The Muntakhabu-’rukh, Volume 2

And 'Arab Bahádur was at the same time defeated by Shahbáz Khán, and also took refuge with Ma'çúm Khán. Shahbáz Khán went in pursuit of 'Arab Bahádur, first to Jounpúr, and afterwards to Oudh. Ma'çúm Khán, who had such a quantity of war matériel that, to use an hyperbole, he could have withstood the kings of Irán and Turán both at once, and had thirty or forty banners and tails and kettle-drums in his army, and paraphernalia in the same proportion, hastened to attack Shahbáz Khán, and in the twinkling of an eye overcame him. Shahbáz Khán fled in one day a distance of forty cosses as far as Jounpúr. But by good luck Tarsún Mu-ḥammad Khán, who was in the right wing of Shahbáz Khán's army, had remained hidden in the jungle, and at the moment that the troops of Ma'çúm Khán were dispersed after booty, he with a few followers seizing his opportunity charged in among his disorganized soldiery and defeated him. As soon as Shahbáz Khán heard this news, he hasted back just as quickly as he had gone, and joined the force of Tarsún Muḥammad Khán. He attacked Ma'çúm Khán a second time, and a great battle was fought in the environs of Oudh. This time Ma'çúm Khán was put to fight, and disappeared. His mother and sister and wife and son and his goods and chattels, and all his paraphernalia of pomp and power were taken as spoil. He himself fled headlong, not knowing his crupper from his reins, and took refuge in the Sawálik mountains. This event took place in the month of Zi-ḥájjah^298a in the year nine hundred and eighty-eight (988).

At this time an organ, which was one of the wonders of creation, and which Ḥájí Ḥabíb-ulláh had brought from Europe, was exhibited to mankind. It was like a great box (P. 290) the size of a man. A European sits inside it and plays the strings thereof, and two others outside keep putting their fingers on five peacock-wings ,²⁹⁹ and all sorts of sounds come forth. And because the Emperor was so pleased, the Europeans kept coming at every moment in red and yellow colours, and went from one extravagance to another. The people at the meeting were astounded at this wonder, and indeed it is impossible for language to do justice to the description of it.

At one of the meetings the Emperor asked those who were present to mention each the name of the man, who could be considered the wisest man of the age; but they were not to mention kings, as they formed an exception. Thus Ḥakím Humám mentioned himself, and Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl his own father.

During this time the four degrees of devotion to His Majesty were defined. The four degrees consisted in readiness to sacrifice to the Emperor Property, Life, Honour, and Religion. Whoever had sacrificed these four things possessed the four degrees; and whoever had sacrificed one of these four possessed one degree. All the courtiers now put down their names as faithful disciples of the Throne.

In the month Muḥarram^299a of the year nine hundred and eighty-nine (989) news arrived that Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím on the invitation of the two Ma'çúms,^299b and at the instigation of Farídún Khán, who was his maternal uncle, and a regular leprous spot,^299c set out with the intention of conquering Hindústán. He sent his servant Shádmán over the Indus, but Mán Singh, son of Bhagwán Dás marched to oppose him, and slew him. On hearing the news the Mírza crossed the Indus, and encamped in the environs of Sayyidpúr.

Upon this the Emperor, having advanced the soldiers eight months' pay out of the treasury, and leaving the prince Dániyál with Sulṭán Khwájah Çadr, and Shaikh Ibráhím the Abyssinian, as vicegerents, marched from Fatḥpúr towards the Punjáb. At the saráí of Bád, which is fifteen cosses from Fatḥpúr, news arrived of the victory of Shahbáz Khán.³⁰⁰

(P. 292). Mán Singh found in the portfolio of Shádmán three letters of Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím addressed respectively to Hakím-ul-mulk Gílání, Sháh Mançúr Díwán, and Qásim Khán Mír-baḥr. He sent them verbatim to the Emperor, who read them, but kept the matter to himself.

At Dihlí news arrived, that the Mírzá was encamped at Láhor in the garden of Mahdí Qásim Khán, and that Rájah Bhagwán Dás, and Mán Singh, and Sa'íd Khán had shut themselves up in the fortress.

At Pánípat Malik Sání Kábulí, vazír of Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím, who had the title of Vazír Khán, having been vexed by the Mírzá arrived at the quarters of Sháh Mançúr, and got him to introduce him at Court Since there had not been in times past any such manifest intimacy and connection between these two persons, the absence of Sání Khán from the Mírzá at such a juncture seemed to the Emperor to be accounted for by some design on the part of the Mírzá, and as not being devoid of interested motives, so it confirmed his previous suspicions of Khwájah Sháh Mançúr. Accordingly he had him arrested and showed him the letters. However much he swore to his own innocence it did him no good, for it is an acknowledged principle, that “A denial on oath is no proof of innocence.” In the neighbourhood of Sháhábád Malik 'Alí, brother of Qází 'Alí, who is now Kotwál of Láhor, sent to the Court in one parcel two obscure letters. One was addressed to Sháh Mançúr from one Musharraf^300a Beg, who was a servant of Sháh Mançúr. The second was from a person, whose identity was suspected, containing an account of his interview, first with Farídún Khán, and secondly with the Mírzá, and how the Mírzá had settled the affairs of a certain parganna, which was either known or suspected. And this much became known by inference and conjecture, that Sharaf Beg, a servant of Sháh Mançúr, who was Shikkdár³⁰¹ on his behalf in the parganna of Fírozpúr, thirty cosses from Láhor, had written to his master: “I have had an interview with the Mírzá through the intervention of Farídún Khán, he has sent his agents everywhere, but he has exempted our parganna.” (P. 293) And suspicion became a certainty. Most, nay all, of the Amírs, who had received many annoyances from Sháh Mançúr, were longing for his fall. With one consent they exerted themselves to secure his execution. In the morning the Emperor ordered the Captain of the guard^301a to hang him on gallows at the Manzil of Kajh-koṭ.^301b His numerous oppressions of the people formed the halter round his neck, and may it remain clinging there till the day of Resurrection. “Beware of the service of kings, for they pride themselves on giving an answer in peace, but they think nothing of cutting off your head in punishment:—

Be of good cheer, for no tyrant
Completes his course in peace.”

The Emperor came by way of Sarhind to Kalánor and Rohtás, and reached the Indus. When the Mírzá heard this news, he crossed the river of Láhor, and turned his reins back to Kábul. And so the mystery of the verse:^301c “On that day shall a man flee from his brother” became manifest.

In the month of Rabí'us-sání^301d of this year the Emperor ordered to be built on the banks of the Indus,^301e which is generally known as the Sind-ságar, a fortress, which he called Aṭak Banáras, to distinguish it from Kaṭak Banáras.^301f

From this place he sent the prince Sulṭán Murád with Qulíj Khán and other Amírs to Kábul. And prior to this he had sent Mán Singh with a body of Amírs towards Pasháwar.

At this time the Mírzá sent Khwájah Abu-l-Fazl Naqshbandí, and Muḥammad 'Alí Díwánah as ambassadors to the Court to sue for pardon for his offences. The Emperor sent back with them Ḥájí Ḥabíb-ulláh with the message: “Forgiveness is conditional on repentance for what is past, and an oath for future conduct, also on your sending to the Court your sister, who is married to Khwájah Ḥasan.” The Mírzá said to Ḥájí: “Khwájah Ḥasan will not agree to sending my sister, for he has taken her away to Ba-dakhsháu. But I am very sorry for what I have done:—

I have repented, and am sorry for what I have done,

(P. 294) Call me no more a Káfir, for I am become a Muslim.”

On the 15th of Jamáda's-sání having crossed the river Indus the Emperor sent Khwájah Nizám-ud-dín Aḥmad in haste to Jalá-lábád to the prince Sháh Murád and the Amírs, with the request: “Please send me your advice.” They replied: “The best thing you can do is to come as quickly as possible.” And both Nizám ud-dín Aḥmad, and Ḥájí Ḥabíb-ulláh came together from that place, and at Pasháwar gave each his own message to the Emperor. Nizám-ud-dín Aḥamad said: “Although the Amírs in their usual talk say: ‘We ourselves are sufficient’; yet in the language of present facts³⁰² they say: ‘Victory follows on the footsteps of the Emperor.’” Accordingly the Emperor left the prince Sulṭán Salím with Rájah Bhagwán Dás and Qází 'Alí Mírbakhshí in the camp, and travelling express at the rate of twenty cosses a day arrived at a place called Surkháb, fifteen cosses from the camp of Prince Murád. Then Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím at seven cosses from Kábul, at a place called Khurd-kábul had a severe engagement with his nephew,^302a who was like the king's son in the game of great chess.^302b The Mírzá at last took to flight with the intention of taking refuge with Abd-ulláh Khán Uzbek. Prince Murád entered Kábul.

The day before the action Farídún Khán had attacked the rear of the Prince's army, and had slain many men. He had plundered the treasury of Qulíj Khán and the other Amírs, and carried off much spoil. Ḥájí Muḥammad an Aḥadí, who had preceded the Emperor by means of postal-relays, arrived on the spot just as the plundering was going on. When he saw what had happened, he returned to Surkháb and told the tale to the Empersr in an incoherent manner, and caused him much annoyance. The next day, as the Emperor was recommencing his march, news of the victory was brought.

On the tenth of the month Rajab³⁰³ the Emperor entered the fortress of Kábul. He spent a week enjoying himself in the gardens (P. 295) of that city. When he enquired of some trusty followers of Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím the history of the affair of that letter to Sháh Mançúr, and examined closely into the matter, he found out that Karam-ulláh, brother of Shahbáz Khán together with other Amírs had concocted all this forgery and deception, and that the last letter also, which had been the cause of his being put to death, was a forgery of the Amírs. So the Emperor was very much grieved about the execution of Sháh Mançúr:—

“Thy noble death, which was intended [by God],
Was brought about by the instrumentality of man.”

But that repentance was like the drinking of the elixer by Sohráb.^303a

The Emperor sent Laṭíf Khwájah Mír shikár to the Mírzá to tell him that his offences were forgiven, and so prevented his taking refuge in the territory of the Uzbeks. Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím took in his presence on oath of alleigance, and executed an engagement, which he sent by 'Alí Muḥammad Asp along with him to the Court.

His Majesty conferred Kábul upon Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím, and leaving the army he returned quickly to Jalálábád, where there was a large encampment. At this time Khwájagí Muḥammad Ḥusain, brother of Muḥammad Qásim Khán Mir baḥr, who was one of the confidential Amírs of the Mírzá, came and did homage to the Emperor.

From Jalálábád he sent an army to plunder and lay waste the mountain district of Kator,³⁰⁴ which is a well-known stronghold of Káfirs, and then stage by stage he marched to the Sindságar,^304a which he reached on the twelfth of Sha'bán.^304b There he crossed over and transported his whole army by a bridge in one day, and by successive marches went quickly to Lahór, where he arrived in the latter part of Ramazan.^304c

He again committed the government of the Panjáb to Sa'íd Khán, and Rájah Bhagwán Dás, and Mán Singh. And with a view to making inquiry into the management of the grant-lands of that province, he appointed a Çadr to each Doáb.^304d These were Mullá Iláhdád of Amrohrah, Mullá Iláhdád Nabawí of Sulṭánpúr, Mullá Sháh Muḥammad of Sháhábád, and Mullá Sherí (P. 296) the poet. The first and fourth were remarkable for their good-heartedness, and the sccond and third for their bad-heartedness. And Mullá Sháh Muḥammad wrote a mandate to Shaikh Isḥáq Kákawí, a holy and God-fearing sage, with such pomp, that [you might apply to it the verse] “Our people obey God's preacher!”^304e And Shaikh Faizí he appointed Çadr of the Doáb.^304f And Ḥakím Humám, and Ḥakím Abu-l-Fatḥ the Çadr of the metropolis, he sent to the other side of the Ganges.

When His Majesty arrived at Pánípat, Shahbáz Khán (who during the Emperor's absence had more suo turned the whole of the imperial dominions right away from Kaṛhí to the Panjáb into people's jagírs, and had given to any one any post that he wished for) arrived at that station with great magnificence, pomp, and circumstance to pay homage to the Emperor. When His Majesty enquired the cause of all this bravery, he replied: “If I had not thus won over the soldiery, they would have revolted with one consent. Now the empire is yours and the army is yours. You may give what you like to whom you will, and take away appointments and jágírs from whom you please”:—

“From whom you please take away,
To whom you please give.”

On the twenty-fifth of Shavvál³⁰⁵ the Emperor returned to Dihlí, and the younger prince, and the queens came out to meet him, and on the fifth of Zí-qa'dah^305a he made his entrée into the metropolis.

During this journey since I had been left behind on account of a bond of great friendship which I had contracted with one Mazharí, who was one of the divine objects,^305b and on account of my freedom and abandon which lasted a whole year at Basáwar,^305c and brought me in the course thereof into many strange and difficult circumstances, when I arrived at Fatḥpúr on the 6th of this month, I paid my respects to His Majesty. He asked Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl “How was he left behind on this journey?” He replied: “He is one of the pensioners, and is dead.” And before this, when near Kábul he had directed the Çadr-i-Jahán to make out and present to him a list of all the people of piety (P. 297), who were attending with the army, or who were absent. When my name came up, the late Khwájah Nizám-ud-dín Aḥmad, author of the Táríkh-i-Nizámí , with whom I had become acquainted about a year before that time, but who was as friendly as if I had known him a hundred years, in the great kindness and consideration which he showed to all his friends, and to me in particular, caused me to be put down and returned as sick. And certainly the devotion to created things and the desire of concupiscence, and fear, are much worse than any disease. During this period of absence he kept sending me letter upon letter, saying: “Since you have certainly been remiss in your coming, you must make as far as possible an effort to come to Láhor, or to Dihlí, or to Mit'hra, for it is a matter of public importance, and of attention to stipulated duty.” But since one hour of that state was better to me than life eternal, how could I find an opportunity of occupying myself with thoughts of the future, or any other pain or loss, and so the verse:³⁰⁶ “I commit my affairs to God” eventually became fulfilled:—

“Leave thy business with God, and be content,
For if He does not show mercy, it would make Him a pretender.”

And at this time, every now and then, verses would occur to me in my sleep. And among them one night I composed the following in my sleep, and after waking I had a great deal of trouble and restlessness to recover it:—

“Our mirror is ready to receive the reflexion of thy face,
If thou doest not appear, the fault is not with us.”

By the favour and grace of God, though seventeen years have elapsed since that time and this present time of writing, yet the delight of that taste has never left my heart, and every time I remember it I sigh: “Would that at that time I had become from head to foot stripped of the world, (P. 298) and had escaped the pain of separation:—

Happy is he that hath seen thy face,
And has surrendered his soul;
And is no more aware what is
Absence and what is presence.”

But I had an experience, and such grace came to my heart, that if I spent ages in describing it, and thanking God for it, the tithe of a tenth part of my bounden duty would not be performed:—

“In the ear of heart there sounded a murmur of love,
From the murmur I am full of love from head to foot.
It is but the truth, that in whole ages I should not escape,
From the obligation of giving thanks for one moment of love.”

At the time that the Emperor went to Kábul, Bahádur son of Sa'íd Badakhshí had the khutbah read, and coins struck, in his name in the district of Tirhut, and took the title of Bahádur Sháh. They say that the following rhyme was composed for his signet (but God knows):—

“Bahádur-ud-din Sulṭán
Son of Asfíd Shah Sulṭán.
His father was Sulṭán, and himself Sulṭan,
Bravo! Sulṭán bin Sulṭán.”

Eventually he was slain by the servants of A'zam Khán:—

“A base person, when dignity, and gold, and silver come to him,
Requires of necessity a slap on the head.
Have you not heard what Plato said,
It is best for the ant³⁰⁷ that its wings should not grow.”

When Ma'çúm Khán Farankhúdí had become thoroughly bewildered and forlorn in the mountains of Sawálik^307a through the intervention of A'zam Khán he made confession of his fault, and received a farmán of pardon. He came and did homage at Fatḥpúr. Some days afterwards he left the Darbár at midnight, and mounting a litter was setting off on his return home, when an armed troop fell upon him outside the gates of the city, and cut him in pieces.

(P. 299). Niyábat^307b also, by the intervention of the imperial Begum, on the very day that Ma'çúm did homage, was admitted to His Majesty's presence. The Emperor, to please his uncle Shihábud-din Aḥmad Khán, governor of Málwah, spared his life for some time and sent him to the fortress of Rintamb'hor. There he was confined, and performed many exploits, which we cannot now relate. In conjunction with his fellow-prisoners of that plaee he attempted a great outbreak. Eventually in the year nine hundred and ninety-seven the Emperor sent a farmán, and had him executed.

At this time Ḥájí Begum,³⁰⁸ who was a second mother to the Emperor, and attended on the tomb of the late Emperor,^308a a very pillar of holiness, and purity, and virtue, and good works, hastened to the world of eternity. And the greatest distress fell upon the guardians of the tomb, and the dwellers in that holy place.

At this time the Emperor sent Shaikh Jamál Bakhtyár, to bring Shaikh Quṭb-ud-dín of Jalésar, who was a majzúb,^308b and intoxicated^308c with the Divine Love. When Quṭb-ud-dín came, the Emperor brought him to a conference with some Christian priests, and philosophers, and great law-authorities of the age. After a discussion the Shaikh exclaimed, “Let us make a peat fire, and in the presence of His Majesty we will pass through it, and whichever gets safely through it, will prove thereby the truth of his religion.” The fire was made. The Shaikh pulled one of the Christian priests by the coat, and said to him, “Come on, in the name of God!” But none of the priests had the courage to go. Soon after the Shaikh was sent into exile to Bakkar, together with other faqírs, as the Emperor was jealous of his triumph. There he died.

A large number of Shaikhs and Faqírs were also sent to other places, mostly to Qandahár, where they were exchanged for horses.

About the same time the Emperor captured a sect of Shaikhs, who called themselves ‘Disciples,’ but were generally known as ‘Iláhís.’ They used to utter all sorts of foul lies and nonsense. His Majesty asked them whether they repented of their vanities. They replied, “Repentance is our maid-servant.” And so they had invented similar names for the laws and religious commands of the Islám, and for the Fast. At His Majesty's command they were sent to Bakkar and Qandahár, and were given to merchants in exchange for Turkish colts.

(P. 300.) His Majesty sent for the grandsons of Shaikh Adhan, who were some of the great Shaikhs of Jounpúr, with their wives and families, and sent than to Ajmír, and gave them a fixed provision. One, two, or three of them died, and some of them are living now in poverty.

Shaikh Ḥusain, grandson of His Reverence Khwájah Mu'ín-ud-dín (God sanctify his tomb!) he banished to Bakkar, because, when he had been to Makkah and come back again, he did not make obeisance in the manner approved by the Emperor, but came in his utter unworldliness to pay his homage to His Majesty in the old fashioned manner, who understood this neglect to be meant as a sign of disloyalty. In the year one thousand and two Nizám-ud-dín Aḥmad, on the occasion of the Emperor's sending for Iltimás Qází Fatḥpúrí, and Shaikh Kamál Biyábání, from Bakkar, mentioned the name of Shaikh Ḥusain also. So His Majesty sent for them all, and since they performed the Zamínbos the Emperor considered that he had gained all that he required, and gave orders for their release. But Kamál Biyábání, whose being found in fetters³⁰⁹ in the prison of Bakkar they attributed to the Khán Khánán, the Emperor sent to Rintamb'hor. And to Shaikh Ḥusain he again ordered a pension in Bakkar, and appointed him to that same place, as shall be narrated further on, if God (He is exalted!) will.

On the 9th of the month Muḥarram^309a in the year nine hundred and ninety (990) A'zam Khán came from Bengál. And one evening in course of conversation the Emperor said to him, “We have found out proofs for part of the reality of metempsychosis, Abu-l-Fazl shall convince you of it!’ And he accepted it all. The Emperor then appointed some Amírs who were absent from the army of Kábul to accompany him, and sent him [back to Bengál] to repulse Muçúm Kábulí.

On the 15th of the month Çafar³¹⁰ of this year the New Year came round again, and the twenty-seventh year of the Reign commenced:—

“When the Pen of the Worker of Spring came into action,
It made the Pearl of the Equinox into a paint-palate at the time of Aries.”^310a

(P. 301.) And the Emperor commanded both the private and the public audience chamber to be deccorated with all sorts of precious materials. And they prepared costly articles of various colours, and European curtains, and they made most incomparable paintings, and erected lofty pavilions. And they decorated the bazaar at Ágrah and at Fatḥpúr in a similar manner, and kept high festival for eighteen whole days. And the Emperor sent for all sorts of troops of singers and musicians both Hindú and Persian, and dancers, both men and women, by thousands of thousands: and each day one of the renowned Amírs came and was honoured with his society, and received from him a considerable present, and other proofs of hospitality.

And since, in his Majesty's opinion, it was a settled fact, that the 1000 years since the time of the mission of the Prophet (peace be upon him!), which was to be the period of the continuance of the faith of Islám, were now completed, no hindrance remained to the promulgation of those secret designs, which he nursed in his heart. And so, considering any further respect or regard for the Shaikhs and Ulamá (who were unbending and uncompromising) to be unnecessary, he felt at liberty to embark fearlessly on his design of annulling the statutes and ordinances of Islám, and of establishing his own cherished pernicious belief [in their stead].

The first command that he issued was this: that the “Era of the Thousand” should be stamped on the coins, and that a Táríkhí Alfí,^310b commencing with the Death of the Prophet, should be written. And many other wonderful and strange innovations, by way of politic and wise expedients, did he devise. For one thing he decreed that Sijdah,³¹¹ under the name of Zamín-bos,^311a ought to be offered to kings. Another was that wine might be drunk, if for the healing of the body^311b by the advice of the physicians. But, lest confusion and wickedness should become more common on this account, he laid down severe punishments on excessive drinking, carousals, and disorderly conduct. And in order to keep the matter within due bounds he set up a wine-shop near the palace, under the charge of the Porter's wife who belonged by birth to the class of (P. 302) wine-sellers, and appointed a fixed tariff. Persons who wished to purchase wine, as a remedy for sickness, could do so by having their name, and that of their father and grandfather, written down by the clerk. Some by deceit had false names written down, and so obtained wine—for who could accurately enquire into such a matter? And [in point of fact] a shop for the benefit of drunkards was opened. They say, moreover, that swine-flesh formed a component part of that wine, but God knows! In spite of all precautions confusion and wickedness raised its head, and, however many persons were every day punished, no practical result was effected. And there was another matter, which comes within the meaning of [the saying], “Bend, but do not break in pieces,”^311c viz. that of the prostitutes of the imperial dominions, who had gathered together in the Capital in such swarms as to defy counting or numbering. These he made to live outside the city, and called the place Shaitánpárah.^311d And he appointed a keeper, and a deputy, and a secretary for this quarter, so that any one who wished to associate with these people, or take them to his house, provided he first had his name and condition written down, might with the connivance of the imperial officers have connection with any of them that he pleased. But he did not permit any man to take dancing-girls to his house at night, without conforming to these conditions, in order that he might keep the matter under proper control. But if any one wished to have a virgin, if the petitioner was a well-known courtier, he sent a petition by the Deputy, and obtained permission from Court. Nevertheless, in spite of the rule, all the libertines carried on these affairs under assumed names, and so drunkenness and debauchery led to many acts of bloodshed, and however many were brought to punishment, another troop [of delinquents] would strut arrogantly past the Inspector of that department:—

“Her endless beauty, as often as it slays a lover,
Another troop in love makes its appearance from the unseen.”

And a number of well-known prostitutes he called privately before him, and enquired (P. 103) who had seduced them. And after learning their names, several important Amírs were severely reprimanded and punished, and imprisoned for a considerable time. Among them one mentioned the name of Rája Bír Bir, who had become a disciple of His Majesty's religion, and had made such progress in the four degrees, that he had become conspicuous as endowed with the essentials of the Four Virtues,³¹² and scarcely ever left the society of his own daughters. At the time he happened to be in the parganna of Karrah in his own jágír. When news of this reached the veil of his door, he wished to become a Jogí.^312a But on the Emperor's sending for him in reassuring terms he came to the Court.

Another thing was the prohibition to eat beef. The origin of this embargo was this, that from his tender years onwards the Emperor had been much in company with rascally Hindús, and thence a reverence for the cow (which in their opinion is the cause of the stability of the world) became firmly fixed in his mind. Moreover he had introduced a whole host of the daughters of eminent Hindú Rájas into his ḥaram, and they had influenced his mind against the eating of beef and garlic and onions, and association with people who wore beards—and such things he then avoided and still does avoid. And these customs and heretical practices he introduced pur et simple into his assemblies, and still retains them. And in order to gain their love and good will and that of their castes, he abstained entirely from everything which was a natural abhorrence to these people, and looked on it as a mark of special devotion to himself if men shaved off their beards—so that this became a common practice. And certain pandering pimps brought forward proofs in favour of shaving the beard. They affirmed that the beard drew its nourishment from the testicles, and that since for this reason they never saw any eunuch with a beard, what could be the virtue and distinction of preserving it! Moreover that ascetics of olden time had looked upon letting the beard grow, as a kind of mortification, because it exposed them to reproach, but that, since the foolish Lawyers looked now on the cutting of the beard, not the letting it grow, as a disgrace, it was now a courting of the reproach of the world, and a mortification to cut it and (P. 304) not to let it grow. But if any one looks at this argument from an unbiased point of view, he will see that it tends to the opposite conclusion. Unprincipled and scheming Muftís quoted also an unknown tradition.³¹³ Kamá yaf'alu ba'ḍ-ul-quzát, they interpreted as meaning that some of the Qázís of 'Irák were in the habit of shaving their beards, whereas the true reading is Kamá yaf'alu ba'ḍ-ul-'uçát ‘as some obstinate sinners do.’ One day Ḥakím Abu-l-Fatḥ, at the beginning of my attendance at Court, observed that my beard was a little shorter than it was the custom to wear it. He said: “A short beard does not become you.” I replied: “It is the barber's short-coming not mine.” He said: “Well don't do it again, for it is neither proper nor becoming.” Some time after this he himself becoming one of the Shí'ahs and religious mendicants, or rather of the Hindús, and shaving his head, became so utterly smooth-faced, as to be the envy of the handsome beardless youths:—

“He who vexes his brother about a fault,
Dies not until God has tried him in that very thing.”

And beating the gong after the manner of the Christians and exhibition of the Form of One Person of the Trinity,³¹⁴ and of Cunabula which is their way of keeping Festival,^314a and other such like childish games became of daily occurrence: and ‘Unbelief became common’ they found to give the date.^314b Ten or twelve years later things had come to such a pass, that abandoned wretches, such as Mírzá Jání, Governor of Tattah, and other apostates, wrote their confession to the following effect—this is the form—‘I who am so and so, son of so and so, do voluntarily, and with sincere predilection and inclination, utterly and entirely renounce and repudiate the religion of Islám, which I have seen and heard of my fathers, and do embrace the “Divine Religion” of Akbar Sháh, and do accept the four grades of entire devotion, viz., sacrifice of Property, Life, Honour, and Religion?’ And these lines—than which there could be no better passport to damnation—were (P. 305) handed over to the Mujtahid^314c of the new religion, and became the source of confidence and promotion. Well nigh did the heavens burst asunder thereat, and the earth gape, and the hills crumble!

And in contempt of Islám ceasing to consider swine and dogs as unclean, he kept them in the ḥaram and under the fort, and regarded the going to look at them every morning as a religious service. And the Hindús who are believers in Transmigration, persuaded him, that the boar^314d is one of the ten forms, which the Divinity (praise to Him, glorious is his Majesty!) assumed in coming down:—

“His glory is more exalted than they say.”

And he quoted the saying of some of the sages, that a dog has ten virtues, and that if a man were possessed of but one of them he would be a saint, in support of this. And some of the courtiers who were most entertaining in all sorts of music,³¹⁵ and in the realm of poetry became a very proverb, by taking dogs to table with them, and eating with them. And some heretic poets, of 'Iráq and Hind, so far from objecting to this, followed their example, and even made a boast of it and vied with them, taking the dog's tongues into their mouths:—

“Say to the Mír, under thy skin thou hast a dog, as well as a carcase.
A dog runs about in front of his door, make him not thy messmate.”

Another thing was this. The ordinance of washing the whole body after an emission of semen, was considered as altogether unworthy of observance. And he brought forward the following argument. The sperma genitale is the very essence of man, for the semen is the origin of the existence of the good and the pure. What sense then could there be in ceremonial ablution being unnecessary after evacuation of parva and magna, while the emission of so tender a fluid should necessitate it. It would be more fit [he argued] that people should perform the ablution first, and then have connection.

Similarly [he argued] that there could be no sense in offering food,^315a which is material, to the spirit of a dead person, since he certainly could not experience any benefit from it: much better, therefore, would it be, on the day of any one's birth to make that a high feast day. And this he named (P. 306) Ásh-i ḥayát ‘Food of life.’

The flesh of the wild boar and the tiger was also permitted, because the courage, which these two animals possess, would be transmitted to any one who fed on such meat.

It was forbidden to marry one's cousin or near relation, because in such cases the sexual appetite is but small. Boys were not to marry before the age of sixteen, nor girls before fourteen, because the offspring of early marriages is weakly.

The wearing of gold and silk dresses [at prayer-time] was made obligatory. One day I saw the Muftí of the imperial dominions clothed in a garment of unmixed silk. I enquired: “Perhaps a tradition about this matter has come to your notice?” He said, “Yes, in any city where silk is used, it is allowable to wear silken garments.” I replied: “One ought to get a sight of that tradition, for one cannot swallow a mere decree of the Emperor.” He said: “I don't blame you either. But God knows!”

The prayers of the Islám, the fast, nay even the pilgrimage, were henceforth forbidden. Some bastards, such as the son of Mullá Mubárik, a worthy disciple of Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl, wrote treatises, in order to revile and ridicule our religious practices, of course with proofs. His Majesty liked such productions, and promoted the authors.

The era of the Hijrah was now abolished, and a new era was introduced, of which the first year was the year of the Emperor's accession, viz., nine hundred and sixty-three. The months had the same names as at the time of the old Persians kings, and as given in the Niçáb-uç-çibyán.³¹⁶ Fourteen festivals also were introduced corresponding to the feasts of the Zoroastrians; but the Feasts of the Musalmáns and their glory were trodden down, the Friday prayer alone being retained, because some old, decrepit, silly people used to go to it. The new era was called the Táríkh-i-Iláhí.^316a On copper coins and gold muhurs the era of the Millennium was used, as indicating that the end of the religion of Muḥammad, which was to last one thousand years, was drawing near. Reading and learning Arabic was looked on as a crime; and Muhammadan law, and the exegesis of the Qurán (P. 337), and the tradition, as also those who studied them, were considered bad and deserving of disapproval. Astronomy, philolosophy, medicine, mathematics, poetry, history, and novels, were cultivated and thought necessary. Even the letters which are peculiar to the Arabic language, viz., ◌, and ◌ were avoided. Thus for ◌ 'Abd-ulláh people wrote ◌ Abd-úllah; and for ◌ Aḥadí they wrote ◌ Ahadí &c. All this pleased His Majesty. Two verses from the Sháhnámah,³¹⁷ which Firdúsí of Ṭús gives as part of a story, were frequently quoted at Court:—

“Through the eating of the flesh^317a of camels and lizards
The Arabs have made such progress,
That they now wish to get hold of the kingdom of Persia.
Fie upon Fate! Fie upon Fate!”

And so any verse which involved something of dubious tendency favouring his sect he heard gladly from the doctors, and considered it a great point in his favour, such as the verse from the Sajahrák (?) in which the loss of the Prophet's teeth in an action against infidels is alluded to.

In the same way every command and doctrine of the Islám, whether special or general, as the prophetship, the harmony of the Islám with reason, the doctrines of Rúyat, Taklíf, and Takwín,^317b the details of the day of resurrection and judgment, all were doubted and ridiculed. And if any one did object to this mode of arguing, his answer was not accepted. But it is well-known how little chance a man has, who cites proofs against one who will reject them, especially when his opponent has the power of life and death in his hands; for equality of condition is a sine quâ non in arguing:—

“A man whom you cannot convince by the Qur'án and the Tradition,
Can only be replied to by not replying to him.”

Many families plunged into these discussions, but perhaps ‘discussions’ is not the correct name; we should call them ‘meetings for arrogance and defamation.’ People who sold their religion were busy to collect all kinds of exploded errors, and brought them to His Majesty, as if they were so many rarities. Thus Laṭíf (P. 308) Khwájah, who came of a noble family in Turkistán, made a frivolous remark on a passage in Tirmizí's Shamá'il,³¹⁸ and asked how in the world the neck of the Prophet could be compared to the neck of an idol. Other remarks were passed on the “straying camel.”^318a Some again expressed their astonishment, that the Prophet in the beginning of his career plundered the caravans of the Quraish; that he had fourteen wives; that any married woman was no longer to belong to her husband, if the Prophet (peace be upon him!) thought her agreeable. And many other things which it would take too long to recount:—

“The woes caused by thy tresses, and cheek, to explain
Would require a long night, and moon-light.”

At night, when there were social assemblies, His Majesty told forty courtiers to sit down as ‘the Forty,’^318b and every one might say or ask what he liked. If any one brought up a question connected with law or religion, they said: “You had better ask the Mullás about it, as we only settle things which appeal to man's reason.” But it is impossible for me to relate the blasphemous remarks which they made about the Companions of the Prophet (God be merciful to them!), when the historical books happened to be read out, especially such as contained the reigns of the first three Khalífahs, and the quarrel about Fadak, the war of the Çiffín &c. would that I were deaf! The Shí'ahs, of course, gained the day, and the Sunnís were defeated; the good were in fear, and the wicked were secure. Every day a new order was given, and a new aspersion or a new doubt came up; and His Majesty saw in the discomfiture of one party a proof of his own infallibility, entirely forgetting the proverb that, a man may be hoisted with his own petard.^318c And so those who were before in favour now fell out of favour, and those who were before out of favour came into favour, those who had been near, became afar, and those who had been afar became near. Praise be to Him! who ruleth absolutely in his kingdom as it pleaseth him. And the common people with as little sense as brute beasts repeated continually nothing but “Alláh Akbar.” This caused great commotion. Mullá Sherí (P. 309) at this time composed a qiṭ'ah of ten verses, of which the following are some:—

“Until in each age there arise some overwhelming calamity,
Disturbance in the street of events will be a householder.
By the punishment of the debt-exacting sword on heretics
The obligation of the head will be paid by the bond of the neck.
The collar of the lying philosopher will be torn,
And devotion clothed in rags will have its piety established.
It is utter confusion of brain, if a fool take into his head,
That love of the Prophet can ever be banished from mankind.
I cannot help smiling at that couplet, which so glibly
Will be recited at the tables of the rich, caught up by the beggar:—
The king this year has laid claim to be a Prophet,
After the lapse of a year, please God, he will become God!”

At the new year's feasts His Majesty inveigled many of the Ullamá and the pious, nay even the Qázís and Muftís of the realm into the ravine of toast-drinking:—

“Love for thee brings news from the world of madness,
It brings pious people to wine-bibbing.
Thy memory, O Love, what a masterly potion it is,
For it makes us forget all that we have learnt.”

At last the Mujtahids [of the Divine Faith], especially [Faizí, who called himself] the king of poets, called out: “Here is a bumper to the confusion of the lawyers!” On the last day of this feast, when the sun enters the nineteenth degree of Aries (a day called Sharaf-ush-sharaf, and considered particularly holy by His Majesty) the grandees (P. 310) were promoted, or received new jágírs, or horses or dresses of honour, according to the rules of hospitality, or in proportion to the presents they brought.

At this place Sháham Khán Jaláír arrived from Bengál, and Rájah Bhagwán Dás from Láhor.

During the absence of A'zam Khán and the other Amírs, who had come to the metropolis from Ḥájípúr, one Khabísah³²⁰ by name, a servant of Ma'çúm Khán Kábulí, together with Tarkhán Díwánah, and Sarkh Badakhshí, raised a rebellion in Bihár. And Muḥammad Çádiq Khán, together with Muḥibb 'Alí Khán defeated them in an engagement, and slew Khabísah.

In this year the prince Sulṭán Salím^320a went to Ajmír to meet Gulbadan Begum, and Salímah Sulṭán Begum, who had returned from the pilgrimage. On this occasion they paid a gratuitous visit to the shrine of the saint Mu'in-ud-dín, and left their gifts there.

At this time Muḥammad Çádiq Khán came from Bihár, and was quickly ordered off again, in conjunction with A'zam Khán, to repulse Ma'çúm Kábulí. And Sháh Qulí Khán Muḥarram, and Shaikh Ibráhím Chishtí, and other Amírs, who had not gone in the army to Kábul, were appointed to assist Çádiq Khán.

At this time Sháh Abu Turáb, and I'tímád Khán Gujrátí, who had been together on a journey to Hijáz, returned, and brought with them a stone of very great weight, which required a very strong-bodied elephant to lift it. A foot-print was clearly to be seen on it, and Sháh Abu Turáb declared it to be the impression of the foot of the Prophet (God bless him and his family and give them peace!):—

“On the tablet at the head of our grave,
We have engraved thy image.
Until the day of the resurrection
Our head and thy foot are together.”

The Emperor went a distance of four cosses to meet it, and commanded the Amírs to carry it by turns (P 311) a few steps, and in this manner they brought it to the city.

On the nineteenth of the month Sha'bán³²¹ the weighing of the eldest prince took place.

In this year, or the year after, Shaikh 'Abd-un-nabí, and Mukh-dúm-ul-mulk, who had received the decree of eternal banishment,^321a hearing the news of Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím's insurrections, came from Makkah to Gujrát, and set their hearts on their former positions of authority, forgetful of the saying, ‘The fleeting does not return’:—

“The world is wide, O my child,
Thou art our corner, our corner.
Like the locust from the field of the king,
Thou art our ear of corn, our ear.”

Makhdúm-ul-mulk died at Aḥmadábád, and in the year nine hundred and ninety Qází 'Alí was sent from Fatḥpúr to ascertain what property he had left.^321b When he came to Láhor, he found such vast treasures as defied the key of conjecture to open their lock. Several ingots of gold were discovered in his sepulchre, where he had caused them to be buried as corpses. And the wealth which lay open to the eye of the world was such as none but the Creator (glorious is His Majesty!) could ascertain. All these ingots of gold, together with his books, which were as precious to him as ingots, were placed in the public treasury. His sons after being some time on the rack of distress fell at last into the most abject poverty.

Shaikh 'Abd-un-nabí came to Fatḥpúr, and having made use of some rude language, the Emperor was unable to restrain his passion, and struck him in the face. He said: “Why don't you strike with a knife?” Then with a view to make him settle his account about the 7,000 rupees, which the Emperor had given him when he set off for Makkah, he was handed over as prisoner to Rájah Todar Mal, and for some time, like a defaulting tax-gatherer, they imprisoned him in the counting-house of the office; and one night a mob strangled him, and he went to God. And the next day, until afternoon prayer, the minarets resounded with nothing but this: “Verily in this man ye have a warning (P. 312) ye that have eyes to see.” This event took place in the year nine hundred and ninety-two. And “A Shaikh like a prophet”³²² was found to give the date, in accordance with the verse:—

“Although they used to say, The Shaikh is like the Prophet,
It is not the Prophet, our Shaikh is like a Prophet.”
“Heaven's nature is to throw down heads,
You must not withdraw your head from what is written.
She has never nurtured any, that she has not killed,
For she is tender in love, and stern in hatred.”

In this year that crucible of austerity, and devotion, that impersonation of piety and religious fervour, that spiritnal effigy, and mirror of divine grace, that paragon of people of rapture and ecstasy Shaikh Jalál of T'hánésar (God rest his spirit!) became an inhabitant of the garden of Paradise: and “The Shaikh of Saints”^322a was found to give the date.

In the same year Áçaf Khán, Mír Bakhshí Sání, who had the title of Mírzá Ghiyás-ud-dín 'Alí, gave up his place to his own nephew Mírzá Ja'far (who afterwards obtained the title of Áçaf Khán), and then chose the last journey. And “May God be his help!” was found to give the date.

And at this time His Majesty deposed Ḥájí Ibráhím of Sarhind, as has been narrated, from the Çadrate of Gujrát. And when he heard that he had received many bribes, and that he kept many women, and that he desired to escape to the Dak'hin, he had him seized. For some time he entrusted him to Ḥakím 'Ain ul-mulk, but after a time he sent him to the fortress of Rintamb'hor. Till at last having cast him from the pinnacle of exaltation, to the abyss of misery, he fulfilled every dream of vengeance.

In this year Shaikh Mubárik of Nágor said in the presence of the Emperor to Bír Bar: “Just as there are interpolations in your holy books, so there are in ours; hence it is impossible to trust either.”

Some shameless and ill-starred wretches also asked His Majesty why, since a thousand years from the Hijrah were passed, he did not bring forward, like Sháh Ismá'íl the First, some convincing proof. But His Majesty was at last convinced, that (P. 313) confidence in him as a leader was a matter of time, and good counsel, and did not require the sword. And indeed, if His Majesty, in setting up his claims, and making his innovations, had spent a little money, he would easily have got most of his courtiers, and much more the vulgar, into his devilish nets:—

“I see in 990 two conjunctions,
I see the sign of Mahdí and that of Antichrist;
Either politics or religion must change,
I clearly see the hidden secret.”

At a council held for the renovating of the religion of the empire Rájah Bhagwán Dás said: “I would willingly believe that Hindús and Musalmáns have each a bad religion, but only tell us what the new sect is, and what opinion they hold, so that I may believe.” His Majesty reflected a little, and ceased to urge the Rájah. But the alteration of the decisions of our glorious Faith was continued. And “The innovation of heresy”³²³ was found to give the date.

At this time His Majesty sent Qází Jalál Multání, together with Khwájagí Fatḥ-ulláh bakhshí, who was a great opponent of the vile Shi'ah sect, to the Dak'hin. The cause of his banishment was this, that he had forged in a farmán a draught for five lacs of tankahs, which he had drawn from the treasary for his own use. The Emperor thought it likely, that the rulers of that part, who were exceedingly bigoted in that heresy, would put Qází to death with various tortures, and ignominy. But they, having heard of his constancy in the faith of the Islám, and his support of the word of God against liars, secretly believing in him considered his arrival as a great gain. Besides giving him the districts granted to him as madad-i-ma'ásh they showed him every attention, and reckoned the very dust of his feet as collyrium. Thus through his innate good luck he became at the end of his life so honoured and respected, that however much he asked to be allowed to go on a pilgrimage to Makkah, they could not make up their minds to part with him. (P. 314) But at last he gained this felicity, and having arrived at Baṭḥá wa Yathrab (may God magnify them both!) in glory and dignity, he obtained eternal acceptance, and there passed away from this old dust-bin:—

“A life, about which thou hast been informed beforehand,
From it seek not a happiness, which is eternal.
A life, into which death can find an entrance,
Say to it, Be long, or short, as you please.”

And in his place the Emperor appointed, as Qázi-l-quzát, Qází 'Abd-us-samí' the Transoxonian of Miyánkál,³²⁴ of whom the poet Qásim Khán Moují might have composed the verse:—

“An elder from an honoured tribe,
With a beard, like a white rose, a yard long.”

He used to play chess for a wager, and to give away a great deal. His cup-draining was notoriously a congenital habit, and in his sect bribery and corruption were considered as a duty for the moment, and the making profit on bonds for debt, and on signing judicial decrees, as a positive command. But verily since there was no reference to faith or religion left, even this amount was something towards the removal of opprobrium.

During those days also the public prayers, and the azán, which was chanted five times a day for assembly to prayer in the state hall, were abolished. Names like Aḥmad, Muḥammad, Muçtafa &c. became offensive to His Majesty, who thereby wished to please the infidels outside, and the princesses inside the Harem, till after some time those courtiers, who had such names, changed them; and such names as Yár Muḥammad, Muḥammad Khán, were altered to Raḥmat. To call such miserable wretches by the name of our blessed prophet would indeed be wrong, and there was not only room for improvement by altering their names, but it was even necessary to do so, according to the proverb, ‘It is wrong to put fine jewels on the neck of a pig.’ This destructive fire broke out first in Ágrah (P. 315), and burnt down house and home of both great and small, and eventually the fire extended to the graves^324a of those who kindled it (may God abandon them!)—

“Thou, O man, fond of words,
Who for some worthless handfuls
Desertest the Faith of God,
In the confidence of thine own sophistry,
What weakness hast those seen in the Tradition,
That thou wentest towards the irreligious?
What fault didst thou find in the Qur'án,
That thou followest the present world?”

In Rabi'-us-sání³²⁵ of the year nine hundred and ninety the Sayyid Mír Fatḥ-ulláh of Shíráz, who in the regions of Theology, Mathematics, and Physics^325a and in all branches of science both logical and and traditional, and in talismans, and incantations, and discovering treasures, was without his equal in that age, in obedience to a farmán requiring his presence, left 'Ádil Khán of the Dak'hin, and came to Fatḥpúr. The Khán Khánán, and Ḥakím Abu-l-Fatḥ in accordance with the Emperor's command went out to meet him, and brought him to the imperial presence. He was honoured with the post of Çadr, whose only duty was erasure, in order that he might confiscate the lands of the poor, not give them. When the Emperor heard that he had been an immediate pupil of Mír Ghiyás-ud-dín Mançúr of Shíráz, who had not been over strict in religious matters, he thought that Fatḥ-ulláh would be only too glad to enter into his religious scheme. But Fatḥ-ulláh was such a staunch Shí'ah, and at the same time such a worldly office-hunter, and such a worshipper of mammon and of the nobility, that he would not give up a jot of the tittles of bigoted Shí'ism. Even in the State hall he said with the greatest composure his Shí'ah prayers, a thing which no one else would have dared to do. His Majesty, therefore, put him among the class of the bigots, but he connived at his practices (P. 316), because he thought it desirable to encourage a man of such attainments and practical knowledge.

He married him to the younger daughter of Muzaffar Khán, and treating him with regal promp associated him in the vazír-ship with Rájah Todar Mal. And he, entering boldly into negotiations with the Rájah, came to an agreement with him. He became devoted to teaching the children of the Amírs, and every day would go to the houses of the courtiers, and would act the elementary teacher, first of all to the servant of Ḥakím Abu-l-Fatḥ, and at another time to the son of Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl, and to other children of Amírs of seven or eight years of age, and even younger, and taught them to point, and to draw straight lines and curves, and even taught them the Alphabet:—

“In the hands of children new to instruction
Do not place a tablet of astronomical calculations.
A horse, which is of Arab breed,
Do not mark with a Grecian brand.”³²⁶

Putting a gun on his shoulder and a belt of ammunition round his waist, like a Runner, he used to accompany the Emperor at his stirrup in the chase, and all the glory of the knowledge, which he had not already lost, he utterly trampled in the dust. But in spite of all this want of dignity, and vileness, and baseness, he practised such heroism in bluff honesty, that no Rastam could have surpassed. The date of his arrival is given by the hemistich:—

“Sháh Fatḥ-ulláh Imám of saints.”^326a

One night the Emperor, in Fatḥ-ulláh's presence, said to Bír Bar, “I really wonder how any one in his senses can believe that a man, whose body has a certain weight, could in the space of a moment leave his bed, go up to heaven, there have 90,000 conversations with God, and yet on his return find his bed still warm!” So also was the splitting of the moon ridiculed. “Why,” said His Majesty, lifting up one foot (P. 317), “it is really impossible for me to lift up the other. What silly stories men will believe!” And that wretch [Bír Bar] and some other wretches—whose names be forgotten, —said “Yea, Your Majesty is right,” and chirped in confirmation. But Fatḥ-ulláh—His Majesty had been every moment looking at him, because he wanted him to say something: for he was a newcomer—looked straight before him, and did not utter a syllable, though he was all ear.

About this time Mullá Aḥmad of Tat'hah, who was a bigoted Shíah, and had made himself a ḥakím by pure affrontery, came from the Dak'hin and was presented at Court. His ancestors, who resided in Sind, had been very scrupulous orthodox believers, and this wretch used to shower anathemas on those unfortunate persons. But, in accordance with the saying of the Prophet (Peace be upon him!) ‘God curses him, who curses his father,’ his cursing recoiled on his own head. When, in the time of Sháh Tahmásp, he associated in 'Iráq with some old Tabará'ís, he became orthodox. Then he deserted them. When Sháh Ismá'íl the second, becoming an excessive Sunní in opposition to the opinions held by his father, proceeded to kill and ill-treat the Shí'ahs, Mullá Aḥmad in the company of Mírzá Makhdúm (who was a Sharíf, and a zealous Sunní, and wrote the Kitáb-un-náqiz in blame of the Shí'ah, which contains the date of its composition), went to Makkah. Thence he proceeded to the Dak'hin, and afterwards to Hindústán, and finding no opposition to the prosecution of his designs, he began to teach his absurd doctrines, and invite converts to the Shí'ah persuasion: but in a short time he met the penalty of his evil deeds. He had as yet had no interview with Shaikh Faizí, and had not yet assumed that air of confidence, with which his intimacy with that minister inspired him, when I saw him one day in the bázár, where some 'Iráqís took the opportunity of mentioning my name to him in terms of praise. Upon this he addressed me and said: “I see the mark of a Shí'ah stamped on your forehead.” (P. 318) I replied promptly: “Just as much as I see Sunní stamped on yours!” The friends, who were present, all laughed, and were pleased. I shall, if God (He is exalted!) will, notice the close of his life in its proper place.

The year 1,000 of the Hijrah era, which is in general use, being now on the point of completion, the Emperor ordered a history of all the kings of the Islám to be written, which should in reality supercede all other histories, and directed that such a name should be given to the work as to denote the year of its composition. It was for this reason that the work was entitled Alfí. He further ordered the word rihlat³²⁷ to be substituted for ḥijrah^327a in the different dates, and employed seven persons to undertake the compilation from the date of the death of the last of the Prophets (the blessing of God be upon him, and may He give him peace!) up to the present day, and to mention therein the events of the whole world.

He assigned the first year to Naqíb Khán, the second to Sháh Fatḥ-ulláh, and so on to Ḥakím Humám, Ḥakím 'Alí, Ḥájí Ibráhím Sarhindí (who had just then arrived from Gujrát) Mírzá Nizám-ud-dín Aḥmad, and myself. And after that another seven years, and in this way the distribution of 35 years was provided for.

During the time that I was compiling the events of the seventh year, and was engaged on the life of the second true Khalífah (may God be propitious to him!) I had just finished the account of the foundation of Kúfah, and the building and destruction of Qaçr-ul-imárat, which was narrated in detail together with the cause of its destruction, and the marriage of Amm Kulsún, daughter of the Amír-ul-muminín 'Alí (God be propitious to them both!), as well as the institution of five stated times for prayer, the fall of the city of Naçíbín, and the scorpions big as cocks, which were made use of to effect its capture, when one night Áçaf Khán Sális, who was the same as Mírzá Ja'far, thought proper to dispute the correctness of these facts. Notwithstanding this, Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl and Ghází Khán Badakhshí confirmed my assertions shortly afterwards. When I was asked whence I got this information, I replied that I had seen it in books, (P. 319) and had written accordingly, and that it was not my own invention. Immediately the Rauzat-ul-Aḥbáb and other historical books were called for from the library, and given to Naqíb Khán to verify the accuracy of the statement, which by God's grace, being found correct, I was relieved from the charge of invention.

At the recommendation of Ḥakím Abu-l-Fatḥ the compilation of the work from the thirty-sixth year was entrusted solely to Mullá Aḥmad of Tat'hah, who, however, wrote whatever coincided with his sectarian prejudices, a fact which is well known. The compilation of two volumes was finished up to the time of Changíz Khán, when Mírzá Fúlád one night, pretending that the Emperor had sent for Mullá Aḥmad, summoned him from his house, and murdered him in a street of Láhor, in revenge for some injury which he had suffered at his hands, as well as because he was violently opposed to him in matters of religion. He was put to death in retaliation.

The remainder of the work was done by Áçaf Khán up to the year nine hundred and ninety-seven. In the year one thousand I was ordered to proceed to Láhore, to revise the composition, compare it with other histories, and arrange the dates in their proper sequence. I composed the first two volumes in one year, and entrusted the third to Áçaf Khán.

Among the remarkable events of this year is the translation of the Mahábhárata, which is the most famous of the Hindú books, and contains all sorts of stories, and moral reflections, and advice, and matters relating to conduct and manners, and religion and science, and accounts of their sects, and mode of worship, under the form of a history of the wars of the tribes of Kurus and Páṇḍus, who were rulers in Hind, according to some more than 4,000 years ago, and according to the common account more than 80,000. And clearly this makes it before the time of Adam (P. 320): Peace be upon him! And the Hindú unbelievers consider it a great religious merit to read and to copy it. And they keep it hid from Musalmáns.

The following considerations disposed the Emperor to the work. When he had had the Shahnámah, and the story of Amír Ḥamzah, in seventeen volumes transcribed in fifteen years, and had spent much gold in illuminating it, he also heard the story of Abú Muslim, and the Jámi'-ul-ḥikáyát, repeated, and it suddenly came into his mind that most of these books were nothing but poetry and fiction; but that, since they were first related in a lucky hour, and when their star was in the act of passing over the sky, they ohtained great fame. But now he ordered those Hindú books, which holy and staid sages had written, and were all clear and convincing proofs, and which were the very pivot on which all their religion, and faith, and holiness turned, to be translated from the Indian into the Persian language, and thought to himself, “Why should I not have them done in my name? For they are by no means trite, but quite fresh, and they will produce all kinds of fruits of felicity both temporal and spiritual, and will be the cause of circumstance and pomp, and will ensure an abundance of children and wealth, as is written in the preface of these books.” Acccordingly he became much interested in the work, and having assembled some learned Hindús, he gave then directions to write an explanation of the Mahábhárata, and for several nights he himself devoted his attention to explaining the meaning to Naqíb Khán, so that the Khán might sketch out the gist of it in Persian. On the third night the Emperor sent for me, and desired me to translate the Mahábhá-rata, in conjunction with Naqíb Khán. The consequence was that in three or four months I translated two out of the eighteen sections, at the puerile absurdities of which the eighteen thousand creations may well be amazed. Two parts were written. Such discussion as one never heard! as, Shall I eat forbidden things? Shall I eat turnips? But such is my fate, to be employed on such works. Nevertheless, I console myself with the reflection, that what is predestined must come to pass.

After this Mullá Sherí and Naqíb Khán together accomplished a portion, and another was completed by Sultán Hájí of Thánessar by himself. (P. 321) Shaikh Faizí was then directed to convert the rough translation into elegant prose and verse, but he did not complete more than two sections. The Ḥájí aforesaid revised these two sections, and as for the omissions which had taken place in his first edition, those defects he put right, and comparing it word for word with the original, one hundred sheets were written out closely, and the work was brought to such a point of perfection that not a fly-mark of the original was omitted. Eventually for some reason or other he was ordered into banishment, and sent to Bakkar, and now he resides at his own city. Most of the scholars, who were engaged in this work, have now been gathered to the Kurus and Paṇḍus, and to those who still remain may God (He is exalted!) grant deliverance, and grace to repent, and may He hear the excuse of: “Whoso after he hath believed in God denies Him, if he were forced to it and if his heart remains steadfast in the faith [shall be guiltless]”.³³⁰ “Verily He is the merciful Pardoner.”^330a

The translation was called the Rázm-námah, and when fairly engrossed, and embellished with pictures, the Amírs had orders to take copies of it, with the blessing and favour of God. Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl, in opposition to the commentary on the Kursí³³¹ verse, which he had formerly composed, now wrote for it a Khutbah extending to two sheets—we flee to God for refuge from infidelities and unprofitable words!

The author (may God forgive him!) begs leave here to request, that the reader will excuse him if in the account of the events of this year (which have been introduced as a digression, written down by his rapid pen in an abridged form) he has not observed a strictly chronological order, nor preserved the exact sequence of events.

When the twenty-eighth year day from the accession was completed, the new year's day of the twenty-ninth, corresponding to the twenty-fifth of the month Çafar^331a of the year nine hundred and ninety-one (991), was celebrated, and according to the old custom, stalls in the fancy Bázár were distributed to the different Amírs, and arranged by them, and all sorts of festivities and amusements were the order of the day. And Sháh Fatḥ-ulláh in his stall exhibited all sorts of skill, such as the dragging about of weights, and other strange contrivances.

At this time His Majesty promulgated some of his new-fangled decrees. The killing of animals on the first day of the week was strictly prohibited, (P. 322) because this day is sacred to the Sun, also during the first eighteen days of the month of Farwardín; the whole of the month of Ábán (the the month in which His Majesty was born); and on several other days, to please the Hindús. This order was extended over the whole realm and punishment was inflicted on every one, who acted against the command. Many a family was ruined. During the time of these fasts the Emperor abstained altogether from meat, as a religious penance, gradually extending the several fasts during a year over six months and even more, with a view to eventually discontinuing the use of meat altogether.

A second order was given that the sun should be worshipped four times a day, in the morning and evening, and at noon and midnight. His Majesty had also one thousand and one Sanscrit names for the sun collected, and read them daily, devoutly turning towards the sun; he then used to get hold of both ears, and turning himself quickly round about, used to strike the lower ends of his ears with his fists. He also adopted several other practices connected with sun-worship. He used to wear the Hindú mark on his forehead, and ordered the band to play at midnight and at break of day. Mosques and prayer-rooms were changed into store-rooms and into Hindú guard-rooms. For the word jamá'at,³³² His Majesty used jimá'.^332a and for hayya 'ala,^332b he said yalalá talalá.^332c The cemetery within the walls was allowed to run waste.

He gave the sum of one lac of rupees in ready money, together with some elephants, and precious stuffs and gold and gilded vessels to his illustrious mother, and in the same way to his aunt Gul-badam Begum, and to the other Begums.

He also issued a general order, that every person from the highest to the lowest should bring him a present.

In this year A'zam Khán, and other great Amírs were appointed, and went and took possession of Tandah. Kháldí Khán Jabbárí, and Mírzá Beg Qaqshál deserted Ma'çúm Khán Kábulí, and came and had an interview with A'zam Khán. Then Ma'çúm Khán took refuge with some zamíndárs, and the whole province of Bengál became settled and quiet.

In this year in order to gratify the feelings of the rulers of the Dak'hin (P. 323), His Majesty gave the governership of Bengál to I'timád Khán, and made Sháh Abu-Tiráb Amín, and Khwajah Nizám-ud-dín Aḥmad Mír bakhshí, and Abu-l-Qásim Tabarízí, brother of Mouláná 'Abd-ul-Qádir, the Emperor's tutor, he made Díwán; and a number of people, such as Muḥammad Ḥusain, and Mír Abu-l-Muzaffar, son of Ashraf Khán, and Mír Háshim, and Mír Çáliḥ Da'í, and Sayyid Abu-Isḥáq, and he ordered to hold jagirs in that province.

In this year the Emperor who had imprisoned Shahbáz Khán on account of some insolence, having taken a strict account of all his improper and unprofitable behaviour, now set him free from clutch of the Rájah,³³³ and through the intervention and patronage of Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl he released him from captivity. On the eighteenth of Jamáda's-sáni^333a the Emperor sent him off to Bengal, with instructions to hand over all that district to the jágírdárs, and to drive Ma'çúm Kábulí (of whose movements news had arrived) from the province of 'Ísa,^333b for “when the river of God comes, the river of 'Ísá is useless”; and if in this context for Nahr-u'-lláh you read Shahr-u'-lláh, the saying is not without point and appropriateness. ^333c Meanwhile news arrived that Khán-i-A'zam had sent Shaikh Faríd Bokhárí to Qatlú Afghán Noḥání,^333d governor of Oṛísá with a view to pacification. Qatlú on account of his confidence in the Shaikh Faríd's holy descent went out to meet him, and assumed the post of servant to him. After this bond of friendship had been tied, Bahadúr Kúr Farah^333e one of the zamíndárs of Bengál, coming up very unceremoniously wished to be hale fellow well met with the Shaikh, but the Shaikh assumed zamíndár-ish airs. Upon this Sháhú, son of Shaikh Rájú Bokhárí, of Sarhind, who was not (P. 324) always just in his behaviour, and some other Bokhárís, all showed some ill-tenper. Bahádur was so enraged that at the time of the Shaikh's return, when Qatlú was travelling in his retinue, he seized the road and opposed his progress by force of arms. Sháhú, with a number of men was killed, and the Shaikh escaped without injury.

In this year Burhán-ul-mulk, brother of Murtazí Nizám-ul-mulk, governor of the Dak'hin,³³⁴ fled from his brother. First he came to Málwah to Quṭb-ud-dín Khán. From thence, in obedience to the Emperor's command, he came to Court in the north Rajab,^334a and did homage. Some time before this an unknown vagabond, who falsely called himself Burhán-ul-mulk, had come to the Court, and had received a jágír in Oudh. But since he was unable to bring proof^334b that he was Burhán, he had fled and hid himself among the Jogís. After the lapse of a week the Emperor detected him from the rest, and had him imprisoned. After these transactions that ignoble fellow was never heard of again, for he lived a donkey, and was a donkey, and died a donkey.

In the same year His Majesty built outside the town two places for feeding poor Hindús and Musalmáns, one of them being called Khaipúrah, and the other Dharmpúrah. Some of Abu-l-Fazl's people were put in charge of them. They spent His Majesty's money in feeding the poor. As an immense number of Jogís also flocked to this establishment, a third place was built, which got the name of Jogípúrah.

His Majesty also called some of the Jogís, and gave them at night private interviews, enquiring into abstract truths; their articles of faith; their occupation; the influence of pensiveness: their several practices and usages; the power of being absent from the body; or into alchemy, physiognomy, and the power of omnipresence of the soul.^334c

His Majesty even learned alchemy, and showed in public some of the gold made by him. On a fixed night, which came once a year, a great meeting was held of Jogís from all parts (P. 325). This night they called Sívrát.³³⁵ The Emperor eat and drank with the principal Jogís, who promised him that he should live three or four times as long as ordinary men. His Majesty fully believed it, and connecting their promises with other inferences he had drawn, it became impressed on his mind as indelibly as though it were engraved on a rock. Fawning court doctors, wisely enough, found proofs of the longevity of the Emperor, and said that the cycle of the moon, during which the lives of men are short, was drawing to its close, and that the cycle of Saturn was at hand, with which a new cycle of ages, and consequently the original longevity of mankind, would again commence. Thus they said, it was mentioned in some holy books that men used to live up to the age of one thousand years; and in Thibet there was even now a class of Lámahs, or devotees, and recluses, and hermits of Cathay, who live two hundred years, and more. For this reason His Majesty, in imitation of the usages of these Lámahs, limited the time he spent in the Haram, curtailed his food and drink, but especially abstained from meat. He also shaved the hair of the crown of his head, and let the hair at the sides grow, because he believed that the soul of perfect beings, at the time of death, passes out by the crown (which is the tenth opening of the human body) with a noise resembling thunder, which the dying man may look upon as a proof of his happiness and salvation from sin, and as a sign that his soul by metempsychosis will pass into the body of some grand and mighty king. His Majesty gave his religious system the name of Tauḥíd-i-Iláhí;^335a —

“You want to have this world at your wish,
And also the right Religion:
These two are not compatible,
Heaven is not your slave.”

And a number of disciples, who thought themselves something particular, he called Chelah, in accordance with the technical term of the Jogís. And another lot, consisting of wolves among the sheep, and hunters of the weak,³³⁶ who were not admitted into the palace (P. 326), stood every morning opposite to the window, near which His Majesty used to pray to the sun, and declared that they had made vows not to rinse their mouth, nor to eat and drink, before they had seen the blessed countenance of the Emperor. And every evening there was a regular Court assembly of needy Hindús and Musalmáns, all sorts of people, men and women, healthy and sick, a queer gathering and a most terrible crowd. No sooner had His Majesty finished saying the thousand and one names of the “Greater Luminary,” and stepped out into the balcony, than the whole crowd prostrated themselves. Cheating, thieving Brahmans collected another set of one thousand and one names of “His Majesty the Sun,” and told the Emperor that he was an incarnation, like Rám, Krishna, and other infidel kings; and though Lord of the world, he had assumed his shape, in order to play with the people of our planet. In order to flatter him, they also brought Sanscrit verses, said to have been taken from the sayings of ancient sages, in which it was predicted that a great conqueror would rise up in India, who would honour Brahmans and cows, and govern the earth with justice. They also wrote this nonsense on old looking paper, and showed it to the Emperor, who believed every word of it:—

“Every one to whom thou saidst, Welcome! was welcome.”

And some of these different bands, whichever they may be, they called Aḥadí, who will in the world of “Monotheism” obtain complete salvation, and in the deluge of water or fire will form an army that will sacrifice themselves:—

“O my heart do not make a boast of offering thyself,
Whenever the Beloved may happen to come.
The doings of every individual will be known,
When the time for action comes.”

In this year also in the State Hall of Fatḥpúr having filled the 100 square cubits of the Hanafís, and the Qullatain³³⁷ of the Sháfi'ís and Shí'ahs, and drawn off the water, the quantity of the Hanafís (P. 327) was greater than that of the others.

His Majesty once ordered that the Sunnís should stand separately from the Shí'ahs, when the Hindústánís, without exception, went to the Sunní side, and the Persians to the Shí'ah side.

But, as we have often said, it is not possible for the most voluble historian to explain fully all the particulars, and minutiæ of his proceedings, and therefore, giving up all idea of so doing, we must take our own course.

When I'timád Khán was appointed to the governorship of the province of Gujrát,^337a which was the ladder of his ambition, he went to Sáróhí^337b He severed that district from Sarnál, and entrusted it to Jakmál, brother of the Ráná. On the twelfth of the month of Sha'bán^337c of this year he arrived at Aḥmadábád together with the Amírs, who were appointed to accompany him.

Shiháb-ud-dín Aḥmad Khán, who was absolute ruler of that place and had repelled all calamities and quelled all disturbances, upon this came out of the town with the intention of proceeding to the Court, and encamped at Osmanpúr. Here his lords and attendants, who detested their supersession and removal, deserted him, and together with other malcontents,^337d went to Káthíwár to seek Muzaffar bin Sulṭán Maḥmúd Gujrátí, who had fled from the Court, and taking refuge with his mother's relatives in the mountain districts, kept himself hid by day, and only dared to appear by night. Him they proclaimed Sulṭán.

I'timád Khán, although Shiháb-ud-dín had the means of quieting these people, would not accept his assistance, but said: “These men have sought their fate from God, and have tried to kill me. Now the matter has passed out of my power to pacify, as you and all the kingdom know.” So he retired to the town of Karí, which is twenty cosses from Aḥmadábád.

One or two persons on the part of I'timád Khán and Nizám-ud-dín Aḥmad went, and tried to quiet those rebels, but without success.

On the twenty-seventh of Sha'bán Muzaffar with the people of Kát'híwár and the rebellious Muguls came to Dholqah, which is twelve cosses from Aḥmadábád.

Meanwhile I'timád Khán, and Nizám-ud-din Aḥmad abandoned the city,³³⁸ and together (P. 328) went to Karí with the intention of bringing back Shiháb-ud-dín Aḥmad Khán, and appeased him by offering to restore to him his old pargannahs as jágír on the same terms as before, and by giving him two lacs of rupees in ready-money as a subsidy. They left the care of the town of Karí in charge of Sher Khán, son of I'timád Khán, and left Mír Muḥamand Ma'çúm there with a strong force, in order that making that place the base of operations they might rally the scattered troops.

The next day Muzaffar moved from Dholqah, and some of the devotees of Sarkij,^338a which is three cosses from Aḥmadábád, took from the tombs of the late Sulṭán's an umbrella, which was ready to hand, and placed it over his head by way of omen, and congratulated him on his Sultanate. Thus, having heard good news from the unseen world, he entered Aḥmadábád.

Two^338b Amírs, imbecile in their actions, to whom the following verse applies:—

“I and my tutor are two poor old men,
Who want, the two of us, two good tutors.”

with twisted reins, and broken crupper:—

“Their body not strong, their heart not patient,
Their fortune not friendly, their intellect not their guide,”

rode by night from Karí with a few followers, and arrived in the morning at Osmánpúr. Muzaffar made his entrée without fear or shame, with his troops drawn up as an istiqbál,³³⁹ and stood on the sandy shore of the river of Aḥmadábád. Meanwhile those two old men as a means of scattering the rebels, and with a view to re-encouraging the scattered royalists were occupied in collecting debts, and writing requisitions, and despatching letters! And when things became desperate, not having any confidence in their followers they did not dare to offer battle, but helpless as sheep for the slaughter fled to the town of Patan, which is the same as Nahrwálah, and situated four or five cosses from Aḥmadábád, which they reached in one day. All the goods and chattels of the army were looted, and the wives and families of the soldiers were made prisoners (P. 329). Muḥammad Sharíf, son of Nizám-ud-din Aḥmad with his soldiers abandoned the protection of house and family, and managed to join his father. The fugitives, together with another body of Amírs, who had come to their assistance from Fatḥpúr, and amounted to one thousand horse, repaired the fortress of Patan, and made a stand there.

Muzaffar gave all sorts of grand titles to his worthless soldiery, and exciting their hopes of recovering the kingdom, grew so in dignity that, thanks to the power of God!^339a he who had been a Court menial with a monthly stipend of thirty rupees, is now lord of thirty thousand clients. And sending for Sher Khán Fíládí, who had been formerly governor of Patan, from the province of Súrát, where he had been in misfortune, sent him with 4,000 horse against Patan.

The leaders at Patan sent Zain-ud-dín Kambú, brother of Shah-báz Khán, to Quṭb-ud-dín Muḥammad Khán requesting him to march on Aḥmadábád from one quarter; while they would do so from the other, and so surround Muzaffar. But Muzaffar was too quick for them, and advancing with his army gave battle to Quṭbud-dín Muḥammad Khán at Barodah. And that person of great hopes and little management, who in comparison with the energy of those two old men, was a paragon of the age:—

“There are two fortunate heavenly bodies, the Sun, and the Moon,
And time hath found thy fair cheek a third,”

made but little resistance, and was defeated and shut himself up in the fortress of Barodah. And the chief of his army, and his auxiliaries with one consent went over to Muzaffar.

Before this incident Sher Khán³⁴⁰ with 5,000 horse, had encamped in the neighbourhood of the village of Miyánah, fifteen cosses from Patan. And Shiháb-ud-din Aḥmad Khán and I'timád Khán after much hesitation and cowardice determined to flee towards Jálor. But by the exertions of Nizám-ud-dín Aḥmad they were restrained and remained at Patan.

The rest of the leaders with some veterans, who did not number more than 2,000, all told, (P. 330) marched with Nízam-ud-dín Aḥmad, and a great battle took place between the two armies. The breeze of victory and success fanned the banners of Nizám-ud-dín Aḥmad, and Sher Khán fled and retreated in haste towards Aḥmadá-bád. But, however much Nizám-ud-dín Ahmad strove to impress on the Amírs the importance of following up the victory by proceeding against Aḥmadábád, they would not consent. And this was the very crisis of affairs, for they had not yet received news of the defeat of Quṭb-ud-dín Muḥammad Khán. In this battle a greal deal of spoil fell into the hands of the Amírs, so that they went to Karí and waited there twelve days waiting for the soldiers, who had gone with the spoil to Patan. Meanwhile intelligence arrived, that Mu-zaffar had bombarded the fortress of Barodah, which has a wall old as the building of his age, and weak^340a as the sense of Quṭb-ud-dín Muḥammad Khán. Quṭb-ud-dín Muḥammad Khán, the foundations of whose life were even weaker than theirs, sent out Zain-ud-dín to Muzaffar to make terms of capitulation. Muzaffar at a moment's acquaintance treated Zain-ud-dín as if he had known him for a thousand years. To Khwájagí Muḥammad Çáliḥ, a former Çadr,^340b who had been appointed to accompany I'timád Khán, he from a feeling of generosity granted his life, and allowed him to go on a pilgrimage. And to Quṭb-ud-dín Muḥammad Khán, the eye of whose penetration was blinded by the injury of fate, and whose bark was fonndering through calamity, he gave quarter, and so enticed him out of the fortress. He, little suspecting the treachery of Muzaffar, came out with the greatest weakness, and when he saw him offered him boundless salutations:—

“Fate is a person which has five fingers,
When she wishes to get her will on any one,
She puts two on his eyes, and two on his ears,
And one on his lips, with the words ‘Be silent!’”

(P. 331) Muzaffar at the time of their meeting advanced towards him with greatest respect, and gave him a place on his own private sofa, and although he treated him in a conciliatory manner he did not cease to oppose his being put to death. At last at the instigation of one named Nawárí, a zamíndár of Rájpíplah, and others of the soldiery, he had the ground levelled over his head like his own buried Qárún treasures.³⁴¹ Then going from Parwár to Baroṇch, he took that fort from the wife and dependants of Quṭbud-dín by capitulation. And there he found fourteen lacs of rupees from the treasury of Cambay, which I'timád-ud-dín, the krorí, had carried off, together with all the property moveable and immoveable, and the immense private treasures of Quṭb-ud-dín Khán which exceeded 10 krors; and collected them together. And as for the other goods and chattels how can one describe them! And, which is very strange, Naurang Khán, the able son of Quṭb-ud-dín Khán, together with Qulíj Khán, and Sháríf Khán, and Tulak Khán, and other Amírs of Málwah, in these harrowing circumstances^341a did not stir a foot from Nazarbár and Sulṭánpúr, which were very near, and so could not receive any news of his parents:—

“When once you know that Destiny is all tangles,
Nobody is anything to you.”

And the army, the number of which has been before mentioned, consisting of Mogúls, Afgháns and Gujrátís, gathered round Mu-zaffar. On hearing this news Nizám-ud-dín Aḥmad and the other commanders went to Patan, and joined those two³⁴² renowned Amírs. There they kept expecting the arrival of Mírzá Khán, son of Bairám Khán Khánán, and all the Amírs who had been appointed to go from the Court, and were marching towards Aḥmadábád through Jálor and Patan. Mirzá Khán remained one day at Patan, and then marching on halted at Sarkich.^342a And (P. 332) Muzaffar returned from Barodah, and committing the charge of the fortress of Baroṇch to his wife's brother, Naçír by name, and to a Rúmí named Jarkas,^342b (who was a servant who had fled from the imperial Court,) and having pitched his tent in the neighbourhood of the burial place of Sháh B'hekan (?), (God sanctify his glorious tomb!), which was but two cosses distant, he there encamped. The next day a fierce battle took place, and Muzaffar was defeated, and retired to Ma'múrábád. And Sayyid Háshim Bárhah and Kizr Aqá the wakíl of Mírzá Khán were stained in the gore of victory,^342c and many men were wounded; and on the side of the enemy, who could number the slain! This action took place on 16th of the forbidden month of Muḥarram in the year nine hundred and ninety-one (991). And, since Mirzá Khán before the victory had vowed that if the bride of victory showed her face from behind the veil, he would give all the goods and chattels that might be among the baggage, as a thank-offering for that event,^342d to the poor and needy, with a view to paying this vow he ordered some of his servants to fix a price on all stuffs and horses and elephants and furniture, that he might expend that money in disbursements. These untrustworthy, deceitful, irreligious valuers set such a price on them, that not a fourth, or a fifth or even a tenth of the market-value came to the poor. And some things they gave away in order to bring joy to their own hearts, and to comfort their own hearts, and so it did! And some domestics,³⁴³ who were servants of Mirzá Khán, such as Daulat Khán Afghán Lodí, Mullá Maḥmúdí, and others, represented to him: “Ever since we have been your attendants, we have not committed a fault. How comes it then that we should be so lorded over and oppressed by the imperial servants, and that they should always take precedence of us at assemblies, when they are really our inferiors with respect to salutations and other points of court etiquette? Mirzá Khán found these weak and fallacious arguments very agreeable and reasonable, and having got ready some dresses of honour and many horses destined for each one of the Amírs, and having caused their names to be written on them, (P. 333) he prepared a great levée. He himself went into an attiring room, and became engrossed in the occupation of making his guests sit down, and in putting their dresses on them. Then he sent for Nizám-ud-dín Aḥmad (who some time during the life of Bairán Khán Khán Khánán had married his foster-sister) and put the case before him. He gave the following advice. These followers^343a of yours are possessed by a spirit of wrong-headedness in this matter, if the Emperor were to hear of it, what would he order? As far as salutation on your part is concerned, what reason would there be in his ordering you to salute Shiháb-ud-dín Khán who is your superior both from the dignity of commanding 5000 and also from being older in years?^343b and similarly, how would it be right for him to order I'timád Khán, who once upon a time was commander of 20,000, horse, to salute you? And since Páyandah Muḥammad Khán Moghul has most unmistakably declared himself opposed to it, and the others are not in the least worth considering, you had better ignore the matter altogether. Mirzá Khán accepted their advice, and gave up the pretension.

Three days after the victory Qulíj Khán and the other Amírs of Málwah came to Ahmadábád. And when they heard that Muzaffar, had gone to Cambay from Ma??múrábád, which is on the banks of the river Mahindra, and a company of 20,000 horsemen had gathered round him from the fugitive, Mirzá Khán with the Amírs went in that direction in pursuit. Muzaffar betook himself to Barodah, and thence towards Rájpíplah, and Nádot. And Mirzá Khán having come to Barodah, sent an army against a servant of Muzaffar's, named Daulat to the gates of Cambay, and brought him out, and then hastened to Nádot; Qulíj Khán and the rest of the great Amírs he appointed to go to the mountain district of the interior, where Muzaffar had taken refuge. And everywhere Nizám-ud-dín Aḥmad kept that force continually on the move, which entailed much baggage and munitions requiring heavy dragging about, and showed a gallant perseverance quite exceeding what could be expected of one in his poor position, (P. 334) nay even beyond the limits of human power. At last through his efforts a great battle, like the first battle of Sarkich, took place with Muzaffar. They gained the victory, and Muzaffar's forces were dispersed in all directions. Mirzá Khán came to Aḥmadábád, and directed the Amírs of Málwah, and the rest, to besiege the castle of Baroṇch. After seven months, Jarkas Rúmí, who held the command of that fort on the side of Muzaffar, was killed, and Naçír Muzaffar's wife's brother capitulated.

This year after sending Mirzá Khán and the army of Málwah to Gujrát the Emperor started from Ágrah in a boat on a pleasure expedition to Iláhábád, which is a new erection on the site of Prayág, an old sacred city of the Hindús, where they had built several fortresses. On the day of his starting they brought from Makkah the news of the death of Shaikh Badr-ud-dín, son of Shaikh Islám Chishtí, who had kept a voluntary fast for seven whole days, and in intense ecstacy had made the circuits of the Ka'abah barefooted until his feet were blisted, and violent fever supervened. On the Feast of Qurbán in the year nine hundred and ninety he drank the draught of martyrdom of death, in the path of God from the hand of the cupbearer of eternal grace:—

“Last night on account of my sincerity and purity of my heart
In the wine tavern that soul-gladdener of my heart
Brought me a cup, saying ‘Take and drink,’
I said ‘No!’ he said ‘Do! for my heart's sake.’”

This news the Emperor sent to Ḥájí Ḥusain, the attendant of the monastery of the said Shaikh, and great dismay and distress found its way into that family, and the line of guidance (P. 335) and teaching which he had left was cut short. The Emperor stayed four months there, and sent Zain Khán Kokah, and Bír Bar, who had formerly been a servant of Rájah Rám Chand B'hatta, on an embassy to Chorágaṛh. Rám Chand agreed to submit, and after paying Zain Khán all sorts of hospitality, he kept him with him, until he came in his company to Fatḥpúr, and did homage there. There he offered 120 rubies, and other jewels in the same proportion as a proper present. And among those jewels was one, the worth of which was 50,000 rupees. He left his son, named Bábá, in the service of the court, and himself after some time obtained leave to go home. And soon after he went to his natural abode—Hell, where he got into hot water.³⁴⁵ This Rám Chand in his natural disposition was of such high spirit, that he has none equal in our days. And among his presents was this: he gave in one day a kror of gold pieces to Miyán Tánsingh, the musician. And I have mentioned above,^345a how that he gave to Ibráhím Súr the ensigns of royalty. Miyán Tánsingh did not wish to leave him. Finally Jalál Khán Qurchí came, and brought him back to his sense of duty.

At that time A'zam Khán came in haste from Ḥájípúr to Iláhábád and did homage, and receiving leave to depart he went quickly back again to bring his army. And the Amírs laid in that city the foundations of a great building; and it was determined that thenceforth that place should be the Capital. And they struck a new coinage, and Sharíf Sarmadí, the registrar of outposts of whom some one said:—

“There were two registrars, and both were coarse,
One was Sharíf and not Nafís,
The other was Nafís and not Sharíf,”³⁴⁶

wrote this verse for the coin:—

“Ever may it current be,
Like the gold of sun and moon,

(P. 336) From east to west of the world,
The coinage of Iláhábád.”

About this time Mullá Iláhdád of Amrohah and Mullá Sherí attended the Court in order to flatter the Emperor; for they had been appointed to Cadr-ships^346a in the Duáb of the Panjáb. Mullá Sherí presented to His Majesty, a poem composed by him, entitled Hazár Shu'á',^346b which contained 1,000 qiṭ'ahs in praise of the Sun. His Majesty was much pleased.

In the month Zí-ḥajjah^346c of this year the Emperor returned thence, with a view to going to Fatḥpúr to quell the disturbances in Gujrát; but in environs of Atáwah news arrived of the victory of Mirzá Khán.

And in the month Çafar in the year nine hundred and ninety-two (992), when the Emperor returned to the capital gracious farmáns were issued to the Amírs of Gujrát. To Mirzá Khán was given the title of Khán Khánán, and a horse and a dress of honour, and jewelled girdle and dagger, and a tumantoq,^346d and the rank of a commander of 5,000, which was the highest dignity of Amírs. And to Nizámud-dín Aḥmad, who had been the cause of their persevering in the conquest of that country, he gave a horse and dress of honour, and a rise in rank. And the ranks of tho others also he increased, viz., raising them from 10 to 20, or from 10 to 30 according to the circumstances of each.^346e

In this year the Emperor commanded me to make a translatíon of the Rámáyana, which is a superior composition to the Mahábhá- rata. It contains 25,000 couplets,³⁴⁷ and each çlok-portion consists of 65 letters.^347a The story is about Rám Chand Rájah of Oudh, whom they also call Rám. And the Hindús pay him worship as a god in human form. And the sum and substance of it is that a demon with ten heads named Rávan, ruler of the island of Lanká deceived his wife Sítá and carried her off. And Rám Chand with his brother Lach'hman went to that island. And a great army of monkeys, and bears (P. 337) whose number the intellect cannot count, gathered together, and threw a bridge of the length of 400 cosses over the briny ocean. And some of the monkeys they say leapt that distance, and others of the monkeys went on foot. And there are many contradictory idle tales like this, which the intellect is at a loss whether to accept or reject. At any rate Rám Chand mounted on the monkeys passed over the bridge, and for a whole week made a tremendous fight of it, and killed Rávan and all his children and relatives, and put an end to his family which had lasted a thousand years. And having entrusted Lanká to Rávan's brother^347b he turned to his own city. And in the opinion of the Hindús he reigned 10,000 years over the whole of Hindústán, and then returned to his original abode. And the opinion of this set of people is, that the world is very old, and that no age has been devoid of the human race, and that from that event 100 thousand thousand years have passed. And yet for all that they make no mention of Adam, whose creation took place only 7,000 years ago. Hence it is evident that these events are not true at all, and are nothing but pure invention, and simple imagination, like the Sháhnámah, and the stories of Amír Hamzah,^347c or else it must have happend in the time of the dominion of the beasts and the jinns—but God alone knows the truth of the matter.

And among the remarkable events of this time was this. They brought a low-caste woman into the Audience hall, and said that she had become a man, and one of the translators of the Rámáyana went out of the company of the translators, and saw her, and came back and testified that she was a woman, who through shame covered her face, and uttered not a word. And the doctors brought forward many proofs confirming this matter, and said that such things often occurred, (glory to God who rules in his kingdom as he will!)

And in this year Mullá Alim of Kábul, who was very learned, and sweet-voiced, and of pleasant (P. 338) conversation, and was the most cheerful fellow imaginable,³⁴⁸ died, and the date was found to be given by: “The greedy man's hair is covered with dust,”^348a and the Fawátiḥ-ul-waláyat^348b is his work.

At this time the thirtieth year from the accession, and the Now-roz-i-Sultání ,^348c which corresponds with the Nowroz-i-jalálí,^348d arrived. On the eighth of the month Rabi'-ul-awwal^348e of the year nine hundred and ninety-two (992) the entrance of the Sun into Aries took place. And the customary fancy bazzaar and festival was held,^348f and a great concourse came together, and new-fangled customs came into vogue, and beards were sent flying. And bells—brazen bulls, like the calf of Sámarí^348g —were played, and made a great noise. And bílan,^348h which are tents looking like domes, and are an invention of the Europeans, were set up. And they sacrificed their wealth, and life, reputation, and religion³⁴⁹ to their friendship for the Emperor. And so many holy souls rushed upon this trial, that they cannot be numbered. And sets of twelve persons, by turns, and in exactly the same same way, became disciples, and conformed to the same creed and religion. And instead of the tree-of-discipleship^349a he gave them a likeness; they looked on it as the standard of loyal friendship, and the advance-guard of righteousnness, and happiness, and they put it wrapped up in a jewelled case on the top of their turbans. And Alláh Akbár was used by them in the prefaces of their writings. And dice-playing and usury were allowed, and other forbidden things in like manner. And gambling houses were set up at the Court, and the Emperor lent money to the players at interest from the treasury. And borrowing on interest, and giving money away to the spectators was looked on as a branch of economy.^349b He forbade girls before twelve, and boys before sixteen years of age to be married. And the story of the consummation of the Prophet's marriage with Çadíqah^349c (God bless him and his family and give them peace!) he utterly abhorred. And all his other heretical attacks on othodoxy who can speak of! Would that my ears were filled with quicksilver, so that what things would they escape hearing! And the failings of all the prophets (God's blessings, and His peace be on them all!) the Emperor cited as reasons for disbelieving, especially the story of David (P. 339) and Uriah, and the like. And whosoever did not agree with his creed, he considered worthy of death, and a reprobate, and eternally damned, and gave him the nickname of Lawyer and Enemy of the State, but in accordance with the proverb:—

“What a man sows that shall he reap,”

they themselves became notorious throughout the world for the errors of the most infidel religion; and the Mujtahid and spiritual director,^349d

got the name of Abu-l-l-jahl, yea “when the ruler is oppressive, the vazír becomes deceitful.” The Emperor considered his secular power as subservient to his spiritual power, and so he considered these affairs the most important of all, and other things as mere accessories. And in order to abolish the stall of the glory of our religion, he ordered the stalls of the nowróz to be thrown open from time to time for the amusement of the Bégums and people of the ḥaram, and the wives of high and low, and on such occasions distributed gold. And the important affairs of those, who were outside the ḥaram, and marriage contracts and betrothal of sons and daughters were transacted in those assemblies. Nothing except an official post, and an eye to the Emperor's friendship, was looked on as worth anything. And, however much the Emperor endeavoured to remove this bond, yet of Hindú infidels, (who are indispensable, and of whom half the army, and country will soon consist, and as whom there is not among the Moghuls³⁵⁰ or Hindústánís^350a a tribe so powerful), he could not have enough. But to other people, whatever they might ask for, he gave nothing but kicks and blows, and utterly disregarded all their devotion, and zeal, and complaisance.

In those days A'zam Khán came by forced marches from Ḥájípúr [opposite] Patnah in accordance with his promise. And representations arrived from Mirzá Muḥammad Ḥakím to the effect, that Badakhshán had entirely fallen into the power of Abd-ulláh Khán Uzbek, for that Mirzá Sulaimán, who had come back from a pilgrimage to Makkah, had seized Badakhshán, and that Mirzá Sháhrukh had fought with the Uzbek, and being defeated by him, they had both of them fled for refuge to Hindústán.

(P. 340) In the first part of the month Zíqa'dah^350b of this year a communication arrived from Mán Singh from the banks of the Indus, saying that Mirzá Sháhrukh had arrived at the Indus, and that he had gone to meet him, and had offered him as a present 6,000 rupees, and much cloth &c., and five elephants, and that Mirzá Sháhrukh had then crossed the river Indus. This service of his was favourably received by the Emperor.

In this year many of the Amírs and magnates of the Empire died, and among them was Muḥammed Báqí Khán, brother of Ahdam Khán, in the district of Karahkatangah, which was his jágír.

Another was Ghází Khán Badakhshán, who had obtained leave to go from Iláhábád towards Oudh, and there he answered to the Apparitor of God. During the latter days of his life he had been so weak, that they used to take him up in a blanket and bring him to the palace. When any one asked him “How are you?” He would answer “Thank God, my appetite for avarice is still hearty!” And to any one of his importunate servants, when he asked him for anything, he used to say: “My God! you will also become a commander of a thousand, for you appreciate my power of getting on.”³⁵¹ One night in front of the house of Qulij Khán, where a great company had gathered together to break the Fast, he interpreted the Surah “Anná fataḥná.”^351a I struck in; he made his statement, and then was angry. I said: “Thank God, that the dispositions of the great ones of the kingdom are becoming known.” He said: “Perhaps you may have imagined that this vehemence was for the sake of a mançab of a thousand horse.” I said, “So it seems.” Many were angry at this. Afterwards by the intervention of Áçaf Khán, bakhshí, we read the verse^351b “Peace is best,” and that trouble was got over. On another occasion when he was going from Iláhábád, I had a discussion with Ghází Khán for a part of the way on scientific matters and the traditional words of the Shaikhs, and then we took leave of one another, and that was the last time I met him.

Aud another was Sultán Khwájah. He also was one of the elect disciples of His Majesty. After burying him in his tomb (P. 341) which was of a peculiar new-fangled kind, they put a grating facing the light of the sun, so that its rays, which cleanses from sins, might every morning fall on his face. And they say that tongues of fire used to rest on his mouth; but God knows best the truth of the matter. And Mullá Aḥmad of Tattah found out a mnemosynon with one unit short:—

“The Sulṭán of heretics.”³⁵²

At the beginning of the year nine hundred and ninety-three (993) which was the end of the thirtieth year of the Emperor's reign, Mirzá Sháhrukh and Rájah Bhagván Dás arrived near Fatḥpúr, and having sent the Prince Dányál with Shaikh Ibráhím Chishtí, and a number of the Amírs to meet them, they conducted them to the Court. And the Emperor gave him a lac of rupees in ready money, and goods ont of the wardrobe, and three Persian horses, and five elephants, and ever so many camels and mules and servants.

Mean while the Emperor, in accordance with his established custom, ^352a married the Prince Sulṭán Salím to the daughter of Rájáh Bhagván Dás. And going himself to his house the Emperor celebrated the ceremony of mariage in the presence of the Qazís and nobles. And the sum of two krors of tankahs was fixed as the marriage settlement. And they performed all the ceremonies, which are customary among the Hindús, such as lighting the fire &c., and over the litter of the Princess the Emperor ordered gold to be scattered all the way from that house to the palace:—

“From the quantity of jewels and gold, that were scattered,
Peoples hands were weary of picking them up.”

And Rájah Bhagván gave as his daughter's dowry, several strings of horses, and a hundred elephants, and boys and girls of Abyssinia, India, and Circassia, and all sorts of golden vessels set with jewels, and jewels, and utensils of gold, and vessels of silver, and all sorts of stuffs, the quantity of which is beyond all computation. And to each one of the Amírs, who were present, according to their station and rank, he gave Persian, Turkish, and Arabian horses, with golden saddles, &c. (P. 342).

And on Thursday the nineteenth of Rabi' ul-awwal^352b of the year nine hundred and ninety-three, the scouts of the army of spring, and the advance-guard of the Nouróz-i-Sultání came up, and according to the writings of Mirzá Nizám-ud-dín Aḥmad, who has preserved all the dates in his history, the thirtieth year from the Accession began. But the fact is the beginning of the second cycle from the Accession started in Atak Banáras from 25th of Rabí'ul-awwal of the year nine hundred and ninety-four, as shall be related³⁵³ hereafter if God, He is exalted, will. And at the same time the origin of the mistake on the part of the Mirzá was forgetfulness of the fact that, on account of the intercalated days, which every three years makes a difference of one lunar month, there is a difference in each cycle of a whole year, between the solar and the lunar years. And I, as I had no almanack with me, allowed myself necessarily to follow the Mirzá, and the responsibility rests on him (but God knows best!). Moreover the Mirzá during these years was in Gujrát, and not with the Imperial Camp.

To return to our story. He kept the festival in the old manner, and held a high feast. And every day he received hospitality from every stall-holder^353a among the Amírs, and suitable presents, so that even food, and scents, and presents fit for dancing-girls, were admitted into the treasury. And from a commander of 5000, down to an Aḥadí they were all obliged to bring presents and gifts and offerings. And even this worthless atom, who is of no account at all, except that I am called an Hazárí on account of my being honoured with 1000 bíghahs of land, followed the example of the old father of Joseph (peace be on him!) and brought my 40 rupees,^353b and they had the honour of being accepted:—

“My service is not according to my liking,
Pray give me another service.”

At this festival they gave to the eldest prince the rank of commander of 12,000, and to the next 9,000, and to the third 7,000, and gave them a separate wardrobe, and royal insignia, and a tumantogh,³⁵⁴ and kettle-drum.

And at the beginning of this year Mír (P. 343) Murtaza', and Khadáwand Khán, the Amírs of the Dak'kin, who had gone from the district of Berár against Aḥmadnagar, which is the metropolis of Nizám-ul-mulk, were beaten in a battle with Çalábat Khán, the Vazír of Nizám-ul-mulk. Then they went to Rájah 'Alí Khán to Burhánpúr. And Rájah 'Alí Khán plundered them of all their elephants, sent 150 of them by his son, Ibráhím Khán, to the Court, where he arrived at the festival of Nouróz. After he had done homage he presented the rest of the goods,^354a which remained over, and stimulated him to conquer the Dak'hin. In consequence of this the Emperor made Sháh Fatḥ Ulláh (whom he afterwards called Mír Fatḥ Ulláh), with the title of 'Azud-ul-doulat and a present of 5,000 rupees, and a horse and a robe of honour, Çadr-in-chief of the districts of Hindústán, and appointed him to the Dak'hin; in order that looking after Khán-i-A'zam and Shiháb-ud-dín Aḥmad Khán and the other Amírs, and leading an army into that district he might become a rallying point for the Amírs.

And he left his servant Kamáláí Shírází at home as his Deputy, to bring to Court the lackland Aimahdárs, some of whom still remained scattered here and there. And under him the Çadrate reached its acmé,^354b but afterwards little by little things reached such a point, that Sháh Fatḥ Ulláh, for all his pomp and circumstance, could not make a grant of 5 bígahs of land! Nay, after withdrawing the whole of the grants of lands, his duty of collecting^354c from them became a mere phantom. The very land in the same manner became the dwelling-place of wild animals, and of noxious beasts and reptiles, not of Aimahdárs and ryots. And now those oppressions are chronicled in the books of the acts of the Çadrs, although their names are forgotten:—

Of all the Great Çadrs naught remains
In the heart of the Earth but the bones of the Çadrs.³⁵⁵

In the month of Rajab^355a of this year news arrived from Kábul, that Mirzá Sulaimán, who after being defeated had gone from Badakhshán to Mirzá Muḥammad Ḥakím, had been satisfied (P. 344) with one village called Asálú (?). Then with the help of the Uy-máqs ^355b he fought a battle with the Uzbeks within the boundaries of Badakhshán, and gained the victory. He put many of them to the sword, and to those whom the sword had spared he gave dresses of honour, and dismissed them. And that district found as it were a second life: “He it is who sendeth down rain, after that they have despaired”.^355c

And in the month of Shábán^355d of this year the Khán Khánán, in accordance with orders, came by forced marches from Gujrát to Fatḥpúr, and Muzaffar once more created a disturbance in Gujrát. And on account of the great trouble which the Jám,^355e and Amín Khán Ghorí, governor of Júnágaṛh, gave him, and the tricks they had played him, he went and laid seige to the fortress of Júnágaṛh. Qulíj Khán remained in Aḥmadábád, and Nizám-ud-dín Aḥmad sent the Amírs of that district against Muzaffar, who was not able to withstand them. He crossed the marsh of the Rin^355f (which is separated from the salt sea by a distance of from ten to thirty cosses, and entering the sandy desert of Jaisalmír, there loses itself), and came into the district of Kachh.

At this time Nizám-ud-din Aḥmad wrote a letter to me from Gujrát, saying that since the Khán Khánan at the time of setting out [for Fatḥpúr] made a promise, that if he got the Emperor's leave he would at this time bring with him Mullá Iláhdád Amrohah, and yourself³⁵⁶ from the Court. Consequently it is right that he should treat you both with every proper politeness, and having got leave for you from Court should bring you at once hither. As a wise man has it:—

“And afterwards, whatever may be best.”—

So I saw at once the Khán Khánán, when he came into the writing office, which had been set apart in Fatḥpúr as the translation-department. But he, as quickly as possible, was sent off to Gujrát (P. 345), and then immediately afterwards Kábul came in the way, and so my hope of employment, which I had looked on as the key of salvation, and a secured provision for life, became clouded over: “wish for nothing, but what God wills.”

And the Khán Khánán having arrived within 10 cosses of Sarohí, determind to take Sarohí and Jálór. And Nizám-ud-dín Aḥmad and Sayyid Qásim Bárhah hastened thither to meet him, and arrived with a large force. The Rájah of Sarohí brought many presents, and give in his submission. And as for Ghaznín Khán of Jálór, although he had an interview with him on this occasion, yet, since before, when the Khán Khánán had gone to the Court, he had exhibited some unpleasing actions, and shown tokens of rebellion, the Khán Khánán made him prisoner and brought him to Aḥmadábád. He deprived him of Jálór, and left his own army in that place.

And some time before this Sayyid Jamál-ud-dín, the grandson of Maḥmúd Bárhah, on account of a love affair with one of the dancing-girls of the Court by name Siyáh Yamín, who may now be called Ahrimaní,^356a had fled from the Court and gone to the skirts of the mountains. There he had collected a force, and kept looting the pargannas of that neighbourhood, and robbing on the highways. Afterwards he left the skirts of the mountains, and took refuge at Patan in Gujrát with his uncle Sayyid Qásim. Some time after the events related above, the Khán Khánán, in accordance with a farmán , demanded him from Patan (which was Sayyid Qásim's jágír) and sent him bound to Láhór. And eventually he married Ghaznín Khán to the little daughter of Muḥammad Wifá, the late treasurer, and to please Miyán Fatḥullah Sharbatí, his wife's brother, he treated him with great kindness and consideration, and allowed him to remain in attendance at Court. And Sayyid Jamál-ud-dín they hung on a stake in the same market,³⁵⁷ and shot at him with arrows. So that was the only exaltation he got from love!

And in those days a representation came from Mán Singh and Khwájah Shams-ud-dín from Aṭak Banáras (P. 346) to the effect, that Mirzá Muhammad Ḥakím had been taken sick, and that Faríd-ún having set out from Pasháwar with a caravan with a view to going to Kábul, had had an encounter in the Khaibar pass with the son of Roshaní^357a the heretic (who was a Hindústání and possessed of but little knowledge, and has now gained a reputation as a priest of darkness), and being defeated had returned to Pasháwar. By chance the fortress was set on fire, and 1,000 merchantmen's camels were burnt. And Farídún having escaped from that fire-like smoke^357b went towards Kábul by another route. Seventy persons through thirst, and want of water, perished on that journey.

Meanwhile news arrived that 'Abd'ullah Khán^357c had fitted out an army of superior numbers against Mírzá Sulaimán, and after a victory, which was as brilliant as a lamp's illuminating of a house, had expelled him from Badakhshán, and seized the whole of that country himself. The Mirzá being unable to withstand that army fled to Kábul.

At this time news arrived from Kábul that Mirzá Muḥammad Ḥakím through drinking habits had brought on a number of conflicting diseases, and having fallen sick had developed a palsy. And on the twelfth of Sha'bán of the year nine hundred and ninety-three (993) he passed from this dwelling of sadness and deceit, to the world of joy and happiness:—

“See how many are the revolutions of the spheres,
Which bring from the dust some new fruit.
When that cypress tree is decked in beauty,
The wind dashes it to the ground at one blow.”

And on the third of the month of Ramazán messengers brought this mournful news to Court. And the Emperor had to consider to whom he should commit Kábul and Ghaznín. At first he wished to confirm the government of that country on the children of Mirza Muḥammad Ḥakím. But when the Amírs represented that the sons of the Mirzá were still of tender age, and unable to discharge the duties of government:—

(P. 347) “Entrust not a hard matter to the young,
For you must not break an anvil with your fist.
Protecting subjects, and commanding an army,
Are not matters of play and joke.”

Consequently the Emperor wrote a farmán in haste, and appointed the Khán Khánán to Gujrát, and sent 'Azud-ud-doulat from the Court to Málwah and Ráisín to look after the affairs of the Dak'hin, and to help Khán-i-Azam and Shiháb-ud-dín Aḥmad Khán, who had been ordered to conquer the Dak'hin. Then he set off in person on the 10th of the month for the Panjáb, and saw the new moon of Shawwál in Dihlí. When at the station of Pánípat he gave a jágír in the environs of Lak'hnou to Mír Abu-l-Ghais of Bokhára, and dismissed him thither. On the 19th of this month he arrived at the river Satlaj. And in those days, in the course of a week more or less, Shaikh Jamál Bakhtiyár, and Khwájah Isma'íl, grandson of Shaikh Islám, who was possessed of the most perfect personal beauty, by reason of perpetual wine drinking and continual debauchery, passed from this transitory world to the eternal habitation: the one at Lodhiyánah, and the other at T'hánésar: and this enigma was invented to give the date:—

Hemistich.

The beautiful Rose left the Garden of the World.”³⁵⁸

And at 3 cosses from Siálkóṭ Mullá Iláhdád Amrohah,^358a who had received a wound in his breast, the fever of which had reached his heart, took a purgative from Ḥakím Ḥasan, and died in the course of the day. Death is the awakening [from the drunkenness of life]. The draught [of Death] to him was a good friend (God have mercy on him!):—

“O heart who told you: Cling to earth?
Put this tender soul of yours into security.
Consider, since you came, how many are gone,
At last you are alone, take warning from their going.”

And the Emperor sent Çádiq Khán from the confines of Láhór to the government of Bakkar. And on (P. 348) 16th of Zi-qa'dah³⁵⁹ he encamped on the banks of the river Chanáb. At this station Shaikh 'Abd-ur-raḥím of Lak'hnou, a friend of Mír Abu-l-Ghais and Shaikh Muḥammad Bokhárá (who had come from the Khán-i-Zamán to the Court, and had been raised to the rank of Amír, and received as jágír the pargannah of Pathán in the confines of the mountains, and at this time had developed a temporary insanity) struck himself with a dagger in the tent of Ḥakím Abu-l-Fatḥ. The Emperor bound up his wound with his own hand, and gave orders that he should be taken care of at Siálkoṭ. After a time he recovered, but by reason of his insanity his affairs slipped from his grasp, and now as ever [the verse is true]:—

“A bad habit, that has once fixed itself in the temperament,
Will never leave you till the hour of death.”

And on the 27th of this month of this month he crossed the river Behat.^359a At this stage Muḥammad 'Alí the treasurer, who had been appointed to Kábul, represented, that after the death of Mírzá Mu-ḥammad Ḥákím, Farídún Khán, and Kaiqabád, and Afrásiyáb, the sons of the Mirzá, who on account of their tender age were not allowed to enter into public business, had by the favour of the Amírs been presented to Mánsingh. And Mánsingh having left his own son, with Khwájah Shams-ud-dín Kháfí, in Kábul, and having spoken kindly to all those people, came and paid his respects to the Emperor.

On the fifth of the month Zi-ḥajjah³⁶⁰ Ráwal Pindí, which is a town between Atak Banáras and Rohtás, became the Emperor's halting-place. And Mánsingh brought with him the children and servants of Mirzá Muḥammad Ḥakím. And the Emperor ordered for each of them gifts and assistance in money, and proper pensions. And from the confines of Aták Banáras he sent Mírzá Sháhrukh, and Rájáh Bhagwán Dás and Sháh Qulí Maḥram, with 5,000 horse to con-querd the country of Kashmír.

And in these days he appointed Isma'íl Qulí (P. 349) Khán, and Ráí Singh Darbárí, against the Balúchís; and Zín Khán Kokah he appointed with a well-appointed army against the Afgháns of Sawad and Bijor.

On the eleventh of Muḥarram^360a of the year nine hundred and ninety-four (994) Atak became the Emperor's camping-place. Some twenty-five years before this a Hindústání soldier had made himself a religious teacher, with the name of Roshanáí, as has been mentioned above. He came among the Afgháns and made many fools his disciples, and set up an heretical sect, and gave it currency and lustre. He wrote a work called the Khair-ul-bayán in which he set forth his pernicious tenets. When he went headlong to his own place, his son, Jalálah by name, who was forty years old, came in the year nine hundred and eighty-nine (989), when the imperial army was returning from Kábul, to pay his respects to the Emperor, and was favourably received by him. But through his constitutional impudence both hereditary and acquired he fled, and returned to the Afgháns, and becoming a bandit; he collected many men around him, and blocked up the roads between Hindústán and Kábul:—

“If the egg of a black-natured crow
You put under a pea-hen of Paradise;
If at the time of sitting on that egg,
You give it its millet from the figs of Paradise;
If you give it its water from the fountain of Salsabíl,^360b
If Gabriel breathe his breath over that egg;
In the end the young of a crow is a crow,
And the Pea-hen will spend her trouble in vain.”

Consequently with a view to repressing this rustic band of Roshan-áís (who are in very truth utter darkness, and hereafter will find their interpretation in darkness)³⁶¹ he appointed Kábul as the jágír of Mán-singh, that he might extirpate those rebels.

In the month of Çafar of this year the Emperor sent Sa'íd Khán Gakkh'har, and the accursed Bírbár, and Shaikh Faizí, and Fatḥ-ulláh Sharbatí, and others, in the train of Zín Khán (P. 350). And afterward some days he sent Ḥakím Abu-l-fatḥ and another body of men after the first. And these armies having joined Zín Khán spoiled the Afghán, and showed no remissness in making prisoners of their women and children. And when they came down to a Pass called Karákar, a person brought news to Bírbar, that the Afgháns intended that night to make a sudden attack, and that if they could pass out of that narrow valley, into which they had descended, and which was not more that three or four cosses in extent, their minds might be at ease. Night was coming on, when Bírbar through his wilfulness and stupidity and arrogance, without taking counsel with Zín Khán made an ill-timed march, and resolved to pass through the defile. And the whole of this head-less army followed in his track. And, when at evening-tide they reached the narrowest part, the Afgháns appearing in crowds, like ants and locusts, from all sides of the mountains showered down stones and arrows like rain. And in that defile of the district of the cave of death through the narrowness of the way, and the darkness of the night the people lost their way, and in the pits they traversed the valley of death. And being perfectly helpless and separated one from the other, they sustained a great defeat. About 8,000 persons or more were killed. And Bírbar through fear of his life betook himself to flight, and was killed, and so entered the pack of the hell-hounds, and received a portion of the reward of his base deeds. And some of the Amírs and chiefs, such as Ḥasan Khán Paní, and Khwájah 'Arab, the Khán Jahán's pay-master, and Mullá Shírí the poet, and a great multitude were killed in that night. And who can number the captives. And the date was found to be given by “Alas for Khwá-jah 'Arab,³⁶² with one unit too little. Ḥakím Abu-l-fatḥ and Zín Khán were defeated on the fifth of Rabí 'ul-awwál^362a of this year, and with great difficulty escaped to the fortress of Attak. And since (P. 351) they had dared to come after having basely betrayed such a prime favorite as Bírbar, and their treacheries became confirmed, and proved, for some time they were excluded from the Emperor's sight, but afterwards they attained their former rank, nay rather they rose higher than before. He never experienced such grief at the death of any Amír as he did at that of Bírbar. He used to say “Alas, that they could not bring his body out of that defile, that it might have been committed to the flames”! But afterwards they comforted him with these words: “Since he is freed and delivered from all the bonds of mortality, the light of the sun is sufficient purifier for him, although indeed he did not require any purification.” And when a rumour arose that the Afgháns were coming against Attak, he sent the prince Murád the next day across the river Indus, and appointed Rájah Todar Mal to accompany him in driving back those rebels. But eventually he recalled his son, and appointed the Rájah to that duty.

In that mountain district he built many forts. In the other direction Mánsingh, who had been appointed to go against the Roshanáís, slew and took prisoners a large body of them.

At this time news arrived that Mír Quraish, the ambassador of 'Abd-ulláh Khán, had arrived with a letter, and that Nazar Bey Uzbek, governor of Balkh, with his three sons had come to do pay homage to the Emperor, because they had quarrelled with the Khán. Consequently he sent Shaikh Faríd Bakhshí, and a body of the Aḥadís to meet that caravan. And this body of men on their return conducted them through the Khaibar Pass. The Roshanáís seized the road, and attacked them, but were defeated.

On the 25th of Rabí 'ul-awwal of this year, the sun entered Aries, and the thirty-first year of the reign began; but according to Nizámí's reckoning the thirty-second year. And having arranged the public audience-room at Attak the Emperor received on that day Mír Quraish. And Mánsingh (P. 352) came and did homage at that festival. And Shaikh Faizí composed a qaçídah of welcome, of which the initial couplet is the following:—

“May the beginning of the second cycle, O Lord!

Come from the Source of Vicegerency a propitious era for fresh conquest.”

And let it not be concealed that at this juncture a doubt entered into my mind as to the proper settling of the beginning of the year from the Accession, and the excuse for it has been related above.³⁶³ As a matter of fact the son of the Mírzá, named Muḥammad Sharíf, who investigated the dates in the Ṭabaqát-i-Akbarí after the death of his father Mirzá Nizám ud-dín Aḥmad must here be acknowledged as the remover of the error.

At this time Mirzá Shábrukh, and Rájah Baghwán Dás, and Sháh Qulí Khán Maḥram, who had come to the frontier of Kashmír and reached the Pass of P'hulbás, on account of the arrival of the news of the defeat of Zín Khán, saw the best course of action to lie in pacification. So they made peace with Yúsuf Khán, governor of Kashmír. And the product of the saffron-crop, of the shawl duty, and of the mint they attached to the royal treasury. And having appointed tax-gatherers they gave back the whole country to Yúsuf Khán; and then took him with them to pay his respects to the Court, for he expressed a very strong desire to do so. And when this peace was not accepted by the Emperor, a number of the Amírs were denied access to the Court and forbidden to travel abroad. But afterwards on the day of Sharaf-i-áftáb he sent for them and allowed them to prostrate themselves. And also on the day of the Sun's entering Aries the ambassador of 'Abd-ulláh Khán, and Nazar Bey with his children, came and did homage. Four lacs of tankahs were given to Nazar Bey which is equal to 500 Persian tumáns. Here is a copy of the letter of 'Abd-ulláh Khán * * * * *^363a

Ismáíl Qulí Khán and Ráí Singh brought the leaders of the Balochís to the Court. Mán Singh was appointed to help Rájah Todar Mal, and so the Emperor's mind became at rest again about that province.

On the 24th of Rabí 'us-sání³⁶⁴ of the year nine hundred and ninety-four (994) the Emperor started from Attak for Láhor. And from the banks of the river Behut he sent Ismá'íl Qulí Khán in place of Mán Singh to repulse the Afgháns, and Mán Singh he appointed to the government of Kábul. (P. 353.) And he kept Sayyid Ḥámid of Bokhárá in Pesháwar to help Ismá'íl Qulí Khán, and to make a road.

On the 17th of the month Jamáda'-s-sání he arrived at Láhór. Contemporaneously with these events the worthless head of 'Açaf Bahádur, who in the neighbourhood of Bahraich had made war against the servants of Ḥakím Abul-Fatḥ, and was killed, [was brought; at least] most say, that he died by a natural death, and that they cut off his head and brought it to Court. And his head came down rolling from the mountains of Kamáon, and found its resting-place on the pinnacles of the fortress of Láhór. And thus this disturbance was quelled.

On the 19th of the month Rajab^364a the Emperor married the daughter of Ráí Singh B'hatta to the Prince Sulṭán Salím.

And at the beginning of the month of Sha'bán^364b Muḥammad Qásim Khán, Mír-baḥr, and Fatḥ Khán, the Master of the Elephants, and general, started with a number of the Amírs to conquer Kashmír. When, before this the Emperor had imprisoned Yúsuf Khán Kashmírí, who had come under the safe-conduct of Rájah Baghwán Dás, and wished to have him put to death, Baghwán Dás in order to save his safe-conduct and sense of honour struck himself with a dagger. But by the advice of Shaikh 'Abd'ur-raḥím the heretic, he gained his point, and eventually in companionship became a partner with him.^364c When the Amírs arrived at the Pass of Katríl, Ya'qúb the son of Yúsuf, who had been received among the nobles of the Court, and like Muzaffar of Gujrát had received 30 or 40 rupees a month, and had fled to Kashmír, and on account of his bigotry for the Shí'áh heresy had killed the Sunní Qází of that place with his own hand, laid schemes for disaffection, and gathered round him the servants of his father, and considered his father as good as dead. He came to oppose the Amírs, and having fortified a defile of the mountain, he took up his portion there with a large force. As he was altogether a bad fellow part of his men left him, and came over to Muḥammed Qásim Khán, and some of them in Srínagar, which is the capital of Kashmír, raised the standard of revolt. Ya'qúb considering (P. 354) it the most important to stop rebellion in his own house returned to the city. And the Imperial army entered into the heart of Kashmír without any one to oppose them. Ya'qúb having no power to resist them flew for refuge to the mountains. Thus the kingdom of Kashmír at one blow came into their power. Again Ya'qúb collected a force and attacked Qásim Khán, but was defeated. Again he made a night-attack, and gained no advantage. And the Mírzádah 'Alí Khán was killed in this battle. And when they had driven him up into a narrow corner, and were on the point of making him prisoner, he came abjectly and had an interview with Qásim Khán, and went with him to do homage to the Emperor. Finally the Emperor sent him before his father to Bihár to Rájah Mán Singh. And Yúsuf and Ya'qúb were both of them imprisoned in the cell of affliction, and by the sickness of melancholy and spleen they were released from the prison of the body.

On the 19th of Ramazan³⁶⁵ Mír Quraish the ambassador, with Ḥakím Humám, brother of Ḥakím Abul-Fatḥ, and Mír Sadr Jahán the muftí of the imperial dominions, an inhabitant of the village Pihání in the district of Qanouj, were despatched to Transoxonia in order to offer condolence to Sikandar Khán, the father of Abd-ulláh Khán. And he sent as a present nearly a lac and a half of rupees, and all sorts of gifts of the valuable things of Hindústán by the hand of Muḥammad Alí the treasurer.

In these days the Roshanáís with about 20,000 foot and 5,000 horse came against Sayyid Ḥámid of Bokhárá one of the great Amírs of the Sulṭáns of Gujrát. He having withdrawn with the few soldiers that he had, gave battle at Pesháwar, and was killed. And Zín Khán Kokah and Sháh Qulí Khán Maḥram, and Shaikh Fáríd bakhshí were sent in that direction to repair this disaster. And Mán Singh came out from Kábul with all his force to the Khaibar Pass, and fought a severe battle with the Roshanáís, and defeated them. And there he held his ground. The next day they made a general onslaught throughout the night and day, and shouting like jackals (P. 355) poured their forces down on them from all sides. At this time his brother Mádú Singh, who with Ishmáíl Qulí Khán was at the station of Auhand (?) with a well-appointed army, came to the assistance of Singh, Mánand the Afgháns fled. Nearly 2,000 of them were killed.

At the same time Mirzá Sulaimán who had fought a battle with the Uzbeks in Badakhshán, and been partly victorious and partly defeated, came from Kábul, and had an interview with Mán Singh in the Khaibar Pass. Thence he went to Hindústán, and in the month of Rabí'ul-awwal³⁶⁶ of the year nine hundred and ninety-five (995) he paid homage at Láhór.

Among the notable things which happened is the following: Muḥammad Zamán Mírzá, son of Sháh Rukh, in the twelfth year of his age, after his father's defeat in battle with the Uzbeks, had been made prisoner, and 'Abd'ulláh Khán had given him in charge to his own teacher and spiritual guide, Khwájah Kalan Beg Baqsh-bandí, one of the grandsons of Khwájah Aḥrár (God sanctify his glorious tomb!), intending that he should include him with the other prisoners, and put him to death. And they say that that holy man, punished in his stead a prisoner worthy of death, and set him at liberty and allowed him to depart.

At this time Sulaimán Mírzá arrived at Court in incognito, together with some beggars from Transoxiania, and paid homage to the Emperor. He received the sum of 1,000 ashrafí as a gratuity. Thence he went on a pilgrimage, and returned to Badakhshán. There he collected a considerable body of men, and fought several times some gallant battles with the Uzbeks, and beat them. At last he gained possession of the mountain district of that country, and collected the spoil. The Emperor sent to him from Láhór by the hand of Mír Tughán an Aḥadí³⁶⁷ 2,000 ashrafí, and a bow, and a number of muskets and other valuable presents. For several years he made head against the Uzbeks; but being defeated by them he retired to Kábul. The issue of his affairs will be related further on, if God, He is exalted, will.

On the eleventh of the month Rabí'-us-sání of the year nine hundred and ninety-five (995) the celebration of the Imperial New Year's Day (P. 356), and the commencement of the thirty-second, or according to the Mírzá the thirty-third, year from the Accession took place. And in the manner, which has been before described, the feast was held. And other customs were further introduced. Among them was this, that people should not have more than one legal wife, unless he had no child. In any other case the rule should be one man, and one woman. When a woman had passed the time of hope, and her menses ceased, she should not wish for a husband. And widows, if they wished to marry again, should not be forbidden, as the Hindús forbid^367a re-marriage. Also a Hindú woman of tender years, who could have got no enjoyment from her husband, should not be burnt. But if the Hindús take this ill, and will not be prevented, then in case of the wife of one, who had died, one of the Hindús should take the girl and marry her in that very interview. Another of these customs was, that when the Emperor's disciples met one another one should say “Alláh Akbar,” and the other should say “jalla jaláluhu”, and that this was to take the place of “Salám” and the response “Salám”. And another was, that the beginning of the reckoning of the Hindí month should be from the 28th and not from the 13th^367b (which was the invention of Rájah Bikramájít, and an innovation of his), and that they should fix the well-known festivals of the Hindús according to this rule. But it never attained currency, although farmáns went forth to this effect from Futḥpúr to Gujrát on one side, and Bengál on the other. Another was that they were to prohibit the basest people from learning science in the cities, because insurrections often arose from these people. Another was that a learned Bráhman should decide the case of Hindús, and not a Qází of the Musalmáns. And that if there was any need of an oath, they were to put a red-hot iron into the hand of the denier, if he was burnt, he was to be known as a liar, but if not, he should be acknowledged as speaking the truth. Or else that he should put his hand into boiling oil; or that, while they shot an arrow and brought it back, he should dive into the water, and if he put his head out of the water before they returned, the defendant should satisfy the claims of the plaintiff. Another was that they should bury a man with his head towards the East and his feet to the West (P. 357): and he always fixed his own going to sleep in this manner.

In this year the Emperor sent 'Abd'ul-Maṭlab Khán to Bangash with a body of men to extirpate the Jalálah Táríkí.³⁶⁸ And he defeated him together with the leaders of Afghán tribes, and slew an innumerable number of people, and in retaliation for each prisoner taken from Zín Khán's army he took them men and women to double (and quadruple) the number. And the wrath of God, which is a sore^368a calamity, ensued on the slaughter and capture of these people.^368b

And in this year, which was nine hundred and ninety-five, the birth of Sulṭán Khusrau, son of the Prince Sulṭán Salím by the daughter of Rájah Baghván Dáa, took place: and the Emperor gave a great feast.

And among lying rumours, which are one step beyond absolute impossibilities, the report was this year promulgated that the accursed Bírbar was still alive; after that he was safely located in the lowest grade of Hell. The following is a summary of the matter. When the malignant Hindús perceived that the inclination of the heart of the Emperor was fixed on that unclean one, and saw that through his loss he was in trouble and distress, every day they circulated a rumour, that people had seen him at Nagarkót, in the northern hills, in company with Jogís and Sannyásís; and that he was walking about. And His Highness believed, that it was not improbable that a cat³⁶⁹ like him, who had become detached from the attractions of the world, should have assumed the garb of a faqír, and on account of shame for the misfortune he had sustained at the hands of the Yusuf-záís should not have returned to Court. And the foolish people of the Court believed this report, and told all sorts of stories about him in Láhór. But after that an Aḥadí had gone to Nagarkót and investigated the matter, it turned out that this report was nothing but an idle tale.

And after this they heard that he had appeared at the castle of Kálinjár, which had been in that dog's jagír. And the Collectors of Kálinjár sent a written report to this effect: “when they were anointing him with oil^369a a barber, who was a confidant of his, recognized him by certain marks on his body, (P. 358), then he vanished.” The Emperor sent a farmán.^369b The Hindú Krorí deceitfully took a certain poor traveller, who had been condemned to death, and treating him as Bír Bar kept him concealed. And he did not send the barber, but in order to keep the matter secret he made away with the poor traveller, and wrote that he was Bír Bar, but that death had overtaken him before he had attained the felicity of coming to Court. The Emperor mourned for him a second time. He sent for the Krorí, and others, and kept them for some time in the stocks as a punishment for not having told him before; and on this pretext the Emperor got a good deal of money from him.

In this year Çádiq Khán having gone against the district of Tattah, laid seige to the fort Síhwán, and Mírzá Jání Beg, grandson of Muḥammad Báqí Tarkhán, who was commandant of that place, as his fathers had done, sent ambassadors, gifts and valuable presents to the Court. Eventually on the 25th of Zí-Qa'dah³⁷⁰ the Emperor sent Ain-ul-mulk back with the ambassadors, and confirmed the government on Mirzá Jání, and issued a farmán to forbid Çádiq Khán to molest him.

At the beginning of Rábí'us-saní Zín Khán Kokah was appointed to be governor of Kábul, and Mán Singh was sent for from that place. At the end of this month the Khán Khánán, Mirzá Khán, came from Gujrát with that paragon of the age Sháh Fatḥ Ulláh of Shíráz, who was called Azd-ud-daulat, in haste to Láhór. And on the 27th of the month Rajab^370a Çádiq Khán came from Bakkar.

A summary of the affairs of Muzaffar and the Khán Khánan is as follows: Muzaffar after his second defeat at Nádot fled, by way of Chanpánír, to the district of Súrat, and took up his abode at Kundal,^370b which is 15 cosses from Chúnagar and 3,000 scattered horsemen rallied round him. And he sent a lac of Maḥmúdís and a jewelled dagger and girdle to Amín (P. 359) Khán, and so won him over to his side. And the same sum of money he sent to the Jám, who had a fixed idea in his mind of conquering Aḥam-dádád, and so excited his cupidity. Amín Khán with the finest finesse sent him^370c deceitfully to the Jám, Satarsál by name, telling him “You go with the Jám, and I will come after you.” But the Jám, playing his cards well, kept him from his purpose, and delayed his own movements on the pretext of fitting out his army. Muzaffar arrived at a place six cosses from Aḥmadábád and there waited for the fulfilment of the promise of Amín Khán Ghórí, and the Jám, while the Khán Khánán came in great haste with a strong body of men. And Muzaffar despairing of the help of the faithless^370d Amín, and the slippery Jám,³⁷¹ returned in confusion to the mountain district, and took refuge in Dwárká, which is the name of the capital of Súrat. And the Jám sent his Wakíl, and Amín Khán his son, through the intervention of Sháh Abu Turáb, to the Khán Khánán. The men of the Jám took a band of men for the Khán Khánán into the hill country, and there they seized a great deal of spoil. And Muzaffar with 1,000 horsemen, consisting of Moghuls and Kátís,^371a who were the clan of his mother, went towards Gujrát. He took refuge in a place called Ásniyah, which is situated on the bank of the river Sárbarmatí and is very much delapidated, and is in rebellion from the kingdom of Kúlyán (?). And some Amírs, whom the Khán Khánán by way of precaution, at the time of his going into these dangerous districts, had left for this very emergency, under the command of Sayyid Khán Bárha fought a great battle, and Muzaffar^371b found his name deceptive. And his elephants and parasol fell into the hands of the people of the sun,^371c and many of his people were killed. He himself fled to Kátíwár, which is outside the dependencies of Gujrát. The Khán Khánán returned from Barodah, and went against the Jám. The Jám, on the other hand, collected a force of 8,000 horse (P. 360), and 2,000 of his servants (they say), who had forsworn food, and sworn to die for him, came out to meet him. When a distance of 7 cosses remained the Jám sent his own son with three elephants, and eighteen Kachí horses, which are like Arabs, and other presents to the Khán Khánán, and tendered his submission.

At this time it was that the Khán Khánán went for the first^371d time in haste in accordance with a farmán to Fatḥpúr. And Muzaf-far during his absence with the help of the Kátis and other zamíndárs , laid seige to the fortress of Chúnágaṛh. Nizám-ud-dín Aḥmad and Sayyid Qásim Bárhah, with a body of men, by command of Qulíj Khán went from Aḥmadábád towards Súrat, and Muzaffar not being able to withstand them went towards Gujrát, as has been described before.

After that the Khán Khánán arrived at Aḥmadábád by way of Sarohí and Jálwar, the Emperor appointed Sháh Fatḥ ulláh Azd-ud-doulah, together with Mír Murtazá and Khudáwand Khán, to govern the district of Barár, and sent them in the escort of A'zam Khán and Shiháb-ud-din Aḥmad Khán and the other Amírs of Málwah and Ráísín, and wrote a farmán to the fief-holders of that neighbourhood, whose names cannot be enumerated, to this effect: that they should first take Barár, under the leadership of A'zam Khán, out of the possession of the Dak'hinís, and afterwards should march in concert on Aḥmadnagar. These armies were collected at Hindia, which is on the confines of the Dak'hin, and behaved treacherously to one another. And A'zam Khán gave vent to an old grudge which he had against Shiháb-ud-dín Aḥmad Khán for the murder of his father, of which he was the instigator, and vexing him and Azd-ud-doulah, who was his factotum, he heaped abuse &c. upon him in every assem bly, and in spite of the respect due to a teacher made unusual jokes against 'Azd-ud-doulah, till Shiháb-uddín Khán went with a vexed heart to Ráísín, which (P. 361) was his jágír. A'zam Khán went against him, and nearly brought a great disgrace on the reputation of the Empire. And Khwájagí Fatḥullah bakhshí and other upstarts stirred up the flames of strife, and confusion, but through the good offices of Azd-ud-doulah it all ended well. Meanwhile Rájah 'Alí Khán, governor of Ásír and Burhánpúr, looking on the quarrel in the imperial army as a boon to himself, united the army of Dak'hin with his own, and marched against them. 'Azd-ud-doulah went to him and gave him good advice, but he could make no impression on his anvil-like heart:—

“An iron nail will not penetrate a stone.”

So he returned thence, and came to Gujrát, to stir up the Khán Khánán to the conquest of the Dak'hin, and bring him with him:—

“You have managed the affairs of the world so well,
That you now turn your hand to the affairs of heaven.”

And Rájah 'Alí Khán with the army of the Dak'hin marched against A'zam Khán, who had not the power to withstand him, and so retreated to Barár. Neither could he stand his ground there, and so having ravaged and laid waste Ilichpúr and not remaining even there, he hastened to Nadarbár. The Dak'hinís pursued him from station to station. A'zam Khán left his army at Nadarbár, and went alone with only a few men to Aḥmadábád to ask help of the Khán Khánán, who was his sister's husband. The Khán Khánán came out to meet him, and they had an interview at Maḥ-múdábád at the house of Nizám-ud-dín Aḥmad. And having by mutual consent, or by hypocrisy, made common cause, they agreed that Khán-i-A'zam with the Khán Khánán should go to Aḥmadá-bád to see his sister, and that thence they should set out to repel the Dak'hinís. And they sent Nizám-ud-dín Aḥmad with a number of the Amírs, who were appointed to that district, to go together to Barodah, and those two (P. 362) leaders followed him thither. And thence A'zam Khán went in haste to Nadarbár to collect his army, and the Khán Khánan went to Behroṇch. A'zam Khán wrote to him, that since the rainy season was at hand they must keep the army for that year in camp. A'zam Khán went from Nadarbár to Málwah and the Khán Khánán from Behroṇch to Aḥmadábád, and Rájah 'Alí Khán and the Dak'hinís went to their own homes again. Five months had passed since this event, when the Khán Khánán sent from Atak Banáras, which he also called Atak Katak,³⁷³ a petition to Court in the following terms: “Since the Emperor has determined to attempt the conquest of Badakhshán, the desire to kiss his feet has possessed me, in order that I may accompany him in this expedition.” And after the army came from Atak to Láhór a farmán was addressed to him, ordering that Qulíj Khán and Nizám-ud-dín Aḥmad should remain in Gujrát, and that the Khán Khánán should come to Court. This was the cause of the Khán Khánán's coming a second time in haste to Láhór, and of his bringing Azd-ud doulah, as has been already related. During the time of the Khán Khánán's absence the most praiseworthy efforts were made by Nizám-ud-dín in Gujrát, which are related at length in the Tárikh-i-Nizámí.

And in this year Mír Abu-l-Ghays of Bokhára, whose praise is beyond the power of the tongue or the pen:—

“How can the description of his praise be made
By a pen more broken than my heart,”

died at Láhór of an attack of cholic. This sacred bier was brought to Dihlí and buried in the Rouzah-i Ábá-i-kirám, and the date was found to be given by “The Mír of praiseworthy disposition ”:³⁷⁴ —(By the Author)

“I went into his cemetry one day to take warning,
I saw a world of sleepers together in its plain.

[P. 363] A multitude had gone from this side, but none returned from that,
That I could ask of his state, or news of us reach him.
In that city of the silent there was a multitude of my eloquent ones,
Gone from the palace of the world to become its guests.
Of that number was one pure-natured prince, like Buturáb^374a
Abu-Ghais, whom the Heaven calls a Gous,^374b the pivot of the sky.
Alas! for my lord of worthy disposition, and of as happy fortune,
The nature of Muḥammad was manifest in his smiling face.
A Bokháráí through whom Dihlí became the Qubbat-ul-Islám:^374c
What is become of that Qubbah, and that Islám, and where O God! is its Musalmán?
Since he was a derwish as well as a soldier, if I should meet with the dust of his feet,
I would put it on the eye of my fortune, as though it were collyrium of Ispahán.
At his pillow from the candle of my own heart I burnt a taper,
Although the light of his poverty was a divine torch.
I made the bed of his tomb wet with my tears,
Although the cloud of Mercy washed him with the rain of Forgiveness.”

In this year a new command was issued that all people should give up the Arabic sciences, and should study only the really useful ones, viz., Astronomy, Mathematics, Medicine, and Philosophy. The date of this given by the words “Decline of Learning.”³⁷⁵

And in Sha'bán of the said year Mán Singh came to Court. News also came that Abd-ulláh Khán had taken Harí,^375a and slain 'Alí Qulí Khán, commandant of that place, together with an immense number of Turkománs and inhabitants of the town, and “the taking of Harí”^375b was found to give the date.

The twelfth month.

↩

Probably the bellows.

↩

The first month.

↩

Viz., Ma'çúm Kábulí, and Ma'çúm Farankhúdí.

↩

There is a play on the word khál, which means both “uncle” and “mole.”

↩

Over Ma'çúm Farankhúdí.

↩

Called Sharaf lower down, and also in the Ṭabaqát-i-Akbarí.

↩

Revenue-collector.

↩

The Khidmatiyyah were foot-guards on duty in the environs of the palace. These chiefs received the title of Khidmat-ráí. Blochm. p. 252.

↩

Called in the Akbarnámah the Saráí of Koṭ K'hachwah. Blochm p 431, n.

Al Qur'án LXXX, 30.

The fourth month.

Níláb.

These were the two frontier towns of his empire, and he wished them to have similar names. Blochm. p. 374 n.

↩

This juxtaposition of qál “voice”, and ḥál “present circumstances” reminds one of Demosthenes, 1st Olynthiac ◌.

↩

Prince Murád.

↩

See Bland in Asiatic Society's Journal, Vol. 13 (old series).

↩

The seventh month.

↩

That is, it was too late.

↩

Lak'hnau Lithograph has Gantúr.

See above p. 301.

The eighth month.

The ninth month.

The five rivers which enclose the Panjáb are, according to the spelling usual on our maps, the Indus, Jelum, Chenab, Ravee, and Garra. The four Doabs referred to are the Doab of Sindsagar between Indus and Jelum, Doab of Jetch between Jelum and Chenab, Doab of Rachna between Chenab and Ravee, and Doab of Baree between Ravee and Garra.

↩

Al Qur'án XLVI, 30.

↩

Probably that between the Satlaj and the Biyah.

↩

The tenth month.

↩

The eleventh month.

↩

A play on the word mazhar.

↩

Lak'hnau ed. has Pasháwar.

↩

Al Qur'án XL, 47.

↩

In India immediately before the setting in of the rainy season the ants grow white wings, and fly about in swarms, and are eaten by the birds. Hence the Hindústání proverb: “When the ants are about to die, their wings come forth.” The Spaniards have a similar proverb (see Don Quixote), “Por su mal nacieron alas à la hormiga.”

↩

See p. 298.

↩

See p. 297.

↩

She was daughter of the brother of Humáyún's mother.

↩

This is the meaning of Jannat-ástání quoted by Blochm. p. 465, and so also apparently of our expression Jannat-áshyání.

↩

De Sacey, Pendnameh LV, n. f.

↩

Kharábí is the same as mast.

↩

Vol. III, pp. 87-88 Text. Qalláb is given there as his takhalluç.

↩

The first month.

↩

The second month.

↩

I. e. The pale Winter's sun, like a colourless pearl, becomes the source of Spring colours.

↩

A history of a thousand years.

↩

Prostration, in which the toes, knees, hands and forehead touch the ground.

↩

Ground-kissing.

↩

Comp. I Tim v. 23.

↩

A saying, the meaning of which is much disputed, but which seems to imply ‘temper severity with kindness,’ comp. Isaiah xli. 3. See further in Vuller's Lexicon Persico-Latinum.

↩

Devilsville.

↩

Viz. ḥikmat wisdom (prudenoe) shujá'at courage (fortitude), 'iffat chastity (temperance), and 'adálat justice. Blochm. p. 193, n.

↩

See p. 95.

↩

In which it was stated that “some Qazís” of Persia had shaved their beards.

↩

Meaning the Crucifix.

↩

See Blochmann in the Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, May 1870.

↩

20 + 80 + 200 + 300 + 11 + 70 + 204 = 985, which is five too little.

↩

Abu-l-Fazl. (Blochmann, p. 194.)

↩

Sanscrit varáha avatára.

↩

Vádí is the Sanscrit Vádya ‘music,’ comp. Text. p. 42, l. 5. It does not mean ‘department’ as Blochmann Aín-i Akbarí, p. 194 paraphrases it.

↩

Compare p. 50, note 6.

↩

A vocabulary in rhyme by Abú Naçr of Faráh a town in Sijistán. Blochm. p. 41, note 2.

↩

Divine era.

↩

It occurs in the letter of the Persian general Rastam to the Arabian general Sa'd. See ed. Macan IV, p. 2066,

↩

See Blochm. p. 196 notes.

↩

On the effect of food upon a race see Herodotus in fin.

↩

A collection of Traditions regarding the figure and looks of the Prophet.

↩

Referring to the charge of adultery against Áishah, the Prophet's favourite wife. Al Qurán XXIV.

↩

The 40 Abdál. See Blochm. p. 197 note.

↩

Lit. ‘Every one who rejects is rejected.’

↩

See Bloehm, p. 356 note.

↩

Who succeeded his father with the title of Jahángír.

↩

The eighth month.

↩

That is, were about to die.

↩

For this habit of seizing a master's property on his death, see Elphinstone, p. 673.

↩

300 + 610 + 20 + 50 + 12 = 992.

↩

300 + 10 + 600 + 31 + 1 + 6 + 30 + 11 = 989.

↩

1 + 8 + 4 + 1 + 500 + 2 + 4 + 70 + 400 = 990.

↩

A hilly tract between Samarqand and Bukhárá. Blochm. p. 545 n.

↩

That is they went to hell.

↩

The fourth month

↩

Aristotle's three-fold division of science, ◌.

↩

That is, what a pity that a man of such attainments should spend his time n teaching children.

↩

300 + 80 + 400 + 8 + 31 + 35 + 41 + 41 + 7 + 30 + 11 = 990.

Marching.

Flight.

Al Qur'án XVI, 108.

Al Qur'án II, 35 &c.

Al Qur'án II, 256.

The second month.

Public prayer congregation.

↩

Cohabitation, copulation.

↩

A phrase which occurs in the form of calling to prayer (azán).

↩

A phrase used by drunkards in the height of mirth. Blochm.

↩

Ráí Sál Darbárí. Blochm p. 400.

↩

The 6th Month.

↩

'Isá Khán, zamíndár of Oṛisá. Blochm. p. 352.

↩

In the original proverb the (Freytag i. p. 139) name is Ma'qil, one of the companions of the prophet; Nahr-u-Ma'qil being the name of a river near Basrah. Our author seems to call the Mahánadí of Oṛisá the Nahr-u-'Ísá after the name of the zamíndár of the place. The month Rajab, which follows Jamáda's-sání is also called Shahr-i-Khudá, i. q., Shar-ulláh. He means that when Rajab came in, Oṛisá was conquered.

↩

Generally spelt Loḥání.

↩

Another reading is Kúrdah. Tabaqáti Akbarí, Elliot, V, p. 422, has Gau-riya .

↩

The seventh month.

↩

A play on the name Burhán, which means proof.

↩

So Blochmann, p. 201. But might not rímiyá be formed from rímán = Ahrímán, after the analogy of the two preceding words kímiya alchemy, and ṣímiyá natural magic, and mean “devilry?”

↩

That is of Aḥmadnagar. Elphinstone, p. 522.

↩

Sanscrit Ṣivarátri, “night of Ṣiva.”

↩

Divine Monotheism.

↩

Instead of ◌

↩

See Blochm. p. 202, note.

↩

Text, 322, last line.

↩

A small district of Rájpútáná.

↩

The eighth month.

↩

Compare Text, p. 249, l. 10.

↩

Aḥmadábád.

↩

Blochmn. p. 507 note.

↩

I'timád Khán and Shiháb-ud-dín Aḥmad Khán.

↩

A troop of horse which meet a person as a guard of honour See Atkinson's Sháhnámah, p. 522.

↩

Názam is from Názídan to boast. Názam baqudrat-i-Khudá is an exclamation in admiration of the power of God, who made an insignificant person rise to so high a dignity.

↩

Son of I'timád Khán, not Sher Khán Fúládí.

↩

We follow the Lakhnou lithograph, which reads, sost after Muḥammad Khán.

↩

See Blochmann, p. 528.

↩

The Arabic name for Korah.

↩

Lakh'nou lithographed (edit. reads ◌).

↩

Text 329 last four lines.

↩

Text 328. l. 6.

↩

Possibly a Greek named George ◌.

↩

To become the “Rose of Victory” means to be slain in gaining a victory.

↩

Rnaánú, “showing of face,” “event” a double entendre.

↩

See p. 194 note 4.

↩

Lak'hnou Ed. reads ◌ a corruption of Ar. ◌ with addition of Pers. plural termination.

↩

Since you would do it naturally without being ordered.

↩

A pun on Jaḥím and ḥammím.

↩

Vol. I, p. 432, text. Compare Erskine's Húmáyún, ii, p. 501.

↩

I suppose the other was called Nafís “precious.” Sharíf means “noble.”

See p. 295 of Text.

The thousand rays.

The twelfth month.

A standard of the highest dignity. Bloch. p. 50.

↩

These are the three lowest ranks. He means that each was promoted either one step or two.

↩

Çloka.

↩

More accurately 32 syllables.

↩

He joined Rám early in the conflict. His name was Vibhíshaṇa.

↩

An uncle of Muḥammad, who named him Asad-ulláh “Lion of God” on account of his courage and valour. His wonderful exploits are celebrated in the Hamzahnámah.

↩

I. e., by no means a saint. He was no favourite with our author. See Vol. iii, p. 153. Text., and Blochm. pp. 159, 546.

↩

30 + 70 + 500 + 9 + 41 + 70 = 991.

↩

First steps towards saintship.

↩

The new year's day of the Iláhí era.

↩

See Blochm. pp. 183, 276.

↩

The third month

↩

See above, p 321 Text.

↩

A relative of Aaron according to Al Qurán.

↩

Apparently a mistake for ◌ the Portuguese Pavelhão, Pavillion. Lakh-now edition has ◌.

↩

The 4 grades of devotion, see abeve.

↩

Bloch. 203, note.

↩

This is a philosophical use of ◌. The word ◌ means “economy,” as well as “ability”, “sufficiency.” The whole is sarcastic.

↩

I. e. Aishah, who was only 9 years old at the time.

↩

Viz. Abu-l-l-Fazl.

↩

The then dominant race.

↩

Native Musalmáns.

↩

The elevanth month.

↩

That is, You will never lose anything for want of asking for it.

↩

The initial words of Al Qur'án, XLVIII.

↩

Al Qur'án, IV. 127. See p. 48 note 1.

↩

60 + 30 + 9 + 1 + 501 + 30 + 600 + 6 + 1 + 200 + 3 = 991.

↩

Viz., of connecting himself with Hindú families.

↩

The third month.

↩

Text, p. 351.

↩

See p. 321. Text 4 infra.

↩

Referring to the “small sum of money which Jacob's sons brought to Pharaoh, Al Qu'rán XII, 88.

↩

See P. 346, note 4.

↩

Instead of aspání the Lak'hnou reads asbábí.

↩

Kamál, a pun on his name.

↩

See Blochm. 274.

↩

A play on Çudúr-i 'izám and 'izám-i Çudúr.

The seventh month.

Blochm. 371 n.

Al Qurán. XLII. 27.

The eighth month.

Blochm. p. 516. Elliot, VI. 356; V. 438, and especially I, 495.

↩

The printed text has by accident ◌.

↩

Lit. A certain person.

↩

A child of the devil, meaning that she was dead and gone to hell.

↩

This meaning of nakhkhás is given by Shakespeare.

↩

Elphinston, p 517.

↩

A common expression in the Sháhnámah, and very appropriate in this context.

↩

Uzbek.

↩

Bágh-i Jahán “Garden of the World” gives 1062 From this take Zébá Gul “Beautiful rose,” which gives 70, and we get 992. This is one too little.

↩

Vol. III, Text, p 157.

The eleventh month.

The river Jelum.

The eleventh month.

The first month.

One of the rivers of Paradise.

↩

Our author is playing on the word Roshanáí which means ‘bright.’

↩

6 + 615 + 772 + 98 = 993.

↩

The third month.

↩

P. 342 of Text.

↩

The letter seems not to have been inserted.

The fourth month.

The seventh month.

The eighth month.

Probably he means, that Baghwán Dás became as heretieal as Shaikh Abd-'ur-raḥím.

↩

The ninth month.

↩

The third month.

↩

For ◌ the Lak'hnou edition has ◌.

↩

Lak'hnou edition reads ◌.

↩

The ‘Vrihaspati Mána’ makes New Year's Day always fall in the middle of the lunar month “Chait”. Princep, Ind. Ant. ii. 155.

↩

I. e., Roushanáí. See p. 361, note.

↩

Lak'hnau has ◌ instead fo ◌.

↩

'Abd-ul-Maṭlab went mad soon after. Blochm. p. 403.

↩

Billí is Hindí, Sanskr. viḍálí. The reference is again to that story in the Anwár-i Sohailí, ed. Ouseley, pp. 274 sqq.

↩

Tél or tail Hindí and Sanscrit.

↩

That the barber should come to Court.

The eleventh month.

The seventh month.

Text 333, 7 infra.

Muzaffar.

Punning on his name.

Means “cup.” Another pun.

↩

Káthi. The name of a tribe inhabiting Káthíwár. Wilson's Gloss.

↩

Victorious.

↩

Akbar was a great sun-worshipper, see p. 268.

↩

The second time is mentioned, p. 373.

↩

Lak'hnou lithograph has Gang.

Viz. to see the Emperor, the first time is mentioned, p 371.

↩

40 + 10 + 200 + 60 + 400 + 6 + 4 + 5 + 60 + 10 + 200 = 995.

↩

A title of 'Alí.

↩

One of the 7 Abdál, mysterious beings which hover round the world.

↩

A title of Basrah, a great place for learned men.

↩

20 + 60 + 4 + 80 + 30 + 880 = 995.

↩

Another name for Harát.

↩

300 + 20 + 60 + 400 + 5 + 200 + 10 = 995.

↩

Muntaḫab al-tavārīḫ - The Muntakhabu-’rukh, Volume 2

Other volumes of this work

	I have repented, and am sorry for what I have done,
(P. 294)	Call me no more a Káfir, for I am become a Muslim.”

	“Ever may it current be, Like the gold of sun and moon,
(P. 336)	From east to west of the world, The coinage of Iláhábád.”