History of India, as Told by its own Historians: The Muhammadan Period - The History of India, Volume 3

with his designs, Khusrú represented to the Sultán that he had been made a great man by his Majesty's favour, and had been sent on an important command into a distant country. The maliks and amírs had their relations and friends and adherents around them, but he had none; he therefore begged that he might be allowed to send unto Bahlawál and the country of Gujarát for some of his own connections. The Sultán, in his doting and heedlessness, gave the permission. Khusrú then brought some Gujarátís, called Parwárís,²²¹ and, pretending they were his kinsfolk, kept them near him, giving them horses and clothes, and entertaining them in grand state. The villain, in prosecution of his designs, used to call the chiefs of these Par-wárís and some other conspirators round him every night, in the rooms of Malik Náíb Káfúr, to plot with him, and each of them used to propose the plan which his malignity suggested for killing the Sultán. Just at this time the Sultán went on a hunting excursion to Sarsáwa, and the Parwárís proposed to execute their design in the field; but some of their leaders opposed this, arguing that if they slew the Sultán in the field, all his armed followers would collect and destroy the assassins. * * It seemed preferable to accomplish their purpose in the palace, and make that building their protection. They might then, after the deed was done, call the maliks and amírs together and make them accomplices, or kill them on their refusal. * * *

After the Sultán returned from his excursion, the favourite made another request. He said that when he returned home from the palace at early dawn, the doors were locked, and those kinsfolk who had come from Gujarát to enjoy his society could not then see him. If some of his men were entrusted with the key of the postern gate (dar-i chák), he might bring his friends into the lower apartments and hold converse with them. The Sultán, in his infatuation, did not perceive the design, and the keys were given over. Every night, after the first or second watch, armed Parwárís, to the number of 300, used to enter by the postern, and assemble in the lower apartments. The guards of the palace saw the entry of armed men, and had their suspicions; and men of sense all perceived that this entry of the Parwárís boded evil. * * * But no human being dared to utter a word to the Sultán, even to save his life. * * * Kází Zíáu-d dín, generally called Kází Khán, * * venturing his life, spoke to the Sultán [acquainting him with the facts, and urging him to make an investigation]. The Sultán was incensed at the words of the Kází, grossly abused him, and spurned his honest counsels. Just then Khusrú came in, and the Sultán [told him what the Kází had said]. The infamous wretch then began to weep and lament, saying, that the great kindness and distinction which the Sultán had bestowed upon him had made all the nobles and attendants of the Court his enemies, and they were eager to take his life. The Sultán * * * said that if all the world were turned upside down, and if all his companions were of one voice in accusing Khusrú, he would sacrifice them all for one hair of his head. * * * When a fourth of the night was past and the first watch had struck, * * Randhol, the maternal uncle (niyá) of Khusrú, and several Parwárís, entered the Hazár-sutún with their swords, which they hid under a sheet. * * * A Parwárí named Jáhariyá, who had been appointed to kill the Sultán, approached Kází Zíáu-d dín, and pierced him with a spear, which he drew from under the sheet. * * An outcry arose in the palace, and Jáhariyá hastened, with some other armed Parwárís, to the upper rooms. The whole palace was filled with Parwárís, and the uproar increased. The Sultán heard it, and asked Khusrú what it was. * * He went and looked, and told the Sultán that his horses had broken loose, and were running about in the court-yard, where men were engaged in catching them. Just at this time Jáhariyá, with his followers, came to the upper story, and despatched the officers and door-keepers. The violent uproar convinced the Sultán that treason was at work, so he put on his slippers and ran towards the harem. The traitor saw that if the Sultán escaped to the women's apartments, it would be difficult to consummate the plot. Prompt in his villany, he rushed after the Sultán and seized him behind by the hair, which he twisted tightly round his hand. The Sultán threw him down and got upon his breast, but the rascal would not release his hold. They were in this position when Jáhariyá entered at the head of the conspirators. Khusrú called out to him to be careful. The assassin stuck the Sultán in the breast with a spear, dragged him off Khusrú, dashed him to the ground, and cut off his head. All persons that were in the palace or upon the roof were slain by the Parwárís, who filled all the upper story. The watchmen fled and hid themselves. The Parwárís lighted torches; they then cast the headless trunk of the Sultán into the court-yard. The people saw it, and knew what had happened. Every one retired to his home in fear. Randhol, Jáhariyá, and other of the assassins, proceeded to the harem. They killed the widow of 'Aláu-d dín, mother of Faríd Khán and 'Umar Khán, and committed atrocities which had never been paralleled among infidels and heathens. * * * After killing all there were to kill, the whole palace was in the hands of the Parwárís. Lamps and torches were lighted in great numbers, and a Court was held. Though it was midnight, Malik 'Ainu-d dín Multání, Malik Wáhidu-d dín Kuraishí, Malik Fakhru-d dín Júná afterwards Sultán Muhammad Tughlik, and other nobles and great men were sent for, and were brought into the palace and made accomplices in what passed. When day broke the palace was full inside and out with Parwárís and Hindus. Khusrú Khán had prevailed, the face of the world assumed a new complexion, a new order of things sprung up, and the basis of the dynasty of 'Aláu-d dín was utterly razed. * * *

As morning broke, Khusrú, in the presence of those nobles whom he had brought into the palace, mounted the throne under the title of Sultán Násiru-d dín. * * * He had no sooner begun to reign, than he ordered all the personal attendants of the late Sultán, many of whom were of high rank, to be slain. Some were despatched in their houses, others were brought to the palace and were beheaded in private. Their wives, women, children, and handmaids were all given to the Parwárís and Hindus. The house of Kází Zíáu-d dín, with all that it contained, was given to Randhol, the maternal uncle of Khusrú. The wife and children of the Kází had fled in the early part of the night. The brother of Khusrú received the title of Khán-i Khánán, Randhol was made Ráí-ráyán, * * * and Baháu-d dín received the title of 'Azamu-l Mulk. To keep up a delusive show, and to implicate the great men of the preceding reigns, 'Ainu-l Mulk Multání, who had no kind of connection with the usurper, was entitled 'Álam Khán; the office of díwán was conferred on Táju-l Mulk. * * * In the course of four or five days preparations were made for idol worship in the palace. Jáhariyá, the murderer of Kutbu-d dín was decked out in jewels and pearls; and horrid Parwárís sported in the royal harem. Khusrú married the wife of the late Sultán Kutbu-d dín; and the Parwárís, having gained the upper hand, took to themselves the wives and handmaids of the nobles and great men. The flames of violence and cruelty reached to the skies. Copies of the Holy Book were used as seats, and idols were set up in the pulpits of the mosques. * * * It was Khusrú's design to increase the power and importance of the Parwárís and Hindus, and that their party should grow; he therefore opened the treasury and scattered money about. * * * Calling himself Sultán Násiru-d dín, the base-born slave had his title repeated in the khutba, and impressed upon coins. For the few months (that he reigned) he and his satellites thought only of overthrowing the adherents of the late Sultáns, and they had no awe of any malik or amír except of Ghází Malik, afterwards Sultán Ghiyásu-d dín Tughlik Sháh.

This nobleman held the territory of Deobálpur, and dwelt there in his palace. When he heard of the overthrow of the dynasty of 'Aláu-d dín, he writhed like a snake. To induce him to come into the city and into their toils, they tried every art with his son (Muhammad Fakhru-d dín Júná, afterwards) Sultán Muhammad Tughlik. They made Júná master of the horse, and gave him in'áms and robes of honour. But he had been a friend of the late Sultán, and was deeply wounded by his death. He was also sorely annoyed by the ascendancy of the Parwárís, and by having to meet Hindus who patronized him. But he could do nothing, for Khusrú had deluded the people, and had made them his own by scattering his gold. Ghiyásu-d dín in Deobálpúr * * * deplored the fate of the sons and ladies of his patron, 'Aláu-d dín, and pondered night and day over the means of exacting vengeance from the Parwárís and Hindus. But he was afraid of the Hindus hurting his son Fakhru-d dín Júná, and so could not move out of Deobálpúr to destroy them. In those dreadful days the infidel rites of the Hindus were highly exalted, the dignity and the importance of the Parwárís were increased, and through all the territory of Islám the Hindus rejoiced greatly, boasting that Dehlí had once more come under Hindu rule, and that the Musulmáns had been driven away and dispersed. * * *

When more than two months had passed after the overthrow of the house of 'Aláu-d dín, and the degradation of all its connections and dependents before the eyes of several of its great nobles, Malik Fakhru-d dín began to take heart, and courageously to resolve upon exacting vengeance. One afternoon he mounted his horse, and, with a few slaves, confiding himself to God, he fled from Khusrú. * * * At evening his flight became known, * * * and filled Khusrú and his followers with dismay. * * * A body of horse was sent after him, but Fakhru-d dín, the hero of Írán and Turán, reached Sarsutí, and his pursuers, not being able to overtake him, returned dispirited to Dehlí. Before he reached Sarsutí,²²⁵ his father, Ghází Malik (afterwards Sultán Ghiyásu-d dín), sent Muhammad Sartaba with two hundred horse, and he had taken possession of the fort of Sarsutí. With these horsemen Fakhru-d dín proceeded to his father, whom, to his great joy, he reached in safety at Deo-bálpúr. Malik Ghází's hands were now free to wreak vengeance on the Parwárís and Hindus for the murder of his patron, and he immediately prepared to march against the enemy. Khusrú appointed his brother, whom he had made Khán-i Khánán, and Yúsuf Súfí, now Yúsuf Khán, to command his army. He gave his brother a royal canopy, and sent them with elephants and treasure towards Deobálpúr. So these two foolish ignorant lads went forth, like newly-hatched chickens just beginning to fly, to fight with a veteran warrior like Malik Ghází, whose sword had made Khurásán and the land of the Mughals to tremble. * * * They reached Sarsutí; but such was their inexperience and want of energy, that they could not drive out Malik Ghází's horse. So they turned their backs upon the place, and in their folly, * * * marched to encounter the hero, who twenty times had routed the Mughals. Like children in their parents' laps, they went on helplessly all in confusion. * * *

On the other hand, Ghází Malik had called in the assistance of Malik Bahrám Abiya of Uch, one of the faithful, and he arrived at Deobálpúr with his horse and foot, and joined Ghází. When intelligence of the enemy's march from Sarsutí reached them, * * * Ghází drew his forces out of Deobálpúr, and passing the town of Daliyá,²²⁶ he left the river behind, and came face to face with the enemy. Next day he gave battle. * * * The enemy broke at the first charge, and was thrown into utter confusion. The canopy and baton of Khusrú's brother, and the elephants and horses and treasure, fell into the hands of the victors. Many chiefs and officers were killed, and many were wounded and made prisoners. The two lads who called themselves Kháns * * * fled, without stopping, to Khusrú. This defeat so terrified Khusrú and his followers that hardly any life was left in their bodies. * * *

For a week after the victory Malik Ghází remained on the field of victory, and after collecting the spoils and arranging his forces, he proceeded towards Dehlí. * * * Khusrú Khán and his followers, in dismay, left Sírí, and marched out into the field to the Hauz-i 'Aláí, where he posted himself opposite Lahráwat, with gardens in front and the citadel in his rear. He brought out all the royal treasures from Kílú-gharí and Dehlí, making a clean sweep of the whole, like one spurned by fortune or worsted in gambling. The records and accounts he caused to be burned, * * * and everything in the public treasury he distributed as pay or gifts to his forces. Furious at the thought of anything valuable falling into the hands of the chief of Islám, he did not leave a dáng or diram behind. * * * The soldiers, who were faithful to their creed, and had no thought of drawing a sword against Malik Ghází and the army of Islám, took the money of the wretched fellow, heaped hundreds of curses upon him, and then went to their homes. * * * Ghází Malik, with his army and friends, arrived near Dehlí, and encamped in the suburb of Indarpat. On the night preceding the expected battle, 'Ainu-l Mulk Multání deserted Khusrú Khán, and went towards Ujjain and Dhár. This defection quite broke down the spirits of Khusrú and his followers.

On Friday, a day of joy and victory to the Musulmáns, but of woe to the Hindus and infidels, Ghází Malik led forth his forces from Indarpat against the foe. Khusrú, on the other side, sent forward his elephants, and, with his Parwárís, Hindus, and the Musulmáns who stood by him, advanced to the plain of Lahráwat, where both armies drew up in order of battle. Skirmishes ensued, in which the side of Ghází Malik had the advantage. Malik Talbagha Nágorí, who had attached himself heart and soul to Khusrú Khán, and drew his sword against the army of Islám, was overthrown, and his severed head was brought to Ghází Malik. Sháyista Khán, formerly known as the son of Karrat Kímár, and now 'ariz-i mamálik, seeing all was over, led away his force towards the desert, but plundered the baggage of Ghází Malik at Indarpat as he pursued his flight. The main armies still confronted each other, but in the afternoon * * * Ghází Malik advanced against the centre of Khusrú's force. The effeminate wretch could not bear the attack of men. He fled, and, leaving his army, he took the road to Tilpat. * * * His Parwárís were separated from him, and not one remained with him when he reached that place. He fell back from thence and concealed himself for the night in a garden which formerly belonged to Malik Shádí, his patron. After the defeat and dispersion of the Parwárís and Hindus, they were cut down wherever they were found, and their arms and horses were seized. Those who, in parties of three or four, fled from the city towards Gujarát, were likewise slain and plundered. On the day after the battle Khusrú was brought out of the garden of Malik Shádí and was beheaded.

That night, while Ghází Malik was at Indarpat, most of the nobles and chief men and officers came forth from the city to pay their respects, and the keys of the palace and of the city gates were brought to him. On the second day after the battle he proceeded with a great following from Indarpat to the palace of Sírí. He seated himself in the Hazár-sutún, and, in the presence of the assembled nobles, wept over the unhappy fate which had befallen Kutbu-d dín and the other sons of 'Aláu-d dín, his patron, * * and gave thanks to God for the victory he had gained. Then he cried with a loud voice, “I am one of those who have been brought up under 'Aláu-d dín and Kutbu-d dín, and the loyalty of my nature has roused me up against their enemies and destroyers. I have drawn my sword, and have taken revenge to the best of my power. Ye are the nobles of the State! If ye know of any son of our patron's blood, bring him forth immediately, and I will seat him on the throne, and will be the first to tender him my service and devotion. If the whole stock has been clean cut off, then do ye bring forward some worthy and proper person and raise him to the throne; I will pay my allegiance to him. I have drawn my sword to avenge my patrons, not to gain power and ascend a throne.” * * * The assembled nobles unanimously replied that the usurpers had left no scion of the royal stock in existence. The murder of Kutbu-d dín and the supremacy of Khusrú and the Parwárís had caused disturbances, and had stirred up rebels in every direction. Affairs were all in confusion. They then added, “Thou, O Ghází Malik, hast claims upon us. For many years thou hast been a barrier to the Mughals and hast prevented their coming into Hindustán. Now thou hast done a faithful work, which will be recorded in history; thou hast delivered the Musulmáns from the yoke of Hindus and Parwárís; thou hast avenged our benefactors, and hast laid every one, rich and poor, under obligation. * * * All we who are here present know no one besides thee who is worthy of royalty and fit to rule.” All who were present agreed with one acclaim, and, taking him by the hand, they conducted him to the throne. He then took the title of Sultán Ghiyásu-d dín, * * * and every one paid him due homage. * * *

Sultán Ghiyásu-d dín Tughlik Sháh ascended the throne in the palace of Sírí in the year 720 H. (1320 A.D.) * * * In the course of one week the business of the State was brought into order, and the disorders and evils occasioned by Khusrú and his unholy followers were remedied. * * * The people in all parts of the country were delighted at his accession. Rebellion and disaffection ceased, peace and obedience prevailed. * * * On the day of his accession, he ordered all the surviving relatives of 'Aláu-d dín and Kutbu-d dín to be sought out, and he treated these ladies with all due respect and honour. The daughters of 'Aláu-d dín he married into suitable families. He severely punished the men who unlawfully married Khusrú to the widow of Kutbu-d dín three days after her husband's murder. The maliks, amírs, and other officers of his predecessors, he confirmed in their possessions and appointments. When he attained the throne, his nobleness and generosity of character made him distinguish and reward all those whom he had known and been connected with, and all those who in former days had showed him kindness or rendered him a service. No act of kindness was passed over. * * * His eldest son²³⁰ showed great elevation of character. To him he gave the title of Ulugh Khán, with a royal canopy, and he declared him his heir apparent. To his four other sons he gave the titles respectively of Bahrám Khán, Zafar Khán, Mahmúd Khán, and Nusrat Khán. Bahrám Abiya he honoured with the name of brother, and the title Kishlú Khán. To him also he entrusted Multán and Sindh. Malik Asadu-d dín, his brother's son, he made Náíb Bárbak, and Malik Baháu-d dín, his sister's son, he made 'ariz-i mamálik (mustermaster), with the territory of Sámána. * * * The excellence of his government is said to have inspired this verse of Amír Khusrú's—

“He never did anything that was not replete with wisdom and sense.
He might be said to wear a hundred doctors' hoods under his crown.”

* * * In the generosity of his nature, he ordered that the land revenues of the country should be settled upon just principles with reference to the produce. * * * The officers of the Exchequer were ordered not to assess more than one in ten, or one in eleven upon the iktá's, and other lands, either by guess or computation, whether upon the reports of informers or the statements of valuers. They were to be careful that cultivation increased year by year. Something was to be left over and above the tribute, so that the country might not be ruined by the weight of taxation, and the way to improvement be barred. The revenue was to be collected in such a way that the raiyats should increase their cultivation; that the lands already in cultivation might be kept so, and some little be added to them every year. So much was not to be exacted at once that the cultivation should fall off, and no increase be made in future. Countries are ruined and are kept in poverty by excessive taxation and the exorbitant demands of kings. The Hindus were to be taxed so that they might not be blinded with wealth, and so become discontented and rebellious; nor, on the other hand, be so reduced to poverty and destitution as to be unable to pursue their husbandry.²³¹ * * *

In the year 721 H. (1321 A.D.) the Sultán sent his eldest son, Ulugh^231a Khán, with a canopy and an army against Arangal and Tilang. Several of the nobles and officers, both of the old and new dynasty, were sent with him. The prince set out with great pomp, and when he arrived in Deogír, the officers and forces of that place joined, and marched with him to Tilang. Awe of the majesty of the Sultán, and fear of Ulugh Khán, drove Laddar Deo and all the ráís and mukaddims to seek shelter in the fortresses; they never dreamed of opposing the Khán (in the field). He arrived at Arangal, and invested the mud fort. He then sent some of his officers to spoil the land of Tilang, to collect plunder, and bring in forage. They brought in spoil and fodder in abundance, and the army pushed on the siege in full confidence. The mud fort and the stone fort of Arangal were both garrisoned with numerous Hindus, who had gathered in muniments from all quarters. Maghribís, 'arádas, and manjaníks were brought into use. Sharp conflicts daily occurred. Fire was discharged^231b from the fort, and many were killed on both sides; but the army of Islám had the advantage, the garrison was reduced to distress, and the mud fort was on the point of being taken. They resolved to surrender, and Laddar Deo the Ráí, with mukaddims, sent basíths to Ulugh Khán to make terms. They offered treasure and elephants and jewels and valuables, and begged that the Khán would accept these with tribute, as Malik Náíb Káfúr had done in the reign of 'Aláu-d dín, and would then retire. The Khán would grant no terms, but resolutely determined to reduce the fort and capture the Ráí. So the basíths returned disappointed and dejected.

When the besieged were thus reduced to extremities, and were suing for peace, very nearly a month had passed since any couriers had arrived from the Sultán, although the Khán had previously received two or three letters every week. This want of intelligence from the court caused some uneasiness in the minds of the Khán and his officers; they imagined that some of the posts on the road had been destroyed, and that consequently the couriers had been unable to prosecute their journeys with the news. It also caused apprehension and misgivings to spread among the troops, and stories were carried from one to another. 'Ubaid the poet, and Shaikh Záda-i Dimashkí, two evil-disposed, turbulent fellows, who by some means had been introduced to the Khán, fanned the strife, and spread false reports among the soldiers, to the effect that the Sultán was dead, that the government had been overthrown, that a new prince now sat upon the throne of Dehlí, and that the way was quite closed against all couriers and messengers. So every man took his own course. These two malicious men trumped up another false story. They went to Malik Tamar, Malik Tigín, Malik Mall Afghán, and Malik Káfúr, keeper of the seal, and told these nobles that Ulugh Khán looked upon them with envy and suspicion, as generals and nobles of the reign of Áláu-d dín, and as obstacles to his attaining the throne; that their names were written down in a list as men to be disposed of, and that they would be all seized at once and beheaded. These nobles were aware that these two treacherous men were constantly about Ulugh Khán, and so they credited their statements. They therefore agreed to take flight, and, joining together their followers, they left the camp. Through this defection a panic fell upon the army, trouble and tumult arose, and no man thought of another. This event was very opportune for the besieged Hindus, and saved them. They sallied forth and plundered the baggage of the army, and Ulugh Khán with his immediate followers retreated to Deogír. The soldiers were worn out, and fell in all directions. As they retreated, couriers arrived from the court, bringing news of the health and safety of the Sultán.

Differences arose among those 'Aláí nobles who had fled from the army, each of them pursued his own course. Their soldiers and servants perished, and their horses and arms fell into the hands of the Hindus. Ulugh Khán reached Deogír in safety. Malik Tamar, with a few horsemen, plunged into the Hindu territories, and there perished. Malik Tigín of Oudh was killed by the Hindus, and his skin was sent to Ulugh Khán at Deogír. Malik Mall Afghán, 'Ubaid the poet, and other revolters, were made prisoners, and were also sent to Deogír. The prince sent them on alive to his father. The wives and children of the revolters had been already seized. The Sultán held a public darbár in the plain of Sírí, when 'Ubaid, the poet, and Káfúr, the seal-keeper, and other rebels, were impaled alive;²³³ some of the others, with their wives and children, were thrown under the feet of elephants. Such a terrible punishment was inflicted as long inspired terror in the breasts of the beholders. All the city trembled at the vengeance taken by the Sultán.

Four months afterwards the Sultán sent strong reinforcements to the prince, and directed him to march against Arangal once more. He accordingly entered the country of Tilang, took the fort of Bidr, and made its chief prisoner. From thence he proceeded to Arangal for the second time. He invested the mud fort, and after plying it for a few days with arrows from the náwaks, and stones from the maghribís, he captured the whole place. Ráí Laddar Deo, with all his ráís and mukaddims, their wives and children, elephants and horses, fell into the hands of the victors. A despatch of victory was sent to Dehlí, and at Tughlikábád and Sírí there were great rejoicings. The prince sent Laddar Deo Ráí, of Arangal, with his elephants and treasures, relations and dependents, to the Sultán, under the charge of Malik Bedár, who had been created Kadar Khán, and Khwája Hájí, náíb of the 'ariz-i mamálik. The name of Arangal was changed to Sultánpúr, and all the country of Tilang was conquered. Officers were appointed to manage the country, and one year's tribute was taken. The prince then marched towards Jájnagar,²³⁴ and there took forty elephants, with which he returned to Tilang. These he sent on to his father.

At the time when Arangal was taken, and the elephants arrived from Jájnagar, several Mughal armies attacked the frontiers, but the armies of Islám defeated them and sent their two generals as prisoners to the court. The Sultán had made Tughlikábád his capital, and the nobles and officials, with their wives and families, had taken up their abode there, and had built houses.

About this time certain noblemen came from Lakhnautí, complaining of the oppressive laws under which they were suffering, and informing the Sultán of the distress and tyranny under which they and other Musulmáns laboured. So the Sultán resolved to march against Lakhnautí, and he sent couriers to summon Ulugh Khán from Arangal. He made him his vicegerent, and placed all the affairs of the kingdom under his management during his own absence. He then marched to Lakhnautí, and so conducted his forces through the deep waters and mire and dirt, on this distant march, that not a hair of any man's head was hurt. Fear and respect for the Sultán had spread through Khurásán and Hindustán, and all the countries of Hind and Sindh, and the chiefs and generals of east and west, had trembled in fear of him for many a year (karn). When the Sultán reached Tirhut, the ruler of Lakhnautí, Sultán Násiru-d dín, came forth with great respect to pay homage to the Sultán; and without the sword being called into requisition, all the ráís and ránas of the country made their submission. Tátár Khán, foster-son (pisar i khwánda) of the Sultán, held the territory of Zafarábád; and a force having been assigned to him, he brought the whole country under the imperial rule. Bahádur Sháh, the ruler of Sunár-gánw made some resistance; but a cord was thrown upon his neck, and he was conducted to the Sultán. All the elephants of the country were sent to the royal stables, and the army acquired great spoil in the campaign. Sultán Násiru-d dín had shown great respect and submission, so the Sultán gave him a canopy and a baton, sent him back, and placed Lakhnautí under his rule. Bahádur Sháh, the ruler of Sunár-gánw, was sent to Dehlí with a rope round his neck, and the Sultán returned towards his capital triumphant. * * *

When Ulugh Khán received information of the Sultán's hastening homewards to Tughlikábád, he ordered a temporary erection to be raised at Afghánpúr, about three or four kos from the city, where the Sultán might stay for the night and take rest, before marching on the following day into the city with pomp and triumph. * * * Sultán Tughlik Sháh arrived in the afternoon and stopped. Ulugh Khán, and all the great nobles and officers, had gone forth to meet him, and had conducted him thither with great ceremony. The Sultán's table had been spread, and he took food; the nobles came out to wash their hands. A thunderbolt from the sky descended upon the earth, and the roof under which the Sultán was seated fell down, crushing him and five or six other persons, so that they died.²³⁵

Sultán Muhammad bin Tughlik Sháh, the heir apparent, succeeded his father, and ascended the throne at Tughlikábád in the year 725 H. (1325 A.D.). On the fortieth day after, he proceeded from Tughlikábád to Dehlí, and there in the ancient palace took his seat upon the throne of the old Sultáns. * * *^235a

In the caligraphy of books and letters Sultán Muhammad abashed the most accomplished scribes. The excellence of his hand-writing, the ease of his composition, the sublimity of his style, and the play of his fancy, left the most accomplished teachers and professors far behind. He was an adept in the use of metaphor. If any teacher of composition had sought to rival him, he would have failed. He knew by heart a good deal of Persian poetry, and understood it well. In his epistles he showed himself skilled in metaphor, and frequently quoted Persian verse. He was well acquainted with the Sikandar náma, and also with the Búm-i salím Námah and the Táríkh-i Mah-múdí . * * * No learned or scientific man, or scribe, or poet, or wit, or physician, could have had the presumption to argue with him about his own special pursuit, nor would he have been able to maintain his position against the throttling arguments of the Sultán. * * *

The dogmas of philosophers, which are productive of indifference and hardness of heart, had a powerful influence over him. But the declarations of the holy books, and the utterances of the Prophets, which inculcate benevolence and humility, and hold out the prospect of future punishment, were not deemed worthy of attention. The punishment of Musulmáns, and the execution of true believers, with him became a practice and a passion. Numbers of doctors, and elders, and saiyids, and súfís, and kalandars, and clerks, and soldiers, received punishment by his order. Not a day or week passed without the spilling of much Musulmán blood, and the running of streams of gore before the entrance of his palace. * * *

In the course of twenty-seven years, a complete karn, the King of Kings and Lord of Lords made him to prevail over the dominions of several kings, and brought the people of many countries under his rule in Hindustán, Gujarát, Málwa, the Mahratta (country), Tilang, Kampila, Dhúr-samundar, Ma'bar, Lakhnautí, Sat-gánw (Chittagong), Sunár-gánw, and Tirhut. If I were to write a full account of all the affairs of his reign, and of all that passed, with his faults and shortcomings, I should fill many volumes. In this history I have recorded all the great and important matters of his reign, and the beginning and the end of every conquest; but the rise and termination of every mutiny, and of events (of minor importance), I have passed over. * * *

Sultán Muhammad planned in his own breast three or four projects by which the whole of the habitable world was to be brought under the rule of his servants, but he never talked over these projects with any of his councillors and friends. Whatever he conceived he considered to be good, but in promulgating and enforcing his schemes he lost his hold upon the territories he possessed, disgusted his people, and emptied his treasury. Embarrassment followed embarrassment, and confusion became worse confounded. The ill feeling of the people gave rise to outbreaks and revolts. The rules for enforcing the royal schemes became daily more oppressive to the people. More and more the people became disaffected, more and more the mind of the king was set against them, and the numbers of those brought to punishment increased. The tribute of most of the distant countries and districts was lost, and many of the soldiers and servants were scattered and left in distant lands. Deficiencies appeared in the treasury. The mind of the Sultán lost its equilibrium. In the extreme weakness and harshness²³⁷ of his temper he gave himself up to severity. Gujarát and Deogír were the only (distant) possessions that remained. In the old territories, dependent on Dehlí, the capital, disaffection and rebellion sprung up. By the will of fate many different projects occurred to the mind of the Sultán, which appeared to him moderate and suitable, and were enforced for several years, but the people could not endure them.^237a These schemes effected the ruin of the Sultán's empire, and the decay of the people. Every one of them that was enforced wrought some wrong and mischief, and the minds of all men, high and low, were disgusted with their ruler. Territories and districts which had been securely settled were lost. When the Sultán found that his orders did not work so well as he desired, he became still more embittered against his people. He cut them down like weeds and punished them. So many wretches were ready to slaughter true and orthodox Musul-máns as had never before been created from the days of Adam. * * * If the twenty prophets had been given into the hands of these minions, I verily believe that they would not have allowed them to live one night. * * *

The first project which the Sultán formed, and which operated to the ruin of the country and the decay of the people, was that he thought he ought to get ten or five per cent more tribute from the lands in the Doáb. To accomplish this he invented some oppressive ábwábs²³⁸ (cesses), and made stoppages from the land-revenues until the backs of the raiyats were broken. The cesses were collected so rigorously that the raiyats were impoverished and reduced to beggary. Those who were rich and had property became rebels; the lands were ruined, and cultivation was entirely arrested. When the raiyats in distant countries heard of the distress and ruin of the raiyats in the Doáb, through fear of the same evil befalling them, they threw off their allegiance and betook themselves to the jungles. The decline of cultivation, and the distress of the raiyats in the Doáb, and the failure of convoys of corn from Hindustán, produced a fatal famine in Dehlí and its environs, and throughout the Doáb. Grain became dear. There was a deficiency of rain, so the famine became general. It continued for some years, and thousands upon thousands of people perished of want. Communities were reduced to distress, and families were broken up. The glory of the State, and the power of the government of Sultán Muhammad, from this time withered and decayed.

The second project of Sultán Muhammad, which was ruinous to the capital of the empire, and distressing to the chief men of the country, was that of making Deogír his capital, under the title of Daulatábád. This place held a central situation: Dehlí, Gujarát, Lakhnautí, Sat-gánw, Sunár-gánw, Tilang, Ma'bar, Dhúr-samundar, and Kampila were about equi-distant from thence, there being but a slight difference in the distances. Without any consultation, and without carefully looking into the advantages and disadvantages on every side, he brought ruin upon Dehlí, that city which, for 170 or 180 years, had grown in prosperity, and rivalled Baghdad and Cairo. The city, with its sáráís, and its suburbs and villages, spread over four or five kos. All was destroyed. So complete was the ruin, that not a cat or a dog was left among the buildings of the city, in its palaces or in its suburbs. Troops of the natives, with their families and dependents, wives and children, men-servants and maid-servants, were forced to remove. The people, who for many years and for generations had been natives and inhabitants of the land, were broken-hearted. Many, from the toils of the long journey, perished on the road, and those who arrived at Deogír could not endure the pain of exile. In despondency they pined to death. All around Deogír, which is an infidel land, there sprung up graveyards of Musulmáns. The Sultán was bounteous in his liberality and favours to the emigrants, both on their journey and on their arrival; but they were tender, and they could not endure the exile and suffering. They laid down their heads in that heathen land, and of all the multitudes of emigrants, few only survived to return to their home. Thus this city, the envy of the cities of the inhabited world, was reduced to ruin. The Sultán brought learned men and gentlemen, tradesmen and landholders, into the city (Dehlí) from certain towns in his territory, and made them reside there. But this importation of strangers did not populate the city; many of them died there, and more returned to their native homes. These changes and alterations were the cause of great injury to the country.

The third project also did great harm to the country. It increased the daring and arrogance of the disaffected in Hin-dustán, and augmented the pride and prosperity of all the Hindus. This was the issue of copper money.²⁴⁰ The Sultán, in his lofty ambition, had conceived it to be his work to subdue the whole habitable world and bring it under his rule. To accomplish this impossible design, an army of countless numbers was necessary, and this could not be obtained without plenty of money. The Sultán's bounty and munificence had caused a great deficiency in the treasury, so he introduced his copper money, and gave orders that it should be used in buying and selling, and should pass current, just as the gold and silver coins had passed. The promulgation of this edict turned the house of every Hindu into a mint, and the Hindus of the various provinces coined krors and lacs of copper coins. With these they paid their tribute, and with these they purchased horses, arms, and fine things of all kinds. The ráís, the village headmen and landowners, grew rich and strong upon these copper coins, but the State was impoverished. No long time passed before distant countries would take the copper tanka only as copper. In those places where fear of the Sultán's edict prevailed, the gold tanka rose to be worth a hundred of (the copper) tankas. Every goldsmith struck copper coins in his workshop, and the treasury was filled with these copper coins. So low did they fall that they were not valued more than pebbles or potsherds. The old coin, from its great scarcity, rose four-fold and five-fold in value. When trade was interrupted on every side, and when the copper tankas had become more worthless than clods, and of no use, the Sultán repealed his edict, and in great wrath he proclaimed that whoever possessed copper coins should bring them to the treasury, and receive the old gold coins in exchange. Thousands of men from various quarters, who possessed thousands of these copper coins, and caring nothing for them, had flung them into corners along with their copper pots, now brought them to the treasury, and received in exchange gold tankas and silver tankas, shash-gánís and dú-gánís, which they carried to their homes. So many of these copper tankas were brought to the treasury, that heaps of them rose up in Tughlikábád like mountains. Great sums went out of the treasury in exchange for the copper, and a great deficiency was caused. When the Sultán found that his project had failed, and that great loss had been entailed upon the treasury through his copper coins, he more than ever turned against his subjects.

The fourth project which diminished his treasure, and so brought distress upon the country, was his design of conquering Khurásán and 'Irák. In pursuance of this object, vast sums were lavished upon the officials and leading men of those countries. These great men came to him with insinuating proposals and deceitful representations, and as far as they knew how, or were able, they robbed the throne of its wealth. The coveted countries were not acquired, but those which he possessed were lost; and his treasure, which is the true source of political power, was expended.

The fifth project * * * was the raising of an immense army for the campaign against Khurásán. * * * In that year three hundred and seventy thousand horse were enrolled in the mustermaster's office. For a whole year these were supported and paid; but as they were not employed in war and conquest and enabled to maintain themselves on plunder, when the next year came round, there was not sufficient in the treasury or in the feudal estates (iktá') to support them. The army broke up; each man took his own course and engaged in his own occupations. But lacs and krors had been expended by the treasury.

The sixth project, which inflicted a heavy loss upon the army, was the design which he formed of capturing the mountain of Kará-jal.²⁴¹ His conception was that, as he had undertaken the conquest of Khurásán, he would (first) bring under the dominion of Islám this mountain, which lies between the territories of Hind and those of China, so that the passage for horses and soldiers and the march of the army might be rendered easy. To effect this object a large force, under distinguished amírs and generals, was sent to the mountain of Kará-jal, with orders to subdue the whole mountain. In obedience to orders, it marched into the mountains and encamped in various places, but the Hindus closed the passes and cut off its retreat. The whole force was thus destroyed at one stroke, and out of all this chosen body of men only ten horsemen returned to Dehlí to spread the news of its discomfiture. * * *

REVOLTS.—* * The first revolt was that of Bahrám Abiya at Multán. This broke out while the Sultán was at Deogír. As soon as he heard of it he hastened back to his capital, and collecting an army he marched against Multán. When the opposing forces met, Bahrám Abiya was defeated. His head was cut off and was brought to the Sultán, and his army was cut to pieces and dispersed. * * * The Sultán returned victorious to Dehlí, where he stayed for two years. He did not proceed to Deogír, whither the citizens and their families had removed. Whilst he remained at Dehlí the nobles and soldiers continued with him, but their wives and children were at Deogír. At this time the country of the Doáb was brought to ruin by the heavy taxation and the numerous cesses. The Hindus burnt their corn stacks and turned their cattle out to roam at large. Under the orders of the Sultán, the collectors and magistrates laid waste the country, and they killed some landholders and village chiefs and blinded others. Such of these unhappy inhabitants as escaped formed themselves into bands and took refuge in the jungles. So the country was ruined. The Sultán then proceeded on a hunting excursion to Baran, where, under his directions, the whole of that country was plundered and laid waste, and the heads of the Hindus were brought in and hung upon the ramparts of the fort of Baran.

About this time the rebellion of Fakhrá broke out in Bengal, after the death of Bahrám Khán (Governor of Sunár-gánw). Fakhrá and his Bengalí forces killed Kadar Khán (Governor of Lakhnautí), and cut his wives and family and dependents to pieces. He then plundered the treasures of Lakhnautí, and secured possession of that place, and of Sat-gánw and Sunárgánw. These places were thus lost to the imperial throne, and, falling into the hands of Fakhrá and other rebels, were not recovered. At the same period the Sultán led forth his army to ravage Hindustán. He laid the country waste from Kanauj to Dalamú, and every person that fell into his hands he slew. Many of the inhabitants fled and took refuge in the jungles, but the Sultán had the jungles surrounded, and every individual that was captured was killed.

While he was engaged in the neighbourhood of Kanauj a third revolt broke out. Saiyid Hasan, father of Ibráhím, the purse-bearer, broke out into rebellion in Ma'bar, killed the nobles, and seized upon the government. The army sent from Dehlí to recover Ma'bar, remained there. When the Sultán heard of the revolt he seized Ibráhím and all his relations. He then returned to Dehlí for reinforcements, and started from thence to Deogír, in order to prepare for a campaign against Ma'bar. He had only marched three or four stages from Dehlí when the price of grain rose, and famine began to be felt. Highway robberies also became frequent in the neighbourhood. When the Sultán arrived at Deogír he made heavy demands upon the Musulmán chiefs and collectors of the Mahratta country, and his oppressive exactions drove many persons to kill themselves. Heavy abwábs also were imposed on the country, and persons were specially appointed to levy them. After a short time he sent Ahmad Ayyáz (as lieutenant) to Dehlí, and he marched to Tilang. When Ayyáz arrived in Dehlí he found that a disturbance had broken out in Lahor, but he suppressed it. The Sultán arrived at Arangal, where cholera (wabá) was prevalent. Several nobles and many other persons died of it. The Sultán also was attacked. He then appointed Malik Kabúl, the náíb-wazír, to be ruler over Tilang, and himself returned homewards with all speed. He was ill when he reached Deogír, and remained there some days under treatment. He there gave Shaháb Sultání the title of Nusrat Khán, and made him governor of Bidar and the neighbourhood, with a fief of a lac of tankas. The Mahratta country was entrusted to Katlagh Khán. The Sultán, still ill, then set off for Dehlí, and on his way he gave general permission for the return home of those people whom he had removed from Dehlí to Deogír. Two or three caravans were formed which returned to Dehlí, but those with whom the Mahratta country agreed remained at Deogír with their wives and children.

The Sultán proceeded to Dhár, and being still indisposed, he rested a few days, and then pursued his journey through Málwa. Famine prevailed there, the posts were all gone off the road, and distress and anarchy reigned in all the country and towns along the route. When the Sultán reached Dehlí, not a thousandth part of the population remained. He found the country desolate, a deadly famine raging, and all cultivation abandoned. He employed himself some time in restoring cultivation and agriculture, but the rains fell short that year, and no success followed. At length no horses or cattle were left; grain rose to 16 or 17 jítals a sír, and the people starved. The Sultán advanced loans from the treasury to promote cultivation, but men had been brought to a state of helplessness and weakness. Want of rain prevented cultivation, and the people perished. The Sultán soon recovered his health at Dehlí.

Whilst the Sultán was thus engaged in endeavouring to restore cultivation, the news was brought that Sháhú Afghán had rebelled in Multán, and had killed Bihzád, the náíb. Malik Nawá fled from Multán to Dehli. Sháhú had collected a party of Afgháns, and had taken possession of the city. The Sultán prepared his forces and marched towards Multán, but he had made only a few marches when Makhdúma-i Jahán, his mother, died in Dehlí. * * The Sultán was much grieved. * * He pursued his march, and when he was only a few marches from Multán, Sháhú submitted, and sent to say that he repented of what he had done. He fled with his Afgháns to Afghánistán, and the Sultán proceeded to Sannám. From thence he went to Agroha, where he rested awhile, and afterwards to Dehlí, where the famine was very severe, and man was devouring man. The Sultán strove to restore cultivation, and had wells dug, but the people could do nothing. No word issued from their mouths, and they continued inactive and negligent. This brought many of them to punishment.

The Sultán again marched to Sannám and Sámána, to put down the rebels, who had formed mandals (strongholds?), withheld the tribute, created disturbances, and plundered on the roads. The Sultán destroyed their mandals, dispersed their followers, and carried their chiefs prisoners to Dehlí. Many of them became Musulmáns, and some of them were placed in the service of noblemen, and, with their wives and children, became residents of the city.²⁴⁵ They were torn from their old lands, the troubles they had caused were stopped, and travellers could proceed without fear of robbery.

While this was going on a revolt broke out among the Hindus at Arangal. Kanyá Náík had gathered strength in the country. Malik Makbúl, the náíb-wazír, fled to Dehlí, and the Hindus took possession of Arangal, which was thus entirely lost. About the same time one of the relations of Kanyá Náík, whom the Sultán had sent to Kambala,^245a apostatized from Islám and stirred up a revolt. The land of Kambala also was thus lost, and fell into the hands of the Hindus. Deogír and Gujarát alone remained secure. Disaffection and disturbances arose on every side, and as they gathered strength the Sultán became more exasperated and more severe with his subjects. But his severities only increased the disgust and distress of the people. He stayed for some time in Dehlí, making loans and encouraging cultivation; but the rain did not fall, and the raiyats did not apply themselves to work, so prices rose yet higher, and men and beasts died of starvation. * * * Through the famine no business of the State could go on to the Sultán's satisfaction.

The Sultán perceived that there was no means of providing against the scarcity of grain and fodder in the capital, and no possibility of restoring cultivation without the fall of rain. He saw also that the inhabitants were daily becoming more wretched; so he allowed the people to pass the gates of the city and to remove with their families towards Hindustán, * * * so many proceeded thither. The Sultán also left the city, and, passing by Pattiálí and Kampila,²⁴⁶ he halted a little beyond the town of Khor, on the banks of the Ganges, where he remained for a while with his army. The men built thatched huts, and took up their abode near the cultivated land. The place was called Sarg-dwárí (Heaven's gate). Grain was brought thither from Karra and Oudh, and, compared with the price at Dehlí, it was cheap. While the Sultán was staying at this place 'Ainu-l Mulk held the territory of Oudh and Zafarábád. His brothers had fought against and put down the rebels, thus securing these territories, * * and the Malik and his brothers sent to Sarg-dwárí and to Dehlí money, grain and goods, to the value of from seventy to eighty lacs of tankas. This greatly increased the Sultán's confidence in 'Ainu-l Mulk, and confirmed his opinion of his ability. The Sultán had just before been apprized that the officials of Katlagh Khán at Deogír had, by their rapacity, reduced the revenues; he therefore proposed to make 'Ainu-l Mulk governor of Deogír, and to send him there with his brothers and all their wives and families, and to recall Katlagh Khán with his adherents. When 'Ainu-l Mulk and his brothers heard of this design, they were filled with apprehension, and attributed it to the treachery of the Sultán. They had held their present territories for many years, and many nobles and officials of Dehlí, through fear of the Sultán's severity, had left the city, alleging the dearness of grain as the reason, and had come to Oudh and Zafarábád, with their wives and families. Some of them became connected with the Malik and his brothers, and some of them received villages. * * The Sultán was repeatedly informed of this, and it made him very angry, but he kept this feeling to himself, until one day, while at Sarg-dwárí, he sent a message to 'Ainu-l Mulk, ordering that all the people of note and ability, and all those who had fled from Dehlí to escape punishment, should be arrested and sent bound to Dehlí. * * * This message, so characteristic of the Sultán's cruelty, enhanced the fears of the Malik and his brothers, and they felt assured that the Sultán's intention was to send them to Deogír and there perfidiously destroy them. They were filled with abhorrence, and began to organize a revolt.

About this time, during the Sultán's stay at Dehlí and his temporary residence at Sarg-dwárí, four revolts were quickly repressed. First. That of Nizám Má-ín at Karra. * * * 'Ainu-l Mulk and his brothers marched against this rebel, and having put down the revolt and made him prisoner, they flayed him and sent his skin to Dehlí. Second. That of Shaháb Sultání, or Nusrat Khán, at Bidar. * * * In the course of three years he had misappropriated about a kror of tankas from the revenue. * * The news of the Sultán's vengeance reached him and he rebelled, but he was besieged in the fort of Bidar, * * * which was captured, and he was sent prisoner to Dehlí. Third. That of 'Alísha, nephew of Zafar Khán, which broke out a few months afterwards in the same district. * * * He had been sent from Deogír to Kulbarga to collect the revenues, but finding the country without soldiers and without any great men, he and his brothers rebelled, treacherously killed Bhairan, chief of Kulbarga, and plundered his treasures. He then proceeded to Bidar and killed the náíb, after which he held both Bidar and Kulbarga, and pushed his revolt. The Sultán sent Katlagh Khán against him * * * from Deogír, and the rebel met him and was defeated. * * * He then fled to Bidar, where he was besieged and captured. He and his brothers were sent to the Sultán, * * * who ordered them to Ghazní. They returned from thence, and the two brothers received punishment. Fourth. The revolt of 'Ainu-l Mulk and his brothers at Sarg-dwárí. The Malik was an old courtier and associate of the Sultán, so he feared the weakness of his character and the ferocity of his temper. Considering himself on the verge of destruction, he, by permission of the Sultán, brought his brothers and the armies of Oudh and Zafarábád with him when he went to Sarg-dwárí, and they remained a few kos distant. One night he suddenly left Sarg-dwárí and joined them. His brothers then passed over the river with three or four hundred horse, and, proceeding towards Sarg-dwárí, they seized the elephants and horses which were grazing there, and carried them off. A serious revolt thus arose at Sarg-dwárí. The Sultán summoned forces from Sámána, Amroha, Baran, and Kol, and a force came in from Ahmadábád. He remained a while at Sarg-dwárí to arrange his forces, and then marched to Kanauj and encamped in its suburbs. 'Ainu-l Mulk and his brothers knew nothing of war and fighting, and had no courage and experience. They were opposed by Sultán Muhammad, * * * who had been victorious in twenty battles with the Mughals. In their extreme ignorance and folly they crossed the Ganges below Bangarmú, * * * and thinking that the Sultán's severity would cause many to desert him, they drew near to offer battle. * * * In the morning one division of the Sultán's forces charged and defeated them at the first attack. 'Ainu-l Mulk was taken prisoner, and the routed forces were pursued for twelve or thirteen kos with great loss. The Malik's two brothers, who were the commanders, were killed in the fight. Many of the fugitives, in their panic, cast themselves into the river and were drowned. The pursuers obtained great booty. Those who escaped from the river fell into the hands of the Hindus in the Mawás and lost their horses and arms. The Sultán did not punish 'Ainu-l Mulk, for he thought that he was not wilfully rebellious, but had acted through mistake. * * * After a while he sent for him, treated him kindly, gave him a robe, promoted him to high employment, and showed him great indulgence. His children and all his family were restored to him.

After the suppression of this revolt, the Sultán resolved on going to Hindustán, and proceeded to Bahráích, where he paid a visit, and devoutly made offerings to the shrine of the martyr Sipáh-sálár Mas'úd,²⁴⁹ one of the heroes of Sultán Mahmúd Subuk-tigín. * * *

When the Sultán returned to Dehlí, it occurred to his mind that no king or prince could exercise regal power without confirmation by the Khalífa of the race of 'Abbás, and that every king who had, or should hereafter reign, without such confirmation, had been or would be overpowered. The Sultán made diligent inquiries from many travellers about the Khalífas of the line of 'Abbás, and he learned that the representatives of the line of 'Abbás were the Khalífas of Egypt. So he and his ministers and advisers came to an understanding with the Khalífa that was in Egypt, and while the Sultán was at Sarg-dwárí he sent despatches to Egypt about many things. When he returned to the city he stopped^249a the prayers of the Sabbath and the 'Íds. He had his own name and style removed from his coins, and that of the Khalífa substituted; and his flatteries of the Khalífa were so fulsome that they cannot be reduced to writing. In the year 744 H. (1343 A.D.) Hájí Sa'íd Sarsarí came to Dehlí, from Egypt, bringing to the Sultán honours and a robe from the Khalífa. The Sultán, with all his nobles and saiyids and * * *, went forth to meet the Hájí with great ceremony, * * * and he walked before him barefoot for the distance of some long bow-shots. * * * From that date permission was given, that out of respect the Khalífa's name should be repeated in the prayers for Sabbaths and holydays, * * * and it was also ordered that in mentioning the names of the kings in the khutba, they should be declared to have reigned under the authority and confirmation of the 'Abbásí Khalífas. The names of those kings who had not received such confirmation were to be removed from the khutba, and the kings were to be declared to be superseded (mutaghallab). * * * The name of the Khalífa was ordered to be inscribed on lofty buildings, and no other name besides. * * * The Sultán directed that a letter acknowledging his subordination to the Khalífa should be sent by the hands of Hájí Rajab Barka'i, * * * and after two years of correspondence the Hájí returned from Egypt, bringing a diploma in the name of the Sultán, as deputy of the Khalífa.²⁵⁰ * *

After the Sultán returned from Sarg-dwárí, he remained for three or four years at Dehlí, where he devoted himself to sundry matters which he considered to be for the good of the State. Firstly. He did his best for the promotion of agriculture, and for the encouragement of building. * * * The officers entrusted with the distribution of the loans from the public treasury took care of themselves, and appropriated the money to their own wants and necessities. Much of the pasture land being unfit for cultivation remained uncultivated, and the superintendents were in dread of punishment. In the course of two years about seventy lacs of tankas had been issued from the treasury to the superintendents of the cultivation of waste lands, and not one hundredth or a thousandth part of what was disbursed was reproduced in agriculture. If the Sultán had returned from his campaign against Thatta, not one of these superintendents and managers would have remained alive. Secondly. The Sultán supported and patronized the Mughals. Every year at the approach of winter, the amírs of tumans (of men) and of thousands etc., etc., received krors and lacs, and robes, and horses, and pearls. During the whole period of two or three years, the Sultán was intent upon patronizing and favouring the Mughals. Thirdly. * * * He was diligently engaged in drawing out plans and schemes for increasing his revenue and army, and for promoting agriculture. Fourthly. He applied himself excessively to the business of punishment, and this was the cause of many of the acquired territories slipping from his grasp, and of troubles and disturbances in those which remained in his power. * * * The more severe the punishments that were inflicted in the city, the more disgusted were the people in the neighbourhood, insurrections spread, and the loss and injury to the State increased. Every one that was punished spoke evil of him. * * * Fifthly. The exertions which he made in the latter part of these years to promote the settlement and prosperity of Deogír and the country of the Mahrattas. The Sultán and the evil counsellors who found favour in his sight came to the conclusion that vast sums of the revenues of Deogír were lost through the peculations of Katlagh Khán's officials. * * * He divided the Mahratta country into four provinces (shikk). * * * The officers who were sent thither received orders to exterminate all those who had revolted or were inimical to the Sultán's rule. * * * Towards the end of the year Katlagh Khán, with his family and suite, were recalled to Dehlí, and 'Azíz Himár, a low fellow, depraved and foolish, was sent to Dhár, and made governor of all Málwa. The recall of Katlagh Khán quite disheartened the people of Deogír, and they saw themselves upon the very brink of ruin. They had enjoyed tranquility under the just and benevolent rule of that nobleman, and they had looked to him as their defence against the cruel punishments of the Sultán. The accounts which they heard of his severity had disgusted all the people of Deogír, both Hindus and Musulmáns, and many of them broke out into rebellion. * * * Mauláná Nizámu-d dín, a simple inexperienced man, and brother of Kat-lagh Khán, was sent from Bahrúj (Broach) to succeed him. * * * The cash raised from the revenues under Katlagh Khán had been accumulated at Deogír, for it was not possible to convey it to Dehlí in consequence of the badness of the roads, the distress in Málwa, and the disaffection of the village chiefs. Orders were therefore given to secure it in Dháragír, a strong fort. * * *

The Sultán having thus appointed the base-born 'Azíz Himár to Dhár and Málwa, gave him several lacs of tankas on his departure, in order that he might proceed thither with befitting state and dignity. * * * He said to him, “Thou seest how that revolts and disturbances are breaking out on every side, and I am told that whoever creates a disturbance does so with the aid of the foreign amírs.²⁵² * * * Revolts are possible, because these amírs are ready to join any one for the sake of disturbance and plunder. If you find at Dhár any of these amírs, who are disaffected and ready to rebel, you must get rid of them in the best way you can.” 'Azíz arrived at Dhár, and in all his native ignorance applied himself to business. The vile whoreson one day got together about eighty of the foreign amírs and chiefs of the soldiery, and, upbraiding them with having been the cause of every misfortune and disturbance, he had them all beheaded in front of the palace. * * * This slaughter of the foreign amírs of Dhár, on the mere ground of their being foreigners, caused those of Deogír, and Gujarát, and every other place to unite and to break out into insurrection. * * * When the Sultán was informed of this punishment, he sent 'Azíz a robe of honour and a complimentary letter. * * *

I, the author of this work, have been for seventeen years and three months at the court of Sultán Muhammad, and have received many favours and gifts from him, * * * and I have often heard him speak with contempt of low-born, mean men. * * * Now when I see him promoting and honouring low and unworthy persons, I am lost in amazement. * * *

About the time when this horrid tragedy was perpetrated by 'Azíz Himár, the náíb-wazír of Gujarát, Mukbil by name, having with him the treasure and horses which had been procured in Gujarát for the royal stables, was proceeding by way of Díhúí and Baroda to the presence of the Sultán. When he came near Díhúí and Baroda, the foreign amírs of those places, who, alarmed by the act of 'Azíz, had been impelled into rebellion, attacked Mukbil, and carried off all the horses and treasure. They also destroyed all the goods and stuffs which the merchants of Gujarát were carrying under his convoy. Mukbil returned to Nahrwála, and his party was dispersed. The amírs having acquired so many horses and so much property grew in power and importance. Stirring up the flames of insurrection, they gathered together a force and proceeded to Kanháyat (Cambay). The news of their revolt spread throughout Gujarát, and the whole country was falling into utter confusion. At the end of the month of Ramazán, 745 H. (Feb. 1345), the intelligence of this revolt and of the defeat and plunder of Mukbil was brought to the Sultán. It caused him much anxiety, and he determined to proceed to Gujarát in person to repress the revolt.

Katlagh Khán, who had been his preceptor, sent a communication to the Sultán by Zíá Barní, the author of this history, saying, “What are these amírs of Díhúí and Baroda, and in what position are they that the Sultán should proceed in person against them?” * * “If permission is granted I am willing to raise an army from the resources which I have received through the Sultán's bounty, and to march to Gujarát, to repress this revolt.” * * * The author of this work delivered the letter, * * * but it did not meet with the Sultán's approval, and he vouchsafed no answer. He gave orders, however, for pressing on the preparations for his campaign. Before the news of the revolt arrived, he had appointed Shaikh Mu'izzu-d dín, son of Shaikh 'Aláu-d dín Ajodhaní, to be náíb of Gujarát. He now ordered three lacs of tankas to be given to the Shaikh for enabling him to raise in two or three days a thousand horse to accompany the royal army. He appointed Fíroz, afterwards Sultán, Malik Kabír, and Ahmad Ayyáz to be vicegerents in the capital during his absence. He commenced his march and proceeded to Sultánpúr, about fifteen kos from Dehlí, where he remained a short time. This was just at the end of Ramazán. Here a letter reached him from Dhár from 'Azíz Himár, stating that * * * as he was nearer to the rebels, and was ready with the forces of Dhár, he had marched against them. The Sultán was not very pleased with this movement, and became very anxious, for 'Azíz knew nothing of warfare, and the Sultán feared that he might be cut up by the rebels. This letter was followed immediately by the news that 'Azíz had engaged the enemy, and, having lost his head during the battle, he had fallen from his horse, and being senseless and helpless he had been taken by the rebels and put to an ignominious death.

Insurrection followed upon insurrection. During the four or five days of Ramazán that the Sultán halted at Sultánpúr, late one evening he sent for the author of this work, Zíá Barní. When he arrived the Sultán said, “Thou seest how many revolts spring up. I have no pleasure in them, although men will say that they have all been caused by my excessive severity. But I am not to be turned aside from punishment by observations and by revolts. You have read many histories; hast thou found that kings inflict punishments under certain circumstances?” I replied, “I have read in royal histories that a king cannot carry on his government without punishments, for if he were not an avenger God knows what evils would arise from the insurrections of the disaffected, and how many thousand crimes would be committed by his subjects. Jam-shíd was asked under what circumstances punishment²⁵⁴ is approved. He replied, ‘under seven circumstances, and whatever goes beyond or in excess of these causes, produces disturbances, trouble, and insurrection, and inflicts injury on the country: 1. Apostasy from the true religion, and persistence therein; 2. Wilful murder; 3. Adultery of a married man with another's wife; 4. Conspiracy against the king; 5. Heading a revolt, or assisting rebels; 6. Joining the enemies or rivals of the king, conveying news to them, or aiding and abetting them in any way; 7. Disobedience, productive of injury to the State. But for no other disobedience, as detriment to the realm is an essential. The servants of God are disobedient to him when they are disobedient to the king, who is his vicegerent; and the State would go to ruin, if the king were to refrain from inflicting punishment in such cases of disobedience as are injurious to the realm.’” The Sultán then asked me if the Prophet had said anything about these seven offences in respect of their punishment by kings. I replied “that the Prophet had declared his opinion upon three offences out of these seven—viz., apostasy, murder of a Musulmán, and adultery with a married woman. The punishment of the other four offences is a matter rather of policy and good government. Referring to the benefits derivable from the punishments prescribed by Jamshíd, it has been remarked that kings appoint wazírs, advance them to high dignity, and place the management of their kingdoms in their hands in order that these wazírs may frame regulations and keep the country in such good order that the king may be saved from having to stain himself with the blood of any mortal.” The Sultán replied, “Those punishments which Jamshíd prescribed were suited to the early ages of the world, but in these days many wicked and turbulent men are to be found. I visit them with chastisement upon the suspicion or presumption of their rebellious and treacherous designs, and I punish the most trifling act of contumacy with death. This I will do until I die, or until the people act honestly, and give up rebellion and contumacy. I have no such wazír as will make rules to obviate my shedding blood. I punish the people because they have all at once become my enemies and opponents. I have dispensed great wealth among them, but they have not become friendly and loyal. Their temper is well known to me, and I see that they are disaffected and inimical to me.”

The Sultán marched from Sultánpúr towards Gujarát, and when he arrived at Nahrwála he sent Shaikh Mu'izzu-d dín, with some officials, into the city, whilst he, leaving it on the left, proceeded into the mountains of Abhú,²⁵⁶ to which Díhúí and Baroda were near. The Sultán then sent an officer with a force against the rebels, and these being unable to cope with the royal army, were defeated. Many of their horsemen were killed, the rest were dispersed, and with their wives and children fled to Deogír. The Sultán then proceeded from the mountains of Abhú to Broach, from whence he sent Malik Makbúl,^256a náíb-wazír-i mamálik, with some of the soldiers from Dehlí, some of the foreign amírs of Broach, and the soldiers of Broach, in pursuit of the fugitives. Malik Makbúl accordingly followed the fugitives as far as the Nerbudda, where he attacked and utterly routed them. Most of them were killed, and their wives, children, and goods fell into the hands of the victors. Some of the most noted of the rebels fled upon bare-backed horses to Mán Deo, chief of the mountains of Sálír and Málír. Mán Deo made them prisoners, and plundered them of all the valuables they possessed. Their evil influence in Gujarát was thus put an end to. Malik Makbúl remained for some days on the banks of the Nerbudda, and under royal commands he seized most of the foreign amírs of Broach who had been sent to him, and put them to death. Of those who escaped the sword, some fled to Deogír, others to the chiefs (mukaddims) of Gujarát.

The Sultán remained for some time at Broach, busily engaged in collecting the dues of Broach, Kanháyat (Cambay), and Gujarát, which were several years in arrear. He appointed sharp collectors, and rigorously exacted large sums. At this period his anger was still more inflamed against the people, and revenge filled his bosom. Those persons at Broach and Cambay, who had disputed with Malik Makbúl, or had in any way encouraged insurrection, were seized and consigned to punishment. Many persons of all descriptions thus met their ends.

While the Sultán was at Broach he appointed Zín-banda and the middle son of Rukn Thánesarí, two men who were leaders in iniquity and the most depraved men in the world, to inquire into the matters of the disaffected at Deogír. Pisar Thánesarí, the vilest of men, went to Deogír; and Zín-banda, a wicked iniquitous character, who was called Majdu-l Mulk, was on the road thither. A murmuring arose among the Musulmáns at Deogír that two vile odious men had been deputed to investigate the disaffection, and to bring its movers to destruction. One of them was before their eyes, and they heard that the other had arrived at Dhár. It so happened that just about the same time the Sultán sent two well-known noblemen to Deogír with an order to the brother of Katlagh Khán, directing him to send to Broach fifteen hundred horsemen from Deogír with the most noted of the “foreign amírs.” They accordingly proceeded to Deogír, and presented the order to Nizámu-d dín, brother of Katlagh Khán. In accordance therewith, he commissioned fifteen hundred horse, and despatched with them the chief foreign amírs under the conduct of the two nobles who had been sent for them. They marched toward Broach, but at the end of the first stage the foreign amírs, who were attended by their own horsemen, considered that they had been summoned to Broach in order to be executed, and if they proceeded thither not one would return. So they consulted together and broke out into open resistance, and the two nobles who had been sent for them were killed in that first march. They then turned back with loud clamour and entered the royal palace, where they seized Mauláná Nizámu-d dín, the governor, and put him in confinement. The officials, who had been sent by the Sultán to Deogír, were taken and beheaded. They cut Pisar Thánesarí to pieces, and brought down the treasure from (the fort of) Dhárágír. Then they made Makh Afghán, brother of Malik Yak Afghán, one of the foreign amírs, their leader, and placed him on the throne. The money and treasure were distributed among the soldiers. The Mahratta country was apportioned among these foreign amírs, and several disaffected persons joined the Afgháns. The foreign amírs of Díhúí and Baroda left Mán Deo and proceeded to Deogír, where the revolt had increased and had become established. The people of the country joined them.

The Sultán, on hearing of this revolt, made ready a large force and arrived at Deogír, where the rebels and traitors confronted him. He attacked them and defeated them. Most of the horsemen were slain in the action. Makh Afghán, their commander, who had received a royal canopy, and had called himself Sultán, escaped, with his confederates and his wives and children, to the fort of Dhárágír, and there took refuge. Hasan Kángú, and the rebels of Bidar, and the brethren of Makh Afghán, fled before the royal forces to their own countries. The inhabitants of Deogír, Hindus and Musulmáns, traders and soldiers, were plundered. 'Imádu-l Mulk, Sar-tez i Sultání, with several other amírs, was sent by the Sultán to Kulbarga, with instructions to occupy that place and to secure the neighbouring country. He was also directed to hunt up the fugitives who had fled before the royal forces, and to put a stop to their machinations. The Sultán stayed for a while at Deogír, in the royal palace, and on New Year's Day all the Musulmáns in the place went to wait upon him. * * *

While the Sultán was engaged at Deogír in settling the affairs of that place and in providing for the settlement of the Mahratta country, and before he had finished the business of the amírs and the army, news arrived of the revolt, excited by the traitor Taghí, in Gujarát. This man was a cobbler, and had been a slave of the general, Malik Sultání. He had won over the foreign amírs of Gujarát, and had broken out into rebellion. Many of the mukaddims of Gujarát joined him. He marched to Nahrwála, killed Malik Muzaffar, the assistant of Shaikh Mu'izzu-d dín (the governor), and made the latter and his officers prisoners. Taghí then proceeded, at the head of his rebels, to Cambay, and, after plundering that place, he proceeded with a body of Hindus and Musulmáns to the fort of Broach. They attacked the fort, and every day had conflicts with the defenders. The Sultán, upon receiving intelligence of this rising, left the affairs of Deogír half settled, and placing certain officers in charge, departed with all speed towards Broach to meet the rebels. All the Musulmáns of that place who had remained in Deogír, high and low, marched with the royal army to Broach. Grain was very dear, and the army suffered great privations. I, Zíá Barní, the author of this history, just at this time joined the Sultán, after he had made one or two marches from Ghatí-sákún towards Broach. I had been sent from the capital by the present Sultán (Fíroz), Malik Kabír, and Ahmad Ayyáz, with letters of congratulation on the conquest of Deogír. The Sultán received me with great favour. One day, as I was riding in his suite, the Sultán conversed with me, and the conversation turned upon rebellion. He then said, “Thou seest what troubles these traitorous foreign amírs have excited on every side. When I collect my forces and put them down in one direction, they excite disturbances in some other quarter. If I had at the first given orders for the destruction of all the foreign amírs of Deogír, Gujarát, and Broach, I should not have been so troubled by them. This rebel, Taghí, is my slave; if I had executed him or had sent him as a memorial to the King of Eden, this revolt would never have broken out.” I could not help feeling a desire to tell the Sultán that the troubles and revolts which were breaking out on every side, and this general disaffection, all arose from the excessive severity of his Majesty, and that if punishments were suspended for a while, a better feeling might spring up, and mistrust be removed from the hearts of the people. But I dreaded the temper of the king, and could not say what I desired, so I said to myself, What is the good of pointing out to the Sultán the causes of the troubles and disturbances in his country, for it will have no effect upon him?

The Sultán arrived at Broach, and encamped on the banks of the Nerbadda, which flows by the town. When the rebel Taghí was apprized of the approach of the Sultán, he abandoned the town, with a party of his adherents not numbering more than three hundred horse. The Sultán then placed Malik Yúsuf Baghrá in command of two thousand horse, and sent him with some other amírs to Cambay. In four or five days he drew near to that place and encountered Taghí, when he and several other amírs were slain, and the army being routed, fled to Broach. Instantly upon hearing this, the Sultán crossed the river, and remained two or three days in Broach. Although he made every exertion to get to Cambay, Taghí heard of his advance and fled from that place to Asáwal.²⁶⁰ Thither the Sultán pursued him, but the rebel again fled and went to Nahrwála. Before the Sultán left Broach, Taghí had executed Shaikh Mu'izzu-d dín and several other officials whom he had made prisoners. * * *

The Sultán arrived at Asáwal and had to stay there about a month, on account of the ill-condition of his horses and the fall of rain. While the rains were still prevailing, news came from Nahrwála that Taghí had marched from thence with a party of horse towards Asáwal and had arrived at the town of Karra. The Sultán marched from Asáwal in the very height of the rains, and on the third or fourth day reached Karra. Next day he drew out his forces and attacked the rebel. Taghí, on seeing the approach of the royal force, plied his men with wine and made them drunk. The foreign horsemen (sawárí sadí) then made an impetuous and reckless charge with their drawn swords on the royal forces, but they were encountered by the elephants and overthrown. They then ran among the trees, dispersed and fled towards Nahrwála. Several were made prisoners, and all the baggage fell into the hands of the victors. Four or five hundred men, combatants and non-combatants,²⁶¹ were taken with the baggage, and were all put to the sword. The Sultán then placed the son of Malik Yúsuf Baghrá at the head of a force, and sent him in pursuit of the fugitives, but night came on, so he and his troops halted to rest. Taghí, with his remaining horsemen, reached Nahrwála; there he collected all his family and dependents, and proceeded to Kant-baráhí,^261a where he stayed some days. From thence he wrote to the Ráí of Karnál, imploring assistance in his flight, and proceeded to Karnál. Then he went to Thatta and Damríla, where he found refuge.

Two or three days after, the Sultán arrived at Nahrwála, and alighted at the garden of the reservoir of Sahsílang. There he applied himself to settling the affairs of Gujarát. The mukaddims, the ránas, and the mahants of Gujarát, came in and paid their homage, and received robes and rewards. In a short time the inhabitants who had been scattered abroad returned to their homes and were delivered from the ravages of the rebels. Several of Taghí's chief supporters left him and went to the Rána of Mandal and Terí,^261b but that chief slew them and sent their heads to the Sultán. He also seized upon all their wives and children. For this service he received robes and rewards, and being so favoured he came to the Court.

While the Sultan was engaged in settling the affairs of the country, and was about to enter Nahrwála, news came from Deogír that Hasan Kángú and other rebels, who had fled before the royal army in the day of battle, had since attacked 'Imádu-l Mulk, and had slain him and scattered his army. Kiwámu-d dín and other nobles left Deogír and went towards Dhár. Hasan Kángú then proceeded to Deogír and assumed royal dignity. Those rebels who had fled before the Sultán's army to the summit of Dhárágír, now came down, and a revolution was effected in Deogír. When intelligence of this reached the Sultán's ears, he was very disheartened, for he saw very well that the people were alienated. No place remained secure, all order and regularity were lost, and the throne was tottering to its fall.

During the months of the Sultán's stay at Nahrwála no one was sent to execution (siyásat). He summoned Ahmad Ayyáz and other nobles, with an army, from the capital, with the intention of sending them to Deogír, and they, having made every preparation, came to the Sultán. But news now arrived that Hasan Kángú had drawn together a large force at Deogír. The Sultán therefore did not deem it advisable to send them there, and gave up the idea of attacking it. He determined that he would free Gujarát, take Karnál, and put down the traitor Taghí; after which he would march to Deogír, overthrow the rebels, and remove every cause of trouble and anxiety. In pursuance of this plan he first directed his attention to the taking of Karnál and the fort of Khankár.²⁶² The mukaddims of Deogír, who had come from that place to wait upon the Sultán, now saw that the business of their country was postponed; so they went off by ones and twos, and, meeting at a rendezvous, they returned to Deogír.

The success of the rebels, and the loss of Deogír, greatly troubled the king. One day, while he was thus distressed, he sent for me, the author of this work, and, addressing me, said: “My kingdom is diseased, and no treatment cures it. The physician cures the headache, and fever follows; he strives to allay the fever, and something else^262a supervenes. So in my kingdom disorders have broken out; if I suppress them in one place they appear in another; if I allay them in one district another becomes disturbed. What have former kings said about these disorders?” I replied, “Histories record many remedies which kings have employed in these disorders. Some kings, when they have perceived that they do not retain the confidence of their people, and have become the objects of general dislike, have abdicated their thrones and have given over the government to the most worthy of their sons. Retiring into privacy, and occupying themselves in innocent pursuits, they have passed their time in the society of sympathizing friends, without troubling themselves about matters of government. Other kings, when they have found themselves the objects of general aversion, have taken to hunting, pleasure, and wine, leaving all the business of the State to their wazírs and officers, and throwing off all concern in them. If this course seems good²⁶³ to the people, and the king is not given to revenge, the disorders of the State may be cured. Of all political ills, the greatest and most dire is a general feeling of aversion and a want of confidence among all ranks of the people.” The Sultán replied, “If I can settle the affairs of my kingdom according to my wish, I will consign my realm of Dehlí to three persons, Fíroz Sháh, Malik Kabír, and Ahmad Ayyáz, and I will then proceed on the pilgrimage to the holy temple. At present I am angry with my subjects, and they are aggrieved with me. The people are acquainted with my feelings, and I am aware of their misery and wretchedness. No treatment that I employ is of any benefit. My remedy for rebels, insurgents, opponents, and disaffected people is the sword. I employ punishment and use the sword, so that a cure may be effected by suffering. The more the people resist, the more I inflict chastisement.”

When the Sultán gave up Deogír and applied himself to the settlement of Gujarát, he passed three rainy seasons in that country. The first he passed at Mandal and Terí,^263a devoting his time to the affairs of the country and the equipment of his army. The second he passed near the fort of Karnál. When the mukad-dim of that place saw the numbers and strength of the royal army, he resolved to make Taghí prisoner and deliver him up; but the rebel got notice of his intention, and fled to Thatta, where he found refuge with the Jám. After the rains were over, the Sultán took Karnál, and brought all the coast into subjection. The ránas and mukaddims came in and made submission, whereupon they received robes and rewards. A commissioner was sent to take charge of Karnál. Khankhár and the Rána of Karnál, being taken prisoners, were brought to the court, and all that country was completely subdued. The third rainy season the Sultán passed at Kondal. This is a place in the direction of Thatta, Súmargán,²⁶⁴ and Damríla. At Kondal the Sultán fell sick with fever, which obliged him to remain there for some time. Before the Sultán went to Kondal he received from Dehlí the intelligence of the death of Malik Kabír, which deeply grieved him. Thereupon he sent Ahmad Ayyáz and Malik Makbúl from the army to take charge of the affairs of the capital. He summoned Khudáwand-záda,^264a Makhdúm-záda, and many elders, learned men and others, with their wives and families, to Kondal. Every one that was summoned hastened with horse and foot to join the Sultán at Kondal, so that a large force was gathered there and was formed into an army. Boats were brought from Deobálpur, Multán, Uch, and Siwistán to the river. The Sultán recovered from his disorder, and marched with his army to the Indus. He crossed that river in ease and safety with his army and elephants. He was there joined by Altún Bahádur, with four or five thousand Mughal horse, sent by the Amír of Farghan. The Sultán showed great attention to this leader and his followers, and bestowed many gifts upon them. He then advanced along the banks of the Indus towards Thatta, with an army as numerous as a swarm of ants or locusts, with the intention of humbling the Súmras and the rebel Taghí, whom they had sheltered.

As he was thus marching with his countless army, and was thirty kos from Thatta, the 'áshúra or fast of the 10th of Muharram happened. He kept the fast, and when it was over he ate some fish. The fish did not agree with him, his illness returned and fever increased. He was placed in a boat and continued his journey on the second and third days, until he came to within fourteen kos of Thatta. He then rested, and his army was fully prepared, only awaiting the royal command to take Thatta, and to crush the Súmras of Thatta and the rebel Taghí in a single day, and to utterly annihilate them. But fate ruled it otherwise. During the last two or three days that he was encamped near Thatta, the Sultán's malady had grown worse, and his army was in great trouble, for they were a thousand kos distant from Dehlí and their wives and children, they were near the enemy and in a wilderness and desert, so they were sorely distressed, and looking upon the Sultán's expected death as preliminary to their own, they quite despaired of returning home. On the 21st Muharram, 752 H. (1350 A.D.), Sultán Muhammad bin Tughlik departed this life on the banks of the Indus, at fourteen kos from Thatta. * * *

Sultán Fíroz Sháh.

I, the author of this Táríkh-i Fíroz Sháhí, have written all that I have witnessed during six years of the personal character of the reigning sovereign, and of the events which have occurred during that time. I have included these in eleven chapters, and if I live some years longer I intend to write ninety more chapters, so that the complete history of the reign may consist of one hundred and one chapters (mukaddamas). * * *

1.—Accession of Fíroz Sháh.

* * * On the third day after the death of Muhammad Tughlik, the army marched from (its position) fourteen kos from Thatta towards Siwistán, on its return homewards. Every division of the army marched without leader, rule, or route, in the greatest disorder. No one heeded or listened to what any one said, but continued the march like careless caravans. So when they had proceeded a kos or two, the Mughals, eager for booty, assailed them in front, and the rebels of Thatta attacked them in the rear. Cries of dismay arose upon every side. The Mughals fell to plundering, and carried off women, maids, horses, camels, troopers, baggage, and whatever else had been sent on in advance. They had very nearly captured the royal harem and the treasure with the camels which carried it. The villagers (who had been pressed into the service) of the army, and expected the attack, took to flight. They pillaged various lots of baggage on the right and left of the army, and then joined the rebels of Thatta in attacking the baggage train. The people of the army, horse and foot, women and men, stood their ground; for when they marched, if any advanced in front, they were assailed by the Mughals; if they lagged behind, they were plundered by the rebels of Thatta. Those who resisted and put their trust in God reached the next stage, but those who had gone forward with the women, maids, and baggage, were cut to pieces. The army continued its march along the river without any order or regularity, and every man was in despair for his life and goods, his wife and children. Anxiety and distress would allow no one to sleep that night, and, in their dismay, men remained with their eyes fixed upon heaven. On the second day, by stratagem and foresight, they reached their halting ground, assailed, as on the first day, by the Mughals in front and the men of Thatta in the rear. They rested on the banks of the river in the greatest possible distress, and in fear for their lives and goods. The women and children had perished. Makhdúm Záda 'Abbásí, the Shaikhu-s Shaiyúkh of Egypt, Shaikh Nasíru-d dín Mahmúd Oudhí, and the chief men, assembled and went to Fíroz Sháh, and with one voice said, “Thou art the heir apparent and legatee of the late Sultán; he had no son, and thou art his brother's son; there is no one in the city or in the army enjoying the confidence of the people, or possessing the ability to reign. For God's sake save these wretched people, ascend the throne, and deliver us and many thousand other miserable men. Redeem the women and children of the soldiers from the hands of the Mughals, and purchase the prayers of two lacs of people.” Fíroz Sháh made objections, which the leaders would not listen to. All ranks, young and old, Musulmáns and Hindus, horse and foot, women and children, assembled, and with one acclaim declared that Fíroz Sháh alone was worthy of the crown. “It he does not assume it to-day and let the Mughals hear of his doing so, not one of us will escape from the hands of the Mughals and the Thatta men.” So on the 24th Muharram, 752 H. (1351 A.D.), the Sultán ascended the throne.

On the day of his accession the Sultán got some horse in order and sent them out to protect the army, for whenever the Mughal horse came down they killed and wounded many, and carried off prisoners. On the same day he named some amírs to guard the rear of the army, and these attacked the men of Thatta when they fell upon the baggage. Several of the assailants were put to the sword, and they, terrified with this lesson, gave up the pursuit and returned home. On the third day he ordered certain amírs to attack the Mughals, and they accordingly made several of the Mughal commanders of thousands and of hundreds prisoners, and brought them before the Sultán. The Mughals from that very day ceased their annoyance; they moved thirty or forty kos away, and then departed for their own country.

All men of intelligence in Hind and Sind have seen and remarked the stop which has been put to the inroads of the Mughals of Changíz Khán in this auspicious reign. They have not been able to attack and ravage the frontier territories, nor have they been permitted to come in with professions of friendship and employ their arts to carry off the wealth of the country. They had the presumption to make two attacks. Once they crossed the Sodra and came into the neighbouring country. There they were met by the forces of Islám and were defeated. Many were killed and many were taken prisoners. These latter were placed upon camels, and were paraded in derision round Dehlí, with wooden collars on their necks. Those who escaped from the battle fled in the greatest precipitation and confusion, and many were drowned in the passage of the Sodra. On the other occasion they made a rapid dash into Gujarát. Some perished from thirst, some died by the hands of the soldiers, and some fell in a night attack which the natives of the country made upon them. Not one-tenth of these accursed followers of Changíz Khán reached their own country.

XVI.

[This History of Fíroz Sháh is devoted exclusively to the reign of that monarch, and therefore has a better right to the title than Barní's history, which embraces only a small portion of the reign of Fíroz, and bears the title simply because it was written or finished during his reign. Little is known of Shams-i Siráj beyond what is gleaned from his own work. He was descended from a family which dwelt at Abúhar, the country of Fíroz Sháh's Bhatti mother. His great grandfather, he says, was collector of the revenue of Abúhar, and was intimate with Ghiyásu-d dín Tughlik before he became Sultán. He himself was attached to the court of Fíroz, and accompanied him on his hunting expeditions.]

The work has met with scarcely any notice, whilst every historian who writes of the period quotes and refers to Zíáu-d dín Barní. The reason of this may be that Shams-i Siráj enters more than usual into administrative details, and devotes some chapters to the condition of the common people—a matter of the utmost indifference to Muhammadan authors in general. His untiring strain of eulogy could not have condemned him in their eyes, as they were accustomed to little else in all the other histories they consulted; so that we must either attribute the neglect of this work to the cause assigned, or to the fact of its having at a comparatively late period been rescued from some musty record room. The work, consisting of ninety chapters, contains an ample account of this Akbar of his time; and, making due allowance for the prevalent spirit of eulogium and exaggeration, it not only raises in us a respect for the virtues and munificence of Fíroz, and for the benevolence of his character, as shown by his canals and structures for public accommodation, but gives us altogether a better view of the internal condition of India under a Muhammadan sovereign than is presented to us in any other work, except the Áyín-i Akbarí.

[In style, this history has no pretensions to elegance, being, in general, very plain. The author is much given to reiterations and recapitulations, and he has certain pet phrases which he constantly uses. Sir H. Elliot desired to print a translation of the whole work, and he evidently held it in high estimation. A portion of the work had been translated for him by a munshí, but this has proved to be entirely useless. The work of translation has, consequently, fallen upon the editor, and he has endeavoured to carry out Sir H. Elliot's plan by making a close translation of the first three chapters, and by extracting from the rest of the work everything that seemed worthy of selection. The translation is close, without being servile; here and there exuberances of eloquence have been pruned out, and repetitions and tautologies have been passed over without notice, but other omissions have been marked by asterisks, or by brief descriptions in brackets of the passages omitted. Shams-i Siráj, with a better idea of method than has fallen to the lot of many of his brother historians, has divided his work into books and chapters with appropriate headings.

[Besides this history of Fíroz Sháh, the author often refers to his Manákib-i Sultán Tughlik, and he mentions his intention of writing similar memoirs of the reign of Sultán Muhammad, the son of Fíroz Sháh. Nothing more appears to be known of these works. Copies of the Táríkh-i Fíroz Sháhí are rare in India, and Colonel Lees, who has selected the work for publication in the Bibliotheca Indica, has heard only of “one copy in General Hamilton's library, and of another at Dehlí, in the possession of Nawáb Zíáu-d dín Lohárú, of which General Hamilton's is perhaps a transcript.”²⁷⁰ The editor has had the use of four copies. One belonging to Sir H. Elliot, and another belonging to Mr. Thomas, are of quite recent production. They are evidently taken from the same original, most probably the Dehlí copy above mentioned. The other two copies belong to the library of the India Office, one having been lately purchased at the sale of the Marquis of Hastings's books. These are older productions; they are well and carefully written, and although they contain many obvious errors, they will be of the greatest service in the preparation of a correct text. None of these MSS. are perfect. The two modern copies terminate in the middle of the ninth chapter of the last book. The Hastings copy wants several chapters at the end of the first and the beginning of the second book; but it extends to the eleventh chapter of the last book, and has the final leaf of the work. The other MS. ends in the middle of the fifteenth chapter of the last book, and some leaves are missing from the fourteenth. Fortunately these missing chapters seem, from the headings given in the preface, to be of no importance.

[A considerable portion of the work was translated in abstract by Lieut. Henry Lewis, Bengal Artillery, and published in the Journal of the Archæological Society of Dehlí in 1849.]

First Mukaddama.—Birth of Fíroz Sháh.

Fíroz Sháh was born in the year 709 H. (1309 A.D.). It is recorded that his father was named Sipah-sálár Rajab, and was brother of Sultán Ghiyásu-d dín Tughlik Ghází. The writer of this work has given a full account of their parentage in his Memoirs of Sultán Tughlik (Manákib-i Sultán Tughlik). The three brothers, Tughlik, Rajab, and Abú Bakr, came from Khurásán to Dehlí in the reign of 'Aláu-d dín, and that monarch, under Divine guidance, treated them with great kindness and favour. All three were taken into the service of the Court, and the Sultán, observing their courage and energy, conferred upon Tughlik the country of Dípálpúr, and employed all the brothers in public business. Tughlik was desirous that his brother Sipah-sálár Rajab should obtain in marriage the daughter of one of the Ráís of Dípálpúr; and while he was seeking a suitable match, he was informed that the daughters of Rána Mall Bhattí were very beautiful and accomplished. In those days all the estates, from the highest to the lowest, and all the jungle belonging to the Míní and Bhattí tribes, were attached to the town of Abúhar, which was one of the dependencies of Dípálpúr. The author's great-grandfather, Malik S'adu-l Mulk Shaháb 'Afíf was then 'amaldar of Abúhar, and Tughlik Sháh, after consultation with him, sent some intelligent and acute persons to Rána Mall with a proposal of marriage.

When the messengers delivered Tughlik's message, Rána Mall, in his pride and haughtiness, uttered unseemly and improper observations. This, together with the Rána's refusal, was communicated to Tughlik Sháh, who then again took counsel with the author's ancestor, and after much debate it was decided that Tughlik Sháh should proceed to the villages (talwandí) belonging to Rána Mall, and demand payment of the year's revenue. Next day Tughlik proceeded thither and demanded payment in ready money of the whole amount. The mukaddims and chaud-harís were subjected to coercion, and payment in full was insisted upon. The Rána's people were helpless and could do nothing, for those were the days of 'Aláu-d dín, and no one dared to make any outcry. In the course of two or three days they were reduced to extremities and suffered much hardship. Some trustworthy and precise persons told the author that the mother of Rána Mall, who was an old woman, when she heard of Tughlik Sháh's severity to the people, proceeded at the time of evening prayer into the house of her son, weeping and tearing her hair, and spoke most feelingly upon the matter. At that time Rána Mall's daughter, the future mother of Fíroz Sháh, was in the court-yard. When that fortunate damsel heard the wailing and crying of the Rána's mother, she inquired what was the cause of her grief; and the dame replied, “I am weeping on your account, for it is through you that Tughlik Sháh is weighing so heavily on the people of this land.” The author's veracious informer said that the high-spirited, noble girl exclaimed, “If the surrender of me will deliver the people from such misery, comply instantly with the demand, and send me to him; consider then that the Mughals have carried off one of your daughters.” The old lady went and told the Rána of his daughter's resolution, and he gave his assent. The Rána communicated the fact to the author's great-grandfather, when a messenger was sent to Tughlik Sháh announcing the Rána's assent to the marriage, and the damsel herself was brought to Dípálpúr. Before her marriage she was called Bíbí Náíla, but on entering the house of Sipah-sálár Rajab, she was styled Sultán Bíbí Kadbánú.

After the lapse of a few years she gave birth to Fíroz Sháh in a most auspicious hour, and Tughlik Sháh distributed his bounty on all sides in token of his joy. On the very day that Fíroz Sháh was born, the author's grandfather, Sháms-i Sháháb 'Afíf, also came into the world. The females of the author's ancestors then lived at Dípálpúr, and constantly visited the female apartments of Tughlik Sháh, and often in talking of these matters the author's great-grandfather used to say that he had frequently given Fíroz Sháh a cup of milk; and Fíroz Sháh himself, when he had reached the summit of his power and glory, used to tell the author's father that he had sucked at the breast of his grandmother.

When Fíroz Sháh was seven years old his father, Sipah-sálár Rajab, died, and Tughlik Sháh made great mourning for him. The widowed mother was in great distress as to the education and training of her son, but Tughlik Sháh consoled her, and told her that he would look upon the child as his own, and treat him with every kindness so long as he lived. The mother of Fíroz Sháh had no other child, either son or daughter. Those who say that Malik Kutbu-d dín was brother of Fíroz Sháh speak the truth, but he was born of another mother. The same was the case with Malik Náib Bár-bak; he also was his brother, but by a different mother.

Fíroz Sháh received instruction in the duties of royalty and the functions of sovereignty from two kings, Sultán Tughlik Sháh and Sultán Muhammad Sháh, and he became thoroughly conversant with all affairs of State. Tátár Khán Buzurg used to say upon this subject that Fíroz Sháh ought to be acquainted with regal and political duties, and that no one should feel any apprehension about him.

Fíroz Sháh was fourteen years old when Sultán Tughlik Sháh ascended the throne. The Sultán was engaged for four years and a half in travelling about his dominions, and during that time Fíroz Sháh attended him, obtaining full knowledge of all public business transacted by the Sultán. On the death of Sultán Tughlik he was succeeded on the throne of Dehlí by Muhammad Sháh. At the accession of this monarch Fíroz Sháh was eighteen years of age. He was appointed deputy of the lord chamberlain (náíb-i amír-hájib), with the title of Náíb Bár-bak, and received the command of 12,000 horse. The Sultán was exceedingly kind and generous to him, and keeping him constantly near his person he used to explain to him, with much intelligence, all affairs of State that came up for consideration. Even at this period Fíroz Sháh showed himself very kind and generous to the poor, and when any case of distress came before him he was prompt to relieve it. When Muhammad Sháh divided the territories of Dehlí into four parts, as the author has fully explained in his Manákib-i Sultán Muhammad, he placed one part under the charge of Fíroz Sháh, so that he might acquire experience in the art of government. The wise have said that the man who can perform the duties of one charge may guide the affairs of a State and accomplish the government of a kingdom. So the clear-sighted Sultán Muhammad placed Fíroz Sháh over a fourth part of his kingdom, in order that, with the Divine favour, he might become an adept in all political matters. It is commonly said that Sultán Muhammad Sháh used to keep Fíroz Sháh continually at work in various matters, and the statement is true. But this labour was not imposed upon him out of any ill-feeling, for, had the king disliked him, he would have sent him far from his court. Muhammad Sháh was an illustrious king, and a most intelligent and able man, so much so that he was remarkable for his talents among the great men of Dehlí. His object was to train Fíroz Sháh, so that he might become thoroughly versed in the duties of royalty. Thus Fíroz Sháh completed his forty-fifth year under the tuition of Sultán Muhammad Sháh.

Third Mukaddama.—Accession of Fíroz Sháh.

When Sultán Muhammad Sháh died, a body of Mughals plundered the baggage train and went off towards their own country. At this conjuncture all the Kháns and princes, the learned men, shaikhs, and officials who were with Sultán Muhammad at Thatta, met in council and decided that nothing could be done without a leader, saying, “Dehlí is distant,²⁷⁵ and these things have happened. Sultán Muhammad is gone to Paradise, and the Mughals have taken the field and have come up against us.”^275a In fine, a Mughal band plundered the baggage, and their insatiate desires being unsatisfied with the plunder thus wickedly obtained, they approached closer in search of further booty. The nobles of Sultán Muhammad Sháh then assembled in council, and, after a long and anxious deliberation, the nobles and the administrative officers both agreed that the proper course was to place the reins of government in the hands of Fíroz Sháh.

Fíroz Sháh, through fear of God, was averse to being made sovereign, and stated that he had formed the design of making the pilgrimage to Mecca. But the divine approval of the succession of Fíroz Sháh was from the first made known by means of the shaikhs, because in attaining royalty the mode of its acquisition is an important point. Sometimes when an elder is about to quit the world, he authoritatively places one of his disciples in his place, and hands over to him his prayer-carpet, although the disciple may be reluctant to undertake the serious charge. This mode of appointment is called authorization by investiture with the religious garment, and is highly honoured among shaikhs. So all the princes, and judges, and doctors, and shaikhs, and officials who had gone to Thatta with Muhammad Sháh, agreed unanimously upon choosing Fíroz Sháh, but he was reluctant to assent, feeling the weight of the responsibility to God. This however, is a feeling which can only be allowed to saints, because the burden of royalty is an arduous one. Every one approved the choice, and all men set their hearts upon its acceptance.

When this election was made known, Khudáwand-záda, daughter of Tughlik Sháh and mother of Dáwar Malik, sent a message to the nobles, urging that it was not right to prefer the Amír-hájib to her son by Malik Khusrú, seeing that she was daughter of Sultán Tughlik, and sister of Sultán Muhammad. Whilst her son lived, how could any stranger sit upon the throne? Some historians add that Khudáwand-záda used indecorous language upon the matter. On her message being delivered to the nobles, they all winced as if snake-bitten. It pleased nobody, but all the assembly agreed to send Malik Saifu-d dín Khojú to her. The Malik was a celebrated man, and whatever he said, he said well, with dignity and firmness. He accordingly proceeded to Khudáwand-záda, and addressed her in polite, though decided, language, saying, “O woman, if thy son had been chosen instead of Fíroz Sháh, thou wouldst have no home to look upon, nor should we have wives or children to gladden our eyes, because thy son is an incompetent person, incapable of governing. We have come into this foreign country, and a large Mughal army confronts us; if thou wishest to save thyself from that army, do thou acquiesce in what we all have determined, and the office and title of Náíb Bár-bak shall be conferred upon thy son.” Khudáwand-záda was silent, and Malik Saifu-d dín returned.

All the nobles then agreed upon choosing Fíroz Sháh, but still he would not consent. Writers of credit report that Tátár Khán, who was president of the meeting, then stood up, and taking the arm of Fíroz Sháh, forced him to sit upon the throne. Upon this Sultán Fíroz said to Tátár Khán, “Since you have placed this heavy trouble and grievous labour upon my shoulders, you must be patient for a while till I have performed my devotions.” He then went through his ablutions, and repeated the regular form of prayer in singleness of heart. Afterwards, bowing his head to the ground, he, with tearful eyes, poured forth his supplications to the Almighty, saying, “O Lord! the stability of states, the peace, regulation, and occupations of governments do not depend upon man. Permanence of dominion depends upon thy behests. Oh God, thou art my refuge and my strength.” After this they placed the crown of empire upon his head, and invested him with the robes of sovereignty. Many persons who were present in this assembly have told the author that Sultán Fíroz Sháh put on the robes of royalty over his garments of mourning, and although the nobles of the late Sultán Muhammad Sháh wished to remove the dress of mourning, he would not allow them, and said: “Although in compliance with your counsels I have assumed the robes of sovereignty, still I cannot throw off my garments of mourning, for Sultán Muhammad was my lord, my teacher, and my guide in all things. It was my earnest desire to make the pilgrimage to the holy temple, but I have yielded to your strenuous opposition; it will be well, therefore, that the robes of royalty should cover the garments of mourning.” He was so attired, when an elephant was brought, which he mounted, and went forth in state. The heralds and attendants shouted in loud acclaim, the drums were beaten in exultation, and universal joy prevailed.

The first public act of Sultán Fíroz Sháh was to invest Shir-ábrú Chashm with the duties of 'Imádu-l Mulk.²⁷⁷ The date of his accession to the throne was the 24th Muharram, 752 H. (March 23rd, 1351 A.D.). Fíroz Sháh, the sovereign elect, proceeded on his elephant to the female apartments, and threw himself at the feet of Khudáwand-záda. She embraced him, and with her own hands placed upon his head a crown, valued at a lac of tankas, which had belonged to Sultán Tughlik Sháh and Sultán Muhammad Sháh. The Sultán Fíroz Sháh then returned, and general satisfaction prevailed.

Fourth Mukaddama.—Fíroz Sháh wars with a Mughal force.

The accession of Fíroz Sháh made the people glad, because they were in great alarm about the Mughal hordes. After plundering the baggage train, the Mughals had come within sight of the camp at Dehlí. The kháns and nobles assembled, and the opportunity was deemed favourable for an attack upon the invaders. The Sultán accordingly assembled his forces of horse, foot, and elephants, and attacked the enemy. A fierce battle ensued, and the slaughter was great, but victory inclined to the Sultán, and the Mughals fled, abandoning their camp and baggage. The victory was complete, and all the people of the great bázár (bázár-i buzurg) who had been taken prisoners by the Mughals were set free. This was the first victory of the reign of Sultán Fíroz, and he proceeded to Dehlí amid general rejoicings and acclamations.

Fifth Mukaddama.—On the mistake made by Khwája-i Jahán Ahmad Ayyáz in setting up the son of the late Sultán Muhammad Sháh.

When Sultán Muhammad Sháh, in the latter days of his reign, proceeded to Daulatábád (Deogír), he left three persons in (charge of) Dehlí;—Malik Kabír, Katlagh Khán, and Fíroz Sháh, who was then Náíb-i amír hájib (deputy of the lord chamberlain). The two former died before their master, and the latter was summoned to attend his person in Thatta. Dehlí being thus left vacant, Khwája-i Jahán was sent thither from Thatta as representative of the absent sovereign. With him were several other nobles, Malik Kiwámu-l Mulk the Khán-i Jahán, Malik Hasan, Malik Hisámu-d dín Uzbek, and others. It is commonly reported that when the Khwája-i Jahán heard that Sultán Muhammad Sháh was dead, and that Sultán Fíroz Sháh had been chosen by the nobles and chief men to succeed him, he set up the son of Muhammad Sháh in opposition at Dehlí, and gained the people over to his side. But this commonly received story is not true. The author here gives the true account of this transaction just as he heard it from Kishwar Khán, son of Kishlú Khán Bahrám, one of the servants of the Court.

When Sultán Muhammad Sháh died at Thatta, the chiefs of the Hazára of Khurásán, who had come to assist him, as soon as they heard of his death, plundered the chief bázár, as the author has related in his Manákib-i Sultán Muhammad Sháh. In those days the baggage belonging to the forces, which were at detached stations, was plundered, and the men of these detachments all fled to the city. Fíroz Sháh had not yet been placed on the throne. A slave named Malíh Túntún²⁷⁹ had been sent from Dehlí by Khwája-i Jahán to Sultán Muhammad, and just at this juncture, when the alarming news was coming in from the army, he started on his return to Dehlí. On his arrival he unfolded to Khwája-i Jahán the intelligence of the death of the Sultán, the attacks of the Mughals upon the army, the plundering of the bázár, and the disaffection and bloodshed among the royal forces. He then proceeded to add that Tátár Khán and the Amír-hájib Fíroz Sháh were missing, and it was not known whether they had been taken prisoners or killed by the Mughals; that many other nobles had been slain; and that such untoward events had happened in the royal army.

When the Khwája-i Jahán heard this news, he mourned for the death of Sultán Muhammad, and also for Fíroz Sháh. There was great affection between the Khwája and Fíroz Sháh, so that they had no reserve with each other, and it reached to such an extent that the Khwája called Fíroz his son. After the duties of mourning were completed, the Khwája, believing the report brought by Malíh to be correct, placed a son of Sultán Muhammad Sháh upon the throne, and thus, through adverse fate, committed a blunder. When he heard that the Lord Chamberlain was alive and well, he perceived his error. But he proceeded to collect an army, and thought his best policy was to be prepared, because in affairs of State no one believes acts like his to be be mistakes and errors; and until peace is made between the two parties, neither ought to be free from apprehension of grievous consequences. So the Khwája assembled a strong force in Dehlí, and took men into his service, until his army amounted to about 20,000 horse. He distributed large sums among the people, although the treasury was then at a very low ebb, in consequence of the lavish liberality of Sultán Muhammad Sháh during his reign of twenty-seven years. When the money was exhausted, he gave away the gold and silver utensils, and when these had come to an end, the jewels. This profusion attracted crowds from all directions, but it was a curious fact that while they accepted the Khwája's bounty, their hopes and prayers were in favour of Fíroz Sháh.

When Khwája-i Jahán heard of the succession of Sultán Fíroz Sháh, he lamented the mistake he had made. Conflicting rumours were afloat in the two armies. It was said to be the Khwája's determination that, as soon as the Sultán's army reached Dehlí, he would place all the dependents of the nobles who were in that army on the manjaníks, and shoot them away. Another rumour said that the Khwája had a powerful army and would offer a stout resistance.

When these proceedings and rumours were reported to Sultán Fíroz, he called a council of all the princes and nobles in his army. It was unanimously agreed that Sultán Muhammad Sháh had no son, but only a daughter, who was born in the reign of Sultán Tughlik. Where, it was asked, had the Khwája-i Jahán found the pretended son? All wise men spoke in the same strain, expressing their astonishment at the Khwája's error, and agreeing that his actions were quite unworthy a man of his age. Sultán Fíroz finished the discussion by expressing his own surprise, and resolved upon marching to Dehlí. The chiefs and men of the army warmly supported him, and on the other side the people of Dehlí anxiously watched for his arrival. He accordingly marched on and arrived at Multán. Up to this time he had never talked to any one, small or great, about the Khwája-i Jahán, but had acted in the most politic manner and in strict accordance with the examples of the wisest kings. It was now fully confirmed that the Khwája was resolved upon opposition. Sultán Fíroz knew that the army of Thatta had suffered many hardships and troubles, and through the prodigality of Sultán Muhammad Sháh the treasury was empty. The army had also been reduced to great straits by the assaults of the Mughals, and had been compelled to retire towards Dehlí; and, besides this, the wives and children of the men were there; hence Fíroz Sháh was apprehensive that if the Khwája-i Jahán's antagonism became the talk of the army, the men would be dispirited, and would think the Sultán was afraid of the Khwája. For these reasons Sultán Fíroz never talked on the subject until he reached Multán.

Seventh Mukaddama.—March of Fíroz Sháh from Thatta to Dehlí.

When the Sultán was about to march upon Dehlí, a consultation was held as to the most suitable route. The council was in favour of proceeding by way of Gujárát, so that the riches of that country might be secured. But the Sultán took another view, and said, “When Sultán Tughlik Sháh marched to repress the insurrection of Khusrú Khán, he went by way of Dípálpúr, and by God's favour obtained the victory. I am therefore resolved upon pursuing the same route by Dípálpúr and Multán, hoping that I, in like manner, shall be brought in safety to Dehlí.” So he began his march by that road. When the news of his approach by way of Multán, with the elephants and baggage, reached Dehlí, the people rejoiced, and many of the nobles and principal men of the place went forth to meet him. The Khwája, on seeing this defection, was sorely troubled, but he said nothing, and did nothing to prevent it. His counsellors pointed out to him that the fugitives were carrying off the wealth of Dehlí to Fíroz Sháh, and urged him to put a stop to it by detaining their wives and children. To all this Khwája-i Jahán gave no answer, and things went on until every one who had the power joined Sultán Fíroz, and those who had not the power looked in anxious expectation of his arrival. * * *

When the Sultán arrived near Multán, while he was on the march, Malíh Túntún, the slave of Khwája-i Jahán was perceived approaching at a distance. He came as a messenger and carried in his sword-belt a letter from the son of Sultán Muhammad. Sultán Fíroz recognized him when a long way off, and reining up his horse, he doubted in his mind whether Khwája-i Jahán might not be dead. He then ordered the messenger to be stopped, and inquiry to be made of him as to whether the Khwája was well. The attendants went forward and inquired as to the state of the Khwája and of the people of Dehlí. Malíh replied in very haughty terms, and his answer was conveyed to the Sultán, who observed, “We must trust in God's mercy—what can Khwája-i Jahán or others do?”

The Sultán at length entered Multán, and behaved very liberally to the shaikhs of the city. From thence he proceeded to Ajodhan, and made a pilgrimage to the tomb of Shaikhu-l Islám Farídu-l hakk. He next marched to Sarsutí, which is ninety kos from Dehlí. The bankers and merchants of the place assembled and brought several lacs of tankas to the Sultán who accepted the money as a loan, and promised to repay it after his arrival at Dehlí, making Malik 'Imádu-l Mulk responsible for its discharge. All the money thus received was paid to the army. * * *

As Sultán Fíroz advanced, the people of Multán, Dípálpúr, Sarsutí, and other places, joined his army, just as they had flocked to the support of Sultán Muhammad Sháh. Men of all classes came in, nobles and plebeians, soldiers and officials. Thirty-six rájas of the neighbourhood joined him, and his forces greatly increased. The Sultán addressed them all in friendly, conciliatory terms, and held out promises of favours to come. The people in Dehlí were anxious about the progress of the Sultán, and at length Kiwámu-l Mulk, the Khán-i Jahán Mak-búl, took the lead, and addressed a letter to him relating how matters stood, and announcing his intention of joining him. In every letter he expressed his ardent good-will, and the Sultán, according to his request, wrote to him in reply. It began to be whispered about in the city that Khán-i Jahán was in correspondence with Fíroz Sháh, and would soon be off to join him. Khwája-i Jahán was satisfied of this being his intention by many palpable proofs, and resolved to seize the Khán and to frustrate his design. * * *

Early one morning Kiwámu-l Mulk got into a chaudol (kind of sedan), and with his armed retinue, his wives, children, friends, and dependents proceeded to the gate of the maidán. When he reached it, the sentinels attempted to bar it, but the horsemen rode up with drawn swords and frustrated their design. So Kiwámu-l Mulk, the Khán-i Jahán, then went leisurely out of the city to meet Sultán Fíroz Sháh. The Sultán had left Sarsutí, and, having made several marches, had reached Ikdár, where he was joined by, and received homage from, Khán-i Jahán. Another pleasure which the Sultán received on the same day at this place was the birth²⁸³ of a son, who was named Fath Khán. The Sultán founded a town there, to which he gave the name of Fath-ábád (Futtehabad).

Ninth Mukaddama.—Khwája-i Jahán meets the Sultán.

Khwája-i Jahán heard that Kiwámu-l Mulk Khán-i Jahán had joined the Sultán. * * * His mind became greatly troubled, and he reflected that as his proceedings had originated in error, no good could come of them. He resolved, therefore, to go to the Sultán and explain his error, trusting in God's protection. Accordingly he started from Dehlí on a Thursday, and on the same day arrived at Ismá'íl,²⁸⁴ which is twenty-four kos distant. On the next day, being Friday, after prayers, he proceeded to Hauz-i Kháss-i 'Alá. Here the nobles, who were faithful to him, Malik Hasan, Malik Khattáb, Malik Hisámu-d dín Uzbek, and others, being uneasy in their minds, went to him and said that they perceived he was resolved upon going to Sultán Fíroz, and inquired what he advised them to do. He told them that in preferring the son of Sultán Muhammad Sháh, he had no object or design of his own in view. * * * When he heard that Sultán Muhammad was dead, that the Mughals were pressing on, and that Fíroz Sháh and Tátár Khán were missing, he acted as he thought best for the public welfare and the safety of the country. He had been guilty of many faults and errors, but the cries and pressure of the people on all sides had urged him on; otherwise he would have taken no part in the matter. He then went on to say that during the late reign he had called Fíroz Sháh his son, and had been addressed by him as father, and his wives had been in the custom of going to the house of Fíroz. He knew not what God had decreed for him, but Sultán Fíroz was a kind man, and would listen to what he had to say. He would also extend his pardon to the Khwája's supporters.

Khwája-i Jahán was more than eighty years old. His frame was wasted and feeble, and his hair was white. * * * He was a kind-hearted man, and when his followers heard of the resolution he had taken, they wept for him, and told him that in affairs of royalty no consideration is paid to the relation of father and son, and no excuses of error can be admitted. Sultán Fíroz, although a good man, could not act differently from kings in general. The Khwája replied, “I may turn back and fortify myself in Dehlí, but although I have an army and elephants, Sultán Fíroz will take the place, and Muhammadan ladies will fall into the hands of the ruffians of his army. In my old age I should do that for which I should be called upon to account in the judgment. I have not much longer to live; come what may, God's will be done!” His adherents seeing him thus resolved, some accompanied him to Sultán Fíroz, and some fled.

Khwája-i Jahán accordingly proceeded to Fathábád. The author has been informed that, on his arrival, the Sultán was seated on his throne holding a court, and the Khwája went into his presence with a chain around his neck, his turban off, a tálíka (?) on his head, and a naked sword fastened to his throat, and took his standing low down among the attendants. * * * The Sultán directed his turban to be replaced upon his head, and sent his own chaudol to convey him to the grass plot, where he promised to meet and converse with him. * * *

Sultán Fíroz was desirous that no evil should come to Khwája-i Jahán, and wished to reinstate him as wazír, * * * but the Kháns, nobles, and officials, having met and consulted, arrived at the unanimous opinion that it was improper to look over such a political offence. * * * They accordingly went to the Sultán and said that as Dehlí had now come into his hands, and the Khwája-i Jahán had joined him, all apprehension upon that ground was removed; they therefore desired the royal permission to set out on a pilgrimage to Mecca. The Sultán perceived their meaning, and, speaking in kind and gentle words, said: “It was a high duty of kings to overlook any irregular acts of their officers.” * * * They replied, “That the offences of royal servants were of two classes—one small, the other great. The venial offences were those against property, the graver, those against authority; the former might be excused, but the latter ought not to be forgiven. Clemency in such cases was sure to be followed by repentance. The Khwája, in his inordinate thirst for distinction, had raised a child to the royal dignity, and had squandered vast wealth among the people.” * * * Sultán Fíroz saw that they were resolved, heart and soul, upon the destruction of the Khwája. This made him very anxious and thoughtful, so that he grew pale. In this state he remained for some days—his heart rent with sorrow. At length he called 'Imádu-l Mulk to a private interview, and told him to go to the friends and supporters of the throne and tell them that the Sultán placed the case of Khwája-i Jahán in their hands. They might do with him what seemed to them best, for the Sultán had given up the case. * * * They accordingly agreed that as the Khwája was aged, the estate of Sámána should be assigned to him in in'ám, and so he was ordered to go there and devote his days to religion. * * * The Khwája set out for Sámána, and had made some stages when Sher Khán overtook him, but did not go to see him. * * * So the unfortunate noble saw plainly that the Khán had come on no errand of mercy, but rather to effect his destruction. * * Next day he asked Sher Khán for some tents, into one of which he went, performed his ablutions and said his prayers. * * * He then looked at the executioner and asked if he had a sharp sword, and the executioner, who was a friend of the Khwája's, showed his weapon. The old man then told him to make his ablutions, say his prayers, and use his sword. When the man had completed his devotions, the Khwája bowed his head to his prayer-carpet, and while the name of God was on his lips his friend severed his head from his body.

Eleventh Mukaddama.—Arrival of Sultán Fíroz at Hánsí.

The Sultán being relieved from all apprehension on account of Dehlí, marched in great state from Karoda towards the city. After several stages he arrived at Hánsí, where he went to wait upon the Shaikhu-l Islám Shaikh Kutbu-d dín. * * * The Shaikh said to him, “I have heard it said that you are addicted to wine; but if Sultáns and the heads of religion give themselves up to wine-bibbing, the wants of the poor and needy will get little attention.” * * * The Sultán thereupon said that he would drink no more. After this the Shaikh said that he had been informed that the Sultán was passionately fond of hunting; but hunting was a source of great trouble and distress to the world, and could not be approved. To kill any animal without necessity was wrong, and hunting ought not to be prosecuted farther than was necessary to supply the wants of man—all beyond this was reprehensible. The Sultan, in reverence of the Shaikh, promised to abstain from hunting. * * *

Thirteenth Mukaddama.—Arrival of Sultán Fíroz Sháh at Dehlí.

When the Sultán reached Dehlí, the drums of joy were beaten, and the citizens decked themselves out in their jewels and best clothes. Pavilions (kaba) were erected and were decorated according to the custom prevailing in the times of former kings. Six of these pavilions were raised, and for twenty-one days a continual festival was maintained. One lac of tankas was expended in each pavilion in food and sherbet, and no one was excluded. * * *

* * * In those days Khwája Fakhr Shádí was accountant-general. After Sultán Muhammad returned from Daulatábád, he lent the people of Dehlí property equivalent to two krors (of tankas?)²⁸⁷ for the purpose of restoring the land, villages, and quarters which had fallen into ruin during the days of the famine. This money remained in the hands of the people, and Khwája-i Jahán, after the death of Sultán Muhammad, took the people of Dehlí under his protection, and they in their greediness joined themselves to him. When Sultán Fíroz ascended the throne at Thatta, the Khwája distributed jewels and diamonds among them. All the money lent and the jewels stood against the names of the parties concerned in the government books. Fakhr Shádí, the accountant, brought the fact to the notice of Fíroz Sháh. After thinking over the matter, the Sultán consulted Kiwámu-l Mulk as to what ought to be done, * * * and that minister replied, “That Sultán Muhammad had deemed it expedient to make loans to the people, and that the Khwája-i Jahán had squandered the jewels and wealth in prosecution of his projects and vain desires; therefore it would not be seemly to demand their restoration. The people were in great distress and poverty; if such a claim were made, they would be reduced to utter helplessness and ruin, and not one jot of the debt and jewels would be realized.” * * * The Sultán then asked him how he ought to proceed, and the Khán advised him to have all the accounts brought into the public court, and there to destroy them in the presence of all the people, so that they might be relieved from their great anxiety. The Sultán heartily approved of this advice, and by his direction the records of the debt and of the jewels were brought into his court, where they were publicly cancelled. * * * At this time the Sultán appointed Kiwámu-l Mulk his wazír, and bestowed upon him the insignia of his office. * * * The revenues of Dehlí, during the forty years which Sultán Fíroz reigned, amounted to six krors and seventy-five lacs of tankas (67,500,000).

The Sultán showed great liberality in his grants of revenue, and excited the cupidity of a host of expectants. To some he gave 10,000 tankas, to others 5,000, and to others 2,000, according to the respective ranks and claims of the different office-bearers. This method (of paying officials) was introduced by Sultán Fíroz, and remains as a memorial of him. In the reigns of former rulers of Dehlí it had never been the rule to bestow villages as stipends upon office-bearers. The author has understood from various historians that Sultán 'Aláu-d dín used to speak of this practice with disapprobation, and say that in every village granted there would be two or three hundred residents, all of whom would receive pay (from the grantee). Such a number of pensioners would give rise to pride and insubordination, and if they were to act in concert, there would be danger of rebellion. With these feelings there is no wonder that 'Aláu-d-dín refused to make grants of villages, and paid his followers every year with money from the treasury. But when Sultán Fíroz came to the throne, he dismissed such thoughts from his heart, and during the forty years of his reign he devoted himself to generosity and the benefit of Musulmáns, by distributing villages and lands among his followers. In the whole of these forty years not one leaf of dominion was shaken in the palace of sovereignty.²⁸⁹ These facts are among the glories of his reign. * * *

Another law made by Fíroz Sháh was this: If an officer of the army^289a died, he was to be succeeded by his son; if he had no son, by his son-in-law; if he had no son-in-law, by his slave (ghulám); if he had no slave, by his nearest relation; and if he had no relations, by his wives. During the whole of his reign he made it a rule that, under all circumstances, the succession of every person should be clearly defined. * * *

* * * Unwise regulations had been made in former reigns, and the raiyats and subjects were oppressed in the payment of the revenue. Several writers told the author of this work that it was the practice to leave the raiyat one cow and take away all the rest. Sultán Fíroz made the laws of the Prophet his guide, acting zealously upon the principles they laid down, and prohibiting all that was inconsistent therewith. No demand in excess of the regular government dues was to be made, and the officer who made any such exaction was to make full reparation. Brocades, silks, and goods required for the royal establishments were to be purchased at the market price, and the money paid. * * * Such rules were made that the raiyats grew rich, and were satisfied. * * * Their homes were replete with grain, property, horses, and furniture; every one had plenty of gold and silver; no woman was without her ornaments, and no house was wanting in excellent beds and couches. Wealth abounded and comforts were general. The whole realm of Dehlí was blessed with the bounties of the Almighty.

While Fíroz Sháh was engaged at Dehlí in arranging the affairs of government, Khudáwand-záda, daughter of Sultán Tughlik Sháh, was also residing there with her husband, Khusrú Malik, in a palace which had belonged to the late Sultán Muhammad. Sultán Fíroz had made it his custom to go every Friday after prayers to pay a visit to Khudáwand-záda, and whenever he saw her he treated her with the greatest possible respect. She also, on her part, shewed every mark of respect to him. The Sultán and Khudáwand-záda used to sit down together in the robe-room; Khusrú Malik used to stand; and Dáwar Malik to sit behind his mother, Khudáwand-záda. When their conversation was over, the princess used to present pán, and the Sultán departed. So it went on every Friday. Under the decrees of God envy and rancour still lurk in the constitution of man, and so Khusrú Malik and Khudáwand-záda conceived the idea of hastening the end of Sultán Fíroz, and of killing him treacherously in the place where he was in the habit of visiting Khudáwand-záda on Fridays.

In the palace there was a long room, having two lateral chambers. These rooms Khusrú Malik filled with men armed from head to foot, and gave them instructions that when Khudá-wand-záda adjusted the garment round her head, they were to rush forth and cut off the Sultán's head. Khusrú Malik also concealed some more armed men under the floor of the outer gateway, who were directed to fall upon the Sultán and despatch him should he succeed in escaping from the inside of the palace. * * * When Friday came, the Sultán paid his accustomed visit, and sat down to converse as usual. Dáwar Malik, son of Khudá-wand-záda (but, as the author has been informed, by another husband than the base Khusrú Malik), sat behind his mother. He took no part in the plot, and when he saw the Sultán, he made signs that he should depart quickly and secure himself in his own palace. The Sultán took the hint and rose to depart. Khudáwand-záda pressed him to wait until the pán was served, but he said that Fath Khán was sick, and he must hasten away, but that he would come another day. The armed men in concealment were not informed of what passed, and so the Sultán escaped from the room. The men who were hidden in the gateway knew the Sultán had gone in, but they were unaware of his having come out, and so, by the grace of God, the Sultán got away safe from the house of Khudáwand-záda.

As soon as he got outside the house (into the court-yard), the Sultán raised a loud cry for his followers, but as it was Friday most of the nobles had gone back; Ráí Bhíru²⁹¹ Bhattí remained in attendance. When the Sultán came forth very excited, he cried out in a fierce tone, “Ráí Bhírú, give me the sword which thou hast in thine hand!” The Ráí perceived that he was in a state of great excitement, and replied, “I will draw my sword and will follow your Majesty; will you not proceed home?” Without heeding what was said, the Sultán snatched the sword from the hands of the Ráí, and drew it; then getting safely away from the buildings of Sultán Muhámmad's harem, he mounted to the top of the kushk (palace). The princes and nobles were instantly summoned, and they surrounded the dwelling of Khusrú Malik and Khudáwand-záda. The armed men were brought forth, and, on being questioned, told all the truth of the matter. The Sultán asked if they were not aware of what had passed. They replied with one voice that the Almighty had closed the eyes of their perception, so that they were aware of the Sultán's going into the house, but did not know of his coming out.

When the facts were proved, the Sultán ordered Khudáwand-záda into retirement and settled an allowance upon her. She had very great wealth, by the power of which Khusrú Malik had hoped to effect his designs; all this was brought into the public treasury. Khusrú Malik was banished, and Dáwar Malik was directed to pay a visit to the Sultán at the beginning of every month, wearing an overcoat and slippers on his feet.²⁹²

Eighteenth Mukaddama.—Sultán Fíroz adopts a Khutba, including the names of former Sultáns for the public prayers of Fridays and Festivals. Account of the edicts issued by him.

* * * * * * *

1. On the names used in the khutba.—It had been a rule among the Sultáns of Dehlí that the name of the reigning monarch only was mentioned in the prayers of Sabbaths and Festivals, and no reference was made to former Sultáns. When Sultán Fíroz came to the throne, they were about to follow the same rule, and to mention his name only in the khutba; but he disapproved of the omission of former kings, and ordered that a khutba should be said first in the names of former kings, and then one in which his own name should be mentioned. In accordance with this decree, the Sultáns in the following list were specially selected to be named in the khutba:—1. Sultán Shahábu-d dín Muhammad Sám; 2. Shamsu-d dín Altamsh; 3. Násiru-d dín Mahmúd; 4. Ghiyásu-d dín Balban; 5. Jalálu-d dín Fíroz; 6. 'Aláu-d dín Muhammad Khiljí; 7. Kutbu-d dín Mubárak; 8. Ghiyásu-d dín Tughlik Sháh; 9. Sultán Muhammad; 10. Fíroz Sháh. Two names were selected to be mentioned after that of Sultán Fíroz Sháh; viz., 1. Muhammad bin Fíroz Sháh; 2. 'Aláu-d dín Sikandar Sháh; and till the end of the reign these names were mentioned in the prayers. * * *

2. Account of the edicts on matters of royalty.—Sultán Fíroz Sháh issued twenty-one edicts (sikka) and thirty-one instructions ('alámat) upon matters of royalty. The author here inserts their titles for the benefit of his readers. 1. On the khutba; 2. On the sandal-wood throne; 3. On the imperial cornelian signet, etc., etc.²⁹³

First Mukaddama.—The first expedition to Lakhnautí.

About 70,000 men of the kháns and maliks having assembled, Fíroz Sháh marched with his nobles and great men to Lakhnautí. * * * Khán-i Jahán remained behind at Dehlí.

Second Mukaddama.—The Sultán lays siege to Lakhnautí.

Sháh Fíroz marched triumphantly through Hindustán and reached Bengal in great strength. * * * When he arrived on the banks of the Kosí, after resting for a short time, he found the army of Shamsu-d dín posted in force on the other side of the river, near its junction with the Ganges.^293a The passage appeared difficult, so the Sultán marched 100 kos up the Kosí, and crossed it below Champáran,²⁹⁴ at the place where the river issues from the mountain. Here a ford was found, but the waters ran with such force that stones of five hundred mans weight were borne along like straws. The Sultán ordered a line of elephants to be drawn across the river, both above and below the ford, to facilitate the passage. The upper line was to break the force of the current; the lower line was furnished with ropes, to which men carried away by the stream might cling. * * * When Shamsu-d dín heard that the Sultán had succeeded in crossing the river, he fled in great alarm with all his forces to Ikdála, and the Sultán followed by way of Champáran and Ráchap.^294a Shamsu-d dín abandoned the town of Pandwah, and shut himself up in Ikdála, pursued by the Sultán, who closely besieged the place and threw up batteries (kungura), and dug entrenchments all round it. The forces of Shamsu-d dín came out daily from Ikdála to make a display, and were received with showers of arrows. They were at length compelled to take shelter in the islands (jazáír) of Ikdála. The country was overrun by the troops of the Sultán, and all the ráos, ránas, and zamíndárs of Bengal, who joined the Sultán, were favourably received. Many people of the country of Bengal also came over to him.

When hostilities had thus gone on fiercely for some time between the two sovereigns, unfriendly weather sowed the seed of heat in the moist earth, and the sun was about to enter the sign Cancer. The Sultán therefore called a council, and after much secret debate it was resolved that Shamsu-d dín had taken refuge and fortified himself in the islands of Ikdála, with the belief that when the rains came on, and the country became inundated, the Sultán would be obliged to retreat. It was therefore expedient that the Sultán should fall back strategically a few kos and see what would happen.²⁹⁵ This plan was approved, and accordingly next day the Sultán retreated seven kos towards Dehlí. Some kalandars were then craftily sent to Ikdála, with instructions that if they were brought before Shamsu-d dín, they were to report that the Sultán was in full retreat, with all his forces and baggage, towards Dehlí. The kalandars, being captured, were taken into the presence of Shamsu-d dín, to whom they told the story they had been taught, and he, believing it, * * * de-determined to go out of Ikdála and harass the retreat.

Third Mukaddama.—Battle between Sultán Fíroz and Shamsu-d dín. Capture of fifty elephants and slaughter of one lac of the people of Bang and Bangála.

When Shamsu-d dín heard that Sultán Fíroz had retreated towards Dehlí, he made up his mind to pursue him. Some writers say that Fíroz Sháh left his camp (rakht) standing, others that he caused part of his baggage to be burned. Sultán Shamsu-d dín came out in pursuit with a force which consisted of 10,000 horse, 200,000 infantry like the infantry of Subuk-tigín, and fifty mighty elephants. Fíroz Sháh had marched seven kos, and the place where he was lying in wait was on the bank of the river where the eddies had formed a ford. His baggage was in the act of crossing at this ford, when, unexpectedly, the Sultán of the Bengalís came up and rushed to the attack. * * * * When the Sultán heard that the enemy had arrived in great force, he proceeded to draw up his army in three divisions. Malik Dílán, the Mír-shikár, had command of the right wing, consisting of 30,000 horse, and the left wing, also consisting of 30,000 warriors, was commanded by Malik Hisám Nawá. The centre, consisting likewise of 30,000 men, was under Tátár Khán. The Sultán himself proceeded from one division to another, encouraging his men. * * * The elephants were divided among the three divisions. * * * All preparations being made, the drums were beaten, and the din of war arose between the two armies. When Shamsu-d dín perceived the Sultán's army drawn up in battle array, he feared and trembled like a willow-leaf, for he found that he had been deluded by the kalandars to bring his forces out of his stronghold; all he could now do was to resign himself to the decrees of fate.

The fight began with the left wing under Hisámu-d dín Nawá, and was stoutly maintained. The right wing also under Malik Dílán became hotly engaged. * * * When the time for shooting arrows was past, they used their spears and swords, and when the conflict became even yet closer, the brave warriors seized each other by the waistbands, and grappled in deadly strife. * * * After much fighting and slaughter, Shamsu-d dín retreated and fled towards his own city. Tátár Khan, with the centre of the Sultán's army, strongly reinforced from both wings, pursued; and the Bengali army having abandoned Pandwah, continued its flight to Ikdála. Tátár Khan cried, “O Shams-i siyáh (Black Sun), whither art thou running? A man ought to show his face, not turn his back: stop for a moment and feel the strength of Fíroz Sháh's lads!” Shamsu-d dín, however, pursued his flight, heedless of everything. Forty-eight elephants were taken, and three were slain. The King of Bengal, out of all his enormous force, fled with seven horsemen, and his whole army was scattered. The place where Fíroz Sháh had taken his position on the river was seven kos from Ikdála. * * * Sultán Shamsu-d dín took refuge in the fort of Ikdála, and by dint of great exertion the commander succeeded in closing the gate, but Fíroz Sháh's forces occupied the town. When the arrival of Fíroz Sháh became known, all the ladies and respectable women went to the top of the fort, and when they saw him they uncovered their heads, and in their distress made great lamentation. The Sultán saw their state and heard their wailings; he thereupon reflected that he had occupied the city, had overcome many Musulmáns. had taken possession of the country, and that the Khutba would be said in his name. To storm the fort, put more Musulmáns to the sword, and expose honourable women to ignominy, would be a crime for which he could not answer in the day of judgment, and which would leave no difference between him and the Mughals.

Tátár Khán repeatedly urged the Sultán to retain the territory he had conquered, but the Sultán was adverse to annexation, observing that many of the sovereigns of Dehlí had come into this country and had subdued it, but none of them had deemed it prudent to remain there long. For Bengal was a land of swamps,²⁹⁷ and the nobles of the country passed their lives in their islands (jazáírát). It would not do therefore for him to act differently from all his sovereign predecessors, so Fíroz Sháh turned back after having changed the name of Ikdála to Ázádpur. Tátár Khán acted with great bravery in this war, and pressed the retreat of Sultán Shamsu-d dín with great vigour. He at one time during the pursuit resolved to put the fugitive prince to the sword, but he abandoned that design and fell back slowly to Fíroz Sháh. * * *

Fourth Mukaddama.—Return of Fíroz Sháh to Delhí.

When the Sultán resolved upon returning home from Bengal all his followers were much pleased. An order was given for collecting the heads of the slain Bengalís, and a silver tanka was offered for every head. The whole army went busily to work, and brought in the heads of the slain and piled them in heaps, receiving in payment the silver tankas. The heads were counted and amounted to rather more than 180,000, for the battle had raged for a whole day over an extent of seven kos. * * *

The Sultán then turned with his army and marched quickly towards Dehlí. When he reached Pandwah,²⁹⁸ the khutba was said in his name, and he changed the name of the place to Fírozábád. The new names which he gave to Ikdála and Pandwah were made permanent and were entered in the Government records as “Ázád-pur, otherwise Ikdála,” and “Fírozábád, otherwise Pandwah.” When the Sultán arrived on the banks of the Kosí the rains came on, and orders were given for the troops to embark in boats (kishtihá-i band-kushá). The whole army thus crossed over. When Shamsu-d dín entered Ikdála, he seized the Governor, who had shut the gates, and had him executed.

As the Sultán was returning, he sent forward to Dehlí a despatch announcing his conquest of Lakhnautí. Khán-i Jahán Makbúl had been left in Dehlí as deputy, and when the news of the victory arrived, great rejoicings were carried on for twenty-one days, * * * and great preparations were made for the reception of the Sultán. * * * When he entered the city, forty-eight elephants, captured at Lakhnautí with their howdahs and housings, marched at the head of the victorious army. * * * In this, the Sultán's first expedition to Lakhnautí, he was engaged eleven months.

Fifth Mukaddama.—Founding of the city of Hisár Fírozah.

After returning victorious from Bengal, Sultán Fíroz passed several successive years riding about Dehlí. The author was told by his father that, in the second year after the Bengal campaign, the Sultán was in the neighbourhood of Hisár Fírozah, and exerted himself actively and liberally in endeavouring to provide for the needs of the country. It was at this time that Hisár Fírozah was founded. * * * In the place now occupied by the city two large and populous villages formerly stood, which were called Great Larás and Little Larás. There were fifty kharaks included in Great Larás, and forty in Little Larás. In this country there is no other village than the kharak.²⁹⁹ The neighbourhood of Great Larás greatly pleased Sultán Fíroz, and he thought it would be well to build a city there, for it was very deficient in water, and during the hot season travellers who came from 'Irák and Khurásán had to pay as much as four jítals for a pitcher full. So the Sultán resolved to build a city, being filled with hope that if he built a town for the benefit of Musulmáns, God would provide it with water. He therefore began the work, and persevered in it for several years, assisted by his nobles and great men. Hard stone was brought from the hills of Narsáí, and was used with strong quicklime and burnt bricks. A fort of great extent and height was commenced. Various officers were appointed to superintend different portions of the work, and busied themselves in their respective duties, so that in course of time the fort was completed. The Sultán gave to the place the name of Hisár Fírozah. When the fort was finished, a ditch was dug round it, and the earth, which was taken from its bed was spread on each side of the ditch, and along the banks of the ditch battlements were built. Inside the fort a large and deep tank was formed, the water of which ran into the ditch and replenished it from year to year. Inside the fort a palace was built, which had no equal in the world, and the various apartments of which were contrived with infinite pains. One of the arrangements of this palace was that any person, having a general acquaintance with the place, after passing through several apartments, would arrive at the centre. This central apartment under the palace was very dark, and the passages were narrow, so that if the attendants did not guide the visitor he would never be able to find his way out. Indeed, it is said that a servant once went into that place, and after he had been missing for some days, the guards went there in search of him and rescued him from the darkness. * * *

The Sultán, perceiving that there was a great scarcity of water, resolved in his munificence to bring a supply thither. He accordingly conducted two streams (júí) into the city from two rivers; one from the river Jumna, the other from the Sutlej.³⁰⁰ That from the Jumna was called Rajíwáh, and (the other) Alagh-khání. Both these streams were conducted through the vicinity of Karnál, and, after a length of about eighty kos, discharged their waters by one channel into the town. The author's father was then in the service of the Court, and held the office of Shab-navís . He informed the author that Sultán Fíroz was occupied two years and a half^300a in building the town. When it was built he laid out many gardens and planted many trees, including all sorts of fruit trees. * * * Previous to this time there had been an autumn harvest, but the spring harvest failed, because wheat would not grow without water. After the canals had been dug, both harvests came to maturity.

Before this time, in the days of the old kings, this country had been entered in the revenue accounts as belonging to the division (shikk) of Hánsí; but now that Hisár Fírozah had been built, the Sultán ordered that from henceforth the division should be called Hisár Fírozah, and that the districts (iktá'át) of Hánsí, Agrowah,^300b Fath-ábád, and Sarsutí, as far as Salaurah and Khizr-ábád, with some other districts, should all be included in the division of Hisár Fírozah.^300c * * *

Fíroz Sháh thus established two cities by land and by water— the city of Fath-ábád, of which an account has been given in a former chapter, and the city of Hisár Fírozah, which has just been described. Numerous water-courses were brought into these places, and an extent of from eighty to ninety kos in these districts was brought (under cultivation), in which there were many towns and villages, as the kasbas of Janíd^301a and Dahá-tarath, and the town of Hánsí and its dependencies. In every town and village great advantage was derived from the supply of water. The king therefore convened a general assembly of judges, lawyers, and doctors, and demanded of them an opinion upon this question: “If a man with great labour and expenditure of money conducts water into certain districts, so that the inhabitants thereof realize a large profit, ought he or not to receive any return for his trouble and outlay?” They were unanimously of opinion that the benefactor was entitled to the right of sharb,^301b that is to say, ten per cent. The Sultán accordingly realized his sharb, and included it in his rent-roll.

Like unto former kings, he brought many waste lands^301c into cultivation, and subject to the payment of rent; but the proceeds of such lands were devoted to the learned and religious, among whom they were apportioned, and the public treasury was by this means relieved. The king's rental was thus increased from two sources, from the sharb, and secondly from the newly cultivated lands.^301d A sum of about two lacs of tankas was in this way added to the king's revenue. No king of Dehlí had ever been in the receipt of such an income as Sultán Fíroz now enjoyed, and the sovereign's financial business had so greatly increased that separate officers were appointed for the control of the private income of the Sultán, and the public revenue of the State was kept distinct.

When the rainy season came on, and the rains were at their height, officers were appointed to examine the banks of all the water-courses, and report how far the inundations extended. The author's father was several times appointed on this duty. The Sultán was greatly pleased when he heard of the spread of the waters. If any village in his estate went to ruin, he dismissed the officers in disgrace, and so during his reign the country was thriving and prosperous.

Sultán Fíroz proceeded from Hisár Fírozah to Hánsí, in order to have an interview with the author's preceptor, Núru-d dín, who had succeeded to the spiritual supremacy (sijjáda) lately vacated by the death of Kutbu-d dín. [The Sultán's object was to induce the Shaikh to remove to Hisár Firozah, but he declined, because Hánsí had been the home of his ancestors and the abode of his predecessors.] In these latter days the accursed (Mughals) have captured the city of Dehlí and have plundered and laid waste the possessions of Musulmáns; but through the protection of the Shaikh, the town of Hánsí remained in safety, and the people of Hisár Fírozah, who there took refuge, also found security.

* * * The Sultán having selected a site at the village of Gáwín, on the banks of the Jumna, founded the city of Fíroz-ábád, before he went to Lakhnautí the second time. Here he commenced a palace, * * * and the nobles of his court having also obtained (giriftand) houses there, a new town sprang up, five kos distant from Dehlí. Eighteen places were included in this town, the kasba of Indarpat, the saráí of Shaikh Malik Yár Parán, the saráí of Shaikh Abu Bakr Túsí, the village of Gáwín, the land of Khetwára, the land of Lahráwat, the land of Andháwalí, the land of the saráí of Malika, the land of the tomb of Sultán Raziya, the land of Bhárí, the land of Mahrola, and the land of Sultánpur. So many buildings were erected that from the kasba of Indarpat to the Kúshk-i shikár, five kos apart, all the land was occupied. There were eight public mosques, and one private mosque. * * * The public mosques were each large enough to accommodate 10,000 supplicants.

During the forty years of the reign of the excellent Sultán Fíroz, people used to go for pleasure from Dehlí to Fírozábád, and from Fírozábád to Dehlí, in such numbers, that every kos of the five kos between the two towns swarmed with people, as with ants or locusts. To accommodate this great traffic, there were public carriers who kept carriages, mules (sutúr), and horses, which were ready for hire at a settled rate every morning after prayers, so that the traveller could make the trip as seemed to him best, and arrive at a stated time. Palankín-bearers were also ready to convey passengers. The fare of a carriage was four silver jítals for each person; of a mule (sutúr), six; of a horse, twelve; and of a palankín, half a tanka. There was also plenty of porters ready for employment by any one, and they earned a good livelihood. Such was the prosperity of this district; * * but it was so ravaged by the Mughals, that the inhabitants were scattered in all directions. This was the will of God, and none can gainsay it.

Zafar Khán was son-in-law of the king of Sunár-gánw, who was called Sultán Fakhru-d dín. The capital, Sunár-gánw, is before Pandwah.³⁰⁴ After Sultán Fíroz returned the first time from Bengal, Sultán Shamsu-d dín, in pursuit of revenge, embarked in boats, and in the course of a few days reached Sunárgánw. Fakhru-d dín, who was commonly called Fukhrá, was living without any thought of danger at Sunár-gánw, where he was taken alive and slain immediately by Shamsu-d dín, who established himself in his territory. All the friends and allies of Fakhru-d dín were scattered; but Zafar Khán was at that time engaged in the country collecting the revenues and examining the accounts of the collectors. When he was informed of what had happened, he was greatly alarmed, and fled from the territory of Sunár-gánw. He embarked in a boat and departed by the river, and afterwards, pursuing the most difficult roads, he at length, after many hardships, arrived at Thatta, and from thence proceeded to Dehlí. He was then conducted to Hisár Fírozah to pay his homage and tell his story to Sultán Fíroz. * * * The author's father was then in attendance on the Sultán, and, according to his account, Zafar Khán was greatly amazed at the splendour of the court, because he had never seen the like at Lakhnautí. He made an offering of an elephant, and paid his compliments.

The Sultán having very graciously made many inquiries of him, consoled him and told him that, after all his troubles and sufferings, he should at length gain his object, and should receive the double of what he had lost at Sunár-gánw. * * * Robes were presented to Zafar Khán and his followers. On the first day he received 30,000 tankas to get his clothes washed,^304a his title, Zafar Khán, was confirmed to him, and the sum of four lacs of tankas was granted to him and his friends. One thousand horse and large numbers of footmen were assigned to him. He was first appointed deputy-wazír, and subsequently became wazír. * * *

On another day, when the Sultán held a court, he perceived Zafar Khán to be downcast and pensive, * * * and he inquired the reason why he was so oppressed. * * * He replied that * * he was sore distressed, but that if the Sultán would consider his case, his mind would be set at ease. The Sultán directed him to proceed at once to Khán-i Jahán in Dehlí, whither he himself would follow. The Khán accordingly took leave of the Sultán and proceeded to Dehlí, where he was received with great kindness and respect by the Khán-i Jahán, and was lodged in the Green Palace belonging to his majesty. The Sultán soon followed him to Dehlí, and, after consulting with the Khán-i Jahán, directed him to make every suitable preparation for avenging the claims of Zafar Khán.

When Sultán Shamsu-d dín heard of the preparations that were making against him, he was dismayed, and felt that he could not remain in the islands of Ikdála. He deemed it expedient to remove to Sunár-gánw, which was in the very centre of Bengal, and there secure himself against the enemy. He accordingly proceeded thither, but the inhabitants of that place were instant in their supplications to Sultán Fíroz Sháh for relief from the tyrant.

Tenth Mukaddama.—Sultán Fíroz's second expedition to Lakhnautí.

* * * As on the first occasion when the Sultán marched to Lakhnautí, his army (was large and) consisted of 70,000 cavalry, innumerable infantry, 470 warlike elephants, and many barrier-breaking boats (kishtíhá-i band-kushá). The warlike fervour was so great at the time that many volunteers assembled in Dehlí, and were sent on by the Sultán to the army. There were two outer tents (dihlíz), and two reception tents (bárgáh); two sleeping tents, and two tents for cooking and domestic work. There were also one³⁰⁵ hundred and eighty standards of various kinds, eighty-four ass-loads of drums and trumpets (tabal o damámah), and camels, asses, and horses in great numbers.

With this brave and well-appointed army the Sultán marched towards Bengal, and Khán-i Jahán was left behind as deputy in Dehlí. The Khán-i 'azam Tátár Khán accompanied the royal standards some marches, but was then sent back to Hisár Fírozah. The author learned the cause of this dismissal from his father, who was then one of the royal attendants (khawáss). The Sultán at the beginning of his reign, as is the practice of kings, used to indulge in wine from time to time. After starting on his campaign the Sultán encamped with his army and showed the utmost care and attention to its discipline. But it so happened that one morning they placed some wine before him. It is a remarkable fact that the wines which Fíroz Sháh used to drink were of various colours and different flavours; some were yellow as saffron, some red as the rose, some were white; and the taste of all was like sweet milk. Thus the personal attendants of this great king used to serve him with wines of different colours. One morning after prayers the Sultán called for a glass to moisten his throat, and it so happened that Tátár Khán came to wait upon him just at the same time. His arrival was announced to the Sultán, who was greatly annoyed at being thwarted in his enjoyment; so he desired his son Fath Khán to see Tátár Khán, and to put him off with some excuse. But Tátár Khán was not to be denied; in spite of all excuses he would not go away, but went in and sat down, saying that he had a statement to make. The Sultán was thus compelled to invite him in.

At that time the Sultán was lying half-naked (chún nihang) on his couch; but before the Khán came in, he wrapped a garment around him, and, rising from his couch, sat down on a coverlet. The wine and cups he pushed under the bed, and covered all with a sheet. When Tátár Khán entered, he spied what was hidden under the bed, and his suspicions were aroused. He was so troubled by the sight that his lips failed to utter the usual salutation. The Sultán spoke not a word, neither did he. At length Tátár Khán began to speak (seriously) as if beginning a sermon (dástán), saying, that they were about to march against the enemy, and the time was one for repentance, self-abasement, and prayer. The Sultán inquired what he meant, and asked if anything untoward had happened, and the Khán said he perceived certain articles under the bed. The Sultán replied that he liked to take a little now and then; and Tátár Khán expressed his deep regret that the Sultán should indulge in such a practice. Thereupon the Sultán swore an oath that he would drink no more wine while the Khán was with the army. Tátár Khán gave thanks to God and went away. The Sultán sat brooding over the matter and thought the Khán had spoken to him in a disrespectful and unkind manner. After some days the Sultán bethought him that they were not near Hisár-Fírozah, the neighbourhood of which town was in a disturbed state; he therefore sent Tátár Khán thither to restore order and quiet, and the Khán accordingly took his departure.

The Sultán then marched through Kanauj and Oudh to Jaunpúr. Before this time there was no town of any extent (shahr-i ábádán) there, but the Sultán, observing a suitable site, determined upon building a large town. He accordingly stayed there six months, and built a fine town on the banks of the Kowah,³⁰⁷ to which he determined to give the name of Sultán Muhammad Sháh, son of Tughlik Sháh, and as that sovereign bore the name of Jaunán, he called the place Jaunánpúr (Jaunpúr). An account of this foundation was sent to Khwája-i Jahán at Dehlí. Jaunpúr was made a (capital) city in the reign of the Sultánu-sh Shark Khwája-i Jahán,^307a and I intend to give a full account of this King of the East in my memoirs (manákib) of the reign of Sultán Muhammad, son of Fíroz. After this delay of six months, he marched for Bengal, and in due time arrived there.

Sultán Shamsu-d dín was dead, and had been succeeded by Sultán Sikandar, who, fearing the invading force, fled with all his forces into the islands (jazáír) of Ikdála. Fíroz Sháh surrounded these islands, and by his command all his forces built themselves wooden huts,³⁰⁸ and prepared for battle.

The Sultán having blockaded the islands of Ikdála, as above stated, 'arrádas (small balistas) and manjaníks were erected on both sides, arrows and darts were discharged, the business of the siege went on, and conflicts occurred every day. The besieged were unable to come out of their fortress, and strict guard was kept on both sides by night and day. Suddenly one of the principal bastions of the fort of Sikandariya fell down, because it was unable to bear the men and the immense weight placed upon it. A great cry arose from the besiegers before the place and the besieged within, and both sides prepared for battle. When the alarm reached the ears of the Sultán, he looked inquiringly upon his attendants, and Prince Fath Khán suggested that the Bengal army had made a sally from Ikdála. The Sultán immediately called for his dress, and, girding on his arms, he rode to the scene of the uproar. There he was met by the impetuous Hisámu-l Mulk, who told him that the chief tower had fallen under the pressure of the crowds placed upon it, and urged him to make an immediate assault and capture the place. The Sultán thought over the proposition, and after serious reflection he replied to Hisámu-d dín, that although it was very desirable that the place should be captured, still, if it were taken by sudden assault, thousands of worthy and respectable women would be subjected to violence and indignity at the hands of graceless men, and he was therefore resolved to wait awhile and trust in Providence. All the army expected the order for the assault, but accepted patiently the royal decision.

During the night “the King of the Blacks” mounted “the eastern roof,” and urging his Bengalís to work energetically, they laboured all night, and, restoring the ruined fort, were again prepared for the attack. The author has been informed by trustworthy people that the fort of Ikdála was built of mud, so that it was soon repaired and made ready for action. Fighting re-commenced and went on, of which no description can be given. Provisions at length grew short in the fort, which made the Bengalís anxious, and both parties being heartily tired of fighting, the Almighty disposed the two kings for peace.

Twelfth Mukaddama.—Conclusion of Peace between Sultán Sikandar and Sultán Fíroz, with the presentation of forty elephants.

Sultán Sikandar and his people being in great distress, he consulted with his ministers as to the best course to be pursued to escape from their difficulties. They being unanimous, said that the people of Bengal had never been very friendly with the people of the Upper provinces,³⁰⁹ because the decrees of fate had so ruled; but if the Sultán would give his consent, they, his servants and well-wishers, would send a person to the ministers of Sultán Fíroz Sháh and make propositions of peace. Sultán Sikandar kept silence, and his advisers retired, observing that “Silence is one of the signs of assent.” His ministers accordingly sent a clever, confidential agent to the ministers of Sultán Fíroz to open negotiations for peace, representing that * * * the combatants on both sides were Muhammadans, and that these contentions were productive of evil to the professors of Islám; it therefore behoved the ministers of Sultán Fíroz to make him disposed for peace, as Sultán Sikandar was already inclined.

When these overtures were made to the ministers of Fíroz Sháh, they assembled together, and, after carefully considering the matter, they agreed that the propositions were reasonable, and that they would recommend them to his acceptance. These wise men accordingly repaired to his presence, and made known to him the proposals of Sultán Sikandar. He entertained the proposal, and said that as his adversary was reduced to distress, and was disposed to peace, it behoved him to listen to the proposition in conformity to the Divine precept that “Peace is good,” and so stop the sword in its ravages on the people of Islám. After some consideration he replied, that he would accept the proposition, on condition that the Khán-i 'azam, Zafar Khán, should be placed on the throne in Sunár-gánw. When the ministers heard this resolution of the Sultán, they * * * sent Haibat Khán as envoy, to settle the terms of peace.

The ministers of Sultán Sikandar met and received the envoy; but although Sultán Sikandar was fully acquainted with all the negotiations which had been carried on, he pretended to be in ignorance. Haibat Khán was, according to trustworthy statements, a countryman of his, and had two sons in his service. When he set forth the terms on which peace might be made, Sultán Sikandar replied, that Sultán Fíroz had been kind to him, and that he was very averse to carrying on war and slaughter with him. Haibat Khán conducted himself like an accomplished ambassador; what he had to say he said well, tenderly, and warmly. When he perceived that Sikandar also spoke in favour of peace, he said that the chief reason why Sultán Fíroz had undertaken the campaign was the establishment of Zafar Khán in the country of Sunárgánw. Sultán Sikandar accepted the proposed terms, and agreed to surrender Sunár-gánw to Zafar Khán. But he added, that if this were the object of the campaign, much unnecessary trouble had been undertaken; for if an order had been sent to him from Dehlí, he would have placed Zafar Khán in possession of the place.

Haibat Khán returned to Sultán Fíroz in high spirits, and made an exact report of all that had passed, including Sikandar's consent to allow Zafar Khán to occupy Sunár-gánw. The Sultán was satisfied, and expressed his desire to remain at peace with Sikandar, and to look upon him as a nephew. [Haibat Khán suggested that some presents should be given to Sultán Sikandar and] the Sultán sent into the fort of Ikdála, by the hands of Malik Kabúl, otherwise called Torábánd, a crown worth 80,000 tankas, and 500 valuable Arab and Turkí horses, with an expression of his wish that henceforth they might never again draw the sword. The Sultán then advanced two marches, while Malik Kabúl proceeded to the fort. It is credibly reported that the ditch of the fort of Iskandariya was twenty gaz broad. When Malik Kabúl reached it, to show his daring, he made his horse take a leap, and the high-spirited animal carried him over in safety, to the great amazement and admiration of the Bengalís. When Malik Kabúl was received, he walked seven times round the throne of Sikandar, and placed the crown upon his head and the robes upon his breast [expressing in strong terms the hope of peace and friendship between the two kings]. Sultán Sikandar asked him what his name was, and he replied, in the Hindí language, “Torábánd.” The Sultán again spoke and asked if his master had other servants like him, and the Khán replied, that he was a slave in the second palace, and that 10,000 men as good as he kept night watch over the palace of his sovereign. At which Sultán Sikandar was much amazed.

Sultán Sikandar, to show his satisfaction, sent forty elephants and other valuable presents, expressing, at the same time, his desire that every year there might be a similar interchange of brotherly and friendly feeling between them. So long as these two sovereigns lived, presents and souvenirs were exchanged, as was well known to their subjects; but when they died, the people of the two kingdoms did the best they could (ráh-i khud giriftand).

When the forty elephants were sent to Sultán Fíroz, the Sultán of Bengal sent one also for Malik Kabúl. Fíroz Sháh was greatly pleased, and, in gratifying language, he told Malik Kabúl that Sultán Sikandar had done well in restoring Sunárgánw to Zafar Khán, and that he did not intend to interfere further about it. He then sent for Zafar Khán, and directed him to proceed to Sunár-gánw, offering to remain for a time where he was, with his whole force to sustain him. Zafar Khán consulted with his friends, and they all agreed that it would be impossible for him to stay at Sunár-gánw, for all his relations and friends had perished. He therefore returned to the Sultán and said that he and his family were so happy and secure under the government of Dehlí, that he had given up all desire of Sunár-gánw, and had resolved to retain his present position in peace. For all the Sultán's persuasion he would not return. Sultán Fíroz then, to the joy of his friends, went back to his garden, and sent off dispatches to Khán-i Jahán. After some time, the Sultán proceeded to Jaunpúr, and from thence he went towards Jájnagar, accompanied by the forty elephants from Lakhnautí.

When Sultán Fíroz reached Jaunpúr in returning from his campaign against Bengal, he determined to proceed to Jájnagar, and his officials made every preparation for the march. The Sultán left his baggage^312a at Karra, and proceeding from thence he hastened to Jájnagar, which place he reached by making successive marches through Bihár. The country of Jájnagar was very prosperous and happy. The author's father, who was in the royal suite, informed the writer that it was in a very flourishing state, and the abundance of corn and fruit supplied all the wants of the army and animals, so that they recovered from the hardships of the campaign. Sultán Fíroz rested at Banárasí, an ancient residence of the arrogant Ráís. At that time the Ráí of Jájnagar, by name Adáya, had deemed it expedient to quit Baránasí, and to take up his residence elsewhere; so Sultán Fíroz occupied his palace. The writer has been informed that there were two forts in Banárasí, each populated with a large number of people. The Ráís were Brahmans, and it was held to be a religious duty that every one who succeeded to the title of Ráí at Jájnagar should add something to these forts. They had thus grown very large.

The cowardly Ráí of Jájnagar, when he heard of the approach of the Sultán's army, embarked on board a boat in great alarm, and took refuge on the water. All his country was thrown into confusion—some of the inhabitants were made prisoners, others fled to the hills. Their horses (burda) and cattle became the spoil of the army. Those who accompanied the Sultán relate that the numbers of animals of every kind were so great that no one cared to take them. Two jítals was the price of a horse (burda);³¹³ as for cattle, no one would buy them. Sheep were found in such countless numbers, that at every halt great numbers were slaughtered. If any were not required, they were left behind, because a plentiful supply was sure to be found at the next stage. The author has mentioned these matters to show the prosperity of the country. He has further been informed that the inhabitants had spacious houses and fine gardens; they had even gardens and walks within their houses, and fruit trees, flowers, etc., were cultivated therein. * * *

The Sultán left Banárasí with the intention of pursuing the Ráí of Jájnagar, who had fled to an island in the river, having let loose a fierce elephant to occupy the attention of his enemies, and to divert them from pursuing him. This elephant was very wild, and would allow no other elephant to approach him. For three days the army was actively engaged in endeavouring to take him alive, but failed. By the Sultán's order he was then slain, and the Sultán with his army entered the fort. News was then brought that in the jangal there were seven elephants, and one old she-elephant, which was very fierce. The Sultán resolved upon endeavouring to capture these elephants before continuing the pursuit of the Ráí.

[Hunt of the Elephants.] After some days the elephants were tired and were cut off from their pasture. The elephant-drivers then went into the jangal, and climbed up the trees; when the animals, weak with thirst and hunger, passed slowly under the trees, the drivers dropped down upon their backs, and, putting ropes and chains upon them, captured the whole eight.

After the hunt was over, the Sultán directed his attention to the Ráí of Jájnagar, and entering the palace where he dwelt he found many fine buildings. It is reported that inside the Ráí's fort there was a stone idol which the infidels called Jagan-náth, and to which they paid their devotions. Sultán Fíroz, in emulation of Mahmúd Subuktigín, having rooted up the idol, carried it away to Dehlí, where he subsequently had it placed in an ignominious position. The Sultán then resolved upon pursuing the Ráí into his island; but the Ráí sent some of his Brahmans (pátar) to wait upon the Sultán. As Sultáns consult with their clear-sighted ministers, so do ráís, ránas, and zamíndars take counsel with their mahtas³¹⁴ on matters of war. In the country of Jájnagar the mahtas are called pátars; and the Ráí of Jájnagar had twenty pátars, otherwise called mahtas, under whose advice he conducted all the affairs of his State. In great fear, the Ráí sent five of these pátars to wait on the Sultán, and make his submission; when they represented, with much respect, that the Ráí had long been a dependent and subject of the Sultán, and they desired to ascertain the Sultán's intentions.

When the Sultán had heard what they had to say, he replied that his intentions had been friendly. He had received certain information that elephants were as numerous as sheep in the jangal round the Ráí's dwelling, and he had proceeded thither for the purpose of hunting. When he approached, the Ráí fled in alarm, and took refuge in his islands. What was the cause of this flight? After explanations, the Ráí sent twenty mighty elephants as an offering, and agreed to furnish certain elephants yearly in payment of revenue. The Sultán then sent robes and insignia by the mahtas to the Ráí, he granted robes to them also, and then they returned home. After this the Sultán started on his return, taking with him, from the two countries of Lakhnautí and Jájnagar, seventy-three elephants, having stayed two years and seven months in those territories.

After the Sultán had started on his return to Dehlí, the guides lost their way, and proceeded over mountains and plains and along the banks of a river like the Jíhún. The author's father, who accompanied the march, stated that the army ascended and descended mountain after mountain, and passed through jangals and hills until they were quite in despair and utterly worn out with the fatigues of the arduous march. No road was to be found, nor any grain. Provisions became very scarce, and the army was reduced to the verge of destruction. For six months no news of the Sultán reached Dehlí, and the Khán-i Jahán was in great alarm. Day after day he rode about the environs of the city, and fear of him kept the country at peace. At the end of six months, a road was discovered, and the Sultán determined to send a messenger to Dehlí. He gave public notice that all who wished to write to their families and friends might take this opportunity. This gave great satisfaction, and every man of the army, from the highest to the lowest, wrote some account of his condition. The letters were sent to the tent of the Sultán, and the number of them was so great that a camel-load of letters was sent to Dehlí. When they reached the city, the Khán-i Jahán made great public rejoicing, the letters were piled in a heap before the palace, and all who expected letters were directed to come forward and receive them.

The Sultán's army having at length traversed the mountains and jungles, and having crossed the river, after enduring great privations and practising many expedients, came out into the open country. They thanked God for their deliverance, and the Sultán hastened to rejoin his baggage-train (bungáh). When the Sultán was at Jájnagar, he left the baggage train at Karra, where it still remained. A farman was sent to Dehlí announcing the return of the Sultán, and the Khán-i Jahán made suitable preparations for his reception.

[Rejoicings at Dehlí.] The author has been informed that the town of Fírozábád was not yet populous, and neither the kushk (palace) nor the fort was erected, yet one kabba was erected there. On the day the Sultán entered Dehlí, * * * the seventy-three elephants, in gorgeous trappings, preceded him like a flock of sheep * * * into the Kushk-i Humáyún, without any drivers. * *

The Sultán employed himself at Dehlí in State affairs. Among his other qualities, he had a remarkable fondness for history. Just at this time Maulána Zíáu-d dín Barní, the author of the Tárikh-i Fíroz Sháhí died, and the Sultán expressed to every learned man the great desire he felt for an historical record of the events of his own reign. When he despaired of getting such a work written, he caused the following lines, of his own composition (az zabán-i khwesh), to be inscribed in letters of gold on the walls ('imárat) of the Kushk-i Shikár-rav, and on the domes of the Kushk-i nuzúl, and the walls ('imárat) of the minarets of stone which are within the Kushk-i Shikár-rav at Fírozábád:—

“I made a great hunt of elephants, and I captured so many:

“I performed many glorious deeds; and all this I have done

“That in the world and among men; in the earth and among mankind, these verses

“May stand as a memorial to men of intelligence, and that the people of the world, and the wise men of the age, may follow the example.”³¹⁶

After his return from Lakhnautí, the Sultán was much occupied with building. He completed, with much care, the kushk at Fírozábád, and also commenced a kushk in the middle of that town. After the lapse of two half years, every man of the army now returned to his home. The Sultán passed his time in three ways: 1. In hunting; * * * 2. In directing the affairs of State; * * * 3. In building; * * * Through the attention which the Sultán devoted to administration, the country grew year by year more prosperous and the people more happy. He assigned thirty-six lacs of tankas for learned and religious men, and about a 100 lacs in pensions and gifts to the poor and needy. [Every class of the community shared in the general prosperity.] One day the Sultán went hunting, and in pursuit of his quarry, having separated from his followers, he went to a garden where he met a woman [whose conversation showed him the necessity of more strict attention to the duties of revenue administration ]. During the forty years that Fíroz Sháh reigned, all his people were happy and contented; but when he departed, and the territory of Dehlí came into the hands of others, by the will of fate, the people were dispersed and the learned were scattered. At length the inhabitants, small and great, all suffered from the inroads of the Mughals. The aged author of this work has written a full account thereof in his Description of the Sack of Dehlí [Zikr-i kharábí Dehlí].

Eighteenth Mukaddama.—Conquest of Nagarkot (Kángra).

After his return from Lakhnautí, Sultán Fíroz determined upon a hunting expedition in the neighbourhood of Daulatábád, and started thither with a suitable train of attendants and tent equipage. He arrived at Bhayána, where he rested for a while, and State affairs then necessitated his return to Dehlí. Afterwards he marched with his army towards Nagarkot, and, passing by the valleys of Nákhach nuh garhí,³¹⁸ he arrived with his army at Nagarkot, which he found to be very strong and secure. The Ráí shut himself up in his fort, and the Sultán's forces plundered all his country. The idol, Jwálá-mukhí, much worshipped by the infidels, was situated in the road to Nagarkot. This idol is said to have been placed in a secluded room, where it was worshipped by the Hindus. Some of the infidels have reported that Sultán Fíroz went specially to see this idol and held a golden umbrella over its head. But the author was informed by his respected father, who was in the Sultán's retinue, that the infidels slandered the Sultán, who was a religious, God-fearing man, who, during the whole forty years of his reign, paid strict obedience to the law, and that such an action was impossible. The fact is, that when he went to see the idol, all the ráís, ránas, and zamíndárs who accompanied him were summoned into his presence, when he addressed them, saying, “O fools and weak-minded, how can ye pray to and worship this stone, for our holy law tells us that those who oppose the decrees of our religion will go to hell?” The Sultán held the idol in the deepest detestation, but the infidels, in the blindness of their delusion, have made this false statement against him. Other infidels have said that Sultán Muhammad Sháh bin Tughlik Sháh held an umbrella over this same idol, but this also is a lie; and good Muhammadans should pay no heed to such statements. These two Sultáns were sovereigns specially chosen by the Almighty from among the faithful, and in the whole course of their reigns, whenever they took an idol temple they broke and destroyed it; how, then, can such assertions be true? These infidels must certainly have lied!

The Ráí of Nagarkot withdrew into the keep of his stronghold, which was invested by the royal forces in double, nay, even in tenfold lines. Manjaníks and 'arrádas were erected on both sides, and so many stones were discharged that they clashed in the air and were dashed to pieces. For six months the siege went on, and both sides exhibited great courage and endurance. At length fortune inclined to the Sultán. He was one day examining the fortress, when he perceived the Ráí standing on the top of his citadel. There he stood, in an attitude of humility, and stretching forth his hand in sign of distress, he clasped his hands and bowed in subjection. When the Sultán observed this, he drew a handkerchief from his bosom, and, waving it kindly towards the Ráí, he signed for him to come down. The Mahtas of the Ráí assembled [and counselled surrender]. So the Ráí, throwing off his pride, came down from his fort, and, making apologies, cast himself at the feet of the Sultán, who with much dignity placed his hand on the back of the Ráí, and having bestowed on him robes of honour and an umbrella, sent him back to his fort. So the Ráí returned laden with presents which he had received from the royal treasury, and accompanied by several fine horses which had been given to him. Thus, by the favour of God, the Sultán became master of Nagarkot. When he left the fort, to return to his capital, the Ráí sent many offerings and horses of priceless worth. * * *

KISM III. — CONCERNING THE AFFAIRS OF THATTA AND THE SUBMISSION OF THE JÁM AND BÁBINIYA. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE TÁS-I GHARIYÁL.

* * * Four whole years passed after the Sultán's return from Lakhnautí, during which he stayed principally at Dehlí and attended to the affairs of his people, though from time to time he turned his thoughts towards the concerns of the people of Thatta. Whenever he spoke of this place he used to stroke his beard, and exclaim that it was a hundred thousand pities that his predecessor, Sultán Muhammad Sháh Tughlik, had failed in conquering it. From these indications the nobles and attendants clearly perceived that his thoughts were bent upon an expedition to that country. One day, in private consultation with his wazír, Khán-i Jahán, he disclosed the secret thoughts of his heart, saying, “What sort of men are they of Thatta, and are they exempt from apprehension, because they opposed the late Sultán when he entered their territory, and he ended his life before the contest was concluded? Often, during his illness, he looked at me and said, ‘Would that God would turn my sickness into health, so that I might subdue these people of Thatta! If God should please to take me, still this desire will remain constant in my heart.’” Sultán Fíroz recalled to the mind of the Khán-i Jahán how Sultán Muhammad had died without accomplishing this dearest wish of his heart; and went on to say that as God had made him the successor to Muhammad, had not, then, the duty of exacting vengeance devolved upon him? The minister carefully pondered over the matter, and replied that the Sultán's views were right and expedient. Two objects might be gained: First, it was a duty to carry out the testaments and precepts of predecessors; children and brethren are bound to be zealous in avenging their deceased relatives, and this duty is more especially incumbent on kings. Secondly, it is an obligation on kings that every year they should strive to subdue fortresses, for, as Sa'dí says,

“If a holy man eats half his loaf, he will give the other half to a beggar;
“But if a king conquers all the world, he will still seek another world to conquer.”

The minister being thus in accord with the wishes of the Sultán, he ordered the necessary preparations to be made for an expedition to Thatta. The ministers accordingly proceeded to inquire into the number of soldiers present and absent, and made a report of the numbers of horse and foot who were present, and of those who were absent. The report soon spread abroad that the Sultán meditated an expedition against Thatta. He had undertaken in the course of his reign several enterprizes, which had gratified his people, and they now eagerly came forward to join his army. When the muster was called, four, ten, and eleven fold of irregulars (ghair-wajh) appeared;³²¹ and the regulars (wajh-dár) through long tranquillity attended in great numbers with horses and arms. So the Sultán started for Thatta, accompanied by his nobles and followers.

Second Mukaddama.—March of Fíroz Sháh to Thatta.

Before the Sultán departed on his expedition he made pilgrimages to the saints and holy men who were buried near Dehlí, as other great kings had done before him, to invoke the assistance of their prayers. This was the usual practice of the Sultán. Whenever he was about to make a journey for a month or two, he used to visit the shrines of holy men and famous kings, to invoke their aid and to cast himself on their protection, not trusting to his own power and greatness. [Account of his devotions and charities.]

The Sultán having thus discharged his religious duties, he placed himself at the head of his brave and numerous army, and turned towards Thatta. The author intends, in his fourth book, to give an account of the many servants who joined the royal army. In those days the author's father served in the minister's office (dar mahal-i díwán-i wizárat) among the great officials. The Sultán's army consisted of 90,000 cavalry and 480 elephants. The Khán-i 'azam, Tátár Khán, was now dead. The wazír, Khán-i Jahán, was left as viceroy in Dehlí [Tents and equipage ]. When the Sultán started, he resolved to pay a visit to the shrine of Shaikh Farídu-d dín, at Ajodhan, and, on arriving at that town, he accomplished this object. When he reached the confines of Bhakkar and Siwistán, he issued an order for collecting all the boats of the country, and when as many as five thousand had been brought together, he placed them by thousands under the command of his principal officers, and the author's father had command of one division. The order was given to descend the river Sind, and in a few days they reached Thatta. The Sultán himself marched in company with a force along the hither bank of the river.

Third Mukaddama.—Descent of Sultán Fíroz on Thatta.

In these days the territory of Thatta was divided into two parts, one division lying on the hither (kirána) or Dehlí side of the river Sindh, and the other on the farther (guzárá) or Thatta side; both of them populated by a numerous and warlike people. At that time the Jám, brother of Ráí Unar, and Bábiniya, his brother's son, were masters of Thatta.³²² They made great show of their prowess and [collecting their forces they prepared for resistance ]. Mud forts had also been built in both divisions of Sind. The Jám, and Bábiniya the arrogant,^322a made ready for battle; the Sultán also, having approached Thatta, arrayed his forces, and a battle seemed imminent from day to day. But grain became scarce in the army of the Sultán. A pestilence also broke out among the horses, which was a very grievous calamity, and greatly disheartened the troops of every rank. Of the whole 90,000 horses which had marched with the Sultán, only one-fourth, at the utmost, remained alive. The dearness of grain caused great dismay; the price rose from two to three tankas a man, and even beyond that. When the men of Thatta saw these sufferings of their adversaries, the Jám and Bábiniya resolved to seize the opportunity and to make an attack.

Fourth Mukaddama.—Engagement with the army of Thatta.

The Jám, and Bábiniya the arrogant, came forth from their fort with a large force of horse and foot, and drew up in array against the royal forces. When the Sultán heard of their advance, he also drew out his forces, and, upon examination, there proved to be hardly one-fourth cavalry. Famine also had broken down the vigour and spirit of his men. Still, like a valiant king, he made ready for battle, and arranged his forces in three divisions—a centre and two wings. The elephants were divided among the three divisions. He then put on his armour, and, baton in hand, rode through the whole array, encouraging and cheering the men. This raised the spirits of his people and incited their devotion.

The Sultán passed along in front of his forces speaking words of encouragement, and all men offered up their prayers for him. Although he affected not to fear the vast force of his enemies, still, in his heart, he looked with apprehension on the weakness of his own army, and prayed to God for assistance. The enemy's numbers amounted to about 20,000 cavalry and 400,000 infantry. With all this enormous force the enemy were unable to force an action, but discharges of arrows were interchanged. Heaven fought on the side of the Sultán, and such a storm of wind arose that the men were unable to open their eyes. Still, the brave men on both sides maintained a struggle. The Sultán, notwithstanding the weakness of his force, resolved to advance, and the whole army, making one vigorous and united charge, the enemy fled and took refuge in their fort. * * * The Sultán was thus left master of the field. He then held a council, and announced his intention to retire upon Gujarát and reinforce his army, but he added that if God spared him he would return again the following year and push his enterprize.

[Full account of what passed at the council, and of the determination to retreat into Gujarát to recruit, and return in the following year, when the crops would be ripe and grain plentiful.] The Sultán then gave orders for the march, which spread universal joy throughout the army. * * The Khán-i 'azam (Zafar Khán), who had under his command a large force of Bengálís, had charge of the rear. When the enemy found that the Sultán had retreated, with all his forces and baggage (as they supposed), towards Dehlí, they pursued. The first day the royal army made a march of ten kos, and the enemy coming up, a sharp encounter took place between them and Zafar Khán, in which they were repulsed. The heads of several Thatta men were cut off and sent to the Sultán. All the fleet of boats fell into the hands of the enemy, but the baggage was carried off with the army to Gujarát.

When Sultán Fíroz fell back victorious, grain, which was dear, became dearer; day by day it rose higher, and the state of the horses' feet is beyond description. Grain rose to one tanka and two tankas a sír, and even at that price was not to be obtained. Men, through craving hunger and helpless nakedness, could not pursue their way, and in their extreme distress gave up in despair. As no corn was to be procured, carrion and raw hides were devoured; some men even were driven by extreme hunger to boil old hides, and to eat them. A deadly famine reigned, and all men saw death staring them in the face. All the horses were destroyed, and the kháns and maliks were compelled to pursue their weary way on foot. Not one steed remained in the army, and by the will of God all ranks were reduced to the same state of destitution. The guides who led the way and conducted them, had maliciously misled them into a place called Kúnchí-ran. In this place all the land is impregnated with salt to a degree impossible to describe, and if the water was held upon the tongue it crystalized.

When the army was thus reduced to the extremity of despair, the Sultán had one of the false guides beheaded. Then the others came honestly before him and said: “We have dealt falsely toward you, and have led you into a place where none but you could have survived; not even things which could fly in the air and drive along like the wind. This place is called Kúnchí-ran, and the sea is near. The saltness of the water arises from this proximity, and the district is deadly.” When the people heard these words of their guides, they gave themselves utterly up to despair. The Sultán ordered (the guides) to find fresh water for him and his followers, and to lead them away from this salt water. The water, indeed, was so excessively salt that all men were in amazement and despair. As far as the eye could reach, all was salt water. When, after endless labours and hardships, the wretched men found fresh water, they rushed into the middle of it. So excessive was the prevalence of salt, that if a pot of fresh water was placed upon the impregnated ground, the fresh water became salt, and no one could bear it on his tongue.

When with great difficulty and exertion they escaped from that salt country they came into a desert where no bird laid an egg, or flapped its wing, where no tree was to be seen, and where no blade of grass grew. If even a lethal weed had been wanted it could not have been found. No other desert, however fearful, could be compared with this. [Despair of the men and distress of the Sultán.] Four calamities had at once assailed them: famine, the necessity of walking on foot, the terrors of the deadly desert, and separation from beloved ones.

For six months no news of the army reached Dehlí, where every one, small and great, was in distress, believing that the Sultán and his army were lost. Khán-i Jahán, the wazír, by his great prudence and sagacity, managed to maintain order; and fear of him restrained all disposition to create disturbances. The fact of the disappearance of the Sultán and his army became known through all the country, and every house was filled with mourning. * * *

When Khán-i Jahán saw the perilous condition in which the country was placed, he removed all the Sultán's valuables from the palace to his own house, and issued numerous orders to restrain any exhibition of individual power. Every day he rode about the city displaying his own strength, but when he perceived that the rumour (of the king's destruction) gathered force from day to day, he feigned to have received a despatch from the Sultán announcing the safety of the royal person. This allayed all apprehension, and was the cause of great rejoicing, after which every one went on as usual with his own business. If kings had not wise and able ministers they could never leave their kingdoms, and never engage in conquest. [Eulogy of Khán-i Jahán.]

* * * In every march thousands of men and horses died. * * * At length the Sultán in his trouble prayed earnestly for rain, * * and God in his great mercy raised clouds in the sky. On every side they rolled up swiftly, cloud upon cloud; the rain fell, and the water-courses ran. All men drank and used the water, and were delivered from their trouble. On the same day a road of escape was discovered. * * *

As soon as he emerged from the desert the Sultán returned humble thanks to the Almighty, and then sent a despatch to Dehlí for Khán-i Jahán, “informing him of the safety of the Sultán and of all his army”³²⁶ [which gave rise to great rejoicings in the capital].

Eighth Mukaddama.—Arrival of Sultán Fíroz in Gujarát.

The Sultán, on escaping from the desert, marched speedily with his army into Gujarát, and his men then rested from their troubles. At that time Amír Husain, son of the late Amír Míran, Mustaufí of the State, governed the country of Gujarát with the titles Maliku-sh Shark, Prince of the East, and Nizámu-l Mulk, Administrator of the State, and Nek-nám, of good repute. He was an active ruler, but when he waited on his sovereign, the Sultán demanded with much warmth why he had sent no supplies and assistance for the relief of the army, and why he had allowed the army to perish. He was dismissed from his government, and his estates were resumed. The Sultán remained in Gujarát recruiting his army. The irregulars³²⁷ having received six, ten, and eleven (tankas?) from the kindness of the Sultán, in a short time they were all horsed. Under these circumstances Malik 'Imádu-l Mulk, one of the pillars of the State of Dehlí, took up the case of the regulars (wajh-dárs) and represented to his Majesty that the irregulars had by his bounty become mounted while the regulars, through great distress, were obliged to go on foot, and were in deep trouble and despair. Their villages were in the neighbourhood of Dehlí, while they were (far away and) in great distress. They had come into this country (of Gujarát) in straggling parties,^327a and how could they obtain anything from Dehlí—they were indeed in a pitiable condition. The Sultán replied that he knew his regular soldiers (wajh-dár) were in great distress and were reduced to go on foot through the hardships they had undergone. They had rendered him their aid, but their villages were far distant, and they had the greatest difficulty to get a handful of corn. Their children, too, required maintenance, so that they were in the greatest possible difficulty. Under these circumstances he directed that loans should be advanced to them from the public treasury. In accordance with this order every man received an advance, some of a hundred, some of seven hundred, and some of a thousand tankas; thus they obtained new outfits and remounts. Orders were also written to Khán-i Jahán at Dehlí, that no interference of any kind should be made in the villages of the regular soldiers, and that the officers of Government should be strictly enjoined to do them no harm, so that something might come to the soldiers and that their children might be maintained in comfort at home.

Sultán Fíroz expended the whole revenue (mál) of Gujarát, amounting to about two krors, in refitting his army and in the payment of his troops, so that he might march once more against Thatta. When he was on the point of departure he wrote Khán-i Jahán [announcing his intention and directing the Khán to send him ample supplies].

When Fíroz Sháh was about to march for Thatta, Khán-i Jahán made great efforts to send supplies, and gave orders to the officials urging them to exert themselves in the collection of supplies, munitions and money. The vast quantities collected exceed all description; seven lacs of tankas were expended upon only one kind of military weapon. These provisions were despatched from day to day, and they arrived in such vast quantities in Gujarát that it was difficult to provide carriage for them. Khán-i Jahán sent with them a letter [expressing his hope for the safety and success of the Sultán in his enterprize].

The Sultán gave orders for the march to Thatta, which was received with much joy by the army. * * Just at this time letters were received from Bahrám Khán, son-in-law of Hasan Khán Kángú from Daulatábád, representing that Bahrám Khán held Daulatábád, but that a dispute had arisen between him and the son of Hasan Kángú, he therefore solicited the Sultán to come himself and assume the seat of royalty. [After consultation the Sultán replied that he must first conquer Thatta; he would afterwards proceed to Daulatábád].

Postponing the affairs of Daulatábád to those of Thatta, he left Zafar Khán in charge of Gujarát. He had at first intended to place Malik Náib Bárbak in charge, and the robes and titles had all been prepared; but the Sultán never transacted any business without referring to the Kurán for an augury, and now when he tried the fál (augury) it was against Náib Bárbak, and in favour of Zafar Khán. The latter was accordingly sent for, and the robes of investiture, the estates and full powers were given to him. Such was the trust of Fíroz Sháh in the indications of the Divine will.

When the Sultán marched the second time for Thatta, many of his men, who had gone through the hardships of the first campaign, went off with their outfits to their homes. On being apprized of this, the Sultán consulted his officers, who advised him to appoint sentinels, to prevent desertions. The Sultán [among other reasons for rejecting this advice] said, “If the Almighty wills that I should conquer Thatta, the presence of these men is unnecessary; but if I am to fail, what can they do?” He then sent orders to Khán-i Jahán, directing him to look after all men who returned from the army to the city, and, for the sake of example, to apprehend and inflict the tadáruk-i ma'nawí upon all those who had been regularly retained (chákar) and had received money from the State. They were not to be subjected to the tadáruk-i khusrawí. In affairs of State the tadáruk-i khusrawí, or imperial remedy, signifies execution, banishment or amercement; but the tadáruk-i ma'nawí, or moral remedy, is to expose a man to the shafts of public reproach. This was following the precepts of the Prophet. * * * In obedience to these orders Khán-i Jahán directed his officers to apprehend every man who returned from the army. If, after due inquiry, a man proved to be a regular retainer, he was subjected to the tadáruk-i ma'nawí. Some well known offenders were exposed in the bázárs for a day or two to the gaze of all men, and were then set free without further chastisement, and without their villages or pay being touched.

At the commencement of his march to Thatta, the Sultán consulted the Shaikhu-l Islám. * * * On this occasion the boats employed were few. When he arrived in the vicinity of Thatta, the inhabitants were all busily engaged in agricultural operations, totally ignorant of his return, which was quite unexpected. When the Sultán retreated to Gujarát, the people of Thatta made a verse, which was currently repeated among them, saying, “By the will of God Sultán Muhammad Tughlik died in pursuit of us, and Sultán Fíroz Sháh has fled before us.” The news of the Sultán's approach reached Thatta, and it was in every Sindian's mouth that the King of Hind was approaching with large armies, and that Sultán Fíroz was advancing once more in great force from Gujarát. In fear of the Sultán they destroyed their crops on the bank of the Sindh, and, crossing the river, took refuge in mud forts.³³⁰ When the Sultán arrived he perceived that the inhabitants had destroyed all their spring crop, and that they had crossed to the other side of the river, where they were busily engaged in forming batteries and entrenchments. The Sultán's troops were in good case and in high spirits, although the price of grain was as high as eight and ten jítals for five sírs, because the crop was not yet ripe. When the new grain came in the price fell. Under the orders of the Sultán the troops went out in all directions, foraging in the villages for grain. The villages on the hither side (kirána) of the Sindh were numerous, and the inhabitants of some had not been able to escape over the river. These were taken prisoners, and when the fact became known to the Sultán, he issued a proclamation, in which he said the prisoners were a mere handful; they were Musulmáns, and nothing was to be gained by keeping them captive, and making them slaves. Those who had prisoners were ordered not to keep them, on pain of being deemed criminal, but to hand them over to the proper authorities. About 4,000 Sindians were accordingly brought to the government office, and were directed to be kept in secure custody; three sírs of grain being allowed to each one daily from the minister's office. At that time mung was five tankas a man, and bread (jarrat) four tankas a man. According to the orders of the Sultán mung was given to the prisoners, and all his orders in respect of them were obeyed. Behold the kindness and clemency of Fíroz Sháh!

When the Sultán was posted on the hither side (kirána) of the river Sindh, the enemy, in great numbers, was on the opposite side (guzárá), and occasionally crossing over skirmishes occurred. The Sultán determined to send a force over the river and harass the enemy. 'Imádu-l Mulk and Zafar Khán were appointed to the command, and were directed to cross the river. A body of Sindians, in strong force and with great bravery, disputed the passage of the river,³³¹ and resisted the crossing of men in boats. After much examination and exertion the transit was found to be impracticable. Consultations were held, and it was then determined that Malik 'Imadu-l Mulk and Zafar Khán, with a strong force, should fall back, as if proceeding towards Dehlí. The fleet of boats also was directed to accompany them. The plan of operations was that they were to proceed a hundred and twenty kos up the near bank of the Sindh, and effect a crossing just below Bhakkar. After the passage, they were to march back on the opposite side of the river, and give battle to the enemy. The plan succeeded, and the force marched down in to the territory of the enemy.³³² Upon this the enemy, horse and foot, came forth from their forts in great numbers, and a fierce battle (jang) ensued which cannot be described.

Sultán Fíroz was a very cautious man. The fort of Thatta was visible (from his side of the river), but from the great breadth of the stream, the land on the opposite side was not discernible. Therefore, it could not be seen how the fight with the army progressed. Sultán Fíroz stood watching in expectation, his eyes now lifted to heaven and now strained over the river, in order to learn what was passing. By divine inspiration he sent a trusty man across the river in a boat with orders directing his forces to desist from battle and return to him. The combatants on both sides were Musulmáns, and if the fighting went on, many innocent persons would be slain. They were accordingly directed to return by the same way they had gone. When the messenger delivered these commands to 'Imádu-l Mulk and Zafar Khán, they retreated with their whole force—marching the 120 kos up the farther or Thatta side of the river to Bhakkar, where they crossed back and rejoined the main army. The Sultan then said to 'Imádu-l Mulk, where can this handful of Thattiáns fly to, unless they creep into an ant-hole like a snake. My army shall remain here, and we will build a large city.

Some days after the Sultán held a privy council, in which it was determined that 'Imádu-l Mulk should proceed to Dehlí, in order to raise reinforcements, and then return to Thatta. On his taking leave the Sultán charged him not to give any orders to Khán-i Jahán about collecting the forces, for the Khán was not the man to slight or neglect the directions of his master in the smallest degree. Upon his arriving in the capital, he directed him to wait upon the Khán, and say that he had been sent to advise with him on the matter. The simple order of the Sultán was quite sufficient to ensure the despatch of reinforcements by the Khán.

[Friendly and courteous reception of 'Imádu-l Mulk]. Khán-i Jahán sent a lac of tankas to 'Imádu-l Mulk for subsistence money ('alúfa), and despatched demands for men to all the various dependencies of the State: to Badáún, Kanauj, Sandíla, Oudh, Jaunpúr, Bihár, Tirhut, Chanderí, Dhár, the interior and exterior of the Doáb, Sámána, Dípálpúr, Multán, Láhor, and other dependencies (iktá'át). Khán-i Jahán used to take his seat every day for expediting the business, and 'Imádu-l Mulk used to attend and assist him. In time the force was assembled, and was despatched under the charge of 'Imádu-l Mulk, who marched with all possible speed and joined the Sultán. When he arrived he highly praised the zeal and activity of Khán-i Jahán, and the Sultán was greatly pleased to hear this commendation, and to see the arrival of the reinforcements. The new men passed in review before him, and each man received a present of clothes.

When the Sindians heard of the arrival of the reinforcements from Dehlí their hearts failed them, and they began to quarrel with each other. The troops of the Sultán were, by God's grace, very well supplied with comforts, and those who had formerly deserted, being informed of this, greatly repented the step they had taken.

But a terrible famine now appeared among the enemy. As on the former occasion, famine had occurred in the army of the Sultán, when the scarcity of grain was the cause of great misery; so now on the second occasion, the dearness of grain brought dismay upon the enemy. The cause of the scarcity was that when the Sultán retreated from his first attempt on the country, the people of Thatta returned to their old homes with great satisfaction. Being free from all apprehension of any future attack they sowed all the grain which they possessed. When harvest time came, Sultán Fíroz returned from Gujarát and took possession of the crops. The Sultán's forces were thus well supplied, while the price rose very high among the enemy, amounting to one and two tankas per sír. Every day men, of high and low degree, through hunger, deserted the enemy and crossed over the river in boats to the Sultán's army. Thatta was verging to its fall, when the Jám and Bábiniya reflected over the state of affairs, and resolved that the best course was to escape from trouble by timely submission. They accordingly, after much deliberation, notified their willingness to surrender through Saiyid Jalálu-l hakk wau-s shara' wau-d dín Husain Bukhárí.

Fourteenth Mukaddama.—Peace with the People of Thatta.

When the people of Thatta made up their minds to seek for peace, they determined upon making their overtures through Saiyid Jalálu-d dín.³³⁴ The Jám and Bábiniya, after consideration, sent a confidential agent to Uch to make known their views. Saiyid Jalálu-d dín started, and when he reached the Sultán's camp all the army turned out to show their reverential respect. * * * On his arrival the Sultán went forth to meet him and brought him with due honour into his camp. After they had met and shaken hands, the Saiyid said there was a holy woman in Thatta whose prayers had prevented the conquest of the place, * * * but she had now been dead three days, and consequently the submission might be expected. The inhabitants of Thatta heard that the Saiyid was in the Sultán's camp, and they sent messages to him representing their great distress, and the Saiyid communicated to the Sultán all the matters which in the sorrow of their hearts they had made known to him. This excited the commiseration of the Sultán.

The state of affairs having thus been made known to the Sultán, Bábiniya consulted with the Jám, and said that it had been stated to the Sultán that all the disturbance (shor) had arisen through him (Bábiniya); it therefore seemed in every way most desirable that he should go first to the Sultán and make his submission; the Jám might follow, and a way might thus be opened for a satisfactory conclusion. This proposition of Bábiniya's³³⁵ pleased the Jám. He gave him permission to proceed, and next day Bábiniya reached the royal camp.

The Sultán was out hunting, when he was informed that Bábiniya had arrived in his camp. * * He allowed no indication of his feelings to appear in his countenance. * * Bábiniya followed the Sultán to the hunting ground, where he had just killed a wolf, * * * and there he presented himself, with his turban in front of his throat and a sword upon his neck, like a repentant criminal, and, humbly approaching the Sultán, kissed his stirrup and begged forgiveness. The Sultán then graciously placed his hand on the back of Bábiniya and said, “Why were you so afraid of me? I did not wish to hurt any one, especially you; cheer up your spirits and dispel your anxiety, for you shall be twice the man you were before.” He then ordered an Arab horse to be presented to Bábiniya, and, closing his discourse, he went on hunting again.

On the same day, and soon after Bábiniya, the Jám came to make his submission, and he also, like a wise man, went out to the hunting ground. On his being brought into the presence of the Sultán, he advanced with his turban on his head, and cast himself at the feet of the Sultán. Hanging the turban from the throat, and placing a sword upon the neck, is practised only by the offender who first approaches the sovereign, and Bábiniya had already made this sign of submission. The Jám therefore retained his turban in the presence of the Sultán, but paid him due homage. The Sultán very kindly placed his hand on the back of the Jám, and spoke graciously to him. Very submissively the Jám expressed his surrender, and, in a line of his own composition, he said:

“Thou art my gracious sovereign; I am thy abashed servant.”

The Sultán treated him with great kindness and care, and to him also he presented a horse. On returning to the camp, the the Jám and Bábiniya received embroidered robes, and their attendants also received presents suited to their respective stations. The two captive chiefs were told to send for their wives and families, and accompany the Sultán to Dehlí. This royal command they obeyed, and, with their wives and children, followed in the train of the Sultán.

Sixteenth Mukaddama.—Return of Fíroz Sháh to Dehlí.

The surrender of the Jám and Bábiniya spread great delight throughout the royal camp, and the Sultán determined to return to Dehlí. The son of the Jám, and Tamáchí brother of Bábi-niya, were placed over Thatta, and titles were conferred upon them. They paid four lacs of tankas in cash, by way of marking their allegiance, and agreed to pay several lacs of tankas in money and goods yearly.³³⁶ The Sultán then marched for Dehlí, taking the Jám and Bábiniya with all their establishment in his train. Orders were given that they were to alight in front of the royal tents, and they were supplied with white carpets from the royal stores. Malik Saifu-d dín Khwájú was directed to instruct them in the etiquette of the Court, and to keep watch over them. Their followers were brought from the farther side of the river, and were placed in boats to make the journey. Saifu-d dín attended to them, and carefully watched over them night and day.

One day an alarm was raised that the boat containing the wives and children of Bábiniya had sunk, and that therefore he must hasten (to the scene of the disaster) up the bank of the river. Saifu-d dín Khwájú thought that this was a stratagem to enable Bábiniya to escape and return home, so he sent his son [to inform the Sultán of his suspicions,] and to enquire whether he was to restrain Bábiniya. The Sultán considered the point, and then said, “Go and tell your father that if Bábiniya wishes to go to the river to ascertain the facts, he must go with him. If Bábiniya shows any intention of going on board a boat and escaping to his home, do not attempt to prevent him, but say to him, ‘Bábiniya, if you have the manliness and boldness, go!’ Then return back. I know what will happen, and so does Bábiniya.³³⁷”

Before the messenger returned from the Sultán to his father, Saifu-l Mulk, news reached Bábiniya that the boat containing his children had not been lost. He then returned. * * * Meanwhile the Sultán, with his army, was marching homewards, the men being delighted with the prospect of seeing home again after two and a-half year's absence. He halted for a while at Multán, and from thence he sent his “despatch of victory” to Khán-i Jahán in Dehlí, which on its arrival caused great rejoicing.

Khán-i Jahán proceeded to Dípálpúr to receive his sovereign. When they met, the Khán offered his congratulations, and presented his tribute and offerings. The Sultán recounted to him all the hardships and sufferings which his army had gone through at Thatta, and on the march into Gujarát. * * * Thatta had been a source of trouble to the sovereigns of Dehlí ever since the days of Sultán Mu'izzu-d dín Muhammad Sám. The splendid army of Sultán 'Aláu-d dín had marched towards Thatta, but the difficulties of the enterprize had rendered the attempt abortive. Sultán Muhammad Sháh bín Tughlik lost his life in the same country [but now the conquest had been accomplished ]. The Sultán marched from Dípálpúr and arrived at Dehlí, where the inhabitants turned out to meet him. [Great rejoicings]. Amid the general joy it was represented to the Sultán that the families of those men who had lost their lives and property in Kúnchí-ran were in great distress. He, in consequence, issued orders that if any man had marched to Thatta with him and had died in Kúnchí-ran, his children should receive his allowances, and should not be troubled in any way. * * He also directed that those who had deserted him in Gujarát, after receiving his gifts, and had returned home, were to have their livelihood and villages continued to them. He was desirous that no one should suffer on that account.

The Jám, and Bábiniya “of good name,” had a residence appointed for themselves and families near the royal palace, where they lived in comfort. Their dwelling received the name of the “Palace of Thatta.” An annual allowance of two lacs of tankas in cash, from the imperial treasury, was assigned to the Jám, and the same amount was also granted to Bábiniya. Besides this they daily received robes and so many presents from the court that they quite forgot Thatta. On court days, when the Sultán sat on his throne, they used to attend, and, with his permission, sat down on his right hand, in the second room of mirrors, below the Chief Judge. The author intends (D.V.) to speak about this in the chapter where he describes the etiquette observed at the Sultán's court in respect of the seats of the kháns, maliks, and others.

After some years Tamáchí, the brother of Bábiniya, rebelled at Thatta, and the Sultán sent the Jám there to repress the outbreak. On his arrival, the Jám sent Tamáchí to Dehlí. Bábi-niya remained at Dehlí, in attendance on the Sultán. On the accession of Sultán Tughlik Sháh he was presented with an umbrella, and was sent to Thatta, but he died on the road.

Many wonderful things were invented by Sultán Fíroz in the course of his reign, and among the most wonderful was the Tási ghariyál. [Seven different uses of the Tás in marking time and making known the hours of prayer, etc.] It was placed on the top of the darbár of the kushk in Fírozábád, and people crowded to see it.

KISM IV.—RETURN OF SULTÁN FÍROZ FROM A TOUR OF IN-SPECTION, AND APPLICATION OF HIS ATTENTION TO EIGHTEEN AFFAIRS OF STATE.

First Mukaddama.—Return of the Sultán from his tour.

While the Sultán was at Dehlí, attending to the affairs of his kingdom, ambassadors arrived from Ma'bar to state a grievance to him. Kurbat Hasan Kángú was king in Ma'bar. When Sultán Muhammad Sháh died, and Sultán Fíroz succeeded, his edicts were sent into Ma'bar, but the people of that country rebelled, and, going to Daulatábád, they made Kurbat Kángú king of Ma'bar. When this Kurbat held his court, he appeared decked out hand and foot with female ornaments, and made himself notorious for his puerile actions. The men of Ma'bar saw this, and, being greatly incensed against him, they rebelled. A neighbouring chief, named Bakan, at the head of a body of men and elephants, marched into Ma'bar and made Kurbat Hasan Kángú prisoner. He made himself master of all Ma'bar, which had belonged to Muhammadans; their women suffered violence and captivity in the hands of Hindus, and Bakan established himself as ruler of Ma'bar. [The Sultán reproached them for their repudiation of his authority, and for now resorting to him in their distress, and] told them that his army was weary and exhausted with the late campaign and long marches, but that after it had rested and recruited its strength he would proceed towards Ma'bar. * * * The ambassadors were sent back with assurances of his forgiveness, and he devoted himself to business.

One day his officers came to him in private and represented that they were very desirous of making a march to Daulatábád, for the sufferings of the people there had excited their pity. Kings were generally ambitious to conquer kingdoms and extend their dominion, etc. * * * The army had rested and was fresh and ready. There was no necessity for the Sultán to go, for he might appoint one of his most trusted officers to the command, who would root out the wretched band, and set an example to others. There were plenty of Musulmán countries round Dehlí to furnish forces for the acquisition of territory; but drawing the sword against people of Islam, had ten evils for every advantage. * * * When Khán-i Jahán had finished this homily, the effect was plainly visible in the Sultán, he looked distressed and his eyes were suffused with tears, and approving their arguments, he said that * * he was resolved never more to make war upon men of the Muhammadan faith. * * *

The Sultán was very diligent in providing slaves, and he carried his care so far as to command his great fief-holders and officers to capture slaves whenever they were at war, and to pick out and send the best for the service of the court. When the feudatories went to court, each one according to his ability took with him beautiful slaves, dressed and ornamented in the most splendid style. They also, when they paid their annual visit, brought other presents suited to their means and station—high-priced horses of the best breeds, fine elephants, valuable garments of every kind, vessels of gold and silver, arms, camels and mules,—each man according to the extent of his fief, some as many as a hundred, some fifty, some twenty, and some eleven. They also brought slaves. Under an edict of the Sultán, all the presents which the feudatories brought were valued, and the amount was deducted from the dues payable by them to the Government. This was a regulation established by Sultán Fíroz. Before his time, in the reigns of his predecessors, the feudatories brought whatever they could, but no remission in their payments was made in consideration of their presents. Sultán Fíroz saw that the expenses of his feudatories were very large, and decreed that they should not be required to make presents.

From this arrangement two advantages were expected—the chieftains' pride would be spared (the fear of being outdone), and the gifts themselves would be more worthy of the Sultán's notice. This regulation remained in force for forty years throughout the reign. Those chiefs who brought many slaves received the highest favour, and those who brought few received proportionately little consideration. When the chiefs perceived the Sultán's eagerness for slaves, and that their efforts to get them were highly appreciated, they exerted themselves in providing them, and the numbers brought every year exceed description. Great numbers of slaves were thus collected, and when they were found to be in excess, the Sultán sent them to Multán, Dípálpúr, Hisár-Fírozah, Sámána, Gujarát, and all the other feudal dependencies. In all cases provision was made for their support in a liberal manner. In some places they were provided for in the army, and villages were granted to them; those who were placed in cities had ample allowances, varying from 100 down to 10 tankas, which was the lowest amount. These allowances were paid in full, without any deduction, at the treasury, every six, four, or three months.

Some of the slaves spent their time in reading and committing to memory the holy book, others in religious studies, others in copying books. Some, with the Sultán's leave, went to the temple at Mecca. Some were placed under tradesmen and were taught mechanical arts, so that about 12,000 slaves became artisans (kásib) of various kinds. Forty thousand were every day in readiness to attend as guards in the Sultán's equipage or at the palace. Altogether, in the city and in the various fiefs there were 180,000 slaves, for whose maintenance and comfort the Sultán took especial care. The institution took root in the very centre of the land, and the Sultán looked upon its due regulation as one of his incumbent duties. To such an extent were matters carried that there was a distinct muster-master (majmú'-dar) of the slaves, a separate treasury for the payment of their allowances, a separate jáo-shughúrí, and deputy jáo-shughúrí,³⁴¹ and a distinct díwán, that is to say, the officers for administering the affairs of the slaves (asháb-i díwán-i bandagán), were entirely distinct from those under the Prime Minister (asháb-i díwán-i 'ala-e wizárat).

When the Sultán went out in state the slaves accompanied him in distinct corps—first the archers, fully armed, next the swordsmen, thousands in number (hazár hazár), the fighting men (bandagán-i áward), the bandagán-i máhilí³⁴² riding on male buffaloes, and slaves from the Hazára, mounted on Arab and Turkí horses, bearing standards and axes. These all, thousands upon thousands, accompanied the royal retinue. The slaves increased to such a degree that they were employed in all sorts of domestic duties, as water coolers, butlers [etc., etc.]. In fact there was no occupation in which the slaves of Fíroz Sháh were not employed. None of the Sultán's predecessors had ever collected so many slaves. The late Sultán 'Aláu-d dín had drawn together about 50,000 slaves, but after him no Sultán had directed his attention to raising a body of them until Sultán Fíroz adopted the practice. * * * When the slaves under the great feudal chieftains became too numerous, some of them, by order of the Sultán, were given into the charge of amírs and maliks, that they might learn the duties of their respective employments. These amírs and maliks treated them like children, providing them with food and raiment, lodging them and training them, and taking every care for their wants. Each year they took their slaves to court, and reported upon their merits and abilities. These reports were received by the Sultán with great interest. Such was the care and attention which Sultán Fíroz devoted to his slaves; but after his death, the heads of these his favoured servants were cut off without mercy, and were made into heaps in front of the darbár, as I will describe in my chapter on the reign of Sultán Muhammad bin Fíroz.

Third Mukaddama.—Arrival of robes from the Khalífa.

The author has described how a robe was sent by the Khalífa to Sultán Muhammad bin Tughlik Sháh, in the account (zikr) which he wrote of that Sultán. A similar robe was now sent to Fíroz Tughlik with great courtesy and marks of respect. Three robes in all were sent, one for the Sultán, one for the Prince Fath Khán, and one for Khán-i Jahán. * * *

Fourth Mukaddama.—How Sultán Fíroz used to sit in State.

There were three palaces in which Sultán Fíroz used to sit publicly in state. One was the Mahal-í sahan-i gilín³⁴³ (the palace of the clayey quadrangle). It was also called the Mahal-i dikh, i.e., the Mahal-i angúr, or Palace of Grapes. The second was called Mahal-i chhaja-i^343a chobín. The third was the Mahal-i bár-i 'ámm, or Palace of the Public Court, and it was also called Sahn-i miyánagí, the central quadrangle. The first palace was appropriated to the reception of the kháns, maliks, amírs, officials and distinguished literary men. The Mahal-i chhaja chobín was for the reception of the principal personal attendants. The palace of the Sahn-i miyánagí was used for general receptions. * * *

Sultán Fíroz had given up residing in Dehlí, and stayed at Fírozábád. When it was necessary to hold a court, he left his devotions [which are described] and proceeded to the capital to hold his Court. [Precedence, ceremonial, and dress.] Khán-i Jahán, the wazír of the State, used to sit on the right near the throne. The Amír-i Mu'azzam Amír Ahmád Ikbál sat higher up and a little (yak zánú) behind Khán-i Jahán, which position was considered to be neither higher nor lower than that of the Khán. Malik Nizámu-l Mulk, Amír Husain, Amír Mírán, who were deputies of the wazír, sat near the throne below Khán-i Jahán. [Positions of the various officials.] In those days the humble author of this work, Shams-i Siráj 'Afíf, used to go into the reception chamber, under the royal regulations, in attendance upon the officers of the wazír's department. [Precedence and ceremonial of the Court. Reception of the Shaikhu-l Islám.]

Fifth Mukaddama.—Prosperity and happiness of the nobles.

During the reign of Fíroz Sháh * * * all men, high and low, bond and free, lived happily and free from care. * * * When the Sultán went to the palace, at the “grand city” of Fírozábád, the Khán-i Jahán used to make preparations some days beforehand for his reception, by having the palace whitewashed and ornamented with pictures. Every possible care was taken by the Khán for the proper reception of the Sultán. [Splendour and ceremonial of the Court. Easy condition of the people.] Things were so plentiful and cheap; and the people were so well to do, and enjoyed such ease, that the poorest married their daughters at a very early age. Nothing in the least degree unpleasant or disagreeable happened during his reign; how wonderful is it that, since his decease, the city of Dehlí has been turned upside down. Those who survive will ever call to mind the reign of Fíroz Sháh, and exclaim, “The reign of Fíroz will always dwell upon the memory, and can never be forgotten.”

By the blessing of God favourable seasons and abundance of the necessaries of life prevailed in the reign of Fíroz Sháh, not only in the capital, but throughout his dominions. During the whole forty years of his reign there was no appearance of scarcity, and the times were so happy that the people of Dehlí forgot the reign of 'Aláu-d dín, although no more prosperous times than his had ever fallen to the lot of any Muhammadan sovereign. 'Aláu-d dín took such pains to keep down the price of the necessaries of life, that his exertions have found a record in famous histories. To the merchants he gave wealth, and placed before them goods in abundance, and gold without measure. He showed them every kingly favour, and fixed on them regular salaries.³⁴⁴ In the reign of 'Aláu-d dín the necessaries of life were abundant through excellent management,³⁴⁵ but through the favour of God grain continued cheap throughout the reign of Fíroz Sháh, without any effort on his part. Grain was so cheap that, in the city of Dehlí, wheat was eight jítals a man, and gram and barley four jítals a man. A camp follower could give his horse a feed of ten sírs of corn (dalída) for one jítal. Fabrics of all kinds were cheap, and silk goods, both white and coloured, were of moderate price. Orders were given for the reduction of the price of sweetmeats, in unison with the general fall of prices.

During the forty years of this sovereign's reign, cheapness prevailed. If occasionally prices rose from bad seasons, or from scarcity of rain, and reached one tanka per man, it was only for a short time. The good fortune of the Sultán prevailed, so that no dearth occurred. Such was the prosperity that, throughout the Doáb, from the hill of Sakrúdih and Kharla to Kol, not one village remained waste, even in name, nor one span of land uncultivated. In the Doáb there were fifty-two parganas flourishing, and a similar (state of prosperity) prevailed elsewhere. The like prosperity prevailed in every fief (iktá'a) and district (shikk). Thus, in the district of Sámána, there were four prosperous villages within one kos, and the inhabitants were happy and free from care. Such perfect happiness did the kingdom enjoy in those days.

Sultán Fíroz had a great liking for the laying out of gardens, which he took great pains to embellish. He formed 1,200 gardens in the vicinity of Dehlí. Such of them as were private property, or were religious endowments, after^345a due investigation of the titles, he settled for with their owners. All gardens received abundant proofs of his care,³⁴⁶ and he restored thirty gardens which had been commenced by 'Aláu-d dín. In the neighbourhood of Salaura he made eighty gardens, and in Chitúr forty-four gardens. In every garden there were white and black grapes, of seven [named] varieties. They were sold at the rate of one jítal per sír. Of the various articles grown in the gardens, the government share of the produce amounted to 80,000 tankas, without taking into account the dues of the owners and gardeners.

The revenues of the Doáb in this reign amounted to eighty lacs of tankas; and under the fostering care of this religious sovereign, the revenues of the territories of Dehlí were six krors and eighty-five lacs of tankas (60,850,000). The Sultán, throughout his reign, in his great sagacity and prudence, endeavoured to circumscribe the extent of his dominions, but still the revenues amounted to the sum stated. All this large revenue was duly apportioned out; each Khán received a sum suitable to his exalted position, the amírs and maliks also obtained allowances according to their dignity, aud the officials were paid enough to provide a comfortable living. The soldiers of the army received grants of land, enough to support them in comfort, and the irregulars (ghair wajh) received payment from the government treasury. Those soldiers who did not receive their pay in this manner were, according to necessity, supplied with assignments (itlák) upon the revenues. When these assignments of the soldiers (wajh-dárs) arrived in the fiefs (iktá'át), the holders used to get about half of the total amount from the holders of the fiefs. It was the practice of certain persons in those days to buy up these assignments, which was an accomodation to both parties. They used to give one-third of the value for them in the city, and receive one half in the districts. The purchasers of these assignments carried on a traffic in them, and gaining a good profit, many of them got rich and made their fortunes.

Sultán Fíroz, under Divine inspiration, spread all the revenues of his territories among his people. The various districts of the fiefs were also divided. Khán-i Jahán, the wazír, exclusive of the allowances for his retainers, friends, and sons, received a sum of thirteen lacs of tankas, or instead of it sundry fiefs and districts. Other chiefs were similarly provided for, according to their merit; some receiving eight lacs of tankas, others six lacs, and others four lacs. All the kháns and maliks grew rich in his reign, and had vast stores of wealth, and jewels and diamonds of great value. When Malik Shahín Shahna, who was naib-amír of the majlis-i kháss, died, and his effects were examined, a sum of fifty lacs of tankas, in cash, was taken out of his house, besides horses, valuables, and jewels in abundance. The enormous wealth left by 'Imádu-l Mulk, Bashír-i Sultání, was well known, and is well remembered. An account of it will be given in the fifth book of this work. The Sultan being thus beneficent, all men, high and low, were devoted to him.

Seventh Mukaddama.—Affairs of the Army.

³⁴⁷ In the reign of Fíroz Sháh there was an army of 80,000 and sometimes 90,000 horse, exclusive of slaves. These men remained on service all the year. Horses of little value were often brought to the registry office (díwán) and were passed as serviceable. Stories about this often reached the ears of the Sultán, but he treated them as if he had never heard them. When the year drew to a close, and there remained yet many men who had not presented their horses, the clerks made a statement to his Majesty of the number of men that had not yet registered their horses. An order was then issued granting two months' grace for the production of the animals. When this term was passed a statement was again made of the men who had not produced them. In those days Malik Razí, a very venerable and righteous man, was deputy 'ariz, and administered the business of the army in a very proper manner. He used to point out to the Sultán that those men who had not brought in their horses were generally members of a troop, that their assignments (itlák) had been sent into the districts to realize the amount of their pay, and when that was effected they would come into the city. But before this could be accomplished the year passed by, and the poor men remained in a state of distress. Many of those who had failed were employed in other business (masálihí and). On hearing these kind representations the Sultán said, that if any man had been sent on business (masálih) by his commanding officer, and the year should end while he was absent, without his making any statement of the fact or presenting his horse, then if he were discharged, it would go ill with him, and mourning would fall upon his house. The Sultán also directed that substitutes should be found by the officers for all men who went away on business. The soldier himself who was absent might put in his appearance at the office of the chieftain in whose district he was; he might also produce his new horse there, so that all inconvenience might be spared the poor soldier. Thus the kindness of the Sultán for his people was such as no father or brother could show. [Story of the Sultán overhearing a soldier complain that he was unable to produce his horse at the muster.] The Sultán told him to go and arrange matters with the clerks of the office, and he replied that his difficulty was that he had not got the necessary money. The Sultán inquired how much was wanted, and the soldier said that if he had a gold tanka he could get a certificate for his horse. He then ordered a tanka to be given to him. On receiving the coin the soldier went to the office, and placing it in the hands of the clerks, he got the certificate; he then returned to the Sultán and expressed his thanks.

Malik Is'hák, (son of) 'Imádu-l Mulk, made a report to the Sultán that many of the soldiers were old and feeble, and unfit for duty. It was therefore expedient to replace them with young and efficient men. At this period 'Imádu-l Mulk was an old man, and Malik Is'hák discharged for him the duties of the díwán-i 'arz. When he made this report the Sultán observed it was a very proper one: when men grew old they should be set aside, and their places should be filled by their sons or strangers; no consideration whatever should be shown to these old men. “Now,” said he, “Your father is an old man, first turn him out of his office, and then I will remove all the old men from the service of the State.” Malik Is'hák was silenced.

The Sultán, in the kindness of his heart, then said: “If I remove the old and inefficient men, and appoint their sons or strangers in their stead, the poor old men will be greatly troubled, and will be reduced to distress in their old age. I do not approve of dismissing them, and putting their sons in their places. This is not a time for encouraging disobedient children. With age the heart becomes desolate, and if the old men are turned off and their sons succeed them, these sons may prove undutiful, and the hearts of their poor old fathers may break in their distress. Let an order therefore be promulgated that, when a soldier grows old and incapable, his son shall succeed him, as his deputy; if he has no son, his son-in-law, and failing any son-in-law, his slave shall represent him. The veteran may thus remain at home at ease, and the young ride forth in their strength.”

Addressing Is'hák, he said, “Do not make such reports. The Almighty does not take away his servants' sustenance because they are old, how then can I, his creature, dismiss my aged servants.” All the actions and words of Sultán Fíroz * * * were like unto this, and are worthy of a place in history. This humble author desires to write the Sultán's memoirs, but his gracious words and generous actions are so numerous that the author makes but slow progress towards his conclusion.

Ninth Mukaddama.—Transport of stone Obelisks.

After Sultán Fíroz returned from his expedition against Thatta, he often made excursions in the neighbourhood of Dehlí. In this part of the country there were two stone columns. One was in the village of Tobra, in the district (shikk) of Sálaura and Khiz-rábád, in the hills (koh-páyah); the other in the vicinity of the town of Mírat. These columns had stood in those places from the days of the Pándavas, but had never attracted the attention of any of the kings who sat upon the throne of Dehlí, till Sultán Fíroz noticed them, and, with great exertion, brought them away. One was erected in the palace (kushk) at Fírozabád, near the Masjid-i jama', and was called the Minára-i zarín, or Golden Column, and the other was erected in the Kushk-i Shikár, or Hunting Palace, with great labour and skill. The author has read in the works of good historians that these columns of stone had been the walking sticks of the accursed³⁵⁰ Bhím, a man of great stature and size. The annals of the infidels record that this Bhím used to devour a thousand mans of food daily, and no one could compete with him. * * * In his days all this part of Hind was people with infidels, who were continually fighting and slaying each other. Bhím was one of five brothers, but he was the most powerful of them all. He was generally engaged in tending the herds of cattle belong to his wicked brothers, and he was accustomed to use these two stone pillars as sticks to gather the cattle together. The size of the cattle in those days was in proportion to that of other creatures. These five brothers lived near Dehlí, and when Bhím died these two columns were left standing as memorials of him. * * * When Fíroz Sháh first beheld these columns, he was filled with admiration, and resolved to remove them with great care as trophies to Dehlí. * * *

Removal of the Minára-i zarín.—Khizrábád is ninety kos from Dehlí, in the vicinity of the hills. When the Sultán visited that district, and saw the column in the village of Tobra, he resolved to remove it to Dehlí, and there erect it as a memorial to future generations. After thinking over the best means of lowering the column, orders were issued commanding the attendance of all the people dwelling in the neighbourhood, within and without the Doáb, and all soldiers, both horse and foot. They were ordered to bring all implements and materials suitable for the work. Directions were issued for bringing parcels of the cotton of the Sembal (silk cotton tree). Quantities of this silk cotton were placed round the column, and when the earth at its base was removed, it fell gently over on the bed prepared for it. The cotton was then removed by degrees, and after some days the pillar lay safe upon the ground. When the foundations of the pillar were examined, a large square stone was found as a base, which also was taken out. The pillar was then encased from top to bottom in reeds and raw skins, so that no damage might accrue to it. A carriage, with forty-two wheels, was constructed, and ropes were attached to each wheel. Thousands of men hauled at every rope, and after great labour and difficulty the pillar was raised on to the carriage. A strong rope was fastened to each wheel, and 200 men pulled at each of these ropes. By the simultaneous exertions of so many thousand men the carriage was moved, and was brought to the banks of the Jumna. Here the Sultán came to meet it. A number of large boats had been collected, some of which could carry 5,000 and 7,000 mans of grain, and the least of them 2,000 mans. The column was very ingeniously transferred to these boats, and was then conducted to Fírozábád, where it was landed and conveyed into the Kushk with infinite labour and skill.

Account of the Raising of the Obelisk.—At this time the author of this book was twelve years of age, and a pupil of the respected Múr Khán. When the pillar was brought to the palace, a building was commenced for its reception, near the Jámi' Masjid, and