Tārīḫ-i Rashīdī - The History of the Moghuls, Tārīkh-i-Rashīdī

Page 9, line 7 of note. For “Kasan” read “Kusán.”
Page 15, note 1. Add, as a reference, “See p. 23 below.”
Page 36, note 1. Add, as a reference, “And note 3, p. 237 below.”
Page 44, note 2, line 12. For “Marv-i-Sháh Jahán” read “Marv-i-Sháhi Ján.”
Page 44, note 2, line 16. Add after the word “Jahán,” “According to most
writers, Marv-al-Rud was the name of the present town of Maruchák—or
Little Marv.” As a reference add, “See also Price, ii. p. 519, for situation
of Talkán.”
Page 67, note 2, line 5. After the word “Ashikin” add, “Khanikoff gives the
date of his death as 791 H. (See Mém. sur la partie Mérid. de l'Asie Centrale,
p. 76 of English transl.).”

Page 93, line 5 from foot. At name of “Sultan Ahmad Mirza” add footnote 2,
“See Baber, p. 237, &c. and Erskine's Hist., I., as in Index. Also p. 156
below.”
Page 95, line 11. After the word “Kudus” add note 1, “This may possibly be
read, ‘Sar i Khargah rafta Abdul Kudus,’ and in other ways.”
Page 121, note. Omit semi-colon after the words “Tarikh-i-Rashidi.”
Page 131, line 13. Add note at word “[viláyat],” “Perhaps ‘went away to his
home’ would be a better translation.”
Page 133, line 2 from foot. For “encourged” read “encouraged.”
Page 134, line 18. For “or Khitai” read “of Khitai.”
Page 162, line 15 from foot. For “Zádagán” read “Rádkán,” and add note,
“A small town of Khorasán, some fifty-two miles W.N.W. of Meshed. The
ulang, or grazing-ground of Rádkán, is a flat expanse of waste grassy land
lying to the southward of the present town, and near the celebrated ‘mil,’ or
tower, of Rádkán. It always has been, and is still, a favourite place for
turning horses out to grass. In the neighbourhood of the modern town there
are ruins and mounds which show that the site of Rádkán has been shifted
more than once in comparatively modern times—probably since the days of
the Saljuki sultans.”
Page 213, note 3. Add, “corresponding to 1508 A.D.”
Page 216, note 1. Add, as a reference, “See Baber, p. 243.”
Page 221, note 1. For “‘highland, district’” read “‘highland,’ district.”
Page 294, line 24. For “he” read “be.”
Page 401, line 8. For “Faghravi” perhaps “Faghnavi” should be read.
Page 405, line 1 of notes. Instead of, “it is a proper name, and not an adjec-
tive,” read “it is not an adjective, but an Arabic noun, meaning ‘chief,’
‘commander,’ &c. but is often used as a proper name.”
Page 464, note 1, line 4. For “of” read “off.”
Page 477. Add, at end of chapter, note 1, “An account of the battle from the
Afghan point of view will be found in Elliot, IV. pp. 380-82, translated
from the Tarikh-i-Shir-Sháhi. In its main features it differs very little from
that of Mirza Haidar.”
Page 480, note, line 9 from foot. Insert a comma after word “territory.”

For “Ahmad Mirza, Sultan” read “Ahmad Khan (Alásha Khan), son of
Yunus”; and omit, “son of Husain Mirzá 80 ^*n.” Add pages “108,
109-11.”
For “Ahmad Khan,” son of Yunus Khan, 108, 109-11” read “Ahmad Sultan,
son of Huláku, 80^* n.”
‘Ghar Bálik, see Kara Khitai.” Omit this entry.
Bower. For “124^*” read “124.”
Ganhar Shah. For “Ganhar” read “Gauhar.”
Haft Deh. For “Yatikánd” read “Yatikand.”
Hazrat Ishán. Add “p. 372.”
Hazrat Shaháb-ud-Din, &c. Add “(a name for Nura, Khwája, which see).”
Between “Kelát” and “Kerranái” insert “Kenjanfu, 404 n.”
“Khwája Kalán,” pp. 18^* and 19^*, is separate from “Khwája Kalán” at p. 94.
Khákán. For “30 n.” read “30^* n.”
Kila Zafar. Add “p. 220 n.”
Between “Martand” and “Marx” insert “Marv-al-Rud,” 44 n.

For “Orpelion” read “Orpelian”; for “and” read “on.”
“Sháháb-ud-Din,” at p. 8^*, is a separate person from “Sháháb-ud-Din,” at p. 57.
Sháh Muhammad, Sultan. Add “p. 381.”
Between “Sultan Ahmad” and “Sultan Ahmad Tambal” insert “Sultan
Ahmad Mirza, son of Abu Said Sultan,” p. 93.
Between “Talás River” and “Táliku” insert “Tálikán, 44 n.”
“Timur” at p. 77 and 78 is a separate person from “Amir Timur.”
“Timur Sultan,” at p. 451, is a separate person from “Timur Sultan, son of
Sháhi Beg.” Also omit words “and killed.”
“Timán” should be placed higher up.
“Ulang-zádagán” should read “Ulang Rádkán.” See Erratum for p. 162.
Yasu. After “33^*” should come a full-stop, then a separate entry as follows:—
“Yatikand 180 and note 180-81; given to Yunus Khan 87 and 130.”

IT is fitting that the opening of a royal history, and the beginning of a book of victory and good fortune, should be the praise and glory of that Monarch, the length and breadth of whose kingdom, (according to the words: “Say—verily God is the holder of the Empire,”) is defended and preserved from change and decay, and whose palace is securely guarded from the evil of destruction and ruin.

“He setteth upon the throne whomsoever He will,” is a testimony to His glorious unity; “He deposes whomsoever He will,” is a proof of the permanence of His kingdom.

The splendour of His greatness is beyond the reach of the contentions of friends or adversaries, and the glory of His omnipotence is exempt from the pretentious claims of passionate and dissentient men.

The kings of the earth place the forehead of helplessness and impotence upon the dust of submission and humility, at the palace of His glory; and the Khákáns, powerful as the heavens, standing upon the threshold of the portal of His divinity, stretch forth the hand of humility, supplication and devotion.

“Amma bád.” Let it not be concealed from the minds of the wise that the Korán, which is the greatest of the miracles of Muhammad, is divided into three sections. The first contains the declaration of the Unity of God; the second the statutes of the Holy Law of Muhammad, and the third historical matter, such as the lives of the Prophets. Thus, we see, one-third of this book (none but the clean shall touch it) is intended to teach the history of past generations; and therein lies the clearest proof of the excellence of the science of history. Moreover, all are agreed concerning the utility of this science; and most nations, nay, all the peoples of the world, have studied it, and have collected and handed down traditions of their forefathers, of which they give ample proofs and upon which they rely.

For instance, the Turks, in their literary compositions and in their transaction of business, as well as in their ordinary intercourse, employ a speech based upon the traditions and chronicles of their ancestors.

Consequently I, the least of God's servants, Muhammad Haidar, son of Muhammad Husain Kurkán—known familiarly as Mirza Haidar—notwithstanding my ignorance and want of skill, felt it my duty to undertake this difficult task. For much time has already passed since the Khákáns of the Moghuls were driven from the towns of the civilised world, and have had to content themselves with dwellings in the desert. On this account they have written no history of themselves, but base their ancestral records upon oral tradition.

At this present date—951 [1544 A.D.]—there remains not one among them who knows these traditions, and my boldness in attempting this difficult work is due to the consideration that, did I not make the venture, the story of the Moghul Khákáns would be obliterated from the pages of the world's history. The more I considered the matter, the more conscious I became of my inability to write an elegant and ornate preface. [Verses.] … For this reason, and in order to give my book an auspicious opening, I transcribed the Prolegomena to the Zafar-Náma of Sharaf-ud-Din Ali Yazdi, as far as the “Amma bád.” This Zafar-Náma contains a history of the Moghuls and their Khákáns, from Chingiz Khán to Tughluk Timur Khán, but of the successors of this latter no mention is made, except where the context required it.

I began my history with the reign of Tughluk Timur Khán for three reasons. (1.) That which had happened before the time of Tughluk Timur Khán had been already recorded, but no account had been written of events which took place after his time, and which, not being contained in any history, ought to be written. But to write of the times preceding Tughluk Timur Khán, when we have already that other excellent history, the Zafar-Náma, would be like digging a well on the margin of the Euphrates. (2.) None of his successors have attained to so great a degree of pre-eminence, or acquired so extensive a dominion, as Tughluk Timur Khán. (3.) He was one of the Moghul Khákáns who were converted to Islám, and during his reign the Moghuls, having withdrawn their necks from the yoke of Unbelief, entered into that state of freedom in Islám enjoyed by all Musulmáns. For these reasons, this history is dedicated to his illustrious name and his most noble memory.

And for three chief reasons, out of many, I have called this book the Tárikh-i-Rashidi!

1. It was Mauláná Arshad-ud-Din who converted Tughluk Timur to Islám, as will be recounted hereafter.

2. Although before the time of Tughluk Timur, Barák Khán, and after Barák Khán, Kabak Khán, had become Musulmáns, neither these Khákáns nor the Moghul people had had a knowledge of the Rushd, or “True Road to Salvation,” but their natures had remained base, and they had continued in the road that leads to Hell. But a full knowledge of the Rushd fell to the lot of the enlightened Tughluk Timur and his happy people. And inasmuch as the beginning of this history will deal with this matter, the suitability of the title Rashidi is evident.

3. Since at the present date, Abdur Rashid, the last of the Moghul Khákáns, is reigning, and since this book has been dedicated to, and written for, him, the reason for the title, Tárikh-i-Rashidi is [still more] apparent.

It is divided into two Parts [Daftar].

Part I.—From the beginning of the reign of Tughluk Timur Khán to the time of Abdur Rashid, who is still reigning.

Part II.—Concerning myself and what I have seen and known of the Sultáns and Khákáns of the Uzbeg, the Chaghatái and others; and, in fact, everything that happened during my lifetime.

I thank God that He has, in His graciousness, made me absolutely independent of the Moghuls. For though the Khákáns of that tribe are of my own race, nay, are my own cousins, I received very bad treatment at their hands—a matter of which I shall speak in the Second Part.

[Verses.] …

The ancestors of my mother and of my father's mother have, for several generations back, been related, on the paternal side, to the Khákáns. At the age of sixteen,^3a having just been left an orphan, I went to the court of Sultan Said Khán, who by his fatherly kindness, greatly alleviated my grief; he showed me so much attention and favour, that I became an object of envy to his brothers and sons. I passed twenty-four years at his court, living a life of luxury and splendour, and acquiring, under his instruction and guidance, many accomplishments and much learning. In the arts of calligraphy, reading, making verses, epistolary style [inshá] painting and illuminating I became not only distinguished, but a past-master. Likewise in such crafts as seal-engraving, jeweller's and goldsmith's work, saddlery and armour making; also in the construction of arrows, spear-heads and knives, gilding and many other things which it would take too long to enumerate: in all of these, the masters of each could teach me no more. And this was the outcome of the care and attention of the Khán. Then again in the affairs of the State, in important transactions, in planning campaigns and forays [Kazáki], in archery, in hunting, in the training of falcons and in everything that is useful in the government of a kingdom, the Khán was my instructor and patron. Indeed, in most of the above-mentioned pursuits and studies he was my only instructor.

Although I have received from his sons the worst possible treatment, I will return them good for evil; and whether the Khán's son accept this small work or reject it, I will, all the same, dedicate it to him, in order that he may have a remembrance of me and that the world may have a remembrance of him. And the title of this book is derived from his illustrious name, which is: Khákán bin ulkhákán ussultán bin ussultán almutawakkil ala Ulláh al Malik Almumin abul muzaffar Abd-ur-Rashid Khán bin Sultán almabrur, wa Khákán almaghfur assaid ash-shahid abul Fath Sultán Said Khán. [Verses.] …

Here are omitted one or two Muhammadan legends such as are usually found in Musulman histories, and a quotation from the Kashf-ul-Hujub. They have no bearing on the author's history.

ONE day when Tughluk Timur Khán was feeding his dogs with swine's flesh, Shaikh Jamál-ud-Din was brought into his presence. The Khán said to the Shaikh: “Are you better than this dog or is the dog better than you?” The Shaikh replied: “If I have faith I am the better of the two, but if I have no faith this dog is better than I am.” The Khán was much impressed by these words, and a great love for Islám took possession of his heart.

Tughluk Timur Khán was the son of Isán Bughá Khán, son of Davá, son of Barák Khán, son of Kará Isun, son of Mutukan, son of Chaghatái Khán, son of Chingiz Khán, son of Yusukái, son of Birtán, son of Kabal, son of Tumana, son of Báisanghar, son of Kaidu, son of Dutumanin, son of Buká, son of Burunjar Khán, son of Alánkuá Kurkluk (which means an immaculate woman). Of her the Prolegomena of the Zafar-Náma tells the following story: One day a brilliant light shone into her mouth, and thereupon she felt within her a kind of pregnancy—just in the way that Miriam, the daughter of Omrán, became pregnant by means of the breath of Gabriel. And neither of these things is beyond the power of God. [Verses.] …

The object of this book is not to tell such tales as these, but simply to point out that Burunjar Khán was born of his mother, without a father. All histories trace the genealogy of his mother, Alánkuá Kurkluk, back to Japhet son of Noah (upon them be peace), and detailed accounts of all her ancestors are given in these histories. But I have not accorded them a place in this one, for it would take too long; moreover, I have, in this work, limited my subject to events that took place after the conversion to Islám of the Moghuls, and have said nothing of their history previous to that time.

I HAVE heard from trustworthy Moghul sources (and my father and my uncle used also to relate) that Isán Bughá Khán,^6a the father of Tughluk Timur Khán, had for his favourite wife a certain Sátilmish Khátun; while he had also another wife whose name was Manlik. Now the Khán had no children, and Sátilmish Khátun was barren. The Khán, on a certain occasion, went on an expedition with his army. According to an old Moghul custom, the favourite wife has the allotment and disposal of a man's wives, keeping back or giving him whichever of them she pleases. Sátilmish Khátun learnt that Manlik was with child by the Khán, and, being envious, gave her in marriage to Dukhtui Sharáwal, who was one of the great Amirs. When the Khán returned from his expedition he asked after Manlik. Sátilmish Khátun replied: “I have given her away to some one.” The Khán then said: “But she was with child by me,” and he was very wroth; but as this was a usual practice among the Moghuls, he said nothing.

Soon after this, Isán Bughá Khán died, and there was no Khán left of the tribe of Moghul. Every man acted for himself, and ruin and disorder began to creep in among the people. Amir Buláji Dughlát,^6b an ancestor of the humble narrator, determined on discovering a Khán, and restoring order to the State; so he sent a certain Tásh Timur to find Dukhtui Sharáwal, and to obtain what information he could, concerning Manlik and her child; telling Tásh Timur that if it were a boy, he was to steal the child away and bring it back with him. Tásh Timur replied: “It is a very long and tedious expedition, and fitting preparations for the journey must be made. I beg of you to supply me with six hundred goats, that we may first drink their milk and then kill and eat them, one by one.”

Amir Buláji complied with his wishes and supplied him with all that was necessary. Tásh Timur then set out. He journeyed for a long while in Moghulistan, and by the time he came upon the party of Dukhtui Sharáwal, there was but one goat remaining, and that was a brown one [kabud]. On his inquiring after Manlik^7a and her child, they replied that she had borne a son, and that she had a second son by Dukhtui Sharáwal:^7b the name of the Khán's son was Tughluk Timur, and the name of the son of Sharáwal was Inchumalik.^7c Finally Tásh Timur succeeded in carrying off Tughluk Timur, and returned to the Amir with him.

Buláji belonged to Aksu. When Chaghatái Khán apportioned his kingdom, he gave Mangalái Suyah to Urtubu, who was the grandfather of Amir Buláji. Mangalái Suyah is the equivalent of Aftáb Ru, or “sun-faced.” It is bounded on the east by Kusan and Tárbugur; on the west by Sám, Gaz and Jakishmán, which are situated on the confines of Farghána; on the north by Issigh Kul, and on the south by Jorján and Sárigh-Uighur. This territory is called Mangalái Suyah, and it was subject to Amir Buláji. In his time it contained many large towns, the most important of which were Káshghar, Khotan, Yárkand, Kásán, Akhsiket, Andiján, Aksu, At-Bashi and Kusan.^7d and Hiuen Tsang tells us: “From the town of the Su-Yeh river as far [west] as the Ki Shwang Na country, the land is called Su-li, and the people are called by the same name” (Beal's Si Yu Ki). Ki Shwang Na is usually identified with Kesh, in Mávara-un-Nahr, and if that be correct it would mean that most of Western Turkistan and a great part of Mávara-un-Nahr went, in the seventh century, by the same name as the city (and perhaps district) of Kashghar, though the latter place stood altogether apart from the tract of country between the Chu and Kesh. Thus, whether it is in any way possible, that Hiuen Tsang's Su-Yeh, Su-Sa, or Su-li can be connected with Mirza Haidar's Suyah must remain extremely doubtful. If Mr. Watters' reading of Su-Sa instead of Su-Yeh is the right one, such a suggestion could not hold good. (See China Rev., as below.)

A curious passage, it may be noted here, occurs in the Geographical Dictionary of the Arab author Yakut, as translated by Thonnelier. He writes: “Farghanah … confinant avec le Turkestan du coté du district de Haïtal, lequel fait face au soleil levant, à droite du voyageur qui se rend au pays des Turks.” This passage would be too obscure, in any case, to throw light on the question at issue. It is remarkable only as an instance, in this particular region, of regarding a certain tract, or province, as “facing the sun.”

With regard to the limits given for Mangalai Suyah, the only boundary that the author defines by names that appear to be unknown at the present day, is the western one. Sám, Gaz (or the two may be read together as Sámgaz) and Jákishmán are indeed subject to some variants, but however read, I can find no place to answer to any of them on the western confines of Farghána, unless it be a small town, or village, marked on Ritter and Oetzel's map of 1841, as Sam Seirak, and placed on the Angren, tributary of the Syr, about midway between Khojand and Tashkend. The exact situation of these places is of little importance, as the author sufficiently indicates that all Farghána was included, when he mentions the names of Akhsiket and Kásán. The first of these two does not exist nowadays, but it is known to have stood near the site of the present Námangán, while Kásán is again somewhat farther westward, and consequently not far from the western confines of the province. Among the other limits, none leave any doubt except in detail. Kasan and Tárbugur on the east, are both well-known towns on the main road leading from Kashghar towards Karashahr and China, though called nowadays Kuchar and Bugur respectively. The position of Jorján is also readily recognised, under the modern spelling of Chárchán, or Chárchand; while the country of the Sárigh Uighur (or Yellow Uighur), though long forgotten, may be placed with moderate certainty to the eastward of Chárchán, or south and somewhat west of Lake Lob. Farther on in his history (pp. 348-9), Mirza Haidar alludes to this country again, as lying very much in this position. Dr. Bretschneider has some interesting notes on the subject of the Sárigh Uighur taken from Chinese sources, and places their country “somewhere north of Zaidam, on the southern verge of the stony desert.” They would in any case have dwelt on, or beyond, the south-eastern confines of Eastern Turkistan. (For Hiuen Tsang, see Beal's Si Yu Ki, i., p. 26; Thon-nelier, Dict. de Géogr. de l'Asie Cent., p. 29; Bretschneider, Mediæval Researches, i., p. 263; Mr. T. Watters in China Review, xix., No. 2, 1890, p. 117.)

From all these towns, Amir Buláji selected Aksu as a residence, and it was in Aksu that Tásh Timur found him. As he still had with him the one brown [kabud] goat, he received the surname [lakab] of Kuk Uchgu, which is now borne by all his descendants.

As they neared Aksu, they fell in with a party of merchants, and while they were crossing a pass, the Khán [Tughluk Timur] fell down a fissure in the ice. Tásh Timur, at this, raised a loud cry for help, but he could make no one hear him, for the caravan had crossed the pass and had arrived at a halting ground. Tásh Timur went to one of the merchants, whose name was Begjik, and told him what had befallen the Khán; the merchant communicated this to some of his companions, and several of them set out with Tásh Timur to the place where the Khán had disappeared. Begjik descended into the chasm and found the Khán uninjured, and then and there formed a friendly agreement with him. After that, by way of precaution, he said apologetically to the Khán: “If you go up first they will not pull me up at all; let me go first and they must perforce pull you up after.” Again, proffering many apologies, he called out to them to throw down the rope, which they did, and he went up first, and afterwards they pulled up the Khán. All then went on to Aksu. Amir Buláji raised Tughluk Timur to the rank of Khákán, and in course of time he ruled not only the whole of Moghulistán, but also much of the country of Chaghatái, as shall be related hereafter.

MAULÁNÁ KHWÁJA AHMAD (may God sanctify his soul) was descended from Mauláná Arshad-ud-Din. He was exceedingly pious and much esteemed and revered. He belonged to the sect of Khwájás (may God sanctify their spirits). For twenty years I was in his service, and worshipped at no other mosque than his. He led a retired life, devoting his time to religious contemplation, and he used to recite the traditions of his sect in a beautiful manner; so much so, that any stranger hearing him was sure to be much impressed.

From him I heard that it was written in the annals of his forefathers concerning Mauláná Shuja-ud-Din Mahmud, the brother of Háfiz-ud-Din, an elder of Bokhárá (who was the last of the Mujtahids, for after the death of Háfiz-ud-Din there was never another Mujtahid), that during his interregnum, Chingiz Khán assembled the Imáms of Bokhára, according to his custom, put Háfiz-ud-Din to death, and banished Mauláná Shuja'ud-Din Mahmud to Karákorum. [The ancestors of] Mauláná Khwája Ahmad also were sent there. At the time of a disaster in Karákorum,^10a their sons went to Lob Katak, which is one of the most important towns between Turfán and Khotan, and there they were held in much honour and esteem. I was told many particulars concerning all of them, but I have forgotten them for the most part. The last of the sons was called Shaikh Jamál-ud-Din, an austere man who dwelt in Katak.

On a certain Friday, after the prayers, he preached to the people and said: “I have already, on many occasions, preached to you and given you good counsel, but no one of you has listened to me. It has now been revealed to me that God has sent down a great calamity on this town. A Divine ordinance permits me to escape and save myself from this disaster. This is the last sermon I shall preach to you. I take my leave of you, and remind you that our next meeting will be on the day of resurrection.”

Having said this, the Shaikh came down from the pulpit. The Muazzin [crier to prayer] followed him and begged that he might be allowed to accompany him. The Shaikh said he might do so. When they had journeyed three farsákhs they halted, and the Muazzin asked permission to return to the town to attend to some business, saying he would come back again immediately. As he was passing the mosque, he said to himself: “For a last time, I will just go and call out the evening prayer.” So he ascended the minaret and called the evening prayer. As he was doing so, he noticed that something was raining down from the sky; it was like snow, but dry. He finished his “call,” and then stood praying for a while. Then he descended, but found that the door of the minaret was blocked, and he could not get out. So he again ascended and, looking round, discovered that it was raining sand, and to such a degree that the whole town was covered; after a little while he noticed that the ground was rising, and at last only a part of the minaret was left free. So, with fear and trembling, he threw himself from the tower on to the sand; and at midnight he rejoined the Shaikh, and told him his story. The Shaikh immediately set out on his road, saying: “It is better to keep at a distance from the wrath of God.” They fled in great haste; and that city is, to this day, buried in sand. Sometimes a wind comes, and lays bare the minaret or the top of the dome. It often happens also, that a strong wind uncovers a house, and when any one enters it he finds everything in perfect order, though the master has become white bones. But no harm has come to the inanimate things.^11a

In short, the Shaikh finally came to Bái Gul,^12a which is in the vicinity of Aksu. At that time Tughluk Timur Khán was in Aksu. When he had first been brought there he was sixteen years of age. He was eighteen when he first met the Shaikh, and he met him in the following way. The Khán had organised a hunting-party, and had promulgated an order that no one should absent himself from the hunt. It was, however, remarked that some persons were seated in a retired spot. The Khán sent to fetch these people, and they were seized, bound and brought before him, inasmuch as they had transgressed the commands of the Khán, and had not presented themselves at the hunt. The Khán asked them: “Why have you disobeyed my commands?” The Shaikh replied: “We are strangers, who have fled from the ruined town of Katak. We know nothing about the hunt nor the ordinances of the hunt, and therefore we have not transgressed your orders.” So the Khán ordered his men to set the Tájik free. He was, at that time, feeding some dogs with swine's flesh, and he asked the Shaikh angrily: “Are you better than this dog, or is the dog better than you?” The Shaikh replied: “If I have faith I am better than this dog; but if I have no faith, this dog is better than I am.” On hearing these words, the Khán retired and sent one of his men, saying: “Go and place that Tájik upon your own horse, with all due respect, and bring him here to me.”

The Moghul went and led his horse before the Shaikh. The Shaikh noticing that the saddle was stained with blood (of pig) said: “I will go on foot.” But the Moghul insisted that the order was that he should mount the horse. The Shaikh then spread a clean handkerchief over the saddle and mounted. When he arrived before the Khán, he noticed that this latter was standing alone in a retired spot, and there were traces of sorrow on his countenance. The Khán asked the Shaikh: “What is this thing that renders man, if he possess it, better than a dog?” The Shaikh replied: “Faith,” and he explained to him what Faith was, and the duties of a Musulmán. The Khán wept thereat, and said: “If I ever become Khán, and obtain absolute authority, you must, without fail, come to me, and I promise you I will become a Musulmán.” He then sent the Shaikh away with the utmost respect and reverence. Soon after this the Shaikh died. He left a son of the name of Arshad-ud-Din, who was exceedingly pious. His father once dreamed that he carried a lamp up to the top of a hill, and that its light illumined the whole of the east. After that, he met Tughluk Timur Khán in Aksu, and said what has been mentioned above. Having related this to his son, he charged him, saying: “Since I may die at any moment, let it be your care, when the young man becomes Khán, to remind him of his promise to become a Musulmán; thus this blessing may come about through your mediation and, through you, the world may be illumined.”

Having completed his injunctions to his son, the Shaikh died. Soon afterwards Tughluk Timur became Khán. When news of this reached Mauláná Arshad-ud-Din, he left Aksu and proceeded to Moghulistán, where the Khán was ruling in great pomp and splendour. But all his efforts to obtain an interview with him, that he might execute his charge, were in vain. Every morning, however, he used to call out the prayers near to the Khán's tent. One morning the Khán said to one of his followers: “Somebody has been calling out like this for several mornings now; go and bring him here.” The Mauláná was in the middle of his call to prayer when the Moghul arrived, who, seizing him by the neck, dragged him before the Khán. The latter said to him: “Who are you that thus disturb my sleep every morning at an early hour?” He replied: “I am the son of the man to whom, on a certain occasion, you made the promise to become a Musulmán.” And he proceeded to recount the above related story. The Khán then said: “You are welcome, and where is your father?” He replied: “My father is dead, but he entrusted this mission to me.” The Khán rejoined: “Ever since I ascended the throne I have had it on my mind that I made that promise, but the person to whom I gave the pledge never came. Now you are welcome. What must I do?” On that morn the sun of bounty rose out of the east of divine favour, and effaced the dark night of Unbelief. Khidmat Mauláná ordained ablution for the Khán, who, having declared his faith, became a Musulmán. They then decided that for the propagation of Islám, they should interview the princes one by one, and it should be well for those who accepted the faith, but those who refused should be slain as heathens and idolaters.

On the following morning, the first to come up to be examined alone was Amir Tulik, who was my great grand-uncle. When he entered the Khán's presence, he found him sitting with the Tájik, and he advanced and sat down with them also. Then the Khán began by asking, “Will you embrace Islám?” Amir Tulik burst into tears and said: “Three years ago I was converted by some holy men at Káshghar, and became a Musulmán, but, from fear of you, I did not openly declare it.” Thereupon the Khán rose up and embraced him; then the three sat down again together. In this manner they examined the princes one by one. All accepted Islám, tillit came to the turn of Jarás, who refused, but suggested two conditions, one of which was: “I have a man named Sataghni Buka,^14a if this Tájik can overthrow him I will become a Believer.” The Khán and the Amirs cried out, “What absurd condition is this!” Khidmat Mauláná, however, said: “It is well, let it be so. If I do not throw him, I will not require you to become a Musulmán.” Jarás then said to the Mauláná: “I have seen this man lift up a two year old camel. He is an Infidel, and above the ordinary stature of men.” Khidmat Mauláná replied, “If it is God's wish that the Moghuls become honoured with the blessed state of Islám, He will doubtless give me sufficient power to overcome this man.” The Khán and those who had become Musulmáns were not pleased with these plans. However, a large crowd assembled, the Káfir was brought in, and he and Khidmat Mauláná advanced towards one another. The Infidel, proud of his own strength, advanced with a conceited air. The Mauláná looked very small and weak beside him. When they came to blows, the Mauláná struck the Infidel full in the chest, and he fell senseless. After a little, he came to again, and having raised himself, fell again at the feet of the Mauláná, crying out and uttering words of Belief.^15a The people raised loud shouts of applause, and on that day 160,000 persons cut off the hair of their heads and became Musulmáns. The Khán was circumcised, and the lights of Islám dispelled the shades of Unbelief. Islám was disseminated all through the country of Chaghatái Khán, and (thanks be to God) has continued fixed in it to the present time.

Amir Háji Barlás having collected troops from Kesh, Karshi, and that neighbourhood, set out to oppose these combined forces. But on reconsideration, judging the plan to be unwise, he turned with his own force towards Khorásán, before the two armies had come into conflict.

[Arabic verses]:

Judgment is preferable to the valour of heroes;
The former is the first of virtues, the latter stands second;
But when these two are united in one person,
That person can attain the highest summits of fame.

[Persian verses]:

With judgment thou canst put a whole army to rout.
One man with a sword can kill as many as a hundred men.^17a

The events about to be related, all testify to the truth of these statements. For when Amir Háji Barlás heard of the advance of the army of Jatah, he abandoned his own country and set out for Khorásán. He crossed the desert and arrived at the River Jihun. Amir Timur^17b saw well that if he continued in this policy of self-preservation, his native country would go to ruin, and his inherited dominions would fall into confusion, for in that same year his father Amir Trágái had died.

Under these circumstances, although he had not passed the age of twenty five, and his intelligence had not yet received the enlightenment of great experience, Amir Timur determined upon setting these affairs in order, and with this intent took counsel with Amir Háji, saying: “If the kingdom remains without a head, great evils will most surely come upon it, and the people will be entirely annihilated by the violence and perfidy of enemies.”

“Since you wish to proceed into Khorásán, I think I had better return to Kesh, and when I have comforted and encouraged the inhabitants of that place, I will go thence to the court of the Khán. I will confer with the princes and nobles of the State, so that this country and the people, who have been entrusted to our care by God, may come to no harm.”^18a

Having thus spoken he departed. Amir Háji was fully convinced that the words of Amir Timur were divinely inspired, and therefore accepted all his decisions and approved all his plans. When Amir Timur arrived at Khuzár, he met Háji Mahmud Sháh Yasuri, who was acting as guide to the advance body of the army of Jatah. The troops were advancing with all possible haste, whetting the teeth of their lust for plunder and desire for booty, and sewing themselves purses in expectation of the treasure and wealth to be found in that country. Amir Timur succeeded in arranging an amnesty with the generals of this force, saying: “Wait here while I go and see the princes and, with them, determine upon some reasonable and advisable plan.” The wise words of that prince were as heavenly utterances, and had such an effect on the soldiers, that, in spite of their eagerness to advance, they remained where they were. Amir Timur passed safely on, and when he reached Kesh he met the three Amirs of Jatah, who had themselves just arrived there. After friendly greetings had been exchanged, they expressed to him their satisfaction at hearing that he was going to submit himself to the Khán; and they appointed him governor of the district, which had formerly belonged to Amir Karáchár—that is to say, the district round about Kesh, together with its dependencies; with the result that, by his wise conduct, the torrent of distress and calamity which threatened to overwhelm this country was turned aside, and the people again enjoyed that repose which they had lost all hopes of recovering. [Verses] …

In the opinion of the most ignorant people, it seemed that a great piece of good fortune had befallen Amir Timur, but Fate had still a thousand successes in store for him.

After this, Amir Timur took leave of the princes and threw the shadow of his protection and care upon the tribe. He commanded troops to be collected between Shahr-i-Sabz and the River Jihun, and in a short time, having mustered a very large army, set out, together with Amir Yasuri. At this time a dispute arose among the princes of Jatah, who having withdrawn all their troops from Mávará-un-Nahr, returned to the headquarters of Tughluk Timur Khán. After that, Báyázid Jaláir, with the whole of his following, joined the side of Amir Timur and Amir Khizar Yasuri.

WHEN desire for the government of Mávará-un-Nahr a second time seized the skirt of Tughluk Timur Khán's enthusiasm, he prepared an innumerable army and, in the month of Jamád-alávla of the year 762 (A.D. 1361), corresponding to the year of the Ox in the Tartar cycle, he again marched for that country. When he arrived at Khojand, Amir Báyázid Jaláir came to offer him his services. Amir Báyán Salduz also, as a sign of his obedience, went forward as far as Samarkand to meet the Khán, and Háji Barlás, although at the time of the Khán's first invasion he had opposed him, trusting to Providence, now presented himself before him. In the meanwhile the Khán had given orders to his men to capture Amir Báyázid and put him to death. Amir Háji Barlás, fearing a similar fate, fled towards Kesh. He got together some of his own tribe and led them across the Jihun, but they were attacked by the Kashmir^19a regiment of the Jatah army, who were pursuing them, and a battle took place, in which Jughám Barlás was killed, and Amir Háji retired to Khorásán. On his arrival at Khorasha, which is a village of Buluk-i-Juvin,^19b a dependency of Sebzvár, he was seized by a band of brigands and, together with his brother Idegu, was killed. After the conquest of Khorásán (which event made Amir Timur feel himself in some way avenged) and after some of them^19c had been put to death, that village became a fief of the heirs of Amir Háji, and up to the present time the inhabitants thereof are their subjects and agents.

Among the Amirs at the court of Jatah was a certain Amir Hamid, of the tribe of Kurlukut,^19d who was distinguished above his peers at the court by his wisdom and common sense. He had free access to the Khán, and whatever he proposed in the way of advice or approval, was acceptable. At this time he began to praise and extol the virtues of Amir Timur to the Khán, and he begged the Khán to restore to the prince, the territory that was his by right of inheritance. The Khán lent a favourable ear to his entreaties, and a messenger was immediately despatched to fetch Amir Timur. The prince accordingly came to the Khán, received from him the warmest welcome, and was appointed Governor of Kesh and Tumán,^20a together with their dependencies.

In the winter of that year, the Khán determined to make war upon Amir Husain,^20b and set out against him. Amir Husain, for his part, also raised an army and led it as far as the River Vakhsh. Here he pitched his camp. When the Khán had passed the Iron Gate^20c and arrived near to where Amir Husain was encamped, the two armies came in sight of one another and were preparing to engage, when Kaikhosru of Khatlán, together with his men, left the side of Amir Husain and joined the army of the Khán, thus breaking the order of battle of the former.^21a When Amir Husain perceived this, he turned and fled. The victorious Khán went in pursuit of him, and crossing the Jihun, penetrated as far as Kunduz. His troops pillaged all the country round about, as far as the mountains of Hindu Kush, and spent the following spring and summer in that region.

ON the approach of autumn, the Khán set out for Samarkand, and on the journey gave orders for Amir Bayán Salduz to be killed, according to the code of the Moghuls.^22a When he reached Samarkand, he had the whole of Mávará-un-Nahr under his command and rule, and all the nobles and princes of the country were compelled to swear allegiance to him. Some, however, whom he suspected of treachery, he treated as he had treated Amir Bayán Salduz. Others, whom he found he could rely on, he bestowed favours and distinctions upon. He entrusted the government of the conquered districts to his son Ilyás Khwája Oghlán, and he assigned to him a number of the amirs and soldiers of the army of Jatah, over whom he appointed Begjik. Amir Timur was charged with the most important duties in the administration of the State, under the orders of the young prince; and when the Khan had assured himself of the sagacity of Amir Timur, he handed over the whole direction of the State to him, and returned to his own seat of government. Tughluk Timur, in short, again left the country of Mávará-un-Nahr. He had given supreme authority over all the princes and people of Jatah, to Amir Begjik, and had deputed Amir Timur to look to the welfare of the people. But Amir Begjik did not obey the instructions of the Khán, for not only did he exercise tyranny and violence, but even attempted open revolt [against the Khán]. When Amir Timur saw that the orders of the Khán were not being complied with, and that, in consequence, the State would fall into disorder, he did not think fit to stay any longer in the country, but fled, with the intention of discovering Amir Husain. Since he could learn no news of the whereabouts of Amir Husain, he turned towards the deserts.^22b

In short, the substance of what we find in the Moghul traditions is, that Tughluk Timur Khán's dominions extended as far as Samarkand, and even further, but no precise facts have come down to us. Amir Buláji, who has been already mentioned as having raised Tughluk Timur Khán to the Khánate, sought nine privileges for himself from the Khán, which privileges had been granted to his ancestors by Chingiz Khán, and which my family have inherited. I have seen them myself. They were written in Kunduz, in the Moghul language, and I mention this circumstance because, by it, the Moghuls prove that the Khán's rule extended as far as Kunduz. It is stated, in the Zafar-Náma, that the Khán died in the year 764. The Moghul traditions say that Tughluk Timur, at the age of 16, was brought from [the] Kálmák [country] by Amir Buláji, as has been related; at the age of 18 he became Khán, at the age of 24 he became a Musul-mán, and died at the age of 34. He was born in the year 730.

THE Moghuls have preserved no traditions concerning this Ilyás Khwája Khán, but I have heard my father mention his name, and the Zafar-Náma makes occasional mention of him, in connection with other events. These passages I have transcribed in substance.

THE two princes then proceeded to Kunduz, and there collected some troops from the tribe of Boldái.^23a Thence they marched towards Badakhshán, and when they arrived at Taikhán,^24a they concluded a peace with the Kings of Badakhshán and effaced every trace of bitterness of feeling. From there again they went to Arhang,^24b where they crossed the river onto the side of Sáli-Sarái,^24c and advanced towards Khatlán; then, having traversed the desert, they arrived at a place called Gulak,^24d where they encamped. In accordance with the words “and we have ordained the night as a time for repose,” they retired to rest. After Amir Timur had taken off his clothes, with the intention of going to bed, and had withdrawn his blessed feet from the fatiguing companionship of his boots, Amir Husain sent a person to beg him to come to him, and when he arrived, he found, among those present in the assembly, Pulád Bughá and Shir Bahrám. Amir Husain began to make complaints of Shir Bahrám to Amir Timur, saying: “We are now close upon the enemy; this is not the time for him to abandon us; it is not acting in an honourable way.” Amir Timur did his best to induce Shir Bahrám not to desert them, but without success, and this latter set out for Biljaván.^24e

In the meanwhile, the news was confirmed that Tughluk Salduz and Kaikhusru were advancing with the army and many of the Amirs of Jatah, and besides these there were assembled, between Jálá^24f and the “Bridge of Stone” [Pul i Sangin],^24g Timur son of Bubakan, Sárik, Shengum, Tughluk Khwája brother of Haji Beg, Kuj Timur son of Begjik, and other commanders of thousands [tuman] and regiments [kushun] with fifty thousand men, though more than six thousand had deserted the royal camp. But Amir Timur placed firm trust in the assistance of God, and comforted his men with the verse, “How many armies small in number, have overcome infinite hosts, by the permission of God,” which he seemed to hear repeated in his car by a voice from the unseen world.

With two thousand brave men, he marched out to meet the enemy, and the opposing forces met on the Stone Bridge. A battle ensued which lasted from early morning till nightfall; and during all that day these brave and experienced warriors fought, until they had no strength left to continue. Moreover the inequality of the forces was great.

Amir Timur, considering the situation, saw that victory could not be with his side, if the sword of valour were not brightened with the polish of good counsel, and he understood that if the arrow of courage were not let fly from the thumb-stall of deliberation, its whistling would not sound to them as news of triumph. These things he pondered in his mind, until the reed of assurance and conviction, painted a picture of welfare and safety upon the tablet of his enlightened intelligence.

AMIR TIMUR ordered Amir Musa, Amir Muvayid Arlát and Uchkará Bahádur, with a force of 500 picked men, to wait for the enemy near the Stone Bridge, while he himself, with 1500 men, swam the river at midnight and took up his position on the mountains. On the following day, the sentinels of the enemy saw, by their footprints, that they had crossed the river during the night; and they were very much perturbed in consequence. When night set in, Amir Timur commanded his soldiers to light a great number of fires on the summits of the highest of the mountains; and at the sight of these fires the enemy were seized with fear and terror, so that they lost heart and fled. Thus did God, without the trouble of a battle, scatter this numerous army, which was in the proportion of ten warriors to one of their opponents. “Verily God giveth the victory to whomsoever He will.”

The enemy being thrown into flight and confusion, Amir Timur rushed down the mountain with his army, like a raging lion or a mighty boiling torrent, and pursued them as far as Gujarát^25a —falling upon them with his life-taking sword and his soul-biting lance, till the road was covered with the heaps of their slain. In this place he halted, victorious and happy, while Amir Husain with the rest of the army continued the pursuit. This victory helped to spread the fame of Amir Timur and much encouraged his troops. Feeling the reality and importance of the advantages he had just secured, Amir Timur again set out with two thousand men; and when he arrived at Kuhlagha,^26a the people of Kesh and the districts round about, fleeing from the army of Jatah, kept coming to him in detachments, with offers to serve him if he would protect them. Out of the two thousand men Amir Timur had brought with him, he selected three hundred as his own special bodyguard. With these he advanced, commanding the rest to stay behind. He then sent on two hundred of these men, under the Amirs Sulaimán Barlás, Chakui Barlás, Bahrám Jaláir, Jaláluddin Barlás, Saifuddin and Yultimur, to Kesh, telling them to divide into four squadrons, and ordering every man to suspend from either side of his horse, a large leafy branch, in order that much dust might be raised and so cause the governor of Kesh, if he saw them, to beat a retreat.^26b They carried out his orders exactly, so that when they entered the plains of Kesh, the governor, frightened at the sight of so much dust, took to flight, and they entered the town, where they occupied themselves with the appointment of officers and the like.

Thus the boundless favour of God descended in such a manner upon this king, that by means of sparks of fire he was able to put an army to flight, and with dust to conquer a town.

At that time Ilyás Khwája Khán was encamped at Tásh Arighi, which is four farasangs distant from Kesh; he had round him his nobles and princes and an innumerable army. About this time Tughluk Timur Khán died. Ulugh Timur and Amir Hamid came to announce the news to Ilyás Khwája Khán and to bring him back to his tribe, that he might rule in his father's stead.

Mean while, Amir Timur, with one hundred chosen men, having marched all the night, came to Khuzár, and when day broke, the people of that town learnt the arrival of that royal prince and hastened out to kiss the ground in obeisance to him. He then combined the troops of Khuzár and Kesh, and put Khwája Sálibari in command of the rearguard. With this mighty army he set out for Chekadálik, and on arrival there, pitched his camp. At that place too, he was joined by Muhammad, son of Salduz, with seven regiments, and he remained there seven days. In the meanwhile, Amir Husain arrived with his own forces, and with those that Amir Timur had left behind at Kuhlagha. Shir Bahrám also, who had separated from them in the desert [or plain] of Gulak, in order to visit his own people, now rejoined them, after an absence of forty-three days. They then all set forth together, under the command of Amir Timur and Amir Husain, in the direction of Khuzár, and on their arrival there, visited the tomb of Khwája Resmes,^26c in the name of whose blessed spirit they made a solemn alliance and swore eternal friendship.

THE Prophet (upon whom be the peace of God) said: “True dreams are one of the forty-six gifts of prophecy,” and the explanation of this tradition is that when the all-knowing, all-powerful God (may He be exalted and magnified), places upon the forehead of some great person the distinctive mark of His favour, He so enlightens him that He causes him to understand the secrets of the invisible world, reveals unto his human spirit the things that are to come to pass, and makes him aware of occurrences that have not yet taken place. Joseph was informed, by revelation, of the coming of his father and brothers several years before that event took place. And Muhammad, Prince of the Prophets, had revealed to him the conquest of Mekka.

In the same way, as Amir Timur was one day reflecting upon the straits he was in, and the smallness of his army in comparison with that of the enemy, and considering what would be the best line of action, he fell asleep, and heard a voice say to him, in eloquent language: “Be of good cheer and grieve not, for God has given you victory.” When he awoke from his slumber, he asked, “Did anyone speak?” All present replied, “Indeed not!” So he was convinced that the words were spoken by a voice from heaven, and that the sweet-scented breeze of good news had blown from the rose-garden of God's graciousness and favour. His confidence in the assistance of God was absolute, and he went to Amir Husain with fresh enthusiasm and renewed vigour, telling him what had happened. The good tidings were spread about among all the troops, and they were much encouraged; their obedient hearts blossomed out, as do the rosebuds with the zephyr of the morn.

AMIR HUSAIN and Amir Timur, having offered up praise and thanksgiving to the Padishah of Padishahs (may His name be exalted), mounted their horses and began to make preparations for battle. They divided the army into two parts; Amir Husain commanded the right wing, and raised the victorious standard, while Amir Timur led the left wing of his troops, who were so accustomed to victory. Having arranged all this, and having put the army into order of battle, they went forward.

The enemy meanwhile were at Tásh Arighi, and they, in the same manner, divided their forces into two parts; Ilyás Khwája Khán and Amir Hamid commanding the left wing, and Amir Tuk Timur and Amir Begjik the right. The opposing armies, having drawn themselves up in order of battle,^28a attacked one another with vigorous onslaught.

The fighting began at a place called Kaba Matan, and clamour and shouting filled the vault of the heavens. The first attack was made upon the soldiers of Amir Timur, by the scouts of the enemy, who were boasting of the superiority of their army in numbers, and were burning for the fray.

But Timur, keeping his foot as firmly fixed upon the spot where he was standing, as was his kingdom upon its foundations, seized his bow and arrow and made his left arm like an Alif and his right arm like a Dál.^28b [Verses] …

And his soldiers, in imitation of their king, discharged their missiles into the souls of the enemy, just as the starry army of the moon let fly their shooting stars; and the reed of the arrow—according to the words “we have ordained them as missiles against the evil spirits”—made such writing with the blood of the scouts, that not one of them remained alive…^28c

Among those slain were Tuk Timur, a Beg, brother of Begjik, Daulat Shah, and two princes besides, who were both of them leaders of the other army.

The two armies then rushed upon one another, and blood flowed from the enemy as if it were tears from a thousand eyes.

The attacks and charges of the veteran warriors grew more frequent, and the waves of the ocean of combat increased. Amir Timur, in accordance with the blessed promise (thanks be to God, who has aided and blessed us), was able to overcome and put to rout this enormous army, in comparison with which his own was but as a drop of rain. “And there is no victory but from God.”

Amir Ilyás Khwája, Amir Begjik, Iskandar Oghlán, Amir Hamid and Amir Yusuf were taken prisoners. But the generosity, common to all Turks, was favourable to the Khán, for the soldiers who had captured him, when they recognised him, without saying anything to their leaders, mounted him and Begjik on horseback and set them at liberty. But the other captives they kept bound. On the same night, Amir Timur continued his march until he reached the River Yám, in order to cut off the retreat of the enemy, of whom many had been killed.

Amir Chagu and Amir Saifuddin, at his command, marched against Samarkand. They conquered this town in the beginning of the year 765 of the Hajra [A.D. 1363], corresponding to the year of the Crocodile [Lui] of the Tartar cycle.

Amir Timur, who was attended by success in all his endeavours and desires, bastened to hold counsel with Amir Husain and Shir Bahrám, and then set out in pursuit of the enemy. Having crossed the river at Khojand, he fixed his royal camp at Tashkand, and there, in order that his good fortune might not be quite perfect, he was afflicted with a few days' sickness. [Verses] …

Both Amir Timur and Amir Husain were for a short time a prey to a malady in that place. But they were soon released from the house of sickness; and the illustrious Princess Uljái Turkán arrived in safety from Kar.^29a

Amir Timur then resolved to return, and therefore recrossed the river at Khojand. Being seized with a desire to hunt, he threw out a ring of beaters round a large extent of country, and Amir Husain did the same thing in a place called Dazák Bulbul. They set out from opposite directions towards Akár Kamár. Several days were spent in pleasure and amusement, according to the words, “Seize the opportunity while you may,” and then they returned in safety to Samarkand.

At the joyful advent of this augmenter of happiness and decorator of kingdoms, the people of that district were illumined by the protecting dust of the royal prince, so that the evils of the buffetings of events, which had crept in among high and low, were cured by the healing properties of his humanity and encouragement.

WHEN the countries of Mávará-un-Nahr and Turkistán, together with all their dependencies, had been delivered from the domination and oppression of the people of Jatah, no one of the chief princes or more important generals would submit to the orders and commands of another;^30a for all the chiefs of tribes, making boast of the large number of their subjects and followers, wished to retain independence and would suffer no control. For it has been said: A number of people without a central unity to direct them, will perish, and a kingdom without a ruler to give laws to the inhabitants, and prevent them transgressing the same, will most certainly fall into a state of disorder.

Under these conditions, Amir Husain and Amir Timur took counsel together, and determined that it would be advisable to set up, as Khán, one of the descendants of Chaghatai Khán, while for the execution of this plan they convoked an assembly of all the chiefs and princes, in the year 765 of the Hajra [A.D. 1363-4], to discuss the settlement of the affairs of the State. They finally determined to appoint Kábil Sháh Oghlán as Khán. He was the son of Durji, son of Ilchikádi, son of Davá Khán. In order to avoid the trials and troubles of public life, he had taken to ways of poverty and solitude, and had clothed himself like a darvish. They resolved to divest him of his poor garments, and to array his noble figure in the richly-embroidered robes of the Khánship. To this end:

They succeeded in placing Kábil Sháh Oghlán upon the throne; and, as was customary among the Turkish Sultans, he was presented with a goblet.^30b

Amir Haidar Andarkhudi^30c was given over to Zinda Hásham, who executed him on that same night. [Verses] …

When the country had once again been brought under the rule of Amir Timur, he made a great display of his liberality and hospitality, and gave a great feast in honour of Amir Husain. His own stewards prepared the banquet.

Amir Timur showed much favour to his own special subjects, and bestowed suitable presents on Amir Husain.

Since the father of Amir Haidar was on the most friendly terms with Amir Timur, he was invited to the feast; for his intelligence had received brightness from the polish of experience of long years. With him and Amir Husain, he discussed the advisability of setting Amir Hamid and Iskandar Oghlán at liberty; and Amir Husain (in spite of the words

out of consideration for the noble-mindedness of Amir Timur, did not refuse his entreaty, but gave sanction for the two prisoners to be released.

As soon as Amir Husain had set out for Sáli-Sarái, his residence in his own province, Amir Timur sent Amir Dáud and Amir Saifuddin to release the two prisoners, and to bring them back with all respect and honour; but Báyázid and Aiman, who had the custody of Amir Hamid and Iskandar Oghlán, on seeing the two messengers, thought they had come to kill Amir Hamid, and therefore hastened to put him to death, one giving him a blow with a mace and the other striking him with a sword. Such was the end of Amir Hamid. When Amir Husain heard of this, he said: “The work of the servant was better than the work of the master,” and at once sent a messenger in search of Iskandar Oghlán, to kill him.

During the winter of that year, Amir Husain and Amir Timur devoted their attention to the internal affairs of the State, so that the country attained a condition of perfect peace and prosperity.

Happiness often results from the traces left by misfortune, and a state of equanimity and success often has its origin in distress and failure.

[Verses.] …

The course of events in the time of Amir Timur is a proof and example of the above truths.

For when the winter (during which he had devoted his time to the peaceful administration of the affairs of his State) had passed, and spring at length arrived; (When the warrior spring had raised the standards of the tulips and had led out his army of green plants into the plains of gardens and meadows,

[When spring set in] news came that the hosts of Jatah were again on their way towards this country [i.e., Mávará-un-Nahr]. Amir Timur began at once to collect his army together, and sent to inform Amir Husain of the report. The latter ordered Pulád Bughá and Zinda Hásham, son of Muhammad Aperdi, and Malik Bahádur to collect their forces and set out with all possible speed to join Amir Timur. They met, and at once marched together against the enemy. On their arrival at Akár,^32a they inspected the cavalry and beasts of burden, and remained there several days to take advantage of the excellence of the pasturage. Departing thence, they cressed the River Sihun^32b and encamped [on the opposite side]. Amir Husain hastened on in the direction of the enemy, with a large body of men, till he came to the banks of the river, where he caught sight of some of their outposts.

Amir Timur now removed his camp to the river-side, between Chináz and Tashkend, and commanded his men to fortify their tents, which they did with great care. Meanwhile Amir Husain crossed the Sihun with his whole army, and halted in the entrenchments [murchál] destined for his troops. The enemy had also encamped on the same side of the river, having reached it at early morn. Amir Timur and Amir Husain once more advanced, and as soon as the scouts of the two forces came in sight, preparations were made for battle and each army was arrayed in fighting order. Amir Husain commanded the right wing, and Tirlánji Irlát led the rearguard; his vanguard was under the command of Ujá Betu Irdi,^32c Shir Bahrám, Pulád Bughá, Farhád Aberdi, Malik Bahádur, and many other valiant soldiers. Amir Timur, who was the soul of the whole army, led the left wing, and he appointed Amir Sár Bughá, with the tribe of Kipchák, to the rearguard, and Timur Khwája Oghlán to the vanguard. Close at his side he kept Amir Chágu, Amir Saifuddin, Amir Murád Barlás, Abbás Bahádur, and many other brave men of the sword.

In this order they attacked the enemy, but in pursuance with the words: “It is an evil day for you when you boast of your own strength or numbers,” they were not spared from an unexpected punishment, for the army of Jatah, which, in spite of its superiority in numbers, had been defeated at Kaba Matan, now that they found their opponents exceeded them in numbers, had recourse to magic, and sought aid from the Jadah stone, which possessed supernatural properties.^32d

Although the sun was in Orion, a host of dark clouds suddenly filled the sky. The thunder resounded and the lightning flashed. The elements rushed out from the ambush of destiny into the open plain of the ether, and the thunderclaps re-echoed round the azure vault of heaven. The arrows of lightning were shot out, in all directions, from the bow of the thunder-clouds, and the rain shot down its whistling darts. It seemed as if the Fates had again become a prey to the love of rebellion and confusion. Such a quantity of water descended from the eyes of the stars, that the Deluge seemed to occur a second time. And the voice of Noah was again heard to pray for the cessation of the waters of heaven.

The beasts of the field began to swim about in the water like fishes; and the feet of the horses stuck so fast in the mire, that the skin of their bellies adhered to the crust of the earth, while the damp caused their bones to become bare. They were afflicted with Asterkha, and began to lose their flesh and become paralytic, their bones being loosened. The feathers of the arrows fell out: the notches came off; while clothes and accoutrements became so heavy with the damp, that neither cavalry nor infantry were able to advance. In consequence of all this, our host^33a lost their confidence and courage. But the army of the enemy, remaining where they were, covered themselves over with felt, and as far as they were able, preserved their clothes and arms from the violence of the rain. When our army came up to them, they threw aside their felt coverings and offered battle with fresh horses and uninjured arms; then the combat began in good earnest.

The spheres ring again with the cries of the heroes and the sound of the kerranái.^34a

Amir Timur, by the aid of God, made a charge with the left wing, and overcame the right wing of the enemy, which was led by Shenkummuyán, brother of Amir Hamid; and when Ilyás Khwája Khán saw this, he fled in confusion. But meanwhile fortune had deserted the right wing of our army, for the enemy's left, led by Sharáwal and Háji Beg, attacked and overcame our right; they drove Tilánji^34b and Zinda Hásham back to where Amir Husain was posted, and the body-guard of the latter being terrified, turned and fled. But Pulád Bughá and Shir Bahrám stood their ground and displayed the utmost courage. Háji Beg continued the attack and outflanked our right. Farhád and Orong Timur^34c were astounded at the sight of this. But Amir Shams-ud-Din, on the other hand, having withdrawn the hand of bravery from the sleeve of temerity, made, with his men, a great display of courage.

And now the fuel of the ardour of Amir Timur took fire; he seized his sword

He charged the enemy with seventeen regiments [kushun]; the wind of his onslaught threw fire and fear upon the harvest of their stability, so that Amir Shams-ud-Din, terrified at the fierceness of Timur's attack, was obliged to turn the reins of power from the field of battle, and to set the face of helplessness and defeat in the direction of flight. This success of Amir Timur gave Amir Husain an opportunity to re-assemble his troops, and having done so, he stood his ground.

Amir Timur sent his servant Tábán Bahádur to Amir Husain, saying: “It is time for the Amirs to advance. Let us, together, make such a charge that we may cause an earthquake among the proud princes of the enemy: so that they may lose all power to resist us and all strength to oppose us.”

But in proportion as the power of Amir Timur rose, so did the star of felicity of Amir Husain begin to decline, and his happiness to approach the evening of distress, according to the text, “God doth not work any change in the people, until they have altered their own individual selves.” During this period, his nature underwent a great change; he lost his former stability of character, and began to adopt evil habits and practise evil deeds. [Thus] when Tábán Bahádur came before him, Amir Husain abused him much in words, and then struck him so violently that he fell to the ground.

Amir Timur then sent Malik and Hamdami, who were two of Amir Husain's adherents, to tell their master that he must most certainly come, in order that no time should be lost; but Amir Husain, having heard the message, began to abuse the messengers and let loose upon them the tongue of violence and menace; then he added: “Did I run away that you should thus press me to advance? Whether you are victorious or whether the enemy carry the day, there is not one of you shall save his soul from my avenging hand.”

Thereupon Malik and Hamdami, much enraged, left his presence and hastened to Amir Timur, to whom, on their arrival, they said, “It is no use your persisting in the fight.” Amir Timur was persuaded by them and did not oppose their advice, but withdrew the hand of intention. Since the ranks of both armies had been so much broken that the left wings of the opposing forces were facing one another, each soldier encamped [lay down to rest] where he happened to find himself.

During that night Amir Husain sent several times to request that Amir Timur should come to him, but the prince would not give ear to his entreaties. [Verses.] …

When, on the following morning, the two hosts again joined in battle, the army of Jatah was routed and fled. Our troops were pursuing, when they suddenly caught sight of the standard [Tugh or Tuk] of Amir Shams-ud-Din, who had separated himself with a large body of soldiers from the rest of the army. Thereupon the pursuers abandoned their object and turned to attack Shams-ud-Din, while the defeated army again rallied and made a violent onslaught upon our men. Thus our side, after it had gained a victory, was in its turn defeated, and in their haste to get away, many of our men perished in the mud and swamps. The enemy pursued them and put numbers of them to the sword, so that there remained nearly ten thousand slain of our forces on the field of battle.

This battle took place on the 1st day of Ramazán of the year 766 of the Hajra [A.D. 1365], corresponding to the year of the Serpent (Yihán) of the Moghul cycle; and astrologers have shown that this event coincided with the tenth conjunction of the triple aerial conjunctions in the Scorpion. This I only mention, that my history may be complete, but I do not wish to infer that events are caused by celestial influences, for “God alone has influence over creation.”

After this defeat, the princes retired to Kesh. All the chiefs of tribes began to cross the Jihun with their people. Amir Husain said to Amir Timur: “It would be expedient for you to cross the river with your household and troops”; but Timur replied, “Others may cross if they like, but as for me, my patriotism will not permit me to leave my country to the molestation of foreigners. I will again collect an army and attack the enemy.”

Amir Husain then left him and retired to Sáli-Sarái; then he made all his people cross the Jihun, and taking an out-of-the-way route, he reached a place called Shibartu, where he halted. From that place he despatched spies, intending, if these brought news of the approach of the army of Jatah, to take flight at once towards Hindustán.^36a

As soon as Amir Husain had departed from Kesh, Amir Timur turned his mind to preparations for meeting the enemy. He mustered twelve regiments and sent forward eight of them, under the command of Timur Khwája Oghlán, Charuchi,^36b and Abbás Bahádur, to reconnoitre the country round Samarkand. But on the way Charuchi took to drinking much wine, and the liquor made a strong impression on him: as has been said [Arabic]:

Wine is like the wind: When it passes over a perfume, it becomes fragrant: but becomes tainted when it passes over a corpse.

He became intoxicated and began to talk wildly, and very much frightened Daud Khwája and Hindusháh by saying: Such a one (meaning Amir Timur) purposes to send somebody to seize you, to take you before Amir Husain, and to have you killed without delay. [His companions] consequently were much alarmed, and running away, gave themselves up to the enemy. When they reached Kukung, they met the reconnoitring party of the army of Jatah, under the command of Kapak Timur, son of Ulugh Tokatmur Sharáwal, and Angirchák, son of Háji Beg. They offered to act as guides to them and brought them to the place where Timur Khwája Oghlán, Charuchi and Abbás were stationed; these they put to flight, together with all their forces. When Amir Timur heard all this, he knew that he must be patient yet a little longer, and that impetuosity was of no avail.

He crossed the river at Amuyah^36c and went and encamped at Balkh, where he again assembled his scattered tribe. He called to his side Tumán Kapak Khán and Tumán Bughái Salduz; he also appointed a certain number of men to defend the banks of the river, and get what news they could of what was passing on the other side.

Timur Khwája Oghlán was punished for his misconduct, and from this point Fortune continued to favour Amir Timur. [Verses.] …

IN the meanwhile, the army of Jatah reached Samarkand. Now at that time, this town had no citadel, but Mauláná-Zada Samarkandi, Mauláná Khardak Bukhári and Abu Nasr Kului Naddáf influenced the people of Samarkand to defend and fortify the town; and, despite their want of a princely leader, they offered stout resistance to the besiegers. They were bent on saving their city from the domination and tyranny of the people of Jatah. But when the inhabitants were beginning to tire of their efforts and to lose perseverance, God came to their aid and caused a pestilence to appear among the horses of the cavalry of Jatah, so that three-fourths of them died. Consequently, the besiegers were obliged to retire, and the great majority of them returned on foot, with their quivers strapped to their backs. Since the people of Samarkand had so well defended their State, and had offered such determined opposition to their enemies, those among them who had most power became inflated with pride, and tried to obtain precedence over their equals by stirring up sedition and rebellion in the town.

At the time of the retreat of the Jatah army, Amir Timur had sent Abbás Bahádur to Kuhlagha^37a to spy out the land of Jatah, and when he was informed of the events above related—of the state of the people of Jatah and of the retreat of their army—he sent to Amir Husain to inform him also of the state of affairs, and to advise him to proceed in the direction of that country. When Amir Husain heard the news which the messenger brought, he was beyond measure pleased, and immediately set out from Shibartu towards Sáli-Sarái. Amir Timur, having caused his household and people to cross the river, had sent them to their native land, and had started himself on horseback to meet Amir Husain. They met in the plain of Baklán,^37b and having embraced one another in the most respectful manner, they held a long discussion about what had already happened, as well as about the future. It was finally decided that they should proceed together towards Samarkand early in the following spring. Then Amir Timur returned, crossed the Jihun, and encamped at Karshi. Karshi is so-called because Kapak Khán built a palace at [that spot which is] 2 1/2 farasangs distance from Nakhsheb, and in the Moghul language a palace is called Karshi.

There Amir Timur remained during that winter; and he caused to be erected on the spot a citadel [Hisár], which was completed by the end of the winter.

THERE are no traditions or stories extant among the Moghuls relating to Ilyás Khwája Khán. We learn, however, from the Zafar-Náma, that it was upon him that the Khánship devolved after the death of Tughluk Timur Khán. During his reign, there took place his victory of the battle of the Mire, the siege of Samarkand and the abandonment thereof, on account of the epidemic which fell among his horses. He only survived these events a very short time. But an account of the events immediately following the death of Tughluk Timur Khán, as recorded in Moghul tradition, will be given below. For, although knowledge of what happened after the death of Ilyás Khwája Khán is with God only, we know, from Moghul traditions, what occurred after the death of Tughluk Timur Khán. From these sources we learn that there were five brothers: (1) Amir Tulik, who has been mentioned in connection with the conversion of the Khán to Islám; (2) Amir Buláji; (3) Amir Shams-ud-Din, who is mentioned in the Zafar-Náma as having taken part in the battle of the Mire (which passage I have copied into this book); (4) Amir Kamar-uddin, of whom I shall speak later; (5) Amir Shaikh-i-Daulat, of whom no traces remain.

After Amir Tulik's death, the office of Ulusbegi was given to Amir Buláji, and when this latter followed his brother to the dwellings of eternity, the office of Ulusbegi devolved upon his son Amir Khudáidád. But Amir Kamaruddin, going down on his knees before the Khán, said to him: “The office of my brother should first come to me, for his son is only seven years of age and is not fit for the duties attached to the position.” Tughluk Timur Khán would not pay any attention to him, but appointed the then seven-year-old Amir Khudáidád to the office. Kamaruddin was a violent man, and was angry at being superseded by a child of seven; but he could do nothing. When, subsequently, the Khán died he revolted. The Zafar-Náma, on the other hand, says that he raised a rebellion after the death of Ilyás Khwája Khán. However this may be, it appears that on the death of the Khán, Kamaruddin gave vent to that rancour which he had so long cherished in his breast, and (according to Moghul traditions) put to death in one day, eighteen sons of the Khán, and assumed the style of Khán for himself. The country of Moghulistán fell into a state of disorder.

One of Tughluk Timur Khán's sons, who was still at the breast, being concealed by Amir Khudáidád, and his mother, Mir Aghá, was spared. Kamaruddin sent everywhere in search of him, but they were successful in hiding the child from his spies.

Kamaruddin devoted his attention to the affairs of the State, but in consequence of the hostility of the Amirs, there was disorder and strife in the country. Moreover, the invasion of Moghulistán, which Amir Timur and his army undertook at that time, was a serious obstacle to internal progress. Meanwhile Amir Khudáidád sent Khizir Khwája Khán from Káshghar to the hills that are between Káshghar and Badakhshán, that he might be safe from the machinations of Kamaruddin; which matter shall be presently related, but first of all it will be well to give an account of Kamaruddin and his times.

IT has already been said that Kamaruddin tried to assume supreme authority, but that he met with determined opposition from the Amirs. Thus it was that Kumzah, together with Uzbeg Timur (who was of the tribe of Karáit), went over to the side of Amir Timur. Then Amir Timur raised an army, and himself remaining within his own dominions, sent Amir Bahrám Jaláir, Khitái Bahádur, and Shaikh Ali Bahádur to the territory of Almátu.^39a On reaching the banks of the river Áishah Khátun they attacked the men of the Karáit.^39b After this battle, having concluded a peace, they returned. But Amir Timur not approving the peace, invaded the country in person. This expedition is related in the Zafar-Náma as follows:—

The successful Amir Timur, who when he had once undertaken any business was never content till he had carried it through to the end, was dissatisfied with the gentle way in which his generals had treated the enemy, in watering the plains of enmity and warfare with peace. For this reason he sent royal mandates in all directions for troops to be collected [verses] … A victorious and veteran army assembled before the palace of the Sháh—an army countless as the sand of the desert. When he had passed Sairám and Yangi^40a in safety, with his victorious standard, the enemy fled before him, and he reached a place called Sangarigháj,^40b when many prisoners and much booty fell into the hands of his conquering host.

At Adun Kuri,^40c Amir Musá and Zinda Hásham, in spite of all the former benefits they had received from Amir Timur, again began to devise plans of treason and deceit, and with treacherous designs conspired together, [taking into their confidence] the son of Khizir Yasuri, named Abu Ishák. They took a solemn oath that when they reached Kará Samán they would by some stratagem seize the ‘Lord of the Conjunction’ while hunting, and they laughed over the thought of their foolish plan. The Khánzáda Abu Maáli Turmadi and Shaikh Abu Lais of Samarkand, who were already sworn enemies of Amir Timur, now joined in this conspiracy.

But some one happening to get knowledge of the affair, informed Amir Timur thereof. Thereupon his majesty summoned the offenders to appear before him. They were brought in [and thrust] upon their knees, and on being interrogated, were found guilty of high treason and rebellion.

But as the Queen Sarái Mulk Khánim^40d was the niece of Amir Musá, and because the chaste Princess Akka Begi had been promised in marriage to him, Amir Timur said to him: “Although the crime you have committed is a grave one, nevertheless as we are relations, I will forgive you and take no vengeance upon you. [Verses] … Your connection with me and your white beard have given you hope of life. Were it not for these, I should give the command for your evil-intentioned head to be severed from your body.” And to the Khánzáda he said: “As your family is connected with the household of the Prophet (upon all of whose descendants be peace) I shall not consent to your receiving any ill-treatment; you must however quit this country.” He commanded Abu Lais to make the pilgrimage to the Hijáz. The son of Khizir Yasuri, being the brother of the wife of Amir Saifuddin, appealed to the clemency of the ‘Lord of the Conjunction,’ and so escaped from the abyss; thus the tablet of his soul was cleansed of its sins with the pure water of royal beneficence and mercy. A royal mandate was issued, ordering Zinda Hásham to be conveyed, bound, to Samarkand, and there closely confined. When Amir Timur returned to his seat of government [Samarkand] he gave the governorship of Shibarghán, and the position which had been held by Zinda Hásham, to Bayán Timur, son of Ak Bughá.

ON Thursday, the first day of the month of Shabán of the year 776 of the Hajra [A.D. 1375], Amir Timur, having collected an army, marched out towards Jatah—which is equivalent to Moghulistán. On the route he encamped at the Rabát-i-Kataán, when the coldness of the weather caused the sun suddenly to withdraw behind the veil of the clouds, and much rain and snow began to fall.

The violence of the storm deprived the soldiers of their strength, and they were soon no longer able to look after their horses, because of the risk they ran of losing their own lives; in this way many of the men died and a quantity of horses perished. Amir Timur, being moved to pity at this sad state of affairs, commanded them to break up the camp and return to Samarkand, where they remained about two months, until the rigour of the season had in some measure abated. On Monday, the 1st of the month Shawál, at the beginning of the year of the Hare (Tushkán), he again led out his army against the country of Jatah—which is equivalent to Moghulistán.

He sent Amir Záda Jahángir forward to reconnoitre; and to accompany him he sent Shaikh Muhammad Bayán Salduz and Adilsháh, to whom he had entrusted the tribe of Jaláir, on the death of the latter's father, Bahrám Jaláir. Having passed Sairám, they came to a place called Jarun, where they seized one of the soldiers of the army of Jatah and sent him on to Amir Timur. When he was asked for news of Kamaruddin, who was of the tribe [Umák] of Dughlát, he related that Kamaruddin had collected an army and was then stationed at Keuk Tubeh,^41a waiting for Háji Beg, but that no news of the advance of Amir Timur had reached Kamaruddin. Timur then ordered the reconnoitring party to hasten forward, while he himself soon after followed them.

When Kamaruddin heard of these doings, he withdrew his army to an inaccessible spot called Birkah-i-Ghurián^41b [the Pond of the Ghuris]. In that place there are three very deep ravines, through which flow three great rivers. Kamaruddin having crossed two of these valleys with his army, pitched his camp in the third, protecting the approaches thereto with barricades and entrenchments.

But Prince Jahángir marched forward at the head of his experienced soldiers, to the sound of the drums and war-trumpets. After they had wounded and killed many of the enemy with their arrows, they came to close quarters with them, and when night fell, all the enemy took to flight; so that on the morrow not a single man of the army of Jatah—that is to say, Moghulistán—was found in the camp. But our victorious soldiers followed in their pursuit, and put to death many of those heretics. When the sun had risen, Amir Timur arrived on the spot with the rest of the army. He thereupon sent Amir Sayyid Dáud, Husain and Uch Kará Bahádur in pursuit of the enemy. In accordance with his orders, they followed the course of the river, and Husain was drowned in the river. On reaching the enemy's country they began to ravage and pillage, and seized many of their horses. But they spared those Hazáras who submitted, and having disarmed them sent them on to Samarkand. Amir Timur advanced as far as Báiták^42a with the purpose of meeting the enemy, while he sent Amir Záda Jahángir with one regiment to look for Kamaruddin, that he might defeat him and take him prisoner. The prince accordingly set out with a body of men, and laid waste the country of Uch and Firmán.^42b He came upon Kamaruddin in the mountains, and pursued him beyond the limits of his own country; he also captured much booty and took many prisoners. Among the latter were Tumán Aghá, the wife of Kamaruddin and her daughter, Dilshád Aghá. The prince sent news of his success to Amir Timur, who during fifty-three days had not moved from Báiták. When, however, this joyful intelligence reached his ears he immediately set out for Kara Kasmak, which hill he ascended and awaited the happy return of his son Jahángir. On his arrival, the latter, having respectfully kissed Amir Timur's feet, presented him with a quantity of booty, horses and sheep, after which he obtained for Dilshád Aghá the honour of saluting the Emperor. [Verses.] …

Amir Timur, on leaving this encampment, descended to Atbáshi and thence proceeded to Arpa Yázi,^42c where he spent a few days in festivity and rejoicing. There, too, Mubáraksháh Makrit, who was a commander of 9000, and one of Timur's oldest friends, showed his respect for the Amir by causing a grand festival (tái) to be organised in his honour. And he so gained Amir Timur's good graces that he obtained for his son, Khudáidád, the succession to the honours and titles of Salár Oghlán and of Husain, who had both perished in the late war.

AMIR TIMUR, in accordance with the text of the Korán: “Thou shalt marry whatever woman thou pleasest, even unto the number of four women,” set the eye of his favour upon Dilshád Aghá, and resolved to marry her. The officers of the Court made preparations for grand festivities. Wine and song and instrumental music were not wanting, and the whole ceremony was conducted with the greatest pomp and magnificence. The revels having been brought to a close, Amir Timur broke up his camp, and crossing the Yázi Dabán,^43a went and pitched his royal tents at Uzkand. Here he received his eldest sister Kutlugh Turkán Aghá, who, accompanied by several princes and nobles, had arrived from Samarkand; she had the honour of kissing the Emperor's feet, and took part in the festivities which were now again renewed at the Court. From Uzkand they proceeded to Khojand, when Adilsháh, being obliged to show his submission, organised feasts and merry-making in honour of Amir Timur, and made him presents of horses in order that his homage might gain the Amir's approval. His heart, however, was of another colour, for he had really the design of taking him by surprise in the midst of the rejoicings. But Amir Timur (whom God used to watch over continually) by his happy intuition, observed signs of this hidden treason, and detected the evil intentions of the conspirators by their movements. He thereupon rose from the banquet, mounted his horse and returned to his camp.

At the time when he was advancing to attack Kamaruddin, Shaikh Muhammad Bayán Salduz, Adilsháh Jaláir and Turkán Arlát had resolved to seize Amir Timur whenever an occasion should present itself. But their schemings were of no avail against one who was so carefully watched over by the Eternal: and thus he reached his capital without accident. He then disbanded his soldiers, while he himself went to take up his winter quarters at Zanjir Sarái, which is two marches to the west of Karshi. During the winter Adilsháh arrived, and having paid his respects at the palace, confessed to the Amir the evil designs he and the other conspirators had had against him. When Timur heard this, he was wise enough to pretend not to have heard, and showed Adilsháh great favour. When the winter had passed, he issued an order for his soldiers to muster, with the object of making another war upon Khwárizm. All the generals, princes, and soldiers having assembled round his palace, he ordered them to seize Shaikh Muhammad Bayán Salduz and to put him on trial. After his case had been heard, his guilt being clear, he was handed over to the brother of Harimulk Salduz, a relation of his own, whom he had unjustly killed with his sword. The brother avenged Harimulk by killing Shaikh Muhammad in a like manner. Ali Darvish, son of Báyázid Jaláir, was also put to death after being found guilty; while the government of the Tumán of Salduz, together with the administration of justice and police [Sabt], was entrusted to the brave Ak Timur Bahádur.

THIRD EXPEDITION OF AMIR TIMUR INTO KHWÁRIZM, AND HIS RETURN ON ACCOUNT OF THE REVOLT OF SÁR BUGHÁ, ADILSHÁH AND BAHRÁM JALÁIR.

IN the beginning of the spring of the year of the Hajra 777 [A.D. 1375], or the year of the Crocodile (Lui) of the Tartar cycle, Amir Timur, being encouraged by his former good fortune, determined to make an expedition into Khwárizm, preferring war to feasting. [Verses] …

Having, therefore, appointed Amir Ak Bughá Governor of Samarkand, and having sent Amir Sár Bughá, Adilsháh Jaláir, Khitái Bahádur, Ilchi Bughá and other commanders of thousands, with 30,000 horsemen, to Jatah (which is equivalent to Moghulistán), he gave them express orders to seek diligently for Kamaruddin, and to kill him wherever they might find him; he then raised his own victorious standard and set out for Khwárizm with a numerous army. On reaching a place on the banks of the Jihun, called Sihpáyah, he saw Turkan Arlát approaching on the other side of the river. The latter, however, feeling that the end of his life had come, did not deem it advisable to advance, but fled back with his men to Kuzruán.^44a Amir Timur thereupon sent Pulád after him with a few men. They marched day and night, and having passed Andkhud they came up to the fugitives at Fáryáb,^44b which is on a river, where Turkan, with his brother Turmish and their men, taking up their position on the bank of the river, offered them fight. The enemy stood like lions at first, but they were at length defeated and compelled to take to flight, the victorious army following close upon their heels. Pulád alone came up to Turkan. His horse being fatigued, Turkan dismounted and ran forward on foot; he then struck Pulád's horse with the shaft of an arrow, and before the latter could rise from the ground, aimed at him another arrow, which only passed through Pulád's helmet. Then Pulád, becoming more furious,^45a made a bold rush at him, and they wrestled together for some time, till at last Pulád got the upper hand, and crying out, “Long live Amir Timur!” struck Turkan to the ground. He then cut off his head and returned in triumph.

Amán Sarbadál, who had gone in pursuit of Turkan's brother, Turmish, came up with him, overcame him, and severed his head from his body. His corpse became meat for the wild beasts, while the heads of the two were taken before Amir Timur.

Of those Amirs whom Timur had sent into Jatah (that is to say, Moghul-istán), ^45b Sár Bughá and Adilsháh, when they found the country empty,^45c prepared another plan of revolt; they seized Khitái Bahádur, and Ilchi Bughá, while Hamadi, whom Amir Timur had made Governor of Andakan [Andiján], allied himself with them. Having collected their tribes, namely, the Jaláir and the Kipchák, they set out against Samarkand, and began to lay siege to it. But the inhabitants defended themselves so successfully with arrows and darts, that they could not surround the town. Amir Ak Bughá, who was governor of the town, wrote of this matter to Timur, who having passed Kát^45d had just attained Khás, when this news reached him. He immediately made preparations to return, and, having sent forward his son Jahángir, in command of the vanguard, he himself followed with a large army. When he reached Bokhárá he put his men into fighting order, and went and encamped at Rabát-i-Malik.

Prince Jahángir came up with the enemy at a place called Karmina, where a battle took place. The air was filled with the sound of cymbals, and much blood was shed. But the Prince Jahángir, relying on the aid of the eternal God, at length overcame the enemy, who fled into the deserts of Kipchák, where they put themselves under the protection of Urus Khán.^45e Timur Beg, finding himself victorious, returned in peace to his capital. He then divided the tribe of Jaláir between his Amirs, and appointed his son Omar Shaikh Governor of Andakán [Andiján].

Adilsháh and Sár Bughá remained in the service of Urus Khán. But at length their thirst for rebellion again got the better of them, and once, while Urus Khán was absent at his summer quarters, they ran away, and drawing the sword of treachery from the sheath of infidelity, made war on Uchibi, a lieutenant of the Khán, and killed him. They then fled to the court of Kamaruddin in Jatah (that is, Moghulistán) and tried to stir up in him a spirit of revolt.

AFTER Sár Bughá and Adilsháh had attached themselves to Kamaruddin, they used every possible means to rekindle in him the old fire of enmity which he naturally cherished against Amir Timur. Kamaruddin finally led an army into the country of Andakán, where the Hazára of Kudak, deserting Omar Shaikh, joined the side of the enemy. But Omar Shaikh, having taken up a fortified position in the mountains, sent a messenger whose name was Dáshmand, to Amir Timur to tell him that the enemy had arrived with a large army, and that they had overrun the whole of Andakán. Amir Timur was much enraged when he heard this, and immediately set out with all haste for that country. When Kamaruddin heard of the advance of Amir Timur he retired from the place where he was encamped, and having caused his household and tribe to leave Atbáshi, he hid himself, with 4000 cavalry, in a place of ambush. When Amir Timur reached that spot, being quite unaware of the trap [which Kamaruddin had] laid for him, he sent forward the whole of his force in pursuit of the enemy.

There stayed behind, however, of the army, 5000 cavalry and several brave generals, such as Amir Muayad, Khitái Bahádur, Shaikh Ali Bahádur and Ak Timur. Khitái Bahádur and Shaikh Ali Bahádur discussed how the enemy could best be destroyed. They determined to display the utmost bravery and audacity, and thereupon set out in pursuit of the foe, so that finally there did not remain more than 200 men with Amir Timur.

Kamaruddin, now seizing his opportunity, rushed out of his ambuscade with his 4000 cavalry, sword in hand, bent on avenging himself on Amir Timur. But Timur recalling to mind the words of the Korán: “How many small armies have overcome great hosts by the help of God!” was in no way disturbed or alarmed, but encouraged his men and opened his heart to them, saying: “Victory is from the Giver of all good gifts: not from the multitude of soldiers is it to be obtained. Your sole duty is to acquit yourselves like men; for should you show even the smallest sign of cowardice or hesitation we are lost.”

No sooner had he said these words than he turned his charger against the enemy, and full of trust in god, entered the fray. [Verses.] …

After the fight was over, Timur avowed that it was only by the aid of Heaven that such a mere handful of men could have overcome a force of four thousand cavalry, bent on vengeance… [Verses and rhetoric.] …

One day after this event, he fell asleep, and there appeared to him, in a dream, Shaikh Burhán-ud-Din Kilij (upon whom be the mercy of God). Amir Timur advanced towards him with great reverence, and asked him to pray to God for the recovery of his son Jahángir, whom he had left on the bed of sickness at Samarkand. The Shaikh answered, “God be with you”; but of his son he said nothing. When Timur awoke from his dream, he felt convinced that his wishes concerning his son were not fulfilled, and was so distressed about Jahángir's safety that he despatched Bu Kutlugh, his private secretary, with a letter (from Sang), that he might obtain correct news of his son. As soon as his secretary had started, he had another disturbing dream about Jahángir, and became more anxious than ever, saying to his courtiers: “I sadly fear I am for ever separated from my son; do not hide the truth from me any longer.” But they, going down on their knees, took a solemn oath, saying: “Thy servants have absolutely no news of this matter, and have heard nothing of your son's condition.”

Departing thence, they again met with Kamaruddin at Sang Zighaj; a fight took place, and they again put him to flight. Amir Uch Kará followed close after him, and when [the pursuers] had gone a little way, Kamaruddin, being surrounded by the Amir's soldiers, turned round with eight of his followers. His horse was killed under him by an arrow, and he himself only just managed to escape on foot, covered with wounds. In the same fight Pulád received an arrow wound in the hand; by chance, also, a fire broke out, and the efforts which Pulád made to extinguish it, so increased the inflammation of his wound that he died.

AMIR TIMUR having left Atákum, crossed the Sihun and arrived at his capital, Samarkand, where he found

When Amir Timur heard these wailings he could no longer doubt but that his forebodings had been correct. The death of his son, which he now learned, caused the whole world for him to become black; his cheeks were continually wet with tears, and life became almost unbearable to him. The kingdom, which should have been overjoyed at the return of its mighty monarch, was become, instead, a place of desolation and mourning. The whole army, clothed in black and grey, sat down in mourning. The generals put dust upon their heads, and their eyes were filled with the blood of their hearts.

Though the Emperor was greatly overcome by grief at the loss of his son, his noble intelligence fully realised that this world is but transitory, and that every being must inevitably perish at some time—that we must “Verily all return unto God.” These considerations brought healing to the wounds of his sorrow. He, moreover, instituted many pious works, and ordered alms to be distributed in the form of food to the poor and indigent. His son's body was carried to Kesh, where it was buried, and over the grave a beautiful building was raised.^48a The prince was twenty years of age when he died. He left behind him two sons, one called Mirza Muhammad Sultán, by his wife Khánzádah, and the other, Mirza Pir Muhammad, by his wife Bakhtimulk Aghá, daughter of Ilyás Yasuri. This second son was born forty days after his father's death, which happened in the year 777 of the Hajra [A.D. 1375-6], the year of the Crocodile (Lui) of the Tartar cycle.

When Prince Saifuddin^48b heard of this sad event, he became weary of life, and begged Amir Timur to allow him to retire to the Hijáz.

But the chief men among his nobles and princes came to him, and having done him obeisance, said: “The Almighty Creator and wise disposer of the affairs of the universe has appointed kings on the earth to protect the sons of men, and administer justice to them.”

If the desire of their noble sovereign was to please God, nothing could be more acceptable in the eyes of the Preserver of Mankind, than the administration of justice and care for his subjects, for the most perfect and wisest of all men (upon whom be the most excellent prayers) said that he preferred one hour of his life, which should be spent in the administration of justice, to sixty or seventy years spent in worship.

Amir Timur accepted favourably the counsels of his servants, feeling that it was purely out of affection for himself, that they had addressed these words to him, and he thereupon began again to turn his attention to the affairs of the State. He also reassembled his troops and prepared them for an expedition.

At this time, news arrived that Adilsháh Jaláir was wandering about the hills of Karájik, with a few other persons; whereupon Amir Timur despatched Barát Khwája Kukildásh and Ilchi Bughá, together with fifteen horsemen, in search of Adilsháh and his party. They set out from Samarkand in the night, and when they reached Otrár a few chosen men were despatched to the mountains to look for Adilsháh. They eventually found him in a place called Aksumá, when they seized him and put him to death, in accordance with the Yásák. Aksumá is a column [mil], built on the summit of the mountains of Karájik, to serve as a watchtower (didah báni) whence one may look out over the plains of Kipchák.^49a

Sár Bughá also, who having deviated from the high road of reason, had become rebellious and fled, now, after two years' absence, being led by the true guide of the intelligence, returned again to court. He was pardoned by the merciful monarch, and received the government of his own tribe and country.

Soon after this, Amir Timur saw fit to send his son Omar Shaikh against Kamaruddin, and with him he also sent Amir Ak Bughá, Khitái Bahádur and other Amirs, commanding them to do their utmost to sweep the enemy from the face of the earth. Thus intent on making a great effort, they set out with all possible speed. In the desert of Kurátu they came upon Kamar-uddin, and by the aid of the Almighty, their swords of emerald hue became ruby-coloured like pomegranates, with fighting, and the faces of their opponents grew amber-coloured with fear. Their charges were so fierce that at length the enemy had to fly, scattered in all directions. When Kamar-uddin had fled, the victorious army pillaged all his country and returned home laden with booty.