Tārīḫ-i Rashīdī - The History of the Moghuls, Tārīkh-i-Rashīdī

HAVING taken the citadel of Yangi-Hisár, in the manner above described, the Khán turned his attention to [the reduction of] Káshghar. On the third day he learnt that the garrison of Kásh-ghar had abandoned their citadel and, taking their horses, had fled to whatever place each thought safest for himself. The Khán's noble mind being thus, in the most satisfactory manner, set at rest with regard to Káshghar, he placed the foot of success in the stirrup of victory, and drew his reins towards Yárkand, confident of success and triumph. He sent Khwája Ali Bahádur in advance [Verses] … The first stage from Yángi-Hisár is Sátlik, and here the Khán pitched his camp. [On the same day] news came that Mirzá Abá Bakr, having given over Yárkand to the charge of his son Jahángir Mirzá, had retired to Khotan. [On hearing this news] the Khán hastened still more, and on reaching Kizil heard that Jahángir Mirzá also had fled, and that Khwája Ali Bahádur had entered Yárkand. At the end of Rajab of the year 920, the Khán made his triumphant entry into the town of Yárkand, and with the splendour of his glittering sword, he allayed the dust of tyranny and enmity [etc.] …

Before [his army] entered the town, he sent on Amir Dáim Ali and Beg Muhammad to occupy Khotan; he also despatched in pursuit of Mirzá Abá Bakr, seven brave generals—namely, Kará Kulák Mirzá, Háji Mirzá, Sultán Ali Mirzá, Nazar Mirzá, Mir Kambar, Mirzá Ali Taghái and Beg Kuli Makrit. These seven generals started in pursuit with the greatest eagerness. This affair having been attended to, the Khán issued a general order that every one might go and plunder wherever he liked. And every man in the army who cared for pillage and booty, immediately hastened out [to take advantage of the permission]. Only a few of the Amirs, who held plundering to be derogatory, remained in attendance on the Khán. Having settled this matter also, the victorious Khán mounted the throne of the town. He then went up to the citadel [ark], within which were many lofty buildings, containing, each of them, rooms and upper-apartments and battlements, so numerous as to astound the beholder. And these buildings were filled with cloths, chintzes, carpets, porcelain, cuirasses, horse-trappings, saddles, bows and other things useful to man. All these things had been seized by Mirzá Abá Bakr, or procured by whatever means he chose to employ, and had been hidden away by him, so that no one might know of their existence. Of such as remained over, Mirzá Jahángir had destroyed and wasted as much as he was able; and on his departure had sanctioned a general pillage, which, until the arrival of Khwája Ali Bahádur, was carried on by the whole population—each taking what he could. When Khwája Ali Bahádur entered the town, he, likewise, devoted himself to pillage. Seven days later the Khán arrived, and he too gave his men permission to plunder right and left. Everything in the way of money, as well as the valuable cloths and stuffs, had been carried off, but the houses were still full [of other things]. Two months after the flight of Mirzá Abá Bakr, there were still great quantities of cuirasses and the like, lying about the houses and passages, that no one had cared to carry away. [Five couplets]…

Thus, all that Mirzá Abá Bakr had, in the course of forty-eight years, amassed with infinite toil, and guarded with savage miserliness, he was finally obliged, with a thousand heart-rendings, to abandon; while the Khán, with one stroke of his pen, gave it all over to a general sack, and during two months the dust thereof rose to the sky. [Verses]…

At the end of two months, every man returned safely—laden with plunder from different directions—and presented the Khán with tribute [pishkash], according to the quantity of booty he had taken. But the Khán, in order to win the hearts of his people, divided the property up into shares [suyurghal] in accordance with the old Moghul custom, and distributed it among his soldiers. I remember distinctly that some of the Amirs who had come from Karánghutágh, presented, besides arms [álát] and vases, and Andiján man of gold-dust. Now an Andiján man is sixty-four chárik and a chárik is 400 mithkál.^327a From this the extent of the rest of the booty may be conceived.

THOSE nine Amirs whom the Khán had sent off to settle affairs in Khotan and to pursue Mirzá Abá Bakr, started off with great eagerness and exerted themselves to the utmost of their powers. On reaching Khotan, the inhabitants came out to receive them, and delivered into their hands all their treasuries and granaries, their flocks and herds, and everything connected with these. Mir Dáim Ali and Mir Beg Muhammad, according to [the Khán's] orders, stayed in Khotan, and occupied themselves with the administration of the State and the government of the people. The other seven Mirs, like the seven-headed devils fighting on the top of the mountains of Káf, swept on to Karánghutágh, but when they arrived there, found that Mirzá Abá Bakr had left the mountains of Karánghutágh, and had gone on to Tibet [Ladak], in which direction it was difficult to follow him.

When they came to the bridge over which Mirzá Abá Bakr had thrown his effects, they found the roads blocked with the carcases of the tupchák horses [three couplets]… which he had killed, and of the mules, on which had been loaded the saddle-bags [khachir] full of money and stuffs. I do not quite recall whether there were 900 mules or 900 strings [kitár]^327b of mules. They next came to the spot where he had burnt his brocades, etc., and saw that these valuables were become an ash-heap from which smoke was still rising. The gold and precious stones with which these clothes had been adorned, were still remaining. These they gathered from among the ashes, and found that the jewels and rubies had not been affected [by the fire]. But the turquoises [firuza] had turned black, and become brittle. No trace of their original colour was left. The rubies [lál] too, were broken into little pieces, and had changed to an ugly colour. The pearls were reduced to ashes, so that they could no longer be distinguished; also the amber—which had lost all its charm.

The Amirs and their men, having gathered what they could from the ashes, again set out upon their road, when they suddenly noticed the boxes of gold-dust shining at the bottom of the river. Indeed the jewelry [hali] and vessels of silver and gold, shone forth the rays of the sun, as it were, from the depths of the stream. They thereupon proceeded to attempt the recovery of these valuables, from the water. The river was rushing over the rocks in such a torrent that no one could, by any device, have entered it. So each man prepared a long pole, at the end of which a hook was attached. To reach the bottom, it was necessary to join several of these poles together. Now when Mirzá Abá Bakr had thrown these treasures into the river, he had ordered his men to cut the leather cases into pieces, so that the gold-dust might be scattered in the water. But since the cutting up of the cases took a long time, and the Mirzá was impatient to go forward, he [finally] ordered them to be thrown in just as they were, and thus they had remained from that time.

When they struck the cases, their hooks broke most of them in pieces, and [the contents] were washed away by the current. Sometimes, however, if a man took great care, it did not break, and was lifted out of the water. They were found to contain a mule's-load each. Such of the vases and vessels as had handles, or something to lay hold of, were hooked up, but nothing was recovered upon which a firm hold with the hooks could not be obtained. They only secured a very small quantity of the gold-dust; about a hundred-thousandth part of the whole. However, they were enriched by what they did secure, and got more than enough to enable them to realise all their desires. At present, as compared with those times, all this wealth and all these Moghuls are as a mere drop in the ocean.

AFTER the victorious Khán had settled all his important affairs in Yárkand, it was discovered that Mirzá Jahángir had not followed his father into Tibet, but that he had settled down in the district of Sánju. The Khán, thereupon, sent my uncle to bring back his nephew, by some means or other. When my uncle reached Sánju, Mirzá Jahángir came out to receive him, offering rich gifts, and said to him: “It is evident to all, that during my father's reign I lived in retirement and in mortal dread of him. During all that time, I did not enjoy a single moment's security or freedom from anxiety. Fear of violence had always made me seek seclusion, and thus the eye of my nature became closed to the splendours of wealth and rank, and I have always been obliged to drink from the cup of dissatisfaction. When the evil foundations of my father's realm began to give way, and his power to crumble from the earthquakes caused by the Khán's forces, he drew me forth from my corner of seclusion, and set me upon the throne of pomp. And I, who during forty-two years, being in fear and trembling for my life, had never gained any experience of the world, how could I suddenly be expected to supervise a whole State? Besides these difficulties, it was my father's constant practice, whenever he stripped one of his children of the garments of life, to lament the unfortunate victim in my presence, saying: ‘He was a full grown youth. I dreaded lest he might treat me as Shiruya treated Khusrau and Abdul Latif Mirzá treated Ulugh Beg Mirza.’^329a Hearing such things as this, I endeavoured to the utmost, for the sake of my personal safety, to appear very inefficient in my behaviour. How shall I, who have thus spent forty-two years in cultivating ineptitude and helplessness, revive, in one moment, the welfare of a State which [my father] himself has ruined? Moreover, I had no information concerning any of my father's affairs. Nor has any one ever experienced so much as an inconvenience, at my hands. Whatever the people have suffered is due to my father. They do not blame me, nor hold me responsible for his sins. Let me now go to the Khán, and spend the rest of my days in his service.” Words of abject humility, such as these, and many more like them, he continued to pour forth; but my uncle comforted him, and conveyed him, together with much treasure and many horses, before the Khán.

Mirzá Jahángir was born of one of the daughters of Isán Bughá Khán, the youngest brother of Yunus Khán, who was the Khán's grandfather. At the time when Mirzá Abá Bakr captured Aksu, the residence of Alácha Khán (which event has been fully described above), the fourth daughter of Alácha Khán fell into his hands. And he took care of her and treated her with great honour. When she was of age, he gave her in marriage to his son Jahángir Mirzá. The latter, arriving now in the Khán's presence, was received with respect, and this fourth daughter of Alácha Khán, whose name was Khadija Sultán Khánim, also joined the Khán, whose full-sister she was. The Khán showed favour to Jahángir Mirzá, in accordance with the verse, “I will not ascribe to thee the sins of others”; and ignoring the cruelties and hideous deeds of his father, entered him among the men of trust around his person, and promised that feasts should be celebrated in honour of Khadija out of regard for her noble birth.

One night towards the end of that winter, Jahángir Mirzá was killed in Yángi-Hisár, together with several of his followers. It was never known who committed this deed. Every one had his own suspicions, but God alone knows the truth. Mirzá Abá Bakr had many children. Several of his grown up sons he had put to death, with the most horrible tortures, for totally inadequate reasons. Of those that survived, the eldest and most honourable was Jahángir Mirzá, whose fate has been related. There were two other sons, named Turángir Mirza and Bustángir Mirza, the children of the daughter of Mirzá Sultán Mahmud, son of Mirzá Sultán Abu Said.

In the spring following the winter in which Jahángir Mirzá had been murdered, a person was sent to Tibet to bring back the family of Mirzá Abá Bakr; his wife, Khánzáda Begum, and her elder son, Turángir Mirza, were thus brought to Káshghar. In conformity with the custom of the Yanga, she was married to my uncle, while Turángir remained in the Khán's service, until he was drowned in the river.

Bustángir Mirza did not accompany his mother and brother. He went from Tibet to Kashmir and thence into Hindustán. (At that time Bábar Pádisháh had not conquered Hindustán.) From Hindustán he retired to Kábul, but although he was [the son of the daughter of the Emperor's uncle], his father's misdeeds made him repulsive to the Emperor, so that he could not stay in Kábul, but fled into Badakhshán, to Mirzá Khán, who was his maternal uncle. Mirzá Khán, however, instead of showing him the affection of an uncle, displayed hostility towards him on account of his father, Mirzá Abá Bakr; so that he was forced to fly from him also, and betake himself to the Uzbeg Shaibán. Suyunjuk Khán received him with the utmost courtesy and honour, saying: “He is a human being, and it is incumbent on us to treat him with kindness.”

He is still about Andiján and Táshkand, where he enjoys high distinction, and is famous among the Uzbeg for his honourable conduct.

AS soon as the Khán had reduced the State to order, he bestowed liberal gifts and rewards upon his followers, especially upon those who had distinguished themselves in battle, by their courage and daring; these have been enumerated above. [Verses] … He poured down favours, more plentiful than drops of rain, upon his soldiers; and by the splendour of his justice, he dispelled the darkness of tyranny which had settled on the inhabitants of the country. [Verses] … The roads which had before been too dangerous to traverse, were now made so safe and tranquil as to become proverbial, that if an old woman were to travel along them, bearing a jar of gold on her head, she would not be molested. At that time there was a popular song which ran: “A solitary person may carry a jar of gold from east to west, for the respect he [the Khán] inspires, causes all corners of the earth to be safe.” But what is yet more remarkable, and more creditable, is that if, for example, a woman should leave a vessel full of gold and proceed on her road, she would, on returning at any time, find it untouched. [Verses] …

Into such a complete state of order did the Khán bring the kingdom, that the doors of pleasure and the gates of security were opened to high and low alike. And now all the people gave themselves up to wine and song and dancing. [Verses and rhetoric] …

The entire population of the country, and the Khán and his courtiers in particular, turned night into day and day into night in draining the wine cups; nor did they care to learn of events that were passing [around them]. [Verse] … “I came intoxicated to thy street and I left mad: I know not how I came nor how I departed.” Revelling became so much the fashion that sobriety was held as a disgrace, and drunkenness as a cardinal virtue. These illicit indulgences [manáhi] lasted from Rajab of the year 920, to the end of the year 928, after which time the Khán was, by the favour of Heaven, defended from exposing himself to further censure, as shall, God willing, be related in its proper place.

IN the middle of this winter, Aiman Khwája Sultán arrived. The explanation is as follows. In the list given of the offspring of Sultán Ahmad Khán, it was noticed that Aiman Khwája Sultán was the full brother of the Khán. After the death of Sultán Ahmad Khán, when Aksu, on account of the hostility of Amir Jabár Birdi, fell under the domination of Mirzá Abá Bakr, all Sultán Ahmad's children, together with the tribe [Ulus],^332a migrated to Turfán and Chálish, and Mansur Khán reigned in his father's stead.

All his brothers were in his service, as was also this Aiman Khwája Sultán, till he attained to adolescence, when, at the instigation of some seditious persons, he laid claim to the throne— an act which resulted in an insurrection [khuruj] and much intrigue. At first Mansur Khán acted generously in counselling him to desist and in forgiving him, but finally, since Aiman Khwája Sultán would not cease to urge his claims, Mansur Khán ordered him to be put to death. On Yáráka Atáka, the Khán's trusted servant, was imposed the duty of carrying out the order; but he took Aiman Khwája Sultán to [his own] house and hid him in an underground [chamber], spreading the report that he had put him to death. Not long after this, came news of the Khán's victory over Mirzá Abá Bakr, and the conquest of Káshghar. [Thereupon] Mansur Khán repented his deed, and showed strong marks of regret and sorrow. Yáráka Atáka represented that learned men had said: “‘It is an easy matter to deprive a man of his life's breath; but life cannot be restored to a dead man.’ I acted in opposition to orders, and have kept him safe.” On hearing this the Khán was overjoyed, and expressed his gratitude to Yáráka Atáka, who brought forth Aiman Khwája Sultán from the house. Aiman Khwája Sultán, on being set at liberty, went to Bábáják Sultán, the full brother of Mansur Khán, who had lately settled in Kusan and Bái.

These places Mirzá Abá Bakr had destroyed, and they had remained for some time in ruins, but Bábáják Sultán restored them. He lives there to the present day. Thence, taking leave, [Aiman Khwája] proceeded to Káshghar, and when the Khán heard he was coming, his joy knew no bounds; a new delight sprang up in his heart. In accordance with his frame of mind, he began to sing: “Har dam az in bágh bari mirasad: Táza tiráz táza tari mirasad.” (At that time I often heard the Khán sing this song.) [Couplet] … The Khán did all that was possible to make the reception of Aiman Khwája Sultán a splendid one, and in his affection, honoured him so far as to go out himself and receive him [istikbál]. He treated him as a brother in his domestic life [buyutát]. All that winter was spent in entertainments and banquets, and with the setting in of spring, princely feasts were celebrated in honour of Aiman Khwája Khán. The Khán selected men [as retainers] for him from among all the Moghul tribes. Sárik Mirzá, a Dughlát and nephew of Mir Jabár Birdi, was appointed to be his Ulusbeg. The greatest of his Amirs of the right wing [báránghár], namely, Munka Beg (who has been mentioned in the battles of Káshghar), Nazar Mirzá, brother to Mir Ayub Begjik, and others, together with a select band chosen from among the various tribes and Ulus of the Moghuls, were sent to Aksu [with Aiman Khwája]. The inhabitants of Aksu also, whom Mirzá Abá Bakr, after conquering the place, had led away to Káshghar, were now permitted—nay, rather urged—to return, all together. Thus, in the beginning of the year 921, Aiman Khwája Sultán repaired to Aksu.

At the time of his conquest, Mirzá Abá Bakr had laid waste Aksu and all its dependencies, and had carried its inhabitants away to Káshghar. He had also placed a lightly armed [jarida] garrison in Uch,^333a which is a strong place. This garrison carried on a little cultivation of the soil. When [the Khán] conquered Káshghar, he immediately sent to Uch to fortify it, in the same way that Mirzá Abá Bakr had done. Aiman Khwája Sultán, setting out at once, proceeded to Uch, and there pitched his camp. Having restored the cultivation of the town and its districts, he went on, during the second year, to Aksu, where he rebuilt the citadel. The rest of Aiman Khwája Sultán's life will be told in a fitting place.

THE Almighty Creator, at the beginning of the world, so ordained that nothing but good should proceed from those beings whom He had endowed with laudable qualities and a praiseworthy character, so that even when treated badly, they should return good for evil. This truth is instanced by what follows.

It was explained at the beginning of this book, that the Khán was in Moghulistán with his brother,^334a that the Kirghiz were subject to them, and that they lived in comparative comfort and security, till Mansur Khán led an expedition against them. The opposing armies met at Chárun Chálák,^334b and a fierce battle ensued, in which these two brothers were ultimately defeated. On this account they were unable to remain longer in Moghulistán, and all other asylums in the world being closed to them, they were obliged to retreat into the province of Farghána. Sultán Khalil Sultán, the Khan's brother, was drowned by the Sultáns of Sháhi Beg Khán in the river of Akhsi, while the Khán himself was thrown into prison, whence he finally escaped to Kábul in the guise of a kalandar. The details of these events have all been given above. It was at the hands of Mansur Khán that the Khán suffered all these calamities. [Verse] … The enmity of brother to brother is worse than that of other foes. But when the Khán had laid the foundations of a lasting State, had collected a countless host and gathered round him the most distinguished warriors [verses] … the surrounding rulers began to be sorely afraid of his might and majesty. More especially [was he feared by] Mansur Khán, who, having fled from Mirzá Abá Bakr, had retired to Turfán and Chálish, and now had neither strength to oppose, nor place of refuge to fly to. The saying: “Alas! they have stopped my road on six sides,” now became applicable to Mansur Khán. Furthermore, Aiman Khwája Sultán had attached himself to the Khán, who recounted to him all he had endured at the hands of Mansur Khán, and opened afresh his old wounds.

All the chiefs of the State, and the nobles, were unanimous in wishing to lead an army against Mansur Khán, and to attack Turfán. They represented that: “When he had the opportunity, Mansur Khán did what has been related; if he is given his own way, he will do such things as cannot be told. It is therefore fitting that we should fall upon him at once, and in such a way that our minds may be set finally at rest with regard to him.” To this the Khán replied: “The duty of the young is obedience; that of adults is favour [ináyat]. If the young neglect their duty, it is incumbent upon their elders to correct them…^335a At this time, the elder brother is in the place of the father. To him reparation can be made for disobedience to the father.” He then sent several ambassadors [to speak as follows]: “What I have suffered from my elder brother (that is to say, Mansur Khán) was all on account of my own shortcomings. Even if this were not the case, the elder brother is the father's successor, and although he has treated his younger brother with the reverse of kindness, how should this younger brother venture (in his position of son) to overstep the prescribed limits? [Verse] … Forgiveness for past offences is now humbly solicited. May they all be swept from the recesses of your blessed memory. I would, moreover, crave for permission to kiss the carpet at your noble feet. From our [meeting] many advantages will result. One of them being that you will wash away, with the water of good-will, the stains of my offences. Another that (thanks be to God) from this victory our friends will derive strength and elation, while our enemies [will foresee] disaster and despair. If we meet in harmony, our troubles will be at an end, and the backs of all evil-wishers will be broken.” Many other advantages were mentioned, which it is needless to repeat. [Verse] …

When Mansur Khán saw all these ambassadors arrive, one after the other, bearing costly gifts, his soul, which had risen to his lips,^335b was refreshed with unbounded joy. After much passing backwards and forwards of envoys, and the discussion of preliminaries, an interview was arranged.

THE context here demands some further details of the life of Mansur Khán. He was the eldest son of Sultán Ahmad Khán, son of Yunus Khán. The experiences of Sultán Ahmad Khan's elder brother, Sultán Mahmud Khán (which have been touched upon in their proper place in this book, and will be mentioned, in detail in the First Part, are briefly as follows.

[Sultán Ahmad Khán] dismissed the old Amirs of Yunus Khán, and set up in their places some mean persons [arázil] whose flattery suited the Khán's nature. To these men he gave up the management of all important affairs of State, and they, with their narrow-minded views and want of judgment, so worked upon the Khán, that he estranged his old friends—that is to say, the Uzbeg Kazák and the kings of the Chaghatái—and made new ones of his old enemies, thinking that they would be his true allies; but these [in the end] ruined him.

Thus Sháhi Beg Khán, after he had, with the assistance of Sultán Mahmud Khán, defeated the Chaghatái and conquered Mávará-un-Nahr, turned against Sultán Mahmud Khán and took Táshkand [from him]. [Verses] … When Sultán Ahmad Khán heard of the helpless condition of Sultán Mahmud Khán, brotherly love began to glow in his heart. Seizing the skirt of fraternal affection with the hand of resolution, he, in the course of the year 907, set out towards Táshkand to the relief of his brother, leaving, in his own place, his eldest son Mansur Khán, with absolute authority and power over the whole of Chálish, Turfán, Bái, Kus, Aksu, and Moghulistán.^336a The events that now followed in Tásh-kand have been already related. When Ahmad Khán returned, defeated and sick, to his capital Aksu, he was met in state by his son Mansur Khán. After entering the city, he became anxious about his illness, and sent Mansur Khán away to Turfán, where the latter remained till his father's death, when he returned to Aksu. But Sultán Mahmud Khán, despising the sovereignty of Aksu, left it and went to Moghulistán. [Verses] …

Mansur Khán continued to dwell in Aksu, and Amir Jabár Birdi in Uch. This Amir Jabár Birdi was a Dughlát, and filled the post of Ulusbegi under Sultán Ahmad Khán, by whom he had been held in the highest honour and esteem. Indeed, he was a wise man and worthy of the rank he held; for he was without an equal as an administrator. [Verses]… In those turbulent days he was of the greatest value. But Mansur Khán, for the reason explained above—namely, that heirs are not always able to estimate the value [of their inheritance]—purposed putting Amir Jabár Birdi to death, saying: “Until I have put him out of the way, I shall never feel safe on the throne.” As a fact, the very reverse of this was true. When Amir Jabár Birdi [became aware of this design], though he lamented and bewailed the matter much, he exerted himself in every possible way to avert the impending danger. He continued to carry on the Khán's business and offered explanations [sukhanán guft]. But it was of no avail: he saw that nothing but his death would satisfy the Khán. He therefore set about planning his own safety, and sent a messenger to invite Mirzá Abá Bakr to come.

Now this had been the Mirzá's intention, independently of the invitation, so he marched at once and appeared, like a flash of lightning, at the head of 30,000 men. Amir Jabár Birdi offered him the best presents he could [command], and himself became the guide [yazak] of the army. He went in advance, while Mirzá Abá Bakr followed after. Mansur Khán, being informed of these movements, took away as many men as he could muster and [started for Turfán], while the rest, together with some of the Amirs, stayed to defend the citadel of Aksu. Mirzá Abá Bakr came up, and took the citadel by storm; then, forming a junction of his troops, with those of Amir Jabár Birdi, he conducted forays against Bái and Kusan. All the inhabitants of those districts were carried off to Aksu, so that the country became entirely depopulated.

Then Amir Jabár Birdi said [to Mirzá Abá Bakr]: “It must be quite evident to you, that I have now gone to too great lengths ever to expect protection at the hands of the Moghul Khákáns. For I have treated them as no one ever treated them before. I have scattered to the winds of perdition their throne, kingdom, and men: their wives and children. My loyalty now prompts me to go again, and utterly devastate Bái, Kusan and Aksu [and to carry off the inhabitants to Káshghar], while Uch must be defended by a light-armed [jarida] force. My household and family shall remain with you. You must give me leave to go to Chálish and the mountains around, and I will drive all the inhabitants into your hands, in order that I may make an end of the Moghul Khákáns, and have no longer any cause to fear them.” Mirzá Abá Bakr highly approved of these plans, and having allowed Amir Jabár Birdi to depart, carried off his family, together with all the Moghul people. Thus did Amir Jabár Birdi make his wives and family a sacrifice for his own life; for, with the exception of two sons, he sent them all—though with many misgivings [ihtimám]—to Kásh-ghar. He displayed so much energy in the whole matter, that he won the entire confidence of Mirzá Abá Bakr, who, leaving his army with him, then returned.

Amir Jabár Birdi drove the inhabitants out of all the towns, districts, open country, and uplands. The owls were left in possession of the cities and villages, while the plains were made over to the antelopes. It would be impossible to give an idea of the numbers of the flocks and herds, and the quantity of treasure that he took in those countries and cities, all of which he carried back to Káshghar. Mirzá Abá Bakr entered Káshghar in great pomp. Mir Jabár Birdi having conducted countless forays with Mirzá Abá Bakr's army, at length left it: he himself going into Moghulistán, while the army returned to Káshghar, driving the flocks before them.

Meanwhile, Mansur Khán repented of the designs he had entertained against Amir Jabár Birdi, and saw that prosperity was impossible without such men as he. So he sent a person after him, with apologies and entreaties to return. Mansur Khán was born of Mir Jabár Birdi's sister. Mir Jabár Birdi knew that Mansur Khán was sorry for what he had done; he therefore made an end of the quarrel [az niza barkhásta], for he saw that if he did not go quickly, the effect of separation would be the entire destruction of Mansur Khán. So having accepted apologies and strengthened matters by concluding a covenant, he set forth [to visit Mansur Khán].

There is a story current at the present time, which is very appropriate, and which I give here. Talkhak died in Tirmiz. Before dying, he expressed a wish that he might be buried at a certain cross-way, that his tomb might be high, and that on it might be inscribed in large letters: “Every one who passes by here and repeats the Fatiha for my soul, may he be cursed; and if he do not repeat it, may his father be cursed!” Those who were present laughed, and asked: “But how can one avoid both these curses?” [The dying man] replied: “There is one means of escape, and that is to keep away from Tirmiz.”^338a This saying applies to the situation of the Moghul Khákáns and Dughlát nobles. For [they reasoned], if they imitated Mir Jabár Birdi [in his behaviour towards Mansur Khán], they would save their own lives, but would be accused of ingratitude and disloyalty; if, on the other hand (following the example of my uncle), they remained faithful, and stood round the tomb of the late Khán, wailing and weeping, their heads would be struck off then and there: though it might be said of them that they were incapable of a cowardly action. The result of remaining in the service [of the Moghul Kháns] will in the end only be to gain the name of cowards or traitors. [Therefore, it may be said, the only way to avoid these two bad names, is not to remain in the service of the Moghul Kháns, nor to go near them.]

As my maternal uncle Mahmud Khán has said [couplet in Turki] …: “No one ever met with fidelity from the world or its people. Oh, happy that man who has nothing to do with the world!”^339a [Verses.] …

But the pearls of these intentions found no place in the shell of the Moghul Khákán's ears…^339b Thanks be to the Most High God that this servant has at length found the means of avoiding them. It were also preferable to abstain from further words on this matter.

To return to the thread of my narrative. Mansur Khán, having given him every possible assurance of safety, took Amir Jabár Birdi back into his service, and after the return [of the Amir], the Khán's affairs began again to improve.

From the year 910, which is the date of [the commencement of] Mansur Khán's disturbed and turbulent reign, to the year 922, the date^339c we have now reached in our history, Mansur Khán lived in Chálish and Turfán. During this period many important events occurred. In those times the brothers [of the Khán's family] quarrelled among themselves, and everybody in the Moghul tribes was rebellious. On this account, Mansur Khán dismissed the Arlát —an ancient order of Amirs—and, bringing the Kirghiz into his power by stratagem, put many of them to death. He once went to war with the Kálmák, and won a signal victory over them.

After these events, his government began to assume an orderly shape, which was due to the wisdom and tact of Mir Jabár Birdi. Towards the end of this period, Bábáják Sultán separated himself from Mansur Khán, and together with his following, proceeded to Kusan. Mansur Khán pursued him, in person, and besieged him. His object, however, was not to destroy Bábáják Sultán, so he sought terms of peace. The answer he received was: “Aiman Khwája Sultán was also [your] brother, and him you killed like a stranger. What reliance can I place in you, that I should make peace?” Now Aiman Khwája Sultán had devised treasonable plots, and on this account Mansur Khán had ordered Yáráka Atáka to put him to death, but [instead of this] Yáráka Atáka had hidden him in an underground place, as has been already related. When Bábáják Sultán mentioned the affair of Aiman Khwája Khán, Yáráka Atáka saw the Khán was much distressed, and represented: “I had the presumption to disobey the order, [and did not put him to death].” Thereupon Mansur Khán fell to commending Yáráka Atáka, and Aiman Khwája Sultán was brought out. After this, Bábáják surrendered, and peace was made. Mansur Khán then returned, while Aiman Khwája Khán went to Káshghar, as has been mentioned already. Bábáják Sultán stayed on in Kusan, where he is to this day.

After this occurrence, negotiations for a peace ensued between the Khán and Mansur Khán. Mansur Khán came forth from Turfán, Kusan, and Bái, and sent Mir Jabár Birdi in advance. The meeting, which shall be described below, took place in the plains of Arbát.^340a

IN the month of Jumáda II. 921, new fruit was added to the tree of the Khánate…^340b As the Khán was the grandson of Sháh Begum, who was descended from Zulkarnain, he was called Iskandar. Learned men have found chronograms for this child's birth. Among them was Mauláná Muhammad Shirázi, who was one of the great Ulama, being not only versed in all the sciences, but also a skilled physician. For a space of thirty years he rendered praiseworthy services to the Moghul Khákáns, and was appointed Sadr-i-Sudur. Some details of his life will be given below. He discovered the chronogram: “Sháh-i-Iskandar far” [a king equal in power to Iskandar]. Khwája Nur-ud-Din Abdul Vahid Tuhuri Kázi, who shall also be mentioned, found the date in: “Nakhl-i-Iram” [the tree of Iram]. Many discovered: “Lashkará shikan” [army breaker]. There were many more, but I have given as many as I can remember.

At that time, the Khán's health was somewhat affected by his excessive wine-drinking. He, therefore, went to Moghulistán hoping to restore his health by a change of air. On his return, he said to me: “To you, who are like a son to me, I have given my dear sister, who is a pearl in the shell of the Khánate. My hope is that if a child should be born to you, I may be a father to him as well as you. Thus, a child with two loving fathers; two fathers with one happy child. But since you have, up to this time, no offspring, you must look upon this son of mine [Iskandar] as your child, so that what I hoped of you, you may realise in me. If eventually you should have a son, he will be a brother to this child; if you should have no children, you will have no need of another son.” Favours and kind words such as these, did he express to me and his sister; we accepted them with gratitude, and feasts were instituted and presents given. The life of Iskandar shall be presently related.

AIMAN KHWÁJA SULTÁN, having been sent to Aksu, departed thither, and in the spring set about rebuilding the town, while ambassadors went backward and forward, between Mansur Khán and the Khán, to arrange a friendly settlement. In the summer the Khán's health became much impaired by excesses in wine-drinking, as was stated above, and he was finally seized with ague [tap larza]. Mauláná Shirázi, who was a talented man and a skilled physician, and who had spent all his life in attendance on the Kháns, pronounced a change of air to be needful. So the Khán betook himself to a place in Moghulistán, not far from Káshghar. But as he did not yet trust the people of Káshghar, he left me in Yárkand, while he himself went on his way. I did all I could to keep order in the country. At the end of the autumn the Khán returned from Moghulistán, in good health; the pure air of those plains having cured him of the malady which indulgence in wine had produced in him. He alighted in Yárkand.

IN different parts of this history, the life of Hazrat Mauláná has been told, down to the point where he went to Akhsi and its dependencies. Wherever he stayed the people received the blessing of his converse. In that province he gained many followers and devotees, all of whom were honoured by witnessing some miracle or wonderful act. [Verses] …

When the Khán left Akhsi, Hazrat Mauláná remained there. When Suyunjuk Khán came to that town, he waited on Hazrat Mauláná and entreated him to honour Táshkand with a visit. He went to Táshkand, but a short time afterwards died … [Verses and rhetoric] … His intimates and followers discovered the date of his death in “Nakd-i-Khwája Ubaid Ullah” [=922].^342a He was between sixty and seventy years of age, was versed in all sciences, and wrote several interesting and profitable works.

His tracts are text-books for the pious. Among his compositions is the Salsalat ul Arifin, written in excellent style. It is divided into three parts. The first of these treats of the manners of Shaikhs and the conditions of discipleship. The second part contains the life of Hazrat Ishán, together with the truths and sayings he uttered in various assemblies, in the language of the country; also some of his miracles and wonders. The third part comprises the sayings and miracles of various pious men. The tongue is incapable of adequately praising this book. There are about fifty parts.

Besides this work, he composed many pamphlets [rasáil]. Among them are answers to certain questions which, in the course of different meetings [majlis], I had the presumption to put to him. These, together with some rules and maxims, he put into book form, but never found an occasion of giving it to me. After his death, however, his son and successor, Mauláná Kutb-ud-Din Ahmad, sent it to me, and I have copied the whole of it, as it stood, into this work. I know well that, with my lack of literary capacity, this rough copy, written by the pen of carelessness, with the help of ignorance, will have but small merit in the eyes of critics; but I trust that the embodiment of the pamphlet will bring a blessing on my work, and that my shortcomings may be overlooked. I look to the Pardoner of all Sins to forgive me my faults and errors in this Epitome, in consideration of the truths contained in [the Hazrat's] pamphlet. [Verses] …^342b

THE winter was passed in Yárkand, in feasting and merry making. As Turfán was a two months' journey from Káshghar, the negotiations of the ambassadors, the settlement of the place of meeting and other preliminaries lasted a whole year. In the month of Moharram 922, the Khán started for Aksu. [Verses] … He entered Káshghar in great pomp and splendour. [On the road] I had a fall from my horse and dislocated my right elbow; it was a bad accident, and I was confined for some days in Káshghar before getting well. As soon as the pain began to abate, the Khán set out again, while I remained a few days longer in Káshghar. On my arm becoming cured, I followed the Khán and came up with him at Jái Tuba, whence we proceeded stage by stage to Uch. [Verses] …

At that time Aiman Khwája Sultán was living in Uch, for Aksu was not yet habitable. On the Khán's approach, he came out to meet him with gifts [verses] … and invited him to come and bless his house by alighting there. He entertained the Khán with regal banquets. [Verses] … [Departing again] the Khán passed Aksu and pitched his royal camp at a place called Jám, while Mansur Khán, coming from the opposite direction, reached Arbát, which is seven farsákhs from Jám. Mir Jabár Birdi now came and waited on the Khán, and finally settled [under what conditions the two Kháns were to meet]. The two armies were to advance and stand opposite each other in battle array; hostages were then to be exchanged; the two Kháns were to come forward, each attended by thirty men selected from his own army, and were to meet between the two lines [of troops]. As soon as these plans had been agreed upon, I was sent to Mansur Khán as a hostage. Aziz Birdi was appointed to select the men who were to accompany Mansur Khán. I was received with much affection and friendship by Mansur Khán, who poured down honours upon my head. [Verses] …

When the King of the East placed his foot upon the steps of the throne of the firmament, and brought the whole world under the sway of his brightness, repulsing the powers of night, Mansur Khán set his noble foot in the stirrup, and having drawn up his troops, rode forth. On reaching the trysting-place, he sent for Bábáják Sultán and Sháh Shaikh Muhammad, who were his full brothers, and enjoined them to exercise caution and judgment. Aziz Birdi Aghá, standing at the head of the passage [between the lines], told off exactly thirty persons. From the side of Mansur Khán, Sáhib Daulat Begum, sister of Mir Jabár Birdi, and Máhim Khánim, sister [hamshira] of Mansur Khán, were given as hostages. The Khán advanced from the other side, accompanied also by thirty persons. At the meeting-place between the armies, awnings [sáya-bán] were erected. [Couplet] … Mansur, advancing first, went and seated himself upon a throne under the shade of the awnings. [Couplet] … Then the Khán came, and dismounted at a respectful distance. [Couplet] …

When he had approached within the distance assigned by the Moghul custom, he fell on his knees [zánu zad]. Although Mansur Khán was the elder brother, he got up, advanced towards the Khán, and embraced him affectionately [couplet] …; then taking him by the hand, he walked towards the throne. When Mansur Khán was seated on the throne, the Khán rose up and returned to the place where he had first made his obeisance. [Two couplets] … He then offered him such presents as became the dignity of both; while Mir Jabár Birdi, in presenting the gifts [pishkash] to Mansur, made an eloquent speech, as is the custom of those who observe the Tura. Mansur Khán was pleased with his words, and accepted all the gifts. The Khán having knelt again, stood with his arms respectfully crossed on his breast. Mansur Khán then invited him to come and sit at his side, saying: “I know I am your elder brother, but why should you, with your high rank, be so modest before me, who am in the place of a father to you?” The Khán, having once more made obeisance, expressed his profound respect for Mansur Khán, and returned to his seat. Mansur Khan called him forward again and repeated what he had said before, but with greater emphasis. He, moreover, took the Khán by the hand and drew him towards himself, when the Khán, having knelt again, took a seat beside him. [Couplet] …

Mansur Khán began by asking: “How did you fare in those disturbed times?” To which the Khán, with every token of respect, replied: “Misfortunes that end in success—separations that terminate in union—are not remembered. The sweetness of the end causes the bitterness of the beginning to be forgotten. [Two couplets] … Thanks be to God, that in one moment reparation can be made for what has happened during long years.” They went on, then, to discuss policy, military tactics, and justice; they also swore a solemn oath to remain at peace, and to strengthen the bonds of friendship. By the time they had finished all their business, the day was also ended. Mansur Khán next gave the Khán rich presents in the shape of horses and silver, brocades and embroidered robes. At the hour of bidding farewell, they embraced once more, and exchanged the clothes they were wearing and the horses they were riding. They finally separated in the most friendly manner, and each went back to his own army.

When Mansur Khán returned to his own ranks, he called for me and explained all the particulars of the interview, as I have given them above. Thus conversing, he accompanied me from his troops to the camp. He said: “The thirst of longing and the hunger of absence cannot be satisfied with this small quantity of the wine of union.” [Verses] … He continued to speak in such terms until we arrived at the camp, which we did at about the middle of the first watch of the night. At sunrise Mansur Khán sent for me, and loaded me with favours and distinctions becoming his own greatness. He then permitted me to return, and having travelled all night, I reached the Khán [on the following day]. The Khán told me what Mansur Khán had said, and showed marks of regret at separation from him. The result of this peace was that soldiers and civilians—in fact, every individual—enjoyed full repose and freedom from anxiety, and testified their thankfulness to the two Kháns.

Ingenious scholars devised many chronograms to commemorate this happy event. Among others, the date was found to be contained in “Du lashkar ba nishát”—Two armies in gladness— 922 [1516].

[AFTER the conclusion of this affair] the Khán made for Yárkand. At Sungtásh, which is three days' journey from Uch, on the road to Káshghar, he separated from his army, and riding long stages [ilghár], arrived at Yárkand in six days. Here new displays of festivity and rejoicing were commenced [verses] …; and every one, according to his means, made merry and rejoiced.

At the season of the Khán's return to Yárkand, the King of Kings of the Firmament had placed the fourth throne of his sovereignty in the palace of Taurus, and the Prince of the Flowers had pitched his tent on the plains. [Verses] … From the time of his accession to that day, a period of about two years, the Khán had lived in the citadel of Yárkand, both summer and winter. But this year, feeling his mind relieved of all its anxieties, when the season of flowers and foliage came round [verses] … he changed his quarters from the town to the palace of Gul Bágh, [which had been] a favourite residence of Mirzá Abá Bakr. When the temperate days of spring changed to the oppressive heat of summer, the only way to keep in health was to sit under the shade of the trees. On this account the Khán retired to Gul Bágh, and there enjoyed the protection afforded by the shade of his garden. Meanwhile the army and the populace were dwelling in peace, and the nobles and pillars of the State lived in the lap of luxury and magnificence. Every brain had its scheme, and every scheme had a brain [to work it].

All the Amirs came to the palace of the Khán to sit in council; they made the following representation to him: [Most noble Khán] to-day, by the favour of God's assistance, the arm of our State is strong enough to lay low its enemies, and annihilate its opponents at one blow. If you do not take vengeance on your enemies now, when will you be able to do so? If you do not destroy them now, when will you have the power to destroy them? [Verses] …

Thus were the Khán's old projects revived, and he issued a mandate [yárligh] for the mustering of troops and preparation for an expedition. At the close of summer [922] he marched for Andiján, to make war on Suyunjuk Khán. He gathered all his army together in Káshghar, and set out from there. On reaching Tuyun Báshi, he resolved upon a hunt, and issued stringent orders for the preparations. On the second day [the beaters] formed a ring. [Three couplets] … When the hunt was at an end, they left that place and proceeded to encamp on the south side of Chádir Kul. There they learnt the approach of Bábáják Sultán. His reason for coming was, that on the occasion of Mansur Khán's interview with the Khán, Bábáják Sultán, being in the service of the former (whose full brother he was) could not go and wait on the Khán. But when autumn came round, he asked permission from Mansur Khán to do so, saying, that if he did not wait on his brother, he would be considered guilty of disrespect. Mansur Khán had given him leave, and he, having set off from his home of Bái and Kusan, was now arriving.

When he reached Káshghar, he learnt that the Khán had [just] left on his way to fight Suyunjuk Khán and to invade Andiján. He immediately moved on after him, and overtook him at Chádir Kul. The Khán, in his brotherly affection, was quite overcome with emotion, and though Bábáják was his junior in years, went out to receive him. He embraced him warmly, and bestowed upon him brotherly attentions and fatherly kindness. [Couplet] … [The Khán said]: “I was then bent on avenging myself on my foes: to have summoned my brother at that juncture would have been open to misinterpretation. Thank God that we have both obtained the fulfilment of our wishes. The arrival of my brother is as the commencement of conquest and victory.” So saying, the two brothers (Conquest and Victory, as it were) rode off side by side towards Andiján.

On reaching Arpa Yázi, they hunted the wild ass,^347a the deer [gavazan] and other animals. So much game did they kill, that the beasts of the plains and the fowls of the air were able to feast upon the flesh, without fighting for it among themselves. [Couplet] … The Khán, from his ambush, brought down some quarry with every arrow he shot. When the hunt was over, a sumptuous banquet was prepared, in a delicious spot where the air was fresh as in the garden of Iram, and where [the heavens] seemed filled with birds from Paradise. Bábáják Sultán and Aiman Khwája Sultán were in attendance on their brother the Khán, surrounded by a distinguished assembly. [Two couplets] …

When the feast was over, Bábáják Sultán represented apologetically to my uncle: “At the beginning of the spring I was guilty of a neglect of courtesy; I had longed for years to have the happiness of waiting upon you, but my aspiration could not then be realised. After that opportunity had elapsed, I saw that it would be respectful on my part, to come to your court at Yárkand and sprinkle my eyes with the dust of your palace. On reaching Káshghar, I heard of your expedition [against Andiján], whereupon I set out in all haste after you, not waiting to collect an army or make ready the necessaries for an expedition. Thus did I come, [thinking] this time the preparations have been delayed; but next time [that I go against Andiján] my arrangements shall be perfect, and I will bring into my service all the Sultáns and soldiers, with their arms, that are to be found in my country. I will collect such a mighty host that it will be evident to friend and foe alike, that the Khán has, in his train, subjects who can rival the kings of the earth. [If this proposition is acceptable to you, well and good]; if not, it will do me no harm to change my plans. I am ready to devote myself, body and soul, to the Khán.”

In reply to these words the Khán said: “For many years I have longed to see this dear brother. The most fitting form of thanksgiving is that we should return now, and spend a few days together. We will devote ourselves, until next spring, to preparations such as those described by our dear brother; we will then go forward. At the present time the occasion is not suitable; the season is too far advanced. While the enemy remains where he is, we can advance whenever we choose. [Even though we do not go to Andiján at all, nothing will be lost.”] So they turned back from Arpa Yázi, and travelled by a direct route towards Káshghar. Bábáják Sultán accompanied the Khán to Yárkand, and there they gave themselves over to feasting. The Khán bestowed countless presents and inestimable favours upon him; while each of the Amirs offered presents according to his rank and means. [Verses] … When these hospitable entertainments had been concluded, Bábáják Sultán, having obtained leave to return to his own country, rode away in that direction. These events happened in the autumn of the aforesaid year [922=1516].

THE winter was passed in the festivities and enjoyments, above described …^348a The Khán's mind had always been occupied with plans for making a holy war [ghazát], and after much thought he finally decided [whom he should attack]. Between Khotan and Khitái there was a race of infidels called Sárigh Uighur, and upon these people he proceeded to make a holy war. It is a twelve days' journey from Yárkand to Khotan, and most of the stages are without cultivation or inhabitants. When the Khán reached Khotan, a change in his health became evident. The holy war is one of the supports of Islám and a plenary duty. The Khán desired to discharge this obligation towards the faith; but now that his health failed him, he was obliged to appoint certain Amirs to perform the duty for him, and having thus relieved himself of this necessity, he returned [to Yárkand]. On the homeward journey, cups of wine were brought every morning, and drinking went on all through the day, so that [the Khán and his companions] were generally unable to distinguish the light from the darkness. At the end of a few days they reached Yárkand. In the autumn of that year, the expedition against the Kirghiz took place.

Those Amirs who had been sent against the Sárigh Uighur, after spending two months in the plains between Khotan and Khitái, returned in safety, laden with plunder, but without having seen or heard anything of the infidels.^349a

IN the account of the conquest of Káshghar, it was mentioned that Muhammad Kirghiz had come from Moghulistán and, in those days of strife and turmoil, had rendered good service. After the conquest he became possessed of much spoil and booty. Moreover, on his departure, the Khán had loaded him with valuable presents, such as sword-belts, vases, and drinking-cups of gold and silver. [Verses] … On his return to Moghulistán all the Kirghiz had submitted to him. He conducted plundering parties into Turkis-tán, Táshkand, and Sairám, and created much alarm. The Shaibáni Sultáns in those districts found great difficulty in repulsing him.

On one occasion he made on inroad on Turkistán, and had started to return. At that time Abdullah Sultán, the son of Kuchum Khán, was not yet Khán,^349b but he was Governor of Turkistán. He immediately set off in pursuit of Muhammad Kirghiz, and overtook him when he was at some distance from the town. Muhammad Kirghiz turned upon him, and they closed in battle. After a [short] engagement the day was decided in favour of the Kirghiz. Most of their enemies they killed, but Abdullah Sultán was captured, kept by Muhammad Kirghiz for one day, and then sent back to Turkistán with the rest of the survivors. [Muhammad Kirghiz] sent their Khán a few horses, arms, and other suitable gifts, with the following excuse: “I made a vow that if any of the Shaibáni Sultáns should fall into my hands, I would release them. I have been true to my word, and trust that I am forgiven.” When the Khán heard this he was enraged, and in the autumn of the year 923 marched upon Moghulistán with an army, to punish Muhammad Kirghiz. [Verses] …

He assembled his forces in Káshghar. Khwája Ali Bahádur was appointed “Yazak” of that army. In the Turki language they called a Karávul [picquet or guard] “Yazak.” On reaching Káfir Yári [they were joined by] Aiman Khwája Sultán, who had come from Aksu by way of Sárigh-at-Akhuri. In the night it was decided that the Khán should proceed by way of Báris Káun, and Aimán Khwája Sultán by way of Jauku.^350a

On the next day, Aiman Khwája Sultán marched off on the Jauku road, while the Khán proceeded in the direction of Báris Káun. As they were descending from the pass of Báris Káun, Khwája Ali sent two men of the Kirghiz, whom he had captured, with news that [Muhammad Kirghiz] and his followers were lying on the shores of Issigh Kul, at the mouth of the Báris Káun [stream], ignorant [of the approach of the enemy]. Now Issigh Kul is a month's march from Káshghar. That day they hastened their march and reached the mouth [of the pass], which is known as Hujra, at the hour of afternoon prayers. The Khán, attended by a few of his chief officers, went [to reconnoitre] and from a distance espied the tents and pasture-grounds of the enemy. After the sun's disc had sunk into darkness—when Jonas had entered the fish's mouth—the commanders gave orders that of every ten men, four were to be fully armed in the centre of the force, and six were to be equipped for rapid movements [chápkun]; also that every man was to make ready his arms and be prepared for an assault. By midnight all were assembled and in order. When the sun rose …^350b the army was drawn up in battle array on the level ground. All stood perfectly still, and the verse of “the deaf and the dumb” was recited. After a short interval, when it was seen that the whole army was in perfect readiness and order, there came a sudden blast from the trumpets and horns, mingled with the sounding of drums and cymbals and snorting of horses. That portion of the army which had been told off for the attack, suddenly let loose the reins of patience [verses] … and rushed down. The whole of the attacking [chápkunchi] party advanced, while the centre, as pre-arranged, remained in one body and supported the assaulters. When the sun had fully risen, Taka, the brother of Khwája Ali, who had distinguished himself by former services (which have been mentioned above), brought Muhammad Kirghiz bound before the Khán. The Khán said to him: “Although, by the laws of the Tura, you are guilty of death, I will nevertheless, out of benevolence, spare your blood.” And he issued a mandate for his imprisonment, under the charge of my uncle. The soldiers were enriched with his droves of horses, his flocks of sheep, and his strings of camels; while all the Kirghiz whom they had made prisoners, were set at liberty. [Verses] … Having remained on the spot a few days, the Khán set out at his ease for the capital, Káshghar, which, by the help of God, he reached at the beginning of the winter.

I HAVE mentioned above, in enumerating the offspring of Yunus Khán, that the youngest of all was Daulat Sultán Khánim. At the devastation of Táshkand, she fell into the hands of Timur Sultán, son of Sháhi Beg Khán, and remained in his haram till Bábar Pádisháh captured Samarkand, when she joined the Pádisháh. With the departure of the latter for Kábul, she separated from her nephew and went to Mirzá Khán, who was also her nephew, and remained [with him] in Badakhshán. Mirzá Khán treated her as his own mother. On the Khán's return from Aksu, he sent for her; Daulat Sultán Khánim being his paternal aunt. The messengers bore her gifts from the Khán in the shape of horses, vessels of gold and silver and fine cloths. While the Khán was away on his expedition against the Kirghiz, she arrived at Yárkand from Badakhshán. On his return from the campaign he went to visit his aunt, and thus all her relations—all of us to whom the Khánim was either maternal or paternal aunt—had the felicity of meeting her. She remained there to the end of her precious life. An account of her end will be given at the close of the Khán's history.

WHEN Aiman Khwája Sultán came from Turfán, he asked my uncle's daughter in marriage. My uncle willingly granted his request, and from that time forward was busy with preparations for the event. This winter the marriage festivities began.

Sháh Muhammad, son of Sultán Muhammad Sultán, son of Sultán Muhammad Khán, was still a child when his father and grandfather, together with many others, were put to death by Sháhi Beg Khán. One of the Uzbeg Amirs, taking pity on him, saved him. When the Emperor went from Kábul to Kunduz, that Uzbeg sent off Sháh Muhammad Sultán to Kunduz, where he joined the Emperor, and remained in his service until the latter returned to Kábul, when he obtained permission to join the Khán in Káshghar. [This was] one year after the conquest of Káshghar. The Khán treated him as a son and honoured him even above Bábá Sultán, his brother's son, and Rashid Sultán, his own son. While the festivities in honour of Aiman Khwája Sultán's marriage with my uncle's daughter were proceeding, it occurred to the Khán to give in marriage to Sháh Muhammad Sultán, his sister Khadija Sultán Khánim, whose story has been already related. After Jahángir Mirzá, son of Mirzá Abá Bakr, had been assassinated by some unknown hand, this Khadija Sultán Khánim, having survived him, had remained, respected and honoured, in the Khán's haram.

Thus these two important marriages were celebrated at one time…^352a

When some time had been passed in feasting and rejoicing, an assembly of all the nobles, great men and pillars of the State, was convened, who, in the first place, fastened the marriage knot of the daughter of the Khán with Aiman Khwája Sultán, and after that, of Khadija Sultán Khánim (my maternal uncle's daughter, and the Khán's full sister) with Sháh Muhammad Sultán…^353a At the same time I built myself a house, and by way of compliment, some learned men invented chronograms to commemorate the date of the event [923=1517]^353b

DURING the summer^353c which followed this winter, the Khán invaded Badakhshán. It came about in this way. In the story of Mirzá Abá Bakr, it was stated that after the reign of Khusrau Sháh, the Mirzá had subdued several of the upper Hazára [districts] of Badakhshán, such as Sárigh Chupán, Ghund, Parváz, Yarkh, Pasár and Shiva-i-Shighnán.^353d Before Khusrau Sháh was able to adopt any plan for avenging himself, he sustained a defeat at the hands of Sháhi Beg Khán. But when Sháhi Beg Khán established himself in the kingdom of Khusrau Sháh, the Mir of the Hazára refused to yield to him, and after a few engagements, the Uzbeg were repulsed. In those days, all the upper defiles [tang-i-bálá] of Badakhshán were held by Mirzá Abá Bakr.

After Mirzá Khán had established his power in Badakhshán, he was still trammelled [darmánda] by the hostility of the Uzbeg. Nor was he able to restrain the usurpations of Mirzá Abá Bakr. [The country extending] from the upper defiles [tang-i-bálá] as far as Sárigh Chupán, had fallen under the jurisdiction of Kásh-ghar. “When your enemies are occupied with each other, sit down at your ease with your friends;” this saying applies to the state of affairs [at that time]. During twelve years, the districts above the upper gorges were outside of Badakhshán, and formed a part of Káshghar. The Khán, therefore, after his conquest of Káshghar, ordered those districts to be divided into [administrative] sections as if they formed part of the province of Káshghar. Thither he sent Mir Beg Muhammad, whose story has been told above, and during [his] government, Wakhán was a Hazára of the Hazáraját of Badakhshán.

The people of Badakhshán call the frontier [between Badakh-shán and Wakhán] Darázukhán. The Káshghari call it Sárigh Chupán. The people of Darázukhán took violent possession of it and appealed to Mirzá Khán for protection.^354a [They said: “Let us become the subjects of Mirzá Khán.”] So Mirzá Khán took possession of the country without hesitation, his claim being that it belonged originally to Badakhshán: nay more, that Badakhshán was but another name for these Hazáraját. Mirzá Abá Bakr had taken it by force. With the extinction of Mirzá Abá Bakr's power, the region should again fall within its original [kingdom of Badakhshán]. Everything returns to its prime origin. [Mirzá] Khán also contended as follows: “In consequence of Mirzá Abá Bakr's conquests, this country was cut off from its ancient attachment and was, for twelve years, under the jurisdiction of Káshghar. The Emperor, with the help of his brave troops, delivered into my power the regions usurped by Mirzá Abá Bakr. If you desire to have this kingdom it will be necessary, in the first place (on account of my relationship to the Emperor), that I should send him a salutation and beg him to despatch an army to assist me, as I am too weak [to act independently]… When so requested he may answer: ‘that country which I have unlocked with the key of conquest, you may take possession of without fear.’”^354b After informal communications, such as these, had passed between [the two Kháns] the matter was finally concluded by the Khán marching against Badakhshán.

At the time when he determined upon this, one of Mirzá Abá Bakr's sons, whom my uncle had protected [and cared for] as a child of his own, ran away; the report got abroad that he had gone to Suyunjuk Khán to inform him of the Khán's movements, and to induce him [to attack] Káshghar. On this account I was left in Káshghar, where I busied myself with the management of all that was important in the affairs of that country. Mirzá Abá Bakr's son was overtaken on the road, and put to death by some persons who had been sent in pursuit of him.

The Khán advanced into Badakhshán and carried all before him. Mirzá Khán, helpless and in despair, took refuge in Kala-i-Zafar, and gnawed his hands with the teeth of regret, for having done what had been better left undone. When the Khán saw that absolute ruin had fallen upon [Mirzá Khán] and his country, he was moved to pity and withdrew. Mirzá Khán, moreover, realising his own [weakness] did not make any further attempt to overstep his boundaries. Down to the present day that country remains under Káshghar.

Thus was the dust of dissension raised between those two relations on account of a few acts of inhumanity. To the end of their lives they carried on official intercourse, but their protestations of friendship were usually tainted with insincerity; while [the people of] the country itself, were faithful neither to Mirzá Khán at the beginning, nor to the Khán afterwards. In short, the Khán withdrew from Badakhshán with pomp and ceremony, and on reaching Yárkand, his capital, gave himself up to all kinds of rejoicing and pleasure.

IN the following year, Mansur Khán purposed visiting his beloved paternal aunt, Daulat Sultán Khánim, in order that, by looking on her kind face, his grief at the loss of his father might be mitigated.^356a The Khán having agreed to this, [Mansur Khán] set out for Aksu in the summer of that year, and in the same manner, on the same spot, and with similar formalities, as on the occasion of their first interview, they met, and the bonds of affection were drawn tighter. After this, each returned to his own seat of government. From this date—926—to 928 [1520-22] the Khán and his people enjoyed perfect repose and freedom from care, nothing occurring which would be worthy of record.

CONCLUSION OF THE AFFAIRS OF BÁBAR PÁDISHÁH AFTER HIS RETURN TO KÁBUL. DEATH OF HIS BROTHER SULTÁN NÁSIR MIRZÁ. CAUSE OF THE INSUBORDINATION OF HIS AMIRS.

THAT point in Bábar Pádisháh's history has been reached, at which he returned from Kundáz to Kábul. He committed Kábul to the care of his brother Sultán Násir Mirzá, who [however] died from excessive indulgence in wine in the course of the year 921. [Couplet] … Ghazna had belonged to Sultán Násir Mirzá, and after his death a dispute arose among the Amirs of that town, which took the form of a mutiny, in which all the Moghuls and the rest of the people in the Emperor's service joined. As for example, Mir Shiram, the uncle of the Emperor's mother, who had spent all his life in the Emperor's service; his brother, Mir Mazid, Jaka, Kul Nazar, and others; also of the Chaghatái and Tájik Amirs, Mauláná Bábá Bashághiri and his brother Bábá Shaikh. This Mauláná Bábá was one of the associates [sharik] of the village of Bashághir in Samarkand. He won such favour with the Emperor that, when the latter took Mávará-un-Nahr, he gave Mauláná Bábá the government of Samarkand, Uratippa, and part of Kuhistán. Others [who rebelled were] Mir Ahmad, whose story has been given above, and his brother Kitta Beg (the one being Governor of Táshkand, and the other of Sairám) Maksud Karak, Sultán Kuli, Chunák, and others. These were all distinguished Amirs and great chiefs. But Satan took possession of their brains, and put there, in the place of sound reason, vainglory and wickedness, which are the outcome of cursed natures.

They rose in rebellion, putting round their necks the accursed collars left behind by Mir Ayub. In short, after a few intrigues and skirmishes, a pitched battle was fought between themselves and the Emperor. As soon as the opposing troops had been drawn up facing each other, the son of Amir Kásim Kuchin, named Amir Kambar Ali, arrived from Kunduz with a powerful force, and the rebels were defeated. [A proverb] … Several of them were captured [and met with their due reward; others fled in shame to Káshghar.] Among these were Mir Shiram and his brothers, who [on the occasion of the Khán's first interview, and conclusion of peace, with Mansur Khán] had gone to wait on the Khán, and had remained for some time in his service. They were ashamed and dejected. Mir Mazid, on account of insufficient means of livelihood, went to Tibet in hopes of plunder. But at Ghazwa^357a a stone fell on his head, and he was killed.

Mir Shiram, likewise, finding it impossible to stay near the Khán, returned to the Emperor, who with his usual benevolence, received him kindly, and closing the eye of wrath on his wrong-doings, opened the eye of favour upon past services. He, however, soon afterwards, left this faithless world. The Emperor, having become firmly established in Kábul, marched upon Kandahár, which was then in the hands of Sháh Beg, son of Zulnun^357b Arghun, as mentioned above. He besieged it for five years. At length, Sháh Beg, having resolved on flight, went to Sivi, and thence to Tatta, which he took, together with Ucha and Bakar,^357c as will be mentioned in the proper place. The Emperor, having captured Kandahár, proceeded to Hindustán. He made several inroads, but retired after each one. At last, he met, in a pitched battle at Pánipat, the Ughán Sultán, Ibráhim,^357d the son of Sultán Iskandar, who was king at that time.^357e Ibráhim's army numbered more than 100,000 men, but the Emperor utterly defeated him with 10,000 men. He and his army became possessed of so much treasure, that all the world, from there to Rum and to Khitái, benefited by it. The rich brocades of Rum and the embroidered satins of Khitái, which are scarce in those countries, were found in ass-loads. All this will be explained presently.

IN the year 928 [1522] the Khán conceived the plan of invading Moghulistán, and subduing the Kirghiz. He was prompted thereto by several considerations, the first of which was as follows: It has been mentioned that in the year 923 he had made Muhammad Kirghiz prisoner, because he, after having taken Abdullah, son of Kuchum Khán, in battle, had let him go free again, and had sent some poor excuses [for his action] to the Khán. For this he was detained in prison for five years, and the Kirghiz, who [all this time] were without a chief, carried plunder and rapine into the territories of Turkistán, Sairám, Andiján, and Akhsi; they had been guilty of many excesses, carrying off into bondage many Musulmán women and children. Although these provinces were under the government of the Shaibán, and these people were his old enemies, the Khán, being a pious and God-fearing man, was offended. He determined to avert this misfortune from the Musulmáns, and thereby to secure a high place in the next world and a good name in the present one. Besides this, Khwája Ali Bahádur, whose valiant and worthy services have been spoken of above, had, according to his natural instincts, a great longing for Moghulistán. He always complained of town life, and pined for the plains of Moghulistán. He had been appointed Atábeg to Bábá Sultán, son of Khalil Sultán (and a nephew of the Khán), and had had the care of his education from the age of seven till he was fifteen.

He represented to the Khán: “By the grace of God, the Moghul Ulus—both man and beast—have so greatly increased in numbers, that the wide grazing grounds of Káshghar have become too confined for them, and frequent quarrels arise concerning pasture. If you will issue a decree [to sanction my doing so], I will take Bábá Sultán into Moghulistán, subdue the whole of that country, and reduce the affairs of the Kirghiz to order, so that our people may have ample pasture and quiet minds.” The Khán quite approved of this proposal, and held a consultation with his Amirs, who were unanimous in their concurrence, with the exception of my uncle, who said: “The first part of this plan is most reasonable, but it is not advisable to send Bábá Sultán. For the Moghuls, being originally from Moghulistán, have a natural attachment to that country, and as soon as it is conquered they will all wish to return thither. If Bábá Sultán is there, he will be offended should we forbid [the Moghuls going there]; and should we not forbid them, the whole mass of them will rush in, the inevitable result of which will be confusion and discord. Instead of [Bábá], let us send Rashid Sultán, your son; let him become ever so powerful, that cannot injure you; and if it is seen fit to hinder the people from migrating into Moghulistán, he, at any rate, will not object. If they should do so [there is nothing to be feared, for he is your son].”

In the meantime, Khwája Ali Bahádur died from excessive wine-drinking. Thus the conduct of the expedition devolved upon Rashid Sultán. Now it happened that at this time my sister (by the daughter of Sayyid-as-Sádát Khávand-záda Sultán Muhammad Arhangi) had been wedded to Bábá Sultán. Nevertheless my uncle did not allow this family tie to stand in the way, but caused Rashid Sultán to be appointed for the enterprise. Bábá Sultán was much offended, but my uncle feared nothing; he persisted in pushing forward Rashid Sultán, and proposed a plan which shall be mentioned later.

It is now necessary to give some account of the country of Moghulistán. No book contains an exact description of its localities: though incidentally, in some histories, the names of a few towns are given, and in the Suvar-i-Akálim and the Taarif-i-Buldán may be found some notices. For the most part these accounts are inaccurate; but all that can be verified in them, I will state here in abridgment.

In the same way, some of the towns in Moghulistán are mentioned by name and described, in standard works. Among them is Balá-Sákun, which in the Suvar-i-Akálim is reckoned among the cities of Khitái, and called ‘Khán Báligh’; while in Moghulistán and Kará Khitái they have written the same ‘Balá Sákun.’ They have applied the name to no other city.^361a In books of repute and histories, Balá-Sákun is said to have been one of the cities built by Afrásiáb, and [the authors] have praised it very highly. In the Mujmá-ut-Tavárikh it is written: “Balá-Sákun, until the time of the Kará Khitái, was under the rule of the offspring [and descendants] of Afrásiáb. The Gur Khán of Kará Khitái took it from one of these descendants, Ilak Khán, and made it his own capital. For ninety-five years Balá-Sákun remained the capital of Kará Khitái, and all the countries on this side of the Jihun—that is, to the east of it—carried tribute to Balá-Sákun. The Moghuls call Balá-Sákun, ‘Ghar-báligh.’ The author of the Suráh-ul-Lughat, in his Supplement, says that his father was one of the traditionists [háfiz] of Balá-Sákun. He gives, in this Supplement, the names of eminent men [afázil] of every town. In Samarkand he reckons fewer than ten. But in Balá-Sákun he mentions the names of a great number of learned and notable persons, and quotes traditions concerning some of them. The mind is incapable of conceiving how there could have been, at one time and in one city, so many men of eminence, and that now neither name nor trace is to be found of Balá-Sákun. Nor have I ever heard of a place called Ghar-báligh.

Another town mentioned in books is Taráz. It is said that the Moghuls call Taráz, ‘Yángi’; and this Yángi is placed in Moghul-istán. There are many men of Yángi in Mávará-un-Nahr who are called ‘Yangiligh.’ Now in those deserts [mafáza], which they call Yángi, there are remains of many cities, in the form of domes, minarets, and traces of schools and monasteries; but it is not evident which of these ruined cities was Yángi, or what were the names of the others.

Another famous town was Almáligh,^364a which is known at the present day. The tomb of Tughluk Timur Khán is there, together with [other] traces of the city's prosperity. The dome of the Khán's tomb is remarkable, being lofty and decorated; while on the plaster, inscriptions are written. I recall one-half of a line, from one of the books, namely: “This court [bárgáh] was the work of a master-weaver [shar-báf]”—words which show that this master was an Iráki; for in Irák they call a weaver [jámabáf] ‘shar-báf.’ As far as I can recollect, the date inscribed on that dome was seven hundred and sixty and odd.^364b

There are many other cities in Moghulistán, in which traces remain of very fine buildings. In some places they still stand intact.^364c In [the district of] Jud^364d there are traces of an important town, and remains of minarets, domes, and schools. Since the name of that town is not known, the Moghuls call it ‘Minárá.’ In the same place is also a dome made of stone, into which the following inscription has been cut, in the Naskhi writing: “This is the tomb of [titles omitted] Imám Muhammad Fakih Balá Sákuni [Arabic invocation], who died in the year 711. Written by Khwája Omar Hadávi.” Jud is a district [mauza] of Moghulistán, of a month's journey in length. In it there are many cities like this one.

In Moghulistán there is a place [mausa] called Yumghál,^365a which is well known. There a dome is to be found, half fallen into ruin. The inscription on it reads: “Sháh Jalil, son of Kism, son of Abbás…” The rest has broken away, so it is not clear whether this was his tomb, or whether the inscription refers to some one else. God alone knows. Such remains as these are to be found all over Moghulistán, but the names of the towns are never known. The tomb of Mauláná Sakkáki, author of “The Key” [Miftáh], has a lofty dome. It is situated on the banks of the River Tiká, which flows from the foot of the lake.^365b With the exception of this dome, there are no remains in that place. It was either a town of which nothing is left, or else it was there that Chaghatái Khán slew [the Mauláná], the building being afterwards raised [over the spot]. God knows best. The story of Mauláná Sakkáki is told in histories.

Beyond this, nothing is recorded of the districts [hadud] of Moghulistán in the histories and books of former writers, nor does any one know the [above] names nowadays. What is now known as Moghulistán has a length and breadth of seven or eight months' journey. Its eastern frontier adjoins the Kálmák country: that is to say, Báris Kul, Imál, and Irtish. It is bounded on the north by Kukcha-Tangiz, Bum Lish, and Karátál;^365c on the west by Turkistán and Táshkand; and on the south by the provinces of Farghána, Káshghar, Aksu, Chálish, and Turfán.

Of these four boundaries I have seen the southern. From Tásh-kand to Andiján is ten days' journey; from Andiján to Káshghar, twenty days; from there to Aksu, fifteen days; from Aksu to Chálish, twenty days; from Chálish to Turfán, ten days; from Turfán to Báris Kul, fifteen days;^366a and Báris Kul is the eastern boundary of Moghulistán. [The whole of the southern boundary] is about three months' march at a medium pace, for it is ninety stages. I have never visited the other three boundaries, but I have learned [something] about them from the descriptions of persons who have travelled in those quarters. The greater part of this country, which is seven or eight months' journey [in circuit], is mountain or desert,^366b and is very beautiful and pleasant—so much so, that I am incapable of describing it in words. On the mountains and in the plains, grow numberless flowers, whose names no one knows; they are not to be met with outside Moghul-istán, nor can they possibly be described. The summer is, in most parts, quite temperate, so that if a single tunic [tái kurta] be worn, no other covering is required, though even if more be worn, the heat does not make one uncomfortable. However, in some parts of the country, the temperature inclines to be cold.

There are many large rivers in Moghulistán—as large, or nearly so, as the Jihun; for example, the Ila, the Imil, the Irtish, and the Nárin, not one of which is inferior to the Jihun or the Sihun. Most of them flow into the lake of Kukcha Tangiz, which separates Moghulistán from Uzbegistán. Its length is eight months' journey,^366c and its breadth, in some parts, thirty farsákhs, by estimation. In winter, when it is frozen over, the Uzbeg cross Kuk-cha Tangiz on the ice, and thus enter Moghulistán. By using all possible speed, they can cross in two nights and a day into Moghulistán, and can return in the same time. At the end of winter they cross with the same rapidity; but at that time of the year it is dangerous, and it often happens that the ice gives way. On one occasion a hundred and twenty families, more or less, perished under the ice. The water of this lake is sweet. The same quantity of water that flows into the lake is not discharged from it. What does flow out is about equivalent to one of the rivers which enters it. It flows down through Uzbegistán, under the name of Atal, and empties itself into the Kulzum [Caspian].

Another point of interest in Moghulistán is Issigh Kul, [a lake] into which nearly as much water flows as into Kukcha Tangiz. It is twenty days' journey,^367a and no water issues from it on any side. It is surrounded by hills. All the water that flows into it is sweet and agreeable, but once it enters the lake it becomes so bitter and salt that one cannot even use it for washing, for if any of it enters the eyes or mouth, severe inflammation is produced; it has also a most unpleasant taste in the mouth. It is remarkably pure and clean, so that if, for example, some is poured into a china cup, no sediment appears at the bottom. The water of the rivers around is delicious. Aromatic herbs, flowers and fruitbearing trees are plentiful, while the surrounding hills and plains abound in antelopes [áhu] and birds. There are few localities in Moghulistán more remarkable for their climate.

From the year 916 the Kirghiz, for the reasons mentioned above, have rendered it impossible for any Moghul to live in Moghulistán. In the year 928 the Khán resolved to subdue Moghulistán, as shall be explained.

Mirzá Ali Taghái, Khwája Ali Bahádur, and most of the Amirs, supporting the cause of Bábá Sultán, desired that he should be sent in command of the expedition against Moghulistán and the Kirghiz. His father, Sultán Khalil Sultán, had been leader of the Kirghiz, as has been explained; and he therefore had some right in the matter. My uncle alone supported Rashid Sultán, who was the Khán's son, and upon him the conduct of the expedition finally devolved. Active preparations were set on foot [verses]: … and in the course of the year 928, Rashid Sultán set out loaded with favours. Mirzá Ali Taghái was appointed Ulus-beg , and Muhammad Kirghiz being released from confinement, was made Amir of the Kirghiz; while brave warriors and distinguished Amirs were chosen out of all the Moghul tribes. [Couplet]. … Everything becoming the prince's rank and dignity was made ready; such as banners [tugh], trumpets, mint [zaráb-khána] and all kinds of furniture. Feasts were given to the Amirs and soldiers, who made merry; and favours were bestowed on all. [The Khán] gave his son much good advice. [Verses]… Indeed he lavished sermons and wise counsels on the young prince, who did not heed them, for is it not said: Sermons and advice are as wind to the profligates of this world? Finally, however, the army was despatched.

At the hour of his taking leave of Rashid Sultán, the Khán said to me: “You accoutre him: fasten on his quiver and sword, and mount him on his horse: it may bring good fortune. In respect of what I have told him, let him be your pupil: you shall be his master…^368a

In short the Khán sent them off in the handsomest manner, and himself returned to Káshghar. [Two couplets] …

With their entrance into Moghulistán, Muhammad Kirghiz marched on in advance. He brought in most of the Kirghiz, though a few fled to the farthest confines of Moghulistán. When winter set in, quarters were taken up at Kuchkár.

No one would ever have imagined that the Khán could give up this habit, but by the intervention of Providence he repented him of his intemperance …^369b

In short, at the end of the winter following that spring which saw Rashid Sultán set out for Moghulistán, the Khán happened to be in Yángi-Hisár. My uncle was in attendance on him, while I was in Yárkand. I have frequently heard the Khán relate that, one night when a drinking bout was coming to an end, the following verse came into his head: “‘At night he is drunk, at dawn he is drunk, and all day he is crop-sick; see how he passes his noble life! It is time that thou should'st return to thy God [and abandon these unseemly practices].’ When this purpose had become fixed in my heart, I again became irresolute [and said to myself]: ‘these ideas are merely the outcome of excessive inebriety. For otherwise, who could endure life without this form of enjoyment?’ Thinking thus I fell asleep; when I awoke I writhed like a snake with crop-sickness, and to dispel this I called for a draught. When it was brought, the intentions of the night before again took possession of my brain, and I sent for Sayyid Muhammad Mirzá, and said to him: ‘I am tired of this wine-drinking, and wish to reform.’” Now my uncle had for a long while been a disciple of the order of Yasavvi Shaikhs,^369c and practised austerity and abstinence; thus he had been greatly distressed at the Khán's shortcomings; but when the Khán now announced to him his desire to mend his ways, my uncle burst into tears and urged him strongly to carry out his intention. Having repented, the Khán went into the assembly; [verses] … the wine-bibbers and profligates were dejected and distressed, but all the pious and the learned rejoiced, while the zealots and devotees began to thank God, and the townsfolk and peasantry stretched their hands in praise to heaven. Thus the Khán repented of his past deeds, and night and day begged the forgiveness of God for his offences…^370a

HOW THE KHÁN, WISHING TO BECOME A DARVISH, INTENDED TO ABDICATE THE THRONE, AND HOW HE WAS DISSUADED.

AFTER the Khán had been distinguished with the honour of repentance, and had entered the circle of those of whom it is said, “God loves the penitent,” he passed into Moghulistán, and joined Rashid Sultán at Kuchkár.^370b Remaining himself in Kuchkár, he sent forward Rashid Sultán, with his Amirs and Muhammad Kirghiz, to the farthest limits of Moghulistán. They collected and brought back the scattered Kirghiz, thus setting [the Khán's] mind at rest with regard to this affair. In the spring the Khán went back to Káshghar. After this, he used to return every year to Moghulistán with his family, to see that the country was in order, and to confirm the authority of Rashid Sultán. In the second spring that he took his family there, most of the Moghul Ulus, who were able to do so, went with him of their own accord and desire. That winter the Khán and Rashid Sultán took up their quarters in Kuchkár, and at the end of the winter the Khán, leaving his family there, went back to Yárkand.

The reason for this was that, since his repentance, he had devoted himself much to the study of Sufi books; and having pondered deeply on their sayings, was greatly influenced by them…^370c The Khán entered fully into the tenets of the sect, and was profoundly impressed by them. From their books and pamphlets, he learnt that the blessing [of Sufistic knowledge] was only to be attained by devoting himself to the service of a perfect [Sufi]; on this account he withdrew his mind from his earthly kingdom, while his heart became entirely detached from the world. He spent most of his time in seclusion; engaged in discussions on Sufism. Not every one was allowed to intrude on his privacy. One of his companions was my uncle, who had been a disciple of the Yasavvi Shaikh's, and who, under the guidance of that sect, practised abstinence. Most of the conferences took place in his presence. Another was Sháh Muhammad Sultán, who was a cousin of the Khán and a son-in-law of his sister, and who has been mentioned briefly above; at times I was also admitted. No one else was allowed to enter, and the people used to wonder what kind of discussions those could be, to which only these four persons were admitted. [Couplet]…

It was finally decided that the Khán should go to Yárkand, and that his brother, Amin Khwája Sultán, should be brought from Aksu and set up as king in his stead. To him should be confided the whole Ulus, while the Khán, divesting himself of everything, should set out on his journey; haply he might thus render the Most High God perfect service. My uncle then suggested that before taking this step, preparations should be made for the journey to Mekka, and all necessaries got ready; that he would accompany [the Khán]; that wherever he was he would spend his whole life in attendance on him, and that Sháh Muhammad Sultán and myself should also be in waiting.

No sooner had these plans been determined on, than Khwája Muhammad Yusuf, son of Khwája Muhammad Abdullah, son of Khwája Násir-ud-Din Ubaid Ullah, arrived in Káshghar from Samarkand, and the news [of his arrival] reached Moghulistán. The Khwája was an exceedingly pious and austere man, and the Khán longed to wait upon him, in the hope that [in his service] his desire might be realised. So he journeyed from Kuchkár to Yárkand, where he arrived at the end of the winter and waited on the Khwája. [But] when he explained to him his resolve, the Khwája remarked: “Much has been said by wise men on this subject; such as: Remain on the throne of your kingdom, and be like an austere darvish in your ways! And again: set the crown on your head, and science on your back! Use effort in your work, and wear what you will! In reality sovereignty is one of the closest walks [with God], but kings have abused its rights. A king is able, with one word, to give a higher reward than can a darvish (however intent upon his purpose) during the whole of a long life. In this respect sovereignty is a real and practical state …^371a But I will show you one line that my father, Khwája Muhammad Abdullah, wrote for me.” And he gave the writing to the Khán. It was written: “The most important conditions, for a seeker of union with God, are: little food, few words, and few associates.” This brief [sermon] sufficed to compose the Khán, and he resolved to pursue the road of justice and good deeds. He began to occupy himself, at once, with what he was able, until the words of Shaikh Najm-ud-Din should be realised. A short time after this, Khwája Nurá came, and the Khán's desire was fulfilled. In the meanwhile Khwája Táj-ud-Din arrived from Turfán.

KHWÁJA TÁJ-UD-DIN was of the race of Mauláná Arshad-ud-Din, who was of the race of Khwája Shuja-ud-Din Mahmud, brother of Khwája Háfiz-ud-Din of Bokhárá, the last of the Mujtahids. During the interregnum [fatrat] of Chingiz Khán, this Shuja-ud-Din was brought [into this country], and of his race is Mauláná Arshad-ud-Din, who brought about the conversion of the Moghuls to Islám. All this, God willing, will be fully described in the First Part. This Khwája Táj-ud-Din is of the race of Mauláná Arshad-ud-Din. His father's name was Khwája Ubaid Ullah. He was a disciple of Mir Abdullah of Bushirábád …^372a Having remained for some time in the service of Hazrat Ishan, the latter gave the Khwája leave to go to Turfán, where he was cordially received by Sultán Ahmad Khán …^372b

KHWÁJA TÁJ-UD-DIN IS ALLOWED TO RETURN TO TURFÁN. THE KHÁN MAKES PEACE WITH THE KAZÁK-UZBEG. OTHER CONTEMPORARY EVENTS.

WHEN Khwája Táj-ud-Din came from Turfán, the Khán received him with due honour. He stayed one year in Yárkand, and then returned [to Turfán]. Next winter Rashid Sultán went and plundered the Kálmák, slew one of their Amirs named Bárán Tálish,^373a and acquired the honourable name of Gházi. He had his winter quarters at Kuchkár, whither the Khán went with a small attendance [jarida] and joined him. With the middle of the winter arrived Táhir Khán, who has been briefly mentioned above among the Kazák Kháns. After a long intercourse by means of ambassadors, it was ascertained that he had come to wait on the Khán, and to deliver over to him Sultán Nigár Khánim, the Khán's aunt.

This Sultán Nigár Khánim has been already spoken of above. She was the fourth daughter of Yunus Khán, and after the death of Sultán Mahmud Mirzá, son of Abu Said Mirzá, she was given to Adik Sultán, son of Jáni Beg Khán, the Kazák. By Mirzá Sultán Mahmud she had one child, Mirzá Khán, who became king of Badakhshán, and in the year 917^373b died a natural death. His son, Sulaimán Sháh Mirzá, is now ruling in Badakhshán. By Adik Sultán she had two daughters, the elder of whom was married to Abdullah Sultán, son of Kuchum Khán, but died soon after. The younger was given, at this time, to Rashid Sultán, as shall be mentioned. After the death of Adik Sultán, this Sultán Nigár Khánim married his brother Kásim Khán. When this last died, the Khánship devolved upon Táhir Khán, who was the son of Adik Sultán. He was very much attached to the Khánim, and even preferred her to the mother that had given him birth. She showed him her gratitude, but entreated him, saying: “Although you are my child, and I neither think of nor desire any child but you, nevertheless I am grown old, and have no longer the strength to bear this migratory life in the deserts of Uzbegistán. I wish you now to take me to my nephew, Sultán Said Khán, that I may pass my last days in a city and enjoy some quiet and repose. Moreover, in consequence of [the hostility of] the Mangit your affairs in Uzbegistán are not thriving. On account of the opposition [of the Moghuls]^374a your army has decreased from 1,000,000 men to 400,000, and you have no longer strength to oppose them. I will be a mediator for you, and will bring about a reconciliation between you and the Moghul Khákáns. In this way the Mangit^374b may be kept in check.”

Tahir Khán fell in with this plan and came to the borders of Moghulistán, where negotiations for peace were entered upon. He came in person to Kuchkár and waited on the Khán. The latter, from love of his aunt, rose [to receive him], saying: “Although my rising [to receive] you is contrary to the Tura, yet my great gratitude to you for having brought my aunt, makes it possible for me to rise.” Thus saying the Khán rose, but [Táhir Khán], observing all the formalities, bowed his head to the ground, and then advanced towards the Khán, who having embraced him, showed him great honour and showered royal favours upon him. After this, his sister, the Khánim's daughter, was given in marriage to Rashid Sultán, in whose haram she is at the present time. She has children, each of whom will be mentioned in the proper place.

At the time of [Táhir Khán's] departure, Muhammad Kirghiz was captured a second time, and brought bound to Káshghar. The reason for this was that he had shown signs of insubordination, and a desire to escape to the Uzbeg. He was therefore detained in custody, but after the Khán's death he was released. The Khán now returned to Káshghar, and I was left in Moghul-istán to keep the people quiet. But in spite of my efforts, I was unable to pacify the Kirghiz, who fled and again betook themselves to the remotest parts of Moghulistán, where they joined Táhir Sultán. Some of them, however, remained. In this year a son was born to the Khán.

IN the month of Shawál of the year 930 …^375a [a son was born to the Khán], and he was given the name of Sultán Ibráhim. Khwája Muhammad Yusuf received him as a son, and Bábá Sárik Mirzá, whose name was mentioned in the review [of the army] of Káshghar, was appointed his Atábeg. Magnificent banquets were held in honour of his birth—more splendid, in fact, than any that had been held on previous occasions. The Khán loved him above all his other children …^375b His life will be recounted in its proper place.^375c

ON return of the spring …^375d the Khán saw fit to go again into Moghulistán to confirm Rashid Sultán's authority. He set forth from Yárkand, and on reaching Káshghar met Hazrat Khwája Nurá, who was coming from the direction of Andiján. Having had the felicity of kissing the Khwája's feet, the Khán proceeded on his journey to Moghulistán, while the Khwája went on to Yárkand. Towards the end of summer the Khán reached Issigh Kul, where he learnt that the Kálmák had approached the frontiers of Moghulistán. The Khán, putting his trust in God, hastened on with all speed to Kábikálár, which is ten marches from Issigh Kul. Here a messenger from my uncle in Káshghar brought the news that Suyunjuk Khán was dead, that the Uzbeg Sultáns were without a leader, and that a better opportunity than the present one for revenge, was never likely to occur; for how long had such a day been awaited?

The reason for my uncle's remaining in Káshghar was that in the last-mentioned spring [summer], on account of the extreme heat of the weather, he had caused fresh green grass to be spread on the ground and iced water to be sprinkled over it; he had then lain down naked on it and had gone to sleep. On awaking he found that he had become paralytic [lakwa], and noticed an impediment in his speech. In the meanwhile, the Khán arrived at Káshghar on his way to Moghulistán, and Khwája Nurá^376a from Andiján. [Two couplets …] There is a proverb which runs: “When a sick man is destined to recover, the doctor comes uncalled”—a saying which illustrates the good luck of my uncle. Khwája Nurá applied himself to his treatment, and that is why he had stayed behind in Káshghar. On learning the death of Suyunjuk Khán, he had sent off a messenger to the Khán, and when this messenger arrived in Kábilkaklá,^376b [the Khán] quickly returned. His family being in Issigh Kul, thither he went; then, taking them with him, he proceeded to Kunghár Ulang, and thence towards Andiján. [Verses …]

The fort of Uzkand, which was a very strong one, was taken. [From Uzkand] he marched on to Mádu, where the fort is the strongest in all the province of Farghána. It, too, fell an easy prey to his army. Thence they advanced on Ush. All the nobles, learned men, artisans, and peasantry in this neighbourhood were agreed that since Suyunjuk Khán was dead, it would be some time before the Uzbeg could come to any agreement. “Until they have decided upon some definite plan [of action],” said they, “let us go and strengthen and provision the fort of Andiján; then let us take up a position in the mountains. As the Khán [cannot penetrate into the Uzbeg mountains] he will not be able to touch us, nor will he succeed in laying siege to the fort.” [So saying, they set out for Andiján.] But when the Uzbeg-Shaibán heard of the Khán's advance towards Andiján, without further conferring or planning, all poured into [Andiján], like locusts or ants, from every quarter. There was no time for making the necessary preparations for a siege, and the Khán was obliged to send many [of his people] back. In that expedition the Khán's army was composed of 25,000 men all told, while the Uzbeg had more than 100,000. [Couplet] …

The men who had been turned away, were sent to Káshghar. The Khán himself went back to Moghulistán and joined his family, which was in Utluk—a well-known place [mauza] in Moghulistán. Then, leaving Rashid Sultán in Moghulistán, he returned to Káshghar, where he again waited on Khwája Nurá. These events took place in the year 931 [1524-5].

LAST VISIT OF THE KHÁN TO MOGHULISTÁN. THE MOGHULS ARE BROUGHT TO KÁSHGHAR FROM MOGHULISTÁN; AND SOME OTHER CONTEMPORARY EVENTS.

AS Rashid Sultán remained in Moghulistán, he made Kuchkár his winter quarters. Now Táhir Khán was in Uzbegistán, but some events occurred there which obliged him to retire to Moghulistán. He therefore came [and settled down] near Kuchkár, where he was joined by half the Kirghiz, to whom he gave protection in his own territories. On this account Rashid Sultán became alarmed, and in the depth of winter fled from Kuchkár to At-Báshi. On learning this, the Khán, towards the end of that same winter, repaired to At-Báshi, and joined his son at [the] Kátilish^377a of At-Báshi. [Rashid's] followers were [thus] reassured.

In the [following] spring, the Uzbeg penetrated to the eastern quarter of Moghulistán, which is called Kháss and Kunkás.^377b

All the Kirghiz who had remained with Rashid Sultán, were anxious to unite with those Kirghiz who had joined the Uzbeg. The Khán ordered me to accompany Rashid Sultán, and [we] having driven the Kirghiz out of Bumghál and Kuchkár, brought them to At-Báshi. The Khán himself went to Káshghar, in order to gather all the people together, and to see if any agreement could be brought about between them and the Uzbeg. He left me in Moghulistán to ensure law and order among the inhabitants. I accompanied Rashid Sultán, until the Khán returned from Kásh-ghar with his family and rejoined our people; then he sent me off to the Káshghar [province] to bring Sultán Nigár Khánim into Moghulistán, that she might mediate with Táhir Khán for the settlement of a peace [with ourselves]. So I went to Yárkand, and conveyed the Khánim back to Moghulistán. The Khán was at Aksái.^378a

Before I arrived, he learnt that the Kirghiz had separated from the Uzbeg. On hearing this, he thought it advisable to go and subdue the Kirghiz, and started from Aksái [for that purpose]. When they had gone one stage, Rashid Sultán fell ill. Bandagi Hazrat Khwája^378b happened to be there, on an excursion. When he arrived, he was able in three days, by means of his Christ-like healing power, to change sickness into health.

Having delivered the Khánim into the hands of the people, I hastened on to join the army, and came up with them the same day that they left that stage.^378c I had the felicity of kissing the stirrup of Khwája Nurá, who then turned back. The Khán [at the same time] pushed forward, and in twelve days accomplished forty days' journey. The details of the matter are as follows.

When we reached Ak Kumás, the Khán sent me with 5000 men to accompany Rashid Sultán against the Kirghiz, who were then in Arish Lár.^378d On arriving at this place, we found their camp and their tents left standing. It was clear that they had fled and got away. Some of their arms and baggage [partál] were lying tumbled about. We concluded that they got news of [our approach]. As we proceeded, we came across some dead bodies, and several horses, wounded or killed by arrows, besides many broken arrows. After careful search, we discovered a man who was half-dead, from whom we learnt that Bábáják Sultán had come from Kusan, and attacked the Kirghiz; that three days previous to our arrival a fierce battle had been fought, resulting in the defeat of Bábáják Sultán. The Kirghiz, having despatched their families towards the Uzbeg, had then gone in pursuit of Bábáják Sultán.

Advancing yet further, we lighted upon some 100,000 sheep of the Kirghiz, which we drove along with us. As the Kirghiz had united with the Uzbeg, we were unable to offer them further opposition, so we turned back and rejoined the Khán, for the original object of this expedition was to punish the Kirghiz, and not to attack the Uzbeg. This campaign got the name of Kui Jariki, or the “sheep-army.”

Now at that time Táhir Khán had a force of 20,000 men, but his fortune was on the decline; for his army had formerly counted a million. He began to increase his violence and severity, and on this account he was abhorred of the surrounding Sultáns and men of note. He had a brother named Abul Kásim Sultán. The people were able to judge of him by the violent treatment he meted out to this brother, whom he suddenly put to death; they therefore all at once fled from him, so that none remained but he and his son. These two hurried forward and joined the Kirghiz. This news reached the Khán when he had arrived in Káshghar.

The reason for his going there, was that the Moghuls had represented to him that the Kirghiz had united with the Uzbeg, and these latter intended to settle down in Moghulistán, while he knew that he had not strength sufficient to cope with the numbers of the Uzbeg. It would therefore be dangerous for them [the Moghuls] to remain in Moghulistán that winter. For these reasons, the Khán brought Rashid Sultán, and all the Moghuls of Moghulistán, to Káshghar.^379a Here they learned the news of the rout of the Uzbeg. At the end of the spring, it being difficult to return to Moghulistán, they remained in Káshghar. It was about the beginning of spring that Táhir Khán joined the Kirghiz. He carried off all the Kirghiz who had been left in At-Báshi, together with the droves of horses which the Moghuls had left in Moghulistán.

BÁBÁ SULTÁN has been already mentioned above, as the son of the Khán's brother, Sultán Khalil Sultán. He was a mere child when his father was drowned in the river, at Akhsi, by Jáni Beg Sultán, in the year 914. After the Khán took Andiján, Bábá Sultán remained in the Khán's service, and was treated with such consideration that he became an object of envy to [the Khán's own] children. Khwája Ali Bahádur, who has been frequently mentioned, was appointed his governor [Atáka]. This man, as has been explained, had a plan [for seizing] Moghulistán, and taking Bábá Sultán with him. But my uncle opposed this, and arranged that Rashid Sultán should go instead. On this account, Bábá Sultán was offended. Despite the attentions the Khán showed him, his resentment increased daily, and in proportion as Rashid Sultán rose [in power], his jealousy became the more bitter. Moreover, some devils of companions (who are to be found everywhere, and who sow the seeds of hypocrisy in the soil of men's hearts) did their best to incite him to sedition and revolt; so that at length he came to the conclusion that there was nothing left but flight.

One of these men was named Mazid, a person of evil ways, whom the Khán had at first favoured, but finding that he did not perform his duties in the posts to which he was appointed, the Khán deprived him of his rank. This person found it inconvenient to remain in Káshghar, so he approached Bábá Sultán, and filled his ears with many idle tales, which Bábá Sultán, from the vanity of youth, or rather from sheer ignorance, took for truth. Among other deceitful statements, he said to him: “It is a ruler of capability such as you, that Káshghar stands in need of, and everybody is seeking for a really good king. Wherever you go, the people accept you as Bábá Sháhi. Look, for example, at Sultán Avais in Khatlán-Hisár. Failing to find a good king, he set himself up on his own account, and now bows his head to no one. If you present yourself before him, he will make you king, while he himself will advance and take the whole of Badakhshán, and accomplish much that I cannot [now] explain. The truth of the matter is, that the sovereignty of Khorásán and Mávará-un-Nahr is far more important than that of Káshghar and Moghulistán [and you may attain it].” Such idle tales as these did he string together, and by persistence, made them appear reasonable. Thus was Bábá Sultán duped by this man and one or two others of the same sort.

In the summer of the afore-mentioned year, they fled from Yárkand. The Khán did not send in pursuit of them, but said: “If they find some one better than I am, well and good; if not, they will retnrn.” Bábá Sultán fled to Sultán Avais, and thence to Badakhshán. Here he saw that he had been deceived, and that these cowardly men had misled him for their own private ends. Repentant, he returned to Káshghar. But the Khán was unwilling [that he should remain], as shall be shortly explained. So being obliged to quit the country, he withdrew to Hindustán, where he conducted himself badly. Bábar Pádisháh gave him Ruhtak, an important town in Hisár-Firuza, where he followed his uncommendable courses, but shortly afterwards was seized with dysentery, and died in the course of the year 937, at the age of twenty-four. In his youth he had been so spoiled by the Khán, that his masters could do nothing with him, and his studies came to naught. [Two couplets]… Yet he was not devoid of natural talents, for he was a skilled archer and conversed well. At an early period he was fond of me, and we were such warm friends that we always used the same tent on journeys, and the same dwelling at court. His aunt was with me and my sister with him, on which account we were always able to associate without ceremony. Then occurred the affair of my uncle; a bitterness arose between them, and he plotted against the Khán. All my warnings and reproofs were in vain, and after this our friendship began to cool. When he came back [from his flight into Badakh-shán] the Khán sent me to order him away again. [On our meeting, Bábá Sultán] began to make profuse excuses and apologies and to profess regret that he had turned a deaf ear to my counsels. [Verses]… Seeing him thus sad and repentant, I hoped he might persist in reforming his conduct, but on reaching India, a change for the worse came over him, and on account of his former evil associations, he never again mended his ways. [Verse]… His body was carried from Ruhtak to Badakhshán, and was buried in the tomb of Sháh Sultán Muhammad Badakhshi—his grandfather on his grandmother's side.

SHÁH MUHAMMAD SULTÁN was the son of Sultán Muhammad Sultán, son of Sultán Mahmud Khán, son of Yunus Khán. He was only a child when Sultán Mahmud Khán, with his [other] children, was put to death by Sháhi Beg Khán, as has been explained. One of Sháhi Beg Khán's Amirs, taking pity on this child, instead of putting him to death, kept him safe in hiding. After Sháhi Beg Khán had been killed, and Bábar Pádisháh conquered Mávará-un-Nahr, this Uzbeg Amir sent the child to the Emperor, in whose service he remained [for some time]. When the Emperor, on account of the successes of the Uzbeg, was obliged to return to Kábul, Sháh Muhammad Sultán stayed in Badakhshán with Mirzá Khán. On hearing of the conquest of Káshghar, he went to join the Khán, who loved, and treated, him as his own son. He was brought up in the special apartments of [the Khan's] children, and when he was grown up, the Khán gave him his full sister, Khadija Sultán Khánim, as a proof of his love and a token of his perfect regard for him. [Couplet]…

We spent most of our time in each other's society. During nine years Sháh Muhammad Sultán, Bábá Sultan and I had remained continually in the Khán's service. Like the three dots under the letter Sin in Said,^382a we were never separated, nor did we leave his service for a moment on any pretext. Our worldly goods we shared in common, and were participators in each other's praise and blame…^382b

For nine years this unanimity of feeling and action continued. But at length the crooked wheel of fortune worked a change…^382c In the spring following the winter in which Bábá Sultan fled, a strange circumstance happened to Sháh Muhammad Sultán. The details are as follows. There was, at this time, a certain Bábá Sayyid, son of the sister of Mirzá Muhammad Begjik, for whom Sháh Muhammad Sultán conceived a great friendship. But Bábá Sayyid was a young man who, from the first, passed the limits of decency and moderation. [Verses concerning impiety and immorality]… The remonstrances, reproofs and advice of the Khán and myself were in vain; his immoral conduct could not be checked, and he went so far as to prompt the young Sultán to aspire to sovereignty. The matter was rumoured everywhere and discussed by every one, till at last the Khán saw no remedy, but to banish the young sultán from the country. [Couplet]… He therefore sent Sháh Muhammad Sultán, together with Bábá Sayyid and some attendants, to Karátigin. Two of the Amirs, Muhammadi Barlás and Amir Jánaka, attended them as an escort. But on the road Amir Jánaka showed some hostility and wished to convey the Sultán to some place [other than their destination], on which account Muhammadi Barlás seized him. Thereupon Bábá Sayyid incited Sháh Muhammad Sultán to attempt the release of Amir Jánaka, saying: “It is his fidelity to you that has exposed him to this misfortune. You must save him from the hands of Muhammadi Barlás, by main force. What can Muhammadi do to you?” Sháh Muhammad Sultán, deceived by these words, turned back and at midnight approached the party, who being apprehensive [of some such danger] were standing fully armed. [As he approached] he called out: “Release Amir Jánaka!” to which they replied: “Whosoever you may be, retire! otherwise we will smother you in arrows.” The Sultán heard this threat, but paid no attention to it. (Has it not been said: at night the king is unjust?) The party then let fly their arrows and, by chance, the Sultán was struck [in the breast]; he retired a short distance and then expired. Muhammadi captured Amir Jánaka.

Having acted thus violently without orders, the party were thrown into the utmost consternation and knew not what to do next. A strange discussion took place among the Ulus. Some who had advised the Sultán, fled. Others, the Khán reassured with promises and agreements.

In the meanwhile Bábá Sultán, who had fled the previous winter to Khatlán and Kunduz, having discovered that what Mazid and the rest of them had told him was false and groundless, returned ashamed and penitent. The Khán sent me to meet him, and I turned him back; but I supplied him with all necessaries for the journey, before bidding him farewell, as has been related. The wife of Sháh Muhammad Sultán (the Khán's sister) and Sultán Nigár Khánim and Daulat Sultán Khánim (the Khán's aunt) and also the aunt of Sháh Muhammad Sultán's father, and the Khán's wife, Zainab Sultán Khánim (Sháh Muhammad Sultán's aunt) all came and demanded of the Khán why he had ordered the death of Sháh Muhammad Sultán. Whereupon the Khán swore a solemn oath, saying: “I did not give the order.” They then said: “Deliver Muhammadi over to us! that we may avenge on him the death [of the Sultán].” To this the Khán agreed.

Muhammadi appealed to me and my uncle to rescue him. He was in the service of Rashid Sultán. He begged me to use my endeavours for his security, so I took his part, and privately, but with great emphasis, represented to the Khán as follows: “The Sultáns who were brothers are all gone: this Sultán, who is your son, and still remains, will also be offended, and I too should be much afflicted [if you put Muhammadi to death], for he is a blood relation of mine.” The Khán then placed the whole matter in my hands [saying: “You can act as you choose; if you wish to retaliate, do so: if you wish to let him go, the choice lies with you.”] But the above-mentioned Khánims, who were all either my maternal aunts or their daughters, began with one accord to blame and reproach me, saying: “What in the world will your blood connection with the Barlás lead you to, if it make you neglect such an important duty as this? Sháh Muhammad Sultán was a closer connection by many degrees than he. If [Muhammadi] is your father's uncle, this man [Sháh Muhammad Sultán] was your own uncle, and besides this, your friend and companion. Your cousin^384a Khadija is his wife, and his wife's sister (the daughter of his paternal uncle) is of your household.^384b How can you, in consideration of all this, attach yourself to the side of Muhammadi?” [Such were the taunts and reproaches they poured down on me]; nevertheless, Fate willed that I should pay no attention to the true words of my relations; I returned falsehood for truth and would not hear of retaliation. I put Muhammadi under the care of my uncle, who carried him off into the mountainous tracts of Káshghar.

This incident led to a certain degree of ill-feeling between myself and my relations, [which was, however, dispelled a short time after]. But I was caused much trouble and exposed to great annoyance, ere I was able to deliver Muhammadi Barlás out of the hands of the Khánims; and [in doing so] I raised an executioner for my uncle and his children. I brought calamity upon myself— God forgive me! and again I say God forgive me! Since I did this unjust action, God sent this same Muhammadi [to overpower us]. Verily injustice can only bring ruin in its train. This same Muhammadi, whom I and my uncle had saved from so great a danger, neglected nothing in his endeavours to murder my uncle and his children, and to bring about the extinction of myself and my house—a house upon which four hundred years had worked no change. The Prophet said: “Whoso helpeth a tyrant, God will give the tyrant power over him.” …^384c

AFTER the affair of Sháh Muhammad Sultán, misunderstandings arose among my relations. In the winter of the same year, the Khán commanded Rashid Sultán and myself to make a holy war on Balur. Though we had been at variance with our relations, we made it up, and set out in all haste for Balur.

Balur is an infidel country [Káfiristán], and most of its inhabitants are mountaineers. Not one of them has a religion or a creed. Nor is there anything which they [consider it right to] abstain from or to avoid [as impure]; but they do whatever they list, and follow their desires without check or compunction. Baluristán is bounded on the east by the provinces of Káshghar and Yárkand; on the north by Badakhshán; on the west by Kábul and Lumghán; and on the south by the dependencies of Káshmir.^385a It is four months' journey in circumference. Its whole extent consists of mountains, valleys, and defiles, insomuch that one might almost say that in the whole of Baluristán, not one farsákh of level ground is to be met with. The population is numerous. No village is at peace with another, but there is constant hostility, and fights are continually occurring among them.

Most of their battles are conducted in the following manner. Their women are employed in the management of the house and the labour of the fields; the men in war. While their wives are in their houses preparing the food [the men will be engaged in fighting]. Then the wives will come out to them and make them desist, saying it is time for a meal, and they must leave off fighting. So they separate and go back to their homes to eat their food, after which they return to the fight until afternoon prayer-time, when the women will again come on the scene and make peace, which endures till sunrise, every one having returned to his own house. Sometimes it happens that no pacification is brought about, in which case they fortify and watch their houses all through the night with the utmost vigilance. In this way do they spend the whole of their lives.

As plains and pasture grounds are scarce, the people can keep but few cattle. They own a small number of sheep and goats from whose wool they make clothes, and cows which furnish them with milk and butter; beyond these they have nothing [in the way of flocks]. The tribe of each separate valley speaks a different language [to that of its neighbours], and no one tribe knows the language of another. On account of being continually at war, few of them have seen any other village than their own. In Balur there are beautiful gardens and an abundance of fruits, especially of pomegranates, which are excellent and most plentiful. There is one kind of pomegranate which is peculiar to Baluristán. Its seeds are white and very transparent; it is also sweet, pure, and full-flavoured. Honey is also abundant.

To resume: we passed that winter in Baluristán and fought many bloody [sab] battles, in which victory was on our side. In the spring we returned in safety, laden with spoil, and came to Sárigh Chupán, where a fifth of the booty was set apart; and a fifth amounted to more than a thousand [loads].

In the early part of the spring of 934 we rejoined the Khán. In the summer following, Sultán Nigár Khánim, whom I have had occasion to mention so frequently in this book, died of a hæmorrhage. I discovered the date in [the word] “khuldash.”

IN the year 935 [1528-9] Bábar Pádisháh recalled Humáyun Mirzá into Hindustán. The reason for this was that Mirzá Khán (the son of Sultán Mahmud Mirzá, son of Abu Said Mirzá) had died in Badahkshán, as has been related, and left behind him a child named Sulaimán. Bábar Pádisháh took this boy and kept him near himself, placing his own distinguished son, Humáyun, on the throne of Badakhshán, where he reigned from 926 to 935.

At the time when Bábar Pádisháh had subdued Hindustán and overthrown his enemies, two of his sons had become youths— Humáyun Mirzá and Kamrán Mirzá. Leaving the latter in Kandahár, he sent for Humáyun in order that he might have one of his sons [continually] by him, so that if he were to die suddenly, there would be a successor near at hand. For these reasons he recalled Humáyun Mirzá into Hindustán. But the people of Badakhshán made the following representation to Humáyun Mirzá: “Badakhshán borders on the [territory of the] Uzbeg, who cherish in their hearts an ancient hatred for Badakhshán. [If they attack Badakhshán] our Amirs will be unable to check them.” To this Humáyun Mirzá made reply: “All that you say is true, still I am unable to deviate from my father's commands. But I will do my best to send one of my brothers to you, as soon as possible.” Having thus reassured the people, he started for Hindustán.

[No sooner was he gone than] the inhabitants of [Badakhshán] began to despair; and all the Amirs, with Sultán Avais at their head, despatched express messengers to the Khán, representing: “Humáyun Mirzá has gone to Hindustán, leaving this province in the hands of Fakir Ali, who is quite incapable of coping with the Uzbeg, [and therefore] of establishing tranquillity in Badakhshán. If, by such and such a date, the Khán were to come, all would be well; otherwise we must succumb to the Uzbeg. But if the Uzbeg come and attack us before the arrival of the Khán, they will not be able [by the date mentioned] to obtain a firm footing. We implore his help. Perhaps he may be the cause of our salvation. Moreover, Badakhshán belongs to the Khán by right of inheritance from his grandmother, Sháh Begum; nor is there a more rightful heir than he.” So persistent were they in their appeals, that the Khán became convinced that if he did not go [to their aid] Badakhshán would fall into the hands of the Uzbeg. Therefore, at the beginning of Moharram of the year '36, he set out for Badakhshán, leaving Rashid Sultán in Yárkand.

It has been mentioned above, that Táhir Khán had been left alone, and in the winter had been deserted by the Kirghiz and all his following. On this account the Khán showed him magnanimity and did nothing. After he had been a short time among the Kirghiz, about twenty or thirty thousand Uzbeg again gathered round him; and he prepared himself in every way [for war]. [The Khán on his departure] therefore left Rashid Sultán to guard and protect the province of Káshghar. On reaching Sárigh Chupán, the Khán sent me forward with an advance guard [manghalái], while he followed after. I arrived in Badakhshán and learnt that Hindál Mirzá, the youngest of the Emperor's sons, had been sent from Kábul by Humáyun Mirzá; also that twelve^388a days previous [to my arrival] he had reached and entered Kala Zafar. As it was the season of Capricorn and the middle of winter, to turn back would have been difficult. So [we were obliged to] go on to Kala Zafar, where we tried to enter into some negotiations, suggesting that some of the districts of Badakhshán should be given up to us, and at the close of the winter the Khán would again retire. But they did not trust us; nay, more, they suspected us of deceit. So we finally resolved upon pillage, and, until the Khán arrived, I scoured the whole country round Kala Zafar; I brought together both man and beast, and indeed all to which the word “thing” could be applied. At the end of a few days the Khán himself arrived, and during three months laid siege to Kala Zafar, while his men carried off, from the surrounding country, the little that I had left. Near the end of winter, many of the Amirs who had sent for the Khán, came and waited on him, representing, with profuse apologies, that if Hindál Mirzá had not come, they would have hastened to meet and receive the Khán. To this the Khán replied: “It is out of the question that I should oppose Bábar Pádisháh. You sent me entreating letters, saying that you would be swallowed up by the Uzbeg, and that the presence of the Uzbeg in Badakhshán would be equally hurtful to both sides;^388b for this reason I came. As matters stand, every man ought now to return to his own home.” [Thereupon] the Khán left Kala Zafar, and set out again for Káshghar.

When news of the Khán's entry into Badakhshán reached the Emperor, he was greatly displeased, and after due consideration and reflection, he despatched Sulaimán Sháh Mirzá [to Badakhshán] and recalled Hindál Mirzá [into Hindustán]. At the same time he wrote to the Khán: “Considering my numerous claims [on your consideration] [and the ties that exist between us] this affair seems strange. I have recalled Hindál Mirzá, and have sent Sulaimán. If you have any regard for hereditary rights, you will be kind to Sulaimán Sháh, and leave him in possession of Badakhshán, for he is as a son to us both. This would be well. Otherwise I, having given up my responsibility, will place the inheritance in the hands of the heir. The rest you know.”

When Sulaimán Sháh Mirzá reached Kábul,^389a [he found that the Khán] had retreated some time before. Hindál Mirzá, in obedience to the orders he had received, gave up Badakhshán to Sulaimán Sháh Mirzá, and proceeded to India. From that time to the present, Sulaimán has reigned in Badakhshán.

The Khán [returning from Badakhshán] reached Yárkand at the beginning of spring. On the road my uncle fell ill, and when he arrived at Káshghar, his complaint took the forms of intermittent fever, dropsy, asthma and ague, so that all the doctors who were attending him, such as Khwája Nur-ud-Din, Abdul Váhid Tuhuri, Kázi Shams-ud-Din Ali and others, were at a loss; the symptoms at last became so grave that his life was despaired of. In the meanwhile Khwája Nurá arrived from Turfán, whither he had gone on the invitation of Mansur Khán, who had said that if [the Hazrat] would honour him with a visit, he and his friends would esteem it a great blessing. [Couplet] … Accepting this invitation, Khwája Nurá went to Turfán, and having quenched the thirst of those parched wanderers in the desert of longing, with the wine of his presence, he returned to Káshghar. [Two couplets] …

My uncle's state was now such that he fainted every few minutes, and became unconscious.^389b Soon after his Holiness began to attend to my uncle, the gravity of the disease showed signs of abatement. All his remedies had a beneficial effect, yet as a fact, this was not medical treatment, but miraculous power and holy influence: for the patient had become so weak and emaciated that he could not take medicines, and in such circumstances what can a doctor do? Therefore this was a miracle.

During this time a difference arose between Khwája Nurá and his younger brother, Khwája Muhammad Yusuf, on account of the neglect of a point of etiquette. The breach widened [from day to day]. One day I went to wait upon Khwája Nurá, and found Khwája Muhammad Yusuf sitting in his presence. Khwája Nurá had worked himself into a passion, and as soon as I had taken my seat, said: “Muhammad Yusuf, why do you act thus? If you are the disciple of our father, I am the disciple of his Holiness—that is, of Khwája Ihrár Khwája Ubaidullah; and besides this I have many points of superiority over you. You are foster-brother to my eldest son. Apart from all this, I am supported by God and His Prophet; what strength have you to oppose me?” Khwája Muhammad Yusuf replied: “I also am hopeful of the help of the Prophet.” Then, asked Khwája Nurá: “Are you willing that the Prophet should be mediator between us?” Khwája Muhammad Yusuf answered: “I am quite willing,” and Khwája Nurá having intimated that he also was willing, not another word was said. Thus the meeting terminated.

Shortly after this, Khwája Nurá set out for Badakhshán. One day somebody came and told him that Khwája Muhammad Yusuf had fallen ill, and was asking for him. I went to visit him and found he had a fever. The Khwája said to me: “I know well that Khwája Khávand Mahmud has taken an interest in me for some time past, he is kindly disposed towards me and gives me comfort from the Prophet. But now I do not know what has become of this comfort; for not a trace of it is apparent, and I am quite convinced that I shall not recover from my present illness. Khwája Khávand, who is my brother—nay more, stands in the place of a father to me, ought not to have treated me thus; he has put aside all his brotherly love and fatherly affection.” These and a thousand such lamentations did he pour into my ears. He also told me a few anecdotes, and entrusted some of his household to my care. He gave me a garment of camel's-hair and an apron, as souvenirs. In vain did I attempt to dispel his ideas [of impending death]; he only replied: “I am convinced; there is not a shadow of doubt.” He died on the sixth night of his illness, on the 14th of the month Safar of the year 937. I discovered this date in “Táir-i-Bihishti” [a bird of paradise].

After this, the Khán sent me to Khwája Nurá to entreat him to return, which he did, and the Khán came out to receive him; he placed his head at the Khwája's feet and offered him profuse apologies. The funeral rites of Khwája Muhammad Yusuf were then performed, [including] the giving of alms, distribution of food and reading the Korán through.

But Khwája Nurá chose to dwell in Yángi-Hisár, and the Khán, in order to wait on him, left Yárkand and went thither likewise. There, they and the friends and disciples of the Khwája spent that winter. The Khwája performed wondrous things in their sight. The Khán was continually in his service.

THE details of this affair would be tedious and irrelevant; but it was briefly as follows. Mirzá Ali Taghái, whose name appears in the lists made at Káshghar,^391a was exceedingly jealous of my uncle, but this did not show itself outwardly. Although he tried hard [to injure him], slander and detraction could gain no hearing in the service of the Khán. As was mentioned above, the Khán gave my uncle's daughter to Aiman Khwája Sultán in marriage, and from this connection had come many fine children; thus a bond of union [which should have lasted till the day of judgment] was formed between my uncle and the Sultán.

But seditious thoughts suggested themselves to Mirzá Ali Taghái. Since the spirit of jealousy had no effect on the Khán's relations with the Mirzá, he tried to beguile Aiman Khwája Sultán, and stir up the dust of dissension between the brothers. He would thus, he thought, gain his end. For if Sayyid Muhammad Mirzá took the part of his son-in-law and the latter's children, he would have, of necessity, to break with his maternal uncle, which would suit his [Mirzá Ali Taghái's] purposes well. If, on the other hand [the Mirzá] sided with the Khán, he would be closing the eye of fatherly affection on Aiman Khwája Sultán, and his children. In this event likewise [the Mirzá] would suffer, for the cause of Aiman Khwája Sultán would be ruined, and the power of the Mirzá, in a measure, broken. Acting upon these mischievous calculations, he, by a series of misrepresentations and suggestions, made the Khán and Aiman Khwája Sultán mutually apprehensive of one another.

The details are briefly these: At the time when the Khán marched against Andiján, [Mirzá Ali Taghái] said privately to Aiman Khwája Sultán: “I perceive that the Khán has changed [in his conduct] towards you, on account of my loyalty; he wishes to set up his son Rashid Sultán in your place, and give him the province of Aksu. You must now look well to your own interests, and trusting my words, act upon them.” While to the Khán, he was for ever saying: “Aiman Khwája Sultán is afraid of you without right or reason. It is very probable that he will appeal to your enemies for aid [and stir up a revolt]. But the Khán does not credit my words, and says they are the outcome of mere delusion. His evidence is that this year Aiman Khwája Sultán is committing such and such acts.” [Then Mirzá Ali Taghái] sends secretly to the Sultán, saying: “The right time is now come for you to do so and so.” In his artlessness and stupidity [the Sultán] does what has been suggested. Then Mirzá Ali Taghái represents to the Khán: “I told you that Aiman Khwája Sultán would do such and such a thing this year. My words have come true.”

From the time of the Khán's march against Andiján until his death, a period of some six years, this sort of intrigue was continually going on. And finally the Khán became altogether estranged from Aiman Khwája Sultán. It was in vain that my uncle and I reproved Aiman Khwája Sultán; when we asked him why he acted in this way, he could give no satisfactory reply, but persisted in his course; his motives were unknown to us.

At last we discovered that it was all the work of Mirzá Ali Taghái. When Mirzá Ali Taghái remarked the great change in the Khán's feelings towards Aiman Khwája Sultán, he took advantage of the opportunity, and represented as follows to the Khán: “Since Aiman Khwája Sultán's presence in Aksu may lead to a revolt, it will be better to set up Rashid Sultán in his place, and send him to govern some district of Badakhshán. This would be greatly to your advantage. But I am fearful lest the Mirzás become angry with me. If they consent [to the arrangement] you will find it most advantageous; but it will be a difficult thing to mention to the Mirzás.” (By the Mirzás, he meant my uncle and myself.)

The Khán told me of this; I replied: “In what way is Aiman Khwája Sultán preferable to your Highness' [other] servants, that this change should be necessary for the good of the State? I do not consent to it. His relationship to your Highness is [only] equal to ours. If my uncle's daughter is of his household and has children [by him], the daughter of my paternal uncle is in your haram, and these two amount to precisely the same [degree of relationship]. Rather there is the advantage [on our side] that I have been in your service for twenty-three years, and you have always singled me out for your fatherly care and brotherly love. How then shall I exchange the Khán's cause for that of the Sultán? I will forward any measure that may be for the benefit of your State, by all the means in my power.”

The Khán spoke also of this matter to my uncle, who said: “[Your Highness'] opinion is always enlightened; I am ready to do your bidding on every occasion…^392a Although I did not know that [the Sultán] could harm you, yet I trust your hitherto infallible judgment, and will do whatever is most fitting in the matter.”

These discussions being terminated, the Khán explained to us his proposals. He ordered me to take Rashid Sultán [to Aksu], and after sending Aiman Khwája Sultán away from there, to place Rashid Sultán upon the throne. Aiman Khwája Sultán was to come to [the Khán's] court, and to remain there until the country should be reduced to order. All must be done to advance the affairs of Rashid Sultán. To my uncle he said: “Let all be carried out as I have ordered.” I said: “With all willingness I undertake the task.”

Two days later I started for Aksu. On reaching Uch I was received by Sháh Báz Mirzá, who was also mentioned in the lists at Káshghar. After leaving Uch, I was met [istikbál] by all the men of Aiman Khwája Sultán, who sent a message to me asking: “What has happened? How would it be for us, having set aside all considerations of relationship, to meet [in consultation]?” But I would not consent [to an interview] and said: “As there is nothing to be gained by an interview, it is not worth while to have one.” I then sent a person to [the Sultán] with all the necessary provisions for a journey, and also some trusty men to accompany him. [After that I set myself] to encourage the soldiers and populace [of Aksu] and to settle their affairs in the most profitable manner; I passed the necessary orders to the old servants of Rashid Sultán, and arranged the government of the province by dividing it equally into villages and districts. Thus all the people were reassured. I stayed there six months.

Rashid Sultán was satisfied with all that was done, and there grew up between us the strongest attachment. During my sojourn, we were never apart for a moment. There was not the slightest disagreement between us. All that he did was pleasing in my sight; and all that I performed met with his approval.

Whatever I had suffered in being separated from my old friends, that is to say, Sháh Muhammad Sultán and Bábá Sultán, was atoned for in my friendship with Rashid Sultán. One day Rashid Sultán said to me: “Although formerly in Moghulistán, in accordance with the Moghul usage, and by the Khán's express command, there existed between us close friendship, and we used to give each other horses, nevertheless this fellowship was not confirmed by any vow. I am now desirous of renewing the old friendship and of ratifying it by solemn oaths.” I too showed my willingness, and the conditions of our covenant were that, on my side, as long as the Khán should live, I would remain in his service; but if the Khán were to die, I would serve no one but him [Rashid Sultán]—and serve him in the Khán's place, as he had served the Khán. Rashid Sultán said: “After the Khán, I look upon you as my eldest brother. If, in public, you reverence me in the place of the Khán, I in private will honour you as you deserve, and will show you even greater kindness and favour than did the Khán. I will give such offices to your uncle and relations as you may judge best.” And all this we confirmed with binding oaths. [Two couplets]…

This matter being concluded, he bade me farewell, and I returned to the Khán, who was in Yángi-Hisár. He received me in a most flattering manner, and would not hear of my going back to my home in Yárkand; but instead, took me with him on a hunting expedition to Tuyun Báshi—one of the frontiers of Moghulistán. On reaching the hunting ground, we were joined by the Sultán, who came from Aksu. Soon after this the Khán had a return of his old chronic illness, which took the form of flatulence, or wind in the belly and stomach, fits of shivering, and partial paralysis. Often, after hunting, he got a chill on the stomach, and his malady returned. But on this occasion the symptoms were worse than they had ever been before. My uncle was immediately sent for from Káshghar; but by the time he arrived the doctors of the royal camp had succeeded in curing the disease, by means of effective remedies.

Still, this time the Khán was much concerned about his illness. He sent for my uncle and Rashid Sultán, and said to them: “This illness has made me very anxious. I have frequently had such attacks before; for several years they have happened annually, but this year I have been seized twice, and the second time more severely than the first. My wish now is that there should be a covenant between you (meaning my uncle) and Rashid Sultán. In Mirzá Haidar's case there is no need of renewal, for not only did I establish them on a friendly footing in Moghulistán, but they have lately again, in Aksu, concluded a satisfactory agreement.” Then, addressing them both in the Turki language, the Khán continued: “Oh, Sayyid Muhammad Mirzá, if anything should happen to me, look upon Rashid Sultán as standing in my place. And you, Rashid, look upon the Mirzá as in my place also.” He said many kind things besides, all of which it would be tedious to repeat here.

The Khán took up his winter quarters in Yángi-Hisár, while I went to Yárkand. Previously, when I had come from Aksu I had found the Khán busily engaged in reading with, and learning under [irádat], Hazrat Makhdumi Nurá.