waited for the time appointed by destiny to do so, which at last, notwithstanding the avocations of his official duties, made its appearance, and the result is the Mir-át-i Jahán-numá, a name which he gave to the work, in consequence of the implied wishes of his brother to that effect; but as the imperfect work written in his brother's lifetime was called Mir-át-i 'Álam, it does not appear why the name was changed into Mir-át-i Jahán-numá, a title chosen with some reason by his nephew, because it represents the chronogram of 1095 A.H. The author says his additions comprise an account of the Prophets from Núh to Muhammad, of the Philosophers, of the Imáms, of the Khalífs, of the Saints of Persia, Arabia and Hindústán, and of the Poets. He says he will mention more about his own additions in the Conclusion; but the two copies which I have consulted, one in the Motí Mahal Library at Lucknow, and the other in the possession of Khádim Husain Sadru-s Sudúr of Cawnpore, are deficient at the end. He designates the history which Muhammad Baká wrote at the request of Bakhtáwar Khán, as Táríkh-i 'Álamgírí, and not Mir-át-i 'Álam; but it is evident that in this case also the “dispersed leaves” are those included in the Mir-át-i 'Álam. He divides his Mir-át-i Jahán-numá into a Preface, eleven Áráish, and a Conclusion, and has subdivided the work in other respects a little more minutely than his predecessor. For instance, he has devoted fourteen namáish to an account of the wazírs, which by his predecessor is included in one, and he has adopted some other minute differences, in order to give an air of originality to his work, and give him a title to independent authorship; but the two works called Mir-át-i Jahán-numá may be?? considered in all material respects the same. Neither of the editors has added anything to the history of Aurangzeb's reign by Muhammad Baká, though he carries it down only to 1078 A.H.
It will be seen, therefore, that the real author of these various works is Muhammad Baká, though he is the person to whom they are least ascribed, in consequence not only of his attributing his own labours to others, but from the prominence which his editors have endeavoured to give to their own names.
His real name was Shaikh Muhammad, and his poetical title was Baká. He was born in A.H. 1037. In his early youth he applied himself to the study of the Kurán, and in a short space of time learnt the whole of it by heart. Having read a few books with his father, he went to Sirhind, where he studied several branches of knowledge under Shaikh 'Abdu-llah, surnamed Míán, and other learned men. He acquired acquaintance with Muhammadan traditions under the tuition of Shaikh Núru-l Hakk, son of Shaikh 'Abdu-l Hakk of Dehlí, and having obtained his permission to teach this branch of learning, he returned to his native city of Saháranpúr, and devoted his time to imparting his knowledge to others. Afterwards, by desire of his father, he forswore worldly concerns, and directed his whole attention to worship and devotion.
When his father died, he enrolled himself among the disciples of Shaikh Muhammad of Sirhind, and made in a short time very considerable progress in spiritual knowledge. On again returning to his native place, he led, like his ancestors, a retired life. Soon after, Iftikhár Khán (Bakhtáwar Khán)—who from early youth had been an intimate friend of Muhammad Baká, and had attained the rank of three thousand horse and the office of steward (mír-sámán) to the Emperor Aurangzeb—invited him to Court, and secured for him a respectable rank, which he accepted, but with much reluctance, and owing only to the importunities of his friends. This appears to have been in the fourth year of Aurangzeb's reign. Although he held a high rank, and had public duties to attend to, yet he always led a life of retirement; notwithstanding which, we are told that the Emperor was very favourably disposed towards him.
Besides writing the Mir-át-i 'Álam, he made extracts from the works of Hakím Sanáí, the Mantiku-t Tair of Farídu-d dín Attár, and the celebrated masnawí of Mauláná Rúmí, “the most eminent writers on Divine subjects, who unanimously agree in their religious tenets.”
He also abridged the Díwán of Saíb and the Sákí-náma, and composed a Riyázu-l Auliyá, or history of Saints, and a Tazkiratu-s Shu'ará, or biography of Poets, with extracts. It is probable that much of these two works is comprised in the Mir-át-i Jahán-numá, notwithstanding that Muhammad Rizá states the loose sheets left by Muhammad Baká to have been deficient in these particulars. The Riyázu-l Auliyá is an exceedingly useful but rare work, comprised in 380 pages of 15 lines, and its value is greatly enhanced by being arranged alphabetically. In the preface to this work the author distinctly states, that in the Mir-át-i 'Álam he had devoted a namáish to an account of the Saints, but thought proper to write, at a subsequent period, this more copious work upon the same subject.
He was also an original poet, and his poetical talents are highly praised in the Farhatu-n Názirín, at the close of Aurangzeb's reign.
Towards the close of his life, he was appointed sarkár of Saháranpúr, where he erected some useful buildings. At the instance of his relations and friends he constructed some houses on the banks of the tank of Ráíwála in the suburbs of Saháranpúr. He also founded the quarter known as Bakápúra, besides constructing several mosques and public wells. He died in 1094 A.H. (1683 A.D.).
Muhammad Baká was descended from a distinguished family. His ancestor, who first came to Hindústán from Hirát, was Khwája Zíáu-d dín. He arrived during the reign of Fíroz Sháh in 754 A.H. (1353-4 A.D.). He was received kindly by that King, was promoted to be Súbadár of Multán, and received the title of Malik Mardán Daulat. He was the adoptive father of Saiyid Khizr Khán, who afterwards became King of Dehlí. His own lineal descendants were all men of distinction, in their successive generations, until we come to the subject of this article.
The Mir-át-i 'Álam, or the Mir-át-i Jahán-numá, is a monument of his industry and ability, and though there is little of novelty, except the account of the first ten years of Aurangzeb's reign, yet the compilation must be considered useful and comprehensive. The accounts of the Poets and Saints are very copious, and among the best to which reference can be made. It is doubtful how far these portions are to be attributed to his pen. They form, certainly, no portion of the Mir-át-i 'Álam.
Several works have been formed on the same model as the Mir-át-i Jahán-numá, and continuations of the work are occasionally met with, which add to the confusion attending the inquiry respecting the original authorship. There is, for instance, in the Library of Nawáb Siráju-l Mulk, ex-minister of Haidarábád, a large volume styled the Táríkh-i 'Álamgírnáma , continued down to the reign of Muhammad Sháh, subdivided in the same way into Áráish and Namáish, etc., all taken from the Mir-át-i Jahán-numá. The continuation is extracted from the Táríkh-i Chaghatáí.
This work is not common in India, at least in a perfect form. That of Muhammad Shafí is the least rare, and the best copy I have seen is in the possession of Saiyid Muhammad Rizá, Sadru-s Sudúr of 'Alígarh, though it is not uniformly written. It is enriched by some marginal notes written in A.H. 1216 by a person who calls himself Muhammad bin 'Abdu-llah. In Europe, besides the copy in the British Museum mentioned above, there is the copy in the Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds Gentil, No. 48, and the copy of Sir W. Ouseley numbered 305 and 306 in his Catalogue. He observes that he never saw another copy. [There is also a copy in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society,156 of which Mr. Morley has given a full account.]
The cleanest copy I have seen of this work is in the Library of Muzaffar Husain Khán, a landed proprietor in the Lower Doáb. There is a very good copy of the work in the possession of Fakír Núru-d dín of Lahore, and a good copy of the first half of the work is in the Library of Nawáb 'Ali Muhammad Khán of Jhajjar.
Aurangzeb's Charity.
When it was reported to His Majesty Aurangzeb, that in the reign of his father every year a sum of seventy-nine thousand rupees was distributed through the Sadru-s Sudúr amongst the poor during five months of the year,—viz. twelve thousand rupees in each of the months of Muharram and Rabí'u-l awwal, ten thousand in Rajab, fifteen thousand in Sha'bán, and thirty thousand in the sacred month of Ramazán,—and that during the remaining seven months no sum was distributed in charity,—His Majesty ordered the Sadru-s Sudúr and other accountants of the household expenses, that with regard to those five months they should observe the same rule, and in each of the other months also they should give ten thousand rupees to be distributed among the poor; so that the annual sum expended in charity, including the increase which was now made, amounted to one lac and forty-nine thousand rupees.
The Habits and Manners of the Emperor Aurangzeb.
Be it known to the readers of this work that this humble slave of the Almighty is going to describe in a correct manner the excellent character, the worthy habits and the refined morals of this most virtuous monarch, Abú-l Muzaffar Muhiu-d dín Muhammad Aurangzeb 'Álamgír, according as he has witnessed them with his own eyes. The Emperor, a great worshipper of God by natural propensity, is remarkable for his rigid attachment to religion. He is a follower of the doctrines of the Imám Abú Hanífa (may God be pleased with him!), and establishes the five fundamental doctrines of the Kanz. Having made his ablutions, he always occupies a great part of his time in adoration of the Deity, and says the usual prayers, first in the masjid and then at home, both in congregation and in private, with the most heartfelt devotion. He keeps the appointed fasts on Fridays and other sacred days, and he reads the Friday prayers in the Jámi' masjid with the common people of the Muhammadan faith. He keeps vigils during the whole of the sacred nights, and with the light of the favour of God illumines the lamps of religion and prosperity. From his great piety, he passes whole nights in the Mosque which is in his palace, and keeps company with men of devotion. In privacy he never sits on a throne. He gave away in alms before his accession a portion of his allowance of lawful food and clothing, and now devotes to the same purpose the income of a few villages in the district of Dehlí, and the proceeds of two or three salt-producing tracts, which are appropriated to his privy purse. The Princes also follow the same example. During the whole month of Ramazán he keeps fast, says the prayers appointed for that month, and reads the holy Kurán in the assembly of religious and learned men, with whom he sits for that purpose during six, and sometimes nine hours of the night. During the last ten days of the month, he performs worship in the mosque, and although, on account of several obstacles, he is unable to proceed on a pilgrimage to Mecca, yet the care which he takes to promote facilities for pilgrims to that holy place may be considered equivalent to the pilgrimage.
From the dawn of his understanding he has always refrained from prohibited meats and practices, and from his great holiness has adopted nothing but that which is pure and lawful. Though he has collected at the foot of his throne those who inspire ravishment in joyous assemblies of pleasure, in the shape of singers who possess lovely voices and clever instrumental performers, and in the commencement of his reign sometimes used to hear them sing and play, and though he himself understands music well, yet now for several years past, on account of his great restraint and self-denial, and observance of the tenets of the great Imám (Sháfi'í), (may God's mercy be on him!), he entirely abstains from this amusement. If any of the singers and musicians becomes ashamed of his calling, he makes an allowance for him or grants him land for his maintenance.
He never puts on the clothes prohibited by religion, nor does he ever use vessels of silver or gold. In his sacred Court no improper conversation, no word of backbiting or falsehood, is allowed. His courtiers, on whom his light is reflected, are cautioned that if they have to say anything which might injure the character of an absent man, they should express themselves in decorous language and at full detail. He appears two or three times every day in his court of audience with a pleasing countenance and mild look, to dispense justice to complainants who come in numbers without any hindrance, and as he listens to them with great attention, they make their representations without any fear or hesitation, and obtain redress from his impartiality. If any person talks too much, or acts in an improper manner, he is never displeased, and he never knits his brows. His courtiers have often desired to prohibit people from showing so much boldness, but he remarks that by hearing their very words, and seeing their gestures, he acquires a habit of forbearance and tolerance. All bad characters are expelled from the city of Dehlí, and the same is ordered to be done in all places throughout the whole empire. The duties of preserving order and regularity among the people are very efficiently attended to, and throughout the empire, notwithstanding its great extent, nothing can be done without meeting with the due punishment enjoined by the Muhammadan law. Under the dictates of anger and passion he never issues orders of death. In consideration of their rank and merit, he shows much honour and respect to the Saiyids, saints and learned men, and through his cordial and liberal exertions, the sublime doctrines of Hanífa and of our pure religion have obtained such prevalence throughout the wide territories of Hindústán as they never had in the reign of any former king.
Hindú writers have been entirely excluded from holding public offices, and all the worshipping places of the infidels and the great temples of these infamous people have been thrown down and destroyed in a manner which excites astonishment at the successful completion of so difficult a task. His Majesty personally teaches the sacred kalima to many infidels with success, and invests them with khil'ats and other favours. Alms and donations are given by this fountain of generosity in such abundance, that the emperors of past ages did not give even a hundredth part of the amount. In the sacred month of Ramazán sixty thousand rupees,159 and in the other months less than that amount, are distributed among the poor. Several eating houses have been established in the capital and other cities, at which food is served out to the helpless and poor, and in places where there were no caravanserais for the lodging of the travellers, they have been built by the Emperor. All the mosques in the empire are repaired at the public expense. Imáms, criers to the daily prayers, and readers of the khutba, have been appointed to each of them, so that a large sum of money has been and is still laid out in these disbursements. In all the cities and towns of this extensive country pensions and allowances and lands have been given to learned men and professors, and stipends have been fixed for scholars according to their abilities and qualifications.
As it is a great object with this Emperor that all Muham-madans should follow the principles of the religion as expounded by the most competent law officers and the followers of the Hanífí persuasion, and as these principles, in consequence of the different opinions of the kázis and muftís which have been delivered without any authority, could not be distinctly and clearly learnt, and as there was no book which embodied them all, and as until many books had been collected and a man had obtained sufficient leisure, means and knowledge of theological subjects, he could not satisfy his inquiries on any disputed point, therefore His Majesty, the protector of the faith, determined that a body of eminently learned and able men of Hindústán should take up the voluminous and most trustworthy works which were collected in the royal library, and having made a digest of them, compose a book which might form a standard canon of the law, and afford to all an easy and available means of ascertaining the proper and authoritative interpretation. The chief conductor of this difficult undertaking was the most learned man of the time, Shaikh Nizám, and all the members of the society were very handsomely and liberally paid, so that up to the present time a sum of about two hundred thousand rupees has been expended in this valuable compilation, which contains more than one hundred thousand lines. When the work, with God's pleasure, is completed, it will be for all the world the standard exposition of the law, and render every one independent of Muhammadan doctors.160 Another excellence attending this design is, that, with a view to afford facility to all, the possessor of perfections, Chulpí 'Abdu-llah, son of the great and the most celebrated Mauláná 'Abdu-l Hakím of Síalkot, and his several pupils have been ordered to translate the work into Persian.
Among the greatest liberalities of this king of the faithful is this, that he has ordered a remission of the transit duties upon all sorts of grain, cloth, and other goods, as well as on tobacco, the duties on which alone amounted to an immense sum, and to prevent the smuggling of which the Government officers committed many outrages, especially in regard to the exposure of females. He exempted the Muhammadans from taxes, and all people from certain public demands, the income of which exceeded thirty lacs of rupees every year. He relinquished the Government claims against the ancestors of the officers of the State, which used to be paid by deductions from their salaries. This money every year formed a very large income paid into the public treasury. He also abolished the practice of confiscating the estates of deceased persons against whom there was no Government claim, which was very strictly observed by the accountants of his predecessors, and which was felt as a very grievous oppression by their sorrowful heirs. The Royal orders were also issued to collect the revenues of each province according to the Muhammadan law.
Some account of the battles which the Emperor fought before his accession, as well as after that period, has been given above, and we shall now write a few instances of his fortitude. At the time when the Royal army arrived at Balkh, 'Abdu-l 'Azíz Khán, with a large force which equalled the swarms of locusts and ants, came and arranged his men in order of battle, and surrounded the Royal camp. While the conflict was being carried on with great fury, the time of reading the evening prayers came on, when His Majesty, though dissuaded by some worldly officers, alighted from his horse and said the prayers, etc., in a congregation, with the utmost indifference and presence of mind. 'Abdu-l 'Azíz, on hearing of this, was much astonished at the intrepidity of the Emperor, who was assisted by God, and put an end to the battle, saying that to fight with such a man is to destroy oneself.
The Emperor is perfectly acquainted with the commentaries, traditions and law. He always studies the compilations of the great Imám Muhammad Ghizálí (may God's mercy be on him!), the extracts from the writings of Shaikh Sharaf Yahyá Munírí (may his tomb be sanctified!), and the works of Muhí Shírazí, and other similar books. One of the greatest excellences of this virtuous monarch is, that he has learnt the Kurán by heart. Though in his early youth he had committed to memory some chapters of that sacred book, yet he learnt the whole by heart after ascending the throne. He took great pains and showed much perseverance in impressing it upon his mind. He writes a very elegant Naskh hand, and has acquired perfection in this art. He has written two copies of the holy book with his own hand, and having finished and adorned them with ornaments and marginal lines, at the expense of seven thousand rupees, he sent them to the holy cities of Mecca and Medína. He also wrote an excellent Nasta'lík and Shikastah hand. He is a very elegant writer in prose, and has acquired proficiency in versification, but agreeably to the words of God, “Poets deal in falsehoods,” he abstains from practising it. He does not like to hear verses except those which contain a moral. “To please Almighty God he never turned his eye towards a flatterer, nor gave his ear to a poet.”
The Emperor has given a very liberal education to his fortunate and noble children, who, by virtue of his attention and care, have reached to the summit of perfection, and made great advances in rectitude, devotion, and piety, and in learning the manners and customs of princes and great men. Through his instruction they have learnt the Book of God by heart, obtained proficiency in the sciences and polite literature, writing the various hands, and in learning the Turkí and the Persian languages.
In like manner, the ladies of the household also, according to his orders, have learnt the fundamental and necessary tenets of religion, and all devote their time to the adoration and worship of the Deity, to reading the sacred Kurán, and performing virtuous and pious acts. The excellence of character and the purity of morals of this holy monarch are beyond all expression. As long as nature nourishes the tree of existence, and keeps the garden of the world fresh, may the plant of the prosperity of this preserver of the garden of dignity and honour continue fruitful!
and their Revenues.
The length of the daily-increasing empire, from the port of Láhorí, province of Thatta, to the tháná of Bindásal in Bengal, is 994 royal kos, 1740 common kos known in most parts of Hindústán. Each royal kos measures 5000 yards, and each yard is the breadth of 42 fingers. Two royal kos are equal to three and a half common kos. From the capital of Dehlí to Láhorí the distance is 437 royal kos, and 764 common kos; from the same city to tháná Bindásal 557 royal kos, and 975 common kos. In the same manner, from Láhorí to Thatta 25 royal kos; from Thatta to Bhakkar 31 kos; from Bhakkar to Multán a little more than 99 kos; from Multán to Láhore 75 kos; from Láhore to Sháh-Jahánábád 170 kos; from Sháh-Jahánábád to Ágra 44 kos; from Ágra to Alláhábád 107 kos; from Alláhábád to Patna 96 kos and a fraction; from Patna to Mungír 37 kos; from Mungír to Akbarnagar or Ráj Mahál 48 kos; from Akbarnagar to Jahángírnagar, or Dacca, 108 kos; from Dacca to Silhet 87 kos; from Silhet to Bindásal 30 kos; and calculating every stage at twelve kos, the usual travelling distance in Hindústán, the whole length is 145 stages, or a journey of four months and twenty-seven days. The breadth of the whole empire is from the frontier of Tibet and the delightful province of Kashmír to the fort of Sholápúr, which in the prosperous reign of this monarch has been taken from 'Ádil Khán, a distance of 672 royal kos, or 1176 common kos; from Sháh-Jahánábád, the seat of Empire, to the boundary of Tibet, is 330 royal kos, or 577 common kos; from the seat of the Empire to Sholápúr, 342 royal kos, or 598 common kos; as was found by measurement which may be thus detailed. From the boundary of Tibet to Little Tibet, 60 royal kos; from Little Tibet to Kashmír, 64 kos; from Kashmír to Láhore 101 kos; from Láhore to Sháh-Jahánábád 105 kos; from Sháh-Jahánábád to Ágra 44 kos; and from Ágra to Burhánpúr 178 kos. At the rate of twelve kos a stage, the whole breadth is 98 stages, occupying a period of three months and ten days.
Under the management and care of this virtuous monarch, the country of Hindústán teems with population and culture. It is divided into nineteen provinces, and 4440 parganas, the revenue of which amounts altogether to nine arbs, twenty-four krors seventeen lacs, 16,082 dáms, or 9,24,17,16,082 dáms, out of which the khálisa, or the sum paid to the royal treasury, is 1,72,79,81,251 dáms, and the assignments of the jagírdárs, or the remainder, was 7,51,77,34,731 dáms.
Details of all the Provinces.
Sháhjahánábád—285 maháls; revenue 1,16,83,98,269 dáms. Ágra—230 maháls; revenue 1,05,17,09,283 dáms. Lahore —330 maháls; revenue 90,70,16,125 dáms. Ajmír—235 maháls; revenue 63,68,94,882 dáms. Ahmadábád—200 maháls; revenue 44,00,83,096 dáms. Alláhábád—268 maháls; revenue 43,66,88,072 dáms. Oudh—149 maháls; revenue 32,00,72,193 dáms. Bihár—252 maháls; revenue 72,17,97,019 dáms. Bengal —1219 maháls; revenue 52,37,39,110 dáms. Orissa—244 maháls; revenue 19,71,00,000 dáms. Kashmír—51 maháls; revenue 21,30,74,826 dáms. The four provinces of the Dakhin, viz. Aurangábád, Zafarábád, Birár, and Khándesh—552 maháls; revenue 2,96,70,00,000 dáms. Málwa—257 maháls; revenue 42,54,76,670 dáms. Multán—98 maháls; revenue 24,53,18,575 dáms. Kábul—40 maháls; revenue 15,76,25,380 dáms. Thatta —revenue 57,49,86,900164 dáms.
From the concluding Chapter of Wonders and Marvels.
Those who have visited the territory of Jakkar164a and Ladakh have heard the following story. In these hills there is found a worm which is exceedingly small. It adheres to the toes of the foot, and bites them. No force of hand or instrument is able to detach it, but it increases every moment in bulk and length, so that, having swallowed up the toe, it becomes equal to a large rat, and then swallows the whole foot. After this it increases to the size of a dog, and then swallows up both the legs and up to the waist or half the body of the man. Although the people beat it much and try to cut it, yet no instrument or weapon has any effect upon it. In a short time it becomes like a lion, and having eaten the man entirely, goes away towards the jungle or the hills, and then disappears.
ZÍNATU-T TAWÁRÍKH
OF
'AZÍZU-LLAH.
THIS “Ornament of Histories,” by 'Azízu-llah, is a mere compilation of no value. The author informs us in his preface that he intended composing a second volume, in order to reconcile the discrepancies which were observable in different histories. Whether he ever did so does not appear, but there is so little critical judgment exercised in the single volume we have under consideration, that the second is not worth the search.
In the preface we learn that the work was commenced in 1086 A.H. (1675-6 A.D.), but passages occur at the close which show that the work is brought down to 1126 A.H. It is evident, however, that the original work concluded with the account of Aurangzeb's children, and that the few last pages, including mention of Bahádur Sháh and Jahándár Sháh, have been added by some transcriber. In the last volume the date of 1087 A.H. is given, which leads us to conclude that the history occupied one year in its composition.
There is nothing worthy of translation.
CONTENTS.
Preface, pp. 1-11.
The Creation.—Adam.—Prophets.—Muhammad.—Imáms, pp. 12-111.
Persian Dynasties.—Greeks.—Saljúks.—Osmanlis.—Popes, pp. 212-294.
'Ummayides and 'Abbásides, pp. 294-410.
Táhirís.—Tulúnias.—Ikhshidites.—Ghaznívides.—Buwaih-ides.—Isma'ílians.—Sharífs.—Saiyids, pp. 410-464.
Ghorians.—Afgháns.—Mughals, pp. 674-816.
Kings of Dehlí, from the earliest Hindí period to the time of Farrukh Siyar, pp. 816-996.
SIZE.—8vo. 996 pages, of 17 lines each.
This work is rare. I know of only one copy. Malcolm, in his “History of Persia,” quotes a Zínatu-t Tawáríkh respecting the Ghaznívides, which he describes as a metrical history.
LUBBU-T TAWÁRÍKH-I HIND
OF
RÁÍ BHÁRÁ MAL.
THE author of this brief history was Bindrában, son of Ráí Bhárá Mal, and was himself also honoured with the title of Ráí. We learn from the Conclusion of the Khulásatu-l Inshá that Ráí Bhárá Mal was the díwán of Dárá Shukoh; and it is probable, therefore, that our author was early initiated into a knowledge of public affairs. He says that the reason of his entering on this undertaking was that, “after meditating upon the conquests made by the Tímúrian family in this country, upon their being still more enlarged by 'Álamgír (Aurangzeb) up to the year 1101 A.H., and upon the fact of their continuing uninterruptedly in the possession of the same family, he thought of writing a book which should briefly describe how, and in what duration of time, those conquests were achieved, should give the history of former kings, their origin, and the causes which occasioned their rise or fall, the period of their reign, their abilities and enterprises, and which should more particularly treat of the great conquests made by 'Álamgír.”
“It is true,” he continues, “that former historians have already written several works regarding the history of ancient kings, and especially Abú-l Kásim, surnamed Firishta, whose compositions are very good as far as regards the language, but the defect of that work is that, notwithstanding its being an abstract, it is in many parts too prolix.” Adverting also to the fact that his history does not extend beyond the thousandth year of the Hijra, and hence the important transactions of one hundred years are altogether omitted, he thought it expedient to extract its essence, and compile, with his own additions, a new work, to be called the Lubbu-t Tawáríkh, or “Marrow of Histories.”
He gives as another reason for the superiority of his work over others, that it treats of the extensive and resplendent conquests of the Emperor 'Álamgír, whose kingdom extended towards the East, West, and the South to the seas, and towards the North to the boundaries of Írán and Túrán, a vast dominion, to the tenth of which no other kingdom is equal. Perhaps Rúm only might enter into competition with it, but even in that case “seeing is better than hearing.”
CONTENTS.
Preface, pp. 1-3.
Section I.—The Kings of Dehlí, from Mu'izzu-d dín Muhammad Sám to Aurangzeb, pp. 4-256.
Section II.—The Kings of the Dakhin, viz. the Bahmaní, 'Ádil-Sháhí, Nizám-Sháhí, Kutb-Sháhí, the 'Imád-Sháhí and Barídia, or the Kings of Kulbarga, Bíjápúr, Ahmadnagar, Gol-konda, Birár, and Bidr, pp. 256-329.
Section III.—The Kings of Gujarát, pp. 330-352.
Section IV.—The Kings of Málwá, pp. 352-374.
Section V.—The Kings of Khándesh and Búrhánpúr, pp. 375-386.
Section VI.—The Kings of Bengal, pp. 386-398.
Section VII.—The Kings of Jaunpúr, 399-403.
Section VIII.—The Kings of Sind, pp. 403-408.
Section IX.—The Kings of Multán, pp. 408-410.
Section X.—The Kings of Kashmír, pp. 410-412.
SIZE.—8vo. pp. 412, of 15 lines each.
Major Scott has made great use of this work in his “History the Dakhin,” but so brief a work is of little use. The author quotes no authorities in his preface except Firishta, but he mentions also in the body of the work the Akbar-náma and Jahángír-náma as being so common as to render it unnecessary for him to enlarge on the periods of which they treat.
The exact year in which the work was composed is somewhat doubtful. It is not quite clear from the preface whether the date should be rendered 1100 or 1101 A.H. A chronogram given by an early transcriber makes it 1106; and if the title of the work be intended to form a chronogram, which is nowhere stated by the author, the date would be 1108 A.H. (1696 A.D.).
The Lubbu-t Tawáríkh-i Hind is very common in India. One of the best copies I have seen is in the possession of Nawáb Hasan 'Alí Khán of Jhajjar, written in 1148 A.H. In Europe also it is not uncommon. There is a copy of it in the British Museum (No. 5618). There is also an illegible copy at Paris (Gentil, No. 44), under the incorrect title of Muntakhabu-t Táríkh.
[The translations of the following Extracts were revised by Sir H. M. Elliot.]
Sháh Jahán abolishes the Ceremony of Prostration.
It had long been customary with the subjects of this state to prostrate themselves before the King in grateful return for any royal favours conferred on them, and on the receipt of royal mandates. This just King (Sháh Jahán), on his accession to the throne, commanded that the practice should be abolished, and, at the representation of Mahábat Khán (Khán-khánán), he established instead the practice of kissing the ground. This also being afterwards found equally objectionable, the King, actuated by his devotion and piety, ordered that it likewise should be discontinued; and that the usual mode of salutation by bowing and touching the head should be restored, with this difference, that, instead of doing so only once, as before, the act should be performed three several times. Circular orders, enforcing the observance of this practice, were issued to all the Governors within the royal dominions.
Prosperity of the Country during Sháh Jahán's Reign.
The means employed by the King in these happy times to protect and nourish his people; to punish all kinds of oppressive evil-doers; his knowledge on all subjects tending to the welfare of his people; his impressing the same necessity upon the revenue functionaries, and the appointment of honest and intelligent officers in every district; his administration of the country, and calling for and examining annual statements of revenue, in order to ascertain what were the resources of the empire; his showing his royal affection to the people, and expressing his displeasure when necessary; his issuing stringent orders to the officers appointed to the charge of the crown and assigned lands, to promote the increase and welfare of the tenants; his admonishing the disobedient, and constantly directing his generous attention towards the improvement of agriculture and the collection of the revenues of the state;—all these contributed in a great measure to advance the prosperity of his empire. The pargana, the income of which was three lacs of rupees in the reign of Akbar (whose seat is in the highest heaven!), yielded, in this happy reign, a revenue of ten lacs! The collections made in some districts, however, fell short of this proportionate increase. The chakladárs who, by carefully cultivating their lands, aided in increasing the revenue, received marked consideration, and vice versâ.
Notwithstanding the comparative increase in the expenses of the State during this reign, gratuities for the erection of public edifices and other works in progress, and for the paid military service and establishments, such as those maintained in Balkh, Badakhshán, and Kandahár, amounted, at one disbursement only, to fourteen krors of rupees, and the advances made on account of edifices only were two krors and fifty lacs of rupees. From this single instance of expenditure, an idea may be formed as to what the charges must have been under others. Besides, in times of war, large sums were expended, in addition to fixed salaries and ordinary outlay. In short, the expenditure of former reigns, in comparison with that of the one in question, was not even in the proportion of one to four; and yet this King, in a short space of time, amassed a treasure which it would have taken several years for his predecessors to accumulate!
Sháh Jahán's Justice.
Notwithstanding the great area of this country, plaints were so few that only one day in the week, viz. Wednesday, was fixed upon for the administration of justice; and it was rarely even then that twenty plaintiffs could be found to prefer suits, the number generally being much less. The writer of this historical sketch on more than one occasion, when honoured with an audience of the King, heard His Majesty chide the dárogha of the Court that although so many confidential persons had been appointed to invite plaintiffs, and a day of the week was set apart exclusively with the view of dispensing justice, yet even the small number of twenty plaintiffs could but very seldom be brought into Court. The dárogha replied that if he failed to produce only one plaintiff, he would be worthy of punishment.
In short, it was owing to the great solicitude evinced by the King towards the promotion of the national weal and the general tranquillity, that the people were restrained from committing offences against one another and breaking the public peace. But if offenders were discovered, the local authorities used generally to try them on the spot where the offence had been committed according to law, and in concurrence with the law officers: and if any individual, dissatisfied with the decision passed on his case, appealed to the Governor or díwán, or to the kází of the súba, the matter was reviewed, and judgment awarded with great care and discrimination, lest it should be mentioned in the presence of the King that justice had not been done. If parties were not satisfied even with these decisions, they appealed to the chief díwán, or to the chief kází on matters of law. These officers instituted further inquiries. With all this care, what cases, except those relating to blood and religion, could become subjects of reference to His Majesty?
'ÁLAMGÍR-NÁMA
OF
MUHAMMAD KÁZIM.
THIS work was written 1688 A.D. by Mirzá Muhammad Kázim, son of Muhammad Amín Munshí, the author of the Pádsháh-náma , previously noticed as No. LXI. It contains a history of the first ten years of the reign of 'Álamgír Aurangzeb. It was dedicated to Aurangzeb in the thirty-second year of his reign; but on its being presented, the Emperor forbad its continuation, and, like another Alexander, edicto vetuit ne quis se pingeret, but not for the same reason. The Mughal Emperor professed as the cause of his prohibition that the cultivation of inward piety was preferable to the ostentatious display of his achievements. Elphinstone observes of this strange prohibition that the Emperor not only discontinued the regular annals of the empire, which had before been kept by a regular historiographer, but so effectually put a stop to all records of his transactions, that from the eleventh year of his reign the course of events can only be traced through the means of letters on business and of notes taken clandestinely by private individuals.174
This prohibition is the more extraordinary from its inconsistency with orders previously issued for the preparation of the 'Álamgír-náma. The Preface of that work shows not only the encouragement which the author received in the prosecution of his work, but also the little reliance that can be reposed in the narrative when any subject is mentioned likely to affect the personal character of the monarch. It is much the same with nearly all the histories written by contemporaries, which are filled with the most nauseous panegyrics, and
With titles blown from adulation.
The historian was to submit his pages to the interested scrutiny of the Emperor himself, and to be guided in doubtful questions by information graciously given by the monarch respecting what account was to be rejected or admitted. As the royal listener was not likely to criminate himself, we must bear perpetually in mind that such histories are mere one-sided accounts, and not to be received with implicit reliance.
After an encomium of the powers of eloquence, the author says that it was solely owing to the reputed charms of his style that he was introduced to the great monarch 'Álamgír, and, after a long obscurity, was suddenly raised from insignificance to the high situation of His Majesty's munshí in the year of the coronation. His style being approved by the King, he was ordered to collect information about all the extraordinary events in which the King had been concerned, and accounts of the bright conquests which he had effected, into a book; and accordingly an order was given to the officers in charge of the Royal Records to make over to the author all such papers as were received from the news-writers and other high functionaries of the different countries concerning the great events, the monthly and yearly registers of all kinds of accidents and marvels, and the descriptions of the different súbas and countries.
The author was further instructed, that if there were any such particulars as were omitted in any of the above papers, or not witnessed by himself, he should make inquiries regarding them from such trustworthy officers as followed the royal camp, who would relate the exact circumstances; and if there were anything which particularly required the explanation of His Majesty, the author was graciously permitted the liberty of making inquiry from the King himself.
He was also ordered to attend on His Majesty on proper occasions, to read over whatever he had collected, and had written from the above authorities, and to have His Majesty's corrections incorporated. It is to be regretted that Aurangzeb did not here again imitate the example of Alexander, of whom Lucian gives an anecdote which shows that conqueror to have been less compliant with his flattering historians. “Aristobulus, after he had written an account of the single combat between Alexander and Porus, showed that monarch a particular part of it, wherein, the better to get into his good graces, he had inserted a great deal more than was true: when Alexander seized the book and threw it (for they happened at that time to be sailing on the Hydaspes) directly into the river: ‘Thus,’ said he, ‘ought you to have been served yourself, for pretending to describe my battles, and killing half a dozen elephants for me with a spear.’”
The value of the Royal Records may be known from the narrative of an English traveller who visited the Court in A.D. 1609. Captain Hawkins says, “During the time that he drinks his six cups of strong liquor, he says and does many idle things; yet whatever he says or does, whether drunk or sober, there are writers who attend him in rotation, who set many things down in writing; so that not a single incident of his life but is recorded, even his going to the necessary and when he lies with his wives. The purpose of all this is that when he dies all his actions and speeches worthy of being recorded may be inserted in the chronicles of his reign.”
“As the history regarding His Majesty's birth and minority up to the time of his ascending the throne has already,” says our author, “been fully detailed in the book called Bádsháh-náma , it was at first resolved that this book should begin with the accounts of His Majesty's return from the Dakhin towards his capital (which took place in 1068 A.H., 1657 A.D.), and it will contain an account of the undertakings and conquests achieved by His Majesty during the period of eighteen years. But the author subsequently thought of writing, in an Introduction, a brief account of the King's minority, because it was replete with wonderful events, and because many conquests were effected during that period. It accordingly commences with Dárá Shukoh's assumption of authority upon the illness of his father Sháh Jahán, and the means employed by Aurangzeb to cut off his brothers and obtain the Imperial Crown.
[The style in which this work is written is quite in accord with the courtly panegyrical character of the book. It is strained, verbose, and tedious; fulsome in its flattery, abusive in its censure. Laudatory epithets are heaped one upon another in praise of Aurangzeb; while his unfortunate brothers are not only sneered at and abused, but their very names are perverted. Dárá Shukoh is repeatedly called Be-Shukoh, “the undignified;” and Shujá' is called Ná-shujá', “the unvaliant.” The work seems to have obtained no great reputation in India. “Subsequent authors,” says Colonel Lees “do not express any very decided opinion upon the qualifications of Muhammad Kázim as an historian. The author of the Mir-átu-l 'Álam, however, speaks of him as an author of great erudition; the author of the Ma-ásiru-l 'Álamgírí has made an abridgment of his work the first portion of his history; and Kháfí Khán, the author of the Muntakhabu-l Lubáb, has made the 'Álamgír-náma a chief authority,” though he occasionally controverts its statements. It is well that the book has been so well worked up by later writers, for a close translation of it into English would be quite unreadable. A few passages have been translated by the Editor, but in them it has been necessary to prune away a good deal of the author's exuberance of language and metaphor.]
The history of the conquest of Assam has been translated from this work by Mr. Vansittart, in the “Asiatic Miscellany,” vol. i., and in “Asiatic Researches,” vol. ii. [The whole of the original work has been printed in the “Bibliotheca Indica,” and occupies more than 1100 pages.]
Illness of Sháh Jahán.
[On the 8th Zí-l hijja, 1067 A.H. (8th September 1657), the Emperor Sháh Jahán was seized with illness at Dehlí. His illness lasted for a long time, and every day he grew weaker, so that he was unable to attend to the business of the State. Irregularities of all sorts occurred in the administration, and great disturbances arose in the wide territories of Hindústán. The unworthy and frivolous Dárá Shukoh considered himself heir-apparent, and notwithstanding his want of ability for the kingly office, he endeavoured with the scissors of greediness to cut the robes of the Imperial dignity into a shape suited for his unworthy person.178 With this over-weening ambition constantly in his mind, and in pursuit of his vain design, he never left the seat of government. When the Emperor fell ill and was unable to attend to business, Dárá Shukoh took the opportunity of seizing the reins of power, and interfered with everything. He closed the roads against the spread of news, and seized letters addressed to individuals. He forbade the officers of government to write or send any intelligence to the provinces, and upon the mere suspicion of their having done so, he seized and imprisoned them. The royal princes, the great nobles, and all the men who were scattered through the provinces and territories of this great empire, many even of the officials and servants who were employed at the capital, had no expectation that the Emperor would live much longer. So great disorders arose in the affairs of the State. Disaffected and rebellious men raised their heads in mutiny and strife on every side. Turbulent raiyats refused to pay their revenue. The seed of rebellion was sown in all directions, and by degrees the evil reached to such a height that in Gujarát Murád Bakhsh took his seat upon the throne, had the khutba read and coins struck in his name, and assumed the title of King. Shujá' took the same course in Bengal, led an army against Patna, and from thence advanced to Benares.]
Heresy of Dárá Shukoh.
[Dárá Shukoh in his later days did not restrain himself to the free-thinking and heretical notions which he had adopted under the name of tasawwuf (Sufiism), but showed an inclination for the religion and institutions of the Hindús. He was constantly in the society of Bráhmans, Jogís and Sannyásís, and he used to regard these worthless teachers of delusions as learned and true masters of wisdom. He considered their books which they call Bed as being the Word of God, and revealed from heaven, and he called them ancient and excellent books. He was under such delusion about this Bed, that he collected Bráhmans and Sannyásís from all parts of the country, and paying them great respect and attention, he employed them in translating the Bed. He spent all his time in this unholy work, and devoted all his attention to the contents of these wretched books. Instead of the sacred name of God, he adopted the Hindú name Prabhu (lord), which the Hindús consider holy, and he had this name engraved in Hindí letters upon rings of diamond, ruby, emerald, etc. * * Through these perverted opinions he had given up the prayers, fasting and other obligations imposed by the law. * * It became manifest that if Dárá Shukoh obtained the throne and established his power, the foundations of the faith would be in danger and the precepts of Islám would be changed for the rant of infidelity and Judaism.]
Mír Jumla Mu'azzam Khán.
[After the conquest of Zafarábád and Kalyán, and the return of Aurangzeb from Bíjápúr, where he had failed in obtaining full success, through the opposition and malevolence of Dárá Shukoh, he left 'Umdatu-s Saltanatu-l Káhira Mu'azzam Khán, with a part of the Imperial army, in the vicinity of Bíjápúr, to realize a sum of a hundred lacs of rupees as tribute from 'Ádil Khán, by the promise of which the retreat of Aurangzeb had been obtained. The intrigues of Dárá Shukoh, who did his best to defeat this arrangement, and the mischievous disturbing letters which he sent to 'Ádil Khán and his nobles, brought this desirable settlement to nought. His Majesty Sháh Jahán, who at that time took no very active part in the affairs of government, was influenced by the urgent representations of that weak-minded (Dárá Shukoh), and summoned Mu'azzam Khán to court. In obedience to this order, the Khán marched with the force under his command to Aurangábád, intending to proceed from thence to the capital. This movement at such a time seemed injurious to the State, and encouraging to the turbulence of the Dakhinís. Mu'azzam Khán had no sinister object in proceeding to the capital; but Aurangzeb, as a matter of prudence and of State policy, made him prisoner and detained him in the Dakhin. When Dárá Shukoh obtained information of this arrest, his malignity and jealousy led him to persuade the Emperor that it was all a trick and conspiracy between the Khán and Aurangzeb. By this he so worked upon the feelings and fears of the Emperor that he roused his suspicions against Muhammad Amín Khán, son of Mu'azzam Khán, who then held the office of Mir Bakhshí at Court, and obtained permission to secure his person. Accordingly Dárá Shukoh summoned Muhammad Amín to his house and made him prisoner. After he had been in confinement three or four days, intelligence of the true state of the case and of the innocence of Muhammad Amín reached the Emperor, and he, being satisfied of the facts, released Muhammad Amín from durance.]
Illness of the Emperor Aurangzeb.
[On the night of the 12th Rajab (in the eighth year of his reign), the Emperor was suddenly attacked with strangury, and suffered great pain until the following morning. * * The skill and attention of his physicians had their effect, * * and in a few days he recovered.]
MA-ÁSIR-I 'ÁLAMGÍRÍ
OF
MUHAMMAD SÁKÍ MUSTA'IDD KHÁN.
THIS is a history of the reign of 'Álamgír (Aurangzeb). The first ten years is an abridgment of the work last noticed, the 'Álamgír-náma; the continuation till the death of Aurangzeb in A.D. 1707 is an original composition. It was written by Muhammad Sákí Musta'idd Khán, munshí to 'Ináyatu-lla Khán, wazír of Bahádur Sháh. He had been a constant follower of the Court for forty years, and an eye-witness of many of the transactions he records. He undertook the work by desire of his patron, and finished it in A.D. 1710, only three years after the death of Aurangzeb. [Kháfí Khán, in his Muntakhabu-l Lubáb, informs us that “after the expiration of ten years (of Aurangzeb's reign) authors were forbidden from writing the events of that just and righteous Emperor's reign; nevertheless some competent persons (did so), and particularly Musta'idd Khán, who secretly wrote an abridged account of the campaign in the Dakhin, simply detailing the conquests of the countries and forts, without alluding at all to the misfortunes of the campaign.”181]
The Ma-ásir-i 'Alamgírí contains two Books and a short Appendix.
Book I.—An abridgment of Mirzá Muhammad Kázim's history of the first ten years of the Emperor's reign and the events preceding his accession.
Book II.—The events of the last forty years of the Emperor's reign, with an account of his death.
Appendix.—Several anecdotes of the Emperor, which could not be included in the history; and a minute account of the Royal family.
The history is written in the form of annals, each year being distinctly marked off.
Stewart, in his “Descriptive Catalogue,” observes of the writer of this work, that “although his style be too concise, I have never met in any other author with the relation of an event of this reign which is not recorded in this history.”
It is differently spoken of by the author of the “Critical Essay,” who shows a discrimination rarely to be met with in Indian critics. The omissions he complains of will not appear of much importance to a European reader.
“Muhammad Sákí Musta'idd Khán, who composed the chronicle named Ma-ásir-i 'Álamgírí, has not by any means rendered his work complete; for he has omitted to record several matters of considerable importance. Thus, he has not mentioned the dignities and offices of honour accorded to Royal princes, and their successive appointments to different situations, such as might best qualify them for managing the affairs of government. Some he has noticed, but he has omitted others. Neither has he informed us in what year the illustrious Sháh 'Álam Bahádur Sháh (now gone to the abode of felicity) and Muhammad 'Ázam Sháh were invested with the high rank of Chihal-hazarí (40,000); and of many other circumstances relating to these two princes, some are mentioned, and many have been altogether unnoticed. In the same manner also he has treated of other Royal princes.
“Respecting likewise the chief nobles and their removals from different offices or appointments and dignities, some are mentioned, but several are omitted; thus he has neglected to notice the dates and various circumstances of the appointment of Haft-hazarí (7000) of Ghází'u-d dín Khán Bahádur Fíroz Jang, and the Shash-hazarí (6000) of Zulfikár Khán Bahádur Nusrat Jang, two distinguished generals.
“On the other hand, he relates with minute precision some very trifling occurrences little worthy of being recorded in history, and by no means interesting, such as particulars concerning chapels or places of prayer, the merits of different preachers and similar topics, which had been subjects of discussion among his intimate companions. On this account his work is not held in high estimation among those learned men who know how to appreciate historical compositions.”
[This verdict of a native critic is worthy of record, although it cannot be accepted. Muhammad Sákí has a style of his own which is not difficult, and yet has some pretensions to elegance. The early part of the work is little better than a Court Circular or London Gazette, being occupied almost exclusively with the private matters of the royal family, and the promotions, appointments, and removals of the officers of government. Farther on he enters more fully into matters of historical record, and gives details of Aurangzeb's campaign in the Dakhin, and his many sieges of forts.]
The work was edited and translated into English by Henry Vansittart in 1785, and published in a quarto volume. [The complete text has been printed in the Bibliotheca Indica, and fills 541 pages. A translation of the last 40 years, Muhammad Sákí's own portion of the work, was made for Sir H. Elliot by “Lieut. Perkins, 71st N.I.,” and from that translation the following Extracts have been taken.]
Earthquake.
[Text, p. 73.] On the 1st Zí-l hijja, 1078 A.H. (3rd May, 1668), the intelligence arrived from Thatta that the town of Samájí had been destroyed by an earthquake; thirty thousand houses were thrown down.
Prohibition of Hindú Teaching and Worship.
[Text, p. 81.] On the 17th Zí-l ka'da, 1079 (18th April, 1669), it reached the ear of His Majesty, the protector of the faith, that in the provinces of Thatta, Multán, and Benares, but especially in the latter, foolish Bráhmans were in the habit of expounding frivolous books in their schools, and that students and learners, Musulmáns as well as Hindús, went there, even from long distances, led by a desire to become acquainted with the wicked sciences they taught. The “Director of the Faith” consequently issued orders to all the governors of provinces to destroy with a willing hand the schools and temples of the infidels; and they were strictly enjoined to put an entire stop to the teaching and practising of idolatrous forms of worship. On the 15th Rabí'u-l ákhir it was reported to his religious Majesty, leader of the unitarians, that, in obedience to order, the Government officers had destroyed the temple of Bishnáth at Benares.
[Text, p. 95.] In the month of Ramazán, 1080 A.H. (December, 1669), in the thirteenth year of the reign, this justice-loving monarch, the constant enemy of tyrants, commanded the destruction of the Hindú temple of Mathura or Mattra, known by the name of Dehra Késú Ráí, and soon that stronghold of falsehood was levelled with the ground. On the same spot was laid, at great expense, the foundation of a vast mosque. The den of iniquity thus destroyed owed its erection to Nar Singh Deo Bundela, an ignorant and depraved man. Jahángír, before he ascended the throne, was at one time, for various reasons, much displeased with Shaikh Abú-l Fazl, and the above-mentioned Hindú, in order to compass the Shaikh's death, affected great devotion to the Prince. As a reward for his services, he obtained from the Prince become King permission to construct the Mattra temple. Thirty-three lacs were expended on this work. Glory be to God, who has given us the faith of Islám, that, in this reign of the destroyer of false gods, an undertaking so difficult of accomplishment184 has been brought to a successful termination! This vigorous support given to the true faith was a severe blow to the arrogance of the Rájas, and, like idols, they turned their faces awe-struck to the wall. The richly-jewelled idols taken from the pagan temples were transferred to Ágra, and there placed beneath the steps leading to the Nawáb Begam Sáhib's mosque, in order that they might ever be pressed under foot by the true believers. Mattra changed its name into Islámábád, and was thus called in all official documents, as well as by the people.
[Text, p. 100.] In Shawwál information reached the King that Sháh-záda Muhammad Mu'azzam, under the influence of his passions, and misled by pernicious associates and flatterers, had, notwithstanding his excellent understanding, become imbued with a spirit of insubordination. Prompted by his natural benevolence, His Majesty wrote several letters replete with advice to the Prince, but this alone did not satisfy him—the Nawáb Ráí, the Prince's mother, was sent for to go to her son, and lead him back into the right path if any symptom of rebellion should appear in him. Iftikhár Khán Khán-zámán, a wise and discreet man, was directed to repair to the Prince, charged with much beneficial advice. He soon reached his destination, and delivered himself of the King's messages. Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam was a fountain of candour; there was moreover no truth in the report; so his only answer was to bow his head in submission. He wrote to his father letters expressive of humility and shame. Unwilling to ever transgress the obedience due to his King and to his God, he insured himself happiness in both worlds. The King, slow to anger and prompt to forgive, lavished presents and kind words on his son.
Outbreak of the Satnámís—also called Mondíhs.185
[Text, p. 114.] It is cause for wonder that a gang of bloody, miserable rebels, goldsmiths, carpenters, sweepers, tanners, and other ignoble beings, braggarts and fools of all descriptions, should become so puffed up with vain-glory as to cast themselves headlong into the pit of self-destruction. This is how it came to pass. A malignant set of people, inhabitants of Mewát, collected suddenly as white ants spring from the ground, or locusts descend from the skies. It is affirmed that these people considered themselves immortal; seventy lives was the reward promised to every one of them who fell in action. A body of about 5000 had collected in the neighbourhood of Nárnaul, and were in open rebellion. Cities and districts were plundered. Táhir Khán Faujdár, considering himself not strong enough to oppose them, repaired to the presence. The King resolved to exterminate the insurgents. Accordingly, on the 26th of Zí-l ka'da, an order was issued that Ra'd-andáz Khán should proceed with his artillery, Hámid Khán with the guards and 500 of the horsemen belonging to Saiyid Murtazá Khán, his father, and Yahyá Khán Rúmí, Najíb Khán, Rúmí Khán, Kamálu-d dín, son of Diler Khán, Purdil, son of Fíroz Khán Mewátí, and Isfandyár, bakhshí to Prince Muhammad Akbar, with their own troops, to effect the destruction of the unbelievers. The royal forces marched to the encounter; the insurgents showed a bold front, and, although totally unprovided with the implements of war, made good use of what arms they had. They fought with all the valour of former rebels whose deeds are recorded in history, and the people of Hind have called this battle Mahá-bhárat , on account of the great slaughter of elephants on that trying day. The heroes of Islám charged with impetuosity, and crimsoned their sabres with the blood of these desperate men. The struggle was terrible. Conspicuous above all were Ra'd-andáz Khán, Hámid Khán, and Yahyá Khán. Many of the Moslims were slain or wounded. At length the enemy broke and fled, but were pursued with great slaughter. Few indeed escaped with their lives; a complete victory crowned the efforts of the royal commanders—and those regions were cleansed of the presence of the foul unbelievers. The triumphant gházís, permitted to kiss the threshold, were rendered proud by the praises of their King. The title of Shujá'at Khán was conferred on Ra'd-andáz, with the rank of 3000 and 2000 horse.
[Text, p. 170.] On the 19th Rabí'u-l ákhir, 1089 A.H., a report from Shafí'a Khán, díwán of Bengal, made known that the Amíru-l umará had appropriated one kror and thirty-two lacs of rupees above his yearly salary. A claim against the amír was accordingly ordered to be entered.
TWENTY-SECOND YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1090 A.H. (1679 A.D.).
[Text, p. 175.] On the 24th Rabí'u-l ákhir, Khán-Jahán Bahádur arrived from Jodhpúr, bringing with him several cartloads of idols, taken from the Hindú temples that had been razed. His Majesty gave him great praise. Most of these idols were adorned with precious stones, or made of gold, silver, brass, copper or stone; it was ordered that some of them should be cast away in the out-offices, and the remainder placed beneath the steps of the grand mosque, there to be trampled under foot. There they lay a long time, until, at last, not a vestige of them was left.
[Text, p. 176.] Rája Jaswant Singh had died at Kábul without male issue; but, after his decease, several faithful adherents—Song, Ragunáth Dás Bhátí, Ranjhúr, Durga Dás, and some others—sent information to the King of two of the wives of the late Rája being with child. These ladies, after their arrival at Lahore, gave each of them birth to a son. This news was communicated to the King, with a request that the children should be permitted to succeed to their father's rank and possessions. His Majesty replied that the children should be sent to him to be brought up at his Court, and that rank and wealth should be given to them.
[Text, p. 186.] On the 12th Zí-l hijja, 1090 A.H. (6th January, 1680), Prince Muhammad 'Ázam and Khán-Jahán Bahádur obtained permission to visit Údípúr. Rúhu-llah Khán and Yakkatáz Khán also proceeded thither to effect the destruction of the temples of the idolators. These edifices, situated in the vicinity of the Ráná's palace, were among the wonders of the age, and had been erected by the infidels to the ruin of their souls and the loss of their wealth. It was here that some twenty Máchátor Rájpúts had resolved to die for their faith. One of them slew many of his assailants before receiving his death-blow. Another followed, and another, until all had fallen, many of the faithful also being despatched before the last of these fanatics had gone to hell. The temple was now clear, and the pioneers destroyed the images.
[Text, p. 188.] On the 2nd of Muharram, 1091 A.H. (24th January, 1680), the King visited the tank of Údíságar, constructed by the Ráná. His Majesty ordered all three of the Hindú temples to be levelled with the ground. News was this day received that Hasan 'Alí Khán had emerged from the pass and attacked the Ráná on the 29th of Zí-l hijja. The enemy had fled, leaving behind them their tents and baggage. The enormous quantity of grain captured in this affair had created abundance amongst the troops.
On the 7th Muharram Hasan 'Alí Khán made his appearance with twenty camels taken from the Ráná, and stated that the temple situated near the palace, and one hundred and twenty-two more in the neighbouring districts, had been destroyed. This chieftain was, for his distinguished services, invested with the title of Bahádur.
His Majesty proceeded to Chitor on the 1st of Safar. Temples to the number of sixty-three were here demolished.
Abú Turáb, who had been commissioned to effect the destruction of the idol-temples of Amber, reported in person on the 24th Rajab, that threescore and six of these edifices had been levelled with the ground.
(1680-81 A.D.).
[Text, p. 207.] The Ráná had now been driven forth from his country and his home. The victorious gházís had struck many a blow, and the heroes of Islám had trampled under their chargers' hoofs the land which this reptile of the jungles and his predecessors had possessed for a thousand years. He had been forced to fly to the very limit of his territories. Unable to resist any longer, he saw no safety for himself but in seeking pardon. Accordingly he threw himself on the mercy of Prince Muhammad 'Ázam, and implored his intercession with the King, offering the parganas of Mándil, Púr, and Badhanor in lieu of the jizya. By this submission he was enabled to retain possession of his country and his wealth. The Prince, touched with compassion for the Ráná's forlorn state, used his influence with His Majesty, and this merciful monarch, anxious to please his son, lent a favourable ear to these propositions. An interview took place at the Ráj Sambar tank on the 17th of Jumáda-l ákhir, between the Prince and the Ráná, to whom Diler Khán and Hasan 'Alí Khán had been deputed. The Ráná made an offering of 500 ashrafís and eighteen horses with caparisons of gold and silver, and did homage to the Prince, who desired him to sit on his left. He received in return a khil'at, a sabre, dagger, charger and elephant. His title of Ráná was acknowledged, and the rank of commander of 5000 conferred on him.
(1683-4 A.D.).
Caves of Ellora.
[Text, p. 238.] Muhammad Sháh Malik Júná, son of Tughlik, selected the fort of Deogír as a central point whereat to establish the seat of government, and gave it the name of Daulatábád. He removed the inhabitants of Dehlí thither with their wives and children, and many great and good men removed thither and were buried there. Ellora is only a short distance from this place. At some very remote period a race of men, as if by magic, excavated caves (nakkáb) high up among the defiles of the mountains. These rooms (khána) extended over a breadth of one kos. Carvings of various designs and of correct execution adorned all the walls and ceilings; but the outside of the mountain is perfectly level, and there is no sign of any dwelling (khána). From the long period of time these pagans remained masters of this territory, it is reasonable to conclude, although historians differ, that to them is to be attributed the construction of these places.
Imprisonment of Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam.
[Text, p. 293.] Muhammad Mu'azzam, although a prince of great intelligence and penetration, was led by pernicious counsellors into opposition to his father's wishes, and this conduct became the source of much suffering to himself and displeasure to the ruler of the State. For a long time His Majesty, loth that such conduct should become known, closed his eyes to the Prince's proceedings. During the siege of Bíjápúr some persons were caught carrying secret messages to Sikandar ('Ádil Sháh); these men were put to death. Some officers also, suspected of evil intentions, Mumín Khán, commandant of artillery, 'Azíz Afghán, Multifát Khán, second bakhshí, and the cunning Bin-drában, were expelled from the army on the 18th of Shawwál. The Prince's destiny grew dark, and wisdom and foresight quite forsook him. During the investment of Haidarábád he allowed himself to be deluded by some promise of Abú-l Hasan, and at last sundry written communications, which passed between the trenches and the fort of Golkonda, fell into the hands of Fíroz Jang. Other proofs were also available of the Prince's treachery. The Khán, that very night, laid these documents before the King, who was now well convinced of the Prince's wilfulness, whatever doubts he might have entertained before. Hayát Khán, dárogha of the Prince's díwán-khána, was sent for and ordered to direct his master to send his troops to oppose Shaikh Nizám Haidarábádí, who was about to make a night attack on the camp. Ihtimám Khán, it was said, would guard the Prince's tents during the absence of his own people. This order was obeyed.
The next morning, according to order, the Prince, Mu'izzu-d dín, and Muhammad 'Azím,191 attended the darbár. His Majesty, after taking his seat, told them that Asad Khán and Bahramand Khán had something to communicate to them in the chapel. No sooner had the Princes entered this place than their arms were taken from them. As soon as a tent could be pitched, they were removed into it. His Majesty withdrew to the seraglio by the private entrance, and there, wringing his hands, and with many symptoms of grief, he exclaimed that the labour of forty years had fallen to the ground!
Guards were placed round the tent, under the orders of Ihtimám Khán. Mutasaddís seized all the Prince's property, which, however, was but as a drop of water in the ocean. Ihtimám was invested with the title of Sardár Khán, and raised from the command of 1000 to that of 1500.
Release of Muhammad Mu'azzam from Confinement.
[Text, p. 341.] Neither the Prince nor his sons had been, when first confined, permitted even to unbind the hair of their heads. This treatment lasted six months. Khidmat Khán, Názir, emboldened by his long service under this King and under his father, remonstrated most vehemently against this severity (no other dared to speak in the Prince's favour), and His Majesty relented. As time wore on, the King's wrath grew less, his paternal feelings resumed their sway, and he daily sent his blessing by Sardár Khan to this second Joseph, imprisoned like Jonas, desiring him to be satisfied with this much until the Father of all Mercies moved his heart to put an end to his sufferings. Strange to relate, Sardár Khán one day told the King that His Majesty could order the Prince's release when he thought fit so to do. “True,” replied the King, “but Providence has made me ruler of the habitable world. The oppressed appeals to me against his oppressor, and expects redress. This son of mine has endured some hardships at my hands, in expiation of certain worldly offences, but the hour has not yet come for me to release him; his only hope is in God. Let him therefore be hopeful, so that he may not lose all hope in me, nor appeal against me to God, for should he do so, what refuge would be left to me?”
Fate had decreed that Muhammad Mu'azzam should adorn the throne; wherefore the King, that personification of all virtues, resolved to draw the Prince from the state in which he had been kept, and let his light shine on the people. That his mind might not bow down under the weight of grief, the rigours of confinement were gradually made less. On one occasion, when the King marched from Badrí, all the tents were ordered to be left standing for the Prince's recreation. He was permitted to wander from one to the other, enjoying the luxuries each different place afforded, and refreshing body and mind. The Prince observed to the officers who had charge of him that he longed to behold His Majesty, and that the sight of such places could not satisfy that wish. At length, when the news of the Prince's mother having died in the capital was received, His Majesty caused a tent of communication to be pitched between the díwán-i khás and the Prince's tent, where the monarch repaired in person with the virtuous Princess Zínatu-n Nisá Begam, and offered the usual consolations.
Some time after this, on the 4th of Zí-l ka'da, Mu'azzam had the honour of paying his respects to the King, who desired him to perform his mid-day prayers in his presence. When His Majesty went to the mosque on Fridays, the Prince was to pray in the private chapel. Permission was also granted him to visit occasionally the baths in the fort; at other times he might wander among the parterres and tanks of the Sháhábád gardens. Thus by degrees was broken the barrier between father and son. Khwája Daulat received orders to fetch the Prince's family from the capital.193
Death of Aurangzeb.
[Text, p. 519.] After the conclusion of the holy wars which rescued the countries of the Dakhin from the dominion of the pagans, the army encamped at Ahmadnagar on the 16th of Shawwál, in the 50th year of the reign. A year after this, at the end of Shawwál, in the 51st year of the reign, the King fell ill, and consternation spread among people of all ranks; but, by the blessing of Providence, His Majesty recovered his health in a short time, and once more resumed the administration of affairs. About this time the noble Sháh ('Álam) was appointed governor of the province of Málwá, and Prince Kám Bakhsh governor of that of Bíjápúr. Only four or five days had elapsed after the departure of their royal highnesses, when the King was seized with a burning fever, which continued unabated for three days. Still His Majesty did not relax in his devotions, every ordinance of religion was strictly kept. On the evening of Thursday, His Majesty perused a petition from Hámidu-d dín Khán, who stated that he had devoted the sum of 4000 rupees, the price of an elephant, as a propitiatory sacrifice, and begged to be permitted to make over this amount to the Kází Mullá Haidar for distribution. The King granted the request, and, though weak and suffering, wrote with his own hand on the petition that it was his earnest wish that this sacrifice should lead to a speedy dissolution of his mortal frame.
On the morning of Friday, 28th of Zí-l ka'da (1118 A.H. 21st February, 1707 A.D.), His Majesty performed the consecrated prayers, and, at their conclusion, returned to the sleeping apartments, where he remained absorbed in contemplation of the Deity. Faintness came on, and the soul of the aged monarch hovered on the verge of eternity. Still, in this dread hour, the force of habit prevailed, and the fingers of the dying King continued mechanically to tell the beads of the rosary they held. A quarter of the day later the King breathed his last, and thus was fulfilled his wish to die on a Friday. Great was the grief among all classes of people for the King's death. The shafts of adversity had demolished the edifice of their hopes, and the night of sorrow darkened the joyful noonday. Holy men prepared to perform the funeral rites, and kept the corpse in the sleeping apartment pending the arrival of Prince Muhammad A'zam, who was away a distance of five-and-twenty kos from the camp. The Prince arrived the following day, and it is impossible to describe the grief that was depicted on his countenance; never had anything like it been beheld. On Monday he assisted in carrying the corpse through the hall of justice, whence the procession went on without him. May none ever experience the anguish he felt! People sympathized with the Prince's sorrow, and shed torrents of tears. Such and so deeply-felt were the lamentations for a monarch whose genius only equalled his piety, whose equal the world did not contain, but whose luminous countenance was now hidden from his loving people!
According to the will of the deceased King, his mortal remains were deposited in the tomb constructed during his lifetime near the shrine of the holy Shaikh Zainu-d dín (on whom God have mercy!). “Earth was consigned to earth, but the pure soul survived.” This place of sepulture, known by the name of Khuldábád, is distant eight kos from Khujista-bunyád (Aurangábád), and three kos from Daulatábád. A red stone three yards in length, two in width, and only a few inches in depth, is placed above the tomb. In this stone was hollowed out, in the shape of an amulet, a cavity for the reception of earth and seeds; and odoriferous herbs there diffuse their fragrance around.
Account of the late King's Family.
[Text, p. 533.] God had given unto 'Álamgír five sons and five daughters, born of different mothers, and all learned in spiritual and worldly matters. Mention has already been made of them; it now remains to give a short notice of each.
The first son was Muhammad Sultán, born of the Nawáb Báí, on the 4th of Ramazán, in the year 1049 A.H. (14th November, 1639 A.D.). His manners were agreeable, he knew the Kurán by heart, and was well acquainted with the Arabic, Turkish and Persian languages. His valour was great. This Prince died in the 21st year of the reign.
The second son, Muhammad Mu'azzam Shah 'Álam Bahádur, was born of the same Nawáb Báí, in the end of Rajab, 1053 A.H. (September, 1643 A.D.). While still a boy he acquired a perfect knowledge of the Kurán, and of the science of reading. When so engaged, his voice is pleasing and melodious. So great is his knowledge of law and of the traditionary sayings of the Prophet, that he is held by all the learned men of the day to be unequalled in this accomplishment. He is deeply read in Arabic, and the fluency and elegance of his diction are the wonder of the very Kurán-readers of Arabia. He knows many sorts of writing, is careful of his time, and a protector of the poor.
Prince Muhammad A'zam, the third son, was born of Dilras Bánú Begam, daughter of Sháh Nawáz Khán Safawí, on the 12th of Sha'bán, in the year 1063 (28th June, 1653). He was distinguished for his wisdom and excellence. He excelled in many ways, and his innate virtues and sagacity rendered him the indispensable companion of the late King. His death occurred on the 18th of Rabí'u-l awwal, only three months and twenty days after that of his royal parent. It was marked by deeds of valour.
The next son, Prince Akbar, was born of Begam,196 on the 12th of Zí-l hijja, in the year 1067 (12th September, 1656 A.D.). He fled from his father, and passed his life in Persia. He died in the 48th year of the reign, but there are two reasons for supposing that his end was a happy one. In the first place, the King remarked that Prince Akbar had always performed his Friday prayers most devoutly; and secondly, his mortal remains lie in the area of the tomb of Imám Rizá (on whom be blessings and praise!).
Muhammad Kám Bakhsh, the fifth and last son, was born on the 10th of Ramazán, in the year 1077 (25th February, 1667). His mother was Báí Údípúrí. His father instructed him in the word of God, and his knowledge of all known works surpassed that of his brothers. The Turkish language and several modes of writing were familiar to him. He was brave and generous. The death of this Prince took place two years after that of his father.
Account of the Daughters.
Zebu-n Nisá Begam was the eldest of the daughters. She was born of Begam196a on the 10th of Shawwál, in the year 1048 (5th February, 1639). Owing to the King's teaching, she became thoroughly proficient in knowledge of the Kurán, and received as a reward the sum of 30,000 ashrafís. Her learning extended to Arabic, Persian, to the various modes of writing, and to prose and poetry. Many learned men, poets and writers were employed by her, and numerous compilations and original works are dedicated to her. One of these, a translation of the Tafsír-i Kabír, called Zebu-t Tafásír, was the work of Mullá Safí'u-d dín Ardbelí, attached to the service of this Princess. Her death occurred in the year 1113 (1701 A.D.).
The second daughter was Zínatu-n Nisá Begam. She was born on the 1st Sha'bán, in the year 1053 (9th October, 1643 A.D.). This Princess is remarkable for her great piety and extreme liberality.
Badru-n Nisá Begam, the third in order, was born of the Nawáb Báí on the 29th Shawwál, in the year 1057 (17th November, 1647 A.D.). She knew the Kurán by heart, was pious and virtuous. Her demise took place on the 27th Zí-l ka'da in the 13th year of the reign.
The fourth daughter, Zubdatu-n Nisá Begam, was born on the 26th Ramazán, in the year 1061 (1st September, 1651 A.D.). Her mother was Begam. This Princess was ever engaged in worship, prayer, and pious works. She was wedded to Sipihr Shukoh, son of Dárá Shukoh. She went to Paradise in the same month as her father, to whom her death was not made known.
Mihru-n Nisá Begam, the fifth daughter, was born of Aurangábádí Mahal on the 3rd of Safar, in the year 1072 (13th September, 1661). She became the spouse of Ízad Bakhsh, son of Murád Bakhsh, and lived until the year 1116.
FUTUHÁT-I 'ÁLAMGÍRÍ
OF
MUHAMMAD MA'SÚM.
[THIS book of “the Victories of Aurangzeb” would seem also to be known as Wáki'át-i 'Álamgírí. There is a translation of the Preface and of the Table of Contents among Sir H. M. Elliot's papers. From the Preface it appears that the author was Muhammad Ma'súm, son of Sálih. He was employed in the service of Sultán Shujá', Aurangzeb's brother, “whose generosity is equal to that of the sun.” Having obtained a few months' leave of absence, he, with much hesitation and diffidence, determined, as he says, “to write the events of these two or three years, which I have witnessed myself or have heard from others.” The Table of Contents gives 55 Chapters. The first relates to Sháh Jahán's conquest of Balkh and Badakhshán. Chapter 52 “relates the murder of Dárá Shukoh by the orders of Aurangzeb in the garden of Khizrábád, by the hands of Sháh Nazar Chelá, and of the burial of his remains in the mausoleum of Humáyún, which is the burial-place of all the murdered princes of this house.” Chapter 55 gives the remaining account of Sháh Shujá' and Mu'azzam Khán. The translator adds: “The history is not complete, and it is not known whether the author had written only thus far, or whether the scribe had no time to copy further.” As it professes to be only the history of two or three years, it is probably complete. There is, according to Dr. Bird, another work bearing this title written by Srí Dás, a Nágar Brahman of Gujarát. “The author was a spectator of the occurrences he details, and was in the service of Shaikhu-l Islám, the son of 'Abdu-l Wahháb Ahmadábádí. This work is very rare.”198]
TÁRÍKH-I MULK-I ÁSHÁM
OF
SHAHÁBU-D DÍN TÁLÁSH.
[THIS is an account of the expedition to Assam undertaken in the fourth year of the reign of Aurangzeb, by Mu'azzam Khán Khán-khánán. The author was Mauláná Ahmad Shahábu-d dín Tálásh. It is a small work, and is noticed in Stewart's Catalogue.199 There are some Extracts of the work among Sir H. M. Elliot's papers, and there is a copy in the Library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.]
WAKÁI'
OF
NI'AMAT KHÁN.
[THIS is the work of the celebrated wit and satirist, Mirzá Muhammad Ni'amat Khán, whose poetical sobriquet was 'Álí. His writings are much valued in India for the excellence of the style, which is highly florid; but it is very obscure, and is more pregnant with metaphor than meaning. The author was appointed to the office of news-writer by Aurangzeb, and the Wakái' is especially devoted to the history of the siege and conquest of Golkonda. The Makhzanu-l Gharaib states that his ancestors were physicians of Shíráz, but that he was brought up in Hindústán. He was appointed by Aurangzeb to the mansab of bakáwalí, with the title of Ni'amat Khán, but he was ungrateful to his patron and satirized him. At length, from improper conduct, he fell into disgrace. “His verses and ghazals are not excellent, but his satire is pleasant and pungent.” It appears that he had some knowledge of medicine. The Táríkh-i Chagha-táí also speaks of his strong powers of satire, and states that he received the title of Dánishmand Khán in the first year of the reign of Bahádur Sháh. He afterwards wrote a Sháh-náma, and died at Dehlí in 1122 A.H. (1710 A.D.), in the 4th year of Bahádur Sháh, or according to another authority, two years earlier. The author is the person referred to in the following passage from “The Critical Essay”: “Mirzá Muhammad, generally called Ni'amat Khán Hájí, was an eminent personage, who obtained the title of Dánishmand Khán, and he has recorded the events of that monarch's (Aurangzeb's) reign as far as the third year. Although his work is written in a very pleasing style, yet it occasionally offends the reader's delicacy by indecent jests and coarse witticisms, in which the author was too much accustomed to indulge.” In the Catalogue of Jonathan Scott's library, the Wakái' is said to be a most curious work, exhibiting anecdotes of private character in a humorous and entertaining style; but, says Sir H. M. Elliot, “I conceive that allusion must be made to the Muzhakát, which has been lithographed at Lucknow in the same volume as the author's Ruka'át.” The Wakái' has been printed at Bombay in a volume of 319 pages. It was also published at Lucknow in 1843. The Editor of this edition, after lauding the author in the Preface, says that “the work contains very difficult and complicated passages not suited to the comprehension of common people; so, with great pains and diligent research in Persian and Arabic dictionaries, he has supplied marginal notes, turning the most difficult passages into a smooth and easy style.”
There is an abstract of a portion of this work among the papers, but it is a short dry summary of no value, either as a specimen of the work, or as a contribution to history.201]
JANG-NÁMA
OF
NI'AMAT KHÁN 'ÁLÍ.
[THIS “Book of War” is another production of Ni'amat Khán or Dánishmand Khán, the writer of the last-noticed work. An abstract of the work prepared for Sir H, M. Elliot shows that it begins with the war carried on by Aurangzeb against the Ráná of Údípúr, and ends with the accession of Bahádur Sháh. The struggle which followed the death of Aurangzeb occupies a considerable portion of the work. A lithographed edition of the work was printed at Lucknow in 1261 A.H. (1845 A.D.).]
RUKA'ÁT-I 'ÁLAMGÍRÍ
OF
THE EMPEROR AURANGZEB.
THESE letters exhibit the private life and sentiments of this Prince, so they should be allowed a place in his history. The following account is given of them by Elphinstone in his History (p. 673).
“There are three collections of his letters. First, the Kalimát-i Taiyibát, published by one of his chief secretaries, 'Ináyatu-llah; second, the Rakáim-i Kará'im by the son of another secretary; and third, the Dastúru-l'Aml Ágáhí collected from all quarters thirty-eight years after his death. The first two collections profess to be merely the rough drafts or notes which he wrote with his own hand for his secretaries. Most of the third collection have the same appearance. They are without dates or order, and are often obscure, from their brevity, and our ignorance of the subjects alluded to.”
One set was indifferently translated many years ago by Mr. Eales in Calcutta, and a few Extracts have been published in the Asiatic Annual Register, vol. iii.
Instead of three sets of these letters, there appears to be more than four.
The first of them has the following passage in the Preface: “Be it known to all learned men, that this book named Ruka'át-i 'Álamgír, and surnamed Kalimát-i Taiyibát, has been compiled from the epistles written by Muhíu-d dín Muhammad Aurangzeb, King of Hindústán. The expression Muhín púr khiláfat wa Farzand Sa'ádat tawam has been used in this book for the eldest son of the King, Sultán Muhammad Mu'azzam, surnamed Sháh 'Álam. Sometimes the expression Sa'ádat tawam has also been applied to his second son, Sultán Muhammad A'zam Sháh; but the term Farzand-i'Alí Jáh is only used for the eldest. By the term Birádar-i ná-mihrbán is meant the King's elder brother, Dárá Shukoh. The expressions Farzand-záda-i'azíz and Farzand-záda bahádur are respectively intended for Muhammad Mu'izzu-d dín, the eldest son of Sháh 'Álam, and for Muhammad Bedár Bakht Bahádur, the son of Sultán Muhammad A'zam Sháh Muhín-púr. The words Farzand-záda 'azímu-l kadr are used for Muhammad 'Azímu-d dín, the second son of Sháh 'Álam. The expressions Umdatu-l Mulk Madáru-l Muhám and án fidwí are peculiar to Asad Khán, who was honoured with the title of Amíru-l umará after the death of Sháyista Khán. The term Khán Fíroz Jang is the abbreviated title of Ghází'u-d dín Khán Fíroz Jang. Nusrat Jang is the title of Zú-l Fikár Khán. Mirzá Bakhshí is intended for Mirzá Sadru-d dín Muhammad Khán Safawí. Mír-átash for Tarbiyat Khán, and the single word Hamíd for Hamídu-d dín Khán.”
The name of the compiler is not mentioned. This Kalimát-i Taiyibát has been lithographed at Lucknow in 8vo., and contains 67 pages, 17 lines to a page. It is in extensive demand.
The Rakáim-i Karáim is a somewhat smaller collection, and consists of 48 octavo pages of fifteen lines to a page. It comprises letters written by the Emperor to Mír 'Abdu-l Karím Khán, father of the compiler; and out of compliment to him, the son called the collection by the name of Rakáim-i Karáim. The following is extracted from the Preface: “I Saiyid Ashraf Khán Mír Muhammad Husainí do myself the honour of collecting the epistles of the great King 'Álamgír, which were written to my father 'Abdu-l Karím Amír Khán, and of arranging them in the form of a book, which I denominate by the title of Rakáim-i Karáim, as that expression is in a manner connected with the name of the late 'Abdu-l Karím. I much regret the loss of most of the Emperor's epistles, which were either despatched to their several addresses without being copied in my father's office, or were destroyed through the ignorance and carelessness of his attendants. However, those which have remained uninjured are most dear to me.”
The Dastúru-l'Aml Ágáhí appears from the following passage in the Introduction to have been compiled under the orders of Rája Ayá Mal. “The dependents of the King 'Álamgír have collected the celebrated epistles from that monarch to the different princes and nobles, into several pamphlets, without arranging them in the form of a regular book; but at the request of Rája Ayá Mal, one of his learned servants collected the detached pamphlets into one volume in the Hijra year 1156 (1743 A.D.), and denominated the work Dastúru-l'Aml Ágáhí. As the style of these epistles was rather difficult to be understood by every one, since the King was very fond of figurative language, the compiler takes the opportunity of giving in this Preface the real meanings of the peculiar expressions used by the King.” Then follows the explanation given in the Extract from the Kalimát-i Taiyibát.
It appears that another collection had been previously made under the same direction, and that another name is given to that collection. The fourth collection is called Ramz wa Isháraháe 'Álamgír, and bears the name of the compiler, of which in the case of the Dastúru-l 'Aml wa Ágáhí we are left in ignorance. “The correspondence of the Emperor 'Álamgír appears at first sight to consist of ordinary epistles, but in reality they convey the best instruction to kings, and the most useful kind of information to nobles and courtiers. They may be considered harmless friends to all, whether they love retirement or take delight in society. Originally they did not form a regular book, but at the instigation of the celebrated and learned Rája Ayá Mal, Budh Mal, surnamed Rám, collected them and formed a book in the year 1151 A.H. (1738 A.D.).
There is another collection bearing the name of Ádáb-i 'Álamgírí. This is composed of letters written by Aurangzeb to his father, sons, and officers. They were collected by Munshíu-l Mamálik Shaikh Abú-l Fath, and were arranged and formed into a book by Sádik, entitled Ná-tamám, a resident of Ambála. The work is noticed in the Catalogue of the Mackenzie Collection (vol. ii. p. 135). [There are several Extracts of this work among Sir H. M. Elliot's MSS., and there is a copy in the British Museum.]
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