History of India, as Told by its own Historians: The Muhammadan Period - The History of India, Volume 3

EXTRACTS.

Cause of Tímúr's Invasion of Hindustán.

Tímúr, the invincible and world-conquering, had given to Prince Pír Muhammad Jahángír the provinces of Kunduz, Bakalán, Kábul, Ghazní, and Kandahár, with all their dependencies as far as the confines of India. The prince accordingly took possession of these territories, and ruled with justice and liberality. Under the orders of the Emperor he collected the troops of his provinces, and marched forth to conquer other countries with a large army and valiant chiefs. * * * He plundered the Aghánís of the Koh-i Sulaimán, and crossing the river Indus he took the town of Uch by storm. From thence he marched to Multán and laid siege to it. Multán at that time was governed by Sárang, elder brother of Mallú Khán. After the death of Sultán Fíroz Sháh these two brothers raised his grandson Sultán Mahmúd to the throne, and seized upon the government of Hindustán. Mallú remained at Dehlí in attendance on the Sultán, and Sárang had taken possession of Multán. The prince's forces having invested Multán, they every day made two vigorous assaults. The intelligence of these proceedings being carried to Tímúr was the cause of his going to Hindustán. Just at that time he had resolved to assemble forces from all his dominions, and to march against China,⁴⁸⁰ with the intent of destroying the idol temples, and of raising mosques in their places. He had previously heard that the standards of the faith of Islám had been raised in Dehlí and other places, and that its profession of faith was impressed upon the coins, but that the country in general was polluted by the inhabitants being infidels and idolaters. Impelled by the desire of waging a religious war, he resolved to march against Multán and Dehlí. He consulted with his nobles and chiefs, and they concurred in the propriety of making the invasion.

In the month of Rajab, 800 H. (March 1398 A.D.), nearly corresponding to the year of the Leopard, he began his march towards Hindustán, with an army as numerous as the leaves of the trees. * * * When he arrived at Indaráb, the chiefs of that country came and cast themselves at his feet, saying that they were Musulmáns, and that the infidel Kators and Siyah-poshes exacted sums of money every year as tribute from them; and in default of payment, the infidels slew the men, and made their women and children prisoners. Their statements kindled the anger of the emperor, and he resolved to suppress these infidels. * * * He arrived at Kháwak, and ordered the fort of that place, which was in ruins, to be repaired. The soldiers and many of the amírs left their horses there, and ascended the mountain of Kator on foot. * * * The infidels of this country are tall, stout, and vigorous. They generally go about naked. Their chiefs are called 'Udá and 'Udáshú.⁴⁸¹ They have a very peculiar language, different from Persian, Turki, and Hindí. Most of them know no language but their own. If men of the neighbourhood had not mixed with them, and learned their language so as to be able to interpret, no one would know anything about this language. * * * After three days' continuous fighting Tímúr's troops prevailed, and the enemy sued for quarter. Tímúr sent to them Ák Sultán, proposing that if they would surrender and become Musulmáns, he would spare their lives and property, and confirm them in the possession of their country. When they were informed of these terms by means of interpreters they, on the fourth day, hastened with Ák Sultán to the court of Tímúr, made their profession of the faith, and with tears offered excuses for their conduct. They declared themselves to be his slaves, and ready to obey his commands. Tímúr, in his kingly generosity, gave them robes and dismissed them. When night came on, these black-hearted renegades made an attack upon Amír Sháh Malik. Some few of them, wounded and maimed, escaped, but 150 of them were taken prisoners, and were despatched to hell with the sword. The whole army of Islám then ascended the mountain and put all the men to the sword, and carried off the women and children. On the summit of the mountain pyramids were built with the heads of these infidels, who had never bowed their heads in adoration of God. An account of the victory was engraved upon stone, with the date of the month Ramazán 800 H., together with the date used in the locality. * * *

Passage of the Indus.

Tímúr marched from Bánú, and on the 8th Muharram he reached the banks of the Indus, at the place where Sultán Jalalu-d dín Khwárizm Sháh flying from Changíz Khán cast himself into the river and swam over. Changíz Khán did not pass the river, but halted there and then returned. Tímúr gave orders for the construction of a bridge over the river. The work was immediately commenced, and in the course of two days a safe bridge constructed of three-legged trestles (sih-páyah) and boats was completed. * * *

On Monday, 12th Muharram 801 H. (24th Sept. 1398), crossed the river with his army and encamped on the borders of the Chol,⁴⁸² which is a large desert, called in books of history the Chol-i Jalálí in consequence of Sultán Jalálu-d dín's escape thither. The ráís and chiefs of the Júd mountain came respectfully to pay homage to Tímúr and make presents. Some time before this Amír Rustam Taghí Buká Birlás, under the orders of Tímúr had marched towards Multán. He passed near the mountain of Júd and remained there some days. The ráís had then carefully attended upon him and had supplied him with provisions. This was the reason why Tímúr now treated them with such favour. They returned home happy and full of joy.

Contest with Shahábu-dín Mubarák Sháh Tamímí.

Shahábu-d dín was ruler of an island^482a on the banks of the river Jamd. He was rich and had numerous followers and soldiers, by means of which he was distinguished above the Ráís of Hind. When the Prince Pír Muhammad Jahangír arrived in the vicinity of Multán he came in and paid homage. He was received among the adherents of the prince and was treated with great kindness. For some time he remained in attendance on the prince, but after a while he obtained leave of absence and returned to his government. He was deluded by the devil, and being puffed up with pride of the strength of his place and the river, he set himself in opposition. When the army had crossed and was encamped on the banks of the Jamd, this revolt was communicated to Tímúr. He then ordered Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín to march with his túmán against the island, and to exterminate the whole band of rebels. When the Amír arrived near the island, he found that Shahábu-d dín had dug a deep ditch and had raised high walls as means of defence. There was a large lake there, but the assailants plunged instantly into the water and kindled the flames of war. A fierce conflict followed which lasted till night, and the assailants then retired to take rest. During the night Shahábu-d dín fell upon the camp of the besiegers with 10,000 men and a great fight took place. Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín met the attack with a determined resistance, and the assailants being disheartened by this vigour fell back dispirited. Some of them cast themselves into the water and with difficulty brought the ship of life to the shore of safety.

Tímúr then came up with his army and encamped near the island. Shahábu-d dín by a prudent precaution had kept 200 boats ready for such an emergency. When he retreated beaten from his night attack upon the besiegers he embarked with his family and followers in the boats, and proceeded down the Jamd towards Uch, which is one of the towns of Hind. Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín, under the orders of the emperor, pursued them with his victorious forces along the banks of the river, and killed a good number of them. On his return Tímúr bestowed rewards and honours upon those who had fought so valiantly and had been wounded in repulsing the night attack. When Shahábu-d dín came near Multán, the Prince Pír Muhammad and Amír Sulaimán Sháh with their detachment opposed his progress and cut many of the fugitives to pieces. Shahábu-d dín cast his wife and children into the river and with great difficulty brought them half-dead to land. Tímúr sent Shah Malik into the jungles in pursuit of the fugitives. He killed a great many of them and their allies, and returned laden with booty and with boats full of corn to the royal camp. The Emperor marched from thence, and in five or six days arrived on the banks of the Chináwa⁴⁸⁴ (Chináb) where that river unites with the Jamd. He encamped near the fort of Tulambí, and ordered a bridge to be thrown across the river. It was finished in three days.

Conquest of the Fort of Tulambí.

Tímúr passed over the bridge with his army and pitched his camp on the bank of the river near the town. The maliks and ráís of the place with the saiyids and learned men came forth to wait upon the emperor. They paid their homage and were well received. On the 1st Safar 801 H. in the plain of Tulambí the officers and ministers being assembled a ransom of two lacs was demanded from the inhabitants of the city, but orders were given that the saiyids and learned Musulmáns should be exempted from payment. The collectors busied themselves in the work of collection, but the whole was not realized, when a large division of the army arrived in great want of grain and provisions. The royal order was given that they were to take grain wherever they found it. With savage feelings the soldiers entered the town on the pretext of seeking for grain, and a great calamity fell upon it. They set fire to the houses and plundered whatever they could lay their hands on. The city was pillaged, and no houses escaped excepting those of the saiyids and learned Musulmáns.

Tímúr was now informed that a party of the chiefs of Tulambí who had formerly submitted to Prince Pír Muhammad had broken out into revolt and open violence. This greatly incensed him, and he sent Sháh Malik and Shaikh Muhammad Aikú-tamúr with their túmáns to chastise these revolters. These chiefs accordingly entered the jungles and killed about 2,000 of them. Then they returned laden with booty to the royal camp. On the 8th Safar the army again took to the march and pitched their camp near Jál, upon the Byáh river, opposite the town of Sháh-nawáz.

March against Nusrat Kúkari (Khokhar).

While encamped on the river the emperor was informed that Nusrat Kúkarí, brother of Shaikha Kúkarí with 2,000 men had constructed a strong river fortress (rúd-khána-i'azím) on the banks of the river and was there posted. Tímúr instantly marched against him with a strong force. The right wing he placed under the command of Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín and Amír Allah-dad; and the left under Amír Sháh Malik and Amír Shaikh Muhammad Aikú-tamur. Ali Sultán Tawáchí at the head of the infantry, marched with the centre in battle array. Nusrat Kúkarí with great presumption and ignorance had collected a force of 1,000 Indian warriors, and had drawn them up to meet Tímúr on the banks of a lake.⁴⁸⁵ Ali Sultán Tawáchí attacked them with his infantry of Khurásán, and after several assaults he overthrew them and put them to flight. Shaikh Núru-d dín and Allah-dád pursued the fugitives and slew many of them. He who bore the name of Nusrat (victory) could not save himself from this disaster, but went to hell with many of his followers. The soldiers secured great booty, and they set fire to the houses of the enemy. On the 10th Safar the army marched by a difficult road to Sháh-nawáz through mud and dirt. This is a considerable village where large stores of grain were found. The men carried off all they could, and under the royal command set fire to what was left, so that it might not benefit the infidels. From thence the army marched to the river Biyáh, and encamped opposite to the village of Janján,^485a where the baggage was collected. Here an opportunity of crossing was found, and Tímúr availing himself of this advantage, ordered his forces to cross the river.

Arrival of Prince Pír Muhammad from Multán.

It has already been recorded how Prince Pír Muhammad had besieged Multán, and how his forces were assaulting the place twice daily. The contest had lasted six months. Provisions had become so scarce in the place that not a dog or a cat was left, and the inhabitants being compelled to abandon the place, the prince had obtained possession of the country. He immediately sent a despatch of this victory to the royal camp. At this time heavy rains came on and lasted for several days, it being the season which in Hindustán is called the Barsh-kál. This caused a great mortality among the men and horses of the prince, and so he entered the city with all his forces. The chiefs and rulers of this country of Hind who had made their submission, now conceived ideas of throwing off the yoke. They killed the governors of several places, and the soldiers being dismounted were unable to move against them. This gave the prince great annoyance, and he was a prey to constant anxiety, when the news of the emperor's approach struck dismay into the hearts of the enemy.

The prince being thus delivered from his difficulty proceeded with his officers and followers to the royal camp. On the 14th Safar he reached the camp on the banks of the Biyáh, when the emperor received him honourably and affectionately. * * * On the 15th Safar the emperor crossed the Biyáh, and encamped under the fort of Janján. There he remained four days. During these days all the men of the army crossed, some in boats and some by swimming, and not one individual was lost. * * * As the soldiers of the prince had lost their horses in the rainy season, and through the hardships of the campaign had been reduced to ride on bullocks and to walk, the emperor presented them with thirty thousand horses. The royal army then marched from Janján to Sahwál; on the 21st it proceeded to Aswán, where it rested one day, and then marched to Jahwál.

The chiefs of Díbálpúr had previously made their submission to Prince Pír Muhammad, who sent Musáfir Kábulí, with a thousand men, to act as governor of the place. When the army of the prince was reduced by the effects of the rainy season, the men of that place, combining with the soldiers of Fíroz Sháh, put Musáfir and his thousand men to death. Upon the intelligence of the emperor's progress to Multán and Dehlí reaching this neighbourhood, all men from the highest to the lowest were in the greatest consternation. Fearing for their lives they abandoned all else, and fled to the fort of Bhatnír. At Jahwál the emperor left Amír Sháh Malik and Daulat Tímúr Tawáchí with the baggage, with orders to proceed by way of Díbálpúr, and to join him at Sámána, near Dehlí. He set off with 10,000 men, and by forced marches hastened to Ajodhan, which he reached early in the morning of the 24th Safar. Previous to this Shaikh Munawwar and Shaikh Sa'd, both men of evil character, had seduced the people of this place from their allegiance, and had incited them to leave their country. Some of them went off with Shaikh Sa'd to Bhatnír, and others accompanied Shaikh Munawwar to Dehlí. But the Saiyids and learned Musulmáns of the place had heard of the kindness of Tímúr, and resolved to remain patiently at home, and await the course of events. As soon as they were informed of his arrival they went to wait upon him, and were received with great favour. Tímúr appointed Mauláná Násiru-d dín 'Umar and Muhammad, son of Khwája Muhammad Shaháb, to be governors of the town, and enjoined them not to allow the saiyids and learned Mu-hammadans to be hurt by the people of the army.

Capture of the city walls (shahr-band⁴⁸⁷)

The fort of Bhatnír was extremely strong, and was celebrated as one of the strongest in Hind. It is situated far out of the road on the right hand, and it is surrounded by the desert of Chol. For fifty or a hundred kos round there is no water. The inhabitants obtain their water from a large lake at the gate of the city which is filled in the rainy season. No foreign army had ever penetrated thither, nor had any sovereign of India ever led his forces to that place. So the inhabitants of Díbálpúr, Ajodhan, and other places fled thither for refuge from the invading army. A very large number of people thus assembled there, so much so that the city would not contain them, and carts and vehicles with large quantities of goods and furniture had been left outside in the vicinity of the fort. On the 25th Safar, Tímúr reached Ajodhan, and paid a visit to the shrine of Shaikh Faríd Shakar-ganj. From thence he started for Bhatnír, and crossing the river,⁴⁸⁸ he arrived at Khális-kotalí, two kos from Ajodhan, and fifty from Bhatnír. Three kos is equal to one legal farsakh or parasang.

Tímúr said his mid-day prayers at Khális-kotalí, and then mounting he travelled the remainder of the day and the whole of the night without resting, thus accomplishing this long distance in one march. On the next day, at breakfast time, he was within sight of Bhatnír. The drums were beaten and the shouts of the warriors rent the air. All that was outside of the city was plundered. The prince of that country and city was called Ráo Dúl Chand,^488a Ráo being a Hindí word meaning brave (bahádur). He had a large number of soldiers, and the whole neighbourhood was under his command. He used to levy tolls from travellers, nor could merchants and caravans escape from his exactions. When Tímúr approached the city the Ráo, confident in the strength of his fortress and the number of his followers would not submit. The army was at once brought up, and fiercely attacked the city both on the right and on the left. At the first assault the walls of the city were taken and many Hindús were slain. Great booty fell into the hands of the soldiers. The officers leading on their men with axes and pikes advanced to attack the fort. Ráo Dúl Chand, with his brave Indian warriors, drew up ready for combat at the gate of the fort. Amír Sulaimán and other intrepid officers of the túmán of Sháh Rukh went forward sword in hand and fought most valiantly. The fort was on the point of being taken when fear and despair fell upon the heart of Dúl Chand, and he sent out a saiyid to beg an armistice for that day, promising to come out on the day following and make his submission to Tímúr. The emperor, relying on the promise brought by the saiyid, a descendant of the Prophet, granted the demand. He withdrew his men from the walls, put a stop to the fighting, and went out to his tents. When the next day came Ráo Dúl Chand failed to keep his promise, and orders were given that each amír should sap the wall in front of his position. They set diligently about the work, and bravely persevered, although fire and stones, and darts and arrows were rained down upon them from the top of the walls. When Ráo Dúl Chand and the chiefs of his party beheld these proceedings they were filled with dismay. They came to the tops of the bastions, and with cries and lamentations called aloud for mercy. They acknowledged their fault and admitted they had done wrong in not submitting to the emperor, but they begged his forgiveness. He was graciously pleased to grant their petition. On the same day the Ráo sent out his son and his deputy with splendid presents and valuable offerings. Tímúr gave the young man a robe of value, a sword-belt, etc., and sent him back to his father. Next day Ráo Dúl Chand, being encouraged by this kindness and generosity of Tímúr, came out of the fort accompanied by Shaikh Sa'du-d dín Ajodhaní, on the 28th Safar, and throwing himself upon the ground before the royal tent, he presented several fine animals and three Arab horses with golden saddles. Tímúr graciously accepted these presents, and in return gave him gold-embroidered robes, etc. A large body of people from many parts of India, especially from Díbálpúr and Ajodhan, had taken refuge there from the arms of the conqueror, so Amír Sulaimán Shah and Amír Allah-dád were careful to guard the gate. On the next day they brought out to the royal camp the strangers who had taken refuge in the town. Five hundred men belonging to Díbálpúr, who had taken part in the murder of Musáfir Kábulí and of a thousand other servants of Prince Pír Muhammad, were put to death in retaliation. Their wives and children were made slaves. Several men of Ajodhan also had deserted the standards of Tímúr, and had fled for security to Bhatnír. Some of these were brought to punishment, others were made prisoners, and their property was plundered.

Kamálu-d dín,⁴⁹⁰ brother of Ráo Dúl Chand, and his son, when they saw Tímúr's severity towards the guilty, being filled with terror, lost their judgment. On the 1st Rabi'u-l awwal, although Dúl Chand was in Tímúr's camp, they closed the gates of the city, and opened the gates of sorrow and trouble for themselves. The wrath of Tímúr was kindled; he ordered his soldiers to again invest the place, and to carry on their mining and scaling operations. The men set zealously about the work, and the besieged soon perceived that there was no hope for them, and that it was useless to struggle against their fate. The brother and son of the Ráo went forth humbly from the town, and hastened to cast themselves upon the earth before Tímúr, and implore his mercy. They gave up the keys of the town to the servants of the emperor. On the 2nd of the month Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín and Amír Allah-dád went into the city to receive the ransom money, but the evil-minded ráís resisted payment of the tribute. There were in the city many gabrs and bad men who set themselves in opposition and made open resistance. When Tímúr heard of this he issued a stringent order for his men to attack the fort, and put the occupants to the sword. The soldiers accordingly scaled the place by means of ladders and ropes. The gabrs set fire to the place, and cast their wives and children into the fire and consumed them. A party of them who called themselves Musulmáns, cut off the heads of their wives and children like so many sheep. The two parties then joined and prepared for a desperate resistance. They were very numerous, and very resolute and savage. According to command the soldiers entered the city, and shouting their war cry fell upon the defenders. A desperate conflict ensued, and many of the assailants were slain and many wounded. Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín had entered the city on foot, sword in hand, to fight with the infidels. He was surrounded by a number of infidels, and was in imminent danger, when Auzán Mazíd Baghdádí and Fíroz Sístání rushed to the rescue, and despatching several of the infidels they rescued him from his peril. Victory at length favoured our arms. Ten thousand of the infidels were slain, the houses were set on fire, and the whole place was destroyed. Nothing was left but a few heaps of ashes. The gold and silver, and horses and spoil of every sort that fell into the hands of the captors was by order of Tímúr divided among the soldiers. He solaced the wounded by his royal munificence, and he showed great favour and liberality to Auzán Mazíd and Fíroz, who had rescued Amír Núru-d dín at the risk of their own lives.

After the destruction of the town of Bhatnír the air was polluted by the putrefying bodies of the slain, so on the 4th of the month Tímúr ordered his army to march against other places of India. Having advanced fourteen kos, it reached a place called Kinára-i-hauz (brink of the reservoir), and there encamped. On the 5th it again marched and came to the fort of Fírozah, from whence it proceeded on the same day to the town of Sarsutí. The inhabitants of this town were for the most part infidels and kept pigs, whose flesh they ate. On hearing of the approach of Tímúr they took to flight. A detachment was sent in pursuit, which overtook them and put many of them to the sword, and plundered the property which they had carried off. The detachment returned safe to camp with its plunder, all except 'Ádil Farrásh who was killed in the fight. Tímúr rested one day at Sarsutí and on the following day marched eighteen kos to Fath-ábád where he encamped. The inhabitants of this place had also abandoned their homes and fled towards the desert. They were pursued by a party of our men who overtook them, killed many of them, and plundered their goods. On the 7th of the month Tímúr marched by the fort of Rajab-núr and came to the fort of Ahrúní where he pitched his camp. This place did not contain any men of sufficient sense and intelligence to come out and secure protection by making their submission, so, some of the inhabitants were killed and others were made prisoners. The soldiers set fire to the fort, plundered the houses, and carried off the grain. Not a house was left standing.

On the following day the army marched into the desert to a village called Tohána. A body of the people called Jats had made themselves masters of this neighbourhood and for a long time had committed depredations on the roads. They had cast aside all the restraints of religion, plundering the caravans and merchants with violence and murder. When they heard of the advance of Tímúr's victorious host to Hindustán, they fled into the deserts and into jungles filled with sugar-canes (nai-shakar). Orders were issued for pursuing them, and Amír Tokal Hindú Karkarra,⁴⁹² and Mauláná Násiru-d dín were sent in command of the detachment. They penetrated the jungles and killed 200 of them, and having taken many prisoners they returned with the cattle and other spoil to the royal camp.

March against the Jat robbers.

One of Tímúr's chief objects was to break up the bands of robbers and to make the roads secure. On the 9th of the month he left Tohána, and he sent on Amír Sulaímán Sháh with the baggage and with the plunder that had been collected towards Sámána. On the same day he himself passed the fort of Múng towards Sámána and encamped. From this place he made a rapid march against the retreats of the Jats in the deserts and jungles, and falling upon these wild demon-like men he put 2,000 of them to the sword, their wives and children he took captive, and their cattle and effects he plundered. He thus delivered the country from the fear of these robbers which had so long oppressed it.

In that neighbourhood there was a party of distinguished saiyids who had taken up their abode in a certain village and sustained the honour of their religion. They came full of hope and confidence to wait on Tímúr who received them kindly and bestowing on them his princely bounty, he gave them a governor to protect them from the violence of soldiers.

On the 10th Rabí'u-l awwal Amír Sulaimán marched with the baggage from the vicinity of Múng to the neighbourhood of Sámána. He halted for the night and on the 11th reached the river Khagar. Tímúr who had made a forced march against the Jats rejoined the army on the banks of the Khagar which is near Sámána. He rested there four days awaiting the arrival of the heavy baggage. On the 15th he marched from thence and halted at the bridge (fúl) of Kúbíla.⁴⁹³ Here he was joined by the princes and nobles of the left wing of his army whom he had sent by another route through the valley (murgh-zár) of Kábul by the ordinary road to India. Whenever in their march they came to a hostile town or fort they subdued and plundered it. They now rejoined the imperial standard. On the 16th Tímúr marched, and crossed the bridge of Kúbila. The heavy baggage and the remainder of the army coming up from Díbálpúr under Sháh Malík, here joined the main army. On the 17th Tímúr halted, but on the 18th he marched from the bridge of Kúbila, and having marched five kos, arrived at the bridge of Yakrán⁴⁹⁴ where he rested. On the 19th he marched to the town of Kaital. The distance between Kaital and Sámána is seventeen kos, i.e., five legal farsakhs and two miles.^494a

Array and March of the Army.

When the princes and amírs of the army who had under the imperial command marched by different routes, had all joined the imperial standards, every officer of the right and left wing was ordered to his own post. The Princes Pír Muhammad, Rustam, and Sulaimán Sháh with several amírs, were placed over the right. Sultán Mahmúd Khán, the Princes Khalíl Sultán, and Sultán Husain with amírs were in command of the left. In the centre were the túmáns of Allah-dád, of 'Alí Sultán Tawáchí, and of other amírs. A march of six standard farsakhs and two miles towards Dehlí was made. On the 22nd they arrived at the fort of Asandí, seven kos from Kaital. The inhabitants of Sámána, Kaital, and Asandí who were mostly fire-worshippers, burned their houses and fled to Delhí, so that none of them were met with. On the 23rd they marched from Asandí and arrived at the fort of Tughlikpúr, six kos distant. The infidels of this place belonged to the religion of the Magi (sanawíya) whose eyes had never been enlightened with the rays of the true religion. In the belief of these people there are two gods, one called Yazdán the other Ahriman whom they typify by light and darkness. They suppose all good to proceed from the one and all evil from the other. The people of this place who were also called Sálún, had left it empty and fled. The soldiers set fire to the place and reduced it to ashes.

On the 24th the army arrived at the town of Panipat, a distance of twelve kos from Tughlikpúr. The inhabitants of this place also had taken flight and not a soul was found there. In the fort there was a store of wheat more than 10,000 heavy mans in weight or 160,000 of the legal or standard man. This was given to the soldiers. On the 25th Tímúr marched six kos from that place and encamped on the river of Panipat. On the 26th the amírs put on their armour ready for battle. On the 27th the order was given for the generals of the right wing to proceed to Jahán-numáí, a building erected by Fíroz Sháh on a hill two farsakhs from Dehlí. The river Jumna runs at the foot of this hill. They accordingly ravaged the country from the village of Kanhí-gazín to Jahán-numáí. The people were killed or made prisoners and great booty was carried off to the camp.

On the 29th Tímúr passed the Jumna near the village of Palla and marched towards the fort of Loní which is in a great pasture country. This fort is situated in the doáb between the rivers Jumna and Halín. The latter is a large canal which Sultán Sháh brought from the river Kálíní, and it joins the river Jumna near Fírozábád. Amír Jahán Sháh, Amír Sháh Malik, and Amír Alláh-dád under Tímúr's orders, advanced to the foot of the hill of Jahán-numá. Maimun Maishúm the commandant of the fort, unmindful of Tímúr's strength, would not capitulate, but prepared to offer resistance. As soon as Tímúr approached, a wise and venerable old man came out and surrendered, but the other inhabitants who were gabrs and servants of Mallú Khán in their folly and presumption resolved to defend the place. The soldiers were immediately ordered to invest the fort and to take it by mining the walls. They accordingly commenced sapping in various places, and towards evening they took it. The gabrs had previously set fire to their houses in the fort and had burnt them with their wives and children. Tímúr remained outside of the fort that night. On the last day of Rabí'ul-awwal he gave orders that such of the servants of Naukar Khán and of the inhabitants of the place as were Muhammadans should be set aside, and that all the rest, gabrs and infidels, should be passed under the sword of Islám. All the inhabitants of the place were plundered except the saiyids who had been glorified with the light of the faith. The fort was burnt and laid waste.

On the 1st Rabi'u-l ákhír, Tímúr mounted his horse and leaving the fort of Loní he went forth to reconnoitre. He proceeded to the river Jumna near Jahán-numáí, and carefully examined the fords. He then returned to the camp, and as Dehlí was near he held a council with the princes and nobles as to the manner of besieging it. The decision arrived at was that plenty of grain and fodder should first be provided for the supply of the army and that then the siege should be entered upon. In pursuance of this plan Amír Sulaimán Sháh, Amír Jahán Sháh, and others were sent out to plunder the environs of Dehlí and bring in corn. On the following day he determined to pay a visit to the palace of Jahán-numáí. He set out with 700 men clad in armour, and passing the river Jumna he carefully examined the palace. Fíroz Sháh had given to the place the name of Jahán-numáí by inspiration as it was to become illustrious by the visit of the Sovereign of the world.

After inspecting the place he looked around to discover the ground most suitable for a battle-field. 'Alí Sultán Tawáchí and Junaid Búr-uldai who had marched with the advance-guard now returned; the former brought in Muhammad Salaf, and the latter another person as prisoners. After questioning them Muhammad Salaf was put to death. At this juncture Mallú Khán was descried with 4,000 horse, 5,000 infantry, and twenty-seven elephants issuing from the groves near the city. They drew near, and Tímúr passed over the river to his camp. The advance-guard of the army, 300 men, under the command of Saiyid Khwája and Mubáshar met and attacked them, leading them to the side of the river where a warm conflict took place. Tímúr ordered Súnjak Bahádur and Alláh-dád to support Saiyid Khwája. They crossed the river with the utmost celerity, and joining their comrades they attacked the enemy with showers of arrows. When the enemy saw the boldness and vigour of their assailants, they could not hold their ground, but broke and fled at the first charge. Saiyid Khwája pursued and killed many of them. In the flight a war elephant fell down and died; an incident from which wise men drew an augury of victory.

March to the east of Loní—Massacre of Hindu prisoners.

On the 3rd Rabí'u-s sání Tímúr marched from Jahán-numáí, and pitched his camp to the eastward of Loní. All the princes and amírs who had been engaged in different expeditions assembled here under the royal banner [and Tímúr harangued them on the operations of war].

On the same day Amír Jahán Sháh and other amírs represented to Tímúr that from the time he crossed the Indus a hundred thousand Hindu prisoners, more or less, had been taken, and that these gabrs and idol-worshippers were kept in the camp. It was to be feared that in the day of battle with the forces of Dehlí they might join the enemy. This opinion was confirmed by the joy which the prisoners had exhibited when Mallú Khán marched against the imperial forces at Jahán-numáí. Tímúr considered the point, and deeming the advice of his officers to be wise, he gave orders for all the Hindu prisoners to be put to death. Every one who neglected to comply with this command was to be executed, and his wives, children, and goods were to become the property of the informer. In pursuance of this order 100,000 infidel Hindus were put to the sword. Mauláná Násiru-d dín, a most distinguished ecclesiastic, had fifteen Hindus in his train, and he who had never caused a sheep to be slaughtered was obliged to have these fifteen Hindus killed. Tímúr also issued an order that one man out of every ten should be left in camp to guard the wives and children of the prisoners, and the captured cattle.

On the same day Tímúr resolved upon marching to Dehlí, and setting off after mid-day prayer he encamped on the banks of the Jumna. The astrologers and soothsayers disputed with each other as to whether the stars and presages were favourable. Tímúr placed no reliance on their predictions, but put his trust in God, without whose pleasure nothing happens. Next morning, after prayers, he took the holy book and opened it for a fál. The verse which came out was favourable to his enterprize. Trusting in this omen he crossed the river Jumna, and encamped on the other side on the 5th Rabi'u-s sání. The soldiers by way of precaution intrenched their camp, which was near a little hill called Pushta-bihálí, and they fenced it in with branches of trees and palisades. In front of the ditch they fastened buffalos together by their feet and necks, and inside the fence they raised pent-houses (khamhá).

Battle with the Sultán of Hindustán.

On the 7th Rabi'u-s sání Tímúr settled the array of his army. Prince Pír Muhammad Jahángír, Amír Yádgár Birlás, and others, were placed over the right wing. Prince Sultán Husain, Prince Khalíl Sultán, Amír Jahán Sháh, and others, had command of the left wing. The van-guard was placed under the command of Prince Rustam, Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín, and others. Tímúr himself commanded the centre. In this order, full of spirits and courage, the soldiers marched to the battle field.

The enemy also came out in battle array. The centre was under Sultán Mahmúd, grandson of Sultán Fíroz Sháh, and Mallú Khán. The right was commanded by Taghí Khán, Mír Alí Hauja, and others, and the left by Malik Mu'ínu-d dín, Malik Hání, and others. The enemy's army consisted of 12,000 veteran horsemen and 40,000 infantry, with all the appliances of war. Thus they advanced to the field of battle. The enemy's great reliance was on his enormous war elephants, 120 in number. They were covered with armour, and on their backs was a kind of litter or cage, in which cross-bow men and discus throwers were concealed. Sharp poisoned points were fastened firmly to their tusks. Rocket-men (takhsh-afgan) and grenade-throwers (ra'd-andáz) marched by their sides.

Although the army of Tímúr was weak compared with this Indian army, still his soldiers did not rate their enemy very highly. But although they had fought in many a battle, and overthrown many an enemy, they had never before encountered elephants. They had heard by report that the bodies of these elephants were so hard that no weapon would pierce them; that they could tear up strong trees with the wind (bád) of their trunks; that they could knock down strong houses with the pressure of their sides; and that in battle they could lift horse and horseman from the ground with their dragon-like trunk and raise them in the air. Exaggerations like these had raised apprehensions in the hearts of the soldiers. When Tímúr proceeded to appoint the places for the various officers of the Court, he, in his princely kindness, asked the learned doctors of the Law who accompanied the army in this invasion where he should place them. They, terrified with the stories they had heard of the elephants, answered: “In the same place as the ladies and women.”

When Tímúr perceived this terror and alarm of his followers, to allay their fears he directed that they should fix palisades, and dig a trench in front of the army. In front of these he ordered buffalos to be placed side by side, and fastened firmly together by the neck and feet with leather thongs. He had strong iron claws made and given to the infantry, who were ordered to throw them on the ground in front of the elephants. Mauláná Shahábu-d dín Jámí has celebrated these devices in one of his odes. Heaven was always favourable to Tímúr, and now gave him success without using any of these stratagems. He had on horseback ascended an eminence between the two armies, and examined all around. When he saw the opposing forces he alighted from his horse, and turning the face of supplication to heaven he offered his prayers, and begged for victory over his enemy. It was not long before a sign was given of the acceptance of this prayer. While Tímúr was offering his prayer to heaven, it came into the minds of Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín, and the other officers in command of the van-guard, that if Tímúr sent a reinforcement to the right wing and to the advance guard it would be a sure presage of victory. When Tímúr had finished his prayer, he sent Sultán 'Ali Tawáchí and others from the centre to the support of the right wing, and another party to the support of the van-guard. These movements cheered up the spirits and strengthened the courage of the men. They drew their swords and rushed fearlessly on the enemy. The elephants of mighty form and craven spirit ran off, and Tímúr thus obtained the victory.

The van-guard under Súnjak Bahádur and other officers, when they saw the enemy advancing against the right wing, placed themselves in ambush, and when the advance-guard of the enemy had passed by, they rushed out in their rear with swords drawn and arms uplifted, and in one charge killed more than 500 of them. On the right wing the Prince Pír Muhammad having advanced his men charged the enemy. He was supported by Amír Sulaimán Sháh, and aided by fortune he used his swords upon the elephants.⁵⁰⁰ The men of the right wing with one accord advanced against the left of the enemy, which placed its reliance on the bravery of Taghí Khán, and drove it back as far as the Hauz-i Kháss, which is a wide and deep well, one of the works of Fíroz Sháh. The left wing, under Prince Sultán Husain and others, charged with such force and bravery the enemy's right wing under Malik Mu'ínu-d dín, that it was broken, and Amír Jahán Sháh pursued its scattered fugitives to the very gates of Dehlí. The centre of the enemy supported by the elephants advanced to attack in good order, but Prince Rustam and his coadjutors met them and made a stout resistance. The various officers brought their men into action and cut their way to the elephants. They killed the drivers, wounded the trunks of the animals with swords and arrows, and despatched them.

The soldiers of India fought bravely for their lives, but the frail insect cannot contend with the raging wind, nor the feeble deer against the fierce lion, so they were compelled to take to flight. Sultán Mahmúd Khán, Mallú Khán, and those who fled with them, entered the city and closed the gates. Prince Khalíl Sultán, of the right wing, notwithstanding his youth, attacked one of the monster elephants, cut down his driver, and led the animal, as a husbandman drives a buffalo in the plough, to Tímúr.

When by the favour of God the enemy was defeated and put to flight, Tímúr advanced to the gate of Dehlí. He carefully examined the walls and bastions of that noble city, and then returned to the Hauz-i Kháss. This is a reservoir constructed by Sultán Fíroz Sháh, so large that an arrow cannot be shot from one side to the other. It is filled by the rain in the rainy season, and the people of Dehlí obtain water from it all the year round. The tomb of Fíroz Sháh is by its side. Tímúr encamped there and the princes and nobles and officers waited upon him and offered congratulations upon the victory. They then praised the bravery and reported the valiant exploits performed by the princes and officers. Tímúr on hearing these reports was moved to tears, and gave thanks to God who had distinguished him above other monarchs by granting him such valiant sons and such faithful servants. * * *

Flight of Sultán Mahmúd and Mallú Khán. Capture of Dehlí.

After their defeat, Sultán Mahmúd and Mallú Khán went to Dehlí and repented of the course they had pursued and of the rashness they had displayed. But repentance after a disaster is of no avail. No resource but flight was left. So in the darkness of the night Sultán Mahmúd left the city by the gate of Hauz-rání and Mallú Khán by the Baraka gate, both of which are to the south of the Jahán-panáh. They fled into the desert. When Tímúr was informed of their flight he sent Amír Sa'íd and other officers in pursuit of them. These officers captured many fugitives and secured a large booty. They also made prisoners of Mallú Khán's sons, Saif Khán entitled Malik Sharfu-d dín, and Khudá-dád. On the same evening orders were given to Allah-dád and other officers to take possession of the gates of the city and to prevent the escape of any one.

On the 8th Rabi'u-s sání, Tímúr hoisted his victorious flag on the walls of Dehlí. He then went to the gate of the maidán and took his seat in the 'Ídgáh. This gate is one of the gates of Jahán-panáh and opens towards the Hauz-i Kháss. There he held his court; and the saiyids, the kázís, the nobles and the great men who were in the city, hastened to pay their homage to him. Fazlu-llah Balkhí, deputy of Mallú Khán, with all the officers of the díwán, proceeded to make their submission. The saiyids, the 'ulamá, and the shaikhs sought for protection through the intervention of the princes and officers. Prince Pír Muhammad, Amír Sulaimán Sháh, Amír Jahán Sháh, and others interceded for them in due season, and gained their object. The standard of victory was raised and drums were beaten and music played to proclaim the conquest to the skies. A poet also wrote some lines containing the date of the victory,—8th Rabi'u-s sání, 801 (Dec. 17th, 1398).

The elephants and rhinoceroses were brought forth with their trappings and paraded before the emperor. The elephants all in token of submission bowed their heads to the ground and raised a cry altogether as if they were asking for quarter. There were 120 war elephants captured, and on the return home of the army some were sent to different parts of the empire for the use of the princes, and the others were sent to Samarkand. * * * Maulána Násiru-d dín was ordered to go with other learned doctors and great men into the mosque on the Sabbath, and proclaim the name of the Sáhib-kirán Amír Tímúr Gúrgán in the khutba, in the same way as the name of Fíroz Sháh and other Sultáns had been proclaimed. * * *

On the 16th of the month a number of soldiers collected at the gate of Dehlí and derided the inhabitants. When Tímúr heard of this he directed some of the amírs to put a stop to it. But it was the divine pleasure to ruin the city and to punish the inhabitants, and that was brought about in this way. The wife of Jahán Malik 'Aghá and other ladies went into the city to see the palace of the Thousand Columns (Hazár-sutún), which Malik Jauná had built in the Jahán-panáh. The officers of the Treasury had also gone there to collect the ransom money. Several thousand soldiers, with orders for grain and sugar, had proceeded to the city. An order had been issued for the officers to arrest every nobleman who had fought against Tímúr and had fled to the city, and in execution of this order they were scattered about the city. When parties and bands of soldiers were going about the city, numbers of Hindus and gabrs in the cities of Dehlí, Sírí, Jahán-panáh, and Old Dehlí, seeing the violence of the soldiers,⁵⁰³ took up arms and assaulted them. Many of the infidels set fire to their goods and effects, and threw themselves, their wives and children, into the flames. The soldiers grew more eager for plunder and destruction. Notwithstanding the boldness and the struggles of the Hindus, the officers in charge kept the gates closed, and would not allow any more soldiers to enter the city, lest it should be sacked. But on that Friday night there were about 15,000 men in the city who were engaged from early eve till morning in plundering and burning the houses. In many places the impure infidel gabrs made resistance. In the morning the soldiers who were outside, being unable to control themselves, went to the city and raised a great disturbance. On that Sunday, the 17th of the month, the whole placed was pillaged, and several palaces in Jahán-panáh and Sírí were destroyed. On the 18th the like plundering went on. Every soldier obtained more than twenty persons as slaves, and some brought as many as fifty or a hundred men, women, and children as slaves out of the city. The other plunder and spoils were immense, gems and jewels of all sorts, rubies, diamonds, stuffs and fabrics of all kinds, vases and vessels of gold and silver, sums of money in 'ala'í tankas, and other coins beyond all computation. Most of the women who were made prisoners wore bracelets of gold or silver on their wrists and legs and valuable rings upon their toes. Medicines and perfumes and unguents, and the like, of these no one took any notice. On the 19th of the month Old Dehlí was thought of, for many infidel Hindus had fled thither and taken refuge in the great mosque, where they prepared to defend themselves. Amír Sháh Malik and 'Alí Sultán Tawáchí, with 500 trusty men, proceeded against them, and falling upon them with the sword despatched them to hell. High towers were built with the heads of the Hindus, and their bodies became the food of ravenous beasts and birds. On the same day all Old Dehlí was plundered. Such of the inhabitants as had escaped alive were made prisoners. For several days in succession the prisoners were brought out of the city, and every amír of a túmán or kushún took a party of them under his command. Several thousand craftsmen and mechanics were brought out of the city, and under the command of Tímúr some were divided among the princes, amírs, and ághás who had assisted in the conquest, and some were reserved for those who were maintaining the royal authority in other parts. Tímúr had formed the design of building a Masjid-i jami' in Samarkand, his capital, and he now gave orders that all the stonemasons should be reserved for that pious work. * * *

The three cities mentioned are thus described—Sírí is surrounded by a round wall. Old Dehlí by a similar wall, but larger. From the wall of Sírí on the north-east to the wall of Old Dehlí on the south-west, a wall has been erected on both sides, and the space between is called Jahán-panáh. It is larger than Old Dehlí. Three gates of Sírí open towards Jahán-panáh and four towards the open country. Of Old Dehlí five gates open into Jahán-panáh and thirteen⁵⁰⁴ to the outside. Jahán-panáh has thirteen gates, six to the north-east and seven to the south-west, making in all thirty gates to these three cities known by the common name of Dehlí.

Tímúr marches from Dehlí to other places in Hindustán.

Tímúr remained at Dehlí fifteen days, and then marched out to conquer other places in India, and to put down idolaters and rebels. When he was about to depart he directed that all the saiyids and kázís, and doctors and shaikhs, should assemble in the great mosque of Jahán-panáh, and he appointed one of his own officers to be their keeper and prevent their being molested by the soldiers of the army. On the 22nd Rabi'u-l ákhir, 801, in the morning, Tímúr began his march and proceeded three kos to Fírozábád. He halted there for an hour to view the beauties of the place. He then went to the mosque of Fírozábád, which is built of hewn stone, on the banks of the Jumna, and there performed his devotions, after which he mounted his horse and went outside of the town.

Saiyid Shamsu-d dín Turmuzí and 'Aláu-d dín, deputy of Shaikh Kúkarí, whom he sent as envoys to the city of Kúpila, now returned, and reported that the prince of that place, Bahádur Nihár, had made his submission, and would come in on the Friday to pay his respects. Tímúr encamped beyond Jahán-numáí, near Wazírábád. There his envoys presented to him two white parrots, which had been sent by Bahádur Nihár. These two parrots survived from the time of Sultán Tughlik Sháh, and had often exhibited their powers of speech in the assemblies of kings. Tímúr considered this offering as very auspicious, and graciously accepted it. The distance from Dehlí to Wazírábád is six kos. On the 23rd he marched from Wazír-ábád, and, crossing the Jumna, he proceeded six kos to the village of Múdúla. On the 24th he marched six kos, and encamped at Katah. Here Bahádur Nihár and his son, Kaltásh,⁵⁰⁵ arrived with tribute and presents. They were admitted to an audience when they paid their homage, and were treated with favour. On the 25th he made a day's march to Bághpat, six kos distant. On the next day he proceeded to the village of Asár, which is situated between two rivers, and there encamped.

Capture of the Fort of Mírat.

The fort of Mírat was one of the most famous in India. On the 26th Rabi'u-l ákhir Tímúr sent Rustam Taghí Búghá, Amír Sháh Malik, and Allah-dád from Asár to the gates of that fort. On the 27th those officers reported that Ílyás Aghání and his son, Mauláná Ahmad Thánesarí, with a gabr named Safí⁵⁰⁶ and a body of gabrs, had fortified themselves in the place and had raised the standard of resistance, boasting that Tarmsharín Khán had attacked the fort, but was unable to take it. This defiance greatly incensed Tímúr, especially the reference to the failure of Tarmsharín Khán. On the same day, after mid-day prayer, he mounted his horse, and, taking with him 10,000 men, he marched rapidly to Mírat. That night he halted midway, and on the following day, the 29th, in the afternoon, he arrived at Mírat. He immediately issued orders to the commanders of regiments that each should begin mining the wall in front of his position, and when night came on it was found that an extent of ten to fifteen gaz had been sapped under each bastion and wall. The gabrs perceived this, and were so frightened that they lost all courage and ceased to defend themselves. Next day Amír Allah-dád, with his regiment of Kúchíns,^506a called “the faithful,” advanced to the gate of the fort, shouting the cry of victory. One of his followers, named Saráí, son of Kalandar, a brave young fellow, first raised a scaling ladder against the battlements and mounted the wall. Other brave men followed him. They soon took Ílyás Aghání and his son Thánesarí, the commanders of the fort, and, putting ropes round their necks, brought them to Tímúr. Safí, the gabr, one of the chiefs of the fort, was killed in the engagement, and was punished by the fire he in error adored.^506b Next day, the remaining gabrs were brought out and put to the sword. Their wives and children were made slaves. By the imperial order fire was then placed in the mines and the bastions, and the walls were thrown down and levelled with the ground. * * * Thus the fort which Tarmsharín Khán had failed to capture had been taken by a detachment of the imperial army at the first assault. * * *

Battles with the Gabrs on the Ganges.

Tímúr having reduced the fort of Mírat on the 1st Jumáda-l awwal, gave orders for Amír Jahán Sháh to march with the left wing of the army against the upper parts of the river Jumna, to plunder the country and vex the infidels. He accordingly set off with all speed, and his baggage was sent after him, under Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín, with orders to proceed along the river Kará-sú. Tímúr himself marched towards the Ganges, fourteen kos distant from Mírat. On his march he was joined by Amír Sulaimán Sháh. Resolved upon carrying the war against the gabrs of those parts, he proceeded six kos, and rested for the night at a village called Mansúra. Early in the morning of the 2nd, he again set off towards the Ganges, and at sunrise reached a village called Pírozpúr. He marched three kos along the bank, seeking a place to cross. At breakfast time the place of transit was found, but there was no ford offering an easy passage. Some horsemen passed over by swimming. Tímúr was about to cross in the same way, but the amírs who were present fell upon their knees and represented that Prince Pír Muhammad and Amír Sulaimán Shah had passed the river with the right wing of the army near Pírozpúr. It would therefore be better for his majesty to remain for a day on that side of the river. Tímúr consented to this proposal, but gave orders that some brave men should cross. Saiyid Khwája, and several other bold men belonging to the division of Prince Sháh Rukh, accordingly crossed. Tímúr then marched two kos on the bank of the river and encamped. On the 3rd he marched towards Tughlikpúr, which is situated on the upper part of the Ganges, at twenty kos distance. When he had made fifteen kos a report was brought in that there was a Hindu force assembled by the side of the river. He then directed Amír Mubáshir, 'Alí Sultán, and other chiefs to march against them with 5,000 horse, while he went on to Tughlikpúr. As he proceeded he was taken ill suddenly, and a swelling rose in his arm. The doctors and attendants exerted themselves to alleviate the malady.

While he was in this condition intelligence was brought that a large body of gabrs was coming on the river in forty-eight boats. When he heard this, the prospect of fighting against the infidels made him forget his malady. He mounted his horse, and, with a thousand of his guards, went to the bank of the river. When they caught sight of the enemy some of Tímúr's brave followers, heedless of their own safety, threw themselves into the river and swam to engage the enemy. Others kept up a discharge of arrows against the enemy from the banks of the river, who, in their ignorance, did nothing but put up their shields over their heads and discharge arrows in return. The body of men who had entered the river on horseback and swam off to the boats now reached them, and grappling the sides with their hands they boarded them. Having thus taken most of the boats they put the men to the sword, and made prisoners of the women and children. With the captured boats they made the best of their way to the remaining boats, ten⁵⁰⁸ in number. These the enemy lashed together in the middle of the river, and prepared for resistance. But our men engaged them, and despatched all the infidels either with their arrows or their swords.

Tímúr makes three Attacks upon the Enemy in one Day.

As soon as Tímúr had defeated these boats on the Ganges, he left the river and marched to Tughlikpúr, where he encamped. On the same night, the 4th of the month of Jumáda-l awwal, two persons arrived from Amír Allah-dád, Báyizíd Kúchín and Altún Bakshí, commanders of the advance-guard, bringing intelligence that they had found a good ford and had crossed the Ganges. There they had found a large body of the enemy, confident in numbers, and prepared to fight, under the command of a leader named Mubárak Khán. As soon as Tímúr heard this, he resolved to march against the infidels, and, before break of day, he mounted his horse, and crossed the river with a thousand horsemen. After marching a kos he halted for the morning prayer, and his men harnessed on their cuirasses, in readiness to encounter the enemy. As they approached, they found Muhammad Khán, with 10,000 men, horse and foot, drawn up in battle array, ready for the fight, with drums beating and banners flying.

Tímúr perceived that the foe, the enemies of religion, were numerous and bold, while his own followers were few. The two wings of the army were far away, and there was no help for it but to put his trust in God and fight bravely. While he was thus in anxiety, 5,000 horse belonging to the túmáns of Prince Sháh Rukh, who had crossed the river with Saiyid Khwája and Jahán Malik, now came up and joined him, as if by arrangement. Such was the special mercy of God. Tímúr first offered his thanksgivings. Then he ordered Amír Sháh Malik and Amír Allah-dád to attack the enemy with a thousand horsemen of his guard, and to do so without any fear of their number and strength. These amírs, without hesitation, drawing their swords and placing themselves at the head of their thousand men, rushed towards the enemy. This bold charge filled Mubárak Khán and the enemy with fear, so that they turned and fled without waiting for the attack. They made for the jungle, but our men pursued them and killed a great number, and brought in their wives and children as prisoners, as well as vast spoil in cattle.

Tímúr halted there for a little while, but intelligence was soon brought to him that there was a large body of gabrs assembled in the valley of Kúpila,⁵¹⁰ on the banks of the Ganges. He set off thither immediately with 500 men, leaving the rest of the army occupied in securing the spoil. When they approached the valley of Kúpila, they perceived a large body of the enemy. Amír Sháh Malik and 'Alí Sultán Tawáchí, notwithstanding their scanty followers, charged the enemy boldly sword in hand and cut many of them down, so that, notwithstanding the superior numbers of the enemy, they were defeated and put to flight, and large booty was found. While the men were engaged in securing the spoil, Tímúr was left with only a hundred of his guards, when an officer of the gabrs, by name Malik Shaikha, with a hundred^510a men, horse and foot, made a charge upon him. Tímúr faced his assailant and hastened to meet him, but when they were about an arrow's flight apart, one of the soldiers, without having well ascertained what he asserted, told Tímúr that it was Shaikh Kúkarí, one of his faithful adherents, who was advancing to meet him. Tímúr consequently turned back towards the hill. The gabr Shaikha then cut down several of the soldiers, and Tímúr, perceiving this, turned against his enemy. Shaikha was wounded in the belly with an arrow and cut down with a sword. He was then bound with a cord and brought into the presence of Tímúr, who wished to interrogate him, but he died before he could reply.

Intelligence was now brought that about two kos distant, in the valley of Kúpila, there was a large body of infidel Hindus assembled. The way thither lay through a jungle which was thick with trees and hard to traverse, such as the morning breeze could hardly penetrate. Tímúr had already undergone the toil of fighting twice before that day and wanted a little rest, but by the will of God, being thus again summoned, he set off with a party of guards and several commanders of regiments, and marched against the enemy in full reliance upon Divine support. The road to the valley was difficult, the enemy numerous, and his followers few. Reviewing these circumstances, Tímúr could not help thinking how fortunate it would be if his son Pír Muhammad and Amír Sulaimán Sháh should come up. Three days before Tímúr had detached them to ravage the country and plunder the infidels and fire-worshippers. They had crossed the Ganges at Pírozpúr, and had no knowledge of Tímúr having also crossed and being near them. But soon after afternoon prayer the wish which Tímúr had conceived was realized, and the prince came up with his detachment and joined his father. They advanced together against the gabrs, assailing them with arrows and the sword. They killed a great many of them and secured a large booty, including a vast number of camels and cattle. In that one day Tímúr had fought in three different engagements. When the day drew to a close he found himself victorious and the infidels discomfited, but there was no place in the jungle where he could encamp, so he returned with his spoil to the place where he had won his second victory.

The valley of Kúpila is situated at the foot of a mountain by which the river Ganges passes. Fifteen kos higher up there is a stone in the form of a cow, and the water of the river flows out of the mouth of that cow. The infidels of India worship this cow, and come hither from all quarters, from distances even of a year's journey, to visit it. They bring here and cast into the river the ashes of their dead whose corpses have been burned, believing this to be the means of salvation. They throw gold and silver into the river; they go down alive into the river, bathe their feet, sprinkle water on their heads, and have their heads and beards shaved. This they consider to be an act of devotion, just as the Muhammadans consider the pilgrimage to Mecca a pious work.⁵¹²

In this valley there was a large concourse of Hindus, having great riches in cattle and movables, so Tímúr resolved to attack them. On the 5th Jumáda-l awwal he set his army in motion towards Kúpila. It was the will of Heaven that these infidels should perish, so in the pride of their numbers and strength they awaited his approach, and had the temerity to resolve upon resistance. At the rising of the sun our army reached the valley. The right wing was under the command of Prince Pír Muhammad and Amír Sulaimán Sháh, and the left under some renowned leaders. Amír Sháh Malik and other officers with the centre began the attack. When the cries of our men and the noise of our drums reached them, the courage of the infidels failed. In their terror they fled for refuge to the mountains, but they were pursued and many were slain. A few who, half-dead, escaped the slaughter, were scattered abroad. All their property and goods became the spoil of the victors.

The country having thus been cleansed from the pollution of infidels, the army returned back on the same day and recrossed the Ganges. Then Tímúr returned thanks for his victories, after which he mounted his horse and marched five kos down the river and there encamped.

Tímúr's resolution to retire from Hindustán.

When Dehlí and its territories had been purged from the foul pollution of gabrs and idolaters, Tímúr formed the resolve of returning home. On the 6th Jumáda-l awwal, 801 H., he departed from the banks of the Ganges. Orders were issued for the march, and for the tawáchís to bring up the heavy baggage. On the 6th a march of six kos was made, and then a halt was called; the baggage in this march being four kos in the rear. At this stage Tímúr learned that in the valleys of the Siwálik mountains there was collected a large number of Hindus ready for battle. Tímúr then gave orders that the troops in charge of the baggage should march to these mountains. He himself having marched rapidly thither, encamped in the hills of Siwálik. In this march Prince Khalíl Sultán and Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín came up from the baggage and joined Tímúr. * * * On the same day an order was issued that Amír Jahán Sháh, one of the officers of the left wing, who had been absent for a week in a raid upon the upper parts of the Jumna, should come in and take part in the operations against the infidels. In compliance with this order he hastened to the royal camp.

Raid into the Siwálik hills.

On the 10th Jumáda-l awwal Tímúr marched to attack the Siwálik hills. In that mountain valley there was a ráí named Bahrúz. He had collected a great number of people around him, and had formed a numerous army. Relying besides upon the strength of the position which he occupied, he was bold and resolved upon resistance. Tímúr appointed Prince Pír Muhammad and several amírs of the right wing, and Prince Sultán Husain and sundry officers of the left wing, to march and attack the infidels. Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín led the advance-guard of the centre. Thus they marched against the enemy, while Tímúr halted at the mouth of the valley. The soldiers fought most valiantly and made dreadful slaughter of the enemy. They obtained a decisive victory, and acquired a great booty in valuables, slaves and cattle. With the desire of doing justice, Tímúr ordered that the strong men of the force, who had secured as their share of the spoil three or four hundred head of cattle each, should give up part of them to the weaker men, so that all might obtain a share in the fruits of the victory, and no man remain empty-handed. This decision gave great satisfaction. The victorious force marched and joined the royal camp at the village of Bahrah, a dependency of Bakrí, well known as the country of Miyápúr.⁵¹⁴ On the 12th he marched four kos from Bahrah and encamped at the village of Shikk-Sársáwa. In consequence of the immense booty which the army had gained, it was impossible to march more than four kos per day. On the 13th he marched and encamped at Kandar, a distance of nearly four kos.

Raid into other parts of the Siwálik hills.

On the 14th Jumáda-l awwal Tímúr passed the Jumna and proceeded to another part of the Siwálik hills. There he heard that one of the ráís of Hind, called Ratan, had assembled a great number of Hindus, and had taken post on the lofty heights in the thick forests. The hills were so high that no eye could see from the bottom to the top, and the trees so dense that the rays of the sun and moon could not reach the ground. It was impossible to make a passage without cutting down the trees. But for all this Tímúr did not hesitate, and without even waiting for the night to pass, he, on the 15th,^514a gave his order for the advance. The troops accordingly marched on by the light of torches, and employed themselves in cutting down the trees and clearing a way. In that night they made a progress of twelve kos, and in the morning of the 15th they penetrated between the Siwálik mountain and the Kúka mountain. Here Ráí Ratan had taken up his position, with his forces drawn up in regular battle array, with right wing and left wing, and centre and supports.^514b But when the noise of our music and the cries of our soldiers reached the ears of the Hindus, they wavered and fled without waiting for the attack. Our officers and men pursued them, and put many of them to the sword. All their property in movables and cattle fell into the hands of the victors. Every soldier obtained a hundred to two hundred head of cattle and from ten to twenty slaves.

On the same day Prince Pír Muhammad and Amír Sháh Malik, in command of the right wing, went to another valley, where he destroyed many Hindus and obtained great spoil. The left wing, also under Prince Jahán Sháh, attacked and destroyed a body of Hindus in another direction, but they did not obtain so large a booty. On the night of the 16th both wings came up and joined the main body. In the morning Tímúr left the valley between the two mountains and returned to the Siwálik mountain. From this encampment to the country of Nagarkot there was a distance of fifteen parasangs. In this valley there are many dense jungles, and the mountains are high and difficult of ascent. Tímúr heard that there were great numbers of infidels in the mountains, and he determined to disperse and destroy them. The men of the left wing under Amír Jahán Sháh, and the army of Khurásán, had acquired but little spoil, so he sent them out to make a raid and collect plunder. Early on that day Sáín Tamúr,⁵¹⁵ commander of the advance-guard, came in to report that the number of Hindus in front exceeded all calculation. Tímúr therefore held his ground while the left wing was absent, engaged in its work of plunder. The men of this force put a great many infidels to death, and acquired great spoil in wealth and cattle. On the same day, at noon, news came from the regiment of Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín and 'Alí Sultán Tawáchí that there was, upon the left, a valley in which many Hindus had gathered, having with them much wealth and cattle. Tímúr immediately proceeded thither, and ordered the two officers who had made the report to attack the infidels. They accordingly fell upon the enemy and put many to the sword, and while they did so Tímúr stood upon the summit of a hill watching them and encouraging them with his presence. Many of the infidels were killed and wounded, and those who were able fled, leaving a great booty behind, which the victors brought into the presence of Tímúr, who warmly praised their bravery. Vast quantities of cattle were taken, and Tímúr stayed upon the mountain until evening, in order that the booty might be fairly distributed, and each man get his share. Every man got as much as he could take care of. That night they encamped in the valley. In the jungles there were many monkeys, and when night came on they entered the camp and carried off the things of the soldiers. In the course of one month, from the 16th of Jumáda-l awwal, when Tímúr was between the mountains Siwálik and Kúka, to the 16th of Jumáda-s sání, when he arrived at Jammú, he had twenty conflicts with the infidels and took seven fortresses, each of them a Khaibar in strength. These forts were situated one or two parasangs apart, and their occupants were all at war with each other. In the days of the old Sultáns they had paid the jizya, but they had broken away from their allegiance to the sovereigns of Islám, and would not now pay the tax, so the slaughter and plunder of them was lawful and laudable. One of these fortresses belonged to Shaikhú, a relation of Malik Shaikh Kúkar,⁵¹⁶ and he, by means of a few Musulmáns who dwelt there, had induced the inhabitants to make submission to Tímúr, and outwardly to admit their subjection. But proofs of their aversion and hatred soon become apparent, for when the ransom money was assessed upon them, they made all sorts of excuses and evasions. One of Tímúr's officers thereupon resorted to a clever stratagem. He gave orders that cast-off clothes and old bows should be accepted in payment of the ransom, and as he offered a good price for these things of little value, they brought forth their damaged weapons of all descriptions and sold them for a high price. By this sharp device they were led to strip themselves of their arms, so that they had no weapons left. After this an imperial order was issued that forty persons should be sent in to be the servants (khudám) of Hindú Sháh, the treasurer, one of his majesty's courtiers. The infidels resisted this order, and killed some Musulmáns. It thus became necessary for the soldiers of the Faith to exact vengeance. They assaulted the fort and took it. 2,000 infidels were put to the sword, and the smoke of their consuming goods rose from their roofs to the sky.⁵¹⁷

Of these forts, the fort of Deo Ráj and five others were all taken; and in a short time the country was cleansed from the wickedness of the idolaters and infidels. The foundations of idolatry were uprooted, and the basis of the true religion and law was firmly laid.

Inroads into the territory of Jammú.

When Tímúr had completed his campaign in the Siwálik, he resolved to march against the country of Jammú. On the 16th Jumáda-l ákhir he left the village of Mansár. After a march of six kos, he arrived and encamped near the village of Báíla, in the Jammú territory. On the same day he sent Amír Shaikh Muhammad Aikútmúr and other officers against that village. The men of Báíla were very brave, and they had some strong jungles. They placed palisades (chapar) along the edges, and then stood ready to fight and slay. The brave warriors of Islám were about to attack them without hesitation, when an order arrived from Tímúr ordering the assault to be postponed till the morrow, as he himself intended to be present.

On the 17th Jumáda-l ákhir, Tímúr mounted his horse and arranged his forces in order of battle, with right wing, left wing, and centre. The soldiers raised their war-cry, which resounded to the sky, and the infidels on hearing it were filled with terror and fled to the woods, abandoning their village. Thither the soldiers pursued them, and pulling up the palisades they took their post on the border of the jungle, while other soldiers plundered the village in safety. Great quantities of grain and fodder were secured, sufficient to supply the wants of the army. On the same day the army marched four kos and encamped. It was then joined by Úljah Tamúr Tunkatár, and Fúlád, and by Prince Rustam's confidant Zainu-d dín, who had been sent as ambassadors on the part of Tímúr from Dehlí to Kashmír. They brought with them letters to Tímúr from Iskandar Sháh, king of Kashmír, and were attended by ambassadors from him. The letters were presented, and Tímúr was informed that the king made his submission and had come as far as the village of Jahán.⁵¹⁸ At this stage Mauláná Núru-d dín, the ambassador, represented to his majesty that the officers of the Exchequer had called upon his master for a contribution of 30,000 horses and 100,000 durusts of gold, each durust weighing two and a half miskáls. He (the Sháh) had therefore gone to Kashmír to endeavour to provide for this demand, and would return when ready to discharge it. When Tímúr heard of this, he disapproved of the demand made by his revenue officers, saying that they had pressed too heavily on Sháh Iskandar, and had demanded more than the country of Kashmír could furnish. It was unjust and improper to demand from any country more than its extent and resources could pay. The ambassadors represented the ready submission of Sháh Iskandar, and Tímúr was pleased to act liberally towards him. He ordered the ambassadors to return to their master, and tell him on no account to fail in obeying the orders he should receive. On the following day, 18th Jumáda-l ákhir, the ambassadors were sent back, with the faithful Zainu-d dín, with directions that in twenty-eight days from that date he should come and wait upon Tímúr on the banks of the Indus.

Near this camp there was a village, at the foot of a mountain, in which were many people. The soldiers attacked it, put the Hindus to the sword, and set fire to the village. They carried off plenty of grain and fodder. On the same day, in the afternoon, they attacked two other villages which were near, and again found abundance of provisions, which they carried off. In this march Ará-tamúr, one of the emperor's officers, was wounded with an arrow. On the 19th, Tímúr marched again a distance of four or five parasangs through a well-cultivated country, where plenty of pasture was found for the horses. On the 20th, the army marched towards the town of Jammú, which is situated in a valley where the river Jammú rises. The army passed the river several times, and encamped at the foot of a mountain on the left of the town of Jammú. On the right was the village of Manú. These places where inhabited by robust, tall, and powerful Hindus; brave but ignorant. They considered their mountains and jungles to be so strong and secure that they could not be penetrated, and they sent off their wives and children thither. The ráí, with a force of bold and fearless men, had taken his stand in a strong position on the mountain, where they discharged their arrows and kept on shouting like dogs baying the moon. Tímúr resolved to proceed against them by stratagem, so he gave orders that they should be left alone, and that the village of Manú should be attacked. The soldiers accordingly plundered that village, and as they were returning they entered the town of Jammú, and carried off a large quantity of grain and provisions. Tímúr then ordered several regiments of active men to place themselves in ambush in the groves, and to remain there while he marched away with the (rest of the) army. On the 21st he passed the river of Jammú, and marching four kos through cultivated lands, he encamped in a pasturage on the banks of the river Chináwa.⁵¹⁹ When he had left the valley of Jammú and Manú, the Hindus, like foxes, thinking that the mighty lion had left the field, came out of their holes in the jungle, quite unaware of the ambuscade prepared for them. They were suddenly assailed by the concealed troops, who put numbers of them to the sword. Daulat-tamúr Tawáchí and Husain Malik Kúchín made the ráí of Jammú prisoner, with fifty of his infidels, and brought them to Tímúr [who praised his officers and gave thanks to God.] These men were put in chains and bonds, but the ráí, who was wounded, was carefully tended, for the sake of getting the ransom-money. By hopes, fears, and threats, he was brought to see the beauty of Islám. He repeated the creed, and ate the flesh of the cow, which is an abomination among his compatriots. This obtained for him great honour, and he was taken under the protection of the emperor. On the 21st the army halted, waiting for the arrival of the division which had marched against Láhor.

Proceedings at Láhor⁵²⁰

with Shaikha Kúkar.

At this place intelligence arrived that the princes and officers who had been sent against Láhor had taken possession of that city, and were engaged in realizing the ransom-money. They had also taken prisoner Shaikha Kúkar, who had not been true to his professions. * * The history of this is, that Shaikha Kúkar, brother of Nusrat Kúkar, of whom mention has been made in the early part of the history of this invasion, had been taken into honour by Tímúr, and had been marked with great favour, so that wherever in Hindustán any people were found who declared themselves to be his subjects and dependents, they were exempted from pillage and from being made prisoners. In the Doáb, between the rivers Ganges and Jumna, he sought permission to return home, for the purpose of raising his contribution and tribute, promising to rejoin the camp of Tímúr on the river Biyáh, which is also called the river of Láhor. When he obtained permission and returned home, he forgot his promise, and gave himself up to pleasure and dissipation. He allowed the appointed time to pass by, regardless of his oaths and promises, and he entirely neglected to show any attention and honour to several of Tímúr's officers who passed through Láhor on their way to join their master. In consequence of this conduct, Tímúr gave orders for ravaging his country and making him prisoner.

On the 24th of the month the army crossed the Chináwa, and encamped after a march of five kos. * * On the 25th, several of the sick soldiers (záífán) were drowned in the river. Tímúr was sorry for the poor men, and ordered that his own horses and camels should be used to carry the survivors over. On the 26th, Tímúr left the shores of the Chináwa, and after a march of six kos encamped in a desert. * * He here determined to cross the river Dandána before his army, and started off in advance. On the 27th he was carried in a litter for six kos, and encamped on the edge of a jungle. In the course of this day a tiger (sher) was seen and was hunted. It was killed by Shaikh Núru-d dín. Prince Pír Muhammad and Prince Rustam, accompanied by the Amírs Sulaimán Sháh and Jahán Sháh, arrived from Láhor. They had slain many infidel Hindus, had gained a large booty, and now returned to the imperial presence to offer their spoil. * * On the same day an order was issued that the amírs of the left wing and the amírs of regiments should all proceed to their homes by certain settled routes. The princes, the núniáns, the amírs of tumáns, of thousands and of regiments, all received robes and gifts according to their merits. Prince Pír Muhammad Jahangír received a jewelled girdle and diadem. The Indian chiefs and all the officers and attendants and saiyids who had accompanied him received princely gifts and permission to return home. Khizr Khán, whom Sárang had taken and confined in a fort, and who, having made his escape, fled to Bayána, a dependency of Dehlí, to Ahodan, the Musulmán governor, and who there came in and made his submission to Tímúr, was appointed governor of Multán.

[A great hunt in which many rhinoceroses were killed.]

On the 28th Jumáda-l ákhir, after the hunt was over, the army marched eight kos, to a place called Jabhán, on the frontier of Kashmír, a very lovely and pleasant spot.

Kashmír.

[Description of Kashmír.] There is a city named Naghaz, which is the residence of the rulers (hukkám) of the country. Like Baghdád, the city has a large river running through it, but the waters of this river exceed those of the Tigris. It is extraordinary that the waters of so great a river all spring from one source, which source is situated in this country itself, and is called Vír. * * * This river, after passing from the confines of Kashmír, is known by different names in different places. First it is called Dandána, then Jamd. Above Multán it joins the Chináwa, and the two flow together past that city, and below it join the river Ráví, which passes on the other side of the city. Afterwards the river Biyáh joins them, and the united streams pass by Uch and join the Sind or Indus. * * * On the 29th Tímúr marched from Jabhán, a distance of four kos, and then encamped on the banks of the Dandána. He ordered a bridge to be thrown over the river, which was a great relief to the infantry, both Turks and Tájiks. * * *

Return of Tímúr to his capital.

On the last day of Jumáda-l ákhir, Tímúr set out in advance of his army towards Samarkand. He marched twenty kos down the river Dandána to the village of Sambast, belonging to the Júd mountains. On the 1st Rajab he proceeded to the vicinity of the fort of Barúja, and there halted; but on the same day, in the afternoon, he mounted his horse and entered the desert called Chol-i Jalálí. Making all possible speed, he came out of the desert in the evening, and encamped by the side of a pool (maghák) which still retained some of the waters of the rainy season. This place is three kos distant from Barúja. On the 2nd Rajab, at breakfast time, he reached the river Sind. The officers who had been appointed to guard the way from Naghaz to Bánú had built a bridge with tripod trestles over the river. Tímúr passed over this bridge, and rested on the bank of the river till noon. Amír Allah-dád was left in charge of the bridge, to keep it for the transit of the baggage and the army coming up behind. In the afternoon Tímúr marched ten kos, and then encamped, and marching again on the 4th he made a day's journey to Bánú.

APPENDIX.

A.—POEMS OF AMÍR KHUSRÚ.

[The following analyses of some of the poetical works of Amír Khusrú, with the copious extracts, are all the work of Sir H. Elliot. Mr. Blochmann, the present learned and active secretary of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, has just declared that “it would be of interest to examine Khusrú's Khazáínu-l futúh and the Kiránu-s Sa'dain from a historical point of view.”⁵²³ That examination Sir H. Elliot made twenty-five years ago, nor did he confine his investigations to these two works of the great poet. He carefully perused other poems of this most copious writer. By his brief abstracts he has given a general notion of the character and contents of each work, and he has translated those passages which have an historical interest.

In the notice preceding the extracts from the Táríkh-i 'Aláí (suprà, p. 67), he has given a short account of the author, and of that prose work, which after all is more of a poem than a history. Amír Khusrú, the “Parrot of Hind,” whose name was Yamínu-d dín Muhammad Hasan, was one of the most prolific poets that the world has ever produced, for he is said to have left behind him “some half million of verses.”^523a Without answering for the accuracy of this prodigious number, a mere glance at the list of his productions, or a perusal of the following extracts, will establish the boundless fertility of his muse. He was born in 651 A.H. (1253 A.D.), and died in 725 H. (1325 A.D.). His father was a military chief, and he himself was attached to the Court. “He lived in a stirring time,” when the Mughals were making reiterated efforts to work their way into India. He fell a prisoner into their hands, as we have been told by Barní (suprá, p. 122), and the frequent references made to him by that author prove the esteem and honour in which he was held.]

1. KIRÁNU-S SA'DAIN OF AMÍR KHUSRÚ.

[“The Conjunction of the Two Auspicious Planets,” the poem in which Khusrú celebrates the meeting of Sultán Kai-kubád, with his father, Násiru-d dín, Sultán of Bengal. This poem was completed in Ramazán 688 H. (September, 1289 A.D.). Professor Cowell has given an account of it, with some specimens, in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for 1860, and from that article the following criticisms are quoted: “The style of the poem (as of all Khusrú's works) is full of exaggeration and metaphorical description, but the facts of the history are generally given with tolerable fidelity. In fact, few historical poems in any language adhere more closely to the actual order and character of the events; and when we compare Ferishta's account with the poetical version, we are struck by their great agreement in the main points.” “Every now and then, at the end of many of the chapters, there is given a ghazal, which is supposed to express the poet's feelings contemporary with that part of the story which has just been described, something like the songs introduced between the parts of Tennyson's Princess. These ghazals are in various metres, and serve admirably to diversify the poem, while at the same time they form a running commentary, like the choruses of a Greek play, on the progress of the action, and the hopes and fears which it may be supposed to excite in the minds of the spectators. The poet, having actually been present throughout the campaign, is in this way enabled to throw himself into the scene, and we have thus an interesting mixture of the epic and lyric elements, each portion of the action being represented from an objective and subjective point of view.”]

ABSTRACT.

Praise of God and the Prophet, and panegyric upon Mu'izzu-d dín Kai-kubád, king by virtue of three descents: the first from Sultán Shamsu-d dín Altamsh, the grandfather of his grandmother; the second from Násiru-d dín Mahmúd Sháh, the father of his grandmother; the third from Ghiyásu-d dín Balban, his grandfather. Praise of the city of Dehli, which has three large forts and thirteen gates; of the Masjid-i Jáma' and its lofty minaret, built by Shamsu-d dín; of the Hauz-i Shamsí, the terrace and dome which are in the centre of the Hauz. Praise of Hindústán, and the inhabitants of Dehli, its learned doctors, poets, singers, and chiefs.

When Sultán Kai-kubád succeeded his grandfather Balban on the throne in H. 686, there were nearly five thousand nobles in attendance upon him, with an army of one hundred thousand men. His kingdom extended from the borders of Bengal to the river Sind. Upon receiving the news of his accession, his father, Baghrá Khán, the son of Balban, advanced from his capital, Lakhnautí, to Oudh, with a powerful army, had the khutba read in his name, and proclaimed himself king under the title of Násiru-d dín Sultán.⁵²⁵

Kai-kubád, on receiving intelligence of his father's having marched to Oudh, ordered his officers to collect an army, which amounted to one hundred thousand horsemen. “He despatched his orders to every country, he summoned a chief from every city. The nobles of the land were assembled together; Maliks, Kháns, Princes, and Kings; all the swordsmen of the country of Hind, all the spearmen of the province of Sind. The horsemen were so many that Ekaspas were of no consideration, and Páíks and Afgháns were without number.”

“On the forenoon of Monday, at the close of the month Zí-l hij, the victorious banners were displayed, and the moon-standard was exalted to the heavens. The king rode out from his fortunate palace, preceded by the star-banner and the cow-tail.” His right wing was at Tilpat, his left wing at Indarpat, and the Páígáh-i khás at Sirrí, and his elephants occupied a breadth of three miles at Hápúr. The king mounted his horse and went to Kílokharí to hunt. Praise of the new palace which he built there on the bank of the Jumna, and a description of the festivities he enjoyed there, and the charms of the season of autumn.

The Mughal Invasion.

“The king was thus enjoying himself at this season, when the report of a Mughal invasion fell upon the earth. Several messengers arrived swift as an arrow from a bow, and kissed the ground like a barb, reporting that the Mughals had arrived from beyond the border, with an army as dense as the sands of the desert, and tumultuous as boiling water in a cauldron; the people of that country were ground down to the dust, and slaughter accompanied the devastators wherever they went. The impetuous torrent of invasion swept on, and the inhabitants of Lahnúr (Lahore) fled to Multán.”

“When the king learnt from his messengers the disobedience of those wretches, he laughed bitterly like a lion in anger, and exclaimed, ‘This is indeed ridiculous that, during my reign, foreigners should dare to make a commotion in my cradle. If my holy warriors should not be able to protect me, infidels may well commit their ravages in my country. Dominion over all the world is mine, why should I feel any anxiety about the designs of others? What will the people of every kingdom say? I am king, and destroy the forts of enemies. How can the owl dare with long talons to snatch prey from the nest of the falcon? A dog may be very bold after a deer, but how can he contend with a lion? It is I who take every year from the ráís of Hind tribute in elephants and money. Sometimes I pay my army by assignments upon Gújarát, sometimes upon Deogír.⁵²⁶ All my swift horses I obtain from Tilang, all my vigorous elephants from Bengal. Treasures of mine are deposited in Málwa and Jájnagar. My tunics are obtained from Khitá, the borders of Chín are tied in my waistband. Shall I take the cotton from my ears and attend to this perfidious tribe with their quilted dresses? The bones of their army will I pound into flocks of cotton. Though their hordes be like ants and locusts, I shall tread them under foot like insects on the road. My heart disposes me to leap from my throne and lay the head of Kará Khán beneath my feet; but again I should feel foul scorn that my sword should be tarnished with the blood of a dog. No one would condescend to shoot an arrow at a dead body; it is only a pellet-ball that is fit for such vile game as this.’

“When he had finished these words, the wise 'Áriz summoned the army. The king said, ‘I desire that thirty thousand serviceable cavalry may be told off for the pursuit of the Mughals. At the head of them set the swordsman, Bárbak Khán-i Jahán, the active defeater of armies.’ Then the wise 'Áriz, by order of the Sháh, detached the army in pursuit of the enemy. The Bárbak took post in the centre, and prepared for fight, and a hundred chiefs of lofty stature were under his orders. * * * They proceeded from place to place with such expedition that they outstripped the morning breeze. In that country not a name or vestige remained of any building where the vile feet of the Mughals had trod. From the boundary of Sámána as far as Láhnúr (Lahore), not a house was left standing except at Kasúr.”

The Mughal Army Repulsed.

“When the army of Islám reached its destination, it was as a river watering a thirsty soil, for the deserted country was again inhabited, and when the ungodly infidels heard of its arrival, they fled swifter than an arrow from a bow. They turned away from their plunder to flight, and thought themselves fortunate in escaping with their lives. Notwithstanding that Tamúr exhibited activity and strength, he became soft as wax, though as firm as steel.⁵²⁷ Sarmak, Kílí, Khajlak, and Baidú, fled away hastily and shamelessly all of them, as if a stone had fallen among a brood of chickens. The whole tribe turned up their garments and fled to the foot of the hills in all directions. The Mughals turned their backs to the advancing army, and when their faces were seen they were black and harsh. Bárbak was behind them with relentless revenge, putting all to the sword who fell in his way. * * * Their cheeks were as broad as an inverted bowl, and their eyes and heads looked as if they had been bathed in gore. * * * The army of Islám in pursuit dyed the hills like tulips with their blood. Some few of these ass-bodied fools managed to effect their escape, but the rest, both old and young, were put to the sword, or taken captive. Khán-i Jahán returned happy and triumphant. He bound the Mughal captives in a string, and led them camel-hearted like a drove of those quadrupeds. Not one of those marauding Turks was slain until the skin had been flayed from his head.”

“When the world had derived benefit from this victory, the leader of the army indulged in wine. He convened an assembly, after the manner of the Kaiániáns, and the golden goblets circulated freely. A drop of fragrant wine was first poured on the earth. The barbat and the timbrel resounded. Many presents were given to his friends and to the soldiers, and many excuses were offered on their part. Every one arose from that assembly happy and rejoiced, and took the way to their own homes. When the guests had all departed, the master of the revels sat down to drink wine. A few of his intimate friends were invited to this private feast. The wine, which quivered in the cup like the heart of an infidel, was drunk off in the name of the King of Islám.”

In celebration of Spring.—The festival of the new year.—The five royal umbrellas, black, red, white, green, and rose colour.

The king set out for his Eastern expedition in the middle of Rabí'u-l awwal, 687 H. The first march was made from the New City to the borders of Tilpat and Afghánpúr. On the army's return from the expedition against the Mughals, the booty and captives were presented before the Sultán, Tátárí horses, and other rarities.

Description of the Mughals.

“Bárbak advanced straight to the place of salutation, and bowing his body, brought his forehead to the earth. From the common soldier to the lord of tymbals, all obtained the honour of kissing hands, and received royal rewards without measure for their services,—standards of golden cloth, horses, and other rarities. There were more than a thousand Tátár infidels and warriors of other tribes, riding on camels, great commanders in battle, all with steellike bodies clothed in cotton; with faces like fire, with caps of sheep-skin, with their heads shorn. Their eyes were so narrow and piercing that they might have bored a hole in a brazen vessel. Their stink was more horrible than their colour. Their faces were set on their bodies as if they had no neck. Their cheeks resembled soft leathern bottles, full of wrinkles and knots. Their noses extended from cheek to cheek, and their mouths from cheek-bone to cheek-bone. Their nostrils resembled rotten graves, and from them the hair descended as far as the lips. Their moustaches were of extravagant length. They had but scanty beards about their chins. Their chests, of a colour half black, half white, were so covered with lice, that they looked like sesame growing on a bad soil. Their whole body, indeed, was covered with these insects, and their skin as rough-grained as chagreen leather, fit only to be converted into shoes. They devoured dogs and pigs with their nasty teeth.”

“I have heard another story about them, that what one man vomits another eats, but this is no great wonder, for they are Turks of Kai.⁵²⁹ Their origin is derived from dogs, but they have larger bones. The king marvelled at their beastly countenances, and said, that God had created them out of hell-fire. They looked like so many white demons, and the people fled from them everywhere in affright.”

Their Punishment.

When they were carried out from the royal presence they were put to the slaughter. “Spears without number bore their heads aloft, and looked denser than a forest of bamboos;” others were trodden to death by elephants. After several had been slaughtered in this manner, “the remnant were reserved to be paraded about from city to city; sometimes they had respite, at others punishment.” The king then called for wine, and devoted himself, as usual, to pleasure and revelry.

The armies of Dehli and Bengal advance to the Ghágra.

“The country-conquering army advanced, and heaven and earth became as one through the dust which arose.” After two marches the Jumna was crossed at Jewar, “which place, from the encamping of the army, was denuded of corn and grass.” Bárbak was appointed to the command, and he arrived with the army on the banks of the Sarú (Sarjú). He was joined by Chhajjú, the Khán of Karra, at the head of several thousand horsemen, and by the Khán of Oudh and his party.

When Násiru-d dín, the King of the East, who was encamped on the other side of the river, heard of his arrival, he sent Shamsu-d dín Dabú with a message inviting to peace, but he returned without effecting anything. Description of the hot season.

Mu'izzu-d dín Kai-kubád, on his arrival from Dehli, pitched his camp at Oudh (Ajúdhya), on the bank of the Ghágra. Násiru-d dín, from the opposite side, sent his chamberlain to deliver a message to Kai-kubád, who, by way of intimidation, himself discharged an arrow at him, which induced him to return to his master without crossing the river, at which the King of the East was much grieved and angered.

Next day the King of the East sent another officer to convey a threatening message, mentioning, amongst other things, the number and power of his elephants. He was answered by the son in a similar spirit.

He then tried the effect of sending a message of reconciliation, and requesting an interview, which was acceded to. The King of the East sent his youngest son, Kai-káús, to Kai-kubád, with jewels and elephants. In return, Kai-kubád sent his own son, Kaiomars, accompanied by the 'Áriz, with some rare presents.

Interviews between the Father and Son.

Each is invited by the other to ascend the throne. The son said to the father, “Here is the throne, it is thy seat, I am a slave ready to obey orders.” The father said to the son, “This is a mistake, it is of you that this honour is worthy.” Again, the son said to the father, “Advance and ascend, for the throne will be exalted by thy presence.” Again, the father said to the son, “Oh, thou that wearest a crown, my empire will be established through the credit of thy name.”

“Long they continued in this gentle altercation, and no one could see the step of either advance. And when the father saw that the respect of his son exceeded all bounds, he said, ‘I have one desire near to my heart, and, thanks be to God, that it now approaches fulfilment, and that is, oh, fortunate one, that I may place thee on the throne with my own hand; because thou didst ascend the throne in my absence, and I was not there to take thy hand, though, it is true, thou hadst no need of my aid, for by thy own power didst thou establish thyself in the kingdom.”

“He then seized his son's hand, and seated him on the throne, and when he had descended again from it, he stood with his hands joined, and all were astonished at the scene. The son sat but a short time on the throne, when he descended, and approached his father. The officers of state stood on each side, holding trays of jewels in their hands, which they poured upon the heads of the two kings, and the ground before them was strewed with rubies, pearls, silver, and gold.”

When the father had confirmed the possession of his son upon the throne, he exclaimed with a loud voice before the assembled throng, “This day enough has been accomplished, to-morrow we will convene another assembly. Thanks be to God, that I have attained my wishes, and I have seen the desire of my heart accomplished!” He then kissed his son's head, and returned in his boat to the other side of the river, and again the son filled his own boat with a flood (of wine). A torrent flowed from the ocean of wine, and all immersed themselves in it till they became drunk, and lost all respect for their king, as well as their own senses.

Next day, the Sultán selected some horses, and sent them as a present to his son, and at night the King of the East again embarked on a boat, and visited Kai-kubád. A full description of the festivities on the occasion. The father gave the son a valuable Bengal elephant, “a jewelled crown, lofty on all sides,” and “a throne made of wood, but covered with gold, standing on four feet, with supports for the arms of the king.” The crown was placed upon the son's head, and they sat together upon the throne.

The father requested from his son the gift of a white canopy and black cap, both of which had been used by Balban. These were promised to him, and he retired, declaring his intention of returning the next day. The Sultán then returned to his usual enjoyments.

Next morning, the Sultán sent the white canopy and black cap to his father, and the bearer was rewarded with a robe of honour and presents.

In the evening, the father again embarked on a boat, to have an interview with his son, when he took occasion to instil into his ears good advice respecting the future management of his country, and returned at midnight to his own camp.

The next day, both armies prepared to return to their respective countries. “The army of the east, towards the east, the army of the west, marched towards the west.” An affectionate interview first took place between the two kings, and they finally parted from each other. No one else was allowed to be present. A bridge was made over the river, to facilitate communication between the two armies. Deep grief was expressed on both sides, on taking leave, and, locked in each other's arms, the father reiterated the advice he had before given. On the departure of his father, the son solaced his woes by drinking wine.

As the rainy season had commenced, and the river Ghágra began to rise, the Sultán's army moved from the bank of the river towards Oudh, and encamped at Kautpúr. Khán-i Jahán was appointed to the government of Oudh, and directed to remain there.

The Author speaks of himself.

“I, who had been in the service of Khán-i Jahán, previous to this, received from him now greater kindness than ever. He took me to Oudh with him, and treated me with such consideration, that I forgot my own country. There I remained with him two years. and knew no sorrow or want. I left my family, to attach myself to him. My mother, who was old, and always telling her beads, remained at Dehli, distressed at my absence. Night and day she was sorrowful that this worthless person was not near her, and used always to write letters inviting me to return. Though my heart was wounded at her grief, I did not like to ask her to come to me, When I was deeply grieved at these perpetual remonstrances, and my heart was greatly unsettled, I mentioned the circumstances to my master, and showed him my mother's letters. He, with his usual greatness, granted my request, and allowed me leave to return to my home, and sent me two trays of gold to enable me to proceed on my journey, which I prosecuted with the rapidity of an arrow, as my mother's grief had filled my heart with anxiety.”

“I had travelled a whole month, without drawing rein, and arrived in the month of Zi'l-Ka'da at the city. Smiling like a flower in a garden, I visited my friends, and thus fulfilled my heart's desire, and was restored to life after death. I placed my head at the feet of my mother, who, when she saw me, embraced me with tears in her eyes, and when relieved from her solicitude, fulfilled the vows which she had made, in consideration of my safe return.”

“Two days after, the news of my arrival was conveyed to the king, and the chamberlain came to call me to his presence. I went and placed my face upon the earth, while my heart was in trepidation. I drew out from my waistband the panegyric I had written, and read it out with a loud voice. The king was greatly pleased at my verses, and honoured me in the eyes of my companions. He treated me with great kindness, and gave me a dress of honour of his own wearing, and two bags of dirhams, and enrolled me amongst his special attendants. My heart was replete with joy, and my poor house was filled with gold. His majesty said, ‘Oh, most perfect of poets, whose very crumbs other poets are glad to pick up, if you will, the wish of my heart can be accomplished. I will give you as much as you like, and no desire of yours shall be left ungratified.’ I bowed to the ground, and replied, ‘Oh, king, what am I capable of, but writing a few laudatory verses, that I should be treated with such condescension? Your majesty bestows everything upon the needy; what need then can you have of such poor services as mine? My imagination is not lively, and I have no accomplishment, but that of being able to write some indifferent Persian. If the wish of his majesty can be gratified by such poor attainments, I am ready to be honoured with his commands.’”

“When I had thus offered my excuses to the king, he thus addressed me: ‘It is my desire, that you should undertake the trouble of writing in verse an account of the interview between the two kings, namely, my honoured father and myself.’ When he had said this, he pointed to the treasure before him, and told me to take it away, bestowing upon me at the same time a dress of honour.”

He determined to effect what the king desired, and after giving the subject much consideration, and secluding himself from all society, and trusting in God, after revolving the subject in his mind for three months, he completed the poem in six months, in 3944 verses, in the month of Ramazán, 688 A.H. (September, 1289 A.D.), and in the 36th year of his age.

Verses upon his pen, inkstand, and paper. Entry of the king into city of Dehli. Conclusion, in which he expresses a hope that his errors may be leniently dealt with.

The Ghurratu-l-kamál is the third and longest of the four Díwáns of Amír Khusrú. The Miftáhu-l futúh⁵³⁴ is a Masnaví included in the Díwán, but most commonly considered to be a separate poem, in consequence of the extreme rarity of such an arrangement. I have seen respectable copies of the Ghurratu-l-kamál, in which this poem is included, as well as other Masnavís, from one of which the second extract which follows is taken; but in a very beautiful old copy of all the Díwáns, in the possession of Nawab Zíáu-d dín Khán of Dehli, and which bears the seal of the Tarkhán prince, Jání Bég, being, therefore, about one hundred and fifty years old, neither this nor any other Masnaví is included. The first Díwán of Amír Khusrú is the Tuhfatu-s sighar, “the present of youth,” containing the poems which he wrote from the 16th to the 19th year of his age. These were written in the time of Sultán Balban, and contain several panegyrics addressed to him. In compliment to his sovereign title, he here frequently assumes to himself the poetical designation of Sultání. Thus, in one passage he says:—

Most of the kasídas in this Díwán, which are not devoted to the Sultán, were written in celebration of new year festivals and the 'Íds, or addressed to the king's eldest son, Nusratu-d dín Sultán Muhammad Káán, known better as Khán-i Shahíd, or the Martyr Khán, and to contemporary ministers and nobles. The Tarjís are addressed to the author's spiritual teacher, Nizámu-d dín Aulyá, Sultán Balban, and his son above named. It includes also a poem in praise of Malik Ikhtiyáru-d dín, the 'Áriz.

The second Díwán is the Wastu-l-hayát, “the middle of life,” containing the poems written from the 24th to the 32nd year of his life. These are in praise chiefly of Nizámu-d dín Aulyá, and the prince above named, then Governor of the Panjáb and Multán, who was slain in an action with the Mughals at Depálpúr, at the close of the year 683 H. The poet was in his service. One panegyric is addressed to Sultán Mu'izzu-d dín Kai-kubád, and another to Ikhtiyáru-d-daula Chhajjú Khán-i mu'azzam, the son of Kishlú Khán, nephew of Sultán Balban, and Governor of Karra Manikpúr. Others are addressed to the 'Áriz Táju-d-dín, Fathu-l mulk Sharfu-d-dín, Alp Khán Ghází son of Azhdar Malik, Náíb Sháh Malik Ikhtiyáru-d dín 'Alí bin Aibak, and other nobles.

The third Díwán is the Ghurratu-l-kamál, “perfect light,” containing poems written from the 34th to the 42nd year of his life. It opens with an interesting preface, containing some autobiographical notices, of which I have availed myself in another article. These poems comprise panegyrics upon Nizámu-d dín Aulyá, Sultán Kai-kubád, Sháyista Khán, who for a short time ruled the state in the name of Shamsu-d dín, the son of Kai-kubád, and afterwards became king under the title of Jalálu-d dín, Sultán Ruknu-d dín Ibráhím, youngest son of Jalálu-d dín, who sat for a short time on the throne of Dehli after the murder of his father Sultán 'Aláu-d dín, Ikhtiyáru-d dín 'Alí bin Aibak, Saifu-d-daula Bárbak, Táju-d dín, Alp Khán Ghází, and Táju-d-daula Malik Chhajjú; an elegy upon the death of Khán-i Khánán Mahmúd, Sultán Ikhtiyáru-d dín the son of Jalálu-d dín, and benedictions addressed to his other sons, Khán-i mu'azzam Arkalah Khán and Khán-i 'a'zam Kadr Khán. This Díwán contains also odes on new year festivals and the 'Íds, and, besides the Masnavís mentioned above, the poet addresses one to his brother Zahíd Khán, descriptive of his accompanying the royal army in 687 H. to Oudh. Another is in praise of the palace at Kílúkharí and of its founder Sultán Kai-kubád. Size of the work, 4to.; 694 pages of an average of 15 lines.

The fourth Díwán is called the Bakiya nakiya, “the pure remnant,” containing poems written by Amír Khusrú from the 50th to the 64th year of his age. There are in it panegyrics on Nizámu-d dín Aulyá, Shaikh 'Aláu-d dín, grandson of Shaikh Faridu-d dín Ganj-i shakar, Sultán 'Aláu-d dín, Sultán Kutbu-d dín Mubárak Sháh, Shamsu-l Hakk Khizr Khán, eldest son of Sultán 'Aláu-d dín, Nasíru-l-Mulk Hájí, Hamídu-d-daula, Táju-d-daula, Fakhru-d dín Púlád Tughlik, Mu'izzu-l Hakk, A'zam Alp Khán, Malik Ikhtiyáru-d dín Sa'dí, Malik Hisámu-d dín Khán-i 'a'zam and Násiru-d dín. There is an elegy on the Sultán's death on the 8th of Shawwál, 715 H. and some Masnavís on the marriage of the princes and other matters.

ABSTRACT.

Preface.

Praise of God and the Prophet.—Panegyric upon Sultán Jalálu-d dín Fíróz Sháh Khiljí.—Concise account of the four victories of Fíróz Sháh.

“Hail to Sultán Fíróz! who rapidly accomplished four victories in one year. In the first victory, he made the head of one rebel roll upon the dust. In the second victory, he moistened the point of his spear with the head of a second rebel. By the third victory, he cleansed Hindústán from the darkness of his enemy. The fourth victory was achieved in another way, when he fell like a hurricane on Jháín. But what are four victories for such a hero as his majesty! he has a thousand others in his sleeve. Long may he survive to rule with conquest and kingly pomp, and may the key of the capital of the seven climates remain secure in the hands of his slaves!”

Victory over Chhajjú, Governor of Karra.

The accession of Fíróz Sháh to the throne of Dehli, on Tuesday, the 3rd of the second Jumád, 689 H. “He despatched his orders to the corners of the world, and established the khutba on a new foundation. The turbulent throughout the whole world rubbed their faces upon the earth in respect and obedience. They girt up their loins and placed their heads upon the ground, and then stood obedient in the audience-chamber. They proclaimed the sound of the khutba above the moon. They distributed gold in the name of the king of kings. They all made effort to show their obedience, except the faithless Chhajjú, the Mír of Karra. Pride had inflated his brain with wind, which extinguished the light of his intellect, and a few sipáhís from Hindústán, without any religion, had supported the credit of his authority. Neither fear nor hope was able to inform them that a particle cannot contend with the sun.”

“The Sháh received intelligence of that new disturbance, and how that Chhajjú was advancing expeditiously with the Hindú thieves. Outrageous like a male lion, he became greatly perturbed, and exclaimed, in the violence of his anger, ‘Bravo! Is there any man in in the world who dares to raise dust in my plain? What weakness has that wretch seen in me, that he dares to peer where my arrow can penetrate? If he has not seen the splendour of my sword, he must have heard its renown from afar. He must have heard how from Ghazna, Kirmán, and Barghand, I have extended my conquests as far as Darband; how I have issued orders for the shedding of the blood of my enemies, who have become like worms, when they hear the whizzing of my Kirmání blade; how, at one time, from the heads of the Mughals, I have filled my cup with blood, and stuck their inverted skulls upon the top of my standards; how, at another time, my spears have wounded the Afgháns, until the hills resounded with lamentations (afghán); how, at another time, I made the blood flow in Jánjúha, so that a boat might have glided within the hills of Júd. The Hindús themselves cannot conceive how full I have made hell. What did that ignorant thoughtless man imagine, that he dared advance his foot into my territory?’

“When he had thus given vent to his anger, he forthwith ordered the prince to advance. Arkalí Khán proceeded, swift as the wind, accompanied by an army like a hill of steel. He then directed that gold, to any amount that was necessary, should be distributed to the army, from the treasury of his mercy. Although only eight months' pay was due from the royal coffers, yet ten months' pay was bestowed upon the troops. The body of each man as he carried away his wealth was bent down by the load, like the crescent of the new moon. The sipáhís stood ready before the commander, as a hill of iron or a sea of flame.” * * * “In this order, the king of the fourth inhabited portion of the earth carried forth his standards outside the capital. He made one or two halts to adjust the affairs of the army.” * * *

“The king remained in the rear, the prince was in advance. The king made two marches in one, and the prince marched even quicker. Mile after mile he hastened on, and rapidly passed the Jumna and Ganges towards his destination,” and then encamped on the bank of the Ráhab.

The enemy was encamped on the opposite side, and had seized all the boats on the river, but “the royal army crossed the river on a few boats, called zauraks, like the wind, and spread confusion through the camp of the enemy. They fell on the evil-disposed crowd, and dyed the earth everywhere with their blood. When they were satiated with that victory, they returned in triumph. On their arrival, they placed their heads on the ground in token of respect, and proclaimed the first victory of the king, who rewarded them with gifts beyond calculation. * * In the depth of night that stony-hearted rebel, oppressed with grief, fled towards the hills, leaving his camp on the bank of the river, and took the road of Júbála. The commander remained two days plundering the camp, and then, hastening in pursuit, came up to them while retreating in confusion.” * * *

“In the centre of the line was the great Arkalí Khán, whose standards were united with victory.” Mír Mubárak Bárbak commanded the right wing, and Malik Mahmúd the left. On the left near the prince, was Malik Fakhr Dawwal, and Mu'azzam Ahmad on his right.

In the front of the array were two champions, the nephews of the king: one Malik Katlagh-tigín, “who could split a spear with an arrow;”⁵³⁸ the other 'Aláu-d dín. Another attendant was his son Kájí; another, Kíkí Malik, the governor of Kol; another was Malik Nusrat Mu'azzam, the chief dáwat-dár. The contending parties fought the whole day, “during which the sword found no rest,” and at night the Khán of Karra, hearing that the king himself was on the point of joining the prince's army, fled with a few attendants to Injí, concealing his departure by the beating of drums, as if he was preparing to renew the combat on the morrow.

His army, thus deserted by its leader, came over to the king and begged forgiveness. Some were bound as prisoners, and some kept under surveillance, but the rest were admitted into the favour of the king.

Victory over Alp Ghází.^538a

The Sultán, on leaving the city, went towards the Ganges, and remained some time encamped at Baglána. After that he departed towards Bhojpúr,⁵³⁹ and his light illumined the banks of the Ganges. By his hands a work was completed, which had been difficult of accomplishment to former kings; for when he arrived at the Jumna and Ganges, by the power of his art he constructed a bridge over both those rivers. He collected gold from the ráís of the Ganges, for he had the power of crossing the river at his pleasure. Like Dárá, he went on full of hope, and his faithful sipáhís accompanied him as far as Kábar.^539a When the Sháh arrived at the land of Kábar, a contest ensued, and the “Musulmáns made their swords rusty with the blood of the Hindús.” The king was here joined by his son, “who gave the first congratulation after the victory, and was then appointed to the government of the Province of Múltán, and his father gave him power from the river to the hill of Júd.”

“Whatever live Hindú fell into the king's hands was pounded into bits under the feet of elephants. The Musulmáns, who were Hindís (country-born), had their lives spared,” and were distributed amongst the chiefs as slaves; and he made many over to the son of the kotwál, that he might parade them through the cities. “No one of these slaves was slain by the sword, except Alp Ghází, who suffered on account of his misdeeds; for he had, without just cause, killed Chahaltan,^539b and the wretch received this retribution from fate.” * *

When the Sháh had made the country over to his own friends, he determined to proceed towards Hindústán, and open a way through the forest to Lakhnautí. He cut the jungle that intercepted his passage, and cleared the road of the robbers who infested it, and suspended them from boughs, so that they looked like the trees of Wákwák.^539c “When the Sháh had cut down this jungle of Taraya, he created an earthquake in the walls of life, that is, slaughtered many of the inhabitants, and as he was about to lay his axe upon Rúpál, that chief protected himself by an advance of gold. His heaven-like umbrella then advanced to Kashún, for the purpose of plunder and punishment, and he collected such wealth from the ráís, ráos, and ránas, that his treasury was overflowing.”

“Thence he went towards Bálághatrak, as it was necessary to discharge his arrows against the Mughals. Hail glorious morn of prosperity, for that sun rose on high! His standards ascended rapidly, stage by stage, for a period of one month, and the road was illumined by the light of his army.”

“On Monday, the last day of Muharram, 690 H., the neighbourhood of the city was blessed by the king's arrival. He did not delay and plant his flags in the city, because another victory was urging him on; but during the month of Safar he gave himself up to enjoyment at Sírí, near the city.” * * *

Advance upon Ranthambor.⁵⁴⁰

On Thursday, the 18th of Rabí'u-l-awwal, the Sháh held a darbár, distributed robes of honour, and gave red umbrellas, dúrbáshes, and standards to two of his confidential servants, and selected also Ruknu-d dín Ibrahím for marks of special favour. “The maliks of the kingdom, according to their respective ability, showered gold upon the head of the king.”

The king then marched from Sírí towards Ranthambor. The first march was to Sohráít, thence to Chandáwal, “where he encamped for some time.” * * * Thence to Rewárí in two marches. Thence to the country of Nárnaul. “Thence the march was to Beohán, where the people had their mouths shut through thirst. The earth was dry, and in it not a blade of grass had sprung up anywhere, through drought. The sipáhís, whom a river would not have satisfied, how could they procure enough water from two or three wells?” A hundred camels, however, were here laden with water, to satisfy the necessities of the army. The king killed several tigers on this expedition. Hills were on each side covered with peacocks. “Two weeks he was employed in passing this hilly tract, when the Sháh arrived on the borders of Ranthambor.” The Turks began to plunder on every side, “and the king sent out horsemen to collect information.” The Hindús were killed or enslaved, as far as within four parasangs of Jháín.

From this place, Karrí Bahádur was sent on with a few archers to reconnoitre as far as the hills of Jháín, from which place 500 Hindús made a sally. “They were wounded with the poisoned arrows of the Turks, and exclaimed in Hindí, ‘Strike, strike.’ Seventy were killed and forty wounded, and, though they were reinforced, they retreated to the hills, and the royal troops returned to camp, and reported to the king what had occurred. Next day, the king despatched 1,000 men under Malik Khurram 'Áriz Malik, the chief Karíbak, Malik Katlagh-tigín, 'Ázam Mubárak, the amír of of Nárnaul, Ahmad Sarjándár, Mahmúd Sarjándár, the chief huntsman Ahmad, and Ankú and Ábájí Ákhurbak. They advanced at full speed to within two parasangs of Jháín, when they entered a narrow pass in the hills, and alarm spread in Jháín.”

The ráí was in affright, and sent for Gurdan Sainí, who was the most experienced warrior amongst the 40,000 ráwats under the ráí, and “had seen many fights among the Hindús. Sometimes he had gone with the advance to Málwa; sometimes he had gone plundering in Gújarát.” The Sainí took 10,000 ráwats with him from Jháín, and advanced against the Turks, and, after a severe action, he was slain. Upon which the Hindús fled, and in the pursuit many were slain and many taken prisoners, but only one man was wounded among the royal troops.

Great consternation spread in Jháín, and at night the ráí, and all the Hindús with him, fled to the hills of Ranthambor, and the victorious troops returned to the king, and presented the plunder they had obtained, the heads which they had cut off, armour, horses, swords, and “a string of ráwats with their hands bound.” The king allowed them to retain their booty, and distributed gold to them besides, and robes of honour.

The Capture of Jháín.

Three days after this, the king entered Jháín at mid-day, and occupied the private apartments of the ráí, where he admired the exquisite colours and carving on the stone, “on which the figures were so beautifully cut, that they could not be exceeded in wax. The plaister was so beautifully made, that it reflected the image of one looking at it, and the mortar was mixed with sandal. The woodwork was all of 'úd (aloe-wood).”

He then visited the temples, which were ornamented with elaborate work in gold and silver. Next day he went again to the temples, and ordered their destruction, as well as that of the fort, and set fire to the palace, and “thus made a hell of paradise.” The foundations of Jháín were so destroyed, that the army of the Sháh was enriched by the discovery of burnt treasures, and “so much gold was laden upon elephants, that who could tell its amount? This enormous wealth made rich men of beggars, for in every ruin a treasure had been found. While the soldiers sought every opportunity of plundering, the Sháh was engaged in burning the temples, and destroying the idols. There were two bronze images of Brahma, each of which weighed more than a thousand mans. These were broken into pieces, and the fragments distributed amongst the officers, with orders to throw them down at the gates of the Masjid on their return.”

Malik Khurram then departed in pursuit of the infidels to their retreat in the hills, and took countless prisoners. Another party was detached under Sarjándár, “across the Chambal and Kuwárí, to plunder Málwa, and shed the blood of the false religionists. When he was two parasangs beyond the Kuwárí, he came upon an open plain to which a narrow pass led. Here he found a crowd collected who had escaped the sword of the malik, and he plundered them to such an extent, that it is beyond my power to describe.” The party returned, and met the king on the banks of the Chambal, to which river he had moved his camp. Thence Mubárak Bárbak was detached in another direction towards the Banás, where he plundered according to the fashion of the time. Malik Jándárbak Ahmad was detached in another direction. He also plundered and massacred “from the hill of Lára to the borders of Mára.”

The King's return to Dehli.

The king returned towards Dehli, with “an army so encumbered by booty, that it could not proceed more than a míl a day.” He first visited on his route the hills of Bayáná, and as the road was “difficult on account of rivers and hills,” he allowed his officers to march in any direction they chose. The Sultán proceeded more leisurely in the rear.

On the king's return to Dehli, he held the second anniversary of his accession, on the 3rd of Jumáda-l ákhir, in the palace of Sírí. Description of the festival. “Each bride who witnessed the procession from the housetop, when she gazed at the countenance of the king, tore up her marriage settlements,” in love and despair.—Concluding praises of the king, “who achieved two victories in different quarters of the country in one year.” The author speaks of his work. “When I commenced this history, I thought of writing falsehoods, but truth seized my hand and restrained me.” The poem was finished on the 20th of Jumáda-l ákhir, 690 H.

Conquests of Sultán 'Aláu-d dín Khiljí.

* * * * * * *

“'Aláu-d dín, that king whose court is like Jamshíd's, who has conquered the east and protects the west, whose fortune is lofty, whose commands are obeyed.” * * * “He who has been honoured by the chief of the 'Abbásís, who has destroyed the country of the sun-worshippers. When the arm of his fortune was raised, he became the ruler of Hindústán. When he advanced from the capital of Karra, the Hindús, in alarm, descended into the earth like ants. He departed towards the garden of Behár, to dye that soil with blood as red as a tulip. He cleared the road to Ujjain of vile wretches, and created consternation in Bhílsán. When he effected his conquests in that country, he drew out of the river the idols which had been concealed in it.

As this was but a small adventure in his sight, he determined to proceed towards Deogír, “where he overcame Rám Deo.” “But see the mercy with which he regarded the broken-hearted, for, after seizing that ráí, he set him free again. He destroyed the temples of the idolaters, and erected pulpits and arches for mosques. He captured two-and-twenty elephants, in battles raging like the stream of the Nile. He captured also Bengal elephants from Lakhnautí, but those of Deogír were of a different stamp,—not such as knew only how to eat their full, but such as could discharge arrows and brandish swords.⁵⁴⁴ Were I to attempt to recount the plunder of jewels and gold, no measure or balance would suffice, for the treasure had been accumulated by the ráís from of old. Camels and mules were laden with rubies and diamonds, and every kind of precious stone, and the most experienced jewellers were unable even to guess at their value, and who can tell of the heaps of amber, and the costly silks? He returned victorious with this booty, in order to accomplish new conquests.”

He advanced again from Karra, with iron in one hand and gold in the other; he gave a crown to one chief, while he took off the head of another. He marched to Dehli and set up his kingly throne, while all the world were in astonishment at the marvel that Dehli should be taken by Karra. The whole city declared that no one had ever been blessed with such good fortune. When he had established himself upon the throne, he began to think of the neighbouring countries. All the independent chiefs bowed down their heads, except the ill-fortuned Mír of Multán. That wretch was not of such importance that the Sháh should himself undertake any expedition against him.” So Ulugh Khán was despatched with orders to conclude the business speedily, and, on its accomplishment, he returned to Court; and “all, both young and old, were astonished at the success of the universe-conquering Sultán.”

3. 'ASHÍKA OF AMÍR KHUSRÚ.

[“L'Innamorata.” This, like the Kiránu-s Sa'dain, is a kind of epic or historical poem, having for its main subject the loves of Dewal Rání, daughter of the Ráí of Gújarát, and Khizr Khán, eldest son of Sultán 'Aláu-d dín. Khizr Khán, as told by Barní, fell under his father's displeasure and was put in confinement. Upon the death of 'Aláu-d dín, the traitor and would-be-usurper, Malik Náíb Káfúr, caused the eyes of the prince to be put out. When Kutbu-d dín Mabárak Sháh had ascended the throne, to secure his own position, he had Khizr Khán and other of his brothers murdered. The fate of Dewal Rání is doubtful. Khusrú (infrà p. 555) says that her hands were cut off while she was clinging to her husband's body, and implies that she was left among the slain, though he says not so distinctly. Firishta asserts that she was taken into Kutbu-d dín's harem, and that she was also taken after his death by the villain, Khusrú Khán. Barní, who was intimately acquainted with the facts, is silent upon the subject, so that it may be hoped that the high-born damsel escaped that union with “the foul Parwárí,” which would have been worse than death.]

ABSTRACT.

Praise of God and the Prophet.—Panegyric on the author's spiritual teacher, Nizám-d dín Aulyá and on the Emperor 'Aláu-d dín Khiljí.

The author a captive in the hands of the Mughals.

“At the time that this learner of evil, the author, was a captive in the hands of the Mughals,⁵⁴⁵ may such days never return! travelling in a sandy desert, where the heat made my head boil like a cauldron, I and the man who was with me on horseback arrived thirsty at a stream on the roadside. Although the naphtha of my life was heated, I would not inflame it with oil by drinking a draught of water. I merely wetted my lips, and obtained a little relief after my exhaustion. But my thirsty guard dismounted from his horse, and both he and his horse drank their fill of water and expired immediately.”

The Author relates the cause of writing this Poem.

He states that he went one day to visit Khizr Khán, who asked him to write a poem upon that prince's love for Dewal Rání; and Khizr Khán causing the account which he had himself written descriptive of his own passion to be produced, he consigned it to the author, who agreed to versify it.

Encomium on Hindústán.

“Happy Hindústán, the splendour of Religion, where the Law finds perfect honour and security. In learning Dehli can now compete with Bokhárá, for Islám has been made manifest by its kings. The whole country, by means of the sword of our holy warriors, has become like a forest denuded of its thorns by fire. The land has been saturated with the water of the sword, and the vapours of infidelity have been dispersed. The strong men of Hind have been trodden under foot, and all are ready to pay tribute. Islám is triumphant, idolatry is subdued. Had not the law granted exemption from death by the payment of poll-tax, the very name of Hind, root and branch, would have been extinguished. From Ghazní to the shore of the ocean you see all under the dominion of Islám. Cawing crows⁵⁴⁶ see no arrows pointed at them; nor is the Tarsá (Christian) there, who does not fear (taras) to render the servant equal with God; nor the Jew who dares to exalt the Pentateuch to a level with the Kurán; nor the Magh who is delighted with the worship of fire, but of whom the fire complains with its hundred tongues. The four sects of Musulmáns are at amity, and the very fish are Sunnís.”^546a

The Ghorian Emperors of Dehli.

Mu'izzu-d dín Muhammad bin Sám, Kutbu-d dín Aibak; “That flaming wave drove the Ráí of Kanauj into the Ganges, where he was drowned, and took from him fourteen hundred elephants.” Shamsu-d dín Altamsh.—Ruknu-d dín Fíróz.—Sultán Raziya.— Mu'izzu-d dín Bahrám.—'Aláu-d dín Mas'úd.—Násiru-d dín Mah-múd; “It was a wonderful time, one career of victory; in every house was joy and gladness. The Musulmáns were powerful, the Hindus peaceful, and no one knew even the name of Mughal.” Ghiyásu-d dín Balban; “He was a king bounteous and powerful, an elephant in his time would avoid treading on an ant. During his reign the Mughals found entrance to these parts, sometimes they ravaged the country, sometimes they professed allegiance. In anger came they on with inflamed visage and obtained gifts from the king. Whether this invasion was a loss or a benefit, it passed away, and what was destined came to pass.”—Mu'izzu-d dín Kai-kubád.— Shamsu-d dín Kai-kubád.

Jalálu-d dín Fíróz Khiljí.

“He made the blood of the infidels to flow in streams, and formed bridges with their heads. He went from Multán to Ghazní, and thence invaded the Tátárs, dyeing the country with their blood and covering the whole land with their heads. He made Turkistán so entirely Hindí, that he took the life from the Turks by means of his Hindus. When he again turned his face this way from that country, he stretched his arm to slaughter the Khokhars,⁵⁴⁷ and shed blood on all the five rivers of the Panjáb.” “By his wise measures he forged for the Mughals chains both of iron and gold.”

'Aláu-d dín Khiljí.

“He was the first who, while yet only an Amír, placed an 'amárí upon his elephants.”^547a On his advance to Dehli he lavished money profusely on the way. “The fort of Dehli fell before the mangonel of his gold. His largesses offered him the aid of catapults, and presents of jewels yielded him as much victory as balistas.” Shortly after his accession, he despatched troops to Multán and Sind, where he was victorious.

The Mughal Invasions.

“Shortly after, the Sultán of religion determined to wreak the vengeance of a hundred years upon the Mughals. They were coming on to be destroyed by his beheading sword, like moths in the flame of a candle. First they came to the borders of Manjúr and Cháran, and Ulugh Khán⁵⁴⁸ attacked them like Káran, and by the force of his sword made them food for jackals.

“After that, the audacious infidel Katlak Khwája,^548a one of the strongest branches of that accursed tree,^548b advanced that year to Kailí, and the Sháh regarded that boldness as a happy omen. The king moved on for two parasangs, in order that he might come to action within the borders of Kailí. The vile Katlak Khwája was confident and bold, but it was as if an owl were contending with a falcon. The king ordered Ulugh Khán and Zafar Khán to advance with determination to the fight, and those two rapid dragons made the hills and forests quake. Ulugh Khán pursued the Mughals like a panther after its prey, and those who escaped the sword fell victims to the arrows. The hill of Kailí^548c was drowned in a torrent of blood and the heads of the gabrs rolled down like a weighing pan (kail).” “After that, Targhí, the headstrong, bit the dust when he was struck with a hatchet, and for a time religion was freed from the troubles caused by the infidels.”

“Afterwards the sand of the desert was saturated with the blood of the armies of Turták and 'Alí Beg.^548d The army of religion came rushing on like a river, overwhelming the Mughals in its waves. The two Turk Kháns were suddenly captured by a Hindu servant of the Court.”

“Subsequently, three other active warriors, who outstripped the wind in their fleetness, came rapidly to the neighbourhood of Múltán, and lit up the flame of insurrection on the banks of the Ráví. One was Tíhú, another Ikbál the stubborn, the third Kabak determined both in fight and hatred. Their soldiers were countless as the sand, and infuriated by the fate of Turták and 'Alí Beg. His majesty despatched his principal minister, Káfúr (camphor), the splendour of Islám, against them, in order that by his fragrance he might dispel the offensive smell arising from their dead bodies. He went so expeditiously that, in ten nights, he performed the journey of a whole month. The blood of the Tátárs flowed in such torrents that it reached to the girths of the horses. Ikbál and Tíhú fled together towards the rivers, and were glad to save their lives by abandoning the plunder which they were carrying off. But Kabak was taken like a partridge (kabak),⁵⁴⁹ and that learned dog was sent with a collar round his neck to the king of the world. The victory was obtained by the aid of God, and the Mughal had enough of his attempts at revenge.

“From that day the torrent of the Jíhún had no power to carry away even an ant from Hindústán. Behold a great marvel which marked the good fortune of 'Aláu-d dín, may he always remain king! A deadly blast from hell blew over that country, and dissolved by its fire even iron into wax. They all died, and though Búyahia escaped, as he had the life of a dog, yet his power was ignominiously destroyed; and so entirely had all their turbulence subsided in this country, that no one heard anything more about them.”

Conquest of Gujarát, Chitor, Málwa, Siwána.

The poet passes to the conquests of 'Aláu-d dín, in Hindústán. Ulugh Khán sent against the Ráí of Gujarát, “where the shores of the sea were filled to the brim with the blood of the gabrs.” The conquest of Somnát, Jháín, and Ranthambor, whose ruler was “Pithú Ráí, descended from Pithaurá, but an hundred hundred thousand times more proud than he. Ten thousand swift Arabian horses were his, and elephants with 'amárís on their backs. Soldiers and ráwats and ránas were beyond number. This fort was two weeks' journey distant from Dehli, and its walls extended for three parasangs. Terrible stones were sent against them with such force that the battlements were levelled with the dust. So many stones were thrown, pile upon pile, that it would have required thirty years to clear the road to one of the gates.” The king took the fort in one month, and made it over to Ulugh Khán.

The conquest of Chitor, which was named Khizrábád, after Khizr Khán, who was here honoured with being allowed to bear a red canopy over his head.

“After that, the king's attention was directed towards the south, in order that he might seize the country of the Southern ráís. Koká, the wazír, commanded the army, and he was stronger in the country of Málwá than the ráí. He had more than 40,000 cavalry, and his infantry were without number. 10,000 men were sent against him by his majesty, and they destroyed his entire force. The Hindus were captured and slaughtered in heaps, and only the ráí, Malhak⁵⁵⁰ Deo, escaped to the hills.” This conquest was effected by 'Ainu-l mulk. Mándú taken, “a wonderful fortress four parasangs in circumference.”

Siwána is next proceeded against by his majesty in person. “The strong-armed ráí of that place was Satal^550a Deo. Many iron-hearted gabrs were in his service. The army sat down before it for five or six years, and did not, during that time, succeed in destroying half a bastion, but after one attack made upon that hill by the king, it was moved from its foundations by the troops like a flowing river.”

The conquest of Telingána, Ma'bar, Fatan.

The conquest of Tilangí, where the ráí is made to send “a golden idol and an hundred elephants, and treasure beyond all calculation.”

The army proceeded to Ma'bar, that it might “take the shores of the sea as far as Lanká, and spread the odour of the amber-scented faith,” and thence returned to Deogír, from which place the ráí fled at their approach, and, after plundering the country, they proceeded towards the sea-coast.

“There was another ráí in those parts, whose rule extended over sea and land, a Brahmin, named Pandyá Gurú. He had many cities in his possession, and his capital was Fatan,^550b where there was a temple with an idol in it laden with jewels. He had many troops and ships; and Musulmáns, as well as Hindus, were in his service. He had a thousand elephants of Ma'bar and innumerable horses. The ráí, when the army of the Sultán arrived at Fatan, fled away, and what can an army do without its leader? The Musulmáns in his service sought protection from the king's army, and they were made happy with the kind reception they met with. 500 elephants also were taken. They then struck the idol with an iron hatchet, and opened its head. Although it was the very Kibla of the accursed gabrs, it kissed the earth and filled the holy treasury. Wealth and jewels were taken from it in such quantities that they would have outweighed a mountain. After the business of the ráí of Ma'bar was completed, the army returned victorious, and received due rewards from the fortunate king. May God grant him success, that he may take a whole world without moving from his throne! May he, sitting at Dehli, be able to plunder the country of Ma'bar and the seas, with a mere movement of his eyebrow!”

The Capture of Dewal Rání.

The author proceeds to the more immediate subject of his poem. Shortly after 'Aláu-d dín's accession to the throne, he sent his brother, Ulugh Khán, with a large army towards Gujarát and Somnát. The ruler of those countries was Ráí Karan. In an action between him and the Khán he sustained a defeat and fled, and his treasures, wives and concubines fell into the enemy's hands. On his return from Gujarát, the Khán presented all the booty he had taken to the king, and amongst other captives was the wife of Ráí Karan, Kanwalá Dí, celebrated for her beauty, who was taken into the king's Seraglio.

The Rání had two daughters by Ráí Karan; both had been carried off by their father in his flight. The eldest died, but the youngest. Dewal Dí, survived.

Kanwalá Dí solicited of the king that this daughter might be sent for and made over to her, and as the king was well disposed to meet her wishes, he demanded her from Ráí Karan, who was preparing to send her, accompanied with many presents, to the king, when he took alarm at the large army which had marched under Ulugh Khán and Panchamí for the conquest of the whole of Gujarát, and fled with his daughter and private attendants to seek the protection of the ráí of Deogír, by name Sankh Deo, the son of the Ráí-Ráyán, Rám Deo.

When the chief of Deogír learnt the approach of Ráí Karan, he sent his brother, Bhelam Deo, to demand Dewal Dí in marriage. Ráí Karan felt himself compelled to accede to the proposal, and he was preparing to send his daughter when he was attacked by the king's army, and Panchamí, who commanded the advance-guard, seized Dewal Dí, whose horse had been wounded and lamed by an arrow. She was taken to Ulugh Khán, and Ráí Karan fled. According to the king's order, Ulugh Khán sent Dewal Dí to Dehli, where she was made over to her mother in the palace. She was then eight years of age.

Loves of Khizr Khán and Dewal Rání.

The Sultán wished to betroth Dewal Rání to his son Khizr Khán, who was then ten years old, and Kanwalá Dí agreed to the marriage, as she had an affection for Khizr Khán in consequence of his resemblance to her brother. The children were accordingly admitted to each other's presence, and indulged in youthful gambols, and became attached to each other.

The mother of Khizr Khán objected to this match, and was desirous of betrothing him to the daughter of her brother Alp Khán, who was himself anxious to speed the preparations for the ceremony. Upon which it was represented to the mother, that as Khizr Khán had conceived an affection for Dewal Dí, he ought to be separated from her. This was accordingly done, and they were placed in different apartments, but as they were able to have occasional interviews, their growing attachment ripened, and four go-betweens on each side conveyed affectionate messages from one to the other.

The queen-mother, apprehensive of these interviews, determined to send the girl to the Red Palace. Khizr Khán's distress upon the occasion, when he tears his clothes and exhibits other signs of frantic grief. The queen foregoes her intention, when Khizr Khán recovers his serenity. The young pair contrive a secret assignation, when they become senseless through emotion. The queen again determines on sending Dewal Dí to the Red Palace. On her way there she has an interview with Khizr Khán, when he presents her with a lock of his hair to preserve as a memento, and she in return gives him a ring.

Marriage of Khizr Khán with the daughter of Alp Khán.

This marriage was solemnized in Ramazán, 711 H. (Jan. 1312 A.D.). The decorations of the city upon the occasion. Triumphal arches, dancing, singing, music, illuminations, rope-dancing, jugglery. “The juggler swallowed a sword like water, drinking it as a thirsty man would sherbet. He also thrust a knife up his nostril. He mounted little wooden horses and rode upon the air. Large bodies were made to issue out of small ones; an elephant was drawn through a window, and a camel through the eye of a needle.⁵⁵³ Those who changed their own appearance practised all kinds of deceit. Sometimes they transformed themselves into angels, sometimes into demons. Balls were made to be sometimes white and sometimes black, in imitation of the fitful vicissitudes we are subject to upon earth. They sang so enchantingly that they could make it appear as if a man was dying, and as if after an interval he was again made alive.”

The marriage of Khizr Khan with Dewal Rání.

Dewal Dí, on learning Khizr Khán's marriage, writes him a letter full of reproaches, to which he replies by excuses. The grief of the two lovers and their solicitations to heaven. The deep distress of Khizr Khán is reported to the queen-mother, and it is represented to her, that as it is lawful for a Musulmán to marry four wives, he might be allowed to marry Dewal Dí also. She relents, and as the Sultán has from the beginning given his consent to Khizr Khán's marriage with Dewal Dí, she is sent for from the Red Palace and married to him.—The complete happiness of the lovers at their union.—Khizr Khán becomes one of the disciples of the Saint Nizámu-d dín Aulyá.

Rupture between 'Aláu-d dín and Khizr Khán.

The poet again proceeds to some historical details.—Misunderstanding between the Sultán and Khizr Khán, and the imprisonment of the latter.—The cause was this: the Sultán being ill of fever, Khizr Khán made a vow that, in the event of his recovery, he would proceed bare-footed on a pilgrimage to some shrines. When the Sultán recovered in some degree, Khizr Khán set out on his expedition to Hatánpúr, but in consequence of his feet getting blistered he was persuaded by his attendants to mount on horseback. Amír Khusrú here observes that when the prince had such a spiritual teacher as Nizámu-d dín Aulyá, he should have performed his pilgrimage to him, and not have sought out other shrines; that it was to this that his ill-fortune is to be ascribed. Malik Káfúr, the eunuch, was not slow to take advantage of this indiscretion of the Khán, and represented that this non-fulfilment of his vow was a personal insult to the Sultán.

The Sultán first wreaked his vengeance on the Khán's maternal uncle and father-in-law, Alp Khán, who was assassinated in Dehli by his orders. He then caused an angry letter to be written to his son, telling him not to return to his presence without orders, and assigning Amroha to him as a residence, and the country from the Ganges to the foot of the hills as his hunting-ground, where game was so plentiful that “he might kill ten antelopes with one arrow.” He was directed to remain there for two months, after which he would be summoned, when the king had recovered his composure. Meanwhile, he was to send back the royal insignia he had received, the canopy, dúrbásh, standards, and elephants, which would be retained by the king until he had again restored the Khán to his good graces.

This farmán was sent by an ugly courier called 'Ambar, who brought it in one night from Dehli to beyond Meerut, where the Prince was encamped. The Prince was deeply afflicted at the contents, but returned the royal insignia under the charge of Malik Hisámu-d dín, while he himself, with tears in his eyes, crossed the Ganges and went to Amroha.

He had only been there two or three days, when his agitation was so great that, without a summons, he determined to return to his father, who, being on the point of death, received him kindly, his affection for him having revived in this extremity. Malik Káfúr, again successfully practising his wiles, persuaded the Sultán that till his recovery it would be wise to confine the Khán in the fort of Gwalior. The Sultán consented, but bound Káfúr by solemn oaths not to attempt the life of the Prince, who was accordingly carried off from Dehli to Gwalior in two days. There his faithful Dewal Rání became the companion to and solace of his miserable imprisonment.

Death of 'Aláu-d dín and subsequent massacres.

'Aláu-d dín, partly through bodily infirmity and partly through mental distress, died on the 7th Shawwál, 715 H. (Jan., 1316 A.D.), when Malik Káfúr placed the king's youngest son, Shahábu-d-dín 'Umar, upon the throne, and despatched Sumbul to Gwalior to blind Khizr Khán. When Sumbul had completed his inhuman deed, he was promoted to the office of Náíb-hájib.

A short time afterwards, the slaves and guards of the late king slew Malik Káfúr, and conveyed the intelligence to Khizr Khán, to show that the curse that he had pronounced against Káfúr had been fulfilled.

Kutbu-d dín Mubárak Sháh then ascended the throne in the beginning of 716 H. (1316 A.D.). After displacing his brother, 'Umar, he sent to demand Dewal Rání from his brother Khizr Khán, who returned an indignant refusal. Vexed at this opposition, and determined to rid himself of all rivals, the wretch Mubárak Sháh sent a ruffian named Shádí to Gwalior, to murder the three princes Khizr Khán, Shádí Khán, and 'Umar. After this butchery had been committed, the garrison violated the ladies of their households. The devoted Dewal Rání, in clinging to the body of her husband, was wounded in the face and had her hands cut off by the assassins. Not long after the murder of the princes, the villains went into the zenána and murdered all the females. All the members of the royal family were buried in the Bijymandar bastion of the fort of Gwalior. The conclusion.

“Prince Khizr Khán then ordered a confidential servant to place me near the narrative of his love, without attracting the attention of the bystanders. When my eyes fell on the heart-exciting tale, tears fell from them involuntarily. I immediately assented with all my heart, to the wish of the prince, the apple of the eye. My head was exalted by the honour of my selection, and I retired with the narrative in my hand.”

The Hindí Language.

“When I came to examine it from beginning to end, I found most of the names (words?) in it were Hindí. I pondered a long time with myself how I might join the coarse cloth with the fine, but as some kind of junction was requisite, I thought that no wise man would regard a necessity as a fault. But I was in error, for if you ponder the matter well, you will not find the Hindí words (language) inferior to the Pársí. It is inferior to the Arabic, which is the chief of all languages. The prevalent languages of Ráí and Rám, I know, from reflecting well on the matter, to be inferior to the Hindí. Arabic, in speech, has a separate province, and no other language can combine with it. The Pársí is deficient in its vocabulary, and cannot be tasted without Arabic condiments; as the latter is pure, and the former mixed, you might say that one was the soul, the other the body. With the former nothing can enter into combination, but with the latter, every kind of thing. It is not proper to place the cornelian of Yemen on a level with the pearl of Darí.

“The language of Hind is like the Arabic, inasmuch as neither admits of combination. If there is grammar and syntax in Arabic, there is not one letter less of them in the Hindí. If you ask whether there are the sciences of exposition and rhetoric, I answer that the Hindí is in no way deficient in those respects. Whoever possesses these three languages in his store, will know that I speak without error or exaggeration.

“If I were with reason and justice to speak to you of the merits of Hindí, you would object to what I advance; and if I were to swear to the truth of my assertions, who knows whether you would credit me or not? It is true, I know so little, that my acquaintance with it is but as a drop in the ocean; yet from tasting it, I am well aware that the fowl of the desert is deprived of the waters of the Tigris. He who is far from the Ganges and Hindústán can boast himself of the Nile and Tigris. When a man sees only the nightingale of China in a garden, how does he know what the parrot of Hindústán is? * * * He who has placed only guavas and quinces in his throat, and has never eaten a plantain, will say it is like so much jujube. The Khurásání who considers every Hindí a fool will think even a pán leaf of no more value than grass. A wise and just man, and he who has travelled through several countries observantly, will believe these assertions of Khusrú; for if the conversation should turn on Hind or Rám, he will speak fairly, and not without ground asseverate his own opinion, like the man who said that Basra was superior to Syria. And if any one chooses to speak with partiality, no doubt he will be ready to class my (Indian) mangoes below (foreign) figs. They call Hind black, and that is true enough, yet it is the largest country⁵⁵⁷ in the world. You should look on Hindústán as Paradise, with which it is in fact connected, for, if not, why did Adam and the peacock come to adorn it from that blissful spot?