Muntaḫab al-tavārīḫ - The Muntakhabu-’rukh, Volume 2

I had been interested in Al-Badáóní's history of Akbar's reign, from my first commencing the study of Muhammadan Indian history; and when I began to read it, some years since, with my friend and pupil, the Rev. W. H. Lowe, of Christ's College, Cambridge, I suggested that he should undertake to translate it for the Bibliotheca Indica, in which the original text had appeared. This plan was carried out, and the translation was sent in instalments to Calcutta, where it was printed, and eventually published in the series. Unfortunately the work was not done with the care which it deserved, and the four numbers are full of misprints and errors which never should have been left there. For some of these I must myself plead guilty. Al-Badáóní is by no means an easy author, and he abounds with obscure phrases and far-fetched allusions, which I no doubt in some cases misunderstood and explained wrongly. For some more mistakes the Calcutta printers are responsible. In fact this seems a necessary drawback, when a book is printed at such a distance from the author. But I must not exonerate Mr. Lowe himself; for most of the errors are due to his haste and carelessness in the preparation of the original MS. of his translation^0-3 as well as in the correction of the proofs received from Calcutta.

When I found out the unsatisfactory state of the book, I went carefully through the Persian text and compared it with the translation,—partly by myself, and partly with Mr Lowe; and the long list of errata and corrections which is subjoined, will show that we have tried to do our best to atone for the original neglect. It has been a great grief to me to find that a book in which I felt such a keen interest, should appear in such a maimed condition; but I hope that even in its present form it will be of some use to the student of Muhammadan Indian History.

E. B. COWELL.

Cambridge, July 15th, 1889.

The Emperor of the time, the Khalíf of the age, Jalál-ud-dín Muḥammad Akbar Pádsháh (may he ever be firmly seated¹ on the throne of the Khalifate and the seat of clemency!) with the approval of Bairám Khán, the Khán Khánán, began to honour and adorn the throne of the Sultanate, under an auspicious star, on Friday the 2nd of the month Rabi'ul-avval, in the year nine hundred and sixty-three (963) in the garden of Kalánor^1a —which, to this day, they have not yet finished laying out. Then he sent messages of conciliation and courtesy to the Amírs of the frontier, so that the Khutbah^1b was read also at Dihlí. And they composed this hemistich, as giving the date: ‘More noble than all princes he.’^1c

They composed also the following distich:—

‘Jalál-ud-dín Muḥammad Akbar, that prince of the age,
At the date of [the death of] father said: Prince of the age am I.’^1d

And another [mnemosynon] they found [for the date]:

‘The desire of fortune.’^1e Then the world began to blossom like a rose-garden, and pitiless Fate, binding up those wounds, said:—

“When Death removes a crown by force,
At once another head is crowned;²
When one old age completes its course,
A younger rises from the ground.”^2a

(P. 9.) Before the decree for the accession went forth, Bairám Khán had by all the arts of finesse enjoined on Pír Muḥammad Khán Shirwání,^2b (who with an army had gone in pursuit of Sikandar in the Mountains of Sawálik, as far as the confines of the district of Dahmírí) not to allow the news of the death of the late Emperor^2c to be spread abroad.

Now Sháh Abu-l-Ma'álí, who was of noble Sayyid extraction, and of the country of Káshghar, in the symmetry of his limbs and the excellence of his valour was distinguished above all his compeers. To him the deceased Emperor had shown a special favour and a boundless condescension, so that he had honoured him by calling him his son. This man was a dullard. And in this place be it known concerning him that Bairám Khán had written an acrostic in twenty-four verses, of which the rhyme was 'azím and qadím, and the rhyming letter mím, in such a way, that the initial letter of the first hemistiches composed the words “Ḥazrat Muḥammad Humá-yún Pádsháh Ghází” [“My Lord Muḥammad Humáyun Pádsháh Ghází”]; and the initial letters of the second hemistiches “Sháhzá-dah [prince] Jalál-ud-dín Muḥammad Akbar”; and the final letters of the first hemistiches the words “Mírzá Sháh Abu-l-Ma'álí,” together with some epithet or other which I have forgotten; and the sum of the twenty-four míms which closed the verses gave [24 × 40 =] 960 the date of the composition of the acrostic. I have heard from trusty friends, that the last time the late Emperor honoured Qandahár with his presence, Sháh Abu-l-Ma'álí one evening, having drunk too much wine, slew in his bigotry a zealous Shí'ah. When the heirs of the murdered man came to demand justice, and the Emperor sent for Sháh Abu-l-Ma'áli, he put on the dead^2d man's robe of black velvet lined with (P. 10) red and blue, and putting the hanger,³ burnished bright, the very same with which he had despatched him, under his skirt, swaggered drunken into the royal assembly, and denied the deed. Bairám Khán on the occasion quoted these lines:—

“His disshevelled locks of hair	To night-debauch confess;
Lo! a blazing proof is there,	The lamp beneath his dress.”

The emperor was exceedingly delighted;^3a but the blood of that innocent one was hidden in the dust, and his murder was never proved. In short, when the royal Amírs summoned Abu-l-Ma'álí to the assembly on the occasion of the Accession, he returned answer, that he had an excuse and could not come; the second time they sent the message, that the Council was sitting and waited his presence, again he made excuse and sent some message of empty compliments, which Bairám Khán, thinking it the best course to pursue, accepted. But, when he came afterwards, Bairám Khán gave the order to Tulak Khán Qurchí, a man of great bodily power, who at that moment appeared on the scene like a spider's web [ready to catch a fly]; and, in accordance with a preconcerted plan, went unseen behind Abu-l-Ma'álí and took him prisoner, and asked to be allowed to blot out his name from the tablet of existence. But the merciful Emperor disapproved of this design, and said that it would be a pity to shed the blood of a [possibly] innocent man on the very day of his Accession. So he sent him to Láhór. He escaped from that prison, and went to Kamál Khán the G'hakkar. Now at that time the government of that country was in the possession of Ádam G'hakkar, uncle of Kamál Khán. The latter treated Abu-l-Ma'álí with honour, and the two set off with an army with full preparations for the conquest of Kashmír. When he arrived at the frontier of Kashmír, at Rájorí a number of outlaws gathered round him. And, in the year 965, a party of the Chakks (which is a well-known tribe, and the dominant one in Kashmír) took him with them, with the intention of conquering Kashmír, and there he had a severe conflict with Ghází Khán, the prince of the Chakks, and was defeated. After this Kamál Khán made an excuse for separating from him, so Abu-l-Ma'álí disguised himself, and going to the district of Díbálpúr, took refuge with a servant of Bahádur Khán who at that time held the government there. The man's name was Tulak, and he had at one time been himself a servant of Sháh [Abu-l-Ma'álí]. So Tulak concealed him. But it so happened that this Tulak had one night a quarrel with his wife, who being vexed with him, went in the morning to Bahádur Khán and told him that Tulak was concealing Abu-l-Ma'álí in his house, and that they were plotting together against himself. Bahádur Khán, mounting his horse, had Sháh Abu-l-Ma'álí seized and sent him to Bairám-Khán, and Tulak he ordered to be punished. Bairám Khán entrusted Sháh to Walí Beg the Turkomán, and sent him off towards Bakkar [i. e., Mecca]. Walí Beg annoyed him very much by the way, and sent him towards Gujrát, that from thence he might go to Mekka. There he committed a murder, and fled and joined himself to 'Alí Qulí Khán.⁴ When Bairám Khán received information of this, he sent an order to 'Alí Qulí Khán that he should send him to Ágra. At the time that, in accordance with this order, he arrived at Ágra the power of Bairám Khán was already on the decline; Bairám Khán, then, with a view to dispelling the suspicions of the Emperor sent him for a time to the fortress of Biyána. And, when he professed a resolution of making a pilgrimage to Mekka, he again took him as the companion of his journey. But after a few days Abu-l-Ma'álí separated from him also, and went to offer his adhesion to the Emperor. But, when of his extreme arrogance, he rode proudly up to him, this affair became the cause of his being imprisoned a second time, until he was sent to Mekka, as will be mentioned in its place.^4a It happened that, when, at the very time of the Accession, he fled (P. 12) from Láhór, Pahlawán Gul Guz his keeper committed suicide through fear of the Emperor's anger.

After the settlement of the decree for the Accession the imperial armies were levied against Sikandar [who was] in the mountain district. Sikandar kept up the war for three whole months, but was at last defeated. At this time Rája Rámchand^4b came from Nagarkot to pay his respects to Akbar, and had an interview with him. And the imperial standards on account of the rainy season, when they had arrived at Jálandhar, remained there five months.

Contemporaneously with the decease of the late king, and the Accession of the Emperor, Tardí Beg Khán commandant of Dihlí had sent Mírzá Abu-l-Qásim, the son of Kámrán Mírza,⁵ with a number of royal Kháns, and some picked elephants, in company with Khwája Sultán 'Alí Wazír Khán, and Mír Munshí Ashraf Khán, to pay their homage to the Emperor. In the same year Mírzá Sulaimán^5a came with Ibráhím Mírzá^5b with the intention of conquering Kábul, and Mun'im Khán,^5c being beseiged, sent particulars to the court. Then the Emperor appointed Muḥammad Qulí Khán Barlás, and Atka Khán,^5d and Khizr Khán Hazárah^5e with a company of men to bring the Queen Dowager and the other wives [of Humáyun] who were in Kábul.^5f Now before the arrival of this troop [at Kábul Mírzá Sulaimán] had sent Qází Nizám of Badakhshán (who was one of his most honoured Ulamá and who afterwards was known simply by the title of Qází Khán,) on an embassy to Mun'im Khán to make proposals of peace, only on the condition that they should at once insert his name also in the Khutbah. Mun'im Khán accepted the conditions, as being the best remedy for the general distress, and Mírzá Sulaimán, being satisfied with this concession, returned to Badakh-shán.

During the first days of the Accession 'Alí Qulí Khán, having received the title of Khán Zamán, led an army into the district of Sambhal against Shádi Khán the Afghán, who was one of the Amírs of ‘Adalí.’^5g (P. 13.) And on the banks of the river Rahab^5h he fought a severe battle against all Khán Zamán's available force, which consisted of two or three thousand horse, and defeated him. Khán Zamán was making preparations to dislodge the enemy, when, in the meanwhile, letters came from Dihlí, Ágra, and Atáwa, saying, that Hémun Baqqál with a murderous army, and elephants, and much wealth furnished by 'Adalí, having swept before him the Amírs from the frontiers of Hindustán,⁶ had arrived close to Dihlí with the intention of offering battle. Then Iskandar Khán the Uzbek from Ágra, and Qiyá Khán Kank from Atáwa, and 'Abdu-lláh Khán the Uzbek from Kálpí, and Ḥaidar Muḥammad Khán from Biyána, and others from the frontiers, came to Dihlí, and joined themselves to Tardí Beg Khán.^6a But Khán Zamán, remaining on the same side of the river Jumna, was not able to form a junction with them. And Pír Muḥammad Khán Shirwání,^6b who had come from the imperial camp with a message to Tardí Beg Khán, went along with the victorious^6c army. Near to Toghlaq Ábád [the ancient fortress] in the environs of Dihlí a sharp conflict occurred, and 'Abd-ulláh Khán the Uzbek, and La'l Khán of Badakhshán, who were on the right wing, sweeping the hostile ranks before them, continued the pursuit as far as the towns of Houdal and Palwal, and took much spoil. But Hémun, who with elephants huge as mouutains had remained apart from the fray in the centre of the army, shouted out for Ḥájí Khán who came up from the direction of Alwar,^6d and then attacked Tardí Beg Khán, who had but a handful of men, and in a single charge swept him before him; but he turned back for fear of treachery, and did not pursue the Moghul. At the time of evening prayer, when the Amírs of the army returning from their pursuit [of the left wing of Hémun's army] reached the camping-place, they, finding that Hémun himself had settled down there, having drawn out softly from the city of Dihlí, took immediately to flight. (P. 14.) But Hémun forbad his men to pursue them. And Khán Zamán by way of Mírat'h^6e joined this army at Sirhind. The emperor when he heard this dreadful news appointed Khizr Khán Khwája, the husband⁷ of Gulbadan Bégum the emperor's aunt, to meet Sikandar, and intending to extirpate Hémun he made his glorious entry^7a into Sirhind. And there the scattered Amírs came to salute him. The Khán Khánán,^7b who, although he was in disposition alienated from Tardí Beg Khán, still in spite of this used to call him “Toqán,” i. e., “Elder brother,” perceiving the cause of the defeat of that army to have been the treachery^7c of Tardí Beg, and having succeeded in impressing this on the emperor's mind by bringing Khán Zamán, and many others, as witnesses to substantiate his accusation, obtained a sort of permission to put him to death. So at the time of afternoon prayer he went to the house of Tardí Beg Khán, and taking him with him, brought him to his own abode into the tent, and afterwards at the time of evening prayer he rose up on the pretence of performing the ablutions, and gave to some men, who were held in readiness for the purpose, the signal to slay him. So they made an end of Tardí Beg Khán.^7d And in the morning, when Khwája Sultán 'Alí and Mír Munshí did not come to the Díwán, he, suspecting them also of treachery, had them imprisoned together with Khanjar Beg, a relation of Tardí Beg Khán. But some time after they regained their liberty.

Then Hémun in Dehlí gave himself the title of Bikramájít, who was a great Rája in Hindustán, from whom the people of Hind take their era, he lived 1600^7e odd years ago. When he had done his best there to subvert the ordinances of Islám he came with 1500 elephants of war, and treasure without end or measure, and an immense army, to offer battle at Pánípat. He sent on his artillery before him, (P. 15) and the opportunity presenting itself to a company of the great Amírs, such as Khán Zamán, Iskandar Khán and others, who were advancing as vanguard,⁸ they took it at Pánípat after some fighting. And Hémun raising the hopes of the Amírs of the Afgháns, whose leader was Shádí Khán Muswání, with a suitable augmentation and a gift of lands, opening the door of his treasuries, and giving great largesses, tried to console the army for the loss. But the Afgháns, since they were sick of his usurpation, began to pray for his fall, and in impromptus kept saying things to this effect: “Welcome a vicissitude even against ourselves;” consequently without delay he started from Pánípat mounted on an elephant called “Hawáy,” and came to the district of Khara-manda (where there is now a famous caravanserai), and on the morning of Friday the 10th of the sacred month Muḥarram^8a 964 A. H., (which day is also called Rózi 'áshúrá):—

“To friends it is a blessed date,
But unto foes unfortunate:”—

fighting and slaughter began between the Amírs of the vanguard and the hosts of Hémun. The Emperor and the Khán Khánán on that day were drawn up in three divisions, and kept sending help to one another until news of the victory were received. And Hémun, whose army was all dispirited, and who set all his hopes on the elephants, surrounded by his chiefs charged the imperial hosts, and threw both right and left wings into great confusion. Then, at last, through the efforts of the archers and the scimitar-strokes of some avenging veterans that breach was healed, and the wavering fortunes of the day were retrieved. Then Hémun, bringing up all his mountain-like elephants to bear upon one point, charged the centre where the Khán Zamán was stationed. But the soldiers of Islám received him with a shower of arrows, and Hémun in those circumstances, with his head bare, like one bitten by a mad dog, kept shouting his battle cry “give and take,” and (P. 16) also repeating a charm which he had learnt. Suddenly the arrow of death, which no shield can ward off, struck his squinting eye so that his brain passed clean out from the cup of his head, and he became unconscious. The troops near him, who still held out, when they saw this take place, fled. The army of the people of Islám pursued, and a general carnage ensued: and Shádí Khán Muswání, who was in the van of the army, was slain. Sháh Qúlí Khán Maḥrum⁹ happened to meet with Hémun's elephant, and the elephant-driver said to him, “Do not kill me! Hémun is riding upon my elephant.” So they brought him as he was to the camp. And Shaikh Gadá-í Kambóh and the others, said to the Emperor, “Since this is your Majesty's first war against the infidels, you should flesh your sword in this unbeliever, for such an act would have great reward.” But the Emperor replied, “Why should I strike him now that he is already as good as dead? If sensation and activity were left in him, I would do so.” Then the Khán Khánán was the first to strike his sword into him, as an act of religious warfare, and following his example, Gadá-í Shaikh, and the others, deliberately made an end of him. Thus was fulfilled the saying, “What is the good of killing one who is going to be burnt?”^9a And they found this mnemosynon for the date:—

“If through treachery, deceit, and fraud great Dehli fell,
By Fate's decree, into the hand of Hindu Hémun;
Muḥammad Akbar, that Sháh whose glory reached the sky,
By help of God captured that black-faced Hindu Hémun.
Creation's scribe on lasting tablet with pen of power
Wrote concerning that day: He seized Hindu Hémun.^9b

Nearly 1500 elephants, and treasure and stores, to such an amount that even fancy is powerless to imagine it, were taken as spoil. And Pír Muḥammad Khán, and Ḥusain Khán, (P. 17) a relation of Mahdí Qásim Khán, and many others, in consort with Sa'íd Khán the Moghúl, pursued the fugitives from Dihlí, and passing from Alwar they came up to the wife of Hémun, who had with her elephants laden with gold. She herself gained the mountain and jungle ground in the district of Kuwa (?) and Bajwára,¹⁰ but left the gold behind, the greater part of which the rustics^10a of the country of Bajwára seized; still the part which fell into the hands of the army of the Faithful was so great that they gave it away by shieldfuls, and “nizár-i-zarhá” “scattering of gold pieces” was found to give the date (964). And on the road, which the Queen took, there had fallen such quantities of coins and ingots of gold, that for many a year travellers and passers-by used to find them. In this manner the treasures, which Shér Sháh and Aslím Sháh, and 'Adalí had amassed through a course of years, were dissipated:—

“O mortal! eat, dress, scatter, give,
For life must needs end in the grave:
When one in other spheres doth live,
It recks not all that this world gave!
O lay not up the hoarded gold,
For many with excessive toil
Have hoarded up, with greed untold,
Wealth, which another seized as spoil.”

When, the second day after the victory, the Emperor came to Pánípat, he had a mináret built of the heads^10b of the slain. From Pánípat, His Majesty came without delay to Dihlí, and caused the Khutbah to be proclaimed once more from the pulpit; there he stayed one month, and illustrious Amírs were appointed as governors of Ágra, Sambhal, and other towns. Then news came to Dihlí, that on the confines of Chamyárí, a place within 20 cosses of Láhor, Khizar Khán^10c had been defeated before Sikandar, and had arrived at Láhor. His Highness had scarcely departed for Jálandhar, when Sikandar had once more betaken himself to the mountains of Sawálik. (P. 18) Then the royal army going in pursuit penetrated as far as Disuha (?) and Dahmírí.^10d

Be it understood, that with reference to the occurrence of events I desire from this point to omit trifling occurrences, and to occupy myself solely with events of general importance, in fact, mounted on a single horse to give the reins to the steed of my pen upon this open race-course, and to finish succinctly the history of these 40 years, from the accession of Akbar;¹¹ but success^11a depends upon God!

In this year Sikandar shut himself up in the fortress of Mánkút, and the great Amírs day by day kept attacking him and pressing him sore. And especially Muḥammad Ḥusayn Khán, a relation of Mahdí Qásim Khán, was so persevering in those attacks that if Rastam^11b had been alive, he would certainly have acknowledged his merits. Moreover his brother Ḥasan Beg was killed:—

“Upon the top of thy mountain Ḥasan was slain,
Greater than of Karbalá^11c of thee is the bane.”

And this perseverance, which was observed on the one side by the Emperor, and on the other by Sikandar, was the reason of the high estimation in which Ḥusayn Khán was held, and raised him day by day to a higher rank, so that valuable lands^11d were made over to him in fief, till at last he came into the government of Láhor, and in many places defeated the rebels. When eventually the siege turned out of long duration, and corn became dear among the garrison, and the Amírs of Sikandar one by one deserted him, and came to the imperial court, as for instance Sayyid Maḥmúd Bárha, and others, he brought forward proposals of peace, and sent his son 'Abd ur-Raḥmán, together with Gházi Khán Súr, with a present of elephants to visit the Emperor, through the intervention of Atka Khán and Pír Muḥammad Khán, on the 27th of Ramzán¹² in the year 964, and surrendered the fort. Then Akbar issued his firmán that Jounpúr should be given temporarily^12a to Sikandar in fief, and that as soon as the Khán Zamán^12b should deliver the country before him [i. e. Bengal] out of the hands of the Afgháns, he should (P. 19) take his place. So Sikandar skirting the mountains came to Jounpúr. And when the Khán Zamán received possession of Jounpúr, Sikandar on the authority of a firmán asked for the district of Gour^12c that he might bring it under his command. There all sorts of accidents befel him, and after some time through the game of Fortune such a position of the pieces^12d came about that he even attached himself again to his old friends, and fickle Fate folded for him the carpet of gladness:^12e

“Fate's chequered board is not ever kind,
Nor can seed of joy be always sown,
These possessions must be all resigned,
Except mere dregs of joys which once were known.”

It may here be mentioned that during the siege Muḥammad^12f Qúlí Khán Barlás, and Atka Khán, and the other Amírs brought the Balqís^12g of her day, the Queen Dowager^12h and other ladies veiled with the veil of chastity, from Kábul to the camp. And on the 2nd of Shavvál¹²ⁱ in the year nine hundred and sixty-four (964) the imperial army moved towards Láhor. And during this march^12j ill-feeling arose on the part of the Khán Khánán against Atka Khán on account of one of the Emperor's elephants having run into the Khán Khánán's tent; but Atka Khán came to Láhor, and bringing all his sons with him to the Khán Khánán's tent, took an oath on the Glorious Word¹³ [that the affair was a mere accident], so all suspicion was removed. In this year, through the intervention of Mullá 'Abdul-láh Sultánpurí,^13a Sultán Ádam G'hakkar hastened to the Court to give in his adherence. And between the Khán Khánán and him a bond of brotherly love was formed, and in the presence of the Emperor himself a quarrel which had existed between Kámal Khán and his brother's son^13b ended in a settlement. The Sultán Ádam returned to his usual place of abode loaded with honours and presents. (P. 20) After the passing away of the rainy season the imperial royal army marched towards Dihlí. And while camping at Jálandhar the nuptial bond was tied between the Khán Khánán and Her Highness Salímah Sultán Bégam, daughter of Mírzá Núr-ud-dín Muḥammad, and sister's daughter to the deceased Emperor, when a great feast was prepared, and gifts and largesses were distributed.

And on the 25th of the month Jamádá II^13c in the year 965 the royal cavalcade alighted at Dihlí.

And in those days the Khán Khánán used to come two days a week to the court of judicature, and in conjunction with the nobles, used to settle the important affairs of the kingdom. Now, among the incidents which happened at that time, was the story of the affection of the Khán Zamán for Sháhim Bég. In brief it is as follows: In attendance on the late Emperor were two men of good looks, good disposition, and approved manners, belonging to the corps of the Qúrchís,^13d the one Khúshḥál Bég, and the other Sháhim Bég son of the Sárbánbáshí^13e of Sháh Ṭahmásp [of Persia]. Both of them were preeminent for beauty of disposition and appearance, the beau ideal of the age, and paragons in the practice of valour. Now the Khán Zamán, before his appointment to proceed towards Sambhal,¹⁴ cast secretly a glance at Sháhim Bég, and his extempore poem on the subject is as follows:—

“Of men and things there is no mark upon the board of life,
To me, love's pupil, naught but love for thee doth life impart.
Who else, as I for love of thee, lives such a weary life,
Grief's my friend, blood's my drink, pain's my sweetmeat, my food's my heart.”

Now, when after the decease of the late Emperor he became an attendant on his present Majesty, he remained faithful to Sháhim Bég, who was one of the Qúrchís of the palace; and from the district of (P. 21) Lak'hnou he sent persons secretly to Dihlí, to fetch Sháhim Bég from thence to join him. So the Khán Zamán, following the manners of Transoxiana,^14a manifested wonderful affection for Sháhim Bég, and called him “my king,” and gave himself up entirely to humouring him, and many times waited on him like an ordinary servant, and remained, while serving him, standing in his presence, and the like. Now I have heard from Mír Abu-l-Ghays Bokhárá of Dihlí (the mercy of God be upon him!), whose disciple Sháhim Bég had after a manner been, that at the time when Sháhim Bég came from the imperial camp to Jounpúr, agreeably with the age of youth, which “has just left the Presence of MY LORD,”^14b was much occupied in prayer with the congregation, and in thanksgiving and reading the Qorán, and private prayer, and continual sanctity, and never turned his eye to unlawful things. And the Khán Zamán, through imitation of him, became adorned with scrupulous regard for the Law, and the practice of holiness. And, to please Sháhim Bég, he deputed officers to go into his own camp that, enforcing the observance of things commanded by the Law, and preventing the committal of such things as are forbidden, they might abolish all wanton and forbidden practices. And Mír Sayyid Muḥammad Makkí, (who understood the seven manners of reading the Glorious Word, and with whom the writer of these pages had learnt to read the Qorán at Sambhal in the time of Islím Sháh), he retained with orders to instruct Sháhim Bég with extreme and boundless care. But, since the asceticism of youths is of unstable equilibrium, this piety was in a short time changed to the opposite:—

	“Long time on my patience I myself did pride,
(P. 22)	In practice of patience I displayed myself. Love entered in, how could patience then abide! Then thanks be to God! that I have proved myself.”

Shxáhim Bég became attached to a dancing-girl named Árám Ján, who was very fascinating, and graceful in her movements; apropos of which:

“No one can force th' affections of the heart,
Nor count on winning or by grace or art:
Many of beauteous form, and glances sweet,
Pour forth their heart-blood at the loved one's feet:
Many a one of fairest cheek, and mild,
Has been despised by him on whom she smiled.”

Sháhim Bég could not rest till he had gained her, and although the Khán Zamán possessed this girl in lawful marriage, he gave her up to him. He was perfectly happy with her for some days, and then he gave her up, and made her over to 'Abd-ur-Raḥmán bin Mu'ayyid Bég, who had a desperate fondness for her. When news of the Khán Zamán['s misconduct] came to the court, the Emperor's wrath knew no bounds, and an order went forth from Ágra and Dihlí to Jounpúr addressed to the Khán Zamán to seek Sháhim Bég, and another was issued to the fief-holders of that district, to the effect that, if the Khán Zamán should be dilatory in this matter, an Aghnágh, i. e., a meeting, should sit upon him, and bring him to punishment. Then the Khán Zamán sent a confidential servant of his, Barj 'Alí by name, to the court to gloss over those faults of his, and to retrieve his shattered fortunes. He was first of all to repair to the dwelling of Pír Muḥammad Khán, (P. 23) who was the Khán Zamán's plenipotentiary, and whose abode was upon a tower, and to deliver his message. It may be that harsh language was contained in the letter, for Pír Muḥammad Khán threw him down from the top of the tower, so that he was dashed to pieces. Pír Muḥammad Khán with hardness of heart laughingly said, ‘This little fellow has become a victim to his name.’¹⁶ When the Khán Zamán heard this news he set his heart on getting rid of Sháhim Bég, and extemporised the following:—

“When Union turns away, and leaves the country,
The [cold] wind of absence knows no bounds.
My breast is burning with desire for Union,
[But] my place of resort is the shop of the stitcher of fur.”

And so, in accordance with the exigencies of the moment, he gave him leave to retire to the district of Sarharpúr, (which is about 18 cosses from Jounpúr, and was fixed as the fief of 'Abd-ur-Raḥmán Bég) that he might occupy himself there for a time in the pleasures of the chase, and return as soon as the wrath of the Emperor should be abated. So Sháhim Bég, in company with 'Abd-ur-Raḥmán Bég, spent his time at that town, where there was an artificial lake of pure water, and a most pleasant garden, and a beautiful building in the middle of the lake, (and a most delightful and tranquil spot it is!); until on a certain day they had a wine-party and became exceedingly elevated, when—in accordance with the following:

“Singing and love and constant drinking
Are all three things which to madness tend:
When wine and love their arms are linking,
God be our refuge! for bad's the end”—

he asked 'Abd-ur-Raḥmán Bég for Árám Ján. He brought forward the excuse that he was married to her, and so Sháhim Bég became enraged with him, and all that friendship in a moment ended in hatred:—

“Many have I observed, through the freaks of fickle Fate, (P. 24) Turned from hate to friendship, or again, from love to hate,” and through pride and drunkenness of wine and youth he gave his orders, and had 'Abd-ur-Raḥmán seized; and, on the ground that Árám Ján had first been his, he demanded her from the house of 'Abd-ur-Raḥmán, and kept her with him. But Muayyid Bég, the younger brother of 'Abd-ur-Raḥmán Bég, from a strong feeling of his brother's wrongs, assembled a body of men, and attacked the balcony,¹⁷ where Sháhim Bég and Árám Ján were together. Sháhim Bég rose to drive them back, and a fray ensued, in which insane affair an arrow reached a mortal part of Sháhim Bég, and he died. The following hemistich they composed as giving the date:—

“He cried ah! and said: Sháhim is become a martyr.”

Be it observed that, when the numerical value of “ah”^17a is subtracted from that of “Sháhim Shahíd shud,” we get 963, the date. But, it is a disputed point, whether that fatal accident befel Sháhim Bég in this year, or the year before; probably the latter: but God knows. Then 'Abd-ur-Raḥmán fled to the court, where he was favourably^17b received. The Khán Zamán had put on mourning and pursued 'Abd-ur-Raḥmán Bég to the water of the Ganges, but being unsuccessful he returned disconsolate [to Jounpúr] with weeping eye and parched heart:—

“In grief the Sun dropped blood at dawn,^17c
Moon tore its face, Zohrah its tress,
Night put on mourning black, and Morn
Raised a cold sigh, and rent its dress.”

During these few years the Khán Zamán with a small force had several brilliant engagements with the numerous forces of the Afgháns, and obtained the victory over them. The history of this series of battles forms a model page in the annals (P. 25) of the time. Amongst them is the battle of Lak'hnou, in which Ḥasan Khán Bachgotí brought 20,000 men against the Khán Zamán, who had not assembled more than 3,000 or 4,000. Up to the moment when the enemy¹⁸ crossed the river Karwí and attacked Bahádur^18a Khán, the Khán Zamán himself was engaged in taking a meal. When news was brought that the enemy was advancing to the attack, he called for a chess-board and kept playing at his ease. When he was told that the foreign troops had driven back his own men, he then at last called for his arms, and put them on. And, while the enemy was plundering his tents, and his whole army was in confusion, he ordered Bahádur Khán to retire; then he, with a handful of men, with drums beating, fell upon the enemy, repulsed them, and pursued them to a distance of seven or eight cosses. The slain he piled up in heaps, and then returned victorious. So, also, at Joun-púr he fought with the Bengálí,^18b who called himself Sulṭán Bahádur, and had issued coin, and caused the Khutbah^18c to be read in his name in Bengál. This man advanced upon Jounpúr with between 30,000 and 40,000 horse, and the followers of the Khán Zamán were completely routed. When the Khán Zamán rose from table, the enemy found the cloth spread just as it was, and began to plunder. But afterwards the Khán Zamán with a small^18d body of men brought destruction^18e on the fortune of the Afgháns, slaying many and taking many prisoners; and such an amount of booty did he take, that his army was completely set up in stores. And, in truth, such was his kingly good fortune, that he, and his brother with his own troop, obtained such a series of victories on the eastern side of Hindustán, as has fallen to the lot of but few. And, had they not shown the stain of rebellion upon the forehead of loyalty, these two brothers would have been on the path to a royal distinction. But, in the end, they sank all that perseverance and energy in the dust of (P. 26) degradation:—

“For fifty years one may maintain a name,
But one base act will cover it with shame.”

And the rest of their acts will be mentioned in the years before us, if God, He is exalted, will it.

And in this year the Khán Khánán brought to punishment Muçáḥib Bég, the son of Khwájah Kalán Bég, a man who was not free from evil qualities, and inward vice.

And on the 17th of the sacred month of Muḥarram in the year 965, which coincides with the 3rd year from the Accession, the royal train adorned the city of Ágra. And in this year took place the appointment, removal, rise, and fall of Pír Muhammad Khán: and this is how it came about. Pír Muhammad Khán from being a Mullá had become an Amír, and had been advanced to such a degree, that he became closer and opener of every important affair of state, and finance, as vicegerent of the Khán Khánán. All the Pillars of the State used to go to his house, and but few obtained admittance. His opulence had reached to such a pitch that one day, in the course of going from Dihlí to Ágra, when the Khán Khánán went on an hunting expedition with Pír Muhammad Khán, the Khán Khánán asked his private purveyors: “Is there no provision in store, for we are hungry?” and Pír Muhammad Khán on the spur of the moment said: “If you will be pleased to alight, whatever may happen to be at hand shall be served.” So the Khán Khánán with his suit alighted under a tree, and 3000 drinking cups, and 700 porcelain dishes of various colours(?)¹⁹ were brought out from the travelling-stores of Pír Muhammad Khán. Though the Khán Khánán was astonished, he let no sign of his astonishment escape him, but great jealousy found its way into his heart:—

“Perhaps in this place you may chance to fail to see,
How many envious foes, and jealous friends there be.”

(P. 27) When they arrived at Ágra, Pír Muhammad Khán was indisposed for some days, and the Khán Khánán came to visit him. One of the servants, who was in the habit of keeping off people, both great and small, came to stop him, and said: “Be pleased to wait until your request has been made known, when you have made application you may come in;” on this the astonishment of the Khán Khánán knew no bounds, and he said:—

“For a wilful fool there is no cure!”

When this came to the ears of Pír Muhammad Khán, ill as he was, he came running, and “after the destruction of Bozrah”²⁰ begged forgiveness, saying: “Forgive me, for my Porter did not know you.” The Khán Khánán answered: “Nor you either!” In spite of this, when the Khán Khánán came in, not one of Pír Muhammad's household was dismissed except Ṭáhir Muḥammad Sulṭán his chamberlain, who had obtained that position with great difficulty. Praise be to God! for if the fortunes of that man be such what shall I say of myself!—

“O go not to the Sulṭan's Court,
For there indeed thou 'lt profit naught.
Let the gruff Porter's stern rebuff
For wisdom's warning be enough.”^20a

And the Khán Khánán, after he had sat down for a moment, came out again, and Pír Muhammad was left to meditate upon the affair. After two or three days the Khán Khánán sent to Pír Muhammad Khán the following message, by the hand of Khwájah Amíná^20b (who afterwards became Khwájah Jahán), and of Mír 'Abd-ulláh Bakhshí, and a number of courtiers: “You will remember that you came to Qandahár in the position of an unfortunate student, and that when we found that you possessed ability and the quality of fidelity, and when also some worthy services had been performed by you, we raised you, a mere student and beggar, from the lowest step among the degraded, to the highest grade among the exalted in (P. 28) Sulṭánship and Khánship, and to the post of an Amír of Amírs; but, since the carrying of a high position is not in your capacity, nothing but a suspicion of rebelliousness and baseness remains in you. So we will take away from you for a time the insignia of your pride, that your base disposition and inflated brain may come to their senses. Now it is right that you should surrender the standard, and kettle-drum, and paraphernalia of pomp.” So Pír Muhammad Khán, in accordance with this command, surrendered on the spot to some of the Khán's people those accessories of conceit (which have carried a host of ignorant men off their balance, and do so still, and have driven, and still do drive them, from the path of manliness and generosity, and have made, and still make, them associates of the Ghúls of the desert), and become the same Mullá Pír Muhammad that he was before; nay he became poorer still:—

“Whatever the rolling heaven gives is but a loan,
In a mill the white is but contingent²¹ to the stone.”

Soon after this they sent the Mullá to the fortress of Biyánah, and there he was confined. And from this place he wrote numberless pamphlets on the subject of proof by tamánu,^21a which is that made use of in the verse of the Qorán [XXI, 22]: “If there were in them gods beside God, verily both heaven and earth would come to ruin,” and is a well known method of argument among logicians: and others besides addressed to the Khán Khánán, and thus made endeavours at reconciliation, and liberating himself; but all was in vain:—

“The heart's a glass, if broken, how repair the ill!
It is no earthen cup to be cracked and patched at will.”

After some days they sent him from Biyánah by order of the Khán Khánán, on a pilgrimage to the sacred Mekka: and he was still in Gujrát, when the decline of the Khán Khánán's²² power began. Then he returned, and came to pay his homage to the Emperor, and having obtained the name of Násir-ul-mulk, he was appointed to go in pursuit of the Khán Khánán, as shall be recorded in its proper place^22a if God (He is exalted!) will. (P. 29) And the office of vicegerent of the Khán Khánán was transferred from Pír Muhammad Khán to Hájí Muḥammad Khán Sístání, who was also one of the Khán's followers. And the following line is applicable to this occurrence:—

“The dog sits down in the sausage-seller's place.”^22b

And Shaikh Gadá-í Kamboh, son of Jamál Kambo-í (a poet of Dihlí, who after the second defeat in India during the time of the exile at Gujrát had come to the Khán Khánán) through the influence of the latter, they put over the heads of all the magnates of Hindústán and Khurásán, and appointed him to the high office of Çadr.^22c And the Khán Khánán, nay even the Emperor himself, was often present at his house at singing parties, where the most abject flattery rained down on all sides, and which became a regular hypocrisy-shop. And,—since, from the time of the establishment of Islám in Hindústán, God (praise to Him, and glorious is His Majesty!) has created the great Shaikhs of this country, just the opposite^22d in nature to the secular princes, viz., always peasant-natured, servile in disposition, and low-minded, and since their pomp and glory has never consisted in smiting with the sword, but in flattering others, in spiritual hypocrisy, and ignominy, and the garb of dignity and honour has ever been too strait for the stature of their ambition—the chief Imáms, at this exaltation of Shaikh Gadá-í, about the eminence²³ of whose family they had stories, went mourning from house to house, and so the Arabic Proverb “The death of the great has exalted me” became verified:—

“At my rival's insolence I'm mightily surprised,
O may that beggar Gadá-í^23a ne'er be highly prized.”

And he drew the pen of obliteration through the grants of land and pensions^23b of the old servants of the crown [Afgháns, Blochm.], and to every one who bore the disgrace of coming to his levees he gave a sayúrghál,^23c but not unless. But still, compared with this [niggard] age, in which demurs are made to the giving of a single acre of land (P. 30), or even less, as madad i ma'ásh, one might call Shaikh Gadá-í a very “world-giver.”^23d Then the princes and nobles of the kingdom, as many as came, flew into a rage at the advancement, honour, and unseasonable exaltation of Shaikh Gadá-í, and some of them consoled themselves with these words:—

When a fool is exalted through riches,
In the assembly, above the wise and excellent,
He is still the last in all good qualities,
As though the accusative were to prevent the nominative.

If an Emperor sit humbled,
It is neither disgrace to him, nor praise to you.
Dost thou not see that the Sura Ikhláç
Comes after “May the hands of Abu Lahab perish?”^23e

And Mír Sayyid Ni'mat Rusúlí, who has been mentioned, repeated the distich, and made it well known in mosques and monastries. And in the mosque, and in Shaikh Gadá-í's own tribunal they wrote up his disgraceful deeds, until he came to read them and had them erased. Still it was no good: and this is one of the lampoons:—

“Mention not Gadá-í's name, eat not his bread
Since beggary²⁴ is bad, Gadá-í's face is black.”

And some instances of his insincerity, and stupidity, and evil goings-on with respect to the servants of the Emperor were exposed, which will be mentioned in their proper place. And in these days the king studied under that paragon of greatness Mír 'Abd-ul-Latíf, who is one of the great Sayfí-Sayyids^24a of Qazwín, and who came from the country of 'Iráq to India in the year 963, and with him he began reading the Díwán^24b of “mystic language.” And 'Abd-ul-Latíf's able son (an Amír endowed with excellent qualities, and commendable dispositions, in whom is reflected the truth of the Arabic proverb: “A well-bred son takes after his noble parents,” whose name is Mír Ghiyás-ud-dín, and surname Naqíb Khán, a very miracle of knowledge in manners and customs, chronology, biography, and all subjects of conversation, one of the wonders of the day, and a blessing of the blessings of the age, a second Preserved Tablet,^24c and who bears to myself, the writer of these pages, the relation of cotemporary, fellow-student (P. 31) and co-religionist, is at present in attendance on His Majesty, giving all his attention to reading history, and all books of verse and prose, both day and night.

And in the year 966 the capture of the fort of Gwályár took place. A ghulám of 'Adalí,²⁵ Buhail^25a Khán by name, who was beseiged therein, sued for quarter and gave up the keys. The date will be found contained in the words Fatḥ-i báb-í kil'ah-e Gwályár, “The opening of the gate of the fortress of Gwályár.” And in this same year Sangrám^25b Khán, also a ghulám of [the late] 'Adalí, sold the fortress of Rantambhor into the hand of Rái Surjan Hádá. The facts of the case are as follows. Before the Emperor made the city of Ágra the goal of his prosperous journey, he had appointed some of the Amírs, such as Hindú Bég Moghúl, &c., to reduce the fort of Rantambhor. They beseiged Sangrám Khán and ravaged the environs of the fortress, and the surrounding district, but were unsuccessful in their main object. But when Biyánah was given as a fief to Ḥabíb 'Alí Khán, one of the followers of the Khán Khánán, and Basáwar, and Todah^25c Tark 'Alí, which is better known as Todah Bihyún, were given to Chaghatáí Khán, then Ḥabíb 'Alí Khán was honoured with the command of the army, and, superseding the Amírs of the surrounding district, was appointed to undertake the seige. When he had beseiged the place for the space of one year, and reduced the garrison to great straits, Sangrám Khán made proposals of peace, and sending a messenger of entreaty with a view to acting upon the Khán's feelings, asked for special conditions for his own personal advantage. The Kháns chose my father, and that pilgrim to the two sacred precincts, Hájí Bhíkan Basáwarí, and sent them to arrange this important matter. After much altercation Sangrám Khán agreed to surrender the fortress on certain conditions, among which was one that he should receive part-compensation in the shape of ready-money, goods, and the most valuable of the furniture (P. 32) of his own house. But when the Amírs, since they had not the money to pay down, practised delay and procrastination in the matter, and moreover there was some idea of after all taking the fortress by assault, then²⁶ Sangrám Khán gave up the fortress to Rái Surjan,^26a and got all he wanted from him: and this unfortunate army after so many years of effort got no thanks. Then Sangrám Khán in company with Hájjí Khán Alwarí went to Gujrát. And Rái Surjan strengthened the fort with the stores of provisions and arms. Thus by means of riches and address he became master of some also of the pargannas in the vicinity of the fortress. Then Ḥabíb 'Alí Khán and the Amírs, after spending some time in ravaging the country, separated and returned to their fiefs.

In this year Jamál Khán, a ghulám of [the late] 'Adalí, who had become possessed of Chunár, sent a representative to court, to intimate that if they could send a man fitted to be trusted with the affair he would surrender to him the fortress, on which the Khán Khánán sent back, in company with Jamál Khán's representative, Mihr 'Alí Bég Sildúz, (who afterwards attained the rank of Khán, and was made governor of the fortress of Chítor), with a farmán containing friendly terms.

And in those days I left home and, going from Basáwar to Ágra with the intention of pursuing my studies, I made acquaintance with Mihr 'Alí Bég, and remained at his house. And he greatly importuned my late teacher Shaikh Mubárak of Nágór (the mercy of God be upon him!), and my deceased father Shaikh Mulúksháh (may he rest in peace!), to allow me to be his travelling companion, and carried the matter to such a pitch that he declared that he would lay aside the business^26b of his journey, if I could not go with him. And both of these valued persons, whom I have named, in their generous friendship towards me, thinking it best for me to go, would take no refusal. So I, to gratify my teacher, although it was the height of the rainy^26c season, and I was an inexperienced traveller, abandoning my studies, mounted the dangers of the journey. And passing through Kanouj,²⁷ Lak'hnou, (P. 33), Jounpúr, and Benáres, having seen the wonders of the world, and having been in the company of some of the great Shaikhs and Doctors of that part of the country, after crossing the river Ganges I came to Chunár in a month Zí-l-qa'dah^27a in the year nine hundred and sixty-six (966). Jamál Khán sent some of his people to meet Mihr 'Alí, and bring him to his house. There he received him with fitting hospitality and shewed him the palaces of Shér Sháh and Salím Sháh, and all the defensive munitions of the fort. But when the farmán of conciliation, containing a grant of five pargannas in the neighbourhood of Jounpúr in exchange for the fortress of Chunár, was read, Jamál Khán showed that he had further expectations, and proposing the most impossible terms endeavoured to detain Mihr 'Alí in inactivity until an answer to his representation should arrive from the court. Meanwhile he artfully held communication both with Khán Zamán^27b and Fatḥ Khán Afghán Tabní (?)^27c who with all his force was at the fortress of Rohtás, holding out to them separately promises of the fortress. Then Mihr 'Alí, when he became aware of the treachery and perfidy of Jamál Khán, and when also a suspicion as to Fatḥ Khán's fidelity found way into his mind, fearing lest they should league together for his injury, left the fort unattended, on the pretext of taking exercise. So leaving me in the fortress, he crossed the Ganges in the greatest perturbation. Then insinuating myself into Jamál Khán's good graces, and promising him to bring back Mihr 'Alí, and restore peace and quiet, in the evening I got into a boat with the intention of crossing the river. It happened that my boat fell into a terrible whirlpool at the foot of the hill which adjoins the wall of the fortress, and a dreadful hurricane arose, which made the boat shake in every timber, and if the mercy of the Creator of land and sea had not been my shelter,^27d the bark of my (P. 34) hope in that whirlpool of calamity would have been dashed to atoms on the hill to death:—

“I came into a sea whose waves were man-devouring,
No boat in that sea, no sailor, it is wonderful!”

And in the jungle at the foot of the Chunár hill I came to the dwelling and abode of Shaikh Muhammad Ghous, one of the great Shaikhs of India, and a man of prayer. One of his followers met me, and showed me a cave where the Shaikh had lived for twelve years as a hermit, subsisting on the leaves, and fruit of the desert trees. So celebrated had he become for the fulfilment of his blessings, that even powerful and absolute monarchs used to bow the head of sincerity and courtesy in his honour.

After that Mihr 'Alí returned to Ágra, Fatú a ghulám of 'Adalí got into his possession the fortress of Chunár.

In 966 A. H. the aforenamed Shaikh with disciples and followers arrived with state and pomp at Ágra, coming from Gujrát. The Emperor received him with frank confidence. But his arrival was displeasing to Shaikh Gadá-í who on account of jealousy, hypocrisy, and envy (which to the saints of Hindustán, in their feelings towards one another, are the very necessaries of life), looked on his arrival as a case of opening a shop in the story above his own shop:—

“The truth of this proverb wisdom will see,
That, ‘Two of a trade can never agree.’”²⁸

And the Khán Khánán, on account of the influence which Shaikh Gadá-i exercised over his mind, did not receive Shaikh Muhammad in such a friendly manner as he ought to have done. On the contrary he held many preconcerted conversaziones, in which he brought forward the Shaikh to be a butt for the arrows of contumely, by bringing on the tapis a treatise of his, in which, describing the circumstances of his own exaltation, he says that in his waking moments he had had an interview and conversation with the Lord of Glory (glorious is His Majesty!), who assigned to him a superiority over the Repository of Prophecy,^28a (may (P. 35) God bless him, and his family, and give him peace!), and which contained other such follies equally contemptible and reprehensible both in thought and expression. So the Shaikh much chagrined retired to Gwályár, and occupied himself in the pursuits of his holy calling, contenting himself with a jágír which yielded a million sterling!²⁹

In this year Bahádur Khán, brother of the Khán Zamán, with the intention of subjugating the country of Málwah,^29a which Báz Bahádur, son of Suzáwal^29b Khán at that time held, had advanced as far as the town of Siprí,^29c when the Khan Khánán's troubles came about, so he turned back, and with the Khán Khánán's leave came, and attached himself to the Court. In the same year Ḥusain Khán came from Andarí to Ágra, and going with some of the gallant Commanders towards Rantambhór performed some brilliant exploits at Súpar,^29d and thence he carried his operations to the castle of Rantambhór, and defeated Rái Surjan in battle and compelled him to shut himself up in that fortress. Against him he acquitted himself well; but on account of the confusion which reigned in the circles of the Khán Khánán, he left his circle of investment incomplete, and went to Gwályár. And when thence he was making for Málwah, the Khán Khánán recalled him to Ágra.

On the 20th of Jumádá-s-sání^29e in the year 967 the Emperor crossed the river Jumna on a hunting expedition. And some malevolent speakers, who were jealous of the absolute authority which the Khán Khánán enjoyed as the Vakíl, and especially Adham Khán (who on account of his being the son of Máhum Atka^29f held the post nearest to his person), and Çádiq Muḥammad Khán and others, seized the opportunity of misrepresenting to the Emperor certain words of the Khán Khánán. And in fact the Emperor himself (because he had not absolute power in his own kingdom, and sometimes (P. 36) had no voice in some of the transactions relating to expenses of the Exchequer, and because there was no privy purse at all, and the servants of the Emperor had but poor fiefs, and were kept in the depths of poverty, while the Khán Khánán's were in ease and luxury) wished that the circle about him should be put on a different footing. But he had no power to accomplish this, until, in accordance with the saying “When God wills a thing, its causes are at hand”, circumstances combined to bring about the desired result:—

“When the subject-matter is collected,
Then the act of verse-making is easy.”

Close by Sikandrah-rao which is [more than] half-way to Dihlí Máhum Ankah represented to His Highness, that the Queen Dowager, who was at Dihlí, had fallen suddenly ill, and impressed upon him that he ought to direct his course thither. Shaháb-ud-dín Aḥmad Khán the Governor of Dihlí came to meet the Emperor, and in concert with all the others made mountains of mole-hills, and prejudiced his mind against the Khán Khánán:—

“Thy mole, and tutty-mark, and locks, and brow,
Are all banded together.
For the purpose of killing Mus'úd³⁰
She is become an arraigner.”

Eventually she made the following representation: “When the Khán Khánán learns that the imperial cavalcade is come to Dihlí at my instigation, he will be sure to wish to avenge himself, and I have no power to resist him, so it is best that I should receive permission to make a pilgrimage to Mekka.” The Emperor could not make up his mind to part with Máhum Ankah. So he allayed their terror, and sent to the Khán Khánán the following message: “Since without your leave and approval I have journeyed thus far,^30a all my attendants are in the uttermost terror. It is right, therefore, that you should show yourself amicably inclined towards them, and so enable them to continue in my service with minds at ease.” The Khán Khánán sent Khwájah (P. 37) Amíná,³¹ and Hájjí Muhammad Khán of Sístán, and Tarsán Muḥammad Khán, who were the centre and pivot of important affairs, to wait on the Emperor, to make apologies, and assure his Majesty of his continued fidelity, and good will. But these advances did not reach the door of acceptance, and the above-mentioned magnates were not allowed to return. Then Shaháb-ud-dín Aḥmad Khán and Máhum Ankah, being determined to go through with the matter, spread abroad the news of the Emperor's alienation from the Khán Khánán, so that it reached the utmost publicity. Then the Amírs one after another left Ágra for Dihlí; and the affair is an exact parallel to that of the Sulṭán Abú Sa'íd Moghúl with Amír Chúbán, who was a vazír of almost regal magnificence: an affair which is mentioned in the books of history. And so the well-known [Arabic] proverb was fulfilled “The mystery of the world is like the course of the ass; when it goes forward it does go forward, when it goes back it does go back:”

When Fortune wishes to come to a slave,
All strangers claim relationship with him.
But when the time of prosperity turns away,
His very door and wall become a sting to him.^31a

Qíyám Khán Kang was the first of the Amírs who arrived at Dihlí. And Shaháb-ud-dín Aḥmad Khán, and Máhum Ankah attached each one, as he came, more and more to the cause of the Emperor by holding out promises of high offices and fiefs: and with the greatest care and vigilance they applied themselves to strengthening the fortifications.

The Khán Khánán, who was at Ágra with all his devoted adherents, called a council. The advice of Shaikh Gadáí, with several others, was this, that before the balance of fortune should have turned against him he should set out, and get the Emperor into his power, so as to prevent his being accessible to the Khán's detractors. The Khán Khánán did not approve this advice, saying “Since the heart of the Emperor is alienated from me, any further friendly intercourse in public is out of the question (P. 38), but how could I possibly assume any other guise! for, after spending a lifetime in loyalty to his person, in my old age to put a dishonourable stain on the forehead of my fortune were to cause me an eternal disgrace.” Now he had always had a desire to make a pilgrimage to Mekka and Medína, so he got things ready for his journey to Ḥijáz,³² and set off for Biyánah, intending to go by way of Nágór. He told his intention to all his supporters, and gave them leave to go to the court. And Bahádur Khán, who had been sent for from Málwah,^32a he allowed to go as their companion. He then released Muḥammad Amín Díwánah^32b from the prison in the fortress of Biyánah, and departed:—

“There is no permanence in any prosperity,
However much you may have tried it:
For lo! ‘Prosperity’^32c read backwards is ‘transient’,^32d
Read it and see for yourself.”

And those, who had the Emperor's ear, represented to him, that the Khán Khánán intended to go to the Panjáb. So the Emperor sent from Dihlí a message by the hand of Mír 'Abd-ul-Laṭíf Qaz-wíní, saying: “Our intention in coming^32e to Dihlí was simply, to transact some important State affair on our own absolute authority. But since you have long had a desire to retire, and have taken the resolution of going to Ḥijáz, it is just as well that you should do so. And now you shall have as many pargannahs in Hindústán as you please, and your agents shall forward the revenues of them to any place at which you may happen to be staying.” When the Khán Khánán heard the will of the Emperor, he went from Méwát to Nágór; and, with the exceptions of Walí Bég Zu-'l Qadr, and Ḥusain Qulí Khán (who became Khán Jahán),³³ and Ismá'íl Qulí Khán his brother, and Sháh Qulí Khán Muḥarram, and Ḥusain Khán a relative of Mahdí Qásim Ḳhán, none remained with him. From Nágór he sent to the Court by the hand of Ḥusain Qulí Khán his paraphernalia of pomp, consisting of such kettle-drums and standards as he possessed. Also Shaikh Gadáí (P. 39), at last on the confines of Bíkánír, chose too to separate himself, and the hidden meaning of the following became manifest:—

“Every brother must part from his brother
(By thy father's life!) except the two stars Al-Farqadáni.”

The Emperor, on his way from Dihlí to the Panjáb, had reached the town of Jhujhar, when these insignia of power were brought to him, and their surrender pleased him much. At this halting place Sháh 'Abú-l-ma'álí, who had come to pay his respects to the Emperor, wished, in the madness of his brain, to overtake^33a his majesty on horseback. The Emperor had him arrested and given in charge of Shaháb-ud-dín Aḥmad Khán. And at the same stage Pír Mu-ḥammad Khán Shírwání, who was awaiting the proper season [for the pilgrimage] at Gujrát, having received information of the confusion of affairs, and of the causes of the Khán Khánán's dismissal, set off at once to the Emperor and did him homage, and received the title of Náçir-i-mulk. When he had received the insignia and standards of Khán-hood, he was appointed by the Emperor to go after the Khán Khánán, and pack him off as quickly as possible to Mekka without giving him any time for delay. He started off quickly enough, but remained at his leasure at Nágór, and after a few days' journey wrote a letter to the Khán Khánán as follows:—

“I came, in the heart the foundations of love were firm likewise,
My sorrow-laden soul is of sorrow-for-thee the companion likewise.”

The Khán Khánán wrote in answer: “Your coming was manly, but your delay, after having come near, is cowardly.”

The Emperor, when he had returned to Dihlí, sent for Mun'im Khán from Kábul, in order to invest him with the office of Prime-minister (Vakíl).³⁴

The Khán Khánán went from Nágór to Bíkánír with the intention of keeping an eye on the proceedings of Máldeo Rája of Jodhpúr, who with a considerable force had made himself master of the road to Gujrát.^34a But being very much annoyed, when he became aware of Pír Muḥammad Khán's pursuit of him, he became desperate, and at the instigation of some demon-like men turned to the Panjáb. His people, family, and effects, together with his lawful heir Mírzá Abd-ur-raḥím, (who (P. 40) was then but three years of age, but now holds the post of Khán Khánán, and Commander-in-Chief), he put for security into the fortress of Tabarkindh,^34b which was a fief of Shér Muḥammad Díwánah, the reputed son of the Khán Khánán. But news came to the Khán Khánán, whilst at Dípálpúr, that the said Díwánah had seized those effects and was behaving most treacherously to his adherents. Upon this he sent to Díwánah one Khwájah Muzaffar 'Alí Díwánah, (who afterwards became Muzaffar Khán), and Derwísh Muḥammad Uzbek with sage and soothing words, [thinking] that “may be when he has repented of his base conduct, he will return to rectitude.” But a dog had bitten Díwánah:—

“O wise men stand on one side,
For Díwánah^34c is intoxicated.”

Shér Muḥammad sent Khwájah Muzaffar a prisoner to the Court, and this blow caused the Khán Khánán more despair than all the rest besides, so that starting from where he was, he set off for Já-landhar. Then Shams-ud-dín Atkah Khán, and his son Yúsuf Muḥammad Khán, and Ḥusain Khán the relative of Shaháb Khán, and all the Amírs of the Panjáb assembled in accordance with a farmán, and in the confines of the parganna of Dik'hdár,^34d at a spot called Kanúr Phillour,³⁵ hemmed in the Khán Khánán. There a severe contest took place, in which Ḥusain Khán the relative of Mahdí Qásim Khán distinguished himself; but unfortunately a sword-blow struck him in the eye so that one might say of him that he was “eye stricken.”^35a He fell from his seat in the saddle, and being made prisoner was sent to the Court together with Walí Bég, and his son Ismá'íl Qulí Khán, and several others of the chiefs; as will soon be mentioned, if God (He is exalted!) will. After that blow the Khán Khánán fled, and immense spoil fell into the hands of Atkah Khán and his army. Among these things was a standard worked with pearls and gems, which (P. 41) the Khán Khánán had had made, and intended to have sent to the most holy sepulchre^35b (may mercy and favour rest on its inhabitant!). Of this Imám my lord Moulawí Jámí (may his tomb be hallowed!) wrote those laudatory and descriptive couplets:—

“Peace on the family of Ṭá Há^35c and Yá Sín!
Peace on the family of the Best of the Prophets!
Peace on the Shrine, wherein there rests.
An Imám, in whom sovereignty and religion are preeminent!”
’An Imám, yea in sooth an absolute monarch,
For the sanctuary of his door is become the Qiblah of kings.
King of the palace of Knowledge, Rose of the garden of Bounty,
Moon of the mansion of Majesty, the Pearl of the casket of Contingency.
[Peace] on Ibn Musá Rizá, to whom from God
Is the name Rizá,^35d because doing God's will was his habit.”

They say that the banner cost nearly a kror of gold. And Qásim Arsalán found the date of the event in the words, “'alam-i imám-i hashtum,³⁶ “banner of the 8th Imám”.^36a Atkah Khán sent it with the rest of the spoils to the Court, and it was put into the imperial treasury. One of the remarkable incidents of this year was that the Khán Khánán published as his own^36b a ghazal of Háshim Qandahárí, putting the lines into a different arrangement;^36c he ordered 60,000 tankahs of money to be paid to him by way of compensation, and asked if the sum were sufficient; Háshim by way of an extempore joke said “Sixty is too little.” upon which he increased the sum by 40,000 and gave him altogether a complete lac. From it you would infer that the Khán Khánán's star was setting, and as a matter of fact his power at this period was on the decline. The ghazal is as follows, of which the Maṭla'^36d is Háshim's:—

“What am I? one who has let go the rein of his heart;
Who by the hand of his heart has fallen from his feet upon the road of trouble;
Who is become like a madman in the skirts of the mountains;
Who has without will of his own turned his head to the desert;
At one time like a candle seized by the fire of his heart,
At another like a wick fallen into the heart of the fire.
I, Bairam, am free from care for little or much,
Never have I uttered a single word less or more.”

(P. 42). This maṭla' also is one of Háshim's:—

“Thy lip was smiling on account of the weeping eye that I have,
Thy heart was contented on account of the distracted state I am in.”

And in the same way the Khán Khánán, although he had nothing in his treasury, gave at one sitting a lac of tankahs worth in money and goods to Rám Dás of Lak'hnou, who was one of the musicians³⁷ of Aslím Sháh, and one that in music^37a and song you might term a second Miyán Tán Sín. This man used to be the Khán Khánán's companion and intimate associate, and by the beauty of his voice continually brought tears to his eyes. There was likewise a certain Ḥijáz Khán Badáúní, who formerly was among the number of the Amírs of the Afgháns, and had a standard and a kettle-drum, and a pennon, and afterwards towards the end of his life retired from military affairs, and in the enjoyment of a very trifling pension pursued rectitude in the path of asceticism and devotion. To him in return for a Qaçídah, which in the Maqṭa'^37b he dedicated to the Khán, he gave a lac of tankahs, and made him Superintendent of the Government of Sirhind, and caused him to be appointed to that province. The Maṭla' of the Qaçídah is as follows:—

“When the seal of the ring of the heavens
Went down into the water,
The view of its signet gave
A ruby-tinge to the ground.”

And so that saying of Khwájah Kalán Bég came true, viz., “Heaven above^37c is of course a good judge of poetry!” The sum of the whole matter is that 100,000 were to the liberal mind of the Khán as one. How different indeed to these base ones, who now have come to the surface of the water:—

“If the odour of fidelity thou perceivest from any one,
His foot thou shouldest kiss much more than that of kings.”

(P. 43). In the month Zî-'l-qa'dah³⁸ of this year, after the appointment of Atkah Khán to march to the Panjáb, the Emperor appointed Khwájah 'Abd-ul-Majíd of Harát, with the title of Áçaf Khán, to the Government of Dihlí. And then as it was the best thing to do, since Ḥusain Khán's father Walí^38a Beg and his brother Ismá'íl Qulí Khán were with the Khán Khánán, he delivered Ḥusain Khán^38b to Áçaf Khán's keeping, and himself went to the Panjáb.

Mun'im Khán, in accordance with orders, having come from Kábul to the halting-place of Ludhiyánah,^38c in company with Muqím Khán sister's son to Tardí Bég Khán (who afterwards became Shujá'at Khán), waited on the king. He received the title of Khán Khánán and was raised to the office of Prime-minister. And the state of the public exchequer he laid bare. To this same halting-place came the news of the victory of Atkah Khán and the flight of the Khán Khánán towards the mountains of Siwálik. The captives were brought into the Emperor's presence, and he had them imprisoned. One of them, Walí Bég, who had received mortal wounds, went from a [temporal] to an eternal prison, and they sent his head to Dihlí. Ḥusain Khán was committed to the charge of his wife's brother Malik Muḥammad Khán son of Mahdí Qásim Khán, and the Emperor eventually took him into favour, and appointed to him as his fief Pátyálí, which is a town on the banks of the Ganges and the place of the birth and growth of ['A]mír^38d Khusrou (mercy be upon him!)