History of India, as Told by its own Historians: The Muhammadan Period - The History of India, Volume 3

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the most skilful architects and workmen were employed. It was constructed of stone352 and chúnam, and consisted of several stages or steps (poshish). When a step was finished the column was raised on to it, another step was then built and the pillar was again raised, and so on in succession until it reached the intended height. On arriving at this stage, other contrivances had to be devised to place it in an erect position. Ropes of great thickness were obtained, and windlasses were placed on each of the six stages of the base. The ends of the ropes were fastened to the top of the pillar, and the other ends passed over the windlasses, which were firmly secured with many fastenings. The wheels were then turned, and the column was raised about half a gaz. Logs of wood and bags of cotton were then placed under it to prevent its sinking again. In this way, by degrees, and in the course of several days, the column was raised to the perpendicular. Large beams were then placed round it as shores, until quite a cage of scaffolding was formed. It was thus secured in an upright position, straight as an arrow, without the smallest deviation from the perpendicular. The square stone, before spoken of, was placed under the pillar. After it was raised, some ornamental friezes of black and white stone were placed round its two capitals (do sar-i án), and over these there was raised a gilded copper cupola, called in Hindí kalas.352a The height of the obelisk was thirty-two gaz; eight gaz was sunk in its pedestal, and twenty-four gaz was visible. On the base of the obelisk there were engraved several lines of writing in Hindí characters. Many Brahmans and Hindu devotees352b were invited to read them, but no one was able. It is said that certain infidel Hindus interpreted them as stating that no one should be able to remove the obelisk from its place till there should arise in the latter days a Muhammadan king, named Sultán Fíroz, etc., etc.

Erection of the other Obelisk in the Kushk-i Shikár.—This obelisk stood in the vicinity of the town of Mírat, in the Doáb, and was somewhat smaller than the Minára-i zarín. This also was removed by Sultán Fíroz, with similar skill and labour, and was re-erected on a hill in the Kushk-i Shikár [amid great feasting and rejoicing]. After the erection of the pillar a large town sprang up, and the kháns and maliks of the Court built houses there. * * * Every great king took care during his reign to set up some lasting memorial of his power. So Sultán Shamsu-d dín Altamsh raised the large pillar in the Masjid-i jama' at old Dehlí, the history of which is well known. * * *

In these days, in the year 801 H. (1398 A.D.), Amír Tímúr, of Khurásán, has marched into India, and by the will of fate has subdued the empire of Hindustán. During his stay of some days in Dehlí, he inspected all the monuments of former kings, * * * and among them these two obelisks, when he declared that in all the countries he had traversed he had never seen any monuments comparable to these. * * *

Tenth Mukaddama.—Hunting Excursions.

* * * The author proposes to describe, in succession, how the various kinds of hunting were carried on.353 The chase of the gor-khar or wild ass was pursued in the deserts between Dípálpúr and Sarsutí * * * during the hot season, when these animals congregate. * * * The chase of the deer, níl-gáos, etc., was carried on principally in the neighbourhood of Badáún and Anwála,353a where these animals were found in great numbers. This district was waste, but well furnished with water and grass. No other such waste was to be found near Dehlí. * * * Orders were given for its being retained waste for hunting purposes, otherwise it would quickly have become peopled and cultivated under the prosperous and fostering government of Fíroz. * * * If a lion, tiger, or wolf was surrounded, the Sultán used to kill it first, and then pursue the other animals.

Eleventh Mukaddama.—Buildings erected by Fíroz Sháh.

Sultán Fíroz excelled all his predecessors on the throne of Dehlí in the erection of buildings, indeed no monarch of any country surpassed him. He built cities, forts, palaces, bands, mosques, and tombs, in great numbers. Of cities, there were Hisár Fírozah and Fath-ábád, of which the author has given an account in a previous chapter. Fíroz-ábád, Fíroz-ábád Hární Khíra, Tughlikpúr-i Kásna, Tughlikpúr-i Mulúk-i Kamút, and Jaunpúr, besides sundry other places and forts which he repaired and strengthened. His palaces (kushk) were those of Fíroz, Nuzúl, Mahandwárí, Hisár Fírozah, Fath-ábád, Jaunpúr, Shikár, Band-i Fath Khán and Salaura. Bands: Fath Khán, Málja (into which he threw a body of fresh water, áb-i zamzam), Mahpálpúr, Shukr Khán, Salaura, Wazírábád, and other similar strong and substantial bands. He also built monasteries, and inns for the accommodation of travellers. One hundred and twenty khánkáhs (monasteries) were built in Dehlí and Fíroz-ábád for the accommodation of the people of God, in which travellers from all directions were receivable as guests for three days. These one hundred and twenty buildings were full of guests on all the three hundred and sixty days of the year. Superintendents and officers of the Sunní persuasion were appointed to these khánkáhs, and the funds for their expenses were furnished from the public treasury. Malik Ghází Shahna was the chief architect, and was very efficient; he held the gold staff (of office). 'Abdu-l Hakk, otherwise Jáhir Sundhár (was deputy, and) held the golden axe. A clever and qualified superintendent was appointed over every class of artisans. * * * The Sultán also repaired the tombs of former kings. * * * It is a custom among kings while they are on the throne to appropriate villages and lands to religious men in order to provide means for the maintenance and repair of their tombs. But these endowments had all been destroyed, and the grantees being divested of them, were reduced to distress. * * * The Sultán carefully repaired all the tombs and restored the lands and villages after bringing into cultivation such as had been laid waste. He also sought out and restored the superintendents and officers of these endowments who had been driven out of them. * * * The financial officer (díwán-i wizárat) examined the plan of every proposed building, and made provision so that the work should not be stopped for want of funds. The necessary money was issued from the royal treasury to the managers of the building, and then the work was begun. Thus it was that so many buildings of different kinds were erected in the reign of Fíroz Sháh.

Twelfth Mukaddama.—Consideration of the Sultán for the un-
employed
.

* * * The Sultán gave directions that when there were any workmen out of employ in the city they were to be sent to him. The kotwál used to call his district officers before him, and make enquiries of them. The most respectable people, out of shame, would not make their necessities known, and such gentlemen as these were brought to the kotwál by his officers. * * * When they were brought before the Sultán they were all placed in employ. Men of the pen were sent into the Government establishments (kár-khána), intelligent men of business were placed under the Khán-i Jahán, if any one expressed a desire to be made the slave (banda) of any particular nobleman, the Sultán himself used to send a letter of recommendation to that noble; and if one desired to be made the slave (banda) of an amír who held a fief (iktá'), a farmán was sent to that amír, and the applicant proceeded thither. So, few persons remained without employment, and wherever one of the unemployed was sent, there he found a comfortable settlement. * * *

Thirteenth Mukaddama.—The royal establishments (kár-khána) of
Fíroz Sháh
.

Sultán Fíroz had thirty-six royal establishments, for which enormous supplies of articles were collected, * * * and the annual outlay on which was very large. Some of them were in receipt of a regular payment (ráyatí); others had no fixed income (ghair-ráyatí). Thus among the ráyatí establishments there were the elephant, horse, and camel stables, the kitchen, the butlery, the candle department, the dog-kennels, the water-cooling department and other similar establishments. These received a regular monthly allowance of one lac and sixty thousand tankas for their expenses, in addition to which there was the cost of their furniture,356 and the monthly salaries of the accountants 356a and other officers, which also amounted to one lac and sixty thousand silver tankas. In the establishments which received no regular allowance, such as the wardrobe, the 'alam-khána or insignia, the carpet stores, and the like, new goods were procured every year according to orders given. In the winter season six lacs of tankas were expended on the wardrobe, besides the outlay for the spring and summer. 80,000 tankas were expended on the 'alam-khána in the purchase of articles, besides the salaries of the accountants and the wages of the workpeople. About two lacs of tankas were expended in the carpet department. Each of these establishments was under the charge of a khán or malik of high rank; thus the wardrobe was under the superintendence of Malik 'Ali and Malik Isma'íl. * * *

Khwája Abú-l Hasan Khán was charged with the general superintendence of all the kár-khánas, and through him all orders were issued to the respective establishments. There was a separate financial department (díwán-khána) for the kár-khánas, in which the general accounts were kept, but the accounts were rendered to and recorded in the exchequer (díwán-i wizárat). So that the exchequer not only kept an account of the land revenues (iktá'), but also of the expenditure of the kár-khánas. There were many accountants in the various kár-khánas who received monthly pay. * * The royal stables were in five different places, * * * and, beside these, some thousands of horses grazed in the neighbourhood of Dehlí, and were called sih-panj. The camel establishment was distinct, * * * and was in the district of Dub-láhan, where whole villages were appropriated to them and their keepers. * * * Their numbers increased every year, because the great feudatories, when they came to Court, brought camels of all sorts among their presents to the throne. * * *

In this reign there were audits of the accounts of the fiefs. When the feudatory came up from his fief to Court, he was brought before the exchequer, where an audit of his accounts was held, and the results were reported to the throne. The balance was struck, and the chieftain was questioned, after which he was sent back at once to his fief. The managers (muharrir) of the kár-khánas also had to attend in the exchequer at the end of every year, and present abstracts of their accounts, showing the balance of cash and the stores of goods. * * *

Fourteenth Mukaddama.—On the striking of the Coin called
Shashgání
.

Sultán Fíroz issued several varieties of coins. There was the gold tanka and the silver tanka. There were also distinct coins of the respective value of forty-eight, twenty-five, twenty-four, twelve, ten, eight, six, and one jítal, known as the chihal o hashtgáni,357 bíst o panjgání, bist o chahárgání, dwázdahgání, dahgání, hashtgání, shashgání and yak jital. When the Sultán had issued these many varieties of coins, it occurred to his benignant mind that a very poor person might buy an article in the market, and a half or a quarter jítal might be due to him in change, but if the shopkeeper had no dángs (quarters) no change could be be given, and the purchaser would incur a loss. If the purchaser demanded his due, how could he get it if there was no coin in which to pay it. Contentions might thus arise between buyer and seller. The Sultán accordingly gave directions for the issuing of a half jítal, called ádhá,358 and a quarter jítal, called bíkh, so that the requirements of the indigent might be supplied.

When the Sultán ordered the coinage of the shashgání (or six-jítal-piece), Kajar Sháh was Director of the Mint, and he exerted himself to execute the orders of the Sultán. The new coin was accordingly struck during the reign of the Sultán, under the management of Kajar Sháh. When it came into circulation two sharp individuals made a representation to the Sultán that there was a deficiency of one grain of silver in the shashgání, and prayed for an investigation to test the truth of their statement. If it proved true the officials must take the consequences. The Sultán directed his ministers to make private enquiry into the truth of the statement. Khán-i Jahán Makbúl was then alive; it was the year 772 H. (1370 A.D.), and he turned his attention and political experience to the matter. He observed that the coinage of kings was like an unmarried daughter, whom no one would seek after, however beautiful and charming she might be, if any aspersion had, either rightly or wrongly, been cast upon her character. So also with royal coins, if any one honestly or falsely, from interested motives, alleged a deterioration of the coinage, the insinuation would spread, the coinage would obtain a bad name, and no one would take it. On hearing this his Majesty said, what course can we take to ascertain the rights of this matter. The minister replied that it would be very impolitic to publish the secret rules (of the manufacture of the coin); but to pass the matter over would be an error, and to hold an (open) investigation would be a great mistake. The Sultán insisted that the truth must be ascertained so that his doubts might be dispelled. The minister then recommended that the two informers should be placed in confinement, and that a careful examination should be made (in private). Accordingly the informers were confined in the prison of the Exchequer (díwán-i wizárat), and the next day was appointed for the business of testing.

Khán-i Jahán retired, and his Majesty went into his private apartments. The minister then sent secretly for Kajar Sháh, and when he arrived359 Khán-i Jahán addressed him saying that his officials had been very covetous, and had greatly diminished the value of the coins. It was well known in the world that government clerks and servants (kár-kun) were given to peculation. 359a There was no intention of charging him (Kajar Sháh) with participation in this delinquency, but he had better go and make enquiry among his subordinates. If the charge of deterioration proved to be true, he (Khán-i Jahán) would devise some adroit move359b by which the shashgání coin should appear to the world as of full intrinsic value. Kajar Sháh returned to his office and made the necessary investigation, when it was acknowledged that the shashgání was one grain of silver deficient. He accordingly made a full and true report to the Sultán. The minister thereupon recommended that some goldsmiths should be called in privately to test the truth of the matter, and Kajar Sháh was directed to provide them. When Kajar Sháh received this instruction he proceeded to the goldsmiths and communicated to them what he had heard from the minister; telling them that they must contrive to show that matters were all right and proper. The goldsmiths replied that when they should be called to make the assay in the presence of the Sultán they would have to go naked, excepting only the barest clothing required by decency; but that if a few grains of silver could be smuggled into the palace they would throw it into the crucible. Kajar Sháh then proceeded to the charcoal dealers, and after making known his wishes they agreed to scoop out a piece of charcoal, to introduce a few grains of silver, and to seal up the aperture with wax. Next day the Sultán took his seat in a private apartment with his minister. Kajar Sháh and his accusers were then called in. The goldsmiths also were brought in wearing the most scant clothing, and the charcoal dealers brought the charcoal and placed it before the goldsmiths. Several shashgání pieces were placed in a crucible, which the goldsmiths put upon the fire. The Sultán entered into conversation with his minister, and while he was so engaged, the workmen adroitly threw into the melting pot the piece of charcoal which contained the silver. After a while the crucible was taken off the fire and allowed to cool. It was then taken before the Sultán and (the contents were) weighed, when the weight corresponded to the estimate, and the shashgání proving to be of full standard value, the informers were declared to be false accusers. The Sultán presented Kajar Sháh with a robe, and bestowed on him other marks of favour. Khán-i Jahán then said that as the coin had come triumphant out of the test, Kajar Sháh should be mounted on an elephant and paraded round the city, so that all men might understand that the shashgání was of full value, and not to be charged with impurity. Kajar Sháh was accordingly carried through the city in triumph, and the two informers, being shown to be false, were banished. After awhile the minister caused Kajar Sháh to be dismissed upon some other charge. If there were no such wise ministers the affairs of States would fall into confusion, and the animadversions of the high and low would be cast upon the most excellent institutions.

Fifteenth Mukaddama.—Establishment of a House of Charity
and a Hospital
.

Sultán Fíroz founded an establishment (díwán-i khairát) for the promotion of marriages. Many needy Musulmáns were distressed at having marriageable daughters, for whom they could provide no marriage portion. * * * Notice was given that any man having a marriageable daughter might apply at the díwán-i khairát and state his case and his poverty to the officers of that establishment, * * * who, after due enquiry, might fix an allowance of fifty tankas for the first class of recipients, thirty for the second, and twenty-five for the third. * * * People, small and great, flocked to the city from all parts of the country, and received grants for purchasing housekeeping requisites for their daughters. * * *

The Shifá-khána, or Hospital, also called, Sihhat-khána. * * * The Sultán, in his great kindness and humanity, established a hospital for the relief of the sick and afflicted, whether natives (áshná) or strangers. Able physicians and doctors were appointed to superintend it, and provision was made for the supply of medicines. The poor afflicted went to the hospital and stated their cases. The doctors duly considered and applied their skill to the restoration of health. Medicines, food, and drinks were supplied at the expense of the treasury. * * *

When the Sultán founded these institutions for the public benefit he settled some rich and well cultivated villages upon them, to provide for their expenses. Allowances were also granted to learned men and Kurán readers. The author has understood from the best authority that the sum of thirty-six lacs of tankas out of the revenues of the kingdom were appropriated to the payment of wages (idrár), and that 4,200 afflicted persons received these monthly allowances. * * *

Sixteenth Mukaddama.—Festivals.

Sultán Fíroz used to keep the 'íds, the Shab-i barát, and the Nau-roz (New Years Day) as public festivals. * * *

Seventeenth Mukaddama.—Engagement of musicians at the Palace
on Fridays, after prayers
.

Every Friday, after public service, parties of musicians from the four cities,362 athletes, and story-tellers, amounting in all to about three thousand persons, used to attend at the palace.

Eighteenth Mukaddama.—Inventions or new contrivances.

The Tás-i Ghariyál has already been described in the eighteenth Mukaddama of the Third Book, etc., etc.

KISM V.—TONSURE OF FÍROZ SHÁH. THE PRINCE FATH KHÁN.
THE GREAT KHÁNS AND MALIKS. CLOSE OF THE REIGN.

First Mukaddama.—The Tonsure of Fíroz Sháh.

The Sultán showed great respect to Shaikhu-l Islám 'Aláu-d dín and Shaikhu-l Islám Farídu-d dín Ajodhaní. As long as he lived he paid much attention to the elders of religion, and towards the end of his reign he himself became a shaveling (mahlúk).362a * * * In the year 776 H. (1374 A.D.), the Sultán went on a pilgrimage to the tomb of Sálár Mas'úd Ghází at Bahráích. He stayed there some time, and one night the spirit of Sálár Mas'úd appeared to him in a dream,362b and stroked his own beard with his hand, thereby intimating to the Sultán that age was prevailing over him, and that he must prepare for death. When he returned from the visit, many of the kháns and amírs, out of love for the Sultán, performed the tonsure.

Second Mukaddama.—Suppression of unlawful practices.

Abuses which had pressed upon the people in revenue matters, mal-practices in the administration of public business, and breaches of the Holy Law were all forbidden. One of these (last) was the painting of portraits in the private apartments of kings. It was held right among monarchs to have painted chambers to gratify their eyes in retirement, but Fíroz Sháh, in his fear of God, prohibited the painting of portraits as contrary to the Law, and directed that garden scenes should be painted instead.

Former kings used to have ornaments of brass and copper, silver and gold, in opposition to the Law; these he interdicted. They had also used plates and drinking vessels of metal; these also were forbidden, and he used only stone and earthenware table furniture. Pictures on banners and ensigns were also forbidden.

Learned and holy men were also present in the Court of the Sultán, and whatever they objected to as being unlawful in the collection of taxes he forbad, even though it diminished the revenue. They brought to the notice of His Majesty several abuses which had sprung up in former reigns, and among them was that of dángána. Merchandize that had paid the regular zakát, after being passed, was carried off to the zaríba, again weighed, and an impost of one dáng per tanka levied. A large sum was thus raised. Merchants, both natives and strangers, were sorely vexed with the proceedings at the dángána office, for they were subjected to annoyances and delays by the officials, and were quite helpless. In the city of Dehlí there was an unlawful impost called mustag-hall —a ground rent levied from houses and shops, which produced annually 150,000 tankas. It was also called kirá-zamín, or ground rent. There was another unlawful tax called jazárí, levied from butchers, at the rate of twelve jítals for every ox they killed, and this brought a considerable sum to the treasury. The Rozí was an impost upon traders. When traders, native or foreign, brought grain, salt, sugar, or other goods into Dehlí, laden upon bullocks,363 the customs officers used to seize these animals for a day and send them to old Dehlí. In this old city there were seven fortifications (hisár), built by famous sovereigns; but these buildings were old and falling to decay, and they furnished an inexhaustible supply of bricks. The trader's animals were sent to this place for a day (roz) by the government officials, and had to convey one load of bricks from thence to Fírozábád. No merchant who came to Dehlí was allowed to depart until his animals had rendered this service. This made traders reluctant to come to the city, and, consequently, grain and salt began to grow dear.

The facts of these various imposts were brought to the knowledge of his Majesty and were fully explained. The case of a trader was reported who had brought in three mans of cotton, which was carried to the dángána zaríba and detained. The officials would not take three dángs proffered in payment, nor would they let it pass. While it was thus detained it caught fire and was burnt. Such was the hardship on traders. The rozí also was so oppressive that traders kept away from the city, and commodities rose in price. The mustaghall, or ground rent, was levied from all classes;—from widows and the very poorest people, so that it bore very hardly upon them.

The Sultán, in his benevolence, * * * called to his presence the elders and learned men, the magistrates and revenue officers, and examined them upon these subjects. The doctors and elders all gave their opinion, which they supported by quotations from books of authority, that these imposts were opposed to the Law. So the Sultán ordered the abolition of them all. Kází Nasru-llah, who was the Kází of the army, was mounted on an elephant, and was sent out to read publicly the royal proclamation of abolition. * * * The author of this work, who was then under Múr Khán, was present and heard this proclamation read. The numbers of people who crowded to hear it exceeded all computation. * * * The author has been informed that the loss incurred by the abolition of these imposts amounted to thirty lacs of tankas per annum. This abolition was proclaimed in 777 H. (1375 A.D.).

Third Mukaddama.—Burning of a Brahman before the Royal
Palace
.

A report was brought to the Sultán that there was in Dehlí an old Brahman (zunár dár), who persisted in publicly performing the worship of idols in his house; and that the people of the city, both Musulmáns and Hindus, used to resort to his house to worship the idol. This Brahman had constructed a wooden tablet (muhrak), which was covered within and without with paintings of demons and other objects. On days appointed, the infidels went to his house and worshipped the idol, without the fact becoming known to the public officers. The Sultán was informed that this Brahman had perverted Muhammadan women, and had led them to become infidels. An order was accordingly given that the Brahman, with his tablet, should be brought into the presence of the Sultán at Fírozábád. The judges and doctors and elders and lawyers were summoned, and the case of the Brahman was submitted for their opinion. Their reply was that the provisions of the Law were clear: the Brahman must either become a Musulmán or be burned. The true faith was declared to the Brahman, and the right course pointed out, but he refused to accept it. Orders were given for raising a pile of faggots before the door of the darbár. The Brahman was tied hand and foot and cast into it; the tablet was thrown on the top and the pile was lighted. The writer of this book was present at the darbár and witnessed the execution. The tablet of the Brahman was lighted in two places, at his head and at his feet; the wood was dry, and the fire first reached his feet, and drew from him a cry, but the flames quickly enveloped his head and consumed him. Behold the Sultán's strict adherence to law and rectitude, how he would not deviate in the least from its decrees.

Fourth Mukaddama.—Levy of the Jizya from the Brahmans.

* * * The Jizya, or poll tax, had never been levied from Brahmans; they had been held excused, in former reigns. But the Sultán convened a meeting of the learned men and elders, and suggested to them that an error had been committed in holding Brahmans exempt from the tax, and that the revenue officers had been remiss in their duty. The Brahmans were the very keys of the chamber of idolatry, and the infidels were dependent on them. They ought therefore to be taxed first. The learned lawyers gave it as their opinion that the Brahmans ought to be taxed. The Brahmans of all the four cities then assembled and went to the Kushk-i Shikár, where the Sultán was engaged in building, and represented that the Brahmans had never before been called upon to pay the Jizya, and they wanted to know why they were now subjected to the indignity of having to pay it. They were determined to collect wood and to burn themselves under the walls of the palace rather than pay the tax. When these pleasant words (kalimát i pur naghmát) were reported to the Sultán, he replied that they might burn and destroy themselves at once, for they would not escape from the payment. He could not overlook the matter as former kings had done, and they must give up all hope of it. The Brahmans remained fasting for several days at the palace until they were on the point of death. They clearly perceived that the Sultán did not intend to spare them. The Hindus of the city then assembled and told the Brahmans that it was not right to kill themselves on account of the Jizya, and that they would undertake to pay it for them. In Dehlí, the Jizya was of three kinds: 1st class, Forty tankas; 2nd class, Twenty tankas; 3rd class, Ten tankas. When the Brahmans found their case was hopeless, they went to the Sultán and begged him in his mercy to reduce the amount they would have to pay, and he accordingly assessed it at ten tankas and fifty jítals366 for each individual.

Fifth Mukaddama.—Account of two giants and a dwarf; also of
two bearded women [and other wonders of the reign]
.

Sixth Mukaddama.—Memoir of the Khán-i 'azam Tátár Khán.

Tátár Khán was of Turkí origin. * * * In the reign of Ghiyásu-d dín Tughlik Ghází, a king of Khurásán made an attack upon Multán and Dípálpúr, and was ravaging and wasting that country. He had a wife, a very handsome woman, from whom he could not bear to be absent, and so he took her with him on his campaign. She was pregnant, and was delivered of a child in the neighbourhood of Multán and Dípálpúr. On that same night, Sultán Tughlik made an attack upon the army of her husband, which he defeated and put to flight. In the confusion the child was left in its cradle. * * * and was found by the soldiers of Sultán Tughlik. The Sultán was pleased with the child, brought him up like a son, and gave him the name of Tátár Malik. He was young when that Sultán died, but grew up in the reign of Sultán Muhammad, and became distinguished for his courage, intrepidity, and military talents. * * * In the reign of Fíroz Sháh he obtained the title of Tátár Khán [and many marks of distinction]. * * * He collected a great number of commentaries on the Kurán, and having secured the assistance of a number of learned men, * * * he produced the commentary which he called the Tafsír-i Tátár Khání. He also compiled a law book, called the Fatáwa-i Tátár Khání. * * * He died some years after the accession of Fíroz Sháh.

Seventh Mukaddama.—Memoir of Khán-i Jahán.

The name of Khán-i Jahán was Makbúl. In his state of ignorance (i.e. when he was a Hindu) he was called Kattú. He was a native of Telingana, and a man of high position in his tribe, and he had attracted the favour of the Ráí of that country. When Sultán Muhammad sent the Ráí of Telingana to Dehlí, the Ráí died upon the road. Kattú then presented himself to Sultán Muhammad, and made his profession of the Muhammadan faith. On being admitted to the honour of the faith, the Sultán gave him the name of Makbúl, and bestowed on him many marks of his favour. Sultán Muhammad perceived in him many marks of sagacity and intelligence, so he made him deputy-wazír of Dehlí, when he used to seal and place his signature on parwánas as follows, “Makbúl, slave of Muhammad Tughlik.” Although he had no knowledge of reading and writing, he was a man of great common sense, acumen and intelligence, and was an ornament to the Court. In the reign of Sultán Muhammad he received the title of Kiwámu-l Mulk, and a grant of the fief of Multán. This was before he became deputy-wazír. In those days Khwája-i Jahán was wazír of Sultán Muhammad. * * * When this Sultán died, and Sultán Fíroz attained the throne, Khwája-i Jahán was desirous of giving the crown to a son of Sultán Muhammad, and opposed Sultán Fíroz, as has been related in a former part of this work. Khwája-i Jahán and Kiwámu-l Mulk were both in Dehlí at the time, and when Fíroz Sháh approached the city, Kiwámu-l Mulk went out to meet him, and helped him to get possession of the city. He was then made wazír [and received the title of Khán-i Jahán]. * * * When the Sultán departed from Dehlí on affairs of State, or for hunting, he used to leave Khán-i Jahán as his deputy, who, during his absence, rode about Dehlí with a great display of power, * * * having his sons, grandsons, sons-in-law, and slaves in his train. * * * During the absence of the Sultán, the city was thus kept in subjection. After the death of the Khán, the Sultán ceased from his excursions, and only went out riding in the neighbourhood of the capital.

Khán-i-Jahán had a great number of children. He was much devoted to the pleasures of the harem, and sought eagerly for pretty handmaids. It is reported that he had two thousand women of Rúm and Chín in his harem, where he spent much of his time notwithstanding his onerous official duties. He had numerous sons, and the Sultán made a provision that every son born to him should from his birth receive an allowance (nán) of 11,000 tankas for his maintenance, he also provided that every daughter on her marriage should receive an allowance of 15,000 tankas. His sons and sons-in-law all wore caps and white waist-bands, and his magnificence reached to such a pitch, that the Sultán was often heard to say that Khán-i Jahán was the grand and magnificent king of Dehlí.

'Aínu-l Mulk was also called 'Aín Máhrú. * * * He was a wise, accomplished, excellent, clever man, full of sound judgment and intelligence, * * * but during the reign of Sultán Muhammad bin Tughlik his brothers had been guilty of some improper and unworthy action, through which he had properly been sent into disgrace. * * * One day Muhammad Tughlik held a general Court, * * * when he perceived 'Aínu-l Mulk, and, pointing to him, said, that the misconduct of his brothers had deprived the State of his services, and the Sultán gave orders that he should be re-instated in his position at Court. 'Ainu-l Mulk was a clever and accomplished man of the highest ability. He wrote some excellent books in the reigns of Muhammad Tughlik and Fíroz Sháh. One of them is the 'Aínu-l Mulkí, a popular and approved work. * * In the reign of Fíroz Sháh he was appointed to the office of Ashráful-l Mamálik, and entered actively upon his duties in the minister's office. But a dispute arose between him and the minister * * * which was carried to extremities. * * * The contention reached such a height that Khán-i Jahán often uttered most bitter personal remarks in the presence of 'Aínu-l Mulk, and the latter retorted in the same strain; there was no delicacy between them. * * * Khán-i Jahán told the Sultán that he could no longer stay in the country, and therefore he wished to make the pilgrimage to Mecca. * * * * At length the Sultán said to Khán-i Jahán, “I have given to you the office of Díwán-i wazárat, all officers are under you, dismiss whom you please and give the office of Ashráfu-l mamálik to another.” The wazír went home rejoiced, * * * and sent 'Aínu-l Mulk his dismissal. When 'Aínu-l Mulk received his discharge he did not go to the palace for three days, but on the third day he went and paid his respects to the sovereign. The Sultán called him near, and observed that the world is ruined by dissensions, * * * * and as a quarrel had arisen between Khán-i Jahán and him, there was granted to him the fiefs of Multán, Bhakkar, and Siwistán, whither he had better repair and look after their affairs. But 'Aínu-l Mulk replied, that if he managed these territories he would not render his accounts to the office of the wazír, but that he would submit them to the Sultán himself. The Sultán accordingly ordered that the fief of Multán should be removed from the jurisdiction of the minister, and told 'Aínu-l Mulk that he would himself receive his reports370 and that his books would be sufficient. Upon these conditions 'Aínu-l Mulk accepted the fiefs. The writer has been informed that when 'Aínu-l Mulk was thus dismissed, the chief servants met to consider the matter, and they observed that he had been disgraced through the influence of the minister, and that the same might happen to them to-morrow. They therefore endeavoured to set the Sultán against Khán-i Jahán. * * * 'Aínu-l Mulk had started for Multán, and had proceeded about twenty-four kos, when he received an order from the Sultán directing him to leave all his train and return quickly. He did so with alacrity, and when he arrived in Dehlí, the Sultán gave him a private audience, when the officers who were present observed that it was not right to give such predominance to Khán-i Jahán, and that it would be well to beware of him. The Sultán looked towards 'Aínu-l Mulk who said that * * * Khán-i Jahán was a wise and experienced minister, and that his removal would be a calamity to the State. These sentiments greatly pleased the Sultán. He afterwards consulted with him and asked him what ought to be done. He replied that the * * * wazír should be sent for, and that all fear and apprehension should be removed from his mind. * * * The minister was accordingly summoned, and when the officers who were sent to call him informed him of what had passed he was greatly amazed. * * * When the Sultán saw he was disturbed in mind he reassured him, clothed him with a splendid robe and sent him away with many marks of favour. As the minister retired, radiant and happy, he embraced 'Aínu-l Mulk and said, “I had never thought that you were so friendly towards me. I have been wrong and ungracious to you.” 'Aínu-l Mulk replied that he hoped that all misgiving would be removed from the mind of the minister, he had spoken warmly for him, notwithstanding their old feud, and all that he had said had been for the good of the throne of Sultán Fíroz. Khán-i Jahán strongly wished to take 'Aínu-l Mulk home with him but he declined.

[Order of Precedence at Court]. Khán-i Jahán lived to a ripe old age, till he was more than eighty years old, and all his limbs had become very feeble. * * * He died in the year 770 H. (1368 A.D.), in the eighteenth year of the reign of Fíroz Sháh. When he died all Dehlí went into mourning, and crowded to the mosques and tombs. [Eulogy of the Khán.] The Sultán was greatly affected at his death, and wept bitterly; and he resolved in his mind that he would never more ride forth on any great enterprize. * * *

When Khán-i Jahán held the fief of Multán, he had a son born to him. * * * He wrote to acquaint Sultán Muhammad Sháh of the fact, and that monarch directed that the child should be named Júnán Sháh. This was he who was afterwards known as Khán-i Jahán, son of Khán-i Jahán. * * * After the death of his father, the Sultán promoted him to the office of wazír, and bestowed on him this title. * * * He acted as minister under Fíroz Sháh for twenty years, * * * and the Sultán committed all the affairs of the kingdom to his charge. But towards the end of the reign of Fíroz Sháh, * * * enmity broke out between the minister and Prince Muhammad Khán, afterwards Sultán Muhammad Sháh. Their dissensions were the cause of great trouble and disaster to the country; old and young, small and great, suffered, and the country at length fell a prey to the inroads of the Mughals. The author has entered fully into the details of this quarrel in his memoir of Sultán Muhammad bin Fíroz.

Eighth Mukaddama.—Memoir of Malik Náib Bar-bak.

Ninth Mukaddama.—Memoir of Malik-i Mulúku-sh Sharf,
'Imádu-l Mulk, Bashír-i Sultání
.

* * * Some say that Sipáh-sálár Rajab, the father of Sultán Fíroz received 'Imádu-l Mulk as part of his wife's dower, others that he purchased him with the price of some of his wife's jewels, and others assert that when Sultán Fíroz, after his accession, married a daughter of Sultán Kutbu-d dín, this lady gave her slave 'Imádu-l Mulk to her husband. * * * * The great wealth of 'Imádu-l Mulk has already been spoken of; it amounted to krors. The author was told that on one occasion bags were required for containing the coin, and 2,500 tankas were expended in the purchase of the material, the cost of each bag being four jítals. * * * When the accounts were brought before 'Imádu-l Mulk he objected to this extravagant outlay for bags, and directed that pits should be dug in the ground and the money placed therein like as corn is stored.* * * There were many rich kháns and maliks in the time of Fíroz Sháh, but no one was so rich as he; indeed there never had been one so rich in any reign or in any kingdom. It is said that he amassed thirteen krors (of tankas) but he was avid in the acquisition of more. He held the fief of Ráprí and looked very vigilantly after it. The clerks of the Exchequer (díwán-i wazárat) were afraid of him, and they refrained from calling him to account, so that in the course of years a large balance was due by him. This fact became known to the Sultán.* * * When 'Imádu-l Mulk heard about the enquiry he drew up a statement of his wealth which he himself presented to the Sultán, who read it without making any observation and returned it. * * One day 'Imádu-l Mulk brought a kror (of tankas) in bags to Court, and when the Sultán cried out “Bashír, what is this?” he replied that it was a small contribution (chíze 'alúfah) for the use of the servants of the court. The Sultán declined to take it, but 'Imádu-l Mulk urged its acceptance. At length the Sultán said, “Bashír is my property, and so his property is mine. But this kror must not be placed in the public treasury, because that is the depository of the public revenue. Let it therefore be deposited with Makbúl the perfumer ('itr-dár). Whenever Khán-i Jahán required money for fitting out the equipage of the Sultán, he used to give notice to the Sultán, and this kror in the hands of Makbúl was drawn upon for the necessary expenses.373 But as money was continually coming in from ('Imádu-l Mulk's) fief, which was handed over to Makbúl the perfumer, the kror (of tankas), so long as the Sultán lived, was not diminished. * * * When 'Imádu-l Mulk died the Sultán decided that the wealth did not belong to the deceased. There were twelve krors, of which the Sultán took nine, leaving three for Malik Is'hák.

Tenth Mukaddama.—Memoir of Malik Saiyidu-l Hujjáb.

Eleventh Mukaddama.—Memoir of Malik Shamsu-d dín Abúrjá,
Mustaufí-mamálik
.

Twelfth Mukaddama.—Memoir of Shamsu-d dín Dámaghání.

Thirteenth Mukaddama.—Destruction of a band of murderers by
Fíroz Sháh
.
Fourteenth Mukaddama.—Attention shown to three subjects by
Fíroz Sháh towards the end of his life, viz.
,

1. Liberation of prisoners. 2. Restoration of mosques. 3. Redressing the wrongs of the oppressed.

Fifteenth Mukaddama.—The last farewell of Saiyid Jalálu-d dín.373a

Sixteenth Mukaddama.—Repentance of Fíroz Sháh.

Seventeenth Mukaddama.—Resignation (taslím kardan) of Fíroz
Sháh to Khán-i Jahán
.
Eighteenth Mukaddama.—Account of the charms (ahwál-i sihr)
performed for Fíroz Sháh
.

XVII.

FUTUHÁT-I FÍROZ SHÁHÍ
OF
SULTÁN FÍROZ SHÁH.

[This little work, the production of the Sultán Fíroz Sháh, contains a brief summary of the res gestae of his reign, or, as he designates them, his “Victories.” Sir H. Elliot was unable to obtain a copy of it, but considered its recovery very desirable, “as everything relating to the noble character of Fíroz is calculated to excite attention.” Colonel Lees also speaks of it, but he had never seen it, and was not well informed as to its extent.374 Mr. Thomas was more fortunate, for he possesses a copy which purports to have been written in 1139 H. (1726 A.D.), but it is quite modern; the date therefore must be that of the MS. from which it was copied. The work is a mere brochure of thirty-two pages, and the editor has translated the whole of it, with the exception of a few lines in the preface laudatory of the prophet. It exhibits the humane and generous spirit of Fíroz in a very pleasing unostentatious light, recording his earnest endeavours to discharge the duties of his station with clemency, and to act up to the teaching of his religion with reverence and earnestness.]

EXTRACTS.

[Praises without end, and infinite thanks to that merciful Creator who gave to me his poor abject creature Fíroz, son of Rajab, the slave of Muhammad Sháh son of Tughlik Sháh, His impulse for the maintenance of the laws of His religion, for the repression of heresy, the prevention of crime, aud the prohibition of things forbidden; who gave me also a disposition for discharging my lawful duties and my moral obligations. * * * My desire is that, to the best of my human power, I should recount and pay my thanks for the many blessings He has bestowed upon me, so that I may be found among the number of His grateful servants. First I would praise Him because when irreligion and sins opposed to the Law prevailed in Hindustán, and mens' habits and dispositions were inclined towards them, and were averse to the restraints of religion, He inspired me His humble servant with an earnest desire to repress irreligion and wickedness, so that I was able to labour diligently until with His blessing the vanities of the world, and things repugnant to religion, were set aside, and the true was distinguished from the false.

1. In the reigns of former kings the blood of many Musulmáns had been shed, and many varieties of torture employed. Amputation of hands and feet, ears and noses; tearing out the eyes, pouring molten lead into the throat, crushing the bones of the hands and feet with mallets, burning the body with fire, driving iron nails into the hands, feet, and bosom, cutting the sinews, sawing men asunder; these and many similar tortures were practised. The great and merciful God made me, His servant, hope and seek for His mercy by devoting myself to prevent the unlawful killing of Musulmáns, and the infliction of any kind of torture upon them or upon any men.

“Thanks for God's mercies I will show,
By causing man nor pain nor woe.”

All these things were practised that fear and dread might fall upon the hearts of men, and that the regulations of government might be duly maintained.

“Would'st thou see thy land at rest?
Keep the (headsman's) sword at rest!”

Through the mercy which God has shown to me these severities and terrors have been exchanged for tenderness, kindness, and mercy. Fear and respect have thus taken firmer hold of the hearts of men, and there has been no need of executions, scourgings, tortures, or terrors. But this blessed result is altogether due to the mercy and favour of the Creator.

“Thy power is great, then mercy show:
Pardon than vengeance better know.
Greatness to thee from Heaven descends:
Proneness to wrath thy God offends.
Withhold thine hand, some respite give,
Nor kill the man thou might'st forgive;
Let not his body lifeless fall,
His spirit thou can'st ne'er recall.
See how the mother's tender breast
Is by her child's distress opprest.
Boast not the hundreds thou hast slain,
To save one life's a nobler aim.
Thou shrinkest from the lancet's smart,
Keep then thy sword from neck and heart.
Seek not to shed a victim's gore,
The life-stream stopped will flow no more.
From deeds of blood thy hand restrain,
Thy blood the assassin's blade may stain.
That leader praise whose generous heart,
Disdains with captives' lives to sport.
From the well of fate he life will draw
Who shields the wretch from tyrants' law.
A vanquished foe should claim thy care,
Then pity show—in mercy spare!”

By God's help I determined that the lives (khún) of Musul-máns and true believers should be in perfect immunity, and whoever transgressed the Law should receive the punishment prescribed by the book and the decrees of judges.

2. The next matter, which by God's help I accomplished, was the repetition of the names and titles of former sovereigns which had been omitted from the prayers on Sabbaths and Feasts. The names of those sovereigns of Islám, under whose happy fortune and favour infidel countries had been conquered, whose banners had waved over many a land, under whom mosques and pulpits had been built and exalted, the fragrant creed had been extended, and the people of Islám had waxen strong and warlike, the names of these men had fallen into neglect and oblivion. So I decreed that according to established custom their names and titles should be rehearsed in the khutba and aspirations offered for the remission of their sins.

“Would'st thou enjoy a lasting fame?
Hide not the merits of an honoured name!”

3. In former reigns they used to collect frivolous, unlawful, and unjust cesses at the public treasury, such as the Mandaví bark, dalálat-i bazárhá, járárí, amírí-tarab, gul-faroshí, jaríbá-i tambol, changí-ghala, kitábí, bílgarí, máhí-faroshí, sábúnkarí, rísmán faroshí, raughan-karí, nukhúd-biryán, tah-bázárí, jhaba, kimár-khána, dád-bankí, kotwálí, ihtisábí, karhí, charáí, musá-darát . I had all these abolished and removed from the accounts, and any revenue collector who exacted these cesses from the people was to be brought to punishment for his offence.

“Better a people's weal than treasures vast,
Better an empty chest than hearts downcast.”

The money received in the public treasury should be derived from sources recognized by the Sacred Law, and approved by books of authority. First the kharáj or tenth from cultivated lands, then the zakát or alms, then the jizya or poll tax on Hindus and other separatists, then the khams or fifth of the spoil and of (the produce of) mines. No tax unauthorized by the declarations of the book should be received in the public treasury.

4. Before my time it was the rule and practice that in repressing infidelity four-fifths of the spoil was appropriated to the public treasury and one-fifth was given to the captors; but the rule of the Law is that one-fifth should be taken by the State, and four-fifths allotted to the captors. The provisions of the Law had thus been entirely subverted. As the Law was thus set at nought, every man looked upon himself as the lawful owner of the spoil he captured. Hence, children borne by female captives were the offspring of fornication. To prevent these irregularities I decreed that one-fifth (of the spoil) should be taken by the State, and four-fifths given to the captors.

5. The sect of Shí'as, also called Rawáfiz, had endeavoured to make proselytes. They wrote treatises and books, and gave instruction and lectures upon the tenets of their sect, and traduced and reviled the first chiefs of our religion (on whom be the peace of God!). I seized them all and I convicted them of their errors and perversions. On the most zealous I inflicted punishment (siyásat), and the rest I visited with censure (tázír) and threats (tahdíb) of public punishment (tashhír-i zijr). Their books I burnt in public, and so by the grace of God the influence of this sect was entirely suppressed.

6. There was a sect of heretics (mulhid), and sectarians (abáh-tiyán ), who laboured to seduce the people into heresy and schism. They met by night at an appointed time and place, both friends and strangers. Wine was served, and they said that this was their religious worship. They brought their wives, mothers, and daughters to these meetings. The men threw themselves on the ground as if in worship, and each man had intercourse with the woman whose garment he caught. I cut off the heads of the elders of this sect, and imprisoned and banished the rest, so that their abominable practices were put an end to.

7. There was a sect which wore the garments of atheism, and having thrown off all restraint, led men astray. The name of their chief was Ahmad Bahárí. He dwelt in the city, and a party of his followers called him a God. They brought those people before me in bonds and chains, and informed me that he presumptuously made himself a prophet, and said that there could be none of the grace of prophecy in any one who had not been admitted into his following. One of his disciples affirmed that a God had appeared in Dehlí, that is, Ahmad Bahárí. When these facts were proved against them, I ordered them both to be confined and punished with chains. I admonished the others to repent and reform, and I banished them to different cities to put a stop to the influence of this wretched sect.

8. There was in Dehlí a man named Ruknu-d dín, who was called Mahdí, because he affirmed himself to be the Imám Mahdí who is to appear in the latter days, and to be possessed of knowledge by inspiration. He said that he had not read or studied under anyone, and that he knew the names of all things, a knowledge which no prophet had acquired since Adam. He pretended that the mysteries of the science of letters ('ilm-i hurúf) had been revealed to him in a way never made known to any other man, and that he had written books upon the subject. He led people astray into mystic practices, and perverted ideas by maintaining that he was Ruknu-d dín, the prophet of God. The elders brought the facts of this case to my attention, and gave evidence of what they had heard him say. When he was brought before me I investigated the charges of error and perversion brought against him, and he was convicted of heresy and error. The doctors of the Law said he was an infidel, and worthy of death, for having spread such vile and pernicious ideas among the people of Islám. If any delay were made in putting them down they would spread like a pestilence, and many Musulmáns would stray from the true faith. A revolt (against religion) would follow; and many men would fall into perdition. I ordered that this vile fellow's rebellion and wickedness should be communicated to all societies of learned men, and be made public to all men, high and low: and that in accordance with the decision of the doctors learned in the holy Law, the guilty should be brought to punishment. They killed him with some of his supporters and disciples, and the people rushing in tore him to pieces and broke his bones into fragments. Thus was his iniquity prevented. God in His mercy and favour, made me, His humble creature, the instrument of putting down such wickedness, and abolishing such heresy; and guided me to effect a restoration of true religion. Thanks for this are due to the great and glorious God. Upon hearing or reading the facts here recorded, every well-wisher of His religion will admit that this sect was deservedly punished, and for this good action I hope to receive future reward.

9. A person who was one of the pupils of 'Aín Máhrú,379 had set himself up as a shaikh in the country of Gujarát, and having got together a body of disciples, used to say, “Ana-l Hakk” (I am God). He commanded his disciples that when he used these words they were to say, “Thou art, thou art!” He further said, “I am the king who dies not;” and he wrote a book in which he inserted the words of his profession (kalamát). He was put in chains and brought before me. The charge being proved, I condemned him to punishment, and his book I ordered to be burnt, so that his innovation (fasád) might be prevented from spreading among the faithful people of Islám.

10. A custom and practice unauthorized by the Law of Islám had sprung up in Musulmán cities. On holy days women riding in palankíns, or carts, or litters, or mounted on horses or mules, or in large parties on foot, went out of the city to the tombs. Rakes and wild fellows of unbridled passions and loose habits, took the opportunity which this practice afforded for improper riotous actions. I commanded that no woman should go out to the tombs under pain of exemplary punishment. Now, thanks to the great God, no lady or respectable Musulmán woman can go out on pilgrimage to the tombs. The practice has been entirely stopped.

11. The Hindus and idol-worshipers had agreed to pay the money for toleration (zar-i zimmiya), and had consented to the poll tax (jizya), in return for which they and their families enjoyed security. These people now erected new idol temples in the city and the environs in opposition to the Law of the Prophet which declares that such temples are not to be tolerated. Under Divine guidance I destroyed these edifices, and I killed those leaders of infidelity who seduced others into error, and the lower orders I subjected to stripes and chastisement, until this abuse was entirely abolished. The following is an instance:—In the village of Malúh there is a tank which they call kund (tank). Here they had built idol-temples, and on certain days the Hindus were accustomed to proceed thither on horseback, and wearing arms. Their women and children also went out in palankíns and carts. There they assembled in thousands and performed idol worship. This abuse had been so overlooked that the bázár people took out there all sorts of provisions, and set up stalls and sold their goods. Some graceless Musulmáns, thinking only of their own gratification, took part in these meetings. When intelligence of this came to my ears my religious feelings prompted me at once to put a stop to this scandal and offence to the religion of Islám. On the day of the assembling I went there in person, and I ordered that the leaders of these people and the promoters of this abomination should be put to death. I forbad the infliction of any severe punishments on the Hindus in general, but I destroyed their idol temples, and instead thereof raised mosques. I founded two flourishing towns (kasba), one called Tughlikpúr, the other Sálárpúr. Where infidels and idolaters worshiped idols, Musulmáns now, by God's mercy, perform their devotions to the true God. Praises of God and the summons to prayer are now heard there, and that place which was formerly the home of infidels has become the habitation of the faithful, who there repeat their creed and offer up their praises to God.

12. Information was brought to me that some Hindús had erected a new idol-temple in the village of Sálihpúr, and were performing worship to their idol. I sent some persons there to destroy the idol temple, and to put a stop to their pernicious incitements to error.

13. Some Hindús had erected a new idol-temple in the village of Kohána, and the idolaters used to assemble there and perform their idolatrous rites. These people were seized and brought before me. I ordered that the perverse conduct of the leaders of this wickedness should be publicly proclaimed, and that they should be put to death before the gate of the palace. I also ordered that the infidel books, the idols, and the vessels used in their worship, which had been taken with them, should all be publicly burnt. The others were restrained by threats and punishments, as a warning to all men, that no zimmí could follow such wicked practices in a Musulmán country.

14. It had been the practice in former reigns to use vessels of gold and silver at the royal table, and sword-belts and quivers were ornamented with gold and jewels. I forbad these things, and I ordered the fittings of my arms to be made of bone, and I commanded that only such vessels should be used as are recognized by the Law.

15. In former times it had been the custom to wear ornamented garments, and men received robes as tokens of honour from kings' courts. Figures and devices were painted and displayed on saddles, bridles, and collars, on censers, on goblets and cups, and flagons, on dishes and ewers, in tents, on curtains and on chairs, and upon all articles and utensils. Under Divine guidance and favour I ordered all pictures and portraits to be removed from these things, and that such articles only should be made as are approved and recognized by the Law. Those pictures and portraits which were painted on the doors and walls of palaces I ordered to be effaced.

16. Formerly the garments of great men were generally made of silk and gold brocades, beautiful but unlawful. Under Divine guidance I ordered that such garments should be worn as are approved by the Law of the Prophet, and that choice should be made of such trimmings of gold brocade, embroidery, or braiding as did not exceed four inches (asábi') in breadth. Whatever was unlawful and forbidden by, or opposed to, the Law was set aside.

Among the gifts which God bestowed upon me, His humble servant, was a desire to erect public buildings. So I built many mosques and colleges and monasteries, that the learned and the elders, the devout and the holy, might worship God in these edifices, and aid the kind builder with their prayers. The digging of canals, the planting of trees, and the endowing with lands are in accordance with the directions of the Law. The learned doctors of the Law of Islám have many troubles; of this there is no doubt. I settled allowances upon them in proportion to their necessary expenses, so that they might regularly receive the income. The details of this are fully set forth in the Wakf-náma.

Again, by the guidance of God, I was led to repair and rebuild the edifices and structures of former kings and ancient nobles, which had fallen into decay from lapse of time; giving the restoration of these buildings the priority over my own building works. The Masjid-i jámi' of old Dehlí, which was built by Sultán Mu'izzu-d dín Sám, had fallen into decay from old age, and needed repair and restoration. I so repaired it that it was quite renovated.

The western wall of the tomb of Sultán Mu'izzu-d dín Sám, and the planks of the door, had become old and rotten. I restored this, and, in the place of the balcony, I furnished it with doors, arches, and ornaments of sandal-wood.

The minára of Sultán Mu'izzu-d dín Sám had been struck by lightning. I repaired it and raised it higher than it was before.

The Hauz-i Shamsí, or tank of Altamsh, had been deprived of water by some graceless men, who stopped up the channels of supply. I punished these incorrigible men severely, and opened again the closed up channels.

The Hauz-i 'Aláí, or tank of 'Aláu-d dín, had no water in it, and was filled up. People carried on cultivation in it, and had dug wells, of which they sold the water. After a generation (karn) had passed I cleaned it out, so that this great tank might again be filled from year to year.

The Madrasa (college) of Sultán Shamsu-d dín Altamsh had been destroyed. I rebuilt it, and furnished it with sandal-wood doors. The columns of the tomb, which had fallen down, I restored better than they had been before. When the tomb was built its court (sahn) had not been made curved (kaj), but I now made it so. I enlarged the hewn-stone staircase of the dome, and I re-erected the fallen piers (pushtí) of the four towers.

Tomb of Sultán Mu'izzu-d dín, son of Sultán Shamsu-d dín, which is situated in Malikpúr. This had fallen into such ruin that the sepulchres were undistinguishable. I re-erected the dome, the terrace, and the enclosure wall.

Tomb of Sultán Ruknu-d dín, son of Shamsu-d dín, in Malik-púr. I repaired the enclosure wall, built a new dome, and erected a monastery (khánkáh).

Tomb of Sultán Jalálu-d dín. This I repaired, and I supplied it with new doors.

Tomb of Sultán 'Aláu-d dín. I repaired this, and furnished it with sandal-wood doors. I repaired the wall of the ábdár-khána , and the west wall of the mosque, which is within the college, and I also made good the tesselated pavement (farsh-i ta'shíb).

Tomb of Sultán Kutbu-d dín and the (other) sons of Sultán 'Aláu-d dín, viz., Khizr Khán, Shádí Khán, Faríd Khán, Sultán Shahábu-d dín, Sikandar Khán, Muhammad Khán, 'Usmán Khán, and his grandsons, and the sons of his grandsons. The tombs of these I repaired and renovated.

I also repaired the doors of the dome, and the lattice work of the tomb of Shaikhu-l Islám Nizámu-l hakk wau-d dín, which were made of sandal-wood. I hung up the golden chandeliers with chains of gold in the four recesses of the dome, and I built a meeting room, for before this there was none.

Tomb of Malik Táju-l Mulk Káfúrí, the great wazír of Sultán 'Aláu-d dín. He was a most wise and intelligent minister, and acquired many countries, on which the horses of former sovereigns had never placed their hoofs, and he caused the khutba of Sultán 'Aláu-d dín to be repeated there. He had 52,000 horsemen. His grave had been leveled with the ground, and his tomb laid low. I caused his tomb to be entirely renewed, for he was a devoted and faithful subject.

The Dáru-l ámán, or House of Rest. This is the bed and resting place of great men. I had new sandal-wood doors made for it, and over the tombs of these distinguished men I had curtains and hangings suspended.

The expense of repairing and renewing these tombs and colleges was provided from their ancient endowments. In those cases where no income had been settled on these foundations in former times for (procuring) carpets, lights, and furniture for the use of travelers and pilgrims in the least of these places, I had villages assigned to them, the revenues of which would suffice for their expenditure in perpetuity.

Jahán-panáh. This foundation of the late Sultán Muhammad Sháh, my kind patron, by whose bounty I was reared and educated, I restored.

All the fortifications which had been built by former sovereigns at Dehlí I repaired.

For the benefit of travelers and pilgrims resorting to the tombs of illustrious kings and celebrated saints, and for providing the things necessary in these holy places, I confirmed and gave effect to the grants of villages, lands, and other endowments which had been conferred upon them in olden times. In those cases where no endowment or provision had been settled, I made an endowment, so that these establishments might for ever be secure of an income, to afford comfort to travelers and wayfarers, to holy men and learned men. May they remember those (ancient benefactors) and me in their prayers.

I was enabled by God's help to build a Dáru-sh shifá, or Hospital, for the benefit of every one of high or low degree, who was suddenly attacked by illness and overcome by suffering. Physicians attend there to ascertain the disease, to look after the cure, to regulate the diet, and to administer medicine. The cost of the medicines and the food is defrayed from my endowments. All sick persons, residents and travelers, gentle and simple, bond and free, resort thither; their maladies are treated, and, under God's blessing, they are cured.

Under the guidance of the Almighty I arranged that the heirs of those persons who had been executed (kushta) in the reign of my late lord and patron Sultán Muhammad Sháh, and those who had been deprived of a limb, nose, eye, hand, or foot, should be reconciled to the late Sultán and be appeased with gifts, so that they executed deeds declaring their satisfaction, duly attested by witnesses. These deeds were put into a chest, which was placed in the Dáru-l ámán at the head of the tomb of the late Sultán, in the hope that God, in his great clemency, would show mercy to my late friend and patron, and make those persons feel reconciled to him.

Another instance of Divine guidance was this. Villages, lands, and ancient patrimonies of every kind had been wrested from the hands of their owners in former reigns, and had been brought under the Exchequer. I directed that every one who had a claim to property should bring it forward in the law-court, and, upon establishing his title, the village, the land, or whatever other property it was should be restored to him. By God's grace I was impelled to this good action, and men obtained their just rights.

I encouraged my infidel subjects to embrace the religion of the prophet, and I proclaimed that every one who repeated the creed and became a Musulmán should be exempt from the jizya, or poll-tax. Information of this came to the ears of the people at large, and great numbers of Hindus presented themselves, and were admitted to the honour of Islám. Thus they came forward day by day from every quarter, and, adopting the faith, were exonerated from the jizya, and were favoured with presents and honours.

Through God's mercy the lands and property of his servants have been safe and secure, protected and guarded during my reign; and I have not allowed the smallest particle of any man's property to be wrested from him. Men often spoke to me officiously, saying that such and such a merchant had made so many lacs, and that such and such a revenue collector had so many lacs. By reproofs and punishments I made these informers hold their tongues, so that the people might be safe from their malignity, and through this kindness men became my friends and supporters.

“Labour to earn for generous deeds a name,
Nor seek for riches to extend thy fame.
Better one word of praise than stores of gold,
Better one grateful prayer than wealth untold.”

Under God's favour my heart was occupied with an earnest desire to succour the poor and needy (fukrá wa masákín) and to comfort their hearts. Wherever I heard of a fakír or religious recluse, I went to visit him and ministered to his necessities, so that I might attain the blessing promised to those who befriend the poor.

Whenever a person had completed the natural term of life and had become full of years, after providing for his support, I advised and admonished him to direct his thoughts to making preparation for the life to come, and to repent of all things which he had done contrary to the Law and religion in his youth; to wean his affections from this world, and to fix them on the next.

I desired to act upon the sentiment of these lines—

“The practice of the great should be
To succour honest men;
And when a good man dies, to see
His children find a friend.”

When any government servant filling an important and responsible position was carried off under the decrees of God to the happy future life, I gave his place and employment to his son, so that he might occupy the same position and rank as his father and suffer no injury.

“Kings should make their rule of life
To love the great and wise;
And when death ends this mortal strife,
To dry their loved ones' eyes.”

The greatest and best of honours that I obtained through God's mercy was, that by my obedience and piety, and friendliness and submission to the Khalífa, the representative of the holy Prophet, my authority was confirmed; for it is by his sanction that the power of kings is assured, and no king is secure until he has submitted himself to the khalífa, and has received a confirmation from the sacred throne. A diploma was sent to me fully confirming my authority as deputy of the khiláfat, and the leader of the faithful was graciously pleased to honour me with the title of “Saiyidu-s Salátín.” He also bestowed upon me robes, a banner, a sword, a ring, and a foot-print as badges of honour and distinction.

My object in writing this book has been to express my gratitude to the All-bountiful God for the many and various blessings He has bestowed upon me. Secondly, that men who desire to be good and prosperous may read this and learn what is the proper course. There is this concise maxim, by observing which, a man may obtain God's guidance: Men will be judged according to their works, and rewarded for the good that they have done.

XVIII.

MALFÚZÁT-I TÍMÚRÍ,
OR
TÚZAK-I TÍMÚRÍ:
THE
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF TÍMÚR.

[This is an autobiographical memoir of the Emperor Tímúr, written in the Chaghatáí Turkí language, translated into Persian by Abú Tálib Husainí, and dedicated to the Emperor Sháh Jahán, who began to reign in A.D. 1628.

In the brief preface to his translation, Abú Tálib states that he found the original Turkí work in the library of Ja'far, Hákim of Yaman,389 and that it consisted of a history of Tímúr, from the seventh to the seventy-fourth year of his age. The reticence of Abú Tálib as to the authenticity of the original work, and the strangeness of the place for the discovery of a MS. in a Turkí language, have given rise to the suspicion that there was no such work, and that Abú Tálib made the statement to give greater authority to a production of his own. Major Davy, who first brought the work to notice, argued against this supposition, grounding his opinion on the internal evidence of the work itself, and on the improbability of an author resorting to “an artifice which could tend only to diminish his fame and his profit.” The probability is that Abú Tálib knew nothing more of the work than what he learned from its own pages, and that when he had turned these into Persian he had nothing to add. Tímúr's descendants seem to have had a partiality for writing their own memoirs, as in the instances of Bábar and Jahángír; and others, who did not profess to be their own biographers, provided for a record of their lives and actions being written. This family predilection is of itself something in favour of the authenticity of the work.

The fact of its being a genuine work, produced under the supervision of Tímúr himself, can however be proved upon more certain evidence. Only thirty years after Tímúr's death, Sharafu-d dín Yazdí wrote his celebrated Zafar-náma, or Book of Victory, to commemorate the exploits of Tímúr, and in his preface he details the sources from which his work was drawn, and the auspices under which it was written. To establish the veracity and authority of his history, he first describes, in the following words, the way in which a record of the events of Tímúr's reign was kept at the Court of that Emperor.

“The third recommendation (of this my work, named Zafar-náma ) is its truthfulness—the exactness and verity of the accounts and descriptions of the various events of Tímúr's life, both at home and abroad. Men of the highest character for learning, knowledge, and goodness, Aighúr officers and Persian secretaries, were in attendance at the Court of Tímúr, and a staff of them under the orders of the Emperor wrote down an account of everything that occurred. The movements, actions and sayings of Tímúr, the various incidents and affairs of State, of religion, and the ministers, were all recorded and written down with the greatest care. The most stringent commands were given that every event should be recorded exactly as it occurred, without any modification either in excess or diminution. This rule was to be particularly observed in matters of personal bearing and courage, without fear or favour of any one, and most especially in respect of the valour and prowess of the Emperor himself. The learned and eloquent writers having recorded the facts, their compositions were polished and finished off in verse and prose. From time to time these writings were brought into the royal presence and were read to the Emperor, so as to insure confidence by the impress of his approval. In this way the records of the various incidents and actions of the life of Tímúr, whether recounted in Turkí verse or Persian prose, were revised and finally recorded in prose and verse. Besides this, some of the officers of the Court wrote down the incidents of the reign of Tímúr, and took the greatest pains to ascertain the truth of what they recorded. Accomplished writers then moulded these productions into Turkí verse and Persian prose.”

Sharafu-d dín then goes on to relate how his own royal patron Ibráhím, grandson of Tímúr, took the greatest interest in the composition of the Zafar-náma how he procured from all parts of his dominions copies of the works relating to the life of Tímúr, in prose and verse, in Turkí and in Persian; how he supplied him with men learned in Persian and Turkí as assistants; how reference was made to surviving actors in the events recorded; how he wrote letters in all directions to settle discrepancies in the MSS., and how he had the work read to him in the rough draft and in the finished state.391

So the basis of Sharafu-d dín's history was a work or works written under the direction or with the approval of Tímúr, and a comparison of the Zafar-náma with the Malfúzát proves the one to be a mere reproduction of the other. The events recorded and their succession are identical,391a and leave no doubt upon the mind that Sharafu-d dín translated or wrote over again in an ornate style that history which had been compiled under Tímúr's direction. Like Oriental writers in general, he half conceals the true origin of his book, and so exaggerates the magnitude and importance of his own labours, but the only difference observable in the two works is, that one is the production of a skilful and accomplished writer, the other the work of a plain, laborious, and minute chronicler of events. With all the rhetoric and flourishes of the Zafar-náma, the narrative is shorter than that of the detailed and verbose biography.

The Tuzúkát or Institutes were translated into English by Major Davy, and published under the editorship of Professor White, at Oxford, in 1783, and this work was turned into French by M. Langlès, and published in 1787.

The Malfúzát or Memoirs, as far as the forty-first year of Tímúr's age, were translated into English by Major Stewart, and were published by the Oriental Translation Fund in 1830.

The MS. used by Major Davy and Major Stewart was imperfect, ending abruptly with the forty-first year of Tímúr's age. This MS. is now in the library of the Royal Asiatic Society, which library also possesses another imperfect copy. There is a similar defective copy in the library of the East India Office; Sir H. Elliot also procured a defective copy in India, and there are several in the British Museum. These, in all probability, were derived directly or indirectly from one MS. But the British Museum has lately secured a perfect copy from the library of the late General Hamilton, which bears the marks of having once belonged to the Royal Library at Lucknow.

Besides the Version of Abú Tálib, there is another, the work of Muhammad Afzal Bukhárí. The author of this later version tells us in his preface that when Amír Abú Tálib's translation had been read by the Emperor Shah Jahán, it was found to contain errors and mistakes. Its statements occasionally differed from those of the Zafar-náma and other histories; and while omitting events recorded in the Zafar-náma, it added others of which no notice had been taken in that work. For these reasons he goes on to say:—“In the year 1047 of the Hijra, and tenth of his Majesty Sháh Jahán's reign (A.D. 1637),392 the royal orders were issued to me, the meanest of the servants of the Imperial Court (Muhammad Afzal Bukhárí), to read and revise this book from beginning to end, and to assimilate it with the Zafar-náma, of the correctness of which no intelligent person can have a doubt, and compare it with some other trustworthy histories; to omit some things which the translator had inserted, and to insert some occurrences which he had omitted; also to translate the Turkí and Arabic sentences into Persian, and to correct several dates, which do not agree with the Zafar-náma. * * * (The author) has exerted himself as much as possible in revising and correcting the said translation, and has thrown out all the unauthenticated passages which Abú Tálib had inserted. He has inserted several passages that have been omitted by that translator, and he has thereby made the book conform with the Zafar-náma.” Major Stewart observes that “It appears in Dow's History of Hindustán that Muhammad Afzal was the name of the Emperor Sháh Jahán's preceptor, and so he was probably the person employed to revise this work, but he has not complied with his promise of translating all the Turkí passages, although a native of Bukhárá, where that language was well understood.”

So the Zafar-náma was based upon the Turkí memoirs of Tímúr translated by Abú Tálib into Persian, and Muhammad Afzal was afterwards employed to bring these memoirs more completely into accord with the Zafar-náma, which was founded upon them. The alterations of Abú Tálib's work are, however, made to appear greater and more important than they actually are. Major Stewart, after the translation of his fragment of Abú Tálib's work, received two copies of Muhammad Afzal's, and he says in his Appendix: “I have minutely compared them with Colonel Davy's MS. as far as it extends, and find that the only additions they contain are extracts from Sharafu-d dín's history, an explanation of some particulars omitted in the Memoirs, and an attempt to prove that Tímúr was of the Sunní sect, although there is the strongest evidence that he was a very bigoted Shí'a.” The editor of this work has made a comparison, though not a minute one, of the text of the following extracts as given in the MS. of Abú Tálib in the British Museum, and in one of Muhammad Afzal's belonging to Sir H. Elliot, and he has found no greater differences between them than might be expected in two MSS. of the same work. So far as regards the portion relating to India the works are identically the same. The concluding sentences differ slightly in the two works, but in both Tímúr is made to record his own death. Muhammad Afzal, the later writer, makes him briefly say, “I arrived at the village of Atrár394 and died;” but Abú Tálib is more specific, saying, “At night, on the 17th of the month of Sha'bán (March 19, 1405 A.D.), calling upon the name of God, I lost my senses, and resigned my pure soul to the Almighty and Holy Creator” (and pure it was if blood could make it pure!). Major Stewart has noticed this apparent record by Tímúr of his own death, and shows that it ought not to stamp the work as a forgery. In the fourth clause of his Testament Tímúr says, “I desire that this my Testament, and whatever I shall say to the last moment of my existence, shall be written in my Memoirs as if proceeding from my own mouth.” This instruction has only been carried a trifle too far. The narrative given in this work of Tímúr's expedition to India has been closely followed by Mirkhond in the Rauzatu-s Safá, used by Price in his Retrospect of Mahommedan History.

Two MSS. of Muhammad Afzal's work have been used for the following extracts. One belonging to the Nawáb of Jhajjar, and a copy of a portion of the work made for Sir H. Elliot from a MS. belonging to the Raja of Balamgarh. Up to page 421 the translation is the production of Mr. C. E. Chapman, of the Bengal Civil Service; the remainder has been prepared by the Editor.]

The History of my expedition against Hindustan.

About this time there arose in my heart the desire to lead an expedition against the infidels, and to become a ghází; for it had reached my ears that the slayer of infidels is a ghází, and if he is slain he becomes a martyr. It was on this account that I formed this resolution, but I was undetermined in my mind whether I should direct my expedition against the infidels of China or against the infidels and polytheists of India. In this matter I sought an omen from the Kurán, and the verse I opened upon was this, “O Prophet, make war upon infidels and unbelievers, and treat them with severity.”

My great officers told me that the inhabitants of Hindustán were infidels and unbelievers. In obedience to the order of Almighty God I determined on an expedition against them, and I issued orders to the amírs of mature years, and the leaders in war, to come before me, and when they had come together I questioned the assembly as to whether I should invade Hindustán or China, and said to them, “By the order of God and the Prophet it is incumbent upon me to make war upon these infidels and polytheists.” Throwing themselves upon their knees they all wished me good fortune. I demanded of the warrior chieftains whether I should direct my expedition against the infidels of Hindustán or China. At first they repeated fables and wise sayings, and then said, in the country of Hindustán there are four defences, and if any one invading this extensive country breaks down these four defences, he becomes the conqueror of Hindustán.

The first defence consists of five large rivers, which flow from the mountains of Kashmír, and these rivers unite in their course, and passing through the country of Sind, flow into the Arabian Sea, and it is not possible to cross them without boats and bridges. The second defence consists of woods and forests and trees, which, interweaving stem with stem and branch with branch, render it very difficult to penetrate into that country. The third defence is the soldiery, and landholders, and princes, and Rájas of that country, who inhabit fastnesses in those forests, and live there like wild beasts. The fourth defence consists of the elephants, for the rulers of that country in the day of battle equipping elephants in mail, put them in the van of their army, and place great confidence in them, and they have trained them to such a pitch that, lifting with their trunks a horse with his rider, and whirling him in the air, they will dash him on the ground.

Some of the nobles said in reply that Sultán Mahmúd Subuk-tigín conquered the country of Hindustán with 30,000 horse, and established his own servants as rulers of that region, and carried off many thousand loads of gold and silver and jewels from that country, besides subjecting it to a regular tribute, and is our amír inferior to Sultán Mahmúd? No; thanks to Almighty God, to-day a 100,000 valiant Tátár horsemen wait at the stirrup of our amír; if he determines upon this expedition Almighty God will give him victory, and he will become a ghází and mujáhid before God, and we shall be attendants on an amír who is a ghází, and the army will be contented and the treasury rich and well filled, and with the gold of Hindustán our amír will become a conqueror of the world and famous among the kings of earth.

At this time the prince Sháh Rukh said: “India is an extensive country; whatever Sultán conquers it becomes supreme over the four quarters of the globe; if, under the conduct of our amír, we conquer India, we shall become rulers over the seven climes.” He then said: “I have seen in the history of Persia that, in the time of the Persian Sultáns, the King of India was called Dáráí, with all honour and glory. On account of his dignity he bore no other name; and the Emperor of Rome was called Cæsar, and the Sultán of Persia was called Kisra, and the Sultán of the Tátárs, Khákán, and the Emperor of China, Faghfúr; but the King of Írán and Túrán bore the title of Sháhinsháh, and the orders of the Sháhinsháh were always paramount over the princes and Rájás of Hindustán, and praise be to God that we are at this time Sháhinsháh of Írán and Túrán, and it would be a pity that we should not be supreme over the country of Hindustán.” I was excessively pleased with these words of Prince Sháh Rukh. Then the Prince Muhammad Sultán said: “The whole country of India is full of gold and jewels, and in it there are seventeen mines of gold and silver, diamond and ruby and emerald and tin and iron and steel and copper and quicksilver, etc., and of the plants which grow there are those fit for making wearing apparel, and aromatic plants, and the sugar cane, and it is a country which is always green and verdant, and the whole aspect of the country is pleasant and delightful. Now, since the inhabitants are chiefly polytheists and infidels and idolaters and worshipers of the sun, by the order of God and his prophet, it is right for us to conquer them.

My wazírs informed me that the whole amount of the revenue of India is six arbs; now each arb is a 100 krors, and each kror is a 100 lacs, and each lac is a 100,000 miskáls of silver. Some of the nobles said, “By the favour of Almighty God we may conquer India, but if we establish ourselves permanently therein, our race will degenerate and our children will become like the natives of those regions, and in a few generations their strength and valour will diminish.” The amírs of regiments (kushúnát) were disturbed at these words, but I said to them, “My object in the invasion of Hindustán is to lead an expedition against the infidels that, according to the law of Muhammad (upon whom and his family be the blessing and peace of God), we may convert to the true faith the people of that country, and purify the land itself from the filth of infidelity and polytheism; and that we may overthrow their temples and idols and become gházís and mujáhids before God.” They gave an unwilling consent, but I placed no reliance upon them. At this time the wise men of Islám came before me, and a conversation began about the propriety of a war against infidels and polytheists; they gave it as their opinion that it is the duty of the Sultán of Islám, and all the people who profess that “there is no god but Allah, and Muhammad is the prophet of Allah,” for the sake of preserving their religion and strengthening their law, to exert their utmost endeavour for the suppression of the enemies of their faith. And it is the duty of every Muslim and true believer to use his utmost exertions in obedience to his ruler. When the edifying words of the wise men reached the ears of the nobles, all their hearts were set upon a holy war in Hindustán, and throwing themselves on their knees, they repeated the Chapter of Victory.

When I girded up my loins for the expedition, I wrote to Hazrat Shaikh Zainu-d dín to the effect that I had determined on a religious expedition to Hindustán. He wrote in the margin of my letter: “Be it known to Abú-l Gházi Tímúr (whom may God assist) that great prosperity in this world and the next will result to you from this undertaking, and you will go and return in safety.” He also sent me a large sword which I made my sceptre.

In the meanwhile there came a petition from the Prince Pír Muhammad Jahángír, from the confines of Kábulistán, the government of which country, from the boundaries of Kunduz and Bakalán and Kábul and Ghazní and Kandahár, was vested in him. When I looked at this petition it was thus written: “Since, according to your order, I arrived in this country, I have acted towards all the people conformably to the exalted order and wisdom-increasing counsels of the great king. When I had satisfied my mind with the conquest and settlement of this kingdom, I turned my thoughts towards the acquisition of some of the provinces of Hindustán. I enquired concerning the condition of that country, and received the following account: that the city of Dehlí is the capital of the sovereigns of India, and after the death of Sultán Fíroz Sháh, two brothers among his nobility, of whom one was named Mallú and the other Sárang, becoming very powerful, established their independence, giving the nominal sovereignty to one of the sons of Sultán Fíroz Sháh, by name, Sultán Mahmúd, they kept the real power in their own hands, and virtually governed the empire. Mallú, the elder brother, lives at Dehlí, about the person of Sultán Mahmúd, and Sárang is established in the city of Multán, for the protection of that country. When I became acquainted with these matters, acting according to the practice of the great king, I wrote a letter and sent it to him (Sárang) by an ambassador, purporting that since the fame of the victories and conquests, and of the extensive empire of the great king is spread all over the world, it is certain that it must have reached him also. The great king has appointed me to the government of those provinces which lie on the borders of Hindustán, and has ordered that ‘If the rulers of Hindustán come before me with tribute I will not interfere with their lives, property, or kingdoms; but if they are negligent in proffering obedience and submission, I will put forth my strength for the conquest of the kingdoms of India. At all events, if they set any value upon their lives, property, and reputation, they will pay me a yearly tribute, and if not, they shall hear of my arrival with my powerful armies. Farewell.’ When the ambassador reached the presence of Sárang at Multán, he was treated with great respect and consideration; but in reply to his letter, Sárang said, ‘It is difficult to take an empire like a bride to your bosom without trouble and difficulty and the clashing of swords. The desire of your prince is to take this kingdom with its rich revenue. Well, let him wrest it from us by force of arms if he be able. I have numerous armies and formidable elephants, and am quite prepared for war.’ With these words he dismissed the ambassador. But when this unsatisfactory answer was brought back to me, I issued immediate orders for the armies to assemble from all quarters, together with such of the nobles as were in my province, such as Amír Sáikal Kandahári, and other amírs,399 and soldiers. I got ready for the invasion of Hindustán. I plundered and laid waste the country of the Aghánís who inhabit the mountain Sulaimán, and marching steadily forwards I crossed the river Indus, and assaulted the city of Uch, and through the good fortune of the great king, I took it. Leaving a body of men there as a garrison, I proceeded to Multán, which I besieged; but as Sárang had carefully fortified and strengthened this fortress, the siege has been protracted for some days, and, indeed, I am at this moment engaged in the siege, giving an assault twice every day. All the nobles have displayed great valour and intrepidity, more especially Tímúr Khwájah, the son of Amír Ákúghá, and I am now waiting for further instructions.”

When I had read this letter, my previous resolution was confirmed and strengthened.

The holy war against the infidels of Hindustán.

I acted in such a manner that by the spring of that year I had collected the soldiery from all parts of the countries under my sway; and in the auspicious month Rajáb, A.H. 800 (March, 1408), which may be expressed according to the rule of Abjad, by the words karíb fath, appointed the prince 'Umar, the son of Prince Mirzá Sháh, my viceroy in Samarkand, and leaving him some of the nobles and soldiery, I placed my foot in the stirrup at a lucky moment, and quitting my capital Samarkand, directed my course towards Hindustán. Marching on, hunting as I went, I reached Turmuz, and ordering the construction of a bridge of boats over the Jíhún, I crossed that river with my whole army and encamped at the village of Khulm. Beating the drum of departure from that place, and passing in my march Ghaztík and Samankán, I arrived at Indaráb, and the nobles and people of that place, high and low, pouring out in crowds to meet me, all at once set up a great cry and lamentation, demanding justice. I sent for a number of the nobles and chief men among them and instituted an enquiry into this matter.

On their knees they made representation demanding protection from the infidel Kators and the Siyáh-poshes, saying, we have brought our petition against these oppressive infidels to the presence of the king of Islám, for the infidel Kators and the Siyáh-poshes exact tribute and black mail every year from us who are true believers, and if we fail in the least of our settled amount, they slay our men and carry our women and children into slavery, so that we helpless Musulmáns fly for protection to the presence of the great king that he may grant to us oppressed ones our hearts' desire upon these infidels. On hearing these words the flame of my zeal for Islám, and my affection for my religion, began to blaze, and I addressed those Musulmáns with the following consolatory words:—By the help and assistance of Almighty God I will grant you your hearts' desire on these oppressive infidel Kators and Siyáh-poshes, and I will relieve you who are Musulmáns from the tyranny of these unbelievers. They all lifted their hands invoking blessings on me.

Account of the holy war against the infidel Kators and the
Siyáh-poshes
.

I immediately selected ten battalions from my army, and giving the command to Prince Sháh Rukh, left him in charge of the remaining forces and baggage, in Tílák Ghúnán, and Díktúr, while I myself set my foot in the stirrup to chastise the infidel Kators. Setting spurs to my horse I marched forward in great haste, accomplishing two days journey in the twenty-four hours. When I arrived at the place called Paryán I detached prince Rustam and Burhán Aghlán Jújítar, who were reckoned among my chief nobles, against the country of the Siyáh-poshes, which lay on the left hand. With them I sent some of the nobility and a body of 10,000 cavalry, while I myself pursued my march towards the mountains of Kator. When I made enquiries concerning the extent and condition of that kingdom from Muzíd, who was the chief man of Indaráb, he informed me that the length of the kingdom of Kator stretches from the frontier of Kashmír to the mountains of Kábul, and there are many towns and villages in this country. One of their large cities is called Shokal, and another Jorkal, which latter is the residence of their ruler. The country produces fruits in large quantities, such as grapes, apples, apricots, and various other kinds. Rice and other grains are cultivated. Much wine is made, and all people, great and small, drink of it. The people eat swine's flesh. Cattle and sheep abound in this country. Most of the inhabitants are idolaters; they are men of a powerful frame and fair complexion. Their language is distinct from Turkí, Persian, Hindí, and Kashmírí. Their weapons are arrows, swords, and slings. Their ruler is called 'Adálshú.401 When I arrived at Kháwak I perceived a dilapidated fort which I resolved to repair, so I immediately gave orders to the soldiers to that effect, and it was speedily executed. As most of the route was rocky and precipitous, I ordered most of the nobles and all the soldiers to leave horses, camels, and superfluous baggage in this fort. In obedience to this order most of the nobles and all the soldiers accompanied me on foot, while I, relying on the assistance of Almighty God, pressed steadily forward to the conquest of Kator and began to ascend the mountains. In spite of the heat of the wind there was so much snow on the hills that the feet of both men and cattle helplessly sank in it. I was therefore obliged to halt during the day, but at night when the snow congealed I pursued my way over the frozen surface of the ice till I reached the top of the mountain. At day-break, when the ice thawed, carpets and horse-rugs were spread upon its surface and the horses were kept upon them. At night-fall we again went on as before, and in this manner I crossed several lofty mountains, but the nobles were obliged to send back to the fort several of the horses they had brought with them. When I reached the top of a lofty mountain, such that there can be none higher than it, I found that these wicked infidels had taken up their position in the caverns of the mountain, the entrances of which were blocked up with snow, so that they were almost inaccessible, nor, in spite of all my exertions, could I find a way to descend the mountain. I was obliged to give orders to my brave soldiers to get down as best they could. The nobles and soldiery now began the descent. Some lying down on their sides and sliding over the snow, rolled themselves down to the bottom. Others fastening cords and long tent ropes to their waists and attaching one end of the ropes to the trees and rocks which were on the top, let themselves gently down. As for me, I gave orders that they should make me a basket of planks and wicker work. When they had made the basket they attached firmly to each of its four corners a rope 150 yards in length, and as I, since I undertook this expedition against the infidels, had made up my mind to undergo all manner of trouble and fatigue, I took my seat in the basket, and a body of men taking hold of the ends of these ropes lowered away gently till the rope had all run out, and then some persons scrambling down to before where I was, cleared away the snow and ice with spades and mattocks, and made a place for me to stand upon. The first body of men then having descended to this place, again lowered me gently down as far as the ropes would reach. At the fifth repetition of this manœuvre I reached the bottom of the mountain. When in this manner all the nobles and soldiers had got down, some of the horses, my own private property, which had accompanied me, were let down in the same manner, that is, by attaching ropes to their legs and shoulders, but out of the whole number only two reached the bottom in safety, all the others being dashed to pieces. When no more of my people remained above, since my object was the extermination of the infidels, grasping my sceptre-sword in my hand I marched forward on foot one parasang into that rocky country, together with my nobility and troops. At the earnest petition of the nobles I again mounted, but all the chiefs, with their soldiers, kept on steadily marching on foot at my stirrup. The ruler of Kator had a fort, on one side of which was a river, and beyond the river a lofty mountain reaching down to the water. As the infidels in this fort had gained intelligence of my approach a day before my arrival, and dread had taken possession of their hearts, they had removed their wealth and property from the fort, and having crossed the river, had taken refuge in the mountain which was very lofty, and abounded in caves very difficult of access. On its being represented to me that this fort was the most important stronghold of the ruler of Kator in those parts, I resolved to subdue it. When I advanced into the neighbourhood of the fort I did not perceive a trace of the infidels, and when I came to the place itself I saw that they had abandoned it and fled. I obtained a booty of many sheep and some other things here, and ordered that they should set fire to the houses and buildings of the city, in the midst of which the fort was built, and that they should level it with the ground. Then crossing the river in haste and pursuing the track of the enemy, I reached the skirts of the mountain on the top of which the infidels had taken up their position in defiles and other strong places. I immediately gave orders to my valiant and experienced troops to ascend. Raising their war cry and shouting the takbír, they rushed to the attack, and before all the rest Shaikh Arslán Aztumán Kabak Khán, who is a lion in the day of battle, mounting the hill on the left hand, commenced the fight. Leading his men upon the infidels he put them to flight, and following up the enemy entered the fastnesses of the rock and sent numbers of the impious unbelievers to hell. Tawáchí 'Ali Sultán, also on his side, made a valiant assault upon the foe, and with his own regiment charged and routed the infidel enemy, sending numbers of them to hell. Amír Sháh Malik too, on his side, displayed great valour, making a great slaughter of the infidels and driving them completely out of the mountain. Mubashír Bahádur and Mankalí Khwájah, and Súnjak Bahádur, and Shaikh 'Alí Sálar, and Musa Zakmál, and Husain Malik Kúchín, and Mír Husain Kúr, and the other nobles, displayed great valour and used their swords well. They all proved their zeal for Islám on the unbelieving foe, and having overpowered the infidels they put many of them to death, and took possession of their fastnesses. Only a few of the enemy succeeded in sheltering themselves, wounded and worn out with fatigue, in their caverns. Of my troops only fourteen persons lost their lives, and that was in effecting the passage of the mountain. Some of the infidels held out in their defiles for three days and nights, but sending my valiant troops against them I so pressed them that they were obliged to surrender and call for quarter. I sent Ák Sultán to them with the message that if they would consent to submit unconditionally and would all become Musul-máns and repeat the creed, I would grant them quarter, but otherwise I would exterminate them to a man. When Ák Sultán reached the infidels with this message, which he explained to them through the medium of an interpreter conversant both with their language and with Turkí, they all proffered submission, and repeating the necessary formula, embraced the Muhammadan faith. Relying upon this external profession I spared their lives and property, and gave orders that no one should interfere with their lives, wealth, or country. I then clothed some of them in dresses of honour and dismissed them. I halted with my army there for that night, and these black-hearted infidels made a nocturnal assault on the regiment of Amír Sháh Malik, but as this leader was on his guard, the enemy were foiled in their intentions. Numbers of them were slain, and 150 fell into our hands alive, who were afterwards put to death by my enraged soldiery. As soon as it was day I ordered my troops to attack on all four sides at once, and forcing their way into the defiles to kill all the men, to make prisoners the women and children, and to plunder and lay waste all their property. In obedience to these orders, my nobles and troops making a valiant assault on all sides at once, and putting to the sword the remnant of the infidels, consigned them to the house of perdition. They made prisoners of their women and children, and secured an enormous booty. I directed towers to be built on the mountain of the skulls of those obstinate unbelievers, and I ordered an engraver on stone, who was in my camp, to cut an inscription somewhere on those defiles to the effect that I had reached this country by such and such a route, in the auspicious month of Rama-zán, A. H. 800 (May, 1398): that if chance should conduct anyone to this spot he might know how I had reached it. At this time I had received no intelligence of Prince Rustam and Burhán Aghlán, whom I had detached against the country of the Siyáh-poshes, and since this same Burhán Aghlán on a former occasion, when I had appointed him to the command in a predatory incursion, had displayed great sloth and military incapacity (to retrieve which negligence I had given him the command on the present occasion), a doubt entered my mind as to what he could be doing. One night, too, I dreamt that my sword was bent, which I interpreted into a certain token that Burhán Aghlán had been defeated. I immediately appointed Muhammad Ázád, who was one of those whom I had brought up,406 to go and ascertain something respecting him, and I put under his command Daulát Sháh and Shaikh 'Alí, the son of Airakulí Adighúr, and Shaihk Muhammad, and 'Alí Bahádur, with a body of 400 men, 100 of whom were Tátárs and the remaining 300 Tájiks, and gave them a native of Kator as a guide. Muhammad Ázád with his band of heroes immediately commenced his march, and crossing lofty mountains full of snow and ice, and passing through narrow defiles, rolling in many places over precipices and sliding over the icy surface, finally got out of the mountains and into the open country. When Muhammad Ázád having extricated himself from the mountains, reached the fortress of the Siyáh-poshes, he found it deserted, for they had abandoned it from their dread of the army of Islám, and had taken refuge in their mountain defiles. Now Burhán Aghlán's adventure had been as follows:—When he, with the nobles under his command, such as Isma'íl, and Allahdád, and Súbakh Tímúr, etc., etc., and the troops reached the fort he found it empty, and incautiously following the footsteps of the enemy, came to the defiles. They had left a few troopers and a few foot soldiers as a guard below, and the infidels rising from their ambushes, fiercely assailed the true-believers. Such was the cowardice and military incapacity of Burhán Aghlán that he threw away his arms and fled without striking a blow. When the troops saw the flight of their leader they lost heart and were defeated, and the infidels following them closely raised full many a true believer to the rank of a martyr. Of the amírs of the regiments, Daulat Sháh, and Shaíkh Husain Súchi, and Adína Bahádur displayed great valour, but after slaying many of the infidels they finally drank the sherbet of martyrdom; Burhán Aghlán, leaving many horses and suits of armour a prey to the infidels, escaped.

When Muhammad Ázád, with those 400 men, arrived at the deserted fort of the Siyáh-poshes, he followed the track of the enemy towards the mountain. On arriving at the scene of Burhán Aghlán's defeat and flight, he was assaulted by the infidels, who had defeated Burhán Aghlán, but he fought so gallantly that he routed them with great slaughter, and recovered all the horses and armour which these impious ones had captured from the soldiers of Burhán Aghlán, besides taking a large booty from them in the way of wealth and property. Marching homeward, he met on that very day Burhán Aghlán, each of whose soldiers recognized and had restored to him his own horse and arms. On that day they reached a pass (kotal), where Muhammad Ázád proposed to Burhán Aghlán that they should halt, but the cowardice and inefficiency of the latter would hear of no delay, so they went through the pass. Certainly, from the days of Changíz Khán to the present time, no man of the ulús has shown such a lack of energy and courage.

When I had despatched Muhammad Ázád from Kator, and satisfied myself with the subjugation of that country, I sent forward 'Alí Sístání and Jalálu-l Islám to discover a road and make clear halting places for me. In obedience to this order they went forward, clearing away the snow and ice in many places from the road. Having made a passage for me they returned. I immediately mounted and set forward, and the nobles and soldiery marched along with me on foot, and so I proceeded in triumph along the track which they had made till I reached Kháwak, where I had left the horses in the fort. I had been absent eighteen days on this expedition against the infidels, and the nobles and soldiery, who had hitherto fought on foot, now regained their horses. Leaving a body of men to garrison the fort which I had built, I directed my own course towards the heavy baggage, and arrived at Tílák Ghúnán and Díktúr, places in that country; the princes and amírs of the place came out to meet me with congratulations on my victory. Burhán Aghlán and Muhammad Ázád here joined my victorious camp. I however gave orders that they should refuse admittance to Burhán Aghlán, and on no account allow him to enter my presence, for it is the decree of Almighty God that if twenty true believers engage boldly and steadily in fight with ten times the number of infidels they shall prevail against them, and yet Burhán Aghlán, with 10,000 men under his command, was routed by and fled from a small number of infidels, exposing Musulmáns to disgrace and death. On the other hand, I loaded with honours and benefits Muhammad Ázád, who, with only 400 men, had fought a valiant action against the greatly superior numbers of the unbelievers. I exalted his rank above his fellows, and gave him a regiment; nor did I omit to shower my princely favours on his companions in victory.

Account of my sending Sháh Rukh to the kingdom of Khurásán.

Account of the construction of the Canal of Mahí-gír.

Arrival of Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín from Persia with magnificent
presents
.

Repairing of the Fort of Íriyáb.—Punishment of Musa Aghán.

Audience of the Sergeant of Archers, etc., etc.

* * * When I had arranged the conquest and settlement of the country (of the Aghánís) and the measures for the protection of the roads to my satisfaction, and had exterminated the rebellious predatory tribes of the Aghánís, I mounted my horse and spurred forward in the direction of Hindustán, and on Friday, the 8th of the month, I halted on the bank of the river Indus, in the very place where Sultán Jalálu-d dín, of Khwárizm, had swum the river to escape from Changíz Khán, and where the latter encamped when he refrained from following. There I pitched my camp, and gave orders to the nobles and soldiery that they should collect boats, planks, etc., and construct a bridge over the Indus. In obedience to my order they all set to work, and in two days had constructed a bridge over this mighty river.

At this time some ambassadors arrived from various quarters of the globe, and the drift of the letters and communications of the Sultáns and rulers and chief men of their respective countries and kingdoms was this: “We have placed the collar of obedience and submission, in all sincerity, on the neck of our life, and the saddle of servitude on our back; we are all anxiously expecting the auspicious arrival of the great king. When will it be that the prosperous shadow of his umbrella will, by its protection, impart felicity to this kingdom, and when will the honour of kissing the sublime footstool be attainable by us?” I wrote encouraging farmáns, in reply to the representations of the Sultáns, and entrusted them to the ambassadors, whom I dismissed, and such men as Saiyid Muhammad Madaní, who came on the part of the chief men of Mecca, the exalted, and Medina, the blest, I treated with great respect and attention, and loaded them with abundant favours before their departure; I also gave a horse and dress of honour to the envoy of Iskandar Sháh, the ruler of Kashmír, when I dismissed him, and despatched a farmán to his master to the effect that as soon as my victorious camp arrived at the city of Díbálpúr he should join me with his forces. When I had dismissed the ambassadors I crossed the Indus, on Tuesday, the 12th of Muharram, A.H. 801 (24th Sept., A.D. 1398), and pitched my camp on the opposite bank of the river, and made inquiry about the roads from some zamíndárs of the neighbourhood, who had voluntarily submitted and given in their adhesion. They represented that one of the roads lay through a fertile and well-watered district, but was circuitous and lengthy; and the other road, which was near Multán, was a route through the Chol-jarad409 desert, in which neither water nor pasture were procurable for several days journey. It was by this route, through the Chol-jarad, that Sultán Jalálu-d dín of Khwárizm reached Multán, after crossing the Indus, in his flight from before Changíz Khán. This desert is hence called Chol-i Jalál. When I heard this account I determined to proceed by the desert route, and issued orders that the whole army should carry with them water and provision for several days. I then advanced some days march into the desert. It was now that the princes and Rájás of the mountainous country of Júd, by way of perfect sincerity, planting their feet in the road of obedience and submission, sought my camp with tribute and presents, when they were honoured by kissing the earth in my presence. Before this, prince Rustam, whom I had sent with Hamza Amir Taghí Búghá, and other amírs, and a numerous army towards Multán, having entered the desert by the same road, had approached the mountains of Júd, and these princes and Rájás, owing to their good fortune, had come before him and proffered a suitable submission, and supplied his army with provisions. Ever since then they had worn the yoke of servitude and obedience to my power on the neck of sincerity. I therefore confirmed their kings and dismissed them with favourable farmáns, and I then marched forward, and, getting clear of the desert, halted on the bank of the river Jamd (Jhilam); but it was represented to me that in the middle of this stream there was a very strongly fortified island, the ruler of which was called Shahábu-d dín, and that he had collected a very considerable force. When Prince Pír Muhammad Jahángír was marching upon Multán, this Shahábu-d dín, girding up the loins of obedience and submission, presented himself to the prince, and made an external display of the duties of servitude and dependance, and offered tribute and suitable gifts, besides remaining some time in the prince's presence. When, having received his dismissal, he returned to his home, he became arrogant, seeing the strength and insular position of his fortress and the multitude of his troops, so that he ventured on rebellion and open opposition, and, cutting a canal from the river Jamd, he brought the water of the river to that side of the city on which it was not before, so that on all four sides of his city and fort he had a moat full of water. He had also laid up a stock of provisions and munitions of war. Now when I heard this, I resolved on his entire subjugation.

Capture of the island of Shahábu-d dín.

I acted in the following manner. I gave immediate orders to Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín to march with his own tumáns and other commanders of regiments (kushún) towards this island, and commanded that every soldier should, by the way, take branches of trees, and that with these branches they should fill up the moat which Shahábu-d dín had dug. Having, by prudence and stratagem, captured the island, they were to utterly exterminate the enemy. Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín, on that very day, being Wednesday, the 14th of Muharram, set out with his gallant army for the island of Shahábu-d dín, which he reached in a short time. He and all his troops dismounted on the brink of the moat, into which they threw the branches of the trees, thereby forming a bridge, which enabled them quickly to cross the water and come to close quarters with the enemy. But a stern resistance here awaited them, and the whole day, from day-break till the time of evening prayer, was spent in furious combat. At night-fall, Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín, with his valiant troops, occupied his own ground, not yielding a single inch, and exercised the utmost vigilance and precaution. All on a sudden, Shahábu-d dín, with 10,000 men, made a night attack on our troops. Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín displayed great valour, and encountered the enemy with unflinching energy, and turned back the tide of the night assault upon Shahábu-d dín's army; which at length, many of them having been levelled with the dust of destruction, took to flight, and many of the fugitives throwing themselves into the water of the moat became food for fishes. In that night, Mansúr and Búraj Chúra, with his brothers, who were born slaves of my household (khána-zád), gave proofs of the most intrepid courage, and were badly wounded. When, in the course of my march, I gained intelligence of Shahábu-d dín's behaviour, I led an expedition against him in my own person, and halted on the edge of the moat of his fortress. It was represented to me that Shahábu-d dín, in his night attack, had met with a severe repulse, and a great number of his most serviceable men had been slaughtered; he had, in consequence, lost hope, and, withdrawing his consideration from his kingdom and wealth, had embarked, broken-hearted and in a helpless condition, on 200 boats, which he had procured for such an emergency as the present, and had kept moored under his own palace. He had thus effected his escape, fleeing down the river towards Uch.

Upon this I issued a farmán, to the effect that Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín, with his nobles and retainers, should proceed along the bank of the river in pursuit of Shahábu-d dín. He gallantly pursued with his brave army, and, having come up with the fugitives, engaged them with his archery, and succeeded in making great slaughter of them, and, returning in triumph, obtained the highest rewards. He was admitted to the honour of kissing my footstool, and in guerdon of the gallantry which he had displayed, I loaded him with my princely benefits. The troops also who, in the night attack, had shown such valour, and had received wounds, I distinguished with marks of favour. I ordered Amír Sháh Malik to lead his troops into every nook and corner of the island, and search all the jungles and forests, so as to get into his power such of the enemy as had taken refuge in them. He, in obedience to my order, instituted a rigorous search through every nook and cranny of the island, and numbers of the enemy and Indians, who had taken refuge in it, fell a prey to his remorseless scymitar, and he returned, bringing as captives their women and children, and with a large booty consisting of their wealth and property, and many boats laden with grain. When I had burnt and overthrown the city and fort of Shahábu-d dín, and levelled it to the ground, I was satisfied, and, departing thence, marched along the banks of the river Jamd (Jhilam). In the meanwhile I heard that Shahábu-d dín's fleet of boats, having arrived in the environs of Multán, had encountered the troops of Prince Pír Muhammad Jahángír and those of Amír Sulaimán Sháh (who had the command of Prince Sháh Rukh's army), and that the fleet had been completely destroyed, and that Shahábu-d dín had drowned himself, after having first thrown his wives and children into the river, which utter annihilation of his family was very pleasing to me.

After five or six days march, on Sunday the 21st of the month, I came to a place in which the rivers Jamd and Chinád (Chináb) unite, where there was a fort which they have built at the confluence of the two rivers. Here I halted and amused myself by beholding the waves and watery conflict at the junction of these great streams, and the sight of His wonders led me to reflect on the power of Almighty God. But it occurred to me that it would be difficult to cross here without constructing a bridge, and when I gave orders to the nobles and soldiery that they should commence building one, some of the zamíndárs and chief men of the country who were present prostrated themselves, and on their knees made representation that it was impossible to build a bridge over such a strong and turbulent stream, for when Turmsharín Khán came to this country, his utmost endeavours were insufficient to bridge the river, and he was finally obliged to cross by means of boats, so now the great king should also transport his army across in boats. I told them that I would cross in that manner in case I found myself unable to construct a bridge, and I immediately gave orders that my whole army should set to work to build one. Accordingly, collecting boats and connecting them together firmly with chains and cables, and driving down beams and piles into the water, they formed a bridge, and all this was completed and made excessively strong in six days, that is to say by Wednesday the 28th of the month. Mounting my horse of state, I crossed the river and gave directions that the several divisions of my army should cross in succession, and I halted another day on the bank of that river for the baggage and troops to pass.

When all my troops had crossed in safety I marched forward, and when I arrived at the city of Tulamba I pitched my camp on the bank of the river. Tulamba is about seventy miles from Multán. On the same day the Saiyids, and 'Ulamá, and Shaikhs, and chief men and rulers of Tulamba came out to meet me, and enjoyed the honour of kissing my stirrup. As sincerity was clearly written on their foreheads, every one of them according to his rank was distinguished by marks of my princely favour. Marching forward I halted on Saturday, the 1st of the month Safar, in the plain which lies before the fortress of Tulamba. My wazírs had fixed the ransom of the people of the city at two lacs of rupees, and appointed collectors; but as the Saiyids, who are the family and descendants of our Lord Muhammad the chosen, and the 'Ulamá of Islám, who are the heirs of the prophets (upon him and upon them be blessings and peace), had always in my court been honoured and treated with reverence and respect, I gave orders, now that a ransom was about to be levied from the citizens of Tulamba, that whatever was written against the names of the Saiyids and 'Ulamá, should be struck out of the account, and I sent them away, having filled their hearts with joy and triumph by presents of costly dresses of honour, and Arab horses. A reinforcement of troops arrived about this time, so that my army became more numerous than the tribes of ants and locusts, causing scarcity of provisions, so that there was a dearth of grain in my camp, though the people of the city had quantities. Since a part of the ransom, consisting of coin, had not yet been collected, and since my troops were distressed on account of the scarcity of provisions, I ordered that the citizens should make payment in grain instead of money; but they persisted in storing up their corn, totally regardless of the sufferings of my troops. The hungry Tátárs, making a general assault upon them like ants and locusts, plundered an enormous number of granaries, so numerous indeed as to be incalculable, and according to the text, “Verily, kings when they enter a city utterly ruin it,” the hungry Tátárs opened the hands of devastation in the city till a rumour of the havoc they were making reached me. I ordered the Siyáwals and Tawáchís to expel the troops from the city, and commanded that whatever corn and other property had been plundered should be taken as an equivalent for so much ransom. At this time it was represented to me that some of the chief zamíndárs of the environs of Tulamba, at the time when prince Pír Muhammad was marching on Multán, had presented themselves before him, walking in the path of obedience and submission, but when they had received their dismissal and returned to their own home they planted their feet on the highway of contumacy and rebellion. I immediately gave orders to Amír Sháh Malik, and to Shaikh Muhammad, the son of Aikú Tímúr, to march with their tumáns and kushúns against these rebels, and to inflict condign punishment upon them. Amír Sháh Malik and Shaikh Muhammad, taking a guide with them, instantly commenced their march, and having arrived at the jungles in which these wretches, forsaken by fortune, had taken refuge, they dismounted, and entering the jungle slew two thousand of these ill fated Indians with their remorseless sabres, carrying off captives their women and children, and returned with a great booty of kine, buffaloes, and other property. When on their victorious return they displayed in my sight the spoils they had won, I ordered them to make a general distribution to the soldiery. When my mind was satisfied with the extermination of these wretches, on Saturday the 7th of Safar I set my foot in the stirrup and marched from Tulamba. I halted at a place called Jál, which is on the bank of the river Biyáh, opposite to Sháhpúr. It was represented to me that in this country there was a certain zamíndár, by name Nusrat, of the tribe of Khokhar, who, having established himself with two thousand bloodthirsty soldiers in a fortress on the bank of a lake, breathed out defiance and rebellion. Leaving a body of men in that place, I immediately marched to attack this Nusrat Khokhar.

Account of the utter annihilation of Nusrat Khokhar.

Leaving behind the heavy baggage with a select body of men, I commenced my march. I appointed Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín and Amír Allahdád to the command of the right wing of the army, and Amír Sháh Malik and Amír Shaikh Muhammad were the leaders of the left wing. I took up my own position in the centre, placing in my van 'Alí Sultán with the infantry of Khurásán. When I arrived at the heavy swampy ground on the bank of the lake, where the God-forsaken Nusrat had taken up his position, I found that he was there with his two thousand men drawn up all ready to receive me. 'Alí Sultán, with the gallant infantry of Khurásán, immediately entered the marshy ground, and, attacking those unsainted Indians, succeeded in forcing his way half through the difficult ground, and though he and several of his men were severely wounded, kept up a spirited fight. I immediately ordered Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín and Amír Allahdád with the troops of the right wing to hasten to his support, and as soon as they had succeeded in overcoming the difficulties of the ground, they charged full upon Nusrat and his men, who, already worsted, were totally unable to stand the second attack, and were routed with great slaughter. Nusrat himself fell among the slain, but it was not known how he had been killed, or whether he effected his escape. My victorious troops entered and set fire to the residence of Nusrat Khokhar, and having plundered the wealth and property of those Indians and taking an immense booty of flocks, herds, buffaloes, etc., returned to my presence. I immediately left the place and halted at Sháh Nawáz, which is a populous village on the bank of the Biyáh, where there was a great quantity of grain stored up in magazines and granaries. My soldiers and I carried away as much as ever we were able, and as for what remained I ordered them to set fire to the granaries, and detached a portion of my gallant army in pursuit of some of Nusrat's followers, who had escaped across the river Biyáh. My troops crossed the stream, overtook the army, slaughtered a great number of them, and returned with many prisoners and an immense booty. On Tuesday, the 13th of the month, I set out from Sháh Nawáz, on my return to the baggage, and pitched my camp on the bank of the river Biyáh, opposite to Janján, in the place where all my heavy baggage and supplies were collected, and gave orders that my whole army and baggage should cross the river to Janján, and that they should set up my tent on a little eminence outside the town, at the foot of which was a verdant garden, and when they had done this I myself crossed and mounted to the top of this little eminence, from whence a green pleasant plain met my view. I returned to my tent in time for mid-day prayer, after which one of prince Sháh Rukh's servants, by name, Pír Malik, brought me letters from the prince in Khurásán. These letters I found to contain assurances of his own well-being and that of the country intrusted to his care.

Account of the arrival of the news of the conquest of Multán.

At the same time, intelligence arrived from my prosperous son, Pír Muhammad Jahángír, and the other nobles who were besieging Multán, “that, by the mercy of God, and the good fortune of the great king, victory has shown her face, after we have been employed six months in the siege of Multán. Sárang, the ruler of Multán, with his army and people, were reduced to such straits that nothing eatable, not even a cat or a mouse, remained alive in their city. When Sárang found himself reduced by famine to such extremity, he was forced by sheer weakness and exhaustion to surrender, bargaining only for his life. On this condition being granted, he came out of the city and made it over to us, as has been mentioned before. Now the rainy season had by this time set in, and the rain kept continually falling in torrents, so that most of the horses of my own stable, and those of great numbers of the nobles and soldiery died, and we were obliged, by the heavy rains, to shift our quarters from our camp into the city. When some time had elapsed in this manner, and scarcely a horse remained among us, the neighbouring zamíndárs and chieftains who, by way of obedience and submission, had entered the house of subjection, and had all come with offers of service, when they saw our apparent distress, all withdrew their feet from the highway of obedience, and many of these perfidious chiefs brought death upon themselves. Now, praise be to God, that at the time when, on account of the mortality among our horses, and the rebellious conduct of the zamíndárs, we were reduced to perplexity and distress, the report has been spread through the country of the arrival of the victorious standards of the great king, infusing joy into the heart of his servants and inspiring the wretched enemy with penitence for their evil deeds. We shall follow close upon our petition to the glorious threshold.” On reading these letters from Prince Pír Muhammad Jahángír, I returned thanks to Almighty God, and on the very next day, having received intelligence of the prince's near arrival, I sent out a plentiful supply of food and provision for each of the princes and nobles; I further ordered that all the nobles who were attendants on my stirrup should go forth to pay honour to Prince Pír Muhammad, and that all the nobles and army, tumán by tumán, and kushún by kushún, should go forth to meet him. This being done, the prince presented himself in my presence. First, I sent for Prince Muhammad Jahángír, and, affectionately embracing him, gave him a place before myself. I then ordered the admittance of the nobles, who knelt and saluted me. After this, ordering the attendance of Mushk-báshís and Yúz-báshís, I saluted them all. I then entered my private tent, taking the prince with me, and stationing the other nobles outside. I alleviated the toils and fatigues which they had undergone in the Multán war, and then, after affable conversation, I dismissed them to their own tents. But keeping with me Prince Pír Muhammad Jahángír, I entered into a detailed inquiry of the circumstances of the army, and the behaviour of each of the nobles, and the services which each had rendered, together with any cowardice or short-coming on their part; to all which questions I received satisfactory answers, and he gave me all the information I required concerning the behaviour of the army, and the conduct of the war, and the particulars of the conquest of the mountain of Sulaimán, with the plundering of that country, and the passage of the river Indus, and the conquest of the city Uch, and the details of the siege of Multán, and the defeat of Sárang the brother of Mallú Khán, and various other matters which put me to sleep. I rewarded the prince for the conquest of Multán with a title and other favours, making him excessively joyful; and I honoured with princely benefits and favours all the nobles who had done good service under him. Some chiefs who, in the expedition against Khwárizm, had deserted from Jahán Sháh's army and fled into Hindustán, were now, after committing sundry acts of rebellion, reduced to great distress, and at the time that Prince Pír Muhammad Jahángír undertook the siege of Multán they presented themselves before him, seeking his protection, which he graciously accorded to them. When the prince came to my camp, he entreated my forgiveness for them, and presented them to me with a petition that their lives might be spared. To gratify him, I agreed to overlook their offences, and ordered that they should be released after the bastinado.

On Saturday, the 15th of the month Safar, I issued orders that my troops and baggage should cross the river Biyáh, and then crossing over myself, I halted at Janján, which was stated to be eight miles distant from Multán. At this place I halted four days, in order to give my troops time to effect the passage of the river, and here Prince Pír Muhammad Jahángír had prepared a sumptuous entertainment, and presented me with valuable gifts, such as crowns, inwrought girdles, and money, and priceless jewels, and Arab horses, with housings inlaid with gold and jewels, and various kinds of embroidered cloths, and precious rarities, and specimens of gold and silver work, such as plates and dishes and covers and beautifully wrought urns and ewers, and these in such quantities that all the scribes attached to my retinue were employed two whole days in taking a detailed inventory of them. When I had inspected them, I distributed them among the amírs and others who were present at the assembly, taking care to include all in the partition.

Account of my presenting 30,000 horses to the army of Prince
Pír Muhammad
.

Now since the nobles and the soldiers of Prince Pír Muhammad had lost all their horses during the rains, and had undergone much toil and fatigue in their march, and had presented themselves at my camp, some on foot and some riding bullocks, I gave orders to my master of the horse to produce 30,000 chargers, which I presented to Prince Pír Muhammad, thus furnishing his whole army with a remount. When all my troops, some by boats and some by swimming, had effected the passage of the river Biyáh, I marched forward from Janján and arrived at Sahwál. Leaving this place on Friday, the 21st of Safar, I arrived at Aswán, where I halted for one day; continuing my march on the next I arrived at Jahwál, where I pitched my camp. It was here brought to my notice that the zamíndárs and nobles of the city of Díbálpúr had at first come to Multán and tendered their allegiance to prince Pír Muhammad Jahángír, beseeching a governor from him. Yielding to their entreaty, he appointed Musáfir Kábulí to be Dároghá of Díbálpúr, and gave him the command of a thousand men; but in the rainy season, when the horses of the soldiery were incapacitated, the people of Díbálpúr entering into a conspiracy with the servants of Fíroz Sháh, made a sudden attack upon Musáfir Kábulí, who was unprepared for any such treachery, and put to death both him and the thousand men who were under his command; but (said my informants) now that the Great King has paid these countries the honour of a visit, these rebels have deserted their city and taken refuge in the fort of Bhatnír, which is one of the most renowned fortresses of India, and the rája of the fort is an important person, famous throughout the whole country.

Account of the capture of the fortress of Bhatnír.

On hearing this relation, the fire of my indignation was excited, and I appointed Amír Sháh Malik and Daulut Tímúr Tawáchí to march forward with a large army, by way of Díbálpúr, towards Dehlí, and ordered them to wait for me at Sámána, which is a place in the neighbourhood of Dehlí. I, myself, in the meanwhile, pushed forward upon Bhatnír with a body of 10,000 picked cavalry. On arriving at Ajodhan, I found that among the shaikhs of this place (who, except the name of shaikh, have nothing of piety or devotion about them) there was a shaikh named Manúa, who, seducing some of the inhabitants of this city, had induced them to desert their country and accompany him towards Dehlí, while some, tempted by Shaikh Sa'd, his companion, had gone to Bhatnír, and a number of the wise men of religion and the doctors of law of Islám, who always keep the foot of resignation firmly fixed in the road of destiny, had not moved from their places, but remained quietly at home. On my arrival in the neighbourhood of Ajodhan, they all hastened forth to meet me, and were honoured by kissing my footstool, and I dismissed them after treating them with great honour and respect. I appointed my slave, Násiru-d dín, and Shaháb Muhammad to see that no injury was inflicted by my troops on the people of this city. I was informed that the blessed tomb of Hazrat Shaikh Faríd Ganj-shakar (whom may God bless) was in this city, upon which I immediately set out on pilgrimage to it. I repeated the Fátiha, and the other prayers, for assistance, etc., and prayed for victory from his blessed spirit, and distributed large sums in alms and charity among the attendants on the holy shrine. I left Ajodhan on Wednesday, the 26th of the month, on my march to Bhatnír, and, passing by Rudanah, I halted at Khális Kotalí, which is a place ten kos distant. At this place I made inquiries concerning the fort Bhatnír. The people of the country informed me that Bhatnír was about fifty kos off, and that it was an extremely strong and well-fortified place, so much so as to be renowned throughout the whole of Hindustán. All the water used by its inhabitants comes from a reservoir, which is filled with rain water during the rainy season, and furnishes a supply for the whole year.421 The Chol extends for many kos around, and water is not to be obtained. The people who had fled from Ajodhan had come to Bhatnír, because no hostile army had ever penetrated thither. So a great concourse of people from Díbálpúr and Ajodhan, with much property and valuables, was there assembled. The town and fort were full, many could find no room in the city, and remained outside with their property and goods, so that the roads were choked. Immense numbers of cattle were collected in the neighbourhood.

The rája of that place was called Dúl Chain.422 He had assembled a body of Rájpúts, a class which supplies the most renowned soldiers of India, and with these he waited ready to do battle. When I had ascertained all about Bhatnír, after noon-day prayer I mounted my horse and rode out from Khális-Kotalí. The remainder of that day and all that night I pushed on, taking no rest anywhere until I had passed the Chol, and morning broke out. I had sent on an advance guard, which was attacked several times by the enemy's van. Shaikh Darwesh displayed much bravery, overthrowing and killing two of the enemy's men. Dúl Chain's advance guard then retreated. I pursued my journey, and at breakfast time I reached Bhatnír. I gave orders that the drums should be beaten, the instruments sounded, and the war cry raised. Immediately afterwards all the vast quantities of goods and property that were outside the city were plundered by my soldiers. Ráo Dúl Chain, having secured the fort and walls, prepared for his defence, and I, at the same time, resolved to attack and conquer the place.

Siege of Bhatnír.

When I came to the determination of taking the fort of Bhatnír, I appointed Shaikh Núru-d dín, Amír Sulaimán, Amír Alláh-dád, and other amírs, to direct the attack upon the right of the fort, and to endeavour to make themselves masters of the walls. I appointed Prince Khalíl Sultán, Shaikh Muhammad, son of Aiku-tímúr, and some other commanders of regiments, to make the assault upon the left, and try to take the fort. I, myself, led the centre of my army against the gate. My brave soldiers stormed the fort and walls in all directions, and at the very first assault the fortifications and walls (hisár wa shahr-band ) were wrested from the hands of the Hindus and the town was taken. Many Rájpúts were put to the sword, and all the enormous wealth and property which was in the city fell as spoil into the hands of my soldiers. My brave men showed much courage and determination in this capture of the fort. Ráo Dúl Chain, with his fighting Rájpúts, drew up at the gate of the fort to dispute the entrance. I then directed the generals of the division of Prince Sháh Rukh, Amír Sulaimán Sháh, and Amír Jahán Malik to fall upon Ráo Dúl Chain and the men who had rallied round him. They engaged in the conflict, and showed much intrepidity and valour with their flashing swords. Jahán Malik fought like a lion, and Saiyid Khwája cut down several of the enemy. All my officers and brave soldiers swarmed round the fort like ants and locusts; some advanced to the edge of the ditch, and some passed over it. When Ráo Dúl Chain perceived that his fort was being taken by the valour and prowess of my men, he raised a cry for quarter, and prayed a cessation of fighting, declaring his determination to come and make his submission to me. He sent a saiyid to intercede for him. When the saiyid came to me and represented the forlorn and miserable state of the Ráo Dúl Chain, my respect for the gray beard of the intercessor, and the reverence which I have for saiyids in general, led me to give the command for my soldiers to leave off fighting, telling them that the Ráo had determined to come and surrender on the following day. In consequence of this order the soldiers withdrew from the fort and took up their quarters outside the town. The night passed with much vigilance and caution on our part. When morning came the Ráo broke his word, and did not come to pay homage to me. I gave the order for again attacking the fort vigorously, and I directed that every man should strive to mine the wall in front of him, and to make a passage underneath. In execution of this order, the soldiers pressed forward to make holes under the wall, and a terrible fight ensued. The besieged cast down in showers arrows and stones and fireworks upon the heads of the assailants, but my brave men received these missiles on their heads and shoulders, and, treating them as mere dirt and rubbish, pushed on their work. The enemy found themselves hemmed in on all sides with breaches open, so fear took possession of them, their hearts fell, and they gave up resistance. Ráo Dúl Chain and his followers (sipáh) came out on the top of the battlements, and with many signs of distress and trouble begged for mercy, promising that if I would graciously pardon their offences they would surrender, and faithfully wait upon me to pay their homage. I knew very well their hopeless condition, but I remembered the saying of the wise, that “Clemency is better than victory,” so I granted the prayer of the enemy and returned to my camp. In the evening of the same day, Ráo Dúl Chain sent his son and his deputy to my tent, bringing with them some head of game and some Arab horses as presents. I received the youth with kindness and princely distinction, gave him a robe and a sword with a golden scabbard, and sent him back to his father. I enjoined him to warn his father against giving way to any suggestions of deception and false play, but to come in and make a frank submission; I would then treat him with favour. If, however, he made any delay, he should see what would happen.

The son returned to his father and told him all that he had seen and heard. Ráo Dúl Chain had no resource left, so on Friday, the 28th Safar, at breakfast time, he came out of his fort and approached my tent. He brought with him Shaikh S'ad Ajodhaní, and, being introduced by the amírs, he was admitted to the honour of kissing my feet. He presented me with twenty-seven Arab horses with gold-mounted harness, and several sporting hawks. I comforted him, and bestowed on him a robe of gold brocade, a cap and girdle of gold work, and a gold-mounted sword.

A number of the zamíndárs and chiefs of the surrounding country had put to death the governors, especially the men of Díbálpúr, who had slain Musáfir Kábulí with a thousand other persons. These men had fled, and had now taken refuge in Bhatnír. I accordingly ordered Amír Sulaimán and Amír Allah-dád to take their regiments into the town and to bring out all the strangers they could find, with their property and goods. In execution of the order, they went into the town, and, driving out all the refugees, they brought them, with their property and goods, to my tent. On the 29th Safar I distributed these people in lots among my amírs, and I confiscated all the money and valuables of these daring men for royal uses. Three hundred Arab horses, which had been taken in the fight, I distributed among my soldiers. In retaliation for the murder of Musáfir Kábulí and his thousand followers, I ordered 500 men of Díbálpúr to be brought to punishment (yásák), and their wives and children to be made slaves, that this might be a warning to other daring men. The men of Ajodhan and other places I punished according to their offences. Some received chastisement (yásák), and their wives and children were enslaved, others were set free.

When I had inflicted this chastisement on the malefactors, Kamálu-d dín,425 brother of Ráo Dúl Chain, and the Ráo's son were stricken with dismay. Although Dúl Chain was in my camp, they fled into the fort and closed the gates. As soon as I heard of their proceedings, I ordered the Ráo to be placed in confinement, and the flames of my wrath blazed high. I commanded my officers and men to direct their efforts to the reduction of the fort by breaching and scaling. When the garrison perceived my men advancing bravely to assault the fort, the Ráo's brother and son again raised the cry of alarm and distress, and begged for mercy. They put their swords upon their necks, came into my camp to make excuses for their folly, and presented the keys of the fort to my officers. I spared their lives.

On the 1st Rabi'u-l awwal I gave instructions to Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín and Amír Alláh-dád for realizing the ransom money, and sent them into the city. The ráís and Rájpúts and chiefs of the city did not act fairly in paying the ransom money, although it was a matter in which honourable dealing was necessary. Contention and fighting arose between the collectors and the evil-minded ráís. When intelligence of this reached my ears, I directed my brave fellows to punish the infidels. In obedience to the order, the soldiers pressed towards the fort, and, fixing their scaling ladders and ropes to the battlements, they carried the fort by escalade. The infidels and Musulmáns in the fort now found their case desperate. The infidels shut up their wives and children in their houses, to which they set fire, and they and their families were burned altogether; those who called themselves Musulmáns, but who had strayed from the Muhammadan fold, killed their wives and children with the sword, and then boldly facing death rushed together into the fight. My men entered the fort on all sides, and plying their swords and daggers fell upon the foe. The men of the garrison were young and vigorous, active and daring. They fought manfully and a desperate conflict ensued. Some of my renowned and brave men performed prodigies of valour, and received most frightful wounds. The amírs maintained their character with their swords, and fought and strove with manly vigour. Amír Shaikh Núru-d din maintained, on foot, a fierce conflict with the infidels, and many fell under the blows of his sword. Several of them then joined and made a simultaneous assault upon him. The amír was alone and they were many, so these demons in looks and demons in temper seized him and were endeavouring to take him prisoner. Just at the critical moment Fíroz Sístání and Auzán Mazíd Baghdádí cut their way to the side of Núru-d dín, and after charging the infidels once and again, they forced them to fall back, and thus they rescued their comrades from the hands of the gabrs. So in all directions the brave warriors of Islám attacked the infidels with lion-like fury, until at length by the grace of God, victory beamed upon the efforts of my soldiers. In a short space of time all the people in the fort were put to the sword, and in the course of one hour the heads of ten thousand infidels were cut off. The sword of Islám was washed in the blood of the infidels, and all the goods and effects, the treasure and the grain which for many a long year had been stored in the fort became the spoil of my soldiers. They set fire to the houses and reduced them to ashes, and they razed the buildings and the fort to the ground. When this victory had been accomplished I returned to my tent. All the princes and amírs waited upon me to congratulate me upon the conquest and upon the enormous booty which had fallen into my hands. It was all brought out and I distributed it among my brave amírs and soldiers; I bestowed great gifts and rewards on Mazíd Baghdádí and on Fíroz Sístání who had rescued Amír Núru-d dín, and I promoted them to a high rank.

When my heart was satisfied with the overthrow of the ráís and rájás and turbulent dwellers of these parts, on the 3rd Rabi'u-l awwal the drums of departure sounded; I mounted my horse, and, after marching fourteen kos, encamped on the borders of a tank, near which was a jungle full of grass. Next day I again marched, and passing by the fort of Fíroz I arrived at a town called Sarsutí.

Conquest of the Town of Sarsutí.

When I made inquiries about the city of Sarsutí, I was informed that the people of the place were strangers to the religion of Islám, and that they kept hogs in their houses and ate the flesh of those animals. When they heard of my arrival, they abandoned their city. I sent my cavalry in pursuit of them, and a great fight ensued. All these infidel Hindus were slain, their wives and children were made prisoners, and their property and goods became the spoil of the victors. The soldiers then returned, bringing with them several thousand Hindu women and children who became Muhammadans, and repeated the creed. Of all the braves who took part in this action, 'Ádil Bahádur Farrásh was the only one who fell.

The following day I rested in the town of Sarsutí, and on the next day, the 6th of the month, I marched eighteen kos, and came near to the fort of Fath-ábád, where I encamped. The people of Fath-ábád also, by the suggestion of Satan, had fled from the town and taken refuge in the deserts and jungles. I despatched some commanders of regiments after them who overtook them and slew great numbers of them. They took all their property and goods, horses and cattle, and returned to camp laden with spoil. Next day I marched from Fath-ábád, and passing by the fort of Rajab-púr, I halted in the vicinity of the fort of Ahrúní. The people of this town and fort did not come out to meet me and make their submission so as to escape from the rigour of the army of Islám; so some savage Turks entered the town and began plundering. Some of the inhabitants who resisted they put to death; the others were made prisoners. The soldiers brought away great quantities of grain, and set fire to the houses and buildings of the town.

On the 8th of the month I marched from Ahrúní, through the jungle to a village called Tohána. In answer to the inquiries I made about the inhabitants, I learned that they were a robust race, and were called Jats. They were Musulmáns only in name and had not their equals in theft and highway robbery. They plundered caravans upon the road, and were a terror to Musul-máns and travellers. They had now abandoned the village and had fled to the sugar-cane fields, the valleys, and the jungles.428 When these facts reached my ears I prepared a force which I placed under the direction of Tokal Bahádur, son of the Hindu Karkarra,429 and sent it against the Jats. They accordingly marched into the sugar-canes and jungles. I also sent Mauláná Násiru-d dín in pursuit of them. When these forces overtook the Jats they put 200 to the sword and made the rest prisoners. A large stock of cattle was captured, and my soldiers returned to camp.

It was again brought to my knowledge that these turbulent Jats were as numerous as ants or locusts, and that no traveler or merchant passed unscathed from their hands. They had now taken flight, and had gone into jungles and deserts hard to penetrate. A few of them had been killed, but it was my fixed determination to clear from thieves and robbers every country that I subdued, so that the servants of God, and Musulmáns and travelers might be secure from their violence. My great object in invading Hindustán had been to wage a religious war against the infidel Hindus, and it now appeared to me that it was necessary for me to put down these Jats and to deliver travelers from their hands. I consequently placed the care of the baggage and of all the plunder which had been gained in my victories in the charge of Amír Sulaimán Sháh, to convey it with the heavy baggage to the town of Sámána.

On the 9th of the month I despatched the baggage from Tohána, and on the same day I marched into the jungles and wilds, and slew 2,000 demon-like Jats. I made their wives and children captives, and plundered their cattle and property. Thus I delivered the country from the terror it had long suffered at the hands of the marauding Jats. On the same day a party of saiyids, who dwelt in the vicinity, came with courtesy and humility to wait upon me, and were very graciously received. In my reverence for the race of the prophet, I treated their chiefs with great honour. I gave them all valuable robes, and I appointed an officer to go to their abodes and protect them, so that none of my soldiers should do them any injury.

I marched from this place to the banks of the river Khagar, where I halted, and Amír Sulaimán Sháh arrived there also with the baggage on the 11th of the month. Sámána was near to this place, and as the heavy baggage had not yet come up, I halted several days. On the 13th I marched again, and halted near the bridge of Kotila,430 an ancient structure over the river Khagar. At this stage Sultán Mahmúd Khán, Prince Rustam and other commanders of regiments of the left wing, whom I had directed to march to India by way of Kábul, rejoined me. I received them graciously and enquired about the incidents which had happened on the march, and they informed me that wherever the people of any city, or village, or fort, made their submission and offered tribute, they gave them quarter; but whenever any city or fort offered resistance they conquered it, put the inhabitants to death, plundered the goods and property, and divided the spoil among the soldiers. I approved and applauded them.

Next day I crossed over the bridge and halted. Here I was joined by Amír Sháh Malik, who brought up the heavy baggage safe by way of Díbálpúr. The following day I remained in the same position, but on the 18th I marched from the bridge of Kotila and the river Khagar and encamped at the end of a march of five kos. Next day I reached the town of Kaithal, which is seventeen kos distant from Sámána. I had now come near to Dehlí, the capital of Hindustán, and began to prepare for its conquest.

Preparations for the Conquest of Dehlí.

For my intended attack upon Dehlí I arranged my forces in the following manner: The right wing I placed under the command of Prince Pír Muhammad Jahángír, Prince Rustam, Amír Sulaimán Sháh, and * * *; the left I gave to Sultán Mahmúd Khán, Prince Khalíl Sultán, Prince Sultán Husain, Amír Jahán Sháh and * * *. Under my own direction I kept the great túmáns, the túmáns of San-sír (?)430a of Amír Alláh-dád, and

* * * the army, as thus distributed, extended over a distance of twenty kos. Being satisfied as to my disposition of the forces, I began my march to Dehlí. On the 22nd of Rabi'u-l awwal I arrived and encamped at the fort of the village of Aspandí. In answer to my enquiries about this place I found that Sámána was distant seven kos. The people of Sámána, and Kaithal, and Aspandí are all heretics, idolaters, infidels, and misbelievers.431 They had now set fire to their houses and had fled with their children, and property, and effects, towards Dehlí, so that the whole country was deserted. Next day, the 23rd of the month, I started from the fort of Aspandí, and after marching six kos arrived at the village of Tughlik-púr. I encamped opposite the fort bearing that name. The people of the fort on hearing of the approach of my army, had abandoned it, and had dispersed over the country. From the information supplied to me I learned that these people were called sanawí (fire-worshipers). Many of this perverse creed believe that there are two gods. One is called Yazdán, and whatever they have of good they believe to proceed from him. The other god they call Ahriman, and whatever sin and wickedness they are guilty of they consider Ahriman to be the author of. These misbelievers do not know that whatsoever there is of good or evil comes from God, and that man is the mere instrument of its execution. I ordered the houses of these heretics to be fired, and their fort and buildings to be razed to the ground.

On the following day, the 24th of the month, I marched to Pánipat, where I encamped. I there found that in obedience to orders received from the ruler of Dehlí the people had deserted all their dwellings and had taken flight. When the soldiers entered the fort they reported to me that they had found a large store of wheat amounting to some thousand mans. I ordered it to be weighed to ascertain the real weight, and then to be distributed among the soldiers. When it was weighed it was found to amount to 10,000 mans of the great weight (sang-i kalán), or 160,000 of the legal standard (sang-i shara'). On the following day I marched from Pánipat six kos, and encamped on the banks of a river which is on the road. I marched from this place on Friday, the 26th of the month, and I gave orders that the officers and soldiers of my army should put on their armour, and that every man should keep in his proper regiment and place in perfect readiness. We reached a village called Kánhí-gazín and there encamped. I issued my commands that on the morrow, the 28th of the month, a force of cavalry should proceed on a plundering excursion against the palace of Jahán-numá, a fine building erected by Sultán Fíroz Sháh on the top of a hill by the banks of the Jumna, which is one of the large rivers of Hindustán. Their orders were to plunder and destroy and to kill every one whom they met. Next day, in obedience to my commands, the division marched and proceeded to the palace of Jahán-numá, which is situated five miles from Dehlí. They plundered every village and place they came to, killed the men, and carried off all the valuables and cattle, securing a great booty. They then returned, bringing with them a number of Hindu prisoners, both male and female.

On the 29th I again marched and reached the river Jumna. On the other side of the river I descried a fort, and upon making inquiry about it, I was informed that it consisted of a town and fort, called Loní and that it was held by an officer named Maimún as kotwál on behalf of Sultán Mahmúd. I determined to take that fort at once, and as pasture was scant where I was, on the same day I crossed the river Jumna. I sent Amír Jahán Sháh and Amír Sháh Malik and Amír Allah-dád to besiege the fort of Loní, and I pitched my camp opposite to the fort. They invested the fort which was under the command of the kotwál named Maimún. He made preparations for resistance. At this time a holy shaikh who dwelt in the town came out very wisely and waited upon me. Although the shaikh was greatly honoured by the people, still, they would not listen to his advice, but determined to fight rather than surrender to me. These people were Hindus and belonged to the faction of Mallú Khán. They despised the counsels of the venerable father and resolved to resist. When I was informed of it, I ordered all the amírs and soldiers to assemble and invest the fort. They accordingly gathered with alacrity round the fort, and in the course of one watch of the day they carried the place. It was situated in a doáb between two rivers, one the Jumna, the other the Halín, the latter being a large canal which was cut from the river Kalíní and brought to Fírozábád, and there connected with the Jumna by Sultán Fíroz Sháh. Many of the Rájpúts placed their wives and children in their houses and burned them, then they rushed to the battle and were killed. Other men of the garrison fought and were slain, and a great many were taken prisoners. Next day I gave orders that the Musulmán prisoners should be separated and saved, but that the infidels should all be despatched to hell with the proselyting sword. I also ordered that the houses of the saiyids, shaikhs, and learned Musulmáns should be preserved, but that all the other houses should be plundered and the fort destroyed. It was done as I directed and a great booty was obtained.

When my heart was satisfied with the conquest of Loní, I rode away from thence on the 1st Rabi'u-l ákhir to examine the fords of the Jumna, and proceeded along the bank of the river. When I came opposite the palace Jahán-numá, I found some places where the river was passable. At the time of mid-day prayer, I returned to the camp. I gave orders to the princes and amírs, and then held a council about the attack upon Dehlí and the operations against Sultán Mahmúd.

Council of War on the attack of Dehlí.

After much discussion in the Council of War, where everyone had something to say and an opinion to offer, it appeared that the soldiers of my army had heard tales about the strength and prowess and appearance of the elephants of Hindustán. They had been told that in the fight one would take up a horseman and his horse with his trunk and hurl them in the air. These stories had been met by suitable answers from some of the bold troopers. The Council of War at length agreed that a plentiful supply of grain must first be secured, and stored in the fort of Loní as a provision for the army. After this was done, we might proceed to the attack of the fort and city of Dehlí. When the Council was over, I ordered Amír Jahán Sháh, Amír Sulaimán Sháh, and other amírs to cross over the Jumna and to forage in the environs of Dehlí, bringing off all the corn they could find for the use of the army.

It now occurred to me that I would cross over the Jumna with a small party of horse to examine the palace of Jahán-numá, and to reconnoitre the ground on which a battle might be fought. So I took an escort of 700 horsemen clad in armour and went off. I sent on 'Alí Sultán Tawáchí and Junaid Bur-uldaí as an advance guard. Crossing the Jumna I reached Jahán-numá and inspected the whole building, and I discovered a plain fit for a battle-field. 'Alí Sultán and Junaíd, my advance-guard, each brought in a man belonging to the van-guard of the enemy. 'Alí Sultán's prisoner was named Muhammad Salaf. When I had interrogated him about the matters of Sultán Mahmúd and Mallú Khán, I ordered him to be put to death as an augury of good. My scouts now brought me information that Mallú Khán with 4,000 horsemen in armour, 5,000 infantry, and twenty-seven fierce war elephants fully accoutred, had come out of the gardens of the city and had drawn up his array. I left Saiyid Khwájah and Mubashar Bahádur with 300 brave Turk horsemen on gray horses (sufaid sawár i Turk) in the Jahán-numá and withdrew towards my camp. Mallú Khán advanced boldly towards Jahán-numá and Saiyid Khwájah and Mubashar went forth to meet him. A conflict ensued, and my men fought valiantly. Immediately I heard of the action I sent Súnjak Bahádur and Amír Alláh-dád with two regiments (kushún) to their support. As soon as practicable, they assailed the enemy with arrows and then charged them. At the second and third charge the enemy was defeated and fled towards Dehlí in disorder. Many fell under the swords and arrows of my men. When the men fled, an extraordinary incident occurred: one of the great war elephants, called Bengálís, fell down and died. When I heard of it I declared it to be a good omen. My victorious troops pursued the enemy to the vicinity of the city, and then returned to present themselves at my tent. I congratulated them on their victory and praised their conduct. Next day, Friday the 3rd of the month, I left the fort of Loní and marched to a position opposite to Jahán-numá where I encamped. The officers who had been sent out foraging brought in large quantities of grain and spoil.

Tímúr instructs the Princes and Amírs about the conduct of the war.

I now held a Court. I issued a summons to the princes, amírs, núyáns, commanders of kushúns, the commanders of tumáns, of thousands and of hundreds, and to the braves of the advance-guard. They all came to my tent. All my soldiers were brave veterans, and had used their swords manfully under my own eyes. But there were none that had seen so many fights and battles as I had seen, and no one of the amírs or braves of the army that could compare with me in the amount of fighting I had gone through, and the experience I had gained. I therefore gave them instructions as to the mode of carrying on war; on making and meeting attacks; on arraying their men; on giving support to each other; and on all the precautions to be observed in warring with an enemy. I ordered the amírs of the right wing and the left wing, of the van and the centre, to take up their proper positions. Not to be too forward nor too backward, but to act with the utmost prudence and caution in their operations. When I had finished, the amírs and others testified their approbation, and, carefully treasuring up my counsel, they departed expressing their blessings and thanks.

Massacre of 100,000 Hindus.

At this Court Amír Jahán Sháh and Amír Sulaimán Sháh, and other amírs of experience, brought to my notice that, from the time of entering Hindustán up to the present time, we had taken more than 100,000 infidels and Hindus prisoners, and that they were all in my camp. On the previous day, when the enemy's forces made the attack upon us, the prisoners made signs of rejoicing, uttered imprecations against us, and were ready, as soon as they heard of the enemy's success, to form themselves into a body, break their bonds, plunder our tents, and then to go and join the enemy, and so increase his numbers and strength. I asked their advice about the prisoners, and they said that on the great day of battle these 100,000 prisoners could not be left with the baggage, and that it would be entirely opposed to the rules of war to set these idolaters and foes of Islám at liberty. In fact, no other course remained but that of making them all food for the sword. When I heard these words I found them in accordance with the rules of war, and I directly gave my command for the Tawáchís to proclaim throughout the camp that every man who had infidel prisoners was to put them to death, and whoever neglected to do so should himself be executed and his property given to the informer. When this order became known to the gházís of Islám, they drew their swords and put their prisoners to death. 100,000 infidels, impious idolaters, were on that day slain. Mauláná Násiru-d dín 'Umar, a counsellor and man of learning, who, in all his life, had never killed a sparrow, now, in execution of my order, slew with his sword fifteen idolatrous Hindus, who were his captives.

After the whole of the vile idolaters had been sent to hell, I gave orders that one man out of every ten should be told off to guard the property, and cattle and horses,436 which had been captured in the invasion; all the other soldiers were to march with me. At the time of mid-day prayer the signal was given for the march, and I proceeded to the spot selected for crossing the Jumna, and there encamped. The astrologers who accompanied the army consulted their books and almanacs as to the time propitious for battle, and they represented that the aspects of the stars made a short delay advisable. In all matters, small and great, I placed my reliance on the favour and kindness of God, and I knew that victory and conquest, defeat and flight, are each ordained by Him, so I placed no reliance on the words of the astrologers and star-gazers, but besought the giver of victory to favour my arms.

I did not wish the war to be of long continuance; so as soon as night was over and morning came, I arose to my devotions. I said the morning prayers in the congregation, and I repeated my private prayers, then I took the holy book, which I always carried with me, and sought a fál437 on the subject of the war. The verse which appeared was one in the chapter of the Bee.437a I immediately sought the interpretation of this verse from those who were present, and they replied that the manifest meaning of it was * * * I received this fál as a propitious indication, and acted in full reliance on its command and on the favour of God.

On the 5th of Rabi'u-l ákhir I passed the Jumna by a ford, and pitched my tents on the (other) side of the river. I gave orders to the amírs and other officers to station their men as close as possible round my tent; and I also directed that the ground round the camp should be parcelled out among them, and that each one should have a deep ditch dug in front of his allotment. All the soldiers, great and small, assembled en masse to dig the ditch. In two watches of the day the ditch round the whole camp was complete. I rode round to inspect it, and I ordered that the trees in the vicinity should be cut down, and brought within the ditch; that their branches should be formed into a strong abattis, and that in some places planks should be set up.

It had been constantly dinned into the ears of my soldiers that the chief reliance of the armies of Hindustán was on their mighty elephants; that these animals, in complete armour, marched into battle in front of their forces, and that arrows and swords were of no use against them; that in height and bulk they were like small mountains, and their strength was such that at a given signal they could tear up great trees and knock down strongly built walls; that in the battle-field they could take up the horse and his rider with their trunks and hurl them into the air. Some of the soldiers, in the doubt natural to man, brought some little of what they had heard to my attention, so when I assigned their respective positions to the princes and amírs of the right and left wing and of the centre, I enquired of the learned and good men that accompanied my army, such as * * * where they would like to be placed in the day of battle. They had been with me in many campaigns, and had witnessed many a great battle, but the stories about the elephants of India had so affected them that they instantly replied that they would like to be placed with the ladies while the battle was in progress. So to allay the apprehensions of this class of men I gave orders that all the buffalos which had been taken and placed with the baggage should be brought up; I then had their heads and necks fastened to their legs, and placed the animals inside the abattis.

Defeat of Sultán Mahmúd of Dehlí.

I gave orders for the camp to be carefully guarded all night to prevent a nocturnal surprise by the enemy, and the night was passed with the caution and care which are necessary in war. When the morn of victory dawned I said my prayers in the congregation, and after I had discharged that duty I gave directions for the drums and other warlike instruments to be sounded. The princes, amírs and núyans, armed themselves completely and marched with their respective forces in regular order. I mounted my horse and rode forth to marshal my array. When I had arranged my right and left wings I placed the right wing under the command of Prince Pír Muhammad Jahángír, Amír Yádgár Birlás, etc. The left wing I put under the command of Prince Sultán Husain, Prince Khalíl Sultán, Amír Jahán Sháh, etc. The advance-guard I placed under Prince Rustam, Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín, etc. I took my own place with the centre. When all the forces were arrayed I ordered the advance-guard to go forward and obtain some knowledge of the enemy. One of the advance-guard captured a man belonging to the enemy's van and brought him in to me. When I enquired about the position of the enemy, he told me that Sultán Mahmúd had drawn up his army with the intention of fighting. His right wing was commanded by Mu'ínu-d dín, Malik Hádí, and other officers. His left wing was under Taghí Khán, Mír 'Alí, and others. The Sultán had taken up his own position with the centre, and had appointed a body of troops to act as rear-guard. His whole force amounted to 10,000 veteran horse, and 40,000 warlike infantry. He had also 125 elephants covered with armour. Most of them carried howdas in which were throwers of grenades (r'ad-andaz), fireworks (átash báz), and rockets (takhsh-andáz). Thus they came up to battle.

The enemy's forces now made their appearance, and for better reconnoitering their order I rode to the top of a little hill which was hard by. There I carefully scrutinized their array, and I said to myself that with the favour of God I would defeat them and gain a victory. I alighted from my horse on the top of that hill and performed my devotions. I bowed my head to the ground and besought the Almighty for victory. As I did this I perceived signs that my prayers were heard. When I had finished, I mounted my horse in the full assurance of God's assistance. I returned to the centre and took up my position under the Imperial standard. I then gave orders for 'Alí Sultán Tawáchí, Altún Bakhshí, etc., to march with their regiments to strengthen the right wing. I also commanded the other officers to proceed with their men to the support of the vanguard. It so happened that just at the same time Amír Yádgár Birlás and Sulaimán Sháh, who were with the right wing, and Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín and Amír Sháh Malik, who were with the advance guard, had conceived the idea and had observed to each other that they should look upon any reinforcement received from the centre as a presage of victory. It was just then that the Almighty put it into my mind to send them assistance.

The two armies now confronted each other, the drums were beaten on both sides, shouts and cries were raised, a trembling fell upon that field, and a great noise was heard. At this time Súnjak Bahádur, Saiyid Khwájá, Alláh-dád, and others, separated from the advance-guard, and when they perceived that Sultán Mahmúd's forces had drawn near, they moved off to the right, and getting secretly behind the enemy's advance-guard as it came on unsuspecting, they rushed from their ambush, and falling upon them in the rear, sword in hand, they scattered them as hungry lions scatter a flock of sheep, and killed 600 of them in this one charge. Prince Pír Muhammad Jahángír, who commanded the right wing, moved forward his own forces, and with Amír Sulaimán Sháh and his regiments of brave cavalry, fell upon the left wing of the enemy and poured down upon it a shower of arrows. They fell boldly upon this division of the enemy, which was commanded by Taghí Khán; and Prince Pír Muhammad Jahángír with great courage and determination attacked one of the fierce elephants and cut off its trunk with his sword, so that the severed part fell upon the ground. My brave soldiers pressing like furious elephants upon this wing of the enemy compelled it to take flight.

The left wing of my army, under Prince Sultán Husain, Amír Jahán Sháh, Amír Ghiyásu-d dín, and other amírs, bravely attacked the enemy's right wing, which was commanded by Malik Mu'ínu-d dín and Malik Hádí. They so pressed it with the trenchant sword and piercing arrows that they compelled the enemy to break and fly. Jahán Sháh pursued them, and attacked them again and again until they reached the gates of the city (of Dehlí).

Simultaneously, Sultán Mahmúd, with Mallú Khán and the army of the centre, with its officers and soldiers more numerous than ants or locusts, and with its strong war elephants, made its attack upon (my centre). Prince Rustam, Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín, etc., met it with a brave and resolute resistance. While they were thus engaged, Daulat Tímúr Tawáchí, Mangalí Khwája, and other amírs came up with their respective forces and assaulted the enemy. I now gave the order to a party of brave fellows who were in attendance upon me, and they cut their way to the sides of the amírs, who were fighting in the front of the battle. They brought the elephant drivers to the ground with their arrows and killed them. Then they attacked and wounded the elephants with their swords. The soldiers of Sultán Mahmúd and Mallú Khán showed no lack of courage, but bore themselves manfully in the fight, still they could not withstand the successive assaults of my soldiers. Seeing their own plight and that of the soldiers and elephants around them, their courage fell, and they took to flight. Sultán Mahmúd and Mallú Khán reached the city with a thousand difficulties, and shut themselves up close in the fortifications.

Prince Khalíl Sultán captured one of the famous elephants of Sultán Mahmúd, having brought down its driver with an arrow. He brought the animal to me, and I embraced the lad, and gave him some fine presents, for he was only fifteen years old though he had exhibited such courage and manliness.

The whole of Sultán Mahmúd's army was defeated; part was slain, and part had found refuge in the fort, and I, exalted with victory, marched towards the fort. When I reached its gates I carefully reconnoitred its towers and walls, and then returned to the side of the Hauz-i kháss. This is a reservoir, which was constructed by Sultán Fíroz Sháh, and is faced all round with stone and cement (gach). Each side of that reservoir is more than a bow-shot long, and there are buildings placed around it. This tank is filled by the rains in the rainy season, and it supplies the people of the city with water throughout the year. The tomb of Sultán Fíroz Sháh stands on its bank. When I had pitched my camp here, the princes and amírs and nuyáns, and all the generals and officers, came to wait upon me to pay their respects and offer their congratulations on this great victory. I embraced the princes and amírs, and I praised them all for their exertions and courage which I myself had seen. When I recounted the favours and mercies I had received from the Almighty, my excellent sons, the brave and renowned amírs, who served under me, and the great and glorious victories I had achieved, my heart melted, and the tears burst from eyes. I cast myself upon the ground and poured forth my thanksgivings to the All-beneficent. All who were present raised their voices in prayer, and in wishes for the continuance of my prosperity and the prolongation of my reign.

I called up the heavy baggage and here formed my camp, and I issued orders for my soldiers442 to be very cautious and watchful. Sultán Mahmúd and Mallú Khán, after their defeat, had taken refuge in the fort in a wretched state. They now repented of the course they had taken, and regretted that they had not made submission to me, and so avoided the evil which had befallen them. They saw that if they stayed in the fort they would be captured and made prisoners, so in the middle of that night, 7th Rabí'u-l ákhir, Sultán Mahmúd and Mallú Khán left the fort of Jahán-panáh and fled towards the mountains and jungles. When I heard of this I immediately sent Amír Sa'id and * * * other officers in pursuit. They followed with all speed, and, coming up with the fugitives, they killed many of them, and obtained great spoil. Malik Sharfu-d dín and Malik Khudáí-dád, sons of Rashíd Mallú Khán, were taken prisoners, with many others, and brought back to my camp. On the same night that I heard of the flight of the Sultán and his generals from Dehlí, I sent Amír Alláh-dád and other officers to watch the gate of Hauz-rání, through which Mahmúd had escaped; and that of Baraka, by which Mallú Khan had gone out. I also sent men to all the other gates, with orders not to let the people escape.

I mounted my horse and rode towards the gate of the maidán. I alighted at the 'íd-gáh, a lofty and extensive building, and I gave orders for my quarters to be moved there, and for my throne to be set up in the 'íd-gáh. I took my seat upon the throne and held a Court. The saiyids, the kázís, the 'ulamá (learned Musul-máns), the shaikhs, and the great men and chiefs of the (Muham-madans of the) city assembled and came out to attend my Court. I had them introduced one by one, and they made their obeisances, and were admitted to the honour of kissing my throne. I received every one of them with respect and kindness, and directed them to be seated. Fazlu-llah Balkhí was vakil and náib of Mallú Khán, and he came out to wait upon me and do homage, accompanied by a party of the officials and clerks of the government of Sultán Mahmúd and Mallú Khán. Hereupon all the saiyids, 'ulamá, shaikhs, and other leading Musulmáns arose, and, making the princes their mediators, they begged that quarter might be given to the people of Dehlí, and that their lives might be spared. Out of respect to the saiyids and 'ulamá, whom I had always held in great esteem and honour, I granted quarter to the inhabitants of the city. I then ordered my ensign (tauk) and royal standard to be raised, and the drums to be beaten and music played on the tops of the gates of Dehlí. Rejoicings for the victory followed. Some of the clever men and poets that accompanied me worked the date of the victory into a verse, which they presented to me. Of all these memorial verses I have introduced (only) this one into my memoirs—

“On Wednesday, the eighth of Rabi' the second (17th Dec., 1398),443
The Emperor Sáhib-Kirán took the city of Dehlí,” etc., etc.

I rewarded and honourably distinguished the literary men and poets who presented these verses to me.

I sent a party of men into the city to bring out the elephants which Sultán Mahmúd had abandoned when he fled. They found 120 enormous elephants and several rhinoceroses, which they brought out to my Court. As the elephants passed by me I was greatly amused to see the tricks which their drivers had taught them. Every elephant, at the sign of the driver, bowed his head to the ground, made his obeisance, and uttered a cry. At the direction of their drivers they picked up any object from the ground with their trunks and placed it in their driver's hands, or put it into their mouths and kept it. When I saw these mighty animals, so well trained and so obedient to weak man, I was greatly astonished, and I ordered that they should be sent to Túrán and Írán, to Fárs, and Ázur, and Rúm, so that the princes and nobles throughout my dominions might see these animals. Accordingly I sent five to Samarkand, two to Tabríz, one to Shíráz, five to Hirát, one to Sharwán, and one to Ázurbaiján.

When Friday came, I sent Mauláná Násiru-d dín 'Umar, with some other holy and learned men that accompanied my camp to the Masjid-i jámi', with directions to say the prayers for the Sabbath, and to repeat the khutba of my reign in the metropolis of Dehlí. Accordingly, the khutba, with my name, was repeated in the pulpits of the mosques in the city of Dehlí, and I rewarded the preachers with costly robes and presents.

When the preparations for holding a court in Dehlí were complete I gave orders for the princes, the amírs, the núyáns, and other of my officers, and the saiyids, the 'ulamá, the shaikhs, and all the principal men of the city to attend my Court. When they had all arrived I entered and took my seat upon the throne. The Turk and Tájik musicians and singers began to play and sing. Wine (sharáb) and sharbat, and sweetmeats, and all kinds of bread and meat were served; I bestowed rich robes, and caps, and girdles, and swords, and daggers, and horses, etc., etc., upon the princes, and amírs and other leading men of my army, especially upon those braves who had distinguished themselves by deeds of valour under my own observation. To some I gave regiments and raised their dignity. Upon the saiyids and 'ulamá of the city I bestowed robes and presents. I ordered my secretaries to draw up despatches announcing my victories in Hindustán, and to circulate them with all speed throughout my dominions. And I ordered my revenue officers to make provision for collecting the ransom-money assessed upon the city, excepting the saiyids, 'ulamá, and shaikhs. The collectors proceeded about their work, and I remained in the same quarters for several days, holding courts, giving feasts, and partaking of pleasure and enjoyment.

Sack of the City of Dehlí.

On the 16th of the month some incidents occurred which led to the sack of the city of Dehlí, and to the slaughter of many of the infidel inhabitants. One was this. A party of fierce Turk soldiers had assembled at one of the gates of the city to look about them and enjoy themselves, and some of them laid violent hands upon the goods of the inhabitants. When I heard of this violence, I sent some amírs, who were present in the city, to restrain the Turks. A party of soldiers accompanied these amírs into the city. Another reason was that some of the ladies of my harem expressed a wish to go into the city and see the palace of Hazár-sutún (thousand columns) which Malik Jauná built in the fort called Jahán-panáh. I granted this request, and I sent a party of soldiers to escort the litters of the ladies. Another reason was that Jalál Islám and other díwáns had gone into the city with a party of soldiers to collect the contribution laid upon the city. Another reason was that some thousand troopers with orders for grain, oil, sugar, and flour, had gone into the city to collect these supplies. Another reason was that it had come to my knowledge that great numbers of Hindus and gabrs, with their wives and children, and goods, and valuables, had come into the city from all the country round, and consequently I had sent some amírs with their regiments (kushún) into the city and directed them to pay no attention to the remonstrances of the inhabitants, but to seize and bring out these fugitives. For these several reasons a great number of fierce Turkí soldiers were in the city. When the soldiers proceeded to apprehend the Hindus and gabrs who had fled to the city, many of them drew their swords and offered resistance. The flames of strife were thus lighted and spread through the whole city from Jahán-panáh and Sírí to Old Dehlí, burning up all it reached. The savage Turks fell to killing and plundering. The Hindus set fire to their houses with their own hands, burned their wives and children in them, and rushed into the fight and were killed. The Hindus and gabrs of the city showed much alacrity and boldness in fighting. The amírs who were in charge of the gates prevented any more soldiers from going into the place, but the flames of war had risen too high for this precaution to be of any avail in extinguishing them. On that day, Thursday, and all the night of Friday, nearly 15,000 Turks were engaged in slaying, plundering, and destroying. When morning broke on the Friday, all my army, no longer under control, went off to the city and thought of nothing but killing, plundering, and making prisoners. All that day the sack was general. The following day, Saturday, the 17th, all passed in the same way, and the spoil was so great that each man secured from fifty to a hundred prisoners, men, women, and children. There was no man who took less than twenty. The other booty was immense in rubies, diamonds, garnets, pearls, and other gems; jewels of gold and silver; ashrafís, tankas of gold and silver of the celebrated 'Aláí coinage; vessels of gold and silver; and brocades and silks of great value. Gold and silver ornaments of the Hindu women were obtained in such quantities as to exceed all account. Excepting the quarter of the saiyids, the 'ulamá, and the other Musulmáns, the whole city was sacked. The pen of fate had written down this destiny for the people of this city. Although I was desirous of sparing them I could not succeed, for it was the will of God that this calamity should fall upon the city.

On the following day, Sunday, it was brought to my knowledge that a great number of infidel Hindus had assembled in the Masjid-i jámi' of Old Dehlí, carrying with them arms and provisions, and were preparing to defend themselves. Some of my people who had gone that way on business were wounded by them. I immediately ordered Amír Sháh Malik and 'Alí Sultán Tawáchí to take a party of men and proceed to clear the house of God from infidels and idolaters. They accordingly attacked these infidels and put them to death. Old Dehlí then was plundered.

I ordered that all the artisans and clever mechanics, who were masters of their respective crafts, should be picked out from among the prisoners and set aside, and accordingly some thousands of craftsmen were selected to await my command. All these I distributed among the princes and amírs who were present, or who were engaged officially in other parts of my dominions. I had determined to build a Masjid-i jámi' in Samarkand, the seat of my empire, which should be without a rival in any country; so I ordered that all builders and stonemasons should be set apart for my own especial service.

By the will of God, and by no wish or direction of mine, all the three cities of Dehlí, by name Sírí, Jahán-panáh, and Old Dehlí, had been plundered. The khutba of my sovereignty, which is an assurance of safety and protection, had been read in the city. It was therefore my earnest wish that no evil might happen to the people of the place. But it was ordained by God that the city should be ruined. He therefore inspired the infidel inhabitants with a spirit of resistance, so that they brought on themselves that fate which was inevitable.

When my mind was no longer occupied with the destruction of the people of Dehlí, I took a ride round the cities. Sírí is a round city (shahr). Its buildings are lofty. They are surrounded by fortifications (kala'h), built of stone and brick, and they are very strong. Old Dehlí also has a similar strong fort, but it is larger than that of Sírí. From the fort of Sírí to that of Old Dehlí, which is a considerable distance, there runs a strong wall, built of stone and cement. The part called Jahán-panáh is situated in the midst of the inhabited city (shahr-i ábádán). The fortifications of the three cities have thirty gates. Jahán-panáh has thirteen gates, seven on the south side bearing towards the east, and six on the north side bearing towards the west. Sírí has seven gates, four towards the outside and three on the inside towards Jahán-panáh. The fortifications of old Dehlí have ten gates, some opening to the exterior and some towards the interior of the city. When I was tired of examining the city I went into the Masjid-i jámi', where a congregation was assembled of saiyids, lawyers, shaikhs, and other of the principal Musulmáns, with the inhabitants of their parts of the city, to whom they had been a protection and defence. I called them to my presence, consoled them, treated them with every respect, and bestowed upon them many presents and honours. I appointed an officer to protect their quarter of the city, and guard them against annoyance. Then I re-mounted and returned to my quarters.

Campaign against the Infidels after the conquest of Dehlí.

I had been at Dehlí fifteen days, which time I had passed in pleasure and enjoyment, holding royal Courts and giving great feasts. I then reflected that I had come to Hindustán to war against infidels, and my enterprize had been so blessed that wherever I had gone I had been victorious. I had triumphed over my adversaries, I had put to death some lacs of infidels and idolaters, and I had stained my proselyting sword with the blood of the enemies of the faith. Now this crowning victory had been won, and I felt that I ought not to indulge in ease, but rather to exert myself in warring against the infidels of Hindustán.

Having made these reflections on the 22nd of Rabí'ú-l ákhir, I again drew my sword to wage a religious war. I started from Dehlí and marched three kos to the fort of Fíroz-ábád, which stands upon the banks of the Jumna and is one of the edifices erected by Sultán Fíroz Sháh. There I halted and went in to examine the place. I proceeded to the Masjid-i jámi', where I said my prayers and offered up my praises and thanksgivings for the mercies of the Almighty. Afterwards I again mounted, and proceeded to pitch my camp near the palace of Jahán-numá. On this day Saiyid Shamsu-d dín Turmuzí and 'Aláu-d dín, náíb-karkarí, whom I had sent on an embassy to Bahádur Náhir at the city of Kútila,449 returned to my camp, and presented to me a letter which Bahádur had most respectfully written to me to the following effect: “I am one of the most insignificant servants of the great amír, and will proceed to his court to wait upon him.” The ambassadors informed me that Bahádur Náhir would arrive at my court on Friday. Bahádur Náhir sent to me as a tribute two white parrots which could talk well and pleasantly. The envoys presented them to me, and told me that these two parrots had belonged to Sultán Tughlik Sháh, and that they had lived at the courts of the Sultáns ever since. The sight of these parrots and the sound of their voices gave me great satisfaction, so I gave directions that they should be brought before me in their cages every day that I might listen to their talk.

Next day I crossed the Jumna and marched six kos to the village of Múdúla. There I halted and encamped. On the following day, Friday, I again marched, and after going five or six kos, arrived at the village of Katah,449a where I pitched my camp. Bahádur Náhir, with his eldest son, named Kalnásh,449b arrived to pay their respects, and I received them with due courtesy. They brought rare and suitable presents from Hindustán, but I looked upon the two parrots as the best of their gifts. After I had ascertained their sincerity from their words and actions, I honoured them with my royal favour and bounty, and having raised their dignity, I removed all doubt and apprehension from their minds. On the following day I marched, and, after going six kos, I arrived at the town of Bághpat, where I encamped. Next day, Sunday the 26th, I again moved, and, after travelling five kos, arrived at the village of Asár, which is situated in a tract called doáb.

Capture of Mírat.

I now learned that there was in the vicinity a city called Mírat, having a very strong fort. The fortress was one of the strongest in Hindustán, and it was under the command of Ílyás Afghán and his son, Maula Ahmad Thánesarí. There was also a gabr named Safí, who, with a large body of gabrs, had gone into the fort to aid in its defence. They had also plenty of the munitions and implements of war. When I heard all this, I instantly sent Prince Rustam, Amír Taghí Búghá, Amír Sháh Malik, and Amír Alláh-dád against this fort of Mírat, with orders to grant terms to the place if the inhabitants showed due submission and obedience; but if not, to inform me and proceed to invest the place. These officers marched on the 26th of the month, and, arriving at Mírat, delivered my message, calling upon the inhabitants to capitulate, and to trust their lives, property, and honour to my protection. They replied that Tarmsharín Khán, with a host beyond all number and compute, had assailed their fort, but had retired from it baffled. My envoys reported to me the defiant answer of the inhabitants, and when I read the insolent reference they made to Tarmsharín Khán, who was a great king, my anger was roused, and I mounted my horse and gave orders for my forces to march against Mírat. On that same day, the 28th of the month, after mid-day prayer, I started with 10,000 picked horsemen. Halting one night upon the road, I accomplished the distance of twenty kos, and arrived at Mírat on the 29th.

In the afternoon I ordered my officers to set the men of their divisions450 to sap holes under the walls of the fortifications. In execution of this order they set to work, and in the course of one night each party had pushed their mine twelve yards forward under the defences. When the besieged discovered this, they lost all nerve and were quite cast down and bewildered. At this time the devoted regiments (kushún) of Amír Alláh-dád Kúchín assaulted the gate of the fort, rushing against it shouting their war-cry. Saráí Bahádur, son of Kalandar Bahádur, one of the followers (naukar) of Amír Alláh-dád, was the first to bring up a scaling ladder, attach it to the walls, and mount to the summit. A number of brave men rallied to support him, and, with the aid of their ladders and ropes, they mounted the walls and entered the fort. They then spread themselves in the interior, and, fighting vigorously and bravely, Rustam Birlás at length encountered Ílyás Afghán and his son, Mauláná Ahmad Tháne-sarí. He fought valiantly, and made them both prisoners; then, binding their hands to their necks, he brought them to my presence. Safí, who had fought well, was killed. The braves and soldiers of my army spread themselves over every part of the fortifications, and put all the gabrs and people of the place to death. Their wives and children were made prisoners, and all their property was plundered. When my mind was set at rest by this conquest of Mírat, I gave orders that the wood used as props to support the mines under the walls should be set on fire, and that all the towers and walls should be levelled with the ground. The houses of the gabrs were set on fire, and the great buildings were razed. Divine favour had thus enabled me to obtain an easy victory over Mírat, a place which Tarmsharín Khán, a prince of great dignity and power, had besieged with an enormous army and failed to capture. With a small force I had made a rapid march upon the place, and my brave fellows, by sheer courage and determination, had planted their ladders and scaled the walls in broad daylight, and had carried the place at the point of the sword. For this signal success I offered my devout thanks to the Almighty.

Battles on the Ganges.

On the 1st Jumáda-l awwal I placed the left wing of the army under the command of Amír Jahán Sháh, with orders to march up the Jumna, to take every fort and town and village he came to, and to put all the infidels of the country to the sword. The amír led off his army to execute my commands. I ordered Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín to take charge of the heavy baggage, and convey it to the banks of the river Kará-sú.452 I, myself, determined upon directing my arms against the infidels on the Ganges. I accordingly marched towards that river, which is fourteen kos from Mírat. Amír Sulaímán Sháh, whom I had left with the baggage, came up according to order, and joined me on the march with his division. The first day I marched six kos, and halted for the night at the village of Mansúra. Next day, the 2nd of the month, I arrived early in the morning at Píroz-púr, and then I proceeded for two or three kos along the bank of the river in search of a ford. At breakfast time I reached the place of transit, but found no ford. A party of my men entered the river on their horses and crossed by swimming. I also was about to guide my horse into the water to cross in the same way, when the amírs and núyáns cast themselves upon their knees, and represented that Prince Pír Muhammad and Amír Jahán Sháh, with the right wing of the army, had crossed the river near Píroz-púr, and that it was advisable for me not to cross over that day. I assented to their representation, and encamped on the bank of the river, but I ordered Amír Jahán Malik, and others belonging to the division of Prince Sháh Rukh, to cross over and pass the night there. On the following day, the 3rd of the month, I marched up the river for a distance of fifteen kos, towards Tughlikpúr, and that place was five kos distant, when I heard that a large body of infidel Hindus had collected at the fords of the river. I immediately ordered Mubáshar Bahádur and 'Alí Sultán Tawáchí to proceed with 5,000 horse to chastise these infidels, and I proceeded on my way to Tughlikpúr. As I went on, the air and the wind affected me, and I felt a pain in my right arm, which every moment increased. It caused me much suffering, and sundry hot applications453 were applied. I was now informed that there was a force of Hindus coming down the river in forty-eight boats with the intention of fighting. This intelligence acted as a cure for my pain, and eagerness for the fight made me forget my suffering. I mounted my horse, and, taking with me 1,000 troopers, who were at hand, we struck our heels into the flanks of our horses and hastened to the side of the river. As soon as my braves saw the boats, some of them rode their horses into the river and swam to the vessels; then, seizing fast hold of the sides, they defeated all the efforts of the Hindus to shake them off. They forced their way into some of the boats, put the infidels to the sword, and threw their bodies into the river; thus sending them through water to the fires of hell. Some of my men dismounted, and, proceeding to the ford, assailed the enemy with arrows. The occupants of the boats returned the arrows, but the vessels were at length wrested from their possession, and were brought with their contents to my presence. The enemy had lashed ten of their boats together with chains and strong ropes, and these vessels maintained the fight. My men plied them with arrows till they slew many of them; they then swam off, and, boarding the boats, put every living soul to the sword, sending them through water to the fires of hell.453a

When I was at leisure, after this affair with the boats, I, on the same day, marched on to Tughlikpúr, and there encamped. I sent on Amír Alláh-dád, Báyazíd Kuchín, and Áltún Bakhshí with a force as an advance-guard to cross the river and to obtain information for me of the whereabouts of the enemy. After their departure, when three watches of the night had passed, two horsemen came in from Alláh-dád to report that the reconnoitring party had discovered a ford by which they had passed the river, and had found on the other side a large body of infidel Hindus, with a great amount of property and goods, under the command of a man named Mubárak Khán. Confident in their numbers, they were ready to fight. As soon as I learned this, I ordered my forces to be drawn out, and I mounted my horse and started off greatly incensed. Before morning broke I passed the Ganges with 1,000 horsemen fully equipped for service. After proceeding a kos, the time for morning prayer arrived, so I alighted from my horse in the plain, paid my devotions, and offered my praises. I then again mounted, in full assurance of the favour of the Almighty, and went on towards the enemy. Mubárak Khán was informed of my approach, and stood, with 10,000 fighting men, in battle array, prepared to fight.

Three great victories in one day.

Attended by my escort, I was carefully examining and scrutinising the enemy, and the whole of my 1,000 horsemen had not come up. The great bulk of the army was engaged in plundering expeditions at a distance. I had but 1,000 men, and the enemy numbered 10,000, still I put my trust in God and prayed to Him for victory. By a wonderful coincidence, just at this juncture, Saiyid Khwája and Jahán Malik with 5,000 horse, whom I had sent on a plundering excursion, having made a sweep, came up in my rear just in the nick of time. If it had not been so I might here have said farewell, for I could hardly have escaped. I deemed their arrival a most fortunate omen, offered my thanks to God and faced the foe. I ordered Amír Alláh-dád and Amír Sháh Malik to make a charge upon the enemy with the thousand horsemen of my escort, and not to be dismayed by the numbers of their antagonists. When, in obedience to my command, they dashed forward, the enemy did not await their charge, but wavered and turned and fled. My brave fellows pursued and killed many of them, made their wives and children prisoners, plundered their property and goods, and secured a vast number of cows and buffalos. When, by the favour of God, I had secured this victory, I got off my horse and prostrated myself on the ground to pay my thanks.

While the soldiers were occupied in securing the spoil, I sat down to take a little rest, but some of the reconnoitring party came in with the information that there was a large number of Hindus assembled in the valley of Kútila,455 on the side of the Ganges, having made that valley a place of refuge. I instantly mounted, and leaving the greater part (tamámí) of my force to secure the spoil, I started off for the valley of Kútila with only five hundred horsemen. When I reached the place I found an immense number of gabrs assembled in the darra. Instantly I ordered Amír Sháh Malik and 'Alí Sultán Tawáchí to charge the enemy without paying the slightest heed to their numbers, although they were twenty to one. Spurring their horses, shouting their war-cry, and brandishing their swords, they fell upon the forces (afwáj) of the enemy like hungry lions upon a flock of sheep. At the first charge the ranks of the enemy were broken, and many of their men fell under the blows of the sword. God thus gave me victory with such a small band of followers over such a numerous host of the enemy. After many of them had been slain, those who escaped kept in the thickets and defiles (darrahá), skulking like foxes and jackals. An immense booty was left, and my braves were busy in securing it. Only one hundred men remained with me as a guard, the other four hundred were engaged in collecting the plunder. At this conjuncture Malik Shaikha, commander of the infidels, with five hundred horse and a large force of foot, knitting their brows with hatred, advanced against me. I perceived this force coming to attack me, and my warlike spirit was roused, so, with the hundred men who supported me, I spurred on to meet the foe. When about the distance of a bow-shot remained between us, one of the horsemen, who was in advance of me, turned round and told me that it was a force belonging to Shaikh Kúkar, one of my dependents and servants, who was coming to join my camp. These words, so far from the truth, reached my ears, and I was satisfied and turned back. But Malik Shaikha drew his sword, and came dashing on with his men against my followers, of whom several received wounds. When I ascertained the fact that these were foes, and not the people of Shaikh Kúkar, I turned rein, and charging the enemy despatched many of them at the first attack. Malik Shaikha received a spear thrust in his stomach, and a sword cut on the head. He fell from his horse, and my men made him prisoner. They bound his hands to his neck and brought him to my presence. Many of the gabrs were killed and wounded; a few escaped half dead (with fright). Malik Shaikha, a very large and powerful man, was brought before me, wounded as he was. The awe of my presence added to his wounds, took such an effect upon him that when I asked him a question, he surrendered his soul to the Lord of Hell before he could answer me. God thus granted me two great victories in one day, and I offered my thanksgivings for his favour.

Again I mounted my steed, and as I did so intelligence was brought to me that in the valley (darra) of Kútila, two kos distant, a large number of infidels and gabrs had collected with their wives and children, and with property, goods, and cattle beyond all estimate. The road thither was arduous, through jungles and thickets. When I heard this my first thought was that I had been awake since midnight, I had travelled a long distance without any halt, and had surmounted many difficulties, I had won two splendid victories with a few brave soldiers, and I was very tired, I would therefore stop and take rest. But then I remembered that I had drawn my sword, and had come to Hind with the resolution of waging a holy war against its infidels, and so long as it was possible to fight with them, rest was unlawful for me. Although I had only a few amírs and a few soldiers with me, I placed my trust in God, and determined to attack the enemy. Spurring my horse, I started, and when I had gone a little way, I remembered how three days before I had sent Prince Pír Muhammad and Amír Sulaimán Sháh across the river from the village of Pírozpúr, and I thought how opportune it would be if they were now to join me. But then I said how can they know that I have crossed the river, or how can they conceive that I am engaged in this distant place457 in action with the infidels. I was going along with my head bent down, engaged in these reflections, when suddenly a large body of men came to view in the distance, and every man had something to say about them. I sent forward some scouts to ascertain what force it was, and as they drew near they discovered that it was the division of Prince Pír Muhammad Jahángír and Amír Sulaimán Sháh. The scouts immediately proceeded to the prince and told him of the state of affairs, how I had already won two great victories that day, and that for the third time I was marching against a numerous body of gabrs collected at Kútila. The prince and his men had previously heard nothing of me, and now, on getting this timely information, they were very glad, and turned to wait upon me. The scouts whom I had sent to reconnoitre returned, and told me that the prince with his division in martial array was coming up. They added that the prince knew nothing about me until they informed him of the enterprize I had in hand, and that he was now on the way to meet me. This information, so in accordance with my wishes, rejoiced me greatly. It was quite beyond my expectations, for I had no idea of the prince being near; so I was glad, and prostrated myself on the earth in thanks to God for having granted me what my heart desired. It was now the time of afternoon (asr) prayer, and it was the fourth of the month. The prince and Amír Sulaimán Sháh came up with their numerous force, and were honoured with an interview. Pressing on with all haste I passed the jungles and thickets, and arrived in front of the infidels. After a slight resistance the enemy took to flight, but many of them fell under the swords of my soldiers. All the wives and children of the infidels were made prisoners, and their property and goods, gold, money and grain, horses, camels (shutur), cows and buffalos in countless numbers, fell as spoil into the hands of my soldiers. Satisfied with this rout of the enemy, I said the afternoon prayers in public in that desert, and I returned thanks to God for that I had fought three times with enemies outnumbering my men by ten and twenty to one, and that in each battle I had gained a signal victory.

The day now drew to a close and night came on, but in that desert there was no place for me to alight and pitch my camp, so I turned back with my enormous booty, and encamped in the field where I had won the second victory. There I passed the night in repose.

At this place information was brought to me that fifteen kos off, up the river, and near the mountains, there was a place in which there was the image of a cow, carved out of stone, and that the river (áb) ran from its mouth. In the belief of the people of Hindustán the source of the river Ganges was in this same mountain. The Hindu infidels worship the Ganges, and once every year they come on pilgrimage to this place,458 which they consider the source of the river, to bathe and to have their heads and beards shaved. They believe these acts to be the means of obtaining salvation and securing future reward. They dispense large sums in charity among those who wear the Brah-manical thread, and they throw money into the river. When infidels die in distant parts, their bodies are burned, and the ashes are brought to this river and are thrown into it. This they look upon as a means of sanctification. When I learned these facts, I resolved to war against the infidels of this place, so that I might obtain the merit of overthrowing them.

Information was also brought to me that all the men whom I had defeated in the valley of Kútila, before coming hither, had not been killed. The day having drawn to a close, many had escaped and were hiding in the thickets and broken ground. Neither had all their property been plundered. So I resolved to go again next day to that valley, and to put all the surviving infidels to death. At dawn on the 5th Jumáda-l awwal I said my morning prayer, and started with a suitable force for the valley of Kútila, which lies at the foot of a lofty mountain and on the banks of the Ganges. During the night all the gabrs who had been scattered reassembled under their chiefs, and as they had no place of refuge more secure, they resolved that if the Musulmáns returned, they would fight till they died. So they were prepared for battle. When I approached the darra, I made the following disposition of my forces for conquering the infidels. I placed my right wing under Prince Pír Muhammad Jahángír and Amír Sulaimán Sháh. The left wing I gave into the charge of several amírs of tumáns. I gave the command of the advance to Amír Sháh Malik, and I kept the centre under my own orders. Upon entering the valley the infidels at first, having drawn up their forces, put on a bold appearance and advanced to the attack. I restrained the braves of my advance-guard, and of the right and left wings, and, having massed them together, charged the enemy, shouting aloud our war-cry until the hills and valleys resounded. The sounds of the kettledrums and other warlike instruments fell upon the battle field, and at the first and second charge dismay seized upon the enemy, and they took to flight. My brave men displayed great courage and daring; they made their swords their banners, and exerted themselves in slaying the foe. They slaughtered many of the infidels, and pursued those who fled to the mountains. So many of them were killed that their blood ran down the mountains and the plain, and thus (nearly) all were sent to hell. The few who escaped, wounded, weary, and half dead, sought refuge in the defiles of the hills. Their property and goods, which exceeded all computation, and their countless cows and buffalos, fell as spoil into the hands of my victorious soldiers.

When I was satisfied with the destruction I had dealt out to the infidels, and the land was cleansed from the pollution of their existence, I turned back victorious and triumphant, laden with spoil. On that same day I crossed the Ganges, and said my mid-day prayers in the congregation, on the bank of that river. I prostrated myself in humble thanks to God, and afterwards again mounting my horse, marched five miles down the river and then encamped. It now occurred to my mind that I had marched as a conqueror from the river Sind to Dehlí, the capital of the kings of India. I had put the infidels to the edge of the sword on both sides of my route, and had scoured the land; I had seized upon the throne of the kings of India; I had defeated Sultán Mahmúd, the king of Dehlí, and triumphed over him; I had crossed the rivers Ganges and Jumna, and I had sent many of the abominable infidels to hell, and had purified the land from their foul existence. I rendered thanks to Almighty God that I had accomplished my undertaking, and had waged against the infidels that holy war I had resolved upon: then I determined to turn my course towards Samarkand, my capital and paradise. On the 6th of the month I mounted and proceeded towards the heavy baggage, and, having travelled several kos, I encamped, and sent some yúrutchís (quartermasters) to go and bring up the baggage.

Victories in the Siwálik hills.

On Tuesday I marched six kos, and the heavy baggage was now four kos distant. I now learned that an immense number of infidels had collected in the Siwálik hills. Upon inquiring into the nature of these hills, I was informed that the people of Hindustán compute this mountain region at one lac and the fourth part of a lac.460 It has narrow and strong valleys (darra), in which the infidels had assembled. When I received this information I immediately ordered the troops, with the baggage, to march towards the Siwálik hills, and I, myself, proceeded in that direction. Marching in the evening and into the night, I accomplished five kos, and then encamped in the hills. At this halt Prince Khalíl Sultán and Amir Shaikh Núru-d dín, who had been with the baggage, and to whom I had issued my order, came up. When I was seated on my cushion of royalty, with all the princes and amírs around me, Amír Sulaimán Sháh, Amír Sháh Malik, Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín, and other amírs, rose from their places, and, coming forward, bowed their knees before me and said: “So long as we, your servants, are able to move hand and foot, we will execute your orders, but what necessity is there for our great amír to take all this toil and hardship upon himself, and that he should now order us to march against the infidels of the Siwálik, and to rout and destroy them?” I replied: “My principal object in coming to Hindus-tán, and in undergoing all this toil and hardship, has been to accomplish two things. The first was to war with the infidels, the enemies of the Muhammadan religion; and by this religious warfare to acquire some claim to reward in the life to come. The other was a worldly object; that the army of Islám might gain something by plundering the wealth and valuables of the infidels: plunder in war is as lawful as their mothers' milk to Musulmáns who war for their faith, and the consuming of that which is lawful is a means of grace.” When the amírs received this answer, they maintained silence. I now despatched some horsemen with all speed to Amír Jahán Sháh, whom I had sent off a week before to plunder the forts and towns on the Jumna, ordering him to rejoin me with all speed, that he and his men might also share in the merit of fighting against the infidels. The amír came in directly and joined me. Then, placing my trust in God, I mounted my charger, and, on the 10th of the month, marched towards the Siwálik hills.

In a valley (darra) of these hills there was a ráí named Bahrúz, the number of whose forces, and whose lofty, rugged, narrow, and strong position, made him superior to all the chiefs of the hills, and, indeed, of most of Hindustán. At the present time especially, he, having heard of my approach, had done his best to strengthen his position, and all the malignant ráís of the country had gathered round him. Proud of the number of his men and soldiers, the height of his darra and abode, he stood firm, resolved upon fighting. On the other hand, I resolved upon attacking Bahrúz and conquering the Siwálik hills.

Conquest of the Siwàlik.

On the 10th Jumáda-l awwal I mounted my horse and drew my sword, determined on fighting the infidels of the Siwálik. First I attended to the disposition of my forces. I gave the command of the right wing to Prince Pír Muhammad Jahángír and Amír Sulaimán Sháh; and I placed the left wing under Prince Sultán Husain and Amír Jahán Sháh. I sent forward Shaikh Núru-d dín and Amír Sháh Malik in command of the advance-guard of the centre. When my arrangements were complete, we marched, and on approaching the valley, I ordered the drums to be beaten, the instruments to be sounded, and the war-cry to be raised, until the hills and valleys echoed with their sounds. I proceeded to the mouth of the darra, where I alighted from my horse, and sent forward my amírs and soldiers. They all dismounted, and, girding up their loins, marched forward to the conflict, full of resolution and courage. The demon-like Hindus were lurking in places of ambush, and attacked my soldiers, but these retaliated with showers of arrows, and falling upon them with the sword forced their way into the valley. There they closed with them, and fighting most bravely they slaughtered the enemy with sword, knife, and dagger. So many fell that the blood ran down in streams. The infidel gabrs were dismayed at the sight, and took to flight. The holy warriors pursued them, and made heaps of slain. A few Hindus, in a wretched plight, wounded and half dead, escaped, and hid themselves in holes and caves. An immense spoil, beyond all compute, in money, goods and articles, cows and buffalos, fell into the hands of my soldiers. All the Hindu women and children in the valley were made prisoners. When I was fully satisfied with the defeat of the insolent infidels of the Siwálik, and with the victory I had gained, I returned triumphant, and encamped in the same place. This night I passed as a guest in the tents of Prince Pír Muhammad Jahángír.

When morning came I ordered all the plunder that had fallen into the hands of my men to be collected, for I understood that some had obtained much and others little, and I had it all fairly divided. On that day, the 11th of the month, I marched and joined the heavy baggage. I encamped at the village of Bahrah, in the country of Miyápúr. Next day I again marched, and accomplishing four kos, halted at the village of Shikk Sár. An enormous quantity of plunder, goods and articles, prisoners and cattle, was now collected together with the heavy baggage, and the people of the army were very heavily laden; consequently it was difficult to march more than four or five kos in a day. On the 13th I encamped at the village of Kandar.

On the following day, the 14th Jumáda-l awwal, I crossed the river Jumna with the baggage, and encamped in another part of the Siwálik hills. Here I learned that in this part of the Siwálik there was a rájah of great rank and power, by name Ratan Sen. His valley (darra) was more lofty and more narrow, and his forces more numerous than those of Rája Bahrúz. The mountains around are exceedingly lofty, and the jungles and woods remarkably thick, so that access to the valley was impossible, except by cutting through the jungle. When I understood these facts about Ratan Sen, I felt my responsibilities as a warrior of the Faith, and I was unwilling that the night should pass in ease; so I issued a summons for the attendance of the amírs and other officers. When they were all present, I directed them to prepare their men for battle, and that they should carry hatchets and bills, etc., for clearing away the jungle. I directed some thousands of torches to be lighted, and the drums of departure to be sounded. So at night I mounted my horse, and when I reached the jungle, I ordered my warriors to cut away the jungle, and make a way through. They proceeded to execute my order, and all night long they were occupied in clearing a passage. I went on to the front, and as morning broke I had traversed twelve kos by the way that had been pierced through the jungle. When I emerged from the jungle, the dawn appeared, and I alighted from my horse and said my morning prayers. Then I again mounted, and on the morning of the 15th, I found myself between two mountains, one the Siwálik mountain, the other the Kúka mountain. This was the valley (darra), and it was exceedingly strong. The hills on both sides raised their heads to the clouds. In the front of this valley Rája Ratan Sen had drawn out his forces, as numerous as ants or locusts. There he had taken his stand, prepared for battle with an advance-guard, a right wing and left wing, in regular martial array.

As soon as my eye fell upon the dispositions of Rája Ratan Sen, I ordered my warriors to shout their battle-cry aloud, and the drums and other instruments to be sounded. The noise reverberated through the hills, and filled the hearts of the infidels with dismay and trembling, so that they wavered. At this moment I ordered my forces to make one grand charge upon the infidels. At the first onset, the Hindus broke and fled, and my victorious soldiers pursued, slashing their swords, killing many of the fugitives, and sending them to hell. Only a few of them escaped, wounded and dispirited, and hiding themselves like foxes in the woods, thus saved their lives. When the soldiers gave up killing the infidels, they secured great plunder in goods and valuables, prisoners and cattle. No one of them had less than one or two hundred cows, and ten or twenty slaves—the other plunder exceeded all calculation. On this day, Prince Pír Muhammad Jahángír and Amír Sulaimán Sháh, with the right wing of the army, and Prince Sultán Husain and Amír Jahán Sháh, with the left wing, returned and joined me. By my orders they had parted from me, and had penetrated the valleys on my right and left. They had encountered and routed many infidels, and had slain great numbers of them, but they had not gained so much spoil (as my division). I was satisfied with the victory I had won over Ratan Sen and his forces, and all that he possessed had fallen into the hands of my soldiers. Day came to a close, and I encamped between the two mountains. The princes and amírs of the right and left wing, whose way had lain through other valleys, came in to me in the evening, which was the evening of Friday, the 16th,465 and reported to me their engagements with the enemy, and the men who had distinguished themselves by feats of valour. After a night's rest, on the morning of Friday, I arose, and after saying my prayers I mounted and rode towards the valley of those two mountains, intent upon the conquest of the Siwálik hills.

Capture of Nagarkot (Kángra).

When I entered the valley on that side of the Siwálik, information was brought to me about the town (shahr) of Nagarkot, which is a large and important town of Hindustán, and situated in these mountains. The distance was thirty kos, but the road thither lay through jungles, and over lofty and rugged hills. Every ráí and rája who dwelt in these hills had a large number of retainers. As soon as I learned these facts about Nagarkot and the country round, my whole heart was intent upon carrying the war against the infidel Hindus of that place, and upon subduing the territory. So I set spurs to my horse, and wended my way thither.

The left wing of my army, commanded by Amír Jahán Sháh, had obtained no booty on the previous day, so I ordered his division to the front to battle with the infidels, and to capture spoil to compensate them for the deficiency of the previous day. I sent Sáín Tímúr with a party of soldiers forward as an advance-guard, and then I followed. At breakfast time Sáín Tímúr the commander of the vanguard, sent to inform me that there was a very large force of infidels in front drawn up in order of battle. I instantly ordered Amír Jahán Sháh, whom I had sent to the front with the forces of the left wing and the army of Khurásán, to attack the enemy. The amír, in obedience to my order, advanced and charged the enemy. At the very first charge the infidels were defeated and put to flight. The holy warriors, sword in hand, dashed among the fugitives, and made heaps of corpses. Great numbers were slain, and a vast booty in goods and valuables, and prisoners and cattle in countless numbers, fell into the hands of the victors, who returned triumphant and loaded with spoil.

A horseman belonging to the kushún of Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín and 'Ali Sultán Tawáchí now came galloping in to inform me that upon my left there was a valley in which an immense number of Hindus and gabrs had collected, and were crying out for battle. Vast herds of cattle and buffalos were grazing around them, in numbers beyond the reach of the imagination. As soon as I heard this, I proceeded to the place, and having said my mid-day prayers with the congregation on the way, I joined Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín, and I ordered him, with 'Alí Sultán Tawáchí, to march with their forces against the enemy. In compliance with this order they went boldly forward, and by a rapid march came in sight of the infidels. Like a pack of hungry sharp-clawed wolves, they fell upon the flock of fox-like infidels, and dyed their swords and weapons in the blood of those wretches till streams of blood ran down the valley. I went to the front from the rear, and found the enemy flying on all sides, and my braves splashing their blood upon the ground. A party of the Hindus fled towards the mountain, and I taking a body of soldiers pursued them up that lofty mountain, and put them to the sword. After mounting to the summit I halted. Finding the spot verdant and the air pleasant, I sat myself down and watched the fighting and the valiant deeds my men were performing. I observed their conduct with my own eyes, and how they put the infidel Hindus to the sword. The soldiers engaged in collecting the booty, and cattle, and prisoners. This exceeded all calculation, and they returned victorious and triumphant. The princes and amírs and other officers came up the mountain to meet me, and to congratulate me on the victory. I had seen splendid deeds of valour, and I now promoted the performers and rewarded them with princely gifts. The enormous numbers of cows and buffalos that had been taken were brought forward, and I directed that those who had captured many should give a few to those soldiers who had got no share. Through this order, every man, small and great, strong and feeble, obtained a share of the spoil. I remained till evening on the mountain, and after saying evening prayer I came down. I encamped in the valley where there were running streams. Several times when I encamped in these mountains great numbers of monkeys came into the camp from the jungles and woods, both by night and day, and laid their claws upon whatever they could find to eat, and carried it off before the faces of the men. At night they stole their little articles and curiosities.

Since the 14th Jumáda-l awwal, when I entered the Siwálik hills, I had fought the enemy several times, I had gained victories and captured forts. From that time to the 17th Jumáda-l ákhir, one month and two days, I had been engaged in fighting, slaying, and plundering the miscreant Hindus of those hills, until I arrived at the fort of Jammú. I reckoned that during those thirty-two days I had twenty conflicts with the enemy, and gained as many victories. I captured seven strong celebrated forts belonging to the infidels, which were situated two or three kos distance apart, and were the jewels and beauties of that region. The people of these forts and countries had formerly paid the jizya (poll-tax) to the Sultán of Hindustán; but for a long time past they had grown strong, and casting off their allegiance to those sovereigns, they no longer paid the jizya, but indulged in all sorts of opposition.

One of these eight forts belonged to a chief named Shaikha, a relation of Malik Shaikh Kúkar. The people of the fort made some Musulmáns who were dwelling amongst them their mediators, and sent offers of submission and service. But I saw looks of deception and treachery in the faces of the people of the fort. When my ministers had settled the amount of the ransom money, and the officers proceeded to collect it, these bad people evaded payment. On being informed of this, I gave orders that all kinds of articles should be taken at a good price instead of money and specie (jins). When this was understood, they brought forth all sorts of things and gave them over at a high valuation, so it came to pass that all the bows and arrows and swords that they possessed were surrendered instead of money. I now issued an order that forty of the Hindus of the fort should come out to serve Hindú Sháh, my treasurer. Being of a disobedient rebellious spirit they resisted, paid no respect to my order, and even killed some of the Musulmáns who were in the fort. Directly I heard this, I gave orders for the amírs with their respective forces to advance boldly against the fort. In execution of this order all my forces assembled en masse to storm the place. They assailed it on every side, and fixing their scaling-ladders they mounted the walls and penetrated to the interior. The men of the garrison having been guilty of conduct worthy of death, were killed. Two thousand thus perished and were sent to hell. The women and children were made prisoners, and the buildings were levelled with the ground. By the favour and grace of God my heart had thus been gratified with the overthrow of the vile infidels of the Siwálik. I had subdued their strongholds, and there remained no other contumacious ráí or rája to conquer. I inquired of the people who were acquainted with this region if there were any more infidels in the vicinity against whom I could carry the scourge of holy warfare.

Conquest of Jammú.

In answer to my inquiry I was informed that the castle of Jammú was near, that it was connected with the Siwálik and Kúka mountains, and that the inhabitants were not submissive and obedient to the Sultáns of Hindustán. These facts being made known to me, I on the 16th Jumáda-l ákhir 802, marched from the village of Mansár determined to carry my arms against the infidels of Jammú. After marching six kos I encamped at the village of Báíla, in the territory of Jammú. I sent Amír Shaikh Muhammad, son of Amír Aiku-tímúr, and some other officers, at the head of a body of horse against the village of Báíla. The people in that village confident in their numbers, in the density of the jungle, and in the altitude of the position, had placed themselves in ambush in many places along the borders of the jungle prepared to give battle and offer resistance. The amírs who had gone on in advance reported these facts to me, and asked for permission to attack and defeat the enemy. I returned answer that I myself was desirous of sharing in the merit of the holy fight, and, therefore, the battle must be deferred till the morrow until I should arrive. When my orders reached them they postponed operations for that day. On the next day, the 17th, I marched towards Báíla. When the eyes of the enemy fell upon my royal banners, and the cries of my warriors sounded in their ears, they wavered and fled, seeking refuge in the dense jungles and thickets. I directed the amírs in the front to advance and seize the mouths of the jungle and woods so that the troops might enter the village of Báíla and plunder it in security. No man was to enter the jungle and woods. The amírs carried out these orders and the soldiers obtained great quantities of grain, sugar, and oil. After that they set fire to the houses and destroyed the buildings.

The same day I advanced four kos and then encamped. Uljah Tímúr Túnkatár, Fulád Bahádur, and Zainu-d dín whom I had sent as ambassadors from Dehlí to Sháh Iskandar, king of Kash-mír, now returned to me with the Sháh's envoys, bearing a letter from him. I read the letter from beginning to end. It was couched in the most respectful terms, the king declaring himself to be my humble servant, and stating his intention to follow his letters and to be honoured by waiting upon me. The Sháh's ambassadors bent the knee, and after offering their benedictions, informed me that their master had come as far as the village of Jahán to meet me.

Iskandar, King of Kashmír.

I was now informed that Mullá Núru-d dín, the ambassador of Sháh Iskandar, who had been in attendance upon me, had returned without leave to his master at the village of Jabhán, to inform him that my ministers of finance had determined that when he should arrive at my court there should be demanded from him a contribution of 30,000 horses and a lac of silver tankas, each tanka weighing two and a half miskáls. Sháh Iskandar, in order to provide for this payment, had returned from Jabhán to Kashmír. When I heard this I called for my financial officers and told them that they had put too heavy a burden on the neck of Sháh Iskandar, that the tax and tribute to be demanded of every country ought to be in proportion to its income and cultivation, and that they had exhibited their own ignorance in making such a demand. I immediately reassured the ambassador of the Sháh, gave him a robe and presents, and sent him with Mu'ata-mad Zainu-d dín to his master with a message that he was not to consider himself bound by the demand made by my officers, but to trust in my royal favour and to return without fear. It was then the 17th of the month, and when twenty-eight days had passed, on the 15th of the month of Rajab, he must come to my camp upon the banks of the Indus.

At the foot of a mountain in the vicinity of my camp there was a flourishing village, and I sent a force to plunder it. When they reached it, the Hindus of the place who were numerous, assembled to resist, but on the approach of my men fear fell upon their hearts, and they set fire to their houses and fled to the mountains. My victorious soldiers pursued them and slew many of them. A large booty in grain and property fell into our hands. There were two other large villages in the vicinity of this village. These also were plundered and a large amount of spoil was secured. On this day Rá-tímúr was wounded.

On the 19th I again marched, and came up opposite to the city of Jammú, and there encamped, my royal tents and canopies being set up. The five or six kos which I traversed in this day's march was entirely through a cultivated country; nowhere did I see any dry (khushk) or waste (khálí) land, and so in the place where I encamped there was no necessity for any man to go out into the fields in search of fodder for his horse or camel, for there was grain and grass enough between the tents to feed the animals. On the next day, the 20th, after resting for the night, I again moved with the intention of attacking the town of Jammú. I came into the valley where the source of the river of Jammú is situated, and there I pitched my tents; but I sent my army over the river to the foot of a mountain, on the left of the town, and to the village of Manú on the right. When my forces had secured these positions, the demon-spirited Hindus sent off their wives and children from their villages to the tops of the mountains, and they fortified themselves in their village. Their rája, with his warlike gabrs and athletic Hindus, took his post in the valley, where they howled like so many jackals. I commanded that not a soldier should go towards the mountain, or have anything to do with these gabrs, but that they should attack and plunder the town of Jammú and the village of Manú. Accordingly my forces fell to plundering, and secured an enormous booty in grain, goods of all kinds, and cattle. I returned victorious to the baggage, where I entered my tents, and passed the night in pleasure and rest.

As soon as morning broke the drums sounded. I selected certain kushúns which I placed under the command of experienced veteran amírs, and I intrusted them to go and conceal themselves in the jungle, while I marched away with drums playing. The Hindus and gabrs, who had fled to the hills in alarm at my approach, would then come down from the mountains in fancied security, and my troops in ambush might fall upon the infidels and cut them to pieces. In execution of this order the troops went and concealed themselves, and I mounting my horse crossed the river of Jammú, and marched four kos. All this distance was through arable land, and a green and fertile country. I encamped on the banks of the Chináwa472 on a piece of cultivated ground, and set up my tents with all the baggage around. Some horsemen now arrived in haste from the amírs, whom I had left in ambush, to inform me that, after I had marched away, the Rája of Jammú and other devilish gabrs came down confidently from the tops of the hills. When they reached the plain the amírs rushed suddenly from their ambush upon the infidels, and killed a great number of them. A few of them, worn out and wounded, had escaped to the jungle and woods. The Rája of Jammú, who was ruler of the country, with fifty Ráos and Rájpúts had been made prisoners by Daulat Tímúr Táwachí Husain Malik Kúchín and others belonging to the túmán of Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín, and the whole force was coming up with the prisoners. I gave thanks to Almighty God that the enemies of the Muhammadan religion had been smitten down by the men of the faith, or had been made prisoners. The day before, proud of their numbers and confident in the density of the jungle and the altitude of the hills, they had raised their cries of defiance, and now, by the grace of God, they were prisoners in my hands. I immediately gave orders that the fifty prisoners should be put in bonds and chains. When my eyes fell upon the Rája of Jammú, who was wounded and a prisoner, fear took possession of his heart, and he agreed to pay certain sums of money and to become a Musulmán if I would spare his life. I instantly ordered him to be taught the creed, and he repeated it and became a Muhammadan. Among these infidels there is no greater crime and abomination than eating the flesh of a cow or killing a cow, but he ate the flesh in the company of Musulmáns. When he had thus been received into the fold of the faithful, I ordered my surgeons to attend to his wounds, and I honoured him with a robe and royal favours.

On the 23rd Jumáda-l ákhir I remained stationary, and messengers arrived from Prince Pír Muhammad and Prince Rustam and Amír Jahán Sháh, whom I had sent some days before with a force to Láhor. They brought me the information that the princes and amírs had arrived at Láhor upon the business on which I had sent them. Malik Shaikha Kokhar was brother of Nusrat Kokhar, who was formerly governor of Láhor on the part of Sultán Mahmúd of Dehlí. After I had defeated his brother Nusrat Shaikha Kokhar, he had been the first of all the zamíndárs and governors of Hindustán to wait upon me and make his submission. From my capture of the city of Dehlí till my passage of the Jumna he remained in attendance on me. In the middle of the Doáb he asked permission to return home to Láhor. I had always perceived the signs of hypocrisy upon his countenance, and I knew well that he had submitted from necessity and was false in his professions. Still he was the first to yield, and I was very considerate for his subjects, and whenever any zamíndár of that country represented himself to be a dependant of Shaikha Kokhar, I protected him from the assaults of my followers, and from pillage and plunder. When I gave him permission to leave he proceeded to Láhor, and there forgot his protestations of service and devotion, and the duties imposed upon him by my favour and kindness. He kept not the promises he made when he waited upon me, but when a party of my followers, such as Mauláná 'Abdu-llah, etc., passed through Láhor on their way from Samarkand to join me, he showed them no attention, and never asked them why are you come? where do you come from? or, where are you going to? The defection of Shaikha Kokhar had become clear to me, and I had sent the princes and amírs to take that ungrateful man prisoner, and to levy a ransom from the city of Láhor.

When I read the letters from the princes and amírs, I found that in execution of my orders they had gone to Láhor, and had fixed the amount of ransom to be levied from the inhabitants. They had found Shaikha Kokhar remiss and negligent in raising the contribution, and so in compliance with my order they had made him prisoner. They had collected the whole of the ransom and were coming up to join me. In reply to their report I wrote that as Shaikha had proved false to his engagement and had acted inimically, his country was to be plundered and he himself should be sent in chains to my presence. This order I sent off by the hands of messengers.

Next day the 24th of the month, I crossed the river Chiná,474 and after a march of four or five kos, I encamped in a verdant plain. Some messengers now arrived from Prince Mírán Sháh in Ázar-baiján [reporting all was well.] On the 25th I again marched. There was a river in the way, which I crossed over and encamped. On this day some of the sick men (za'ífán) were drowned in crossing the river, so I directed that all my own horses and camels should be used for carrying the sick and feeble over. On that day all my camp crossed the river, and on the same day messengers arrived from Persia. * * I sent my treasurer Hindú Sháh to Samarkand to announce my return home, and I also issued a notification to the princes and amírs of the army, recounting how I had achieved great victories in Hindustán; how I had taken Dehlí the capital of the Sultáns, and other cities, towns and renowned fortresses; how by the grace of God I had overrun the country and the hills, and how my men had secured an immense booty in money and gold, jewels and stuffs, high-bred horses and elephants, and cattle in countless numbers. We had returned thus far, and I had sent off messengers to all parts of my dominions to announce my return home, so that the princes might come out to receive me as quickly as possible. I now thought it would have been better not to have sent the messengers, and that, having left the baggage behind, I should go on in advance. Accordingly, mounting my horse I crossed the river which lay in my route. On the 27th I travelled six kos and encamped on the edge of a jungle. The men of my advance-guard brought me information that there was a brake near at hand in which there was a large tiger. When I arrived there my daring fellows surrounded the brake on all sides, and Amír Shaikh Núru-d dín quickly sprang forward and attacked the beast with his sword and slew it. I loudly praised the prowess of that brave man.

When I returned from the hunt Prince Pír Muhammad Jahángír, Prince Rustam, Amír Sulaimán, and Amír Jahán Sháh returned from Láhor with much wealth and property and were received with all honour. The plunder which they had obtained at Láhor in money, goods, and horses they presented to me, and I divided and gave all the goods and effects among the amírs and councillors who were in attendance at the court. * * *

Tímúr holds a Court.

On the same day I ordered preparations to be made for holding a splendid court. * * * After bestowing many rewards, robes and girdles, swords and quivers upon the amírs and others, I ordered that the right and left wings of the army should march towards home by certain prescribed routes. The saiyids, and 'ulamá, and zamíndárs, and gentlemen, natives of Hindustán who had joined and accompanied my camp, all received presents and tasted of my royal bounty. I then issued orders for them all to return home. Khizr Khán, who was one of the principal men of Hindustán, had been made prisoner by Sárang, the governor of Multán, and kept in confinement. But he escaped from prison and took refuge with Ahodan, governor of Bayána, who was a Musulmán and an honest man. When I was marching victorious through Hindustán, Khizr Khán hastened from Bayána to wait upon me, and I received him with honour and kindness and took him into my suite. I now appointed him governor of Multán. [and after bestowing the usual marks of honour] I sent him thither.

Hunting of the Rhinoceros, etc.

* * * On Friday the 26th of the month I again marched, and after accomplishing eight kos, arrived at the village of Jabhán, in the territories of Kashmír.

Description of Kashmír.

At this stage I made inquiries about the country and city of Kashmír from men who were acquainted with it, and from them I learned that * * Kashmír is an incomparable country. * * * In the midst of that country there is a very large and populous city called Naghaz. The rulers of the country dwell there. The buildings of the city are very large and are all of wood, and they are four or five stories high. They are very strong and will stand for 500 or 700 years. A large river runs through the middle of this city, as large as the Tigris at Baghdád, and the city is built upon both sides of it. The source of this river is within the limits of Kashmír in a large lake, some parasangs in length and breadth, which is called Vír-nák. The inhabitants have cast bridges over the river in nearly thirty places. These are constructed of wood, stone, or boats; seven of the largest are within the city, and the rest in the environs. When this river passes out of the confines of Kashmír, it is named after each city by which it passes; as the river of Dandána, the river of Jamd. The river passes on and joins the Chináb above Multán. The united waters pass below Multán and then join the Ráwí. The river Biyáh comes down through another part and joins them, and the three united rivers fall into the Sind or Indus in the neighbourhood of Uch. All these (united) rivers are called the Sind or the Panjáb, and this river falls into the Persian Gulf near Thatta. * * *

On the 29th Jumáda-l ákhir, I started from Jabhán and marched five kos and encamped on the banks of the Dandána. There I ordered a number of boats to be collected and a bridge to be formed. I ordered Amír Sháh Malik and Jalálu-l Islam to take their post at the head of the bridge and carefully superintend the passage of the army. When all the soldiers and baggage had crossed in safety, I also passed over and encamped. Next day, the 1st Rajab, I placed the heavy baggage in charge of certain amírs, who were to follow in the rear. Then I started for the seat of my empire, intending to travel rapidly. That day I accomplished twenty kos, and rested at the village of Sambast, in the Júd mountains. On the 2nd I again started, and travelling one and a half watch of the day, I reached the vicinity of the fort of Barúja, where I halted for an hour, and after saying noonday prayers, I again started, and entering the Chol-i Jalálí, I continued my course until, at the time of evening prayer, I emerged from the desert, and encamped on the margin of a lake which had been filled by the rains of the rainy season. On the 3rd I again set off, and at breakfast time reached the banks of the Indus. I had sent orders to Pír 'Alí Salandoz, and other amírs who had charge of this territory, to construct a strong bridge of timber and boats over the river. They had executed my orders, and I passed over the bridge immediately. I ordered Amír Alláh-dád to guard the bridge for the transit of the forces and baggage which were coming up. I halted by the river till noonday prayer, which I said in public; then I again started, and travelled ten kos more before halting for the night. On the 3rd I marched again, and, travelling rapidly, I reached the fort of Bánú, and there encamped. * * *

Two MSS. call the stone , and the other two .

A spire, pinnacle, or cupola.

[].

He tells us that he sometimes accompanied these expeditions, and he describes the mode of proceeding in great detail and with evident gusto.

Var. Anwala, Atwála.

Rakht, furniture, fittings, plant.

The copyists seem to have been puzzled with this chapter. They all, in the early part of it, write , “border of a garment,” although it makes no sense; while the correct word appears to be , “an accountant,” which is used in similar passages subsequently. The reading of this passage in three of the MSS. is , but the writer of the MS. 1002, of the East India Library, seeing the inconsistency of háshiya and asháb, changes the latter word into asbáb. In another part, one MS. instead of 'alam-khána has kham-khána , “wine cellar;” and they all write “sar-máhí,” which has been translated as being either an equivalent, or a mistake, for dar-máhí, “monthly pay.”

Gán is an aggregate particle added to numerals. The meaning of gání is exactly expressed in the vulgar phrases “a fiver,” “a tenner.” Mr. Thomas, however, finds quite a different origin for the term. See Jour. R. A. S., Vol. II., new series, p. 166.

Hindí, “half.”

The words from the beginning of the paragraph to this point are found in only one of the four MSS. (No. 1002 East India Library), although they are necessary to the sense.

The translation here follows the general sense of the context rather than the actual word used, which is a very doubtful one. One MS. has , another , the third seems to agree with this as it writes . The fourth has .

The game of chess is here used to express the speaker's meaning.

The four towns or divisions of Dehlí.

Three of the four MSS. write “makhlúk, created,” instead of “mahlúk, shaven,” although there are passages which expressly mention the removal of the hair from the Sultán's head. Mr. Thomas's MS. has the word mahlúk correct.

The ghost of Mas'úd must apparently have attained a notoriety for revisiting the mortal world, and so the author of the Mír-át-i Mas'udí only adopted a popular belief in asserting that he wrote his book under the inspiration of that spirit. See Vol. II., p. 513.

Sutúr,” any beast of burden.

This seems to be the meaning of the sentence, but the exact words are “all that you may happen to do in the fief of Multán shall be listened to.”

Sir H. Elliot's and Mr. Thomas' MSS. here come to an abrupt termination having been evidently copied, as before observed, from the same (imperfect) original.

The best MS. terminates abruptly in this chapter. The headings of the remaining three chapters are taken from the Preface.

Journal Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. IV., New Series, p. 446. See also Briggs' Ferishta, I., 462.

.

A person of this name was Pasha of Yaman in 1610.—Astley's Voyages referred to by Stewart in the Preface to his translation.

Petis de la Croix in his translation of the Preface of the Zafar-náma, which is abridged, and is less accurate than the rest of his translation, has made all this to appear as if it applied to Tímúr.

So far at least as concerns the extracts in this volume.

So, Abú Tálib's version was finished between 1628 and 1637 A.D.

A large town two parasangs or leagues north of the Síhún (Jaxartes).

[A long string of names is given.]

[The Zafar-náma writes this name “Udáshú;” only one of the four MSS. admits the l.]

Khána-zád bachagán-i man.”

[Jarad, an open barren country: Chol, also means desert.]

Mr. Chapman's translation terminates here.

The Zafar-náma calls him “Dúl Chan;” the Chain or Chan being most probably intended for “Chand.”

The two MSS. of this work, and the four of the Zafar-náma all agree in giving this Musulmán name to the Ráo's brother.

Price demurs to the sugar-canes, but all the authorities agree. (See Price iii. 248.)

Distinct in both MSS.

Káfirán wa mushrik wa be-dín wa bad-kísh.”

Burdahá, prisoners,” but see p. 213 suprà.

Sortes.

Sale's Koran, Vol. II., chapter xvi., verse—“God propounded as a parable, etc.;” the application of which is not very obvious, and required the exercise of some ingenuity on the part of its expounders.

There is a sentence here which I do not understand:—

This agrees with the Rauzatu-s Safá, translated by Price and followed by Elphinstone. Ferishta makes it a month later.—See Price Mahommedan History, III., p. 262; Briggs' Ferishta, I., p. 401.

See note infrà page 455.

Or “Kanah.”

The different MSS. of the Zafar-náma have “Kaltásh,” “Katásh,” and “Katlagh tásh.”

The word used is “morchal,” which would imply that there was a special party or corps of sappers.

“Black-river;” a translation of the Hindu Káliní.

Garm-dárú,” explained as “hot spices, cloves, etc.” Tímúr was probably suffering from rheumatism.

Tímúr was evidently proud of this savage jest.

In the two MSS. of this work this name is written , but the MSS. of the Zafar-náma generally have Kúpila, which is an old name of Hardwár, and the description of the place in page 458 infrà, leaves no doubt of its being Hardwár. Petis de la Croix and Price also both have Kúpila.

Hardwár.

It must be borne in mind that the Muhammadan day begins at sunset.

The Chináb. The spelling in page 413 was Chinád. It is now Chináwa, and the Zafar-náma favours this orthography.

Sic.: but the Chináb is intended.