No sooner had these victorious troops returned from their attack on Jatah (or Moghulistán), than Amir Timur resolved to make yet another expedition into that country, that same year. He sent forward, as an advance party, Muhammad Beg, son of Musá (who, on account of his connection by marriage with Amir Timur, had a high opinion of himself), Amir Abbás and Ak Timur Bahádur. Marching, in obedience to orders, day and night, they came up with Kamaruddin at Bughám Issigh-Kul, and after a fierce fight, put him to flight. They then ravaged his country, and took his men prisoners. Amir Timur himself pursued Kamaruddin as far as Kuchkár.50a
At this place news reached the Emperor's ears that Toktámish Oghlán,50b having lost his faith in Urus Khán, had come in hopes [of good treatment] to pay his respects at court. The Emperor at once commanded the Amir Tumán, Timur Uzbeg, to go and meet Toktámish with all possible honour and ceremony, and accompany him back. Amir Timur returned from the direction of Inaghu and alighted at Uzkand.50c Thence he reached Samarkand in safety.
On his arrival at the capital, Toktámish Oghlán was brought before him by Timur Uzbeg and others of the nobles. Amir Timur received him with affection, and with all the honour due to a prince, none of the prescribed ceremonies being neglected; for after he had given a great feast in Toktámish Oghlán's honour, he loaded him and his retinue with magnificent presents, such as gold and jewels, robes of honour and girdles; arms, armour, horses, camels, tents, cymbals (kus), chargers, slaves, standards, and such like things; and as a proof of the extent of the love he bore him, the Emperor paid him the honour of calling him his son.
I HAVE heard from certain Moghuls that, towards the end of his life, Kamaruddin was afflicted with dropsy.50d While he was in this state news came, one day, that Amir Timur was approaching with his army; but Kamaruddin was too weak to mount his horse or to hold the bridle. So his people carried him into the depths of the jungle, and left him there with two of his concubines, and provisions for a few days. The rest then fled. After the invading army had withdrawn, and the scattered inhabitants had returned, they sought for Kamaruddin in the jungle, but not a trace of him or of his attendants, either dead or alive, could be found. Thus were the people released from his oppression.51a After his disappearance Amir Timur's mind was set at rest with regard to Moghulistán, and he made no sixth invasion of that country. In fine, the Moghuls enjoyed peace and rest.
OF TUGHLUK TIMUR KHÁN.
IT has been mentioned above, that Tughluk Timur Khán's youngest son was Khizir Khwája Khán, and that while he was yet at his mother's breast, he had been saved from the cruelty and enmity of Kamaruddin by Mir Ághá, the mother of Amir Khudáidád. When Khizir Khwája Khán attained the age of twelve years, [his friends] still fearing Amir Kamaruddin, removed him from Káshghar. Amir Khudáidád wished him to be accompanied by a few trustworthy men, but Mir Ághá opposed this plan, saying: “Do not send any of your own servants, for when the boy becomes Khán, base born people [such as they] will become influential, and then they will prove enemies to yourself and your children. They will imagine that the people do not pay them sufficient respect, but say among themselves, ‘These are only servants.’ For this reason rather send others than your own retainers—send strangers.” So twelve men were sent with him, of whom every one eventually became an Amir, and many of their descendants are alive now. Among their number was Arjirák, from whom are descended the Amirs of Itárji; Tájri of Khwárizm, from whom are sprung the Amirs of Kunji; while another was of the tribe of Chálish Siádi [or Sayyádi]; and his sons also became Amirs, with the style [lakab] of Kushji, but they are also called Kukildásh.52a These persons all attained the rank of Amir, as did also the remainder of the twelve.
In short, they conducted Khizir Khwája Khán up to the hills, which lie between Badakhshán and Káshghar. But as the spies of Kamaruddin got news of his hiding-place, he was obliged to abandon it and take flight to the hills of Khotan. Then again fearing discovery, he passed on from this place to Sárigh Uighur,52b Jurján,52c and Lob Katak,52d in which regions he remained twelve years. On the death of Kamaruddin, search was made for Khizir Khwája Khán, and Amir Khudáidád sent some people to fetch him from where he was in hiding. As soon as he was brought in, Khudáidád called the people together and raised him to the Khánship. Thus did the splendour of the Khán come to illumine the sovereignty of the Moghuls, so that the affairs of Moghulistán prospered.
The Khán then concluded a peace with Amir Timur, who formed an alliance with him by marrying Tavakkul Khánim,52e a maiden from the royal haram. During his reign the Khán undertook a holy war [ghazát] against Khitái. He, in person, attacked and conquered Karákhoja and Turfán, two very important towns, situated at the border of Khitái, and forced their inhabitants to become Musulmáns, so that at the present time it is called “Dár al Islám”52f As a seat of the Moghul Khákáns this country stands next in importance to Káshghar. It is moreover related that, in that campaign, this country was divided up in the manner ordained by the Holy Shariat. And there fell to the lot of the Khán, one piece of satin and one grey cow.52g The Khán's object in doing this, was the glorification of the realm of Islám.
It is related in the Zafar-Náma, that as soon as Amir Timur had satisfied his lust for conquest in the north, south and west, he prepared an expedition against the countries lying to the east, especially against Khitái, which is the most important of them; and a long description is given of the [projected] expedition, the substance of which is that he mustered an army of eight hundred thousand men, supplying them with provender sufficient for seven years—as was the custom in the armies of Irák and Rum.53a As the country lying between Khitái and Mávará-un-Nahr was but little cultivated and thinly populated, he ordered each man to take, in addition to other supplies, two milch-kine and ten milch goats, telling them that when their supplies should be exhausted, they were to milk these animals; and when, in turn, the milk should come to an end, they were to convert the animals themselves into provisions.
Having completed these preparations, Amir Timur set out from Samarkand, and for that winter took up his quarters [kishlák] in Turkistán. While there, he sent to ask Khizir Khwája Khán if it would be possible to cultivate the ground [in Moghulistán], in order to furnish supplies for the army.
I have frequently heard my father (upon whom rest the mercy of God) relate that in the beginning of the spring the new kimiz53b had come in, and on that day, according to an ancient Moghul custom, a great feast had been prepared. As Amir Khudáidád was on the point of offering a cup of kimiz to the Khán, one of the chief nobles announced the arrival of an ambassador from Amir Timur, and stated the purport of his mission. [The noble] added: “It is much to be regretted that we have not power to resist him, and that we should be compelled to pay him tribute.” At these reflections, the cup of kimiz fell from the hands of the Khán, whereupon Amir Khudáidád said: “You must now drink of the cup of tranquillity (ráhat), in conformity with this couplet:
To grieve over what has not yet come to pass is taking sorrow in antici-
pation.
'Tis better that I should defer to the morrow the things of to-morrow.”
Then he added: “It has been said that if an apple be thrown up to the sky, God has had time to bestow a hundred blessings before it descends again. Ere another year be passed, how many thousand favours may He not confer! This consideration ought to bring you comfort.”
Scarcely had he done speaking, when they saw advancing rapidly from the shore of Lake Kariás, a man mounted on a black horse, and clothed in white robes. He rode on as far as the executioner's tent, where it is customary to dismount. This man, however, rode on without stopping, right past the station of the guards who were sitting in a line. The chamberlains [yasávul]54a ran up from every side to try and stop him in his course, but he did not slacken his speed till he came up to where the Khán was standing. Then he called out in a loud voice: “Amir Timur is no more, he has died at Otrár!” Having uttered these words he again rode off at full speed. Many horsemen were sent after him, but none could overtake him; and no other intimation of the news was received. However, after an interval of forty-five days, information came that Amir Timur had died at Otrár; so there no longer remained any doubt about the matter, and the Khán was relieved of all anxiety and distress.
The Khán was born before the year 770 of the Hajra, and the above recorded events took place in 80754b of the Hajra. But it is not known how long the Khán survived Amir Timur—God knows best.
When the Khán ascended the throne of the Khánate, the foundations of the State, which, under the usurpation of Kamaruddin and the ascendency of Amir Timur, had been much shaken, were once more strengthened and consolidated. Old customs and rights, which had fallen into disuse or oblivion, were revived, while the affairs of the kingdom and the business of the nobles were restored to order. Among other matters that received attention was the restoration to his rights of Amir Khudáidád.
For in the reign of Chingiz Khán there had been granted to the ancestors of Amir Khudáidád the following seven privileges [mansab]:54c 1. Tabl (or the drum). 2. Alam (or the Standard), the former being called in Turki “nakára,” the latter “tumán tugh.” 3. Two of his servants might wear the “Kushun-tugh.” Kushun-tugh is synonymous with “chápár tugh.” 4. He might wear the Kur54d in the councils of the Khán, though it is a custom among the Moghuls that no one but the Khán may carry his quiver in his hand. 5. Certain privileges in connection with the Khán's hunt.55a 6. He was to be an Amir over all the Moghuls, and in the firmáns55b his name was to be entered as “Sirdár of the Ulus of Moghuls.” 7. In the presence of the Khán, the other Amirs were to sit a bow's length further than he from the Khán.
Such were the seven privileges bestowed upon Urtubu by Chingiz Khán. When Amir Buláji had brought Tughluk Timur Khán from the land of Kipchák, and had set him on the throne of the Khánate, he, in return for his services, received in addition to the seven privileges above enumerated, two others, so that he enjoyed nine in all. The first of the new privileges was, that he should have the power of dismissing or appointing Amirs of Kushuns (that is, Amirs who had one thousand followers) without applying to, or consulting with, the Khán; and the second was as follows: Buláji and his descendants should be permitted to commit nine crimes without being tried. On committing the tenth offence, trial should be conducted under the following conditions:—The accused should be set upon a white two-year-old horse; under the hoofs of the horse, nine folds of white felt should be placed—as a token of respect—and he should in that position address the Khán, while the Khán should speak to him from an elevation. When the interrogatory and investigation had been conducted in this fashion, if the offence should be a mortal one, and the other nine crimes should also be proved against him, two Amirs should stand by and watch him while his veins were opened and all his blood drawn from his body. Thus he should perish. Then the two Amirs, wailing and lamenting, should carry his body out.55c
These nine privileges were contained in a firmán issued under the seal of Tughluk Timur Khán, which I once saw myself. For it was handed down in our family, and ultimately came into the hands of my father (upon whom be the peace of God). It was however destroyed or lost, in the disturbed times of Sháhi Beg Khán.56a It was written in the Moghul language and character, and bore the date and place of the year of the Hog, at Kunduz; which goes to prove that Tughluk Timur Khán's rule extended as far as Kunduz. No one alive now knows anything about the reign of that Khán, but I have copied into this history the account of it given in the Zafar-Náma.
Since Khizir Khwája Khán had been saved from the yawning abyss of Kamaruddin's violence, and had been placed upon the throne of the Kháns, by the aid of Amir Buláji's son, Amir Khudáidád, he rewarded the latter Amir by superadding three privileges to the nine existing ones; making the prerogatives of Amir Khudáidád twelve in number. Thus:
10. That on the occasion of festivals, when the Khán's chamberlains [yasávul] arranged the ranks, one of the chamberlains of Amir Khudáidád, taking part in the proceedings, should stand on the right hand side, holding the Khán's cup: another on the left side, should hold the cup of Amir Khudáidád, and those two cups were to be exclusively reserved for the Khán and Amir Khudáidád.
11. That he should set his seal on all firmáns that might be issued, but that the Khán's seal should be set above his.
12. [No 12th mansab is mentioned in any of the texts].
Such were the twelve prerogatives [mansab] for which a firmán was granted to Amir Khudáidád, after whose death they descended to his son Amir Muhammad Sháh Kurkán. When this latter died, they devolved on Amir Sayyid Ali Kurkán, the son of Muhammad Sháh's brother, and after Sayyid Ali to Muhammad Haidar Mirzá Kurkán his son, and after him to his son Muhammad Husain Mirzá Kurkán, father of the present writer Muhammad Haidar, known familiarly as Mirzá Haidar.
After the martyrdom of my father, my uncle, Sayyid Muhammad Mirzá, attached himself to Sultán Ash-Shahid-Sultán Said Khán; the Khán Said Shahid confirmed all these privileges to my uncle. The particulars of the matter are recorded in the Second Part of this Tarikh-i-Rashidi. These privileges (that is to say, the first [seven] of them) were in force from before the year 625 of the Hajra, which is the date of Chingiz Khán,56b down to the death of the Khán and the murder of my uncle, the date of which was the 1st of Moharram, 940 of the Hajra.57a When this calamity took place and the Khánship came to Sultán Rashid, the customs of our forefathers were exchanged for other, and very different, practices.
Praise be to the gracious Creator, in that when my turn arrived to be created, he made me a free man and independent of the Kháns, for the great “mansab” He has granted me, is but an atom of those boundless favours which are the salvation of this world and the next. In the same way that thou hast made me materially free, make me also spiritually independent and prosperous!
| [Verses]: | Oh! God, make all the world my ill-wishers, |
| And keep me apart from them all. | |
| Keep my heart from worldly matters, | |
| And cause me to have but one purpose and aim in life. |
THIS Muhammad Khán was the son of Khizir Khwája Khán, who had, besides Muhammad Khán, other sons; among these were Sham-i-Jahán Khán and Nakhsh-i-Jahán Khán.57b After Isán Bughá Khán, excepting Tughluk Timur Khán, there was no one left in the country of the Moghuls who was of the first rank of Khákáns. This fact I have already mentioned. After the death of Tughluk Timur Khán, Amir Kamaruddin murdered all Tughluk's sons, so that there was no one left but Khizir Khwája Khán. (This I have also already stated.) This last Khán left many sons and grandsons; the details of the lives of all of them have not, however, been preserved in the Moghul traditions. In fine, I have recounted what I considered worthy of belief regarding the history of the ancestors of the Khákáns. But I have not been able to learn any details concerning their uncles and cousins. Consequently I have only mentioned the sons of Khizir Khwája Khán, as for example, Muhammad Khán: for in him the race of Moghul Khákáns came to an end.
Muhammad Khán was a wealthy prince and a good Musulmán. He persisted in following the road of justice and equity, and was so unremitting in his exertions, that during his blessed reign most of the tribes of the Moghuls became Musulmáns.
It is well known what severe measures he had recourse to, in bringing the Moghuls to be believers in Islám. If, for instance, a Moghul did not wear a turban [Dastár], a horseshoe nail was driven into his head: and treatment of this kind was common. (May God recompense him with good.)
In the Moghul records it is stated that Amir Khudáidád himself raised six Kháns to the Khánate, and this Muhammad Khán was one of the number.
Muhammad Khán built a Rabát on the northern side of the defile of Chádir Kul. In the construction of this building he employed stones of great size, the like of which are only to be seen in the temples [Imárát] of Kashmir. The Rabát contains an entrance hall 20 gaz58a in height. When you enter by the main door, you turn to the right hand along a passage which measures 30 gaz. You then come to a dome which is about 20 gaz, and beautifully proportioned. There is a passage round the dome, and in the sides of it; and in the passage itself are beautiful cells. On the western side there is also a mosque 15 gaz in height, which has more than twenty doors. The whole building is of stone, and over the doors there are huge solid blocks of stone, which I thought very wonderful, before I had seen the temples in Kashmir.58b
In the time of Muhammad Khán, the learned Mirzá Ulugh Beg was reigning in Mávará-un-Nahr by the appointment of his father, Mirzá Sháh Rukh; he was the founder of the famous observatory and the author of the astronomical tables called Zij Kurkán. Mirzá Sháh Rukh was king of Khorásán and Irák. The dates of his birth and death are not known, but if we refer to other dates, we find that he must have died before 860 of the Hajra. (But God knows best.)59a
MUHAMMAD KHÁN, also, had several sons, two of whom were Shir Muhammad Khán and Shir Ali Oghlán. Shir Muhammad Khán succeeded his father, and as long as he governed, the people were peaceful and prosperous. During his reign, his brother Shir Ali Oghlán died at the age of eighteen, and thus never attained to the rank of Khán. He, however, left one son, Vais Khán by name, between whom and Shir Muhammad Khán there arose great disputes, as will be related below. Shir Muhammad Khán, who was also a contemporary of Mirzá Sháh Rukh, enjoyed a longer reign than Muhammad Khán.
SULTÁN VAIS KHÁN was the son of Shir Ali Khán;60a after the death of his father, he was in the service of his uncle, Shir Muhammad Khán. After a time he began to find this condition irksome, and therefore fled from the court, and took to the life of a robber [Kazáki]. Many distinguished Moghul youths volunteered to follow him. Among this number was my grandfather Mir Sayyid Ali. I am the grandson of Vais Khán, on my mother's side. Amir Sayyid Ali is my paternal grandfather,61a and this Amir Sayyid Ali was the son of Sayyid Ahmad Mirzá, son of Amir Khudáidád. I think it is fitting in this place to give the history of Amir Sayyid Ali.
As has been already mentioned, Amir Khudáidád lived in Moghul-istán in the service of the Kháns. His native country was Káshghar, which had been given as a fief [akta'a] to his ancestors, by Chingiz Khán. This matter however will be referred to in the Second Part, when I speak of the country of Káshghar.
Amir Sayyid Ahmad61b had an impediment in his speech, and only those who were accustomed to hear him speak, could understand him. He was also hard of hearing, so that it was necessary to speak very loudly to him in order to make him understand. His father sent him to Káshghar as governor, which position he retained for a considerable time, till at length Khwája Sharif, one of the nobles of Káshghar, became very powerful and all looked to him for help and advice. Khwája Sharif was a noble-minded man, but he was displeased with Sayyid Ahmad Mirzá, so he handed over the government to Mirzá Ulugh Beg, while Amir Sayyid Ahmad fled from Káshghar to his father, and soon afterwards died.
Amir Ali, the son of Sayyid Ahmad Mirzá, lived with his grandfather, Amir Khudáidád, who loved him better than all his other children; for he was without rival in stature and strength as well as in courage, talent and understanding. He used to be called Sayyid Ali Alif.61c
When Amir Sayyid Ali took the daughter of Isán Bughá Khán for his son Muhammad Haidar Mirzá (as will be related below), he marked his joy by striking a nail into a wall, which I have myself seen. If one man stand upright, and a second, placing his feet on the first, also stand upright and stretch out his hand, he will not reach the nail by about an ell [gaz].
On this account61d Amir Khudáidád loved Amir Sayyid Ali better than all his children.
At this time a certain Ahmad Mirzá, one of the Timuri Mirzás of the line of Mirzá Sháh Rukh, having fled [from his own country] had come [to Moghulistán]. He had [with him] a sister, for whom Amir Sayyid Ali conceived a great affection; so much so that Amir Khudáidád and others begged her to become Amir Sayyid Ali's wife. She, however, refused, saying: “I cannot stay in Moghulistán, but if he will accompany me to my own country, it can be arranged.” She then immediately set out for her own country, accompanied by Amir Sayyid Ali. When she arrived at Andiján, Mirzá Ulugh Beg despatched a man to kill Ahmad Mirzá, and himself married his sister, at the same time throwing Amir Sayyid Ali into prison at Samarkand, where he remained one year. Here he fell sick of dysentery, and when on the point of dying, Amir Ulugh Beg sent for the doctors, whose remedies, however, were all without effect. One day somebody brought some kumiz. The Mirzá implored the doctors, saying: “As the medicines have done me no good, I should much like to try a little kumiz, for which I have a great craving.” They at last agreed [to grant his request] as a desperate experiment, saying: “It will very likely give him strength.” They then gave him as much kumiz as he wanted, and from that moment he began to show signs of recovery. On the following day they gave him some more, and he became perfectly well.
About this time, Mirzá Ulugh Beg was going to wait on his noble father Mirzá Sháh Rukh. Amir Sayyid Ali being quite recovered, Mirzá Ulugh Beg ordered a horse and arms to be given him, that he might accompany him to Khorásán. His object was to show off Amir Sayyid Ali to the people of Khorásán, as if he would say: “This is the sort of booty we take in Moghul-istán.” One night when the Mirzá was in his tent, the torchbearers were passing by, and he saw Amir Sayyid Ali with his bow, which was fourteen spans long—longer than that of anybody else. The Mirzá thought to himself: “If this man wishes to aim his arrow at me, who will be able to prevent him?” He became very nervous, and immediately sent for Amir Sayyid Ali and said to him: “This journey into Khorásán must be very irksome and unpleasant to you. You can return to Samarkand: when I get back I will give you leave to go to Moghulistán; and you shall be the intermediary between myself and Shir Muhammad Khán, so that matters may be settled in a peaceable way.”
So he gave him leave to return, and sent a man to accompany him. He also wrote to the Governor of Samarkand, telling him to treat him with every mark of respect. But he sent a secret message to the governor telling him to keep Amir Sayyid Ali in prison.
When Amir Sayyid Ali arrived at Samarkand with his companion, he gathered from the behaviour of the latter that he was not going to be well treated. When they had entered the town, his companion placed him in a house, and himself went before the governor. No sooner was he gone than the Amir left the house, on foot, and proceeded to Táshkand. When the man returned to the house from visiting the governor, he found the Amir's horse, and arms, and servants, but the Amir himself had disappeared. They inquired after him from his servants, who replied that he had just departed on foot. They then searched carefully for the Amir, but could not find him.
Meanwhile the Amir had fallen in with some Kalandars on the road, and having dressed himself as one of them, arrived in safety at Táshkand. The Kalandars gave the Amir the name of Ashtar Abdál, and bestowed on him some of the provisions out of their wallets. Thus, in the guise of a Kalandar, he reached Taráz, which is another name for Yángi,63a where he was recognised by the Shaikh of the “Shrine of the Companions of the Cave,” which is called in Moghulistán “Mamlakat Atá.”63b The Shaikh sent his son Shádika with the Amir, and caused him to be conducted into Moghulistán and brought before Amir Khudáidád. This Shaikh Shádika became one of the Amir's intimates, and gained the title [lakab] of Vafádár [the Faithful]. There are descendants of his still alive, but they have not attained to any celebrity.
At the time when the Amir re-entered the service of his distinguished relation, Amir Khudáidád, Vais Khán had separated from his uncle Shir Muhammad Khán, and had taken to highway robbery. Amir Khudáidád said to Amir Sayyid Ali: “I think you had better go and join Vais Khán, for if you stay here you may come to some harm.” He then selected sixty young men and despatched them with Amir Sayyid Ali, to Vais Khán. The Amir served the Khán well, and obtained in return the Khán's sister, Uzun Sultán Khánim, in marriage.
Countless were the laudable actions which Amir Sayyid Ali performed whilst in the service of the Khán. They would, however, take too long to relate. I have mentioned a few of them in my account of Vais Khán.
KHÁN AND VAIS KHÁN.
WHEN Vais Khán, as has been related above, fled from his uncle Shir Muhammad Khán, a number of people attached themselves to him, and they took to plundering in, and on the confines of, the territory of Shir Muhammad Khán; especially in the neighbourhood of Lob Katak and Sárigh Uighur.
It is related that when Uzun Sultán Khánim was given in marriage to Amir Sayyid Ali, this latter, in order to procure food for the feast, went out hunting, and returned, having killed two stags [Gavazan], which were eaten at the banquet. From this, one can form some idea of the splendour of the marriage festivities.
But [Vais Khán] finding little scope for activity in that country, [left it and] went to Turkistán. At that Amir Shaikh Nuruddin, son of Sár Bughá Kipchák, one of Amir Timur's greatest generals, was Governor of Turkistán. With him [the Khán] had some intercourse, and since he was at enmity with Shir Muhammad Khán, he gave his daughter Daulat Sultán Sakanj,64a in marriage to Vais Khán. He also gave the Khán much assistance in his attacks on Shir Muhammad Khán, and for a long time there was continual conflict between Vais Khán and his uncle, the latter being as a rule, victorious. One of these encounters took place at a spot in Moghulistán called Karang Káingligh. Vais Khán, after a long and rapid march, surprised Shir Muhammad Khán in his camp at midnight. [The assailants] were four hundred strong. When the alarm was raised, Shir Muhammad Khán threw himself into a ditch, while Vais Khán, surrounding the camp, searched till dawn for Shir Muhammad Khán, slaying all whom he met. Yet, notwithstanding their search and the violence they used towards the people in the camp, no trace of Shir Muhammad Khán was to be found. When day broke they fled. Then Shir Muhammad Khán came out of the ditch, and his men having again collected round him, he set out in pursuit of Vais Khán, who only saved himself after a hundred narrow escapes. In fine, this hostility continued between them until the natural death of Shir Muhammad Khán, whereupon Vais Khán succeeded to the Khánate.
WHEN his turn came, Vais Khán showed himself to be religiously inclined; he was moreover distinguished among his race for his bravery. Since he had forbidden the Moghuls to attack Musul-máns, he made war against the infidel Kálmáks; and though he was frequently defeated by them, he persisted in hostilities against them, not wishing to relinquish the holy war [jahád]. He was twice taken prisoner by them. The first occasion was in a battle at a place called Ming Lák, where the Khán, having been seized, was led before Isán Táishi. This latter thought to himself: “If he is really a descendant of Chingiz Khán, he will not do me obeisance, but will look upon me as an inferior.” When the Khán was brought in, he dismounted (for he was on horseback) and [Isán Táishi] advanced towards him with great respect [Sar-Zadah].65a But the Khán turned away his face and did not raise his hands. Isán Táishi was then convinced, and treating the Khán with much honour, set him at liberty. The Khán, on being asked afterwards why he had not done obeisance [to Isán Táishi] replied: “If Isán Táishi had treated me in a lordly manner, I should, out of fear for my life, have approached him with reverence. But since he came towards me with bowed head, it occurred to me that the hour of my martyrdom had arrived; and it is not fitting for a Musulmán to do homage to an infidel, or to countenance his actions, therefore I did not salute him.” It was the Khán's faithful observance of his religion that saved him from the abyss.
On another occasion, he fought a battle with this same Isán Táishi at a spot called Kabáka, on the confines of Moghulistán. Here, too, he suffered defeat. His horse being shot under him by an arrow, the Khán was obliged to continue on foot. He was on the point of being captured, when Amir Sayyid Ali, dismounting from his horse, gave it to the Khán, while he threw himself on his face on the ground. The infidels, thinking him dead, shot an arrow at his head. When they came near enough, the Amir contrived to lay hold of one of them (who happened to be a man of some distinction), and lifting him up by his coat, turned him from side to side as a shield against the arrows, running all the while by the side of the Khán's bridle, so that it was impossible to shoot an arrow at the Amir. In this way he continued fighting and carrying the man by his clothes for a whole farsákh, till they came to the River Ailah. He then threw the Kálmák into the water, and seizing the bridle of the Khán's horse, entered the stream, which came up to his chest. Several men were drowned. The Khán's horse began to swim, while the Amir held up its head, and thus safely conducted the Khán, mounted and armed, across the river. Many men were drowned on that day.
It is related that the Khán had with him, on that occasion, two cousins, Hasan Sultán, who wore red armour, and Lukmán Sultán, who wore blue [kabud]. They were both drowned on entering the stream. Amir Sayyid Ali, keeping hold of the Khán's bridle with one hand, did his best to save these two men with the other, but could not reach them. The Khán declared he could distinguish their red and blue jackets deep down in the water. Vais Khán gave Amir Sayyid Ali five presents66a —one for each [of the following] acts. (I.) He had given his horse to the Khán and had himself remained on foot. (II.) He had seized the Kálmák. (III.) He had used him as a shield for a whole farsákh.66b (IV.) He had brought the Khán fully armed and mounted across the River Ailah.66c (V.) Although he had hold of the Khán, he twice stretched out his hand to save the drowning men. The Khán then added: “I know that the Amir has such strength that if one of my cousins had been able to seize him by the hand, the Amir would have saved him too, and brought him across the water.” In consideration of these five actions, he gave the Amir five Aimáks as a reward. 1. Turkát. 2. Hibat Shirá Sut. 3. Uzbeg, a tribe of Khotan. 4. Darugha, also a tribe of Khotan. 5. Kukanit, also a tribe of Khotan.67a
Sultán Vais Khán had another combat with Isán Táishi, in the vicinity of Turfán, and was again defeated and taken prisoner. Isán Táishi said [to Vais Khán, on his being brought before him]: “This time I will only set you free, on your giving me your sister Makhtum Khánim, as a ransom.” There being no help for it, Makhtum Khánim was given to him, and the Khán was set at liberty. It is commonly reported that the Khán had sixty-one engagements with the Kálmáks: once only was he victorious; on every other occasion he was put to rout. (But God alone knows the truth.) I have frequently heard from Mauláná Khwája Ahmad that the Khán was a very powerful man, and that he used, every year, to go hunting wild camels in the country round Turfán, Tárim, Lob and Katak, which places I have spoken of in the Second Part. When he killed a camel he would skin it with his own hands, and take the wool to his mother Sultán Khátun; the Khátun would spin it and make it into shirts and breeches for him, which he wore with sumptuous robes outside. In Turfán water is very scarce, and it was the Khán himself who irrigated the land. He did not get his water from any stream, but having dug a deep well, drew from it a supply of water for irrigation. Khidmat Mauláná told me the following story of his uncles, who used to say: “We have often seen the Khán, during the hot season, with the help of his slaves, drawing water from the well in pitchers [kuzah], and pouring it himself over the land.” His agriculture was carried out on such a small scale, that the produce of it never attained the value of an ass's load; but this served him for a yearly supply of food.
He was a disciple of Mauláná Muhammad Kásháni, who was a disciple of Hazrat Khwája Hasan (may God perfume his tomb), and Khwája Hasan was a disciple of Hazrat Kutb-i-Masnad Arshád Khwája Baháuddin Nakhshband67b (may God bless his spirit). Being a king did not prevent Vais Khán from passing his time in such studies [as theology]. During the reign of this prosperous Khán, Amir Khudáidád went on a pilgrimage to Mekka. Moghul records state that Amir Khudáidád raised six Kháns to the Khánship, “with his own hand.” They were as follows:—Khizir Khwája Khán (whom we have mentioned), Sham-i-Jahán Khán, Nakhsh-i-Jahán Khán, Muhammad Khán, Shir Muhammad Khán, and lastly Vais Khán.
I HAVE already told the history of Amir Khudáidád in part; but in this chapter I have to relate the rest of his deeds and his death. All the Moghul traditions are agreed as to the country over which he was Amir. I remember hearing from my father (upon whom be the grace of God) and from my uncles (may the pardon of God be on them) that their father had 24,000 families under him. He was Amir before the year 765 of the Hajra [A.D. 1363-4] and he made his journey to Mekka before the year 850 of the Hajra [A.D. 1446-7]. He was Amir for ninety years.68a He exercised absolute power over the whole of Káshghar, Yárkand, Khotan, Aksu, Bái, and Kuchár. In spite, however, of all this, he was never a wealthy man, and during most of his life had not even a horse to ride. When travelling from place to place, the people of the country used to furnish him with a horse. And in the army it was just the same. He spent much of the revenue of his State in releasing and ransoming Musulmán prisoners. In those days the Moghuls were constantly attacking Turkistán, Shásh and Andiján, and carrying off Musulmáns as prisoners. The Amir would buy these prisoners from the Moghuls, and supply them with provisions and transport to enable them to return home. He used also to provide them with tents, in which they had room to kneel down and say their prayers. In the performance of good actions such as these, and pious works, did the Amir pass his life.
There are also many miracles attributed to him. One of them, that was related to me by Khidmat Mauláná Khwája Ahmad, I will quote here. Khwája Záhid of Káshghar was a great and pious man.69a Amir Khudáidád sent a person from Moghulistán to beg for one of Khwája Záhid's handkerchiefs. The Khwája's wife, however, thought that it was not fitting to send the Khwája's handkerchief to a Moghul in Moghulistán, and that it would be a sin to do so. Therefore she sent one that was not the Khwája's. When it was brought to the Amir, he, with much praise-giving, wiped his face therewith. But the next moment he returned it to the messenger, saying: “If this is, in truth, the handkerchief of the Khwája, I have no need of it.” So the messenger returned and gave it back to the wife of the Khwája. At this she was much astounded and told the Khwája what had passed. Khwája Záhid reproved his wife, saying: “The Amir is one of ‘this sect;’69b why did you act thus?” Thereupon the Khwája sent his own handkerchief. When the messenger delivered it over to the Amir, he, having wiped his face with it, said: “Verily this is the kerchief of the Khwája—and I have faith in the Khwája.” Many miracles, such as this, are recorded of the Amir.
At last when the Amir reached the age of ninety-seven, he was possessed of a very strong desire to make the pilgrimage to Mekka. But in spite of much entreaty, Vais Khán refused his consent to this step. The Amir secretly sent to Mirzá Ulugh Beg, saying: “If you will come, I will disable the Moghuls and deliver them into your hands.” Now, as Mirzá Ulugh Beg had suffered much annoyance from the Moghuls, and was continually engaged in repressing them, he immediately mounted his horse and set out [for Moghulistán]. When he reached a famous town in Moghul-istán called Chu,69c the Amir having deserted his own troops, joined Mirzá Ulugh Beg; and, in consequence, the Moghuls were scattered in every direction. When the Amir met Mirzá Ulugh Beg, he said to him: “I committed this act because I could not obtain leave to go to Mekka: this was my excuse for coming over to you, but now I don't see fit to go.” They then left that place, the Mirzá treating the Amir with all possible honour and respect. When they reached Samarkand, Mirzá Ulugh Beg said to Amir Khudáidád: “There is no one who knows so much about the Turah70a of Chingiz Khán as you do; I beg you to tell me all its regulations, as I have a great desire to know all about it.” The Amir replied: “We have completely discarded the infamous Turah of Chingiz Khán, and have adopted the Shariat [or Muhammadan Law]. If, however, Mirzá Ulugh Beg, in spite of his common sense and good judgment, approves the Turah of Chingiz Khán, I will teach it him, that he may adopt it and forsake the Shariat.” The Mirzá was much perturbed at these words, and did not learn the Turah.
In short, the Amir went to Mekka. When my father (God have mercy on him) went to Khorásán, as I have mentioned in the Second Part, he found there one of the generals of Sultán Husain Mirzá, named Sultan Ali Barlás, who was a very old man, being nearly one hundred years of age. He had been held in great honour by the Mirzá. My father questioned him concerning his ancestors and their times. He replied: “My father's name was Sháh Husain Barlás. He was one of the Moghul Barlás, and a distinguished Mir. Amir Khudáidád travelled with him from Moghulistán.” When my father heard this story, he became greatly interested and begged [the Barlás] to narrate the whole history. The latter began: “I was quite a boy when Mir Khudáidád undertook his pilgrimage to Mekka, and my father accompanied him, for he was in the service of the Amir. We fled from Moghulistán and wandered from town to town, till we set out upon the journey to visit the holy town of Mekka; when we had been a few days on our return journey, the Amir asked where Medina was; they told him that Medina lay in a different direction. At this the Amir was much distressed, and said: ‘I have come a great distance and suffered many privations; yet I have not made the tawáf [circuit] of the garden of the Prophet (may the peace and prayers of God be upon him); and it is a long journey home again.’
“He then gave all his servants and porters leave to return home with the caravan, sending with them many letters and messages for his children in Moghulistán. One of these letters has passed down from father to son into my possession, for it had always been carefully preserved in our family. In short, the Amir and his wife started for Medina, unencumbered, making an Arab go in front to guide them. My father sent me with him too, so I was of the Amir's party. After a long journey we arrived at Medina. The Amir made the tawáf of the garden of the Prophet (upon whom be the most excellent of prayers), and we passed the night in the house of a darvish. As night came on a great change manifested itself in the Amir. He called my father (i.e., Sháh Husain Barlás) and said to him: ‘Read me the chapter called Ya-sin;’ when my father came to the verse ‘Mislahum Balá,’ the Amir expired. We were all astounded at this occurrence. With the break of day, many of the nobles and people of Medina came to the house, asking: ‘Did not some one die here last night?’ and when we told them, they began to condole with us, and said: ‘We have this night seen the Prophet in our sleep, and he said to us: a guest has come to me to-night; he had made a very long journey to visit me, and he has died here during the night: bury him at the foot of the tomb of the Commander of the Faithful, Osmán.’ Then the Prophet drew a line with the end of his stick. As soon as we awoke, we went and found that a line had been drawn there. Happy the man who has been honoured with such a favour! The nobles of Medina buried the Amir at the feet of Osmán, with great honour. On the following night the wife of the Amir died also, and she was buried near where her husband had been laid.”
When Sultán Ali Barlás reached this point in his narrative, my father showed signs of great happiness; whereupon they questioned him as to the cause of his delight. My father replied: “This Amir Khudáidád was my grandfather.” Sultan Ali Barlás immediately got up and having embraced my father, said: “What I have told you is true. But no news of the death of the Amir ever reached Moghulistán, for on our return journey we settled down for some time in Irák, and then in Khorásán, and no one brought the news into Moghulistán. Thanks be to God that I have been able to give this news to you, and tell you what a noble death Amir Khudáidád died.”
Moghul tradition says that when Amir Khudáidád went to Mekka, his rank and titles were given, by Vais Khán, to the Amir's eldest son Mir Muhammad Sháh.
A SHORT time after the departure of Amir Khudáidád for Mekka, and the accession of Mir Muhammed Sháh to his father's rank and titles, Vais Khán's destiny was achieved. It came about in the following way. Sátuk Khán—one of those men upon whom Amir Timur had conferred the title of Khán—had been placed within four strong walls in the centre of the town. The place is called nowadays, in Samarkand, Hiyát-i-Khán [the walls of the Khán].72a It is a large place and each division of it has a separate name. One of them is the Hauz-i-Bostan-i-Khán [the reservoir of the Khán's garden], which is one of the loveliest spots in Samarkand. In the days of Amir Timur, Yusurghátmish Khán72b occupied this place; he, however, went away to Irák, and Sultán Mahmud Khán was appointed to the Hiyát-i-Khán in his stead. All the mandates [manshur] of Amir Timur bear the name of these two Kháns. So also the mandates of Mirzá Ulugh Beg bear the name of Sátuk Khán. Mirzá Ulugh Beg removed this Sátuk Khán from the Hiyát-i-Khán, and put some one else in his place, whom he also made Khán. He then sent Sátuk Khán into Moghulistán.
Vais Khán was in Issigh Kul, at Bakábulung.72c I have heard Mauláná Khwája Ahmad say: “Khwája Abdul-Karim, my cousin, who was on very intimate terms with Vais Khán, used to relate that one Friday, just before the service, Vais Khán, who had performed his ablutions and had been shaved, came to me and asked: ‘Of what is my head, in its present state of cleanliness, worthy?’ I replied: ‘A jewelled crown.’ He said: ‘No, it is worthy of martyrdom.’ He had scarce uttered those words when a messenger came running up, to say that Sátuk Khán had arrived. Vais Khán immediately ordered them to sound the drums, while he himself began to put on his armour. The men who were near at hand quickly gathered round him, and they set out to meet the enemy. There was a stream running between them. When the two forces came in contact, the Khán himself charged forward, and wished to make his horse jump the stream, but the horse sank up to his head [in the mud] on the bank of the river. One of the servants of Mir Muhammad Sháh (Jákir by name) was such a good archer that he had not a single rival in the whole tribe, and for this reason the Khán had begged him of Mir Muhammad Sháh, for his own service. At the moment when the Khán fell from his horse, Jákir arrived on the spot, and mistaking the Khán for one of the enemy, aimed an arrow at the waist of the Khán, who on being struck rolled over on his back. Then Jákir recognised the Khán, and threw himself upon him.72d When the news reached Sátuk Khán, he set out for the spot and, on his arrival, lay the Khán's head upon his breast, but the last breath of life had fled.”
The Moghul tribe were in the greatest disorder and, moreover, refused to obey Sátuk Khán; so that this latter could no longer remain in Moghulistán, but retired to Káshghar. Here he was overpowered by Karákul Ahmad Mirzá, who was a grandson of Amir Khudáidád. Soon after this, Mirzá Ulugh Beg sent an army to Káshghar. They seized Karákul Ahmad Mirzá and carried him off to Samarkand, where they cut him in half.
ULUGH BEG.
WHEN Mirzá Ulugh Beg heard of the approach of Irázán Bárin and Mirák Turkomán, he set out from Samarkand to meet them. On their arrival, he promised to supply them with provisions, and said: “Every household must come into the fort separately, where the members will have their names written down; each Moghul will receive an ass's load of provisions and then pass on.” Thus, hopeful of supplies, the people entered, but when they arrived at another door they were obliged to wait. Then their chiefs were killed and the rest of them were taken prisoners. Of all that entered the fort no one came out again to tell his story. Mirzá Ulugh Beg finished this business in a few days, and then despatched Yunus Khán, with a fifth of the spoil, to his father Mirzá Sháh Rukh. The Khán was kindly treated—more like a son than a prisoner. He was sent to Mauláná Sharaf-ud-Din Yazdi, that under him he might continue his studies. Many of the Mauláná's verses and Kassidas are dedicated to the Khán.
He spent altogether twelve years with the Mauláná, in the acquirement of science and letters. In fact, as long as the Mauláná lived he remained with him, but on the death of the latter, he quitted Yazd and made a journey through Irák, Arabia and Fárs. He was twenty-four when the Mauláná died, and he returned to Moghulistán, as pádisháh, at the age of forty-one, as will be mentioned below (if God will).
THE RUIN OF IRÁZÁN.
AFTER Mirák Turkomán and Irázán had carried off Yunus Khán to Samarkand, the whole of Moghulistán became subject to Isán Bughá Khán: all the Amirs offered to serve him, and thus the affairs of the Khán made great progress. Amir Sayyid Ali was untiring in his efforts to help the Khán, and as soon as the latter was firmly established on the throne, Amir Sayyid Ali begged him for permission to go to Káshghar. For, as I have already related, Khwája Sharif of Káshghar had given that place to Ulugh Beg Mirzá, and had expelled Mir Sayyid Ahmad, the father of Amir Sayyid Ali. Mirzá Ulugh Beg had, in the first place, appointed Amir Sultán Malik Duládái to be Governor of Káshghar, and after him Háji Muhammad Sháyistah, and after him Pir Muhammad Barlás.
Amir Sayyid Ali pointed out that it was a very fitting opportunity for him to go to Káshghar, and added: “I will see if I cannot restore to our family its old possession, of which for forty years it has been deprived. If I fail I shall merit your scorn.” The Khán thereupon gave his consent.
AT this time, the greater part of Mangálái Suyah was under the administration of the Dughláts. But Andiján and Káshghar had fallen to the government of Samarkand; while Issigh Kul, from the numerous vicissitudes to which it had been exposed, was sinking into disruption; the rest of the country, however, was still in the hands of the Dughlát Amirs. Just at this period the brothers and cousins of Amir Sayyid Ali were [governing] in Aksu, Kus and Bái. Amir Sayyid Ali came to Aksu, and leaving his family there, proceeded to Káshghar. When the Amir arrived in Aksu, a great conflict arose between himself and his two brothers, Mumin Mirzá and Sayyid Mahmud Mirzá. The Amir came off victor, in the end, after having killed many of his relations. About this matter there are many conflicting traditions. It appears, at all events, that he first got the upper hand of his relatives and then set out for Káshghar. He had 7000 men in his following. When he arrived within the territory of Káshghar, Háji Muhammad Sháyistah repaired to a place called Uch Barkhán, which is about three farsákhs distant from Káshghar, to oppose him, with 30,000 cavalry and infantry. But at the first attack of the Amir, Háji Muhammad Sháyistah took flight. The Moghuls started, in hot haste, after the Chaghatái, who in order to gain greater freedom in their flight, threw aside their armour before the enemy were able to overtake them, and uttered cries of distress. For this reason the battle was called “Salái Begum,” that is to say, “Mir-i-man biandázam,” or “I throw down my Mir.” This was one of the most famous battles ever fought in that country, and formed an epoch in its history. The people of Káshghar enabled the fugitives to creep into the citadel, while the Amir laid waste and pillaged all without, and then departed with the spoil.
The following year, when the corn was ripe, the Amir returned, and no one dared to leave the city. Háji Muhammad Sháyistah fortified himself in the citadel, while the Amir ravaged the whole country round. He laid siege to, and captured, one of the neighbouring fortresses, called Aláku, and again retired.
Then Khwája Sharif went to Samarkand to implore the assistance of Mirzá Ulugh Beg. While he was there, the Mirzá one day asked him: “Are there any donkeys in Káshghar?” Khwája Sharif replied: “Since the Chaghatái have come, there are a great number of donkeys.” Khwája Sharif took Pir Muhammad Barlás with him to Káshghar, while Mirzá Ulugh Beg withdrew Háji Muhammad Sháyistah to Samarkand. When Pir Muhammad Barlás arrived in Káshghar, the people gave him the surname [lakab] of Bangi, but they derived no benefits from him,76a and Khwája Sharif began to despair of the Chaghatái.
When the Amir advanced against Káshghar for the third year in succession, the people of that country addressed a complaint to Khwája Sharif, saying: “We have lost the crops of two successive years; if we lose this year's crop too, there will be a famine in our country.”
On the Amir's arrival in Káshghar, the people of that town, having bound Pir Muhammad Barlás, gave him up to the Amir.76b The Amir thereupon divested Pir Muhammad Barlás of his mantle of life, and entered the town of Káshghar, where he administered justice to the people. He governed the country during twenty-four years; and under him the State was so prosperous and happy, that he is talked of to this day. During all this time, the Amir paid so much attention to agriculture and the breeding of cattle and sheep, that when he died, leaving three sons and two daughters, one of his sons, Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, my grandfather, received as his share 180,000 sheep.
I once heard from Khwája Fakhruddin, a merchant of noble birth and pleasant of speech, that the Amir occupied himself with hunting during three months every winter. No one but soldiers were allowed to take part in the royal hunt. But as many soldiers as the Amir was able to provide for, used to join in the party, and during those three months, each one was supplied with meat and flour, which was distributed to them at the different halting-places [manzil]. On some days as many as 5000 sheep were given out, together with a proportionate amount of flour and barley and hay. Some years, 3000 persons were in attendance on the Amir, and each one was given his provisions. The inhabitants of the different villages were always anxious for the Amir to come to stay in their village, and the hunting party, on its arrival, would make them participate in their own store of good things. Fakhruddin used to relate that on one occasion, when they had alighted in our village, which is Artuch,77a the Amir's master of the hunt [Mir-shikár] having brought some flour, gave it to a poor woman to bake, promising her, as a wage for her work, one of the six loaves, which were to be made from the flour he had supplied her with; but when the woman brought the loaves, he refused to give her one of them, saying: “I supplied the flour and the wood and the salt; what have you deserved of me?” At that moment the Amir happened to be passing by on horseback. He stopped and asked the woman what her trouble was: the woman laid her complaint before the Amir, who then questioned the master of the hunt. As this latter acknowledged the truth of the poor woman's story, the Amir said to him: “Why did you not bake your own bread, instead of troubling this woman?” The Amir then sent to a blacksmith's-shop for some pincers, and caused all the wretched man's teeth to be drawn from his head. I have repeated this tale as a proof of the Amir's justice. There are still existing in Káshghar, many sacred edifices and charitable institutions, which were founded by the Amir. During the twenty-four years of his government, many important events occurred, which shall hereafter be related in detail.
WHEN Yunus Khán left the country, the whole tribe submitted to Isán Bughá Khán, and for a few years the country enjoyed repose. The Khán, however, by reason of his youth, was but lightly esteemed by his Amirs. One of the Amirs, a certain Timur of the Uighur tribe of Turfán, had enjoyed the special favour of the young Khán; the other Amirs being annoyed at his elevation, and at the small degree of attention they themselves received, could no longer contain their wrath, and one day, in the presence of the Khán, seized the unfortunate man and cut him in pieces. After this there was a division among the Amirs, and the Khán, much alarmed at what had taken place, fled.
When this news reached Amir Sayyid Ali in Káshghar, he at once set out for Moghulistán. He found the Khán at Ak Kabás, and, accompanied by a few men, carried him off to Aksu, of which town he made him governor.
Meanwhile the Moghul Amirs were acting each in his own way. Mir Muhammad Sháh had taken up his abode in Atbáshi, but after some correspondence and promises of friendship, between himself and his nephew Amir Sayyid Ali, he joined the Khán in Aksu; he was beloved and esteemed to the end of his life.
Another was Mir Karim Bardi, who was also a Dughlát. He built a fort on the frontier of Moghulistán, on the side of Andiján and Farghána. It stood on the summit of a hillock at a place called Alábughá, and its ruins are still to be seen. He spent his time in ravaging and plundering Andiján and the Musulmáns.
Mir Hakk Bardi Begjik went to dwell in a place called Kui Sui, which is in Issigh Kul. Here he built a fort, and put his wives and family on the island in Issigh Kul,78a that they might be safe from the attacks of the Kálmáks. Having done this, he went forth to lay waste Turkistán and Sairám. The Amirs of Jarás and of the tribe of Bárin went to join Amásánji Táishi, son of Isán Táishi, who was [chief] in the land of the Kálmáks,79a while Káluji and Balgháji and several families joined Abulkhair Khán79b in Turkistán. The Amirs of Kunji and several others wandered, in confusion and disorder, over the desert plains of Moghulistán.
But when Isán Bughá Khán had become firmly established in Aksu, first of all Mir Muhammad Sháh came to him [and submitted], and after that, others returned to him in numbers. The Khán, too, repenting of his former deeds, began to treat his people with great kindness. As soon as he had regained complete authority, he made a simultaneous attack upon Sairám, Turkistán and Táshkand, and having devastated these countries, returned home. This expedition took place before the year 855 of the Hajra [1451]. A second time also, he made a similar foray into this country. At that time Sultán Abu Sáid Mirzá was pádisháh of Mávará-un-Nahr. He pursued the Khán and overtook him in Yángi,79c which in books of history is called Taráz. The Moghuls fled without offering battle, and Sultán Abu Said Mirzá returned to his own country [Mávará-un-Nahr]; but when he had taken Khorásán, he repaired to that country.81a Isán Bughá Khán went to Andiján, where Mirzá Ali Kuchuk, having been put in command by Mirzá Sultán Abu Said, had fortified the citadel. The Khán had troops enough to enable him to surround the citadel with a triple line of men. He ran mines in every direction. The outer fort was taken…81b Finally peace was concluded, and many complimentary presents given [pishkash]. The Khán having taken possession of the whole district of Andiján, departed. There are to this day in Káshghar, descendants of the men who were made prisoners in this war, and they are Moghuls.81c
When Sultán Abu Said Mirzá heard this news, he was at a loss to know how he could put a check on Isán Bughá Khán. For if he advanced into Moghulistán, the Khán would withdraw to the farthest extremities of the country, whither it would be impossible for the army of Samarkand to follow him, and when the army should retreat the Khán would follow after it.81d Again it was out of the question to be always sending people to oppose him; for Isán Bughá's strength and numbers generally proved obstacles to the Amirs who were sent.
All this time Mirzá Sultán Abu Said was intent upon an expedition against Irák, but on account of the trouble and annoyance caused him by Isán Bughá Khán, he was not able to carry out his plan of marching into Irák. So he sent to summon Yunus Khán, the elder brother of Isán Bughá Khán, from Irák, where, as has been already mentioned, Yunus was living at that time; he then despatched Yunus Khán against Isán Bughá Khán, in order that while the two brothers were engaged in fighting one another, his own country might enjoy a little peace. The Moghul Amirs who had separated from [Isán Bughá] Khán and all those who, having built castles, would not yield obedience to him, the Khán did not oppose in their proceedings, in the hope that they would again return to [their allegiance to] him.
At that time Abulkhair Khán exercised full power in the Dasht-i-Kipchák. He had been at war with the Sultáns of the race of Juji; while Jáni Beg Khán and Karái Khán fled before him into Moghulistán. Isán Bughá Khán received them with great honour, and delivered over to them Kuzi Báshi,82a which is near Chu, on the western limit of Moghulistán, where they dwelt in peace and content. On the death of Abulkhair Khán the Ulus of the Uzbegs fell into confusion, and constant strife arose among them. Most of them joined the party of Karái Khán and Jáni Beg Khán. They numbered about 200,000 persons, and received the name of Uzbeg-Kazák.82b The Kazák Sultáns began to reign in the year 870 [1465-66] (but God knows best), and they continued to enjoy absolute power in the greater part of Uzbegistán, till the year 940 [1533-34 A.D.]. Karái Khán was succeeded by Baranduk Khán, who was in turn succeeded by Kásim Khán, the son of Jáni Beg Khán. Kásim Khán subdued the whole of the Dasht-i-Kipchák. His army numbered more than a million [a thousand thousand] men. Excepting Juji Khán, there had never reigned a greater Khán than he in that country. He was succeeded by his son Mimásh Khán, who was succeeded by his brother Táhir Khán. During the rule of this Táhir Khán, the Kazáks began to diminish; after him his brother Birilásh reigned. During his rule there were only 20,000 Kazáks left. In 940 he died, and the Kazáks disappeared entirely. From the days of Isán Bughá Khán to the time of Rashid Khán,82c friendly relations generally existed between the Moghuls and the Kazáks. But Rashid Sultán upset this state of affairs, as will be related (God willing) in the account I shall give of Rashid Khán.
SULTÁN ABU SAID MIRZÁ, son of Sultán Muhammad Mirzá, son of Miránsháh Mirzá, son of Amir Timur, got the upper hand of his cousins and took Samarkand from Abdullah Mirzá of Shiráz. After the death of Mirzá Bábar Kalandar,83a son of Mirzá Báisanghar, son of Mirzá Sháh Rukh, son of Amir Timur, there was no pádisháh in Khorásán. So [Sultán Abu Said Mirzá] took possession of Khorásán; his heart was set upon appropriating for himself Irák also, but, as has been mentioned, the opposition of Isán Bughá Khán prevented him from absenting himself upon so long an expedition. He therefore sent to fetch Yunus Khán, the elder brother of Isán Bughá Khán, from Irák (the reason of whose going to Irák has been explained above), and having established his court at Kushk-i-Bágh-i-Zághán,83b he instituted princely feasts in honour of the Khán. They made many compacts and agreements, and among other things, Sultán Abu Said Mirzá said to the Khán: “In Amir Timur's first expedition, his generals would not obey him as they should have done. Now, if he had ordered them all to be put to death, he would but have weakened his own power. The generals said to him: ‘You should appoint a Khán, whom we must obey.’ So Amir Timur appointed Suyurghátmish Khán over them, and the generals submitted to the Khán. All firmáns were issued in this Khán's name, but Amir Timur kept careful watch over him. After his death, his son Sultán Mahmud Khán was appointed in his stead. But from the reign of Amir Timur down to the time of Mirzá Ulugh Beg, the power of these Kháns was only nominal; and in my own time the Kháns have generally been prisoners in Samarkand. Since I have ascended the throne, my power is so absolute that I have no need of a Khán; so now I have divested you of the garments of poverty and, having clothed you in princely robes, am sending you back to your native country on the following conditions:—For the future you must not follow the example of your ancestors and say, ‘Amir Timur and the race of Amir Timur are our vassals, and have been for generations.’ For although it was formerly so, things have changed now, and I am pádisháh in my own right; thus, now if you are going to be my vassal, you must bear the name of ‘servitor’ [Khádim-i-Makhdum] and do away with the name of ‘friend.’ You need not, however, write to me in the way the Kháns used to write to the Timuri Mirzás, but in a friendly way;84a and these conditions are to apply to your sons and your sons' sons.” Yunus Khán agreed to all these conditions, and swore a solemn oath to abide by them. He was then allowed to depart, accompanied by all the Moghuls who were in that district.
I HAVE only given a summarised account of Yunus Khán in the above Chapter; I will now enter more into detail.
Yunus Khán was the son of Vais Khán, son of Shir Ali Oghlán, son of Muhammad Khán, son of Khizir Khwája Khán, son of Tughluk Timur Khán. I have never heard the date of his birth, but from the date of his death and the length of his days, it may be inferred that he was born in the year 819 of the Hajra [1416], but God alone knows. He succeeded to the Khánate upon the death of his father, Vais Khán. There was much dissension between himself and his brother Isán Bughá Khán, and the Amirs; Irazán and Mirák Turkomán had seized the Khán and several of the chiefs of families, and had taken them to Ulugh Beg in Samarkand. This was when the Khán was sixteen years of age. This disaster [viráni], which took place in the year 832 of the Hajra, forms, down to the present day, an epoch among the Moghuls.84b
Mirzá Ulugh Beg sent the Khán to his father, in the manner related, and the Khán was received with all honour and respect by Mirzá Sháh Rukh, who put him under the guidance and care of Mauláná Sharaf-ud-Din Yazdi. The Mauláná was a man of profound learning, and had not an equal in all Samarkand, Khorásán or Irák. In former times enigmas [muammá] were of a different sort to what one commonly meets with nowadays. This new kind was introduced by the Mauláná, and he has written a book concerning the solution of these enigmas. He is the author, too, of the Zafar- Náma. He also wrote some mystical commentaries on poetry,85a and he has never been excelled, at any time, in this style of commentary. Many other works were written by him, which it would take too long to enumerate here. I only wish to demonstrate how very talented he was. The Khán studied twelve years under him, with the result that there never was, either before or after, so wise a Khán as he, among the Moghuls.
When Khidmat Mauláná died, the Khán left Yazd and made a journey in Fárs and Azarbáiján. He profited much by his travelling, and gained great experience of life. He finally selected Shiráz as a residence; there he mixed with the learned men of the place, and acquired many useful sciences and crafts, so that he became known as Ustád Yunus.
In the meanwhile, Mirzá Sultán Abu Said had seized Khorásán, and was meditating the conquest of Irák, but was prevented from carrying out this project, by the frequent incursions of Isán Bughá Khán into Farghána, Shásh and Turkistán, which caused all ideas of an expedition into Irák to be temporarily abandoned. In the year 860 of the Hajra, Mirzá Sultán Abu Said sent people to summon the Khán from Shiráz, under the conditions above mentioned, and to conduct him to Moghulistán. The Khán was then forty-one years of age.85b
I HAVE already shown that in Moghulistán, each Amir had fortified himself where he happened to be. After this demonstration of contumacy, and the murder of Timur Uighur, Isán Bughá had withdrawn to Aksu. When Yunus Khán arrived in Moghulistán, the first of the Amirs to join him was Mir Karim Bardi; and after him, Kunji, together with several of the dispersed Moghuls, entered the Khán's service. The Khán then married the daughter of Mir Pir Haji Kunji, who was at that time an Amir Tumán of the Kunji [clan] and enjoyed absolute authority. Her name was Isán Daulat Begum. By her the Khán had three sons, each of whom will be spoken of in his proper place. Of the Begjik Amirs in Issigh Kul, Mir Pir Hakk Bardi had died, and had been succeeded by his nephew Mir Ibráhim, who also came and attached himself to the Khán.
All these Amirs offered their services to the Khán, but as they had for so long a time been acting independently, and each one for himself, they did not fulfil their duties, or offer the Khán fitting allegiance. Nevertheless, he humoured them in every way possible.
When some years had passed in this manner, the Khán set out against Káshghar. Amir Sayyid Ali was now grown very old, so that he could no longer sit on horseback. He sent a messenger [to ask help] of Isán Bughá Khán, and meanwhile fortified himself in the citadel of Káshghar. Isán Bughá Khán happened, at the time, to be in Yulduz of Moghulistán, which is on the eastern side of his dominions. When the message reached him, he immediately collected a large army, which numbered 60,000 men; with this force he marched from Yulduz, and arrived at Káshghar eleven days later. Only 6,000 men were with him, the others were still on the road [so great had been the rapidity of his march]. He was then joined by the Amir with 30,000 men. A battle was fought at Khwán-i-Sálár, which is about three farsákhs from Káshghar in the direction of Aksu. The fight was fiercely maintained, but finally Isán Bughá Khán and Amir Sayyid Ali were victorious. [Yunus] Khán was compelled to take flight, while his wives and family fell into the hands of Amir Sayyid Ali. At that time Mihr-i-Nigár Khánim, the eldest child of Yunus Khán, by Isán Daulat Begum, was still at the breast. They were supplied with necessaries and sent after the Khán.
When Yunus Khán reached Moghulistán, he was deserted by his followers, and finding it was impossible to remain in that country, he left it and proceeded to Khorásán, where he presented himself before Mirzá Sultán Abu Said. But the Khán was in such a state of destitution, that he could find nothing to offer as a present [pishkash] to the Mirzá. So the Khán said to Buyán Kuli, who was one of his most devoted servants: “I am going to give you as a slave to the Mirzá, by way of a ‘pishkash.’” And as the man offered no objection, the Khán presented him to the Mirzá, and entreated the Mirzá, saying: “You must give me some country [viláyat] as a possession, so that I may inspire the Moghuls with confidence.” The Mirzá gave him Yatikand,87a which is on the confines of Andiján. When the hour of the Khán's departure arrived, Buyán Kuli began to weep. The Mirzá questioned him as to the cause of his tears. Having told his story, the Mirzá took pity on him, and supplying him with a horse and provisions, sent him along with the Khán.
On re-entering Moghulistán, the Khán was once more joined by his scattered adherents. At this time Amir Sayyid Ali died in Káshghar. On the dome of the mausoleum of Amir Sayyid Ali, which is in Káshghar, is written the date 862. Yunus Khán was relieved of much anxiety by the death of the Amir.
THE Amir died leaving two sons. The elder was Mirzá Sániz, whose mother was of the family [kabilah] of the Amirs of the Jarás; and the younger was Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, whose mother was Urun Sultán Khánim, the aunt of Yunus Khán. According to Moghul custom, Sániz, being the elder, succeeded to the government. He was a violent, but generous man. Out of respect and reverence for his mother, and his love and affection for his brother, he gave Káshghar and Yángi Hisár to the Khánim, and Muhammad Haidar Mirzá [respectively], while he chose Yár-kand for his seat of government.
Although Muhammad Haidar Mirzá was cousin to both Yunus Khán and Isán Bughá Khán, yet he naturally sided with the latter, because Amir Sayyid Ali had chosen Daulat Nigár Khánim, the daughter of Isán Bughá Khán, as a wife for Muhammad Haidar Mirzá.
Soon after the death of Mir Sayyid Ali, Isán Bughá Khán died also; this was in the year 866. His son Dust Muhammad Khán succeeded to the Khánate. Muhammad Haidar Mirzá allied himself with Dust Muhammad Khán, while Sániz Mirzá, on the other hand, became a partisan of Yunus Khán. Under these circumstances it became impossible for Muhammad Haidar Mirzá to remain in Káshghar, so he left, and joined Dust Muhammad Khán in Aksu.
After this, Sániz Mirzá governed Káshghar so well, and administered justice so evenly, that his time was looked back on with envy by those who came after him. He ruled during seven years, and died in the year 869 [1464-5]. He fell from his horse while out hunting, and ran five arrow-heads into his loins, causing wounds which proved fatal. After his death, the inhabitants of Káshghar brought Muhammad Haidar Mirzá to their town, while Dust Muhammad Khán advanced on Yarkand, where he married the widow of Sániz Mirzá, Jamál Aghá by name, who had given Sániz Mirzá two sons, viz.: Mirzá Abá Bakr and Omar Mirzá, and one daughter, called Khán Sultán Khánim, all of whom the Khán took back with him to Aksu. (I will speak about them below.)
WHEN Isán Bughá Khán died (a natural death) he was succeeded by his son Dust Muhammad Khán, who was then seventeen years of age. He was an eccentric youth, and his actions were unreasonable. He was never for a moment in his senses. He much affected the ways of Kalandars, and gave himself and all his Amirs such names as are usually borne by Kalandars. His own name was Shams Abdál, and in the same way, all his courtiers and public officers were called Abdál this and Abdál that, and had to transact their business under these names. He was, moreover, excessively generous.
He reigned seven years. During this time he made expeditions against Yárkand and Káshghar. First of all he attacked Yárkand, where, after the death of Sániz Mirzá, the Amirs had shut themselves up in the citadel. The Khán asked them to surrender the widow of Sániz Mirzá: when she had been given up to him, he asked for the children, of whom they sent the eldest son Mirzá Abá Bakr. He then ceased hostilities, and went on to Káshghar. At the time when he had set out against Yárkand, Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, upon the entreaty of the people of Káshghar, proceeded to their town. When the Khán neared Káshghar, Muhammad Haidar Mirzá set out to meet him; the Khán sent him to Yángi Hisár, while he himself entered Káshghar, and when he had plundered it, he returned to Aksu. In consequence of this, Muhammad Haidar Mirzá was much enraged, and went over to the side of Yunus Khán (as will be mentioned below). Soon after Dust Muhammad Khán's return to Aksu, he gave his sister, Husn Nigár Khánim, to Mirzá Abá Bakr in marriage. But Mirzá Abá Bakr was much alarmed at the unbalanced state of the Khán's mind, and finally fled to his noble uncle Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, in Káshghar, whither his wife was, soon after, permitted to follow him.
Not long after this, the Khán fell in love with one of his father's wives, and in consequence tried to obtain permission from the Ulamá for an alliance with her. He put to death seven of the Ulamá in succession, who decided against the union. At length the Khán came to Mauláná Muhammad Attár, reeling with drunkenness and with a sword in his hand, and said to him: “I want to marry my own mother; is it lawful or not?” The Mauláná, who was one of the most learned of the darvishes and a most pious man, said to the Khán: “For such a one as you it is lawful.” So the Khán immediately ordered preparations for the marriage to be made. But on the night of the nuptials he saw his father, in a dream, mounted on a black horse, who, coming up to him, said: “Oh! wretched one, in that after we have for one hundred years been Musulmáns, thou shouldst apostasise and become an infidel.” [His father] shot him below the ribs with an arrow, then dismounting, he rubbed his hand on the bottom of a kettle, and blackened the Khán's face, who thereupon awoke, in alarm. Breathless and penitent, he rushed out of the house of his mother and washed himself. He was seized with an acute pain in the side, which, in the morning, developed into fever.
The people sent for Mauláná Muhammad Attár, and said to him: “It was you who granted the fatvá [decree legalising this marriage].” The Khán said: “Do not blame the Mauláná; for I had already killed seven persons when I asked his opinion, so what could the poor Mullá do?” But the Mauláná said: “I gave you no fatva, I simply said that [the marriage] was lawful for an infidel such as you are.” Dust Muhammad Khán was next seized with pleurisy [Zatuljamb] and died after six days' illness at the age of forty, in the year 873 [1468-9]. Khwája Sharif of Káshghar devised the following chronogram on his death: “U Khuk murd”: that pig died. He had reigned seven years. On his death great disorder ensued. He left one son, Kabak Sultán Oghlán, who was seized by some of the people and carried away to Turfán and Chálish,90a while Yunus Khán came down and captured Aksu.
WHEN Yunus Khán was sent back by Sultán Abu Said into Moghulistán, he was, on his arrival in that country, again joined by all the Amirs; he remained there some time, his headquarters being generally Yatikand. He was not, however, able to enter the territory of Isán Bughá Khán. When the latter and Amir Sayyid Ali died, Dust Muhammad Khán became pádisháh, and was joined in Aksu by Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, while Sániz Mirzá, who had been at enmity with Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, attached himself to Yunus Khán, to whom he was of great service. Yunus Khán entered Káshghar several times, but the Amirs of Moghulistán refused to stay there, so the Khán was always compelled to withdraw. This happened several times, but I will not give any details, as it would take too long, and the accounts I have heard differ considerably. The substance of the whole matter is that the Khán was very fond of cities and houses, but the Amirs and soldiers of Moghulistán always avoided the towns, and for this reason the Khán spent most of his time in Moghulistán. When Sániz Mirzá died, the Khán was joined by Muhammad Haidar Mirzá. A short time after this, Dust Muhammad Khán also died, whereupon Yunus Khán entered Aksu and subdued the subjects of Dust Muhammad Khán, while the son of this latter, Kabak Sultán Oghlán, was seized by some of his well-wishers, who fled with him to Turfán.
Yunus Khán wished to dwell in Aksu. In comparison with Moghulistán, Aksu is like a town;91a but he concluded, from the manner of the Moghuls, that if he stayed there much longer, they would all go over to the side of Kabak Sultán Oghlán, so he was compelled to call together all his tribesmen and return with them to Moghulistán. At this time Amásánji Táishi, son of Isán Táishi (whom I have mentioned in connection with Vais Khán) came to Moghulistán. For Isán Táishi had given him [in marriage] Makhtum Khánim, sister of Vais Khán, as a ransom for the Khán's life, and by her he [Amásánji Táishi] had two sons and one daughter. When Vais Khán had bestowed his sister, he had obliged his brother-in-law to become a Musulmán, and they were married with Muhammadan rites. The Khánim caused all her following to become Musulmáns, and named her two sons Ibráhim and Ilyás, and her daughter Kádir Bardi Mirzá, after Mir Karim Bardi. This conversion to Islám was the cause of a conflict between Ibráhim Ung and Ilyás Ung, on the one hand, and Amásánji Táishi on the other. (In the language of the Kálmáks the son of a Khán is called “Ung.”) Amásánji fled before them into Moghulistán with thirty times 100,000 men, while it is stated, that eighteen times 100,000 stayed behind with Ibráhim Ung and Ilyás Ung. These two, however, quarrelled with the Khán of the Kálmáks, and therefore fled from that country into Khitái with 10,000 men. The rupture [viráni] between the brothers [and Amásánji] took place before the death of Dust Muhammad Khán, which occurred in 873. The flight of Ibráhim Ung and Ilyás Ung into Khitái took place, probably, in 910 [1504-5].91b These two both died in Khitái. Ibráhim left one son, Bábulái by name, whose descendants are still to be met with in that country, and who still bear the same name of Bábulái. Mansur Khán made a holy war [ghazát] against Khitái and came in contact with that very tribe (as will be mentioned shortly).
But Amásánji Táishi, having separated himself from Ibráhim Ung and Ilyás Ung, came to Moghulistán. Near the River Ailah he came upon and defeated Yunus Khán. In that fight many Moghul Amirs were killed …91c and all the Moghul Ulus moved towards Turkistán, spending the winter at a place in Turkistán, on the banks of the Sihun, called Kará Tukái.92a Buruj Oghlán made a raid upon them, as will be hereafter related.
EVENTS WHICH FOLLOWED ON THE DEATH OF DUST MUHAMMAD KHÁN; THE SUPREMACY OF YUNUS KHÁN, AND THE MURDER OF BURUJ OGHLÁN, SON OF ABULKHAIR KHÁN UZBEG.
IN the year 855 Abulkhair, a descendant of Juji, was páaisháh in the kingdom [yurt] of Juji Khán, son of Chingiz Khán—that is in the Dasht-i-Kipchák; and he was the greatest king [pádisháh] of his time. After his death92b his people became very demoralised, and a number of them joined the Kazáks, Karái Khán and Jáni Beg Khán (whom I have had occasion to mention). There was a standing quarrel between these two Kazáks, and the sons of Abulkhair Khán. For this reason the sons of Abulkhair were also at enmity with the Moghul Kháns. For these last had always been the supporters of Karái Khán and Jáni Beg Khán. At the death of Abulkhair Khán, his subjects gathered round his eldest son Buruj Oghlán.92c Seeing that Karái Khán and Jáni Beg Khán had become very powerful, Buruj Khán thought he had better keep at a distance from them, and so retired to Turkistán.
When [the inhabitants of] Turkistán learnt the news of the advance of the Moghuls on their territory, and having ascertained that Yunus Khán was at Kará Tukái, [they sent] Buruj out with all speed [to attack him]. On that day the Khán happened to be out hunting with all his men near the banks of the Sihun. Buruj, crossing the river on the ice at mid-day, found the camp of the Khán undefended; he had 20,000 soldiers with him, and there were at that time 60,000 families of Moghuls. They entered the camp and each soldier made himself master of an untenanted house. They settled down in the Khán's camp, occupying themselves with the appropriation of all the wealth and spoil they found there.
When news of this matter reached the Khán he immediately abandoned the hunt, and set out in the direction of his camp without waiting to collect his men; when he reached the river he found it was frozen over. Now the Khán's camp was pitched on the [opposite] bank of the river. The Khán could blow the horn [nafir] better than any one of his day, and all his men knew the sound of his blast. He now gave a loud blast on the horn, and then rushed across the ice, accompanied by six men, one of whom was bearer of the great standard [Shash Tughji]. The women [hearing the approach of the Khán] seized all the Uzbegs who were in their houses. When Buruj Oghlán heard the sound of the horn and saw the six men and the standard, he rose up with the intent of mounting his horse, but the female servants had seized both his groom [akhtaji] and his horse. Some women [at that moment] came out of their houses and seized Buruj Oghlán, when the Khán, arriving upon the scene, ordered them to behead him; this order was carried out immediately, and of the 20,000 Uzbegs a few only escaped. The Khán then again settled down, victorious, in his camp. On the morrow, when the army had reassembled, the pursuit of the enemy was continued, and all the Sultáns of Abulkhair Khán who survived, were scattered in different directions. They will be mentioned, separately and individually, in different parts [of this book].
HAVING passed the winter at Kará Tukái, the Khán proceeded in the spring to Táshkand. At that time there was, in Táshkand, one of the Amirs of Mirzá Sultán Abu Said, Shaikh Jamál-ud-Din Khar by name. Sultán Abu Said Mirzá had just died in Irák,93a and had been succeeded in the rule of Khorásán by Sultán Husain Mirzá; while his son, Sultán Ahmad Mirzá, succeeded him in Samarkand. The government of Hisár, Kunduz and Badakhshán had devolved upon his son, Mirzá Sultán Mahmud, and Mirzá Omar Shaikh became pádisháh of Andiján, and vali of Farghána. Yunus Khán made all three of these Mirzás his sons-in-law. (I will mention each of them in his proper place.) In short, this Shaikh Jamál Khar was one of Sultán Abu Sáid's Amirs, and had been appointed Governor of Táshkand, subject to Mirzá Sultán Ahmad of Samar-kand; but his allegiance to the Mirzá was very imperfect. The Khán, on account of the scarcity of barley in Moghulistán, came to Táshkand, where he mixed freely and unsuspectingly with the above-mentioned Mirzás. For the Khán had come without any apprehensions; but his Moghul followers had sent secretly to Shaikh Jamál Khar, inviting him to come and oppose the Khán, to which the Shaikh, after much persuasion, agreed. He approached the Khán as if to do him homage, but when he drew near, all the men who were with the latter, went forward to meet the Shaikh, leaving the Khán alone. The Khán asked where his men were going, to which they answered that they were going to meet Mir Shaikh Jamál. When Shaikh Jamál Khar came up to the standard and drum of the Khán, he remained on horseback; there was no one with the Khán, so the Shaikh sent one of the Khán's own servants to seize him, which was easily managed. The Khán was bound and kept in prison one year. The whole Moghul Ulus submitted to Shaikh Jamál.
Isán Daulat Begum, the wife of Yunus Khán and mother of his children, has been mentioned above as the mother of Mihr-i-Nigár Khánim, who was given in marriage to Sultán Ahmad Mirzá, and of Kutluk Nigár Khánim, who was wedded to Mirzá Omar Shaikh. This same Isán Daulat Begum was given, as a present, by Shaikh Jamál Khar, to one of his most distinguished officers. When the Begum heard of this, she made no objections, but appeared pleased. They then informed Khwája Kalán (as this officer was named) of the Begum's pleasure: he too was much pleased, and in the evening went to her house. He found her servants standing outside. He himself entered her room. Now, before his arrival, the Begum had arranged with her female attendants [dáhán] that on a given sign from herself, they should make fast all the doors of the house. So when Khwája Kalán had entered the room, having fastened the doors, the female attendants laid hold of him and put him to death, by stabbing him with knives [kizlik]. When day broke they threw his body outside. Some persons seeing the Khwája's dead body, went and reported the matter to Shaikh Jamál, who sent to ask the Begum the meaning of it all. The Begum replied: “I am the wife of Sultán Yunus Khán; Shaikh Jamál gave me to some one else; this is not allowed by Muhammadan law, so I killed the man, and Shaikh Jamál Khar may kill me also if he likes.” Shaikh Jamál commended her words, and, taking pity on her, sent her back with all honour to the Khán [her husband].
When the Khán had been one year in prison, Amir Abdul Kudus, the nephew of Amir Karim Bardi Dughlát, with the assistance of a body of men, fell on the Shaikh and slew him. He then brought the head of the Shaikh to the Khán, and set him at liberty. The Amirs, who had gone over to the Shaikh, now returned to their allegiance under the Khán. They explained that the reason for the hostility they had shown him was, that he had always tried to make them settle in towns and cultivated countries, but that these places were hateful to them. So the Khán repented and said: “Henceforward I will give up all idea of living in towns and cultivated countries” [shahr u viláyat]. To record this event they invented the chronogram: sar-i-khar giriftah Abdul Kudus, which is enigmatical; for “sar-i-khar” is equivalent to the letter “khá” and has to be added to [the numerical value of] Abdul Kudus in order to produce the date 877 [1472-3].
At this time [in the same year] the Kálmáks returned to their own homes [yurt], and Moghulistán being left unoccupied, the Khán led his Moghuls back to their country.
AS soon as the Khán had again established himself on the throne of the Khánate, the Moghuls and the Amirs made him promise never, for the future, to attempt to make them dwell in cities or cultivated countries [shahr u viláyat], which had been the cause of all their sedition and revolts. The Khán was obliged to comply, and they then re-entered Moghulistán, which had been vacated by the Kálmáks. During several years the Khán never even made mention [hawá] of towns or houses, so that at length the Moghuls became much attached to him.
Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, who was in Káshghar, yielded fitting obedience to the Khán, from whom he, in return, received demonstrations of paternal affection; and complete tranquillity prevailed in Moghulistán and Káshghar.
Soon after the Khán's return, the followers of Kabak Sultán Oghlán (son of Dust Muhammad Khán), who had fled in the direction of Turfán, having killed their master, brought his head to the Khán. But the Khán, in spite of Kabak having been his enemy, was (for Kabak's brother's sake) very angry, and ordered the murderers [to be put to death] by way of retaliation.
The Khán had now no enemies remaining on any side. After he had killed Buruj Oghlán, he sent his eldest daughter, Mihr Nigár Khánim, to Sultán Ahmad Mirzá, son of Sultán Abu Said Mirzá, saying: “Sultán Abu Said Mirzá turned the enmity that existed between Moghul and Chaghatái into friendship. I wish now to cement this friendship with a family alliance, and therefore offer my daughter, as a wife, to the son of Sultán Abu Said Mirzá.” Mihr Nigár Khánim remained in the haram of Mirzá Sultán Ahmad as long as he lived. (I shall have more to say of the Khánim in the second part of this work.)
After the Khán's return to Moghulistán, when Shaikh Jamál Khar had been put to death, he gave his daughter, Kutluk Nigár Khánim, who was younger than Mihr Nigár Khánim, in marriage to Omar Shaikh Mirzá, son of Sultán Abu Said Mirzá. This was in the year 880. There existed between the Khán and Omar Shaikh such an affection as is seldom even found between father and son. Omar Shaikh used to go and spend a month, or two months, at a time in Moghulistán, and sometimes he would bring back his father with him to Andiján, and the Khán would be his guest for a month or more. About this time Omar Shaikh tried to induce the Khán to march on Samarkand, and after depriving his brother Mirzá Sultán Ahmad (the eldest son-in-law of Yunus Khán) of the throne, to set him (Omar Shaikh) upon it, in his brother's stead. But the Khán would not hear of such a measure. When Sultán Ahmad heard of his brother's scheme, he set out to oppose him with an army. But Omar Shaikh Mirzá appealed to the Khán for succour, giving him, at the same time, some of his own territories. Thus Sultán Ahmad was hindered from making an invasion. This state of affairs was constantly recurring. It was, however, at length agreed that the Khán should come every winter to Andiján, attended only by his own personal servants; leaving the Ulus of the Moghul in Moghulistán. Omar Shaikh Mirzá was to give to the Khán whichever of his territories the latter might select. In the spring, the Khán was to return to Moghulistán, and the Mirzá again take possession of his own territories.
On one occasion, Omar Shaikh Mirzá, being in great fear of his brother, sent to Yunus Khán for support, while he gave over to him Akhsi. The Khán took up his winter quarters in Akhsi, hearing of which, Sultán Ahmad Mirzá abandoned his hostile intentions. Omar Shaikh Mirzá, though his mind was set at rest with regard to his brother, nevertheless did not like the Khán's residing in Akhsi. For Akhsi was the largest town in Farghána, and its capital. On this account he rose in arms against the Khán, and fought a battle against him at the Bridge of Tiká Sagrutku.96a
The Khán at first remonstrated with the Mirzá, but in vain; and a battle ensued in which the Mirzá was defeated and taken prisoner. He was brought bound before the Khán, who rose up to meet him and ordered his hands to be set free. He then made him presents and sent him away, saying: “Return home at once, that your men be thrown into confusion. I too will follow you to your house.” When Omar Shaikh Mirzá returned to Andiján, the Khán allowed his Ulus to go back to Moghulistán, while he himself proceeded to Andiján with his family [kuj] and a few followers. He remained in the house of the Mirzá for two months, and nothing disturbed their friendship.97a
On another occasion when the Mirzá called on the Khán for assistance, he gave him Marghilán. While the Khán was in Marghilán, his Holiness, the Axis of pious works, the Cynosure of the pious, the Beloved of God, Khwája Násiruddin Ubaidullah (may God sanctify his spirit) came there in order to bring about a reconciliation between the Khán and Omar Shaikh Mirzá, on the one hand, and Sultán Ahmad Mirzá on the other. I have often heard from trustworthy narrators, that when his Holiness arrived near Marghilán, all the Moghuls and the inhabitants of the town came out to meet him [in istikbál], but none of the Moghuls had the presumption to approach him [to salute him], such was their great regard [for this holy man]. Men and women halted at a distance and, dismounting, fastened their horses to the ground, while they themselves kept their eyes fixed on the dust of the road. His Holiness then approached them. There was one among his retinue who recognised the Khán, and he said to his Holiness, “This is Yunus Khán.” His Holiness immediately dismounted, and having raised the Khán's head from the ground, embraced him.
I once heard from his Holiness, the Refuge of Piety, Mauláná Muhammad Kázi (upon whom be mercy), who on a certain occasion went to Marghilán, the following: “I had heard that Yunus Khán was a Moghul, and I concluded that he was a beardless man, with the ways and manners of any other Turk of the desert. But when I saw him, I found he was a person of elegant deportment, with a full beard and a Tájik face,97b and such refined speech and manner, as is seldom to be found even in a Tájik.” In short, when his Holiness had seen the Khán, he addressed letters to all the Sultáns round about, saying: “I have seen Yunus Khán and the Moghuls. The subjects of such a pádisháh are not to be carried off captives. They are people of Islám.” From this time forth, no more Moghuls were bought or sold as slaves in Mávará-un-Nahr and Khorásán—for before this, the Moghuls had been purchased as other Káfirs are purchased.
AFTER the death of Sániz Mirzá, son of Amir Sayyid Ali, the government of Káshghar was given to Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, son of Amir Sayyid Ali (as was related above). When he had become firmly established in that place, Dust Muhammad Khán died.
Yunus Khan, in order to satisfy the Moghu! Ulus, gave up all intention of inhabiting cities and cultivated lands. Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, in Káshghar, acknowledged the supremacy of the Khán, who in return treated him in a fatherly way. Muhammad Haidar Mirzá reigned in peace and prosperity for twenty-four years in all: that is from the year 869 to 885 (or sixteen years) he had absolute authority; and for the remainder, partial authority only.98a
ON the death of Sániz Mirzá, Dust Muhammad Khán went to Yárkand, and took the widow of Sániz Mirzá to wife. He then proceeded to Aksu, taking with him Abá Bakr Mirzá, the eldest son of Sániz Mirzá. Not long after this, he gave his sister Husn Nigár Khánim, in marriage to the young Mirzá. But Abá Bakr, fearing the unsoundness of Dust Muhammad Khan's mind, fled to his uncle Muhammad Haidar Mirzá; and Dust Muhammad Khán sent Husn Nigár Khánim after him to Káshghar (all of which I have already related).
Dust Muhammad was a very brave and generous man, and of so great a height, that if he stood on foot in the midst of a hundred people, any one seeing him would have said he was on horseback. But Muhammad Haidar Mirzá having inherited his power, did not know the value and importance of an army. The distinguished generals and captains which Amir Sayyid Ali had collected round his person during a life of eighty years, were in the time of Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, for the most part dead, and those who yet remained alive, were worn with age; while their sons and grandsons had no relations with Muhammad Haidar Mirzá. All the young men and the princes [mirzázádah] were in favour of Mirzá Abá Bakr. It would be a long story, to recount all the details concerning those who were parties to these intrigues; moreover, though it is only twenty years ago,99a not one of them is alive now, and the various and conflicting reports which were at that time spread about, are now entirely forgotten. It is, however, certain that Mirzá Abá Bakr fled from Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, and presented himself before the Governor of Yárkand. Showing him a forged order, he, by cunning and deceit, made himself master of Yárkand. He then sent certain persons to his uncle Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, offering complete submission to him, which the Khán accepted, and sent him, for his own service, 3000 young princes from Káshghar. His brother, Omar Mirzá, who was in Káshghar at the time, now came to join him in the government of Yárkand. They united their efforts in an attempt to subdue Khotan. Having mentioned this town here, I think it necessary to say something about Khotan and its governors.
KHOTAN is one of the most famous towns in the East. In the Second Part, I have given all that I have been able to learn from histories, and other books, concerning Khotan. When the Amirship [Imárat] of the Dughláts descended to Amir Khudáidád (upon whom be mercy), he divided all the dependencies of the Dughláts among his children and his brothers. Thus to his youngest son, Sayyid Ahmad Mirzá, he entrusted Káshghar and Yárkand. Amir Khudáidád had two maternal brothers [umm-valad], Ilyás Sháh and Khizir Sháh by name. To the former he gave Aksu, and to the latter Khotan, making them both subordinate to Sayyid Ahmad Mirzá, to whom he granted the power of their dismissal or appointment. These two, like all his other officers, used to come and wait on the Mirzá yearly, and then, when they were granted leave, they returned to their respective provinces. This practice was observed until the time of Amir Sayyid Ali.
When Amir Sayyid Ali gave Aksu to Isán Bughá Khán, there was, in the service of the latter, one of the grandsons of Ilyás Sháh Mirzá, who was also named Ilyás Sháh, and who, till the time of Dust Muhammad Khán, had the command of the fortress of Aksu. But after Amir Sayyid Ali, there were in Khotan two brothers, descendants of Khizir Sháh Mirzá; the name of one was Khán Nazar Mirzá, and of the other Kul Nazar Mirzá. The former reckoned himself equal in strength and power of the arm, to Mirzá Abá Bakr, nay even to Amir Sayyid Ali. He showed a spirit of independence, and threw off the old allegiance to Káshghar. Mirzá Abá Bakr begged permission of Muhammad Haidar Mirzá to go and conquer Khotan, on the ground that Khán Nazar and Kul Nazar had sought to deviate from that high-road of obedience, which was one of the conditions of their inheritance. Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, being himself displeased with these two [governors] granted the demand, and encouraged him [in the undertaking]. Thus Mirzá Abá Bakr acted freely in the matter of Khotan.
Khán Nazar Mirzá had made himself an iron club, which no one but he could lift with two hands; he, however, could wield it with one hand, and whatever he struck with it, were it a horse or a cow, inevitably fell. But his younger brother, Kul Nazar Mirzá, was a young man of great modesty. These two brothers aimed at becoming kings.
IN those days, when Mirzá Abá Bakr was intent on the conquest of Khotan, he had with him Omar Mirzá. His elder brother did not approve of his proceedings, and wished to join issue with him. Upon Mirzá Abá Bakr ascertaining this, he contrived to lay hands on him, and having blinded him, sent him to Muhammad Haidar Mirzá. After the destruction [viráni] of Káshghar, Omar Mirzá went to Samarkand, where he was treated with kindness, till, in the year 921, he returned to Káshghar. Here he died, and was buried in the mausoleum of Amir Sayyid Ali.
In short, Abá Bakr being released from the molestations of his brother, continued his march upon Khotan. On the first occasion he made peace; on the second, matters were again concluded with a treaty. The two governors mounted, and having met and conferred together, they arranged the conditions of the peace, and took a solemn oath upon the Word of God, in confirmation of the agreement. Mirzá Abá Bakr, having given the bond to his own servants, handed the Korán [the Kalám Ullah]101a to one of his nobles, telling him to take it to Khán Nazar Mirzá. When Khán Nazar Mirzá stretched out his hand to take the “Kalám Ullah,” the noble seized his hand with both his own, while others attacked him from every side with swords: for the followers of Mirzá Abá Bakr, having previously agreed upon this, had been standing ready. He was taken quite by surprise. None of the retainers of Khán Nazar Mirzá being able to use their arms [to help him], they fled, while some others who had been appointed for the business, seized Kul Nazar Mirzá. The two brothers were put to death with the sword, and by this ruse their seed was eradicated from Khotan; thus did Abá Bakr conquer Khotan and gain absolute power. Having finished this affair, Abá Bakr started on an expedition against his uncle, Muhammad Haidar Mirzá.
AFTER the death of Sániz Mirzá, Dust Muhammad Khán (as has been mentioned) took to wife the widow of Sániz Mirzá, whose name was Jamák Ághá. He, moreover, gave Káshghar to Muhammad Haidar Mirzá. These events took place in the year 869.
On the death of Dust Muhammad Khán, Muhammad Haidar Mirzá married Jamák Ághá, who was the mother of Mirzá Abá Bakr and of Omar Mirzá. By her, Muhammad Haidar Mirzá had two sons: my father Muhammad Husain Kurkán, and my uncle Sayyid Muhammad Mirzá. After the conquest of Khotan, Mirzá Abá Bakr became still more powerful. In vain were the reflections and protestations of his Amirs, who represented that his whole career, from beginning to end, had been one of tyranny: that he spared no one: that he had seized Yárkand by stealth and by the employment of unheard-of perfidy: that after he had put out the eyes of Omar Mirzá, he had put to death Khán Nazar and Kul Nazar. How could the world look with the eye of trust upon such a man? He still longed for Káshghar, and his sole object in life was to make his kingdom into a sausage [kulmah].102a In spite of their laying these matters before Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, the latter, on account of his affection for his nephew, made light of it all; and his wife, who was the mother of his children, and the mother of Mirzá Abá Bakr, said to him, in opposing the remonstrances of the Amirs: “He is your son: Yárkand belonged to one of your Amirs. Since Yárkand was the capital of his father, it is his by right, but you did not give it him. If he has been presumptuous, he at least counted on your forgiveness. What matter if they make him out a bad man to you? Khotan, too, was in the possession of another. What harm was there in his superseding [the usurper]?”
In this manner she excused all the actions of Mirzá Abá Bakr; so that Muhammad Haidar Mirzá was appeased and comforted; but when she touched on the hostility which Abá Bakr had displayed towards Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, she declared that it was all owing to the Amirs who had spoken badly of the Mirzá. She then secretly wrote to Mirzá Abá Bakr, asking him how she was to excuse his hostility [to her husband], and stating the reason she had already given. Then Mirzá Abá Bakr, in conformity with this, replied: “As long as the Amirs are in power, I cannot offer fitting service, for they seek to do me harm by vilifying my character to you: if you will dismiss these Amirs, I will be not only a son to you, but a slave also.” Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, in the simplicity of his heart, credited these lies and discharged his Amirs. Since the most influential of the generals were thus removed, the power of his kingdom was broken; and Mirzá Abá Bakr began to ravage all the country round about Káshghar and Yángi Hisár; but as all the greatest generals had been dismissed, there was no one to watch over and protect the country.
AMIR ABDUL KUDUS, who was mentioned above as having slain Shaikh Jamál Khar and released the Khán from prison, was treated with great kindness by the Khán, and had been given the title of Kurkáni; all the privileges [mansab] of the clan [Tumán] of Dughlát had been bestowed upon him. In consequence of this he grew proud and presumptuous, and treated the Khán in such a way as to make him frightened at his own acts; but it would take too long to explain all this. Abdul Kudus, however, finally fled to Káshghar, to Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, who had just dismissed his generals, on which account his affairs had fallen into confusion, and he was repenting his deed. When Abdul Kudus arrived, he treated him with every respect, gave him his own daughter Ághá Sultán Sultánim in marriage, showed him marked favour, and having raised an army, sent him against Mirzá Abá Bakr. He fell upon the Mirzá, who was on a plundering foray in Yángi Hisár. Mir Abdul Kudus was, however, defeated, in spite of his force being greater than that of his enemy. He was so ashamed of himself that he did not go back to Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, but moved first to Sháhnáz, and then set out on the road to Badakhshán. He went with 300 men to Mirzá Sultán Mahmud, who showed him every kindness and attention, and bestowed on him the government of Khust, which is one of the most important districts in Badakhshán and Kunduz. He was [afterwards] slain in that country by some infidels of Katur.103a
In short, after the departure of Mir Abdul Kudus, the power of Mirzá Abá Bakr increased. With his deceit and cunning, he had caused Muhammad Haidar Mirzá to send away his greatest generals and commanders, and he had defeated Mir Abdul Kudus; so that dark days had come upon the transactions of Muhammad Haidar Mirzá. Jamák Ághá repented of what she had done, but it was of no avail. Finally Muhammad Haidar Mirzá made ready an army of nearly 30,000 cavalry and infantry, and took the field against Mirzá Abá Bakr, who opposed him with 3000 men. A fierce battle was fought, and Muhammad Haidar Mirzá suffered defeat. Having come to Káshghar, he told his noble uncle Yunus Khán all that had happened, and begged his assistance. The Khán selected 50,000 men from his own army, and out of the affection he bore his nephew, marched in person against Abá Bakr. Muhammad Haidar Mirza having again collected an army, joined the Khán, and they all proceeded together against Yárkand. Mirzá Abá Bakr fortified the citadel of Yárkand. The Khán halted on the eastern side of the citadel. On the next day Mirzá Abá Bakr drew out his cavalry and infantry from the citadel into the suburbs: they were 3000 in number, all the sons of the generals and chiefs [mirzádah and behádurzádah] of Mir Sayyid Ali, whom Muhammad Haidar Mirzá had slighted. But Mirzá Abá Bakr had collected them in a body. The Khán arrived from one side with a large army and Muhammad Haidar Mirzá from another. Mirzá Abá Bakr did not direct his force to any extent against Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, but brought all his strength to bear upon the Khán, and after many attacks and retreats, finally put him to flight. When the Khán fled, Muhammad Haidar Mirzá also took flight, and thus this great army was defeated.
When the Khán and Muhammad Haidar Mirzá arrived at Káshghar, the Khán said to the latter: “Thinking it would be an easy matter, I only brought a small force. Stop in your own country this year; next year I will come with a complete army and will settle [Abá Bakr's] affairs.” The Khán then returned to Moghulistán, while Muhammad Haidar Mirzá remained in Káshghar.
IN the following year, 885, the Khán came to Káshghar with the whole of the Moghul troops, who numbered 60,000 men. Here he was joined by Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, who had a better ordered army than he had had the year before, and they advanced together on Yárkand. The two forces together amounted to 90,000 men, cavalry and infantry. Mirzá Abá Bakr again fortified himself in the citadel, as he had done the year before. He had mustered an army of cavalry and infantry to the number of about 5000. The cavalry consisted of 3000 of those princes of whom I have spoken—chosen young men, whom Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, in his ignorance, had let slip out of his power. The 2000 infantry were chosen archers, all of whom the Mirzá had brought together by promises and hopes [of gain]. The Khán's army encamped in a circle round [the town].105a The Khán himself took up his quarters in Kálu Aj Bári, a well-known place to the north-east of Yárkand.
After the afternoon prayer, distinguished men from the battalions and divisions [kushun u tábin] of the Khán's army advanced, of their own accord, before the citadel and opened the battle. Mirzá Abá Bakr's force issued from the citadel in the following order: between every two horsemen there was an archer on foot, and in front of each archer there was another foot-soldier bearing a shield. A hard fight took place; but the Khán remained in his own quarters. Some persons came and gave him such a vivid description of the battle that he longed to go and see it himself. So, without putting on his armour, he started for the scene of action with a small number of followers. On reaching the edge of a ravine they saw that the infantry of both sides were engaged in close fight. From this position they could not see very distinctly, so the Khán descended into the ravine, and came on to the road in order to get a better view—for the ravine was a road-way. When the Khán came down, the infantry became more daring, and fought most fiercely. At that moment Alim Shaikh Bahádur, who was one of the Khán's most distinguished warriors, was in his tent; he heard that the Khán had gone to watch [the battle], and it occurred to him that he would go and display his valour, that he might become distinguished above his equals. Having fastened on his armour, he passed before the Khán, and then went in among the infantry who were engaged in the battle.
There was some ground between the infantry of the two armies, and on either side was an enclosure for herding cattle [gávbandi]; between these two enclosures was a level passage. Alim Shaikh Bahádur rode up this passage and charged the infantry of Mirzá Abá Bakr, until he came upon a foot-soldier with a shield, who, seeing him come on unchecked, did not attempt to withstand him, but having thrown down his shield in front of the horse of Alim Shaikh Bahádur, ran away. The horse, being terrified at the fall of the shield, reared so badly that Alim Shaikh Bahádur, not able to keep his seat, was thrown. The infantry who were on the other side of the enclosure, now jumped over it and seized Alim Shaikh Bahádur. Meantime, the cavalry of Mirzá Abá Bakr charged the Khán's infantry, but these, not deeming it advisable to stand their ground, turned and fled, being followed by those who had come to watch the battle.
The Khán had descended from the [edge of the] ravine, but those who were with him now counselled him to re-ascend. The Khán set out in all haste along the road in the ravine, but when his men, who were on the top, saw him approaching in haste, they fled [in a panic]. So that when the Khán emerged from the ravine, he found all his men had taken flight, and that his army was in confusion. He thereupon returned to his camp in order to reassure his men; he tried beating and striking them, but not one of them would move from his place. In the meanwhile Mirzá Abá Bakr engaged the infantry, who had come down by way of the ravine; he attacked with his cavalry those who had been watching the battle, charging up the ravine unresisted, then pursuing [the fugitives] until his cavalry threw them into confusion. When the Khán's army— already disordered—saw this state of affairs, they suddenly turned and fled: all the Khan's efforts to rally them were ineffectual. When the cavalry of Mirzá Abá Bakr came on, the Khán himself took to flight. Thus was this enormous army defeated in the space of one hour.
The Khán retreated to Káshghar, while most of the army deserted him and escaped to Moghulistán. [The Khán] advised Muhammad Haidar Mirzá not to remain in Káshghar, so the Mirzá accompanied the Khán to Aksu, taking with him 5000 families. Many of the Káshghari went to Andiján, so that Káshghar was left clear for Mirzá Abá Bakr. These events occurred in the year 885. At that time my father, Muhammad Husain Mirzá Kurkán, was twelve years of age. When Muhammad Haidar Mirzá went to Aksu with Yunus Khán, the son of the latter, Sultán Mahmud Khán, took my father with him into Moghulistán, where they became great friends; and to the end of his life he called my father “Dásh,” which in the Moghul language means “friend.”
AS an account will be given of Sultán Mahmud Khán, it is necessary to say a few words about his early life.
When Sultán Yunus Khán returned a second time from Kho-rásán, Amir Sayyid Ali had died, and Sániz Mirzá had sought the assistance of Yunus Khán, as has been mentioned. Yunus Khán, in those days, often went backwards and forwards to Káshghar. At that time, the Khán sent Amir Ziá-ud-Din (who was one of the most eminent Sayyids of Káshghar) to Sháh Sultán Muhammad Badakhshi, in Badakhshán, to ask one of his most immaculate daughters in marriage. Sháh Sultán Badakhshi was of the race of Sikandar Zulkarnain, Filikus Rumi.107a Sikandar, after he had conquered the regions of the world, consulted with his wise men, saying: “Find me a place which shall be out of the reach of the princes of the earth [Sultáns of the time], in which I may place my descendants.” The councillors chose Badakhshán, and they wrote a Book of Regulations [Dastur ul amal]; so that as long as the regulations were observed, no one prince could prevail in this country.
From the time of Sikandar down to the time of Sháh Sultán Muhammad, nobody had attacked Badakhshán. Thus they had ruled from generation to generation. When the kingdom passed into the hands of Sháh Sultán Muhammad Badakhshi, he discarded the “Dastur ul amal” of Sikandar.107b He was a prince of great natural gifts and refined taste, and he left a “Diván,” which is exceedingly beautiful. His “takhallus,” or poetical name, was Láli. His elegance and clearness of style were so great that he altered [the wording of] the “Dastur ul amal” to suit his own taste.
He had six daughters. He gave one of them to Sultán Masud Kábuli, who was a descendant of Amir Timur. Another he gave to Sultán Abu Said Mirzá, who had, by her, a son named Mirzá Abá Bakr. The Mirzá, after the death of his father, engaged in war with Sultán Husain Mirzá, and caused much disturbance in his kingdom (all of which is related in the Histories of Mir Khwánd and of Khwánd Mir, of Herat). A third daughter he gave to Ibráhim Barlás, who, by her, had Jahángir Barlás, who at the end of the Chaghatái rule [daulat] became chief minister. His fourth daughter, whose name was Sháh Begum, he sent to Yunus Khán, at the request of Sayyid Ziá-ud-Din Káshghari. He gave his fifth daughter to Sayyid Sháh Buzurg Arhangi (who will be mentioned below); and the sixth to Shaikh Abdullah Barlás, who, by her, had Sultán Vais Barlás, Mizrab Barlás, and Sultán Sanjar (all of whom will be spoken of in their proper places); they are moreover mentioned in the Histories of Mir Khwánd and Khwánd Mir, of Herat.108a
In short, Sayyid Ziá-ud-Din brought Sháh Begum back with him to Káshghar, and delivered her over to the Khán. Yunus Khán had two sons and two daughters by Sháh Begum. The eldest of all was Sultán Mahmud Khán. He was born in 868. Next to him came Sultán Ahmad Khán (whom I shall mention separately). The two daughters were Sultán Nigár Khánim and Daulat Sultán Khánim (of these also I shall have occasion to speak hereinafter). Before Sultán Mahmud Khán arrived at years of discretion, the Amirs of Moghulistán (as I have recorded) had behaved rudely and disrespectfully to Yunus Khán. By the time Sultán Mahmud Khán was grown up, most of these Moghul Amirs were dead. Yunus Khán, with the help of his son Sultán Mahmud Khán, obtained complete ascendency and control over the Moghuls, and over those of their Amirs who were still alive.
On the occasion of Yunus Khán being defeated before Yárkand and retiring to Káshghar, he was not accompanied by Sultán Mahmud Khán; for Mahmud remained behind in Moghulistán, to keep the people in order.
Yunus Khán, both to quiet the apprehensions of Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, and for his own pleasure, spent that winter in Aksu. They sent the son of Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, Muhammad Husain Mirzá, who was then twelve years of age, to Sultán Mahmud Khán, with whom he became very friendly; the two remained on good terms, and used to call each other “Dásh” [friend]. Muhammad Husain Mirzá stayed in Moghulistán with Sultán Mahmud Khán, and was treated with great honour and respect.
THAT winter the Khán went to Aksu. Aksu is situated on the edge of a ravine. It has two forts, one of which the Khán gave to Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, while he established himself in the other. That winter passed peacefully. On the setting in of spring, Yunus Khán wished to move into Moghulistán. He therefore said to Muhammad Haidar Mirzá: “Now that the first spring has come I am going into Moghulistán. You stay here and make your men cultivate the land. I bestow the country of Aksu on you. When harvest-time comes round, it will also be the end of the season for summer quarters in Moghulistán. The horses will be in good condition, and we will then go to Káshghar and settle scores with Mirzá Abá Bakr. I shall march from Moghulistán and you from here. We will meet in Káshghar, and there make all final arrangements.”
Having agreed upon this plan of action, the Khán appointed people to go to Moghulistán with the flocks. He [also] sent to collect the flocks destined for Moghulistán. But some rebellious men tried to instil into the mind of Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, that when the Khán arrived in Moghulistán he would plunder the Mirza's people; and many like impossibilities did they suggest, such as could only proceed from Satan; but the Mirzá, in his simplicity, gave ear to all they said, and began to consider how he might avert these evils. Those devils [Shiátin] said to him: “When the flocks reach the Khán, and he is able to make a start, we will influence his younger son, Ahmad Khán, who is accompanying his father, to separate himself from him. We will then fortify ourselves in this citadel and defy the Khán. When the hour of the Khan's departure comes he will suspect nothing, and will march into Moghulistán, while we shall remain established in Aksu.”
This base and senseless plan was acceptable in the sight of Muhammad Haidar Mirzá. Just as the Khán was about to start, they suddenly closed the gates of Aksu. Sultán Ahmad Khán fled to Muhammad Haidar Mirzá; and they all rose in rebellion. Yunus Khán sent a messenger to the Mirzá, to treat with him, but to no purpose. So the Khán finally abandoned his march, and entering the other fort, put it into a state of defence. He then despatched a messenger to Sultán Mahmud Khán, who after seventeen days arrived with a force of 30,000 men. Conflicts took place daily, till at the end of forty days a famine broke out in the fort of the Mirzá. The promoters of the rebellion began to desert nightly. Sultán Ahmad Khán, alarmed at his own want of filial piety, came to his parents with apologies and prayers for forgiveness, but the Mirzá stood out. Suddenly the fort was taken by a general assault. The Khán immediately sent some Amirs to prevent it from being plundered. The Amirs went, but their efforts were of no avail, for the men who had made the assault were not of the sort that could be withheld. After a hundred struggles they seized the Mirzá and brought him before the Khán. As they approached, they were beginning to bind the Mirzá's hands, but Yunus Khán cried out to prevent them. So they brought the Mirzá forward just as he was. The Khán called him to him, and having upbraided and rebuked him severely, said: “Why did you do this? Abandon your rebellious intentions, so that I may depart. Remain here. [But if] again you rebel [think] what will happen.”110a
Muhammad Haidar Mirzá was ashamed, and stood with bowed head, at the thought of his ill-advised actions. The Khán then said: “All is well now, I have given you Aksu, and you should stay there.” The Mirzá replied: “How can I remain now in Aksu, since so many of my men have gone away?” The Khán, thereupon, gave the Mirzá 3000 horses, and said: “Accompany me into Moghulistán; I think, too, the wisest plan will be for me to go to Káshghar, as soon as the corn is high, and try and take that town for you …”110b
In short, Muhammad Haidar Mirzá accompanied Yunus Khán into Moghulistán. When the spring came to an end, the Khán turned his thoughts to Káshghar. At the same time Sultán Ahmad Mirzá was planning an expedition from Samarkand, against Farghána, from which country he wished to expel his brother Omar Shaikh Mirzá. As soon as Omar Shaikh Mirzá heard of his brother's intention, he sent in great haste to Yunus Khán, begging assistance; for by this means he had frequently (as has been mentioned above) been delivered from the cruelty and violence of his brother Sultán Ahmad Mirzá. On the arrival of the news, the Khán set out for Andiján. Now the Khán did not wish that there should be any strife between his two sons-in-law, and had always tried to keep them at peace with each other. On the Khán's entry into Andiján, he was received by Omar Shaikh Mirzá; he was shown great honour, and the province of Ush was given to him. The Khán spent that winter in Ush. Entrusting the rest of the Moghuls to the care of Sultán Mahmud Khán, he sent them back to Moghulistán, while he himself made his winter quarters in Ush, and appointed Muhammad Haidar Mirzá as administrator [váli]. When Sultán Ahmad Mirzá heard of the arrival of the Khán, he abandoned his project. And thus Omar Shaikh was rendered safe from his brother. When winter had passed, the Khán came again to Moghulistán. [On the eve of his departure] the Khán said to the Mirzá: “You have always suffered great annoyance in Moghulistán. I have now given you this country of Ush. Stay here till next winter, when I will return. [In the meanwhile] govern the country, as my deputy.”
He then left for Moghulistán, while Muhammad Haidar Mirzá remained in Ush. The Mirzá begged his own son, Muhammad Husain Mirzá, of the Khán, and kept him at his side.
WHEN Sultán Yunus Khán reached Moghulistán, Omar Shaikh Mirzá sent an official [dárugha] to Ush to replace Muhammad Haidar. The [last-named] Mirzá and his men were not capable of marching into Moghulistán, and it was also impossible for them to remain in Ush. He placed his two sons, Muhammad Husain Mirzá and Sayyid Muhammad Mirzá, under the care of Omar Shaikh Mirzá, and himself set out for Káshghar, thinking that as Mirzá Abá Bakr was his brother's son and his own wife's son, he would go to him and would offer him terms of peace. Under such illusions he approached Mirzá Abá Bakr, who immediately seized him and threw him into prison, where he remained one year. At the end of a year he was sent to Badakhshán, which was at that time ruled by Mirzá Sultán Mahmud, son of Mirzá Sultán Abu Said. Abdul Kudus, who was the son-in-law of Muhammad Haidar Mirzá (and who has been spoken of already), was at this time with Mirzá Sultán Mahmud. He [Muhammad Haidar Mirzá] was entertained for a short time as the guest of the Sultán; he then came to Samarkand and paid his respects to his Holiness Násiruddin Ubaidullah (may God bless his spirit) and waited on Mirzá Sultán Ahmad, who received him in a friendly way, and arranged to come to the Mirzá yearly, on the occasion of two festivals [aid].
Mirzá Sultán Ahmad had three brothers: Osmán Mirzá, Sultán Valad Mirzá, and Talak Muhammad …112a
In the meanwhile a person came from Yunus Khán to fetch Muhammad Haidar Mirzá. Not feeling in the least fettered by the kindness Sultán Ahmad Mirzá had shown him, he went to the Khán. This matter will be mentioned in connection with the life of the Khán and his entrance into Táshkand.
YUNUS AND THE MOGHUL ULUS ENTER TÁSHKAND; PEACE IS ESTABLISHED BETWEEN SULTÁN AHMAD MIRZÁ AND OMAR SHAIKH MIRZÁ AND SULTÁN MAHMUD KHÁN.
THE story of the quarrels and contests that arose between the two brothers, Omar Shaikh Mirzá and Sultán Ahmad Mirzá, is a long one, and has no place in this history; it has however been given in detail in the history of Mir Khwánd. But it is, nevertheless, necessary to mention in this book, that on the death of Shaikh Jamál Khar, Táshkand passed into the [power and] jurisdiction of Omar Shaikh Mirzá, as did also Sháhrukhia, which has a fortified castle [kalah]. Mirzá Sultán Ahmad became an enemy to Omar Shaikh Mirzá on the subject of these two places, and a fierce dispute arose between them. When the hostility of Mirzá Sultán Ahmad was directed against Táshkand, Omar Shaikh Mirzá desired the Khán [to come and help him] in Táshkand.
The same year that the Khán had left Ush and had given it over to Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, Omar Shaikh Mirzá, after the arrival of the Khán, dismissed Muhammad Haidar Mirzá, who went to Káshghar, where he was thrown into prison. The Khán was then in Moghulistán. When autumn [tirmáh]112b set in and the hostility of Mirzá Sultán Ahmad was directed against Táshkand, Omar Shaikh Mirzá invited the Khán to [come and help him in] Táshkand. He gave Sairám to the Khán. In the same way that he had given him Ush out of Andiján, so he gave him Sairám out of Táshkand. When the Khán turned towards Sairám, the Moghuls, who could not on any terms put up with towns and cultivated lands, having led astray the Khán's younger son, Sultán Ahmad Khán, fled back to Moghulistán. The Khán did not follow them, for in the family of the Moghul Khákáns there remained no rivals [of the Khán] who were worth considering. So he let the people go back to Moghulistán, while he himself went on to Sairám and there passed the winter.
The Khán also sent his elder son, Sultán Mahmud Khán, against Sultán Ahmad Mirzá, with 30,000 men. From the side of Farghána came Omar Shaikh Mirzá, with an army 15,000 strong. These three armies neared each other, and a desperate conflict was about to ensue, when the news of what was passing reached his Holiness Násiruddin Ubaidullah (may God bless his hidden soul). He at once set out, sending a person in advance to announce that he was coming. When the tidings reached the three Sultáns, they all halted where they were. When his Holiness arrived, he alighted in the camp of Sultán Ahmad Mirzá, and sent messengers to the Khán and to Omar Shaikh Mirzá, begging them to make peace. No one could resist the entreaties of the blessed mind of his Holiness. Such was his spiritual and moral influence, that he calmed these three Pádisháhs, who had each come for some object of his own, with an army in fighting order, and caused them to sit together on one carpet [zalicha],113a while he sat in their midst and dictated to them conditions of peace, to which they assented. Táshkand was to be made over to Yunus Khán. The two brothers who disputed with each other the possession of Táshkand, were to give up their dispute and concede the place to the Khán.
His Holiness Mauláná and Sayyid Ná Mahdumi Mauláná Muhammad Kázi (upon whom be mercy and forgiveness) has written in the appendix [zail] to his “Salsalat ul Arifin,” that this occurrence is among the miracles of his Holiness [i.e. of Násiruddin Ubaidullah]. It is related there: “the meeting was so solemn that, in the intensity of my emotion [dahasht] I overturned the table-cloth [dastár khwán]; when the meeting was terminated his Holiness said: ‘It is well, I must now retire, for I am an old man and can only bear a certain amount of fatigue.’
“The three kings returned, each one, to his own army. His Holiness departed in the direction of the river of Khojand and performed his ablutions [vazu] at the waterside. Turning to me he said: ‘Mauláná Muhammad can write an account of my deed.’ His Holiness the Mauláná says that this was his reason for undertaking the composition of his book—the Salsalat ul Arifin.
“In short, Sultán Ahmad Mirzá repaired to Samarkand, Omar Shaikh Mirzá to Farghána, and Sultán Mahmud Khán to Táshkand. Yunus Khán also went to Táshkand, and his Holiness, following him, met him again there. I [Muhammad Kázi] have heard from my uncle, that one day in the assembly of his Holiness [Násiruddin Ubaidullah] the conversation turned upon Sultán Mahmud Khán, and one of those present said: ‘It is strange how proud this prince is of his own grandeur.’ His Holiness replied: ‘Proud as the Pádisháh may be, I will make him fill his skirt with earth [khák]; glory and grandeur belong to God alone. Hence how can even Sultán Mahmud Khán be proud.’ It chanced that at that very moment the Khán came to pay his respects to his Holiness. It was prayer time, and his Holiness had risen for prayer. When prayers were about to begin, a censer was noticed in which were some embers. His Holiness said: ‘Embers and censers, while prayer is proceeding, are abhorrent. Therefore the fire must be extinguished with some earth.’ In spite of the number of people present, the Khán sprang up and, going outside, filled his skirt with earth, which having brought in, he sprinkled on the fire; this he repeated several times, until the fire was extinguished. And he begged of those present that they would allow him to perform, quite alone, this service of fetching the earth. After the Khán's departure all the companions of his Holiness expressed great wonder.”
This peace and meeting of the Kháns in Táshkand took place in 890. His Holiness remained for a while in Táshkand and then returned to Samarkand. It was the practice of all the princes of that time, to employ one of the disciples of his Holiness as a medium of communication with him. Sultán Mahmud Khán employed for this purpose Mauláná Kázi. About this matter I have heard many anecdotes, which, please God, I will give in their proper place.
THE Khán, being firmly established in Táshkand, begged the daughter of Sultán Ahmad Mirzá—Karáguz Begum—in marriage for his son Sultán Mahmud Khán. The arrival of Karáguz Begum will be mentioned hereafter. But in the interim Sultán Yunus Khán was seized with paralysis, was bedridden for nearly two years, and died, suffering, at the age of seventy-four. No other Chaghatái Khákán ever reached such an advanced age: most of them, indeed, died before they reached the age of forty. The Khán was born in 818 and died in 892. He was buried near the tomb of Puránvár Shaikh, Kháwand-i-Tuhur [Master of Purification], in Táshkand; and a large mausoleum was built over the spot, which stands to this day and is very renowned.
During his illness, the Khán heard that Muhammad Haidar Mirzá had gone from Badakhshán to Samarkand, so he sent to summon the Mirzá to him. Muhammad Haidar Mirzá left Samar-kand, came to the Khán, and waited on him throughout his illness. He was a skilled surgeon and physician. The Khán, during this period, would not allow Muhammad Haidar Mirzá out of his presence for one hour; and he treated the Mirzá's children with hospitality. The Mirzá's son, Muhammad Husain Mirzá, who had remained with Omar Shaikh Mirzá, had gone to Sultán Mahmud Khán in Andiján, before Muhammad Haidar Mirzá had come [to attend on the Khán]. He lived always in the same house and room as the Khán, as shall be related below.
SULTÁN YUNUS KHÁN died in the year 892, and in the course of the same year, Sultán Mahmud Khán was raised to the Khánate with Moghul rites. When the news of the death of Yunus Khan got abroad, Mirzá Omar Shaikh and Mirzá Sultán Ahmad became intent on renewing hostilities with one another. Omar Shaikh Mirzá sent a large number of his staunchest and most trustworthy followers to occupy the fort of Ushtur in Táshkand, which was an impregnable stronghold. Sultán Mahmud Khán led his forces, in person, against that fort. A fierce battle took place; so fierce, indeed, that it is still talked of among the Moghuls. The castle was taken by assault, and all the faithful adherents of Mirzá Omar Shaikh were put to death; no one escaped: they all died fighting. From this victory great strength accrued to the Khán, while the Mirzá lost all power of opposition.
The year following, Sultán Ahmad Mirzá's Amirs impressed upon him that he had given up Táshkand to the Khán without proper cause, and that the longer the Khán's people remained there, the more annoying it was to them. His Holiness sent word to say that he was mistaken, and that he ought to make peace with the Khán, who would do him no injury: why should he annoy him? Finally, however, the Mirzá collected an army 150,000 strong, and led it against Táshkand. The Khán passed through the suburbs of Táshkand and stood facing [the advancing enemy]. Between them flowed a stream which it was impossible to cross. The armies remained there during three days. In the army of the Sultán was a certain Sháhi Beg Khán, the son of Sháh Badágh Oghlán, the son of Abulkhair Khán. After the death of Buruj Oghlán (which has been described above)116a Sháhi Beg Khán underwent many hardships (as we are told in histories). Finally, as he was not able to hold his own in the steppes, he betook himself to Mávará-un-Nahr, and became a follower of Sultán Ahmad Mirzá, or rather he became a retainer of one of the Sultán's Amirs. He was in this army, and had 3000 followers. When Mirzá Sultán Ahmad had remained three days [on the bank of the river], Sháhi Beg Khán sent to Sultán Mahmud Khán to ask if he would meet and confer with him. That same night they met: he from the one side and the Khán from the other; and they agreed that on the morrow the Khán should attack Mir Abdul Ali, the master of Sháhi Beg Khán, who, on his part, undertook to throw the army into disorder, and then to take flight.
On the next day the Moghul army was drawn up in battle array, and the infantry passed the Chir; the cavalry also entered the stream, when the infantry of the other side began the battle. The Moghul army directed its force against Mir Abdul Ali. At this moment Sháhi Beg Khán turned and fled with his 3000 men, and throwing himself on the baggage [partal] of the army, began to plunder the Moghuls. In fact, wherever this disordered rabble found themselves, their device was to fall upon the baggage, so that the army of Mirzá Sultán Ahmad was put to flight. But the river Chir, which the people of Táshkand call Parak, was in front of them, and most of his soldiers were drowned in it. The troops of the Mirzá suffered a severe defeat, while he, discomfited and beaten, fled to Samarkand. He proffered many excuses and apologies to his Holiness, who again arranged a peace between the Khán and Sultán Ahmad Mirzá. The discussion about Karáguz Begum was resumed, and after various formalities had been gone through, they brought Karáguz Begum to the Khán. This victory did much to raise the Khán in the estimation of the surrounding Sultáns, who henceforward stood in great fear of him, and thus his position became secure.
MY father Muhammad Husain Kurkán, (may God illumine his proof) from the time of his quitting Káshghar to this date, had always been in the service of Sultán Mahmud Khán, except for the two years that he spent with Omar Shaikh Mirzá (all of which has been related above). The Khán was on such close and friendly terms with my father, that they always lived in the same room; their houses adjoined, and they confided household matters to each other.
When anything was brought for the Khán, something like it was also brought for my father. When the Khán went out riding, two horses would be brought, one of which my father would mount and the Khán the other. Whenever the Khán put on a new robe, another like it used to be found for my father. Thus, in no matter was any distinction made between them. Till the time when the Khán married Karáguz Begum, he spent most of the day in the common apartment [hajra-i-máhud], and in the evening would go into his haram, whilst my father remained in the outer chamber. When the Khán was seated on his throne, they used to place a carpet in front of it, so that my father might sit down and lean against the throne; thus the two used always to arrange [the affairs of the State] together. Sometimes the Khán used to say to my father, apologising the while: “I am obliged by family affairs to retire to the haram, while you remain in the outer apartment; this makes you appear like a palace guard [yátish], and is inconsistent with terms of friendship and concord.”
A year passed in this way, when the Khán contracted an alliance with the Kurkáni, in the person of Khub Nigár Khánim, who was his senior by one year. She was the third daughter of Yunus Khán, by Isán Daulat Begum; and her eldest daughter was Mihr Nigár Khánim, who had been given in marriage to Sultán Ahmad Mirzá (of whom I have spoken at greater length in the Second Part). The second daughter was Kutluk Nigár Khánim, whom Omar Shaikh Mirzá took to wife; and their children were Zahir-ud-Din Muhammad Bábar Pádisháh, and Khánzáda Begum, of whom I shall speak below. The third daughter was this Khub Nigár Khánim, who was given in marriage to my father, and is my mother. I will give a record of them in their proper place, in Part II. Sultán Yunus Khán had two other daughters by Sháh Begum Badakhshi: the elder, Sultán Nigár Khánim, was sent to Sultán Mahmud Mirzá in Hisár, who had children by her, as is mentioned in the Second Part. The younger was Daulat Sultán Khánim, also mentioned in the Second Part.
In short, the Khán apologised, saying: “It is not reasonable that I should always go into the haram at nights, and leave you here in the palace, as if on guard. It is not worthy of our friendship.” On this account he gave orders for the preparation of festivities, and showed [his friend] every mark of sympathy and regard. During two years the preparations continued. Then he gave Khub Nigár Khánim in marriage to my father. In the meanwhile Mirzá Sultán Ahmad, Omar Shaikh Mirzá, and Sultán Mahmud Mirzá died, as shall be presently related.
Urátupa118a was included in the administration of the Khán, who granted that country to my father; he established himself there, and extended its limits over some of the bordering districts, all of which is related in Part II.
BEFORE the Khán made peace with Sultán Ahmad Mirzá and married Karáguz Begum, he captured Táshkand. He seized and threw into prison Muhammad Mazid Tarkhán, who had been appointed Governor of Turkistán by Mirzá Sultán Ahmad; and this Muhammad Mazid Tarkhán was one of the principal causes of the peace, for he was a relation, on the mother's side [tághá], of Mirzá Sultán Ahmad. When the Khán conquered Turkistán, he had in his service Sháhi Beg Khán. As a reward for the services he rendered in the battle of the Chir (which has been described above), the Khán made over Turkistán to him; and on this account disagreement arose between the sons of Karái Khán and Jáni Beg Khán (of the Kazák) and Sultán Mahmud Khán, who had previously been on terms of friendship. [They complained, saying:] “Sháhi Beg Khán is our enemy; why did you send him to oppress us in Turkistán?” In a word, in consequence of this quarrel, between Sultán Mahmud Khán and the Uzbeg Kazák,119a two battles took place, the Khán suffering defeat on both occasions. The cause of these defeats was that the most distinguished of his generals had left Yunus Khán. For the Khán had, in common with all who succeed to power, the defect of not knowing the value of men of worth, and [of imagining] that whomsoever they favour becomes, for that reason, a valuable man, which is, of course, impossible.
However, in conformity with these pernicious principles, the Khán patronised some of the lowest of his people, who were continually engaged in trying to decry the old and influential Amirs. This they carried so far as to induce the Khán to put to death five of the great Amirs, each of whom was the head of a department [sar daftar], and to extirpate their families; while in their places, five of those base-born men were set up. At the time when the difference arose between Sultán Mahmud Khán and the Uzbeg Kazák, on account of Sháhi Beg Khán, and a war ensued, these five base-born men were generals: hence the defeat. That dread and esteem of the Khán, which by the successful efforts of the five Amirs, had taken possession of the hearts of the neighbouring Sultáns, had now disappeared. In the meantime Omar Shaikh Mirzá was killed by a house falling on him: this was in the year 899. When this news reached Sultán Ahmad Mirzá, he set out with an army against Andiján, to prevent it falling into the hands of the Moghuls. The Amirs of Omar Shaikh Mirzá behaved bravely, and raised his son, Zahir-ud-Din Muhammad Bábar Pádisháh, who was then twelve years of age, to the throne: they also applied to Sultán Mahmud Khán for assistance. When Sultán Ahmad Mirzá reached Marghilán he fell ill, and so made terms of peace and turned back; but he died on the road, just forty days after the death of Omar Shaikh Mirzá. Sultán Mahmud Mirzá came from Hisár, and set himself up on the throne of Samarkand in his brother's stead. He reigned six months; he then died a natural death, and was succeeded by his son Mirzá Baisanghar.
Sultán Mahmud Khán coveted the throne of Samarkand. He marched towards that town and met Baisanghar in battle, at a place called Kámyái. As the generals were the [above mentioned] base-born persons, the enterprise failed and the Khán was defeated. This was a very famous battle, and its date is as celebrated with the Moghuls as among the people of Samarkand. The Khán then returned to Táshkand, when these same low-born men persuaded him that it was fitting for them to support Sháhi Beg Khán, in order that he might take Samarkand and Bokhárá, and bear all the duties of the State, while they themselves remained at their ease in Táshkand. This appeared reasonable to the Khán. Much as my father condemned this advice and used his influence over the Khán, he was in no way able to prevent the latter helping and supporting Sháhi Beg Khán, till he had taken Samarkand and Bokhárá. This needs a detailed account, which will be given in Part II. along with incidents in the life of Bábar Pádisháh.
In a word, with this assistance, Sháhi Beg Khán took Samarkand, and obtained complete control over it. His army increased to 50,000 men; and Uzbegs from on all sides flocked round him. His first attack was directed against the Khán, who began to despair; but much as he and his ignoble advisers might gnaw the hand of vexation with the teeth of regret, they could not help themselves. In the meanwhile Sultán Ahmad Khán, who (as I have mentioned) had remained in Moghulistán, hearing of the Khán's distress, came to his brother's aid, and these two Kháns together, gave battle to Sháhi Beg Khán, but they were defeated. Sháhi Beg Khán, having treated them both with courtesy and respect, sent the Khán into Moghulistán; he, however, kept the Moghul soldiers with him, as will be related in Part II.
The two brothers, Sultán Mahmud Khán and Sultán Ahmad Khán, went to Moghulistán, where Sultán Ahmad Khán died, as shall be presently related. Sultán Mahmud Khán reached Moghul-istán and for some time underwent many hardships there. Finally he presented himself before Sháhi Beg Khán, counting on the favour he had once shown him. But Sháhi Beg Khán said to Sultán Mahmud Khán: “Once I was kind to you, but a second act of mercy would be the cause of the ruin of my kingdom.” He then put to death the Khán and his children, both great and small, on the banks of the river of Khojand. The chronogram “Lab-i-daryá-i-Khojand ” gives the date of the event—914 [1508-9]. The particulars will be given in Part II. of this History. The matter is mentioned briefly here to save repetition.
Kuchkár, or Koshkar, is one of the head streams of the Chu, to the south-west of Issigh Kul. (See the map.)
↩Toktámish was nephew of Urus, and subsequently became Khan of the White Horde. (See note 5, p. 45).
↩This sentence may also be read—“turned aside from the road to Inaghu.” Instead of the form Inaghu, Dr. Bellew has read Jumghál, and this is likely to be correct, or nearly so; for another of the head streams of the Chu, in the immediate neighbourhood of Kuchkar, is called Jumgán or Jumgál. I can find nothing to answer to Inaghu.
↩Some details, descriptive of the foul symptoms of the disease, are omitted.
↩Amir Kamaruddin was one of five brothers who were governors of districts in Moghulistan, and were heirs of former Dughlat Amirs (i.e., provincial governors), originally appointed by Chághatai Khán. The brothers were Tulik at Kashghar, Bulaji at Aksu, Kamaruddin at Atbáshi, Shamsuddin, who is mentioned as having taken part in the battle of Lai (or the mire), and Shaikh Daulat, of whom nothing but the name can be traced. Tulik, the eldest, was succeeded as Ulusbegi by Bulaji, and he by his son Khudáidád, who was seven years old when his father died. (See Bellew, Yark. Report, p. 151.)
↩The Turki MS. has Bukuldásh; the Persian ones have Kukildásh (or Gukildash), meaning sworn friend or foster brother, which is no doubt the right reading.
↩The country of the Sárigh or Yellow Uighurs lay to the east of Khotan and Chárchan. (See notes, pp. 9 and 349.)
↩Chárchán, or Chárchand, between Khotan and the Lob Nor country.
↩Or Lob Kanak, the district about Lake Lob. (For Katak or Kanak, see note, p. 12).
↩She was the Khan's daughter.
↩Which of the two towns—Turfán or Karákhoja—was called Dár al Islám, or ‘the Seat of Islám,’ Mirza Haidar leaves his readers to conjecture. They are in reality some twenty-six or twenty-seven miles apart. In our author's time Turfán was the more important, and was usually the residence of the Khan of the State. But in earlier times Karákhoja was a place of consequence, so that it is very uncertain which may have been regarded as the capital, and the Seat of Islam, at the date he is speaking of. It is possible also, that he may mean to indicate the whole state, or province, of Uighuristan, as he afterwards calls the Khanate which lay east of the modern Kuchar, and had for its capital Turfán. He is much given, as will be seen, to using copulate, or dual, names for countries or districts, and sometimes speaks of this same province of Uighuristan as “Chálish-Turfán.” (For the identity of Karákhoja (the Chinese Ho-Chou) with the ancient Kao-Chang, etc., see Sec. v. of the Introduction.)
↩The ‘piece of satin’ and the ‘grey cow’ may have been some emblems of power, or both may be corruptions of place-names, due to bad copying. There is, however, no doubt as to the reading of the texts; the words are Yak Atlás wa Yak Gáw Kabud—words in which I can trace no names of provinces or districts.
↩Persia and Turkey.
↩Kumiz or Kimiz is a bitter beverage made from fermented mare's milk.—R.
↩Yasávul may be translated chamberlain, or sometimes mace-bearer.
↩Timur's death took place in February, 1405, or about the middle of the Hajra year 807, which began on 10th July, 1404, and ended 28th June, 1405.
↩In the text used by Mr. Erskine, twelve mansab—privileges or prerogatives— appear to be mentioned. (See Hist. of India, i., p. 43, where, however, no detail is given.) From his abridged MS. translation at the British Museum, it is evident that Mr. Erskine found only eleven detailed, as is the case in the three texts used by Mr. Ross. Dr. Bellew (Yarkand Report, p. 153) has ten, and his list differs in many respects from the one given above. The word mansab means, properly, office or dignity, but here prerogative or privilege best answers the meaning. A good account of these prerogatives is given by Professor Blochmann in his Ain-i-Akbari (pp. 364-5), as derived from the Akbarnamah of Abul Fazl.
↩Perhaps girdle or garter, though the text would appear to imply the meaning quiver. Dr. Bellew translates: qur, “armour” (p. 153), and Mr. Blochmann. “a collection of flags, arms, or other insignia, which follow the king wherever he goes” (p. 50).
↩These are given in the texts, but are unintelligible to some of the best translators to whom Mr. Ross has shown the passage. Erskine also failed to translate it in his abridged MS. at the British Museum. Dr. Bellew has “jirga —hunting circle—with power to punish, according to rule, those who infringed its regulations.” Mr. Blochmann writes: “He could enclose (qurq) a forest as his private hunting-ground, and if any one entered the enclosure, he forfeited his personal liberty” (p. 364).
↩Written orders.—R.
↩The nine original prerogatives carried with them the title of Tarkhán—a very ancient rank, or order of nobility, among the Mongols. (See Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither, pp. 287 and 436). The Tarkháns are constantly spoken of by Asiatic authors as a tribe, but this need not imply that they were of any particular racial descent. Distinctions between tribes and orders, or families, are not always accurately drawn. Thus Amir Timur, in his Institutes, enumerates twelve of the forty tribes (Aimáks) which had submitted to his government: Barlás, Tarkhán, Arghun, Jalair, Tulkchi, Duldi, Moghul, Sulduzi [Salduzi], Tughai, Kipchák, Arlat, and Tatar. Some of these names imply race distinctions: others only orders or families. (Davy's Institutes of Timur, p. 91.) The word Barlás means “hero,” and some of the others may have special meanings also. Mr. R. B. Shaw translated Tarkhán by “Franklin.”
↩Shaibáni Khan, the Uzbeg leader.
↩This date is intended, evidently, for that of Chingiz Khan's death, which is usually taken to be 1227. The Hajra year 625 began 12th December, 1227, so that nearly the whole of it fell within 1228. But the date of the death of Chingiz is very variously stated in different chronicles.
↩Said Khan died on this date. The author's uncle, Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, was murdered by the Khan's son and successor, Rashid, a week or two afterwards. The 1st Moharram, 940, fell on 23rd July, 1533.
↩The discrepancies of various authors regarding the sons and successors of Khizir Khwája have been remarked upon in the Introduction. See Sec. ii., pp. 40 seq.
↩Whether the diameter or the height of the dome is not stated. A great variety of gaz are in use in India, Bokhara, and other places. Baber made his gaz about thirty inches, but it was popularly taken at a little less, perhaps about twenty-seven inches. Mirza Haidar's gaz may be assumed as about equal to Baber's. (See Memoirs, p. 4; also note, p. 256.)
↩The ancient temples in Kashmir are noticed again towards the end of the history. The Rabát, or traveller's rest-house (caravan-sarai) here recorded to have been built by Muhammad Khan at a short distance north of the Chadir Kul, would seem to be in existence still. Its ruins stand on the main road from Almati (i.e., Vierny) to Kashghar, by way of the Nárin fort, and they have been seen, of late, by several European travellers. One of these is Dr. N. Seeland, whose account of the building is quoted, in English, by Dr. Lansdell, in his recently-published book of travels in Chinese Turkistan, and is so confirmatory of Mirza Haidar's description, that it may usefully be transcribed: “The traveller,” says Dr. Seeland, “is not a little astonished to see a stone construction, hoary with age, about 48 paces long by 36 wide, with a flat roof, from the middle of which rises a rough, half-ruined cupola about 25 feet high. The entrance, fairly lofty and vaulted, conducts to an interior without windows. Under the cupola is a sort of chamber or hall, with vaulted wings, 9 feet high, of rooms or cells running off in four directions in the form of a Latin cross. The entrance wing has lateral corridors on one side only, and in these, as in those of the other wings, openings from 30 to 36 inches are contrived in the wall. They lead to separate cells, which are square at bottom, circular at top, and perfectly dark, except where the ceiling has, in some cases, fallen in. The entrances are so low as sometimes to necessitate crawling, and the interiors have no trace of chimneys, niches, or places to sit or sleep. No trace exists of refectory, kitchen, or even fireplace, throughout the building, which is constructed with mortar of fragments of local blueish and reddish schist. In the central hall are a few remains of plaster, but none of ornamentation.” On the whole, Dr. Seeland considers that the building has no resemblance to other rest-houses or caravan-sarais in Central Asia, but I am not aware that he connects it with any ruin dating from the time of the Nestorians. Dr. Lansdell does so, conjecturally. He infers that the Rabát, being on the “direct route between the Christian see of Káshghar and the Christian settlements on the Chu, it seems not improbable that the ruin may represent the monastery indicated on the Catalan map.” A reference to this ancient map—it was constructed in 1375—will, however, scarcely aid us in falling in with Dr. Lansdell's conjecture. In the first place, the “monastery of Armenian Friars and Body of St. Matthew” is marked on the reduced fac-simile published in Yule's Cathay, as standing on the margin of Lake Issigh-Kul, that is, just at a spot where we know, from the narratives of modern travellers, many remarkable remains are to be seen—some on the shore, but mostly at the bottom of the lake, near the shore. The site of Muhammad Khan's Rabát would be some 180 miles to the south of the lake, by the Nárin road, or 120 miles in direct distance. In the second place, Dr. Lansdell cites, from Dr. Bellew, a passage purporting to be from the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, to the effect that Muhammad Khan “converted the ancient Hindu temple (resembling, in the massive blocks of its stone, the temples of Kashmir) called Tásh-Rabát, on the pass to the Chadir Kul, into a fortified post to protect his capital (Kashghar) from the incursions of the Kirghiz.” The strange circumstances about this quotation are: (1) that I have been unable to find the passage in either of Dr. Bellew's works (The Yarkand Mission Report or his Kashmir and Kashghar); and (2) that no one of the texts of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi in the British Museum, contains anything about the origin of the stones used in building the Rabát. These texts state, simply and clearly, that which has been translated above, and nothing more. Thus, all that can be said is: (1) almost contemporary evidence proves that Muhammad Khan built a Rabát of huge stones; (2) that this building stood in a region where Nestorian Christianity flourished in the Middle Ages; and (3) in a land where many ruins, whose origin is not yet determined, are known to exist. I have not been able to obtain Dr. Seeland's full description, but may remark that no mere conjectures to the effect that the Tásh-Rabát is unlike ordinary rabáts, or that it is like a monastery or what not, would shake the very clear evidence of Mirza Haidar. What he states, when coupled with Dr. Sceland's discovery, is interesting enough. The descriptions of the building and its geographical position agree, in a remarkable manner, in identifying Dr. Seeland's ruin with Muhammad Khan's Rabát.
↩Strange as it may appear in the case of so eminent a personage as Ulugh Beg, Mirza Haidar's statement that the date of his birth is not known, is correct. It is known, however, that he began to reign at Samarkand in A.H. 812 (or A.D. 1409), some thirty-eight years before the death of his father Shah Rukh, who was the fourth son of Amir Timur. At Shah Rukh's death in A.H. 850 (= 1446-47 A.D.) he was succeeded by Ulugh Beg, who, however, only continued to reign for a further period of two-and-a-half years. In the dissensions and wars which took place after Shah Rukh's death, Ulugh Beg was taken prisoner and put to death by his own son, Abdul Latif (Ramzán, 853, or 27th October, 1449). Thus Mirza Haidar's calculation of the approximate date of Ulugh Beg's death is not greatly in error, though the circumstance that he should be able to give only an estimate, shows that the chronology of his history is not always to be relied on. As the author of the astronomical tables, Ulugh Beg has a world-wide reputation. It is said that not only was the design his, but that he assisted in the computation of tables. The chief computers were, according to Erskine, first, Maulana Saláh-ud-Din Musa, better known by the name of Kázi-Zádah Rumi; then (after the Kázi-Zádah's death) Maulana Ghiás-ud-Din Jamshidi; and, lastly, Ibn Ali Muhammad Koshji. The geographical tables were first published in England by Graves in 1711, and the tables of fixed stars, by Hyde, of Oxford, in 1768. In France, Lalande published the astronomical tables in 1792. Baber, in his description of Samar-kand, notices the college, observatory, and other buildings erected by Ulugh Beg. The observatory, he says, stood on the skirts of the hill of Kohik, and was three stories in height:—“By means of this observatory, and its astronomical apparatus, Ulugh Beg Mirza composed the Zich-Kurkáni, which are followed at the present time, scarcely any other being used.” Mr. Schuyler was shown a hill called Chupán Atá, near the city of Samarkand, on which the observatory is said to have stood. There is now, however, no trace of it. (See Stanley Lane Poole's Muhammadan Dynasties, p. 268; Erskine's Hist. of India, i., p. 105; Ib., Mem. of Baber, p. 51; E. Schuyler's Turkistan, i., p. 233; also Beale's Oriental Biograph. Dict., 1881, p. 276; and d'Herbelot's Bibliothèque Orientale).
↩Properly, Shir Ali Oghlan, not Khán. He is called by Erskine and some other writers Shir Kuli. But Ali and Kuli may easily be taken one for the other by Persian copyists. (See the Genealogical Table attached to this volume.)
↩Sayyid Ali was the author's great-grandfather, as he shows elsewhere. (See Genealogical Table of the Dughláts in Sec. ii. of Introduction.)
↩It is curious that this Khan's name should be written sometimes Amir Sayyid Ahmad, and at others Sayyid Ahmad Mirza, within a few lines. The texts, however, have been followed as they stand.
↩In allusion to his upright figure—like the letter alif.
↩On account of his stature, etc.
↩This name is written in the Persian texts in such a way that it may read Yngi, Yinki, Niki, or even Maski. In all probability Yángi is intended, though the word is spelled without an alif. Further on, the author tells us that Yángi is another name for Taráz, and as other writers state the same thing (see note, pp. 79-80) I think it is fair to assume that the name here written Yngi is merely an oversight—that an alif has been omitted by mistake. The position of ancient Táráz or Tálás has given rise to some discussion, while several writers have been led to the opinion that Táráz stood on the Sir, and was merely another name for the town of Turkistan, or for Otrar. Modern investigation, however, has shown these views to be untenable. That Táráz was situated on, or close to, the banks of the Tálás river, there can no longer be any reasonable doubt. The names of town and river are practically one; and there seems to be no reason to question the conclusion arrived at by Mr. Schuyler, that the ancient Táráz stood, probably, very near the site of the modern town of Aulia-Ata. He speaks of some ruins on the Tálás, ten miles below Aulia-Ata, which were called by the natives Tiume-Kent (Tumi Kand?), and thinks that, on investigation, they may perhaps prove to be the remains of Táráz. Sir H. Howorth, Dr. Bretschneider, and Captain Valikhanof are of the same opinion as Mr. Schuyler. (See Howorth, ii., p. 286; Schuyler, ii., pp. 120-1; Bretschneider, i., pp. 18-19 and 228; Valik-hanof in Russians in C. Asia, p. 104.)
↩Or, perhaps, Malikát Atá.—R.
↩The Turki MS. has Daulat Sultan Begum.—R.
↩Sar-Zadah usually means “ill-mannered,” but here it is obviously intended, literally, “with bowed head.”—R.
↩The word is juldu, which signifies in Turki “royal gift,” a “prize,” or a “trophy,” for valour.
↩The farsakh, or farasang, is usually reckoned at four statute miles.
↩There is nothing to show in what locality this fight took place. There were Kalmáks on both the northern and eastern “confines” of Moghulistan, and I can find no trace of Kabáka. In all probability, however, it was on the upper Ailah, which may also be read Ilah, and is the river nowadays called the “Ili,” which passes by Kulja and flows into the Balkásh lake. “Ili” is the Chinese pronunciation, while the Turki-speaking people of the present day call it “Ila.” As regards its being on the “confines of Moghulistan,” as the anthor has it, Bretschneider quotes Quatremère's translation of the Masalek-Alabsár to the effect that the Ili river, in the first half of the fourteenth century, formed the eastern boundary of Mávará-un-Nahr. (Med. Researches, i., p. 18.) But the limit was soon afterwards pushed much farther westward, and at the time of Vais Khan could hardly have been formed by the river. The extreme upper and lower waters of the Ili, however, were near two of “the confines.”
↩All five Aimáks are probably only small local clans. No. 2 may also read Habit-shará-nut.
↩This Khwája Baháuddin (sometimes, though probably wrongly, called Shaikh Baháuddin) was the founder of a sect, or an order, of Sufis known as the “Nakhshbandi.” He is said by Mr. Beale (Oriental Biogr. Dicty.) to have died in Persia in the year 857 A.H. (1453), and to have been the author of a work on Sufi-ism called the “Dalil-ul-Ashikin.” As late as 1886 there lived at Bokhara a noted Pir, or religious leader, called Ir Nazar Khwája, Samarkandi. Ir Nazar claimed to be a descendant of Khwája Baháuddin, and was (perhaps is still) regarded as the chief of the Nakhshbandi Order in Central Asia.
↩A little lower down, the author tells us that Mir Khudáidád was ninety-seven years of age when he went on pilgrimage to Mekka. Both ninety years for the length of Khudáidád's reign and ninety-seven years for his age, are probably mere figures of speech, intended to indicate a great number. A man of ninety-seven could not accomplish a pilgrimage from Kashghar to Mekka and Medina, as Khudáidád is said to have done, and in all probability his reign was much less than ninety years. The chronology throughout this part of Mirza Haidar's history is very loose and cannot be relied on. He probably had only rough estimates—little more than guesses on the part of his informants—to go upon, and if in the case of so prominent a person as Ulugh Beg, he could be several years in error, there is no reason why he should be more accurate in that of the Beg's contemporaries. As Mirza Haidar's is the only book (so far as we know at present) that gives the Listory of this branch of the Moghuls, as a whole, there is no other chronology by which his dates can be tested.
↩The Turki MS. says “zealot.”—R.
↩Probably the “sect of sorcerers,” or something equivalent. is meant. Secret sects or bodies, as the Bábis in Persia for instance, are, in fact, spoken of as “that sect,” “this tribe,” etc.
↩In some MSS. this name may be read Ju, but three dots instead of one under the first letter would convert it into the name of the river Chu, which flows through the western part of Moghulistan, and it is possible that there may have been at this period a town, or aul, of the same name on the banks of the river. There is every reason to believe that about the time here spoken of, there were large auls and ruins of ancient towns on and near the banks of the Chu, though perhaps not actual towns, in the proper sense of the word. The word for “town” or “city,” however, is one that is much misused by Oriental writers.
↩Turah, as we have seen, was another name for the Yásák or Yázá of Chingiz Khan.
↩Perhaps, better, the Enclosure, or Garden of the Khán.
↩This name usually stands Suyurghátmish. His nominal reign dates from 1369 to 1388, and that of Mahmud from 1388 to 1398. (See S. L. Poole's Muham. Dynast., p. 268.) They were both puppets set up by Timur, and what Mirza Haidar briefly relates of them here, shows how they were treated by the great Amir.
↩Or Yakábulung; but the Turki MS. does not mention the place. There are two rivers called Bakbulan in Moghulistan, on Ritter and Oetzel's map, but neither is near Issigh Kul. One is some distance to the north-west of the lake, and the other a tributary of the lower Chu. The name of Karabulun occurs on the cast shore of the lake, and though less like the word in the text than is Bakbulan, it may represent the spot mentioned by the author.
↩Probably “ran to his aid” is intended.
↩The Viráni of Irázán seems to have been a long-remembered event among the Moghuls. The word may mean ruin, devastation, or calamity, also expulsion, dispersion, etc. In reality it was the party of Irázán Bárin that was ruined and expelled, though the calamity fell on the Moghul tribe generally, and more especially, perhaps, on their chiefs, a number of whom were massacred. Baber mentions the matter in his Memoirs. He says three or four thousand families accompanied Irázán and Mirák, when these two carried the young Khan off to Samarkand. Ulugh Beg gave them a bad reception, imprisoning some and dispersing the rest in all directions: “so that ‘the Dispersion of the Irázan’ has become an era among the Moghuls.” (Memoirs, p. 11.)
↩That is: this change of governor did not improve the state of affairs.
↩Lit., as an istikbál—i.e., the present offered to a person of concequence, by those who go out to meet and welcome him on his arrival.—R.
↩No doubt Artush, or Altun Artush, on the spurs of the hills, one short march north of Kashghar—a favourite summer resort of the townspeople.
↩This appears to mean that Kui Sui was the name of the island. There are now no islands in Issigh Kul, but the name of Koi-Su is found, on some maps, among those of some small rivers discharging into the eastern end of the lake. Kostenko tells us that although no islands exist, there are numerous shoals in its waters, and since there is every reason to believe that the level of the lake has altered within historic times, it is possible that some of these shoals may have been above the surface four hundred years ago. He points to some evidences of the lake having fallen rather than risen, but he is speaking of geological periods in one instance, and of a statement of the local Kirghiz, that the water has subsided “during the last ten years,” in another. Mr. Schuyler gives a good account of the lake and comes to a different conclusion. He writes: “Lake Issik-Kul, which is a large body of water, 120 miles long by 33 wide, has at present no outlet. Its shores, however, afford indubitable evidence of numerous elevations and depressions.” He admits that “at one time” the water may have reached the bases of the mountains 100 feet above its present level, but adds (in another place): “the fact that ruins are visible under the water would seem to show either a subsidence of the soil, or that the lake is higher than it once was.” He relates that “diamond-shaped tiles, some plain red, others covered with a blue glaze, have been obtained partly from the lake and partly from ruins, ploughed up by the peasants. At a place on the northern side of the lake called Koroi-Saroi, and in two places at the eastern end, remains of submerged cities are still to be seen a few feet under water. Many objects have been found here, some thrown up by the waves and others fished out of the water, chiefly broken pottery and pieces of metallic vessels.” He mentions the discovery of two ornamented copper kettles, a lamp bearing an inscription in an unknown alphabet, etc., and continues: “These ruins have never been carefully investigated, but in 1869 General Kolpakofsky examined some of them, and says that between the mouths of the streams 2nd and 3rd Koi-Su, at seven feet from the shore and at a depth of three feet, there are visible traces of brick walls which go parallel to each other at a distance of a few feet until the depth of the lake prevents their being seen. He also saw a large stone, on which was carved the representation of a human face, and which he succeeded in getting out of the water. Subsequent observers, who had succeeded in rigging out a boat, assured me that especially near the river Tub, on a clear day, they could see the remains of buildings.”
Issigh-Kul means warm lake, and is the equivalent of the Chinese Jhe-hai. Other Chinese names are Yen-hai, salt lake (for the water is brackish), and Tsing-hai, or clear lake, By the Kirghiz it is sometimes called Tuz-Kul, meaning ‘salt lake,’ and by the Kálmáks Timurtu Nor, or ‘iron lake,’ on account of the ferruginous sand found on its shores. Schuyler remarks that old Chinese maps place the city of Chi-gu on the shores of Issigh-Kul, while the Catalan map of 1375 (as noted already) marks on the southern shore, a Nestorian monastery containing the bones of St. Matthew. Bretschneider mentions a curious statement found in the work of Arab Shah, who reports that Amir Timur, in 1403, banished a Tartar tribe (the Kara Tatar) from Asia Minor “to the fortress Dowaira, which was situated in the middle of the lake called Issicoul. This lake, he says, was at the boundary between the dominions of Timur and Moghulistan.” The passage is apparently taken from Pétis' translation of the Zafar-Náma, or Hist. de Timur Bec. Thus two native authors, writing in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries respectively, mention islands in Lake Issigh-Kul. (See Kostenko, Turkistan, English tr., i., pp. 155-6; Schuyler, i., p. 54; ii., pp. 129-31; Bretschneider, ii., pp. 244-5.)
↩Taishi was the title by which Kálmák chiefs were designated, and from the combination Khán-Taishi, the word Contaish, used by early European writers for a Kálmák king, is said to be derived. The statement made by the author that “Amasanji Taishi was in the land of the Kálmáks,” contains, probably, an omission of the word chief or some equivalent of it. It should probably read: “Amasanji Taishi was chief in the land…”
↩Abulkhair was the chief of the Uzbegs in and about the plains of Kipchak, Mávará-un-Nahr, and Turkistan, and grandfather of the famous Shaibáni, or Shahi Beg, Khán. He died 1469.
↩This is the second time that Mirza Haidar gives an equivalent for Táráz, which may be read in several different ways, as for instance Yangi, Maniki, Masiki, Baiki, etc. It is more than probable that Yangi is intended, but Erskine, when preparing his Hist. of India, seems to have read, in this place, Masiki. He notes that Baber refers to the event mentioned in the text, thus: “Baber says that Abu Said advanced beyond Yangi, and gave Isanbugha a severe defeat at a town in Moghulistan called Aspera. (Mem., pp. 11, 12.) Mirza Haidar makes him overtake the Khán at Masiki, in books called Táráz… Otrar is known by the names of Taraz, Yangi (or Yangi Kent), and, it would appear, of Masiki.” Baber does say, on the first page of his Memoirs, that “in former times” there was a city called Yangi, “known in books of history by the name of Otrár,” but he adds that in his own time it was in ruins and depopulated. Quatremère also took Táráz to be another name for Otrár, because the latter had at one time borne the name of Yangi. But there are, and have been at all times, many towns of the name of Yangi, or New, either used alone or combined with Kand, Hisar, Shahr, etc., just as we have everywhere in England, Newton, Newport, Newcastle, etc. Indeed, in most countries the adjective “new” is one of the commonest parts of place-names.
Táráz, as we have seen in note 1, p. 63, was without doubt situated on the Tálás river, probably at or near the modern Aulia-Ata, and would therefore have stood about one hundred and sixty miles, in direct distance, to the eastward of Otrár. Thus the only inference is, that two places of the same name are spoken of by some of the Oriental writers. There was indeed a third in this particular region, for Mr. Lerch, in 1867, explored and made us acquainted with the ruins of an ancient Yángi, or Yángi-Kand on the Sihun, some distance below Otrár.
As regards Baber's Yangi, mentioned in reference to the pursuit of the Moghuls by Abu Said, it is obvious that neither of those on the Sihun can be indicated, for we are clearly told (1) that the Moghuls were flying towards their own country, and (2) that they were defeated at Asparáh. If they had passed by Otrár, they would not have been going in the direction of Moghulistan, and there is no Asparáh in that direction. In order to retreat to Moghulistan, on the other hand, they must necessarily have passed by, or near, Táráz, while beyond that place they would have come to Asparáh. Thus there is, I think, sufficient evidence to identify the Yángi, or Yangi-Kand, of Mirza Haidar with Táráz, and to regard the Masiki of Erskine as a mere misreading of the text he used. Moreover, it seems possible that he may have been misled into this reading through the frequent mentions by Baber, in his Memoirs, of a place which he writes Masikha. Athough, as Erskine himself has shown in his map, it is an entirely different place, and should never be confused with his Masiki or Yangi, still the writing in the original text may have misled him.
But if Erskine read Masiki as an equivalent for Táráz he is not singular, for Quatremère thought that the original of Haidar Rázi might possibly be read in the same, or nearly the same, way. Thus he translates the “meadows of Talas and Kentchek which are vulgarly called Meski and Taraz”; though he notes that perhaps the word Meski may stand for Yangi. This, however, is only a question of reading the texts—not of the identification of the places—and an inspection of the text of Haidar Rázi, would probably show that the word was written in the same way as Mirza Haidar has written it.
Farther on, in this history, we shall see that Mirza Haidar again refers to Táráz as a city mentioned in books, where “it is written that the Moghuls call Táráz, Yangi.” Here there is no question of any other reading of the text. He adds that traces of several other ancient towns are found in the same neighbourhood, but that “it is not known which of these old cities was Yangi, or what were the names of the others.” This point may be cleared up by a reference to Quatremère's translation of the Masálak Al Absár (a work of the first half of the fourteenth century), where we are told that from Samarkand to Yangi twenty days' journey was reckoned, and that the latter city consisted of four towns, separated one from the other by a distance of one “parasang.” Each town had its own particular name, one being called Yengi, the second Yengi-bálik, the third Kenchak, and the fourth Tálás (or Táráz). Again, in the Haft Iklim (Quatremère) it is said that “Táráz … bore also the name of Yangi”; while in the geography of Sádik Ispaháni (Ouseley) we find the two names coupled together thus: “Yangi-Tiráz, a city of Turkistan.” The Arab writer, Mukadasi (according to Sprenger) included Táráz in a list of towns belonging to the province of Isfijáb, which is the ancient name for Sairám, near Chimkent. Istákhri and Idrisi (according to the same authority) make the distance from Samarkand to Táráz twenty-two and twenty-three days respectively. Ibn Khordádbah reckons it about five days (twenty-six farsákhs) from Isfijáb; while Arab Shah (on Bretschneider's authority) places it about four days from Sairám (which agrees fairly with Khordádbah), though he makes it fifteen only from Samarkand. These distances, except perhaps the last mentioned, would suit well for a position on the Tálás river.
On the whole, no further evidence is, I think, needed to demonstrate (1) that Maski, or Masiki, is only a misreading of Yángi; and (2) that Yangi and Táráz were one and the same place and stood on, or about, the same site as the modern Aulia-Ata—though there were several other Yangis in Central Asia. It may be added here that D'Avezac gives some curious variants of the name Yangi Kand or Yangi-Kent, culled from old authors—viz., Iankine, Ianekin, Iakynt, Sakine, Sarguit, etc.
(See Baber, pp. 1, 11, 12, 101, 102; Erskine's Hist., i., p. 47; Yule's Cathay, p. ccxiii; Schuyler, i., pp. 404, and ii., pp. 120-1; Bretschneider, ii., p. 252; Sprenger, pp. 19, 22, 23; Quatremère, Not. et Extr., xiii., pp. 224-26; D'Avezac, Receuil de Voyages, iv., pp. 505 and 513; Sadik Ispaháni, p. 56; Howorth, ii., pp. 286 seq.; Thonnelier, Dic. Géogr., pp. 45 seq.)
↩Sultan Abu Said Mirza was great-grandson of Amir Timur, and grandfather of Baber. He was ruler of Mávará-un-Nahr from 1451 to 1468, and at the time spoken of in the text (863 H., or 1459) had also conquered Khorasán and Balkh. He was perhaps the most powerful chief then ruling in Central Asia, and his capital, Herat, was famed for its institutions, its architecture and its men of learning.
↩An unintelligible passage of six words occurs here.—R.
↩This is the literal translation of the sentence. The meaning probably is, as Erskine has inserted it in the Introduction to his Hist. (p. 48)—“and they are become perfect Moghuls.”
↩This is exactly the difficulty that Timur experienced in dealing with the Moghuls under the leadership of Kamaruddin. Their traditional tactics, as described here, seem alone to have rendered them formidable to their western neighbours.
↩Another reading of this name is Jud Kuzi Báshi. It is not traceable on modern maps.
↩This brief statement is valuable, as showing not only how this particular tribe came into existence, but, generally, how a new tribe with a new name may arise from mere local circumstances and passing events. For some remarks on this particular event and on the passages which follow, see note 1, p. 272, and Howorth, ii., p. 6.
↩Isan Bugha reigned from 832 to 866 H. (or 1429-62 A.D.). Rashid's reign dates from the end of 939 H., or 1533, and lasted till 973 H., or 1565-6; but the alienation of the Kazáks took place in the early years of his rule. Thus the alliance continued for about a hundred years. Regarding the author's statement that the Kazáks “disappeared entirely” from about the year 940 H. (1533), see note 1, p. 272, and Sec. vi. of the Introduction.
↩His real name was Abdul Kásim Baber. (See Genealogical Table of Timuri, attached.)
↩The Bágh-i-Zághán is a celebrated garden situated outside the north-western angle of the walls of Herat. Its foundation is attributed to Shah Rukh and his wife Gauhar Shád Aghá, and thus dates from the first half of the fifteenth century. (See Khánikoff in Journ. Asiat., 5 série I., xv., June, 1860, pp. 537-43, and plan.)
↩The meaning probably is—“Before the world, and officially, you are only my vassal or subordinate, but you may write to me privately as a friend, and not with the humility that the Khans had to use to the Timuri Mirzas.”
↩Or, more literally, one of the principal dates in Moghul history.—R.
↩Or commentaries in verse; the text is uncertain.—R.
↩Among the works of Sharaf-ud-Din, the best known to Europeans is the Zafar-Náma (called sometimes the Tárikh-i-Sáhib Kiráni), so copiously cited by Mirza Haidar at the beginning of this history. Besides being an author, Sharaf-ud-Din is said to have been an astronomer, and to have assisted Ulugh Beg in the observations used for the astronomical tables. The Zafar-Náma may be described as a panegyric, as well as a history, of Amir Timur, and was dedicated to Shah Rukh Mirza in 1425. A French translation by M. Pétis de la Croix was published in 1722 and 1723, though it had been completed some years before the translator's death, which occurred in 1695. Sharaf-ud-Din died in the year 858 H. (1454 A.D.) according to Dr. Rieu, so that we ought here to have a date for fixing the life and reign of Yunus Khán. If Yunus was twenty-four years old in 858 (as Mirza Haidar says at p. 74), and returned to Moghulistan as Khán when he was forty-one, he must have remained in exile for seventeen years after the Maulána's death, and thus began to reign only in 875 H., or 1470-1. If, however, his capture took place in 832, and he was then sixteen years of age, he must have been forty-two when the Mauláná died in 858, and forty-four at his restoration, if that event occurred, as the author states, in 860. There is thus an irreconcilable difference of fifteen years in the date of the beginning of his reign. Baber gives an account of these transactions, but, unfortunately, mentions no dates. He says that five or six months after the arrival of Yunus at Shiráz, Sultan Ibrahim (second son of Shah Rukh and Governor of Fars) died, and was succeeded by his son Abdulla Mirza, under whom Yunus took service, and remained seventeen or eighteen years—until he was summoned to Herat, and made Khan of Moghulistan by Sultan Abu Said Mirza. Farther on it will be seen that our author says Yunus was born in 818, and died, at the age of seventy-four, in 892. If this is correct, and if his capture should date from 832, he would at that time have been fourteen years old. This leaves only a difference of two years in his age to be reconciled, but it does not clear up the discrepancy in the date of the commencement of his reign. (See Rieu's Brit. Mus. Catalogue, i., p. 173; Beale's Orient. Biogr. Dict.; Erskine's Baber, p. 11; Erskine's Hist., i., pp. 45 and 49.)
↩This name is subject to many different readings, not only in the Tarikh-i Rashidi, but in other Asiatic histories, and has been frequently transliterated Banikand, Yanikand, Batikand, Itikand, etc. Mirza Haidar, however, gives, lower down (p. 180), the Persian equivalent for it as Haft Deh; and this settles the question, for Haft Deh, or Seven villages, translated into Turki, would become Yati-kand. This last form has been adopted, therefore, whenever the name occurs. He tells us that the district was situated on the confines of Andiján, but in this instance, it is possible that he may be using the word Andiján to denote the whole province of Farghána—in fact, as an equivalent for Farghána. In some modern maps a district called Itikand or Itikent is marked to the north of the Sir, and between the modern town of Khokand and Tashkand; but it seems hardly possible that this district can represent the Yatikand of the fifteenth century. It must have stood on the north-western confines of Farghána, and would have constituted the extreme western limit of Moghulistan. (See note 1, pp. 180-1.)
↩Jálish or Chálish—the modern Kará-shahr.
↩Meaning that although Aksu is only a small place, life there would be town life, while in Moghulistan it would be the life of the steppes.
↩This passage is somewhat obscure. The word viráni should mean ruin, devastation, or expulsion, rather than rupture, and it appears to refer to the flight of the brothers into Khitai, or Chinese territory. But the dates which the author mentions show, I think, that the conflict between them and Amásánji, and the latter's flight into Moghulistan, are the events he speaks of when using the word viráni. If this is correct, a period of thirty-six years, or more, elapsed between those events and the retreat of the brothers into Chinese territory, i.e., from some date prior to 873 (1468-9) to the year 910 (1504-5). These occurrences are not traceable in the translations from the Chinese history of the Ming dynasty, published by Dr. Bretschneider in his Mediæval Researches.
↩A passage of five words here is unintelligible.—R.
↩Possibly the Kara Sengir Tukai of modern maps. (See map attached.)
↩Abulkhair died in 874 A.H., or 1469-70 A.D. (See Howorth, ii., p. 690, where, however, the A.D. year is, by an oversight, printed 1489).
↩The name of Buruj Oghlán does not appear, as Sir H. Howorth has pointed out, in the list of Abulkhair's sons. His eldest son was Shah Badágh Sultan, the father of the renowned Shahi Beg, or Shaibáni, Khan; and Sir H. Howorth is disposed to think that Buruj was only another name for Sháh Badágh. This is probable, for several of the Abulkhairi Uzbeg chiefs had second names, or nicknames. Dr. Bellew calls Buruj Oghlán the son of Jáni Beg, who was a grandson of Abulkhair; but apart from the fact that the name does not occur among Jáni Beg's sons, as they are known to us, a man of that generation would have been too young to take the part ascribed to him, at the time mentioned by Mirza Haidar. (Howorth, ii., p. 691; Bellew, Yarkand Report, p. 159.)
↩Abu Said died 873 A.H. = 1468-9 A.D. Beale (Orient. Biogr. Dict.) gives the exact date as 25 Rajab, 873, or 8th February, 1469.
↩This name has been transliterated accurately, as it stands in the Persian text—the Turki texts are wanting here. The meaning would be “the camel's leap.” Most likely, however, the name should read Tekka Sagrutku instead of Tiká, and should mean “the goat's leap.” Baber records this battle as having taken place “to the north of Andiján, on the banks of the Sihun, at a place called Tika-Sakaratku, which derives its name from this circumstance, that the river, in flowing past the skirt of a hill, becomes so much contracted in breadth, that it is said that on one occasion a mountain goat leaped from the one bank to the other.” (Memoirs, p. 9.)
↩Lit.: No vexation came between them.—R.
↩Or Tajik “features.” That is, the Maulána found Yunus to be of an Aryan, and not of a Mongoloid cast of countenance, a circumstance that shows how little of the Moghul was left, even in the fifteenth century, in a Khan of Moghulistan. The family of Yunus, as we have seen, had for some generations past, intermarried in several directions. His origin, therefore, combined with his Persian training, would account for his appearance being unlike that of ordinary Moghuls.
The word Turk, in this passage, taken in connection with Moghul, is obviously used in a general, sociological, sense, and is intended more as a distinction to Tájik than as a race-name. But this subject has been treated of already in Sec. iv. of the Introduction, and need not be further discussed here. It may be remarked, however, that the word Tájik, though in this instance employed in its racial sense—for the speaker is pointing to the Khan's Aryan features— meant also, in many cases, merely a “foreigner,” and more especially a “western foreigner.” It was in this sense that the word was used at p. 14, above, in the story of the wrestling match between the priest and the Moghul. Some remarks on this subject also, will be found in Sec. iv. of the Introduction.
↩Thus the remainder would be the eight years from 861 to 869. Erskine makes these periods “six years with imperfect, and eighteen years with full, authority.” But the MSS. used for this translation read as in the text above. (Erskine's Hist. i., p. 539).
↩It was, in fact, much more than 20 years—rather about 60 or 70 years.
↩That is, he handed the copy of the Korán containing the treaty: for treaties and solemn engagements are usually written and sealed, by Musulmáns, in copies of the Korán.
↩Meaning, apparently, to stuff it fuller and fuller.
↩Khust, or Khost, is a district on the northern slopes of the Hindu Kush, between south and south-east of Kunduz, and lies very near the hill tracts known in our times as Káfiristán, or the country of the Siáposh and other Káfirs. Sir H. Yule quotes several authorities who show that among the Kafir tribes which inhabited this region, between the thirteenth and the present centuries, was one called Katur, or Kitaur. Baber, in his Memoirs, also speaks of a division of Kafiristan, to the north-east of Kabul, called Kattor; while Col. J. Biddulph tells us that the family name of the rulers of Chitral is Kature, and he adds that “the name of Kator seems to have been applied to the country in early times, before the present Kature family was founded.” The name Shah Katur occurs more than once in the line of Chitral rulers. Thus the Katur of the text would point to Kafiristan and probably also to Chitral, for it is quite possible that, though divided now, the two states may have been one in the fifteenth century. According to Ritter, the Kafirs were a people much feared by the Musulmáns of Badakhshán at the beginning of the fifteenth century, and used to exact tribute from them. There is nothing improbable, therefore, in the story of the Kafirs raiding into the neighbouring district of Khust and killing the Musulmán governor. (See Yule, Cathay, p. 554; Biddulph, Tribes of the Hindu Kush, p. 148; Baber, p. 140; Ritter, Erdkunde, vii., pp. 206-7).
↩Lit.: the army formed a ring and encamped.
↩Alexander the Great and Philip of Macedon. Filikus appears to be the usual Oriental corruption of Philip.
↩The fanciful nature of this account of Badakhshán need hardly be pointed out. It is based, probably, on the claim made by the princes of Badakhshán to be descended from Alexander the Great, rather than on any history of the country known to Mirza Haidar.
↩Most of the names mentioned in this paragraph will be found in the table of the house of Timur appended to Sect. ii. of the Introduction.
↩This passage is most obscure. It reads: “An gáh yághi-gari bekun. In chi-tur mibáshad?”—R.
↩Some high-flown passages treating of the mercy of kings are omitted here. —R.
↩Here follows an obscure passage regarding the precedence of the three brothers, which baffles translation.—R.
↩The word Tirmah is usually, if not always, found in dictionaries to signify “the first month of summer.” Throughout Central Asia, however, it means autumn, and seeing that in some passages of this history, the context shows that Mirza Haidar uses it for autumn, I have applied it everywhere for that season.
↩This is probably a corruption of the Turki word zilcha or zilucha, a long pile carpet made of wool.—R.
↩See note, p. 92. The mention of Buruj here appears scarcely to bear out Sir H. Howorth's supposition, though it does not disprove it.
↩Uratippa or Uratupa is the Persian form; Uratubé, the Turki—generally corrupted by the Russians into Uratiube—and meaning “high mound.” Old names for this place are Oshrusene, Usrushna, Satrushna, etc., while Mirza Haidar, farther on (p. 154) writes it Ushtur Ushna. (See Schuyler, i., p. 312; Sprenger, p. 19, and Erskine in Baber, p. xli.)
↩One MS. reads: “… between Sultan Mahmud Khan and the Uzbeg Khan and the Kazák Amirs.”—R.
↩