| CONTENTS. | |
| PAGE | |
| TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE | iii |
| THE YEAR 964 | 8 |
| THE YEAR 965 | 19 |
| THE YEAR 966 | 26 |
| THE YEAR 967 | 29 |
| THE YEAR 968 | 38 |
| THE YEAR 969 | 45 |
| THE YEAR 970 | 61 |
| THE YEAR 971 | 73 |
| THE YEAR 972 | 68 |
| THE YEAR 973 | 86 |
| THE YEAR 974 | 88 |
| THE YEAR 975 | 104 |
| THE YEAR 976 | 109 |
| THE YEAR 977 | 124 |
| THE YEAR 978 | 135 |
| THE YEAR 979 | 139 |
| THE YEAR 980 | 139 |
| THE YEAR 981 | 153 |
| THE YEAR 982 | 216 |
| THE YEAR 983 | 209 |
| THE YEAR 984 | 232 |
| THE YEAR 985 | 255 |
| THE YEAR 986 | 260 |
| THE YEAR 987 | 275 |
| THE YEAR 988 | 298 |
| THE YEAR 989 | 299 |
| THE YEAR 990 | 309 |
| THE YEAR 991 | 331 |
| THE YEAR 992 | 346 |
| THE YEAR 993 | 352 |
| THE YEAR 994 | 360 |
| THE YEAR 995 | 367 |
| THE YEAR 996 | 375 |
| THE YEAR 997 | 378 |
| THE YEAR 998 | 383 |
| THE YEAR 999 | 386 |
| THE YEAR 1000 | 392 |
| THE YEAR 1001 | 398 |
| THE YEAR 1002 | 402 |
| THE YEAR 1003 | 410 |
| THE YEAR 1004 | 418 |
I had been interested in Al-Badáóní's history of Akbar's reign, from my first commencing the study of Muhammadan Indian history; and when I began to read it, some years since, with my friend and pupil, the Rev. W. H. Lowe, of Christ's College, Cambridge, I suggested that he should undertake to translate it for the Bibliotheca Indica, in which the original text had appeared. This plan was carried out, and the translation was sent in instalments to Calcutta, where it was printed, and eventually published in the series. Unfortunately the work was not done with the care which it deserved, and the four numbers are full of misprints and errors which never should have been left there. For some of these I must myself plead guilty. Al-Badáóní is by no means an easy author, and he abounds with obscure phrases and far-fetched allusions, which I no doubt in some cases misunderstood and explained wrongly. For some more mistakes the Calcutta printers are responsible. In fact this seems a necessary drawback, when a book is printed at such a distance from the author. But I must not exonerate Mr. Lowe himself; for most of the errors are due to his haste and carelessness in the preparation of the original MS. of his translation0-3 as well as in the correction of the proofs received from Calcutta.
When I found out the unsatisfactory state of the book, I went carefully through the Persian text and compared it with the translation,—partly by myself, and partly with Mr Lowe; and the long list of errata and corrections which is subjoined, will show that we have tried to do our best to atone for the original neglect. It has been a great grief to me to find that a book in which I felt such a keen interest, should appear in such a maimed condition; but I hope that even in its present form it will be of some use to the student of Muhammadan Indian History.
E. B. COWELL.
Cambridge, July 15th, 1889.
| Page | 1 | 1. | 16 | for the desire of fortune | read the granter of desires. |
| Page | 2 | 1. | 6 | for enjoined on | read sent for |
| ———— | 1. | 9 | for not to | read so as not to | |
| Page | 3 | 1. | 13 | for empty | read fulsome |
| Page | 4 | 1. | 12 | dele | [i. e. Mecca.] |
| ———— | 1. | 22 | dele | again | |
| Page | 5 | 1. | 6 | for a number of royal Kháns | read the Imperial work-shops |
| Page | 6 | 1. | 22 | for for Ḥájí Khán who | read just as Ḥájí Khán |
| Page | 10 | 1. | 2 | infr. for b. II. | read l. 11. |
| Page | 11 | 1. | 20 | infr. for defeated the rebels | read wielded hís sword with effect |
| Page | 13 | 1. | 11 | dele royal | |
| Page | —— | 1. | 20 | for court of judicature | read court. |
| Page | 14 | 1. | 19 | for Bokhárá | read Bokhárí. |
| Page | 19 | 1. | 17 | for had been advanced to such a degree that he became | read as has been related, he had become the |
| Page | 21 | 1. | 6 | for a suspicion of | read suspicious |
| Page | 24 | 1. | 9 | for the servants of the Emperor | read the Emperor |
| Page | 25 | 1. | 20,21 | for and sending a messenger of entreaty with a view to acting upon the Khán's feelings, asked for | read asking for some mediator to plead his cause with the Kháns, and requested |
| Page | 27 | 1. | 5 | for a | read the |
| Page | 28 | 1. | 2 | for to | read of |
| Page | 29 | 1. | 2, 3 | for both in thought and expression | read from the point of view of reason or tradition |
| Page | 30 | 1. | 18 | for in concert with all the others | read they two in concert |
| Page | 31 | 1. | 16 | dele the mystery of | |
| Page | 32 | note | 1 | for Najad | read Najd |
| Page | 34 | 1. | 10 | for people | read wives |
| Page | 35 | 1. | 9,10 | for all his effects, which were not secured in the fortress, | read immense spoil (cf. p.125 l. 11, text) |
| Page | 37 | 1. | 22 | for view | read rim |
| Page | 38 | 1. | 12,13 | for and the state of the public exchequer he laid bare | read and the saying came true, “one minister comes in and the other goes out.” |
| Page | 39 | 1. | 5 | for veil | read handkerchief |
| Page | 46 | 1. | 9 | for when the imperial troops were entering | read at the time of withdrawing |
| Page | — | 1. | 12 | for Jaimall himself | read he himself |
| Page | 49 | 1. | 2,3 | for because his jurisdiction &c. | read and his authority was more that of a clerk |
| Page | 52 | 1. | 28 | for Ghazzá | read Gharrá |
| Page | 53 | 1. | 17 | for satyr | read satire |
| Page | 58 | 1. | 1 | for who was passing by | read who, as has been related, was |
| Page | 64 | 1. | 5 | after Máham Ankah | read and Adham Khán |
| Page | — | 1. | 17 | for emancipation | read my writing this (dele note) |
| Page | 66 | 1. | 22 | for in | read into |
| Page | 69 | 1. | 16 | for disappointed | read conquered |
| Page | 72 | 1. | 12 | for 200 or 300 | read 3000 |
| Page | 73 | 1. | 26 | for 7 | read 8 |
| Page | — | 1. | 27 | for seven | read eight |
| Page | 76 | 1. | 7 | for raising | read raised |
| Page | 1. | 11 | for Divání | read Dívánah | |
| Page | 77 | 1. | 19 | for kind | read bond |
| Page | 78 | 1. | 14 | for fort | read ford |
| Page | 79 | 1. | 26 | for outside | read inside |
| Page | 80 | 1. | 23,24 | for after the manner of an old man | read in his old way of intimacy |
| Page | 81 | 1. | 6 | for Darbán | read Darbár |
| Page | — | 1. | 2infra | for Múzá Razá | read Imám Rizá |
| Page | 82 | 1. | 27 | for Haráwal | read in the van |
| Page | 83 | 1. | 5 | for the body | read a number |
| Page | — | 1. | 17 | for Uzbeks | read the Uzbeks |
| Page | 84 | 1. | 10 | for two very quarrelsome females | read who were the subjects of strife and contention |
| Page | 85 | 1. | 11 | for Asraf | read Ashraf |
| Page | 88 | 1. | 19 | dele “and an attendant at the mosque.” | |
| Page | 89 | 1. | 8 | for 3 | read 30 |
| Page | 92 | 1. | 18 | for of his, said | read said to him |
| Page | 93 | 1. | 5 | for to | read from |
| Page | 94 | 1. | 21,22 | for which is an assembly-place | read a host |
| Page | — | 1. | 23 | for Hindús | read Hindús, to the number of |
| Page | 95 | 1. | 11 | dele for all that | |
| Page | 96 | 1. | 21 | for Munçúr | read Ḥusain |
| Page | — | 1. | 26 | for found it so refreshing that | read which he had lately acquired |
| Page | 97 | 1. | 1 | read bore witness. A few days before this it happened that, on a certain night | |
| Page | 98 | 1. | 18 | for van | read archers |
| Page | 100 | 1. | 11 | for had | read has now |
| Page | — | 1. | 18 | for Maakarwál | read Mankarwál |
| Page | 102 | 1. | 16 | for the court | read Biyánah |
| Page | — | 1. | 18 | for mankind, behold him | read the intelligent |
| Page | — | 1. | 28 | for Dihlí | read Ágrah |
| Page | 103 | 1. | 8 | for son | read father |
| Page | 104 | 1. | 8 | for Dihlí | read Kaṛah |
| Page | — | 1. | 21 | for Zanániyah | read Zamániyah |
| Page | — | 1. | 27 | for Bartas | read Barlás |
| Page | — | 1. | 31 | for Amír's | read Amírs |
| Page | 105 | 1. | 19 | for Sargún | read Sarjan |
| Page | 106 | 1. | 32 | for an unbeliever | read believer |
| Page | 108 | 1. | 23 | for granted him a subsidy | read entreated his prayers |
| Page | 109 | 1. | 16 | for day | read date |
| Page | 110 | 1. | 12 | for Sarouj | read Saronj |
| Page | 112 | 1. | 5 | for a new gate | read the name of the gate of the new fort |
| Page | — | 1. | 21 | for any inhabited quarter | read the habitable world. |
| Page | 113 | 1. | 11 | for the Emperor | read the Shaikh |
| Page | 114 | 1. | 14 | for cupola | read roof |
| Page | 116 | 1. | 3,4 | for over me like one bewildered——pass | read he, reciting a charm over me like one bewitched, infatuated me with his beauty |
| Page | 117 | 1. | 22 | for their | read this |
| Page | — | 1. | 30 | for as she was | read in a way that all can imagine |
| Page | — | 1. | 34 | for steps | read stages |
| Page | 118 | 1. | 3 | for to-night and | read one night |
| Page | — | 1. | 7 | for trusting her affairs to her modesty | read after her other ventures risking her modesty |
| Page | 120 | 1. | 7 | for the | read this |
| Page | 122 | 1. | 13 | for Court | read the Court |
| Page | — | 1. | 17 | for his | read this |
| Page | 123 | 1. | 23 | for and on account of the fate of her lover | read But any rate |
| Page | — | 1. | 26 | for unveiling in the house | read secret chamber |
| Page | 124 | 1. | 14 | for reputed son of Bahádur Khán | read adopted son of Paháṛ Khán |
| Page | 125 | 1. | 6 | for on the ground | read in the circle |
| Page | 126 | 1. | 5 | for religion-protesting | read religion-protecting |
| Page | — | 1. | 26 | for beauteous | read bounteous |
| Page | 127 | 1. | 13 | for when our king comes to an end | read Long live our king and |
| Page | 129 | 1. | 10 | for unguarded | read unlimited (cf. p. 35, 9) |
| Page | — | 1. | 15 | for Muḥammad | read Maḥmúd |
| Page | — | 1. | 20 | for he marched two days' journey as far as Ajmír | read he was only two days' journey from Ajmír |
| Page | 131 | 1. | 14 | for men | read me |
| Page | — | 1. | 21 | for star | read store |
| Page | 132 | 1. | 4 | for O Jewel | read A Jewel |
| Page | — | 1. | 19,20 | for lay my hand in the dust | read throw dust on my head |
| Page | — | 1. | 31 | for a pity, in | read a pity, a |
| Page | — | 1. | 33 | for Thou, pure spirit, wast | read Thy pure spirit was |
| Page | 135 | 1. | 18 | for women | read woman |
| Page | 135 | 1. | 9 | for constellation | read revelation |
| Page | — | 1. | 2infra | for 977 | read 982 |
| Page | 138 | 1. | 8 | for nephew | read grandson |
| Page | — | 1. | 15 | for had | read has |
| Page | 139 | 1. | 17 | for Kamál Khán | read Jamál Khán |
| Page | 142 | 1. | 3 | for may God &c. | read whom God (praise to Him! He is exalted) will ere this have brought |
| Page | 144 | 1. | 12 | for 100 or 50 | read 150 |
| Page | — | 1. | 23 | for his | read their |
| Page | 147 | 1. | 28 | for their | read that |
| Page | 148 | 1. | 18 | for 18th | read 7th |
| Page | 149 | 1. | 6 | for orthodox | read honest |
| Page | 150 | 1. | 14 | for centre | read ceinture |
| Page | 151 | 1. | 27 | for returned | read went |
| Page | 152 | 1. | 2 | for soldier | read soldiers |
| Page | — | 1. | 14 | for charged those men on | read many troops came up from |
| Page | 153 | 1. | 15 | for Sha'íd | read Sa'íd |
| Page | — | 1. | 16 | for Ibráhím | read Ibráhím Ḥusain |
| Page | 154 | 1. | 31 | for who was | read who were |
| Page | 156 | 1. | 30 | for fourteen | read seven |
| Page | 157 | 1. | 19 | for twice or four | read four (cf. p. 368, 23.) |
| Page | 157 | 1. | 34 | for in turn held a council with them | read repeated the same counsel to them |
| Page | 163 | 1. | 2 | for ceremonies | read unceremonious |
| Page | — | 1. | 17 | for Nas'úd | read Mas'úd |
| Page | 164 | 1. | 1 | for Mírzá Ibráhím Mírzá | read Mírzá Ibráhím Ḥusain |
| Page | — | 1. | 14 | for Brahmaindás by name | read Brahmadás by name, from the district of Kálpí |
| Page | 165 | 1. | 4 | for Koltah | read Kotlah |
| Page | — | 1. | 7 | for suit | read suite |
| Page | — | 1. | 24,25 | for they let loose and the Musulmáns killed them all. | read and let loose there, were killed by the Musul-máns. |
| Page | — | 2 | infra | dele note2. | |
| Page | 168 | 1. | 17 | for had gone | read had not gone |
| Page | 169 | 1. | 29 | for days' march off | read days ago |
| Page | — | 1. | 34 | for 500 | read 5000 |
| Page | 170 | 1. | 1 | for Moghuls belonging to Fidáí | read devoted Moghuls |
| Page | — | 1. | 2 | for was | read were |
| Page | — | 1. | 3 | for was a man | read were men |
| Page | 171 | 1. | 26 | for open plain | read open plain with 5000 horsemen |
| Page | 172 | 1. | 30 | for submission | read homage |
| Page | 173 | 1. | 14 | for Qazawání | read Qazwíní |
| Page | 174 | 1. | 26 | for Sharaf-ud-dín | read Sharaf-ud-dín Ḥusain |
| Page | 175 | 1. | 6 | for white of foot | read white of one foot |
| Page | — | 1. | 7 | for observes | read observed |
| Page | — | 1. | 8 | for passes | read passed |
| Page | 176 | 1. | 15 | for hundreds | read hundreds of thousands |
| Page | 177 | 1. | 9 | for Bengál | read Bihár |
| Page | — | 1. | 14 | for Lodí | read his Amír-ul-Umará Lodí |
| Page | 178 | 1. | 19 | for bank | read back |
| Page | 179 | 1. | 25 | for 16th | read 6th |
| Page | 181 | 1. | 10 | for at the removal of | read by avoiding |
| Page | — | 1. | 18 | for reached | read reaped |
| Page | 182 | 1. | 15 | for disloylaty | read displeasure |
| Page | — | 1. | 17 | for mountains | read the mountains |
| Page | 182 | 1. | 25 | for presented him with | read scattered as nisár several |
| Page | 183 | 1. | 12 | for 16 | read 18 |
| Page | 185 | 1. | 12 | for to | read from |
| Page | — | last | 1. | for from | read had attained a thorough acquaintance with |
| Page | 186 | 11. | 1, 2 | dele had attained many high degrees | |
| Page | — | 11. | 26,28 | for sheet | read leaf |
| Page | 187 | 1. | 2 | for Samaqand | read Samarqand |
| Page | — | note | 3 | for Imán and Imám | read Amán and Ímán. |
| Page | 188 | 1. | 3 | for one of his own quivers and arrows | read an arrow from his own quiver |
| Page | — | 11. | 9,10 | for and though—exhibition of it | read far beyond his power and resources |
| Page | — | 1. | 12 | for kept close to | read kept trying to conquer (cf. p. 130.) |
| Page | — | 1. | 33 | for Núri | read Mír |
| Page | 189 | 1. | 3 | for mango-trees | read many trees |
| Page | — | 1. | 10 | for privy-counsellors | read confidential friends |
| Page | — | 1. | 24 | for Láhór | read Lakhnou |
| Page | 190 | 1. | 27 | for Mufliz | read Muflis |
| Page | 191 | 1. | 9 | for This sort of thing has gone on for ten years | read A matter of ten years has passed |
| Page | 192 | 1. | 5 | for an order was promulgated | read a new idea came into his mind |
| Page | — | 1. | 18 | for Shespúr | read Shethpúr,another Ayyúbpúr |
| Page | 193 | 1. | 4 | for those | read those lands |
| Page | 194 | 1. | 28 | for Dáúd | read Dáúd, after his flight from Tánḍah |
| Page | 195 | 1. | 12 | for Gaur | read the fortress of Gaur |
| Page | — | 1. | 19 | dele and Muḥammad Qulí Khán | |
| Page | 196 | 1. | 2 | for Tamkúr | read Tamkín |
| Page | 197 | 1. | 20 | after bolted with him | add and his rider, losing all command, struck the foot of his dignity against a stone and got a fall. |
| Page | 198 | 1. | 22 | for mountain-like | read the mountain-like |
| Page | 199 | 1. | 12 | for and | read Peace was renewed on a firm basis and it was decided. |
| Page | 200 | 1. | 1 | for wrist | read waist |
| Page | 200 | 1. | 23 | for victory | read wisdom |
| Page | — | 1. | 28 | for not devoid of | read since it would not be devoid of |
| Page | 201 | 1. | 8 | for all | read a good many of |
| Page | 205 | 1. | 5 | for ascertain their thoughts | read discuss philosophical subjects |
| Page | — | 1. | 29 | for de omnibus &c. | read together with several other new-comers |
| Page | 206 | 1. | 12 | for Another device &c. | read Another tale was that of Makhdúm ul Mulk's device for avoiding |
| Page | 207 | 1. | 2 | after and | add once or twice he even stood before him without his shoes and |
| Page | — | 1. | 17 | for principles | read dogmas |
| Page | 208 | 1. | 28 | for in the hope of securing &c. | read so that eventually they got back all that he had received from them |
| Page | 211 | 1. | 4-6 | for from that time down to a large number | read in early youth he had not regarded the question and had married what number of women he pleased |
| Page | — | 1. | 10 | for had had | read had allowed |
| Page | — | 1. | 26 | for mut'ah | read such mut'ah |
| Page | — | 1. | 29 | for and | read or |
| Page | 213 | 1. | 30-32 | for he merely looked &c. down to extreme | read he merely looked to the propriety of the words, —how could it be reasonable that his meaning should be so distorted? |
| Page | 215 | 1. | 12 | for reason | read reason, not tradition |
| Page | — | 1. | 25 | for were no longer observed | read were no longer observed by him |
| Page | 217 | 1. | 4 | for that every five or six years | read for five or six years that |
| Page | 218 | 1. | 1 | for Arab | read 'Iráqí. |
| Page | — | 1. | 28 | for and first | read On the 15th of Rajab Mírzá Sulaimán reached the neighbourhood of Fatḥpúr; and first |
| Page | 219 | 1. | 12 | for without ceremony | read without hesitation |
| Page | 219 | 1. | 20 | for painted canopies, brocade | read figured canopies of gold cloth |
| Page | 220 | 1. | 2 | for Fátiḥah | read Fátiḥah after the prayers |
| Page | — | 1. | 19 | after Sulaimán | read and then return to Láhor. |
| Page | — | 1. | 22 | for meanwhile | read For meanwhile |
| Page | 221 | 1. | 7 | dele head-foremost | |
| Page | 222 | 1. | 7 | for Khan Zamán | read Khán Jahán |
| Page | — | 1. | 14 | for 20 | read 20,000 |
| Page | 223 | 1. | 8 | for took a moonlight flit | read he went off |
| Page | 224 | 1. | 1 | for Muḥammad | read Maḥmúd |
| Page | — | 1. | 2 | for Amráhah | read Amrúhah |
| Page | — | 1. | 4 | for he | read Ḥusain Khán |
| Page | — | 1. | 10 | for when they came on him —orders | read whence, as he was disabled by his wound, in accordance with their orders, they |
| Page | — | 1. | 15 | for friendship | read religious sympathy |
| Page | 229 | 1. | last l. | for bankrupt | read borrower |
| Page | 230 | 1. | 8 | for Arabs | read 'Iráqís |
| Page | — | 1. | 16 | for Arab | read 'Iráqí |
| Page | 232 | 1. | 5,6 | for a stipend—present | read to look after me that I should be present |
| Page | — | 1. | 7 | for Muḥammad | read Maḥmúd |
| Page | — | 1. | 11 | for at one of the stages | read when one stage distant |
| Page | — | 1. | 26 | for 'Agrah | read Ajmír |
| Page | — | 1. | 28 | after defeated them | read with some 1500 killed or taken prisoners |
| Page | 233 | 1. | 15 | for I | read returned and |
| Page | 236 | 1. | 29 | for Sár | read Súr |
| Page | 239 | 1. | 5 | for Sálabhán | read Sálabáhan |
| Page | — | 1. | 18 | for fifty | read twenty |
| Page | — | 1. | 22 | for would keep | read must have kept |
| Page | 241 | 1. | 14 | for Muḥammad | read Maḥmúd |
| Page | — | 1. | 16 | for and examine | read He examined |
| Page | — | 1. | 17 | for having seen [from his investigation of the field] | read reported from what he had heard |
| Page | — | 1. | 28 | for through his being a particular favourite of his majesty | read merely to acquire religious merit and for the love of God |
| Page | — | 1. | 31-34 | dele note2 | |
| Page | 242 | 1. | 34 | for Saqqár in note4 | read Saqqá |
| Page | 243 | 1. | 5 | for ul-awwal | read ul-ákhir |
| p. | 243 | 1. | 17 | for succinctly | read exactly |
| p. | 245 | 1. | 4 | for sent | read brought |
| p. | 246 | 1. | 25 | for revese | read reverse |
| p. | 247 | 1. | 14 | for Jounpúr | read Khánpúr |
| p. | — | l. l. | for Muzaffar Khán | read Todar Mall (see Blochm. p. 430.) | |
| p. | 249 | 1. | 18 | dele military commanders | |
| p. | — | 1. | 20 | after hill district | read of Mudáriya |
| p. | 253 | 1. | 21 | for blind to God's mercies | read like brute beasts |
| p. | 255 | 1. | 12 | for pray | read bray |
| p. | 256 | 1. | 7 | for from there | add thither |
| p. | 257 | 1. | 7 | for anxious | read disaffected |
| p. | — | 1. | 29 | for many | read some |
| p. | 258 | 1. | 6 | for festival | read festival of |
| p. | — | 1. | 15, 16 | for when I brought a petition, &c. | read when I brought a petition to Shaikh 'Abd-un-nabí that I might receive permission to go, the Shaikh asked me |
| p. | — | 1. | 18, 19 | for who withdraws from the fulfilment of his obligation | read who will fulfil the obligation of serving her |
| p. | 259 | 1. | 10 | for Nánúl | read Nárnúl |
| p. | 260 | 1. | 11 | for Hásdí | read Hánsí |
| p. | — | 1. | 17 | for concerning | read by the hand of |
| p. | — | 1. | 32 | for p. 265 | read infra, p. 274 |
| p. | 261 | 1. | 18 | for Bahrah | read Bíhrah |
| p. | — | 1. | 29 | for 5th | read 3rd |
| p. | — | 1. | 34 | for disembarking | read disembarked |
| p. | 262 | 1. | 2 | for 5th | read 6th |
| p. | — | 1. | 5 | for arrived | read arrived at Todah |
| p. | — | 1. | 9 | for names | read name |
| p. | 263 | 1. | 21 | for nature | read tradition |
| p. | 265 | 1. | 13 | dele some | |
| p. | — | 1. | 14 | for look on them as gods | read they look on some of them as gods |
| p. | — | 1. | 28 | for principle | read principal |
| p. | — | 1. | 34 | for muzhat | read nuzhat |
| p. | 266 | 1. | 8 | for who naturally turn themselves from | read overlooking |
| p. | 267 | 1. | 6 | for past ages | read ancient and modern times |
| p. | — | 1. | 13 | for a cause | read another cause |
| p. | 269 | 1. | 3 | for the many lights of His creation | read His lights |
| p. | — | 1. | 6 | for burn | read offer |
| p. | — | 1. | 23 | for of | read and |
| p. | 270 | 1. | 14,15 | for “who will ever have—than yourself?” | read “For which of these notorious heresies have you yourself the greatest inclination?” |
| p. | 273 | 1. | 23 | for extravagancíes | read fopperies |
| p. | 274 | 1. | 15 | after Taib | read (a worthless wretch) |
| p. | — | 1. | 28 | for Maqçúr | read Maqçúd. |
| p. | 275 | 1. | 24 | for the stain of thelr countenances | read their accidental stain |
| p. | 276 | 1. | 5 | for blest | read blest in the 40th year of his age |
| p. | 278 | 1. | 31,32 | for to pretend ignorance—polí-tical authority | read to refuse obedience whether to religious or political edicts |
| p. | 280 | 1. | 22 | after law | add They called Islám a travesty |
| p. | — | 1. | 30 | for 5th | read 25th |
| p. | 281 | 1. | 2 | after degree | add like the Khwájah |
| p. | 282 | 1. | 12 | for said | read attacked the faith, he said to him |
| p. | 284 | 1. | 11 | for I | read he |
| p. | — | 1. | — | after verse | read I used |
| p. | 286 | 1. | 3 | for 'Ázim-ul-Mulk | read 'Ain-ul-Mulk |
| p. | — | 1. | 16 | for Miyán | read Miyán Mán |
| p. | 287 | 1. | 26 | for a historical fact | read an historical picture |
| p. | 288 | 1. | 4 | for their | read this |
| p. | — | 1. | 6 | for under the skirts of those by whom | read under whose skirts |
| p. | 289 | 1. | 20 | for time | read line |
| p. | 289 | 1. | 28,34 | for Purushtam | read Purushottam |
| p. | — | 1. | 29 | after Ma'çúm Khán | read Kábulí |
| p. | 290 | 1. | 25 | for Kábul | read Kálpí |
| p. | 291 | 1. | 7 | for 50 | read 500 |
| p. | 292 | 1. | 13 | for Tórmáh | read Tármáh |
| p. | — | 1. | 24 | for which are | read he is still |
| p. | 296 | 1. | 16 | for with a natural tendency | read in a state of nature |
| p. | 297 | 1. | 16 | for and again | read and reported the conduct of the amírs of that province; he also |
| p. | — | 1. | 23 | for Piyáj | read Payág (Prayág) |
| p. | 297 | 1. | 25 | for ; | read , |
| p. | 298 | 1. | 24 | for he with | read he, seeíng the other with |
| p. | 300 | 1. | 1 | for the Abyssinian | read Chishtí |
| p. | 305 | 1. | 20 | for he asked | read he had previously asked |
| p. | — | 1. | 22 | for before | read after |
| p. | 310 | 1. | 2 | for twenty-seventh | read twenty-eighth |
| p. | — | 1. | 15 | for one of the renowned amírs came, &c. | read he went into the pavilion of one of the renowned Amírs and honoured him with his society |
| p. | 311 | 1. | 1 | after devise | read so that the mind became bewildered by them |
| p. | 312 | 1. | 21 | for news of this reached the veil of his door | read the news of this scandal reached him |
| p. | 313 | 1. | 1 | for pur et simple | read after his own fashion |
| p. | — | 1. | 25 | after he said | read in the presence of the late pious Mír Abú'l Ghais Bukhárí |
| p. | — | 1. | 31 | for youths | read and he turned out a very hair-splitter in the matter of shaving |
| p. | 315 | 1. | 2,3 | for by taking, &c. | read used to take dogs to their table and eat with them |
| p. | 316 | 1. | 8 | for I don't blame you either | read It is not wíthout one |
| p. | — | 1. | 28 | for (P. 337) | read (P. 307.) |
| p. | — | 1. | 33 | for wrote | read pronounced |
| p. | 317 | 1. | 1 | for wrote | read pronounced |
| p. | — | 1. | 4 | for flesh | read milk |
| p. | 321 | 1. | 17 | for ingots | read boxes full of ingots |
| p. | 324 | 1. | 14 | for give away a great deal | read give great odds |
| p. | 327 | 1. | 14 | for un-náqiz | read un-nawáqis |
| p. | 328 | 1. | 12 | for I had just finished | read One night, when the Emperor heard |
| p. | — | 1. | 19-22 | for when one night, 'Açaf Khán Sális, &c. | read he raised great objections and would not accept the truth of it. 'Açaf Khán Sális who is the same as Mírzá Ja'far, helped me in but a poor way, but Shaikh Ábú'l-Fazl and Ghází Khán Badakshí, on the other hand, confirmed my assertions. |
| p. | 331 | 1. | 12 | dele year | read day |
| p. | — | 1. | 28 | for many a family was ruined | read and his property was confiscated. |
| p. | 332 | 1. | 4 | for daily | read daily at noon |
| p. | — | 1. | 27 | for Bengál | read Guzerát |
| p. | 333 | 1. | 3 | after Abú-Isḥáq | read and others |
| p. | — | 1. | 10 | for eighteenth | read seventeenth |
| p. | — | 1. | 21 | after Bengál | read who was a main supporter of Qatlú's |
| p. | 334 | 1. | 10 | for north | read month |
| p. | — | 1. | 21 | for Khaipúrah | read Khairpúrah |
| p. | 335 | 1. | 15 | after years | read while in some of their own Sanskrit books the age of men was described as ten thousand years |
| p. | 337 | 1. | 2 | for 100 | read 10 |
| p. | 339 | 1. | 8 | for four or five | read forty-five |
| p. | — | 1. | 21 | for Fíládí | read Fúládí |
| p. | 340 | 1. | 4 | for chief | read chiefs |
| p. | 341 | 1. | 14,15 | for although he treated him &c. | read having treated him in a conciliatory manner he did not wish to take any steps towards his being put to death. |
| p. | — | 1. | 21 | for I'timad | read I'mád |
| p. | — | 1. | 22 | for moveable and immoveable | read animate and inanimate |
| p. | 344 | 1. | 4 | for 20,000 | read 2,000 |
| p. | 349 | 1. | 15 | for twelve | read fourteen |
| p. | 352 | 1. | 14 | after Salím | read in his sixteenth year |
| p. | 357 | 1. | 5 | for same market | read slave-market |
| p. | — | 1. | 15 | for camels | read camel-loads |
| p. | — | 1. | 16 | for fire-like smoke | read fire like smoke |
| p. | 360 | 1. | 21 | for forty | read fourteen |
| p. | 364 | 1. | 13 | for 'Açaf | read 'Arab |
| p. | 366 | 1. | 14 | for Singh, Mánand | read Mán Singh, and |
| p. | — | 1. | 25 | for Baqshbandí | read Naqshbandí |
| p. | — | 1. | 31 | for at this time Sulaimán Mírzá arrived at Court in incognito | read about the time that Sulai-mán Mírzá arrived at Court, he too came incognito |
| p. | 367 | 1. | 6 | for a bow and a number of muskets | read a number of bows and muskets |
| p. | 368 | 1. | 4 | after to this effect | read in the year 990 (?) |
| p. | 370 | 1. | 19 | for Amín Khán | read Amín Khán Ghorí, the governor of Súrat |
| p. | 374 | 1. | 7 | for Láhór | read Lakhnou |
| p. | — | 1. | 21 | for Gous | read Ghous |
| p. | 375 | 1. | 6 | for poverty | read piety |
| p. | 376 | 1. | 8 | after Gujrát | read and sent for Qulíj to Court |
| p. | — | 1. | 30 | for arms | read anus |
| p. | 378 | 1. | 16 | for transcription | read translation |
| p. | 378 | 1. | 26 | for Bayání | read Biyábání |
| p. | — | 1. | 30 | for a river | read the river |
| p. | 379 | 1. | 25 | for the water | read the river Indus |
| p. | 382 | 1. | 3 | for property | read prosperity |
| p. | — | 1. | 4 | for flood-tears | read blood-tears |
| p. | — | 1. | 25 | for 381 | read 371 |
| p. | 383 | 1. | 16 | for beasts | read serpents |
| p. | 386 | 1. | 19 | for them | read me |
| p. | — | 1. | — | for any | read an |
| p. | 388 | 1. | 14 | for twenty-sixth | read thirty-sixth |
| p. | 389 | 1. | 13 | for sisters | read kindred |
| p. | — | 1. | 15 | for he said “Get along then.” So the Emperor was vexed | read the Emperor said “Get along then.” So he was vexed |
| p. | 390 | 1. | 12 | for Imín-ud-dín | read Amín-ud-dín |
| p. | — | 1. | 24 | for Hakím Hamán | read Hakím Humám |
| p. | 391 | 1. | 1 | for twelfth | read twentieth |
| p. | 392 | 1. | 20 | for the | read one |
| p. | 393 | 1. | 18 | for Shams-ud-dín | read Shams-ud-dín Khawáfí |
| p. | — | 1. | 23 | for Dihlí | read Kábul |
| p. | 397 | 1. | 24 | for 'Alám Shaikh | read 'Allámí Shaikh |
| p. | 399 | 1. | 4 | for governor of | read governor of Orissa |
| p. | 400 | 1. | 15 | for Mán Singh | read Ráí Singh |
| p. | — | 1. | 20 | for their | read this |
| p. | 401 | 1. | 12 | after Murád | add in Málwah |
| p. | 402 | 1. | 5, 6 | infra for sarasír | read sardsír |
| for Balfour's | read Belfour's | ||||
| p. | 406 | 1. | 7 | for fire-temple | read Pársí “tower of sílence” |
| p. | 411 | 1. | 1 | for read like the translations by Naqíb Khán | read read as an example by Naqíb Khán (? cf. text, p. 374, 17.) |
The Emperor of the time, the Khalíf of the age, Jalál-ud-dín Muḥammad Akbar Pádsháh (may he ever be firmly seated1 on the throne of the Khalifate and the seat of clemency!) with the approval of Bairám Khán, the Khán Khánán, began to honour and adorn the throne of the Sultanate, under an auspicious star, on Friday the 2nd of the month Rabi'ul-avval, in the year nine hundred and sixty-three (963) in the garden of Kalánor1a —which, to this day, they have not yet finished laying out. Then he sent messages of conciliation and courtesy to the Amírs of the frontier, so that the Khutbah1b was read also at Dihlí. And they composed this hemistich, as giving the date: ‘More noble than all princes he.’1c
They composed also the following distich:—
‘Jalál-ud-dín Muḥammad Akbar, that prince of the age,
At the date of [the death of] father said: Prince of the age am I.’1dAnd another [mnemosynon] they found [for the date]:
‘The desire of fortune.’1e Then the world began to blossom like a rose-garden, and pitiless Fate, binding up those wounds, said:—
“When Death removes a crown by force,
At once another head is crowned;2
When one old age completes its course,
A younger rises from the ground.”2a(P. 9.) Before the decree for the accession went forth, Bairám Khán had by all the arts of finesse enjoined on Pír Muḥammad Khán Shirwání,2b (who with an army had gone in pursuit of Sikandar in the Mountains of Sawálik, as far as the confines of the district of Dahmírí) not to allow the news of the death of the late Emperor2c to be spread abroad.
Now Sháh Abu-l-Ma'álí, who was of noble Sayyid extraction, and of the country of Káshghar, in the symmetry of his limbs and the excellence of his valour was distinguished above all his compeers. To him the deceased Emperor had shown a special favour and a boundless condescension, so that he had honoured him by calling him his son. This man was a dullard. And in this place be it known concerning him that Bairám Khán had written an acrostic in twenty-four verses, of which the rhyme was 'azím and qadím, and the rhyming letter mím, in such a way, that the initial letter of the first hemistiches composed the words “Ḥazrat Muḥammad Humá-yún Pádsháh Ghází” [“My Lord Muḥammad Humáyun Pádsháh Ghází”]; and the initial letters of the second hemistiches “Sháhzá-dah [prince] Jalál-ud-dín Muḥammad Akbar”; and the final letters of the first hemistiches the words “Mírzá Sháh Abu-l-Ma'álí,” together with some epithet or other which I have forgotten; and the sum of the twenty-four míms which closed the verses gave [24 × 40 =] 960 the date of the composition of the acrostic. I have heard from trusty friends, that the last time the late Emperor honoured Qandahár with his presence, Sháh Abu-l-Ma'álí one evening, having drunk too much wine, slew in his bigotry a zealous Shí'ah. When the heirs of the murdered man came to demand justice, and the Emperor sent for Sháh Abu-l-Ma'áli, he put on the dead2d man's robe of black velvet lined with (P. 10) red and blue, and putting the hanger,3 burnished bright, the very same with which he had despatched him, under his skirt, swaggered drunken into the royal assembly, and denied the deed. Bairám Khán on the occasion quoted these lines:—
“His disshevelled locks of hair To night-debauch confess; Lo! a blazing proof is there, The lamp beneath his dress.” The emperor was exceedingly delighted;3a but the blood of that innocent one was hidden in the dust, and his murder was never proved. In short, when the royal Amírs summoned Abu-l-Ma'álí to the assembly on the occasion of the Accession, he returned answer, that he had an excuse and could not come; the second time they sent the message, that the Council was sitting and waited his presence, again he made excuse and sent some message of empty compliments, which Bairám Khán, thinking it the best course to pursue, accepted. But, when he came afterwards, Bairám Khán gave the order to Tulak Khán Qurchí, a man of great bodily power, who at that moment appeared on the scene like a spider's web [ready to catch a fly]; and, in accordance with a preconcerted plan, went unseen behind Abu-l-Ma'álí and took him prisoner, and asked to be allowed to blot out his name from the tablet of existence. But the merciful Emperor disapproved of this design, and said that it would be a pity to shed the blood of a [possibly] innocent man on the very day of his Accession. So he sent him to Láhór. He escaped from that prison, and went to Kamál Khán the G'hakkar. Now at that time the government of that country was in the possession of Ádam G'hakkar, uncle of Kamál Khán. The latter treated Abu-l-Ma'álí with honour, and the two set off with an army with full preparations for the conquest of Kashmír. When he arrived at the frontier of Kashmír, at Rájorí a number of outlaws gathered round him. And, in the year 965, a party of the Chakks (which is a well-known tribe, and the dominant one in Kashmír) took him with them, with the intention of conquering Kashmír, and there he had a severe conflict with Ghází Khán, the prince of the Chakks, and was defeated. After this Kamál Khán made an excuse for separating from him, so Abu-l-Ma'álí disguised himself, and going to the district of Díbálpúr, took refuge with a servant of Bahádur Khán who at that time held the government there. The man's name was Tulak, and he had at one time been himself a servant of Sháh [Abu-l-Ma'álí]. So Tulak concealed him. But it so happened that this Tulak had one night a quarrel with his wife, who being vexed with him, went in the morning to Bahádur Khán and told him that Tulak was concealing Abu-l-Ma'álí in his house, and that they were plotting together against himself. Bahádur Khán, mounting his horse, had Sháh Abu-l-Ma'álí seized and sent him to Bairám-Khán, and Tulak he ordered to be punished. Bairám Khán entrusted Sháh to Walí Beg the Turkomán, and sent him off towards Bakkar [i. e., Mecca]. Walí Beg annoyed him very much by the way, and sent him towards Gujrát, that from thence he might go to Mekka. There he committed a murder, and fled and joined himself to 'Alí Qulí Khán.4 When Bairám Khán received information of this, he sent an order to 'Alí Qulí Khán that he should send him to Ágra. At the time that, in accordance with this order, he arrived at Ágra the power of Bairám Khán was already on the decline; Bairám Khán, then, with a view to dispelling the suspicions of the Emperor sent him for a time to the fortress of Biyána. And, when he professed a resolution of making a pilgrimage to Mekka, he again took him as the companion of his journey. But after a few days Abu-l-Ma'álí separated from him also, and went to offer his adhesion to the Emperor. But, when of his extreme arrogance, he rode proudly up to him, this affair became the cause of his being imprisoned a second time, until he was sent to Mekka, as will be mentioned in its place.4a It happened that, when, at the very time of the Accession, he fled (P. 12) from Láhór, Pahlawán Gul Guz his keeper committed suicide through fear of the Emperor's anger.
After the settlement of the decree for the Accession the imperial armies were levied against Sikandar [who was] in the mountain district. Sikandar kept up the war for three whole months, but was at last defeated. At this time Rája Rámchand4b came from Nagarkot to pay his respects to Akbar, and had an interview with him. And the imperial standards on account of the rainy season, when they had arrived at Jálandhar, remained there five months.
Contemporaneously with the decease of the late king, and the Accession of the Emperor, Tardí Beg Khán commandant of Dihlí had sent Mírzá Abu-l-Qásim, the son of Kámrán Mírza,5 with a number of royal Kháns, and some picked elephants, in company with Khwája Sultán 'Alí Wazír Khán, and Mír Munshí Ashraf Khán, to pay their homage to the Emperor. In the same year Mírzá Sulaimán5a came with Ibráhím Mírzá5b with the intention of conquering Kábul, and Mun'im Khán,5c being beseiged, sent particulars to the court. Then the Emperor appointed Muḥammad Qulí Khán Barlás, and Atka Khán,5d and Khizr Khán Hazárah5e with a company of men to bring the Queen Dowager and the other wives [of Humáyun] who were in Kábul.5f Now before the arrival of this troop [at Kábul Mírzá Sulaimán] had sent Qází Nizám of Badakhshán (who was one of his most honoured Ulamá and who afterwards was known simply by the title of Qází Khán,) on an embassy to Mun'im Khán to make proposals of peace, only on the condition that they should at once insert his name also in the Khutbah. Mun'im Khán accepted the conditions, as being the best remedy for the general distress, and Mírzá Sulaimán, being satisfied with this concession, returned to Badakh-shán.
During the first days of the Accession 'Alí Qulí Khán, having received the title of Khán Zamán, led an army into the district of Sambhal against Shádi Khán the Afghán, who was one of the Amírs of ‘Adalí.’5g (P. 13.) And on the banks of the river Rahab5h he fought a severe battle against all Khán Zamán's available force, which consisted of two or three thousand horse, and defeated him. Khán Zamán was making preparations to dislodge the enemy, when, in the meanwhile, letters came from Dihlí, Ágra, and Atáwa, saying, that Hémun Baqqál with a murderous army, and elephants, and much wealth furnished by 'Adalí, having swept before him the Amírs from the frontiers of Hindustán,6 had arrived close to Dihlí with the intention of offering battle. Then Iskandar Khán the Uzbek from Ágra, and Qiyá Khán Kank from Atáwa, and 'Abdu-lláh Khán the Uzbek from Kálpí, and Ḥaidar Muḥammad Khán from Biyána, and others from the frontiers, came to Dihlí, and joined themselves to Tardí Beg Khán.6a But Khán Zamán, remaining on the same side of the river Jumna, was not able to form a junction with them. And Pír Muḥammad Khán Shirwání,6b who had come from the imperial camp with a message to Tardí Beg Khán, went along with the victorious6c army. Near to Toghlaq Ábád [the ancient fortress] in the environs of Dihlí a sharp conflict occurred, and 'Abd-ulláh Khán the Uzbek, and La'l Khán of Badakhshán, who were on the right wing, sweeping the hostile ranks before them, continued the pursuit as far as the towns of Houdal and Palwal, and took much spoil. But Hémun, who with elephants huge as mouutains had remained apart from the fray in the centre of the army, shouted out for Ḥájí Khán who came up from the direction of Alwar,6d and then attacked Tardí Beg Khán, who had but a handful of men, and in a single charge swept him before him; but he turned back for fear of treachery, and did not pursue the Moghul. At the time of evening prayer, when the Amírs of the army returning from their pursuit [of the left wing of Hémun's army] reached the camping-place, they, finding that Hémun himself had settled down there, having drawn out softly from the city of Dihlí, took immediately to flight. (P. 14.) But Hémun forbad his men to pursue them. And Khán Zamán by way of Mírat'h6e joined this army at Sirhind. The emperor when he heard this dreadful news appointed Khizr Khán Khwája, the husband7 of Gulbadan Bégum the emperor's aunt, to meet Sikandar, and intending to extirpate Hémun he made his glorious entry7a into Sirhind. And there the scattered Amírs came to salute him. The Khán Khánán,7b who, although he was in disposition alienated from Tardí Beg Khán, still in spite of this used to call him “Toqán,” i. e., “Elder brother,” perceiving the cause of the defeat of that army to have been the treachery7c of Tardí Beg, and having succeeded in impressing this on the emperor's mind by bringing Khán Zamán, and many others, as witnesses to substantiate his accusation, obtained a sort of permission to put him to death. So at the time of afternoon prayer he went to the house of Tardí Beg Khán, and taking him with him, brought him to his own abode into the tent, and afterwards at the time of evening prayer he rose up on the pretence of performing the ablutions, and gave to some men, who were held in readiness for the purpose, the signal to slay him. So they made an end of Tardí Beg Khán.7d And in the morning, when Khwája Sultán 'Alí and Mír Munshí did not come to the Díwán, he, suspecting them also of treachery, had them imprisoned together with Khanjar Beg, a relation of Tardí Beg Khán. But some time after they regained their liberty.
Then Hémun in Dehlí gave himself the title of Bikramájít, who was a great Rája in Hindustán, from whom the people of Hind take their era, he lived 16007e odd years ago. When he had done his best there to subvert the ordinances of Islám he came with 1500 elephants of war, and treasure without end or measure, and an immense army, to offer battle at Pánípat. He sent on his artillery before him, (P. 15) and the opportunity presenting itself to a company of the great Amírs, such as Khán Zamán, Iskandar Khán and others, who were advancing as vanguard,8 they took it at Pánípat after some fighting. And Hémun raising the hopes of the Amírs of the Afgháns, whose leader was Shádí Khán Muswání, with a suitable augmentation and a gift of lands, opening the door of his treasuries, and giving great largesses, tried to console the army for the loss. But the Afgháns, since they were sick of his usurpation, began to pray for his fall, and in impromptus kept saying things to this effect: “Welcome a vicissitude even against ourselves;” consequently without delay he started from Pánípat mounted on an elephant called “Hawáy,” and came to the district of Khara-manda (where there is now a famous caravanserai), and on the morning of Friday the 10th of the sacred month Muḥarram8a 964 A. H., (which day is also called Rózi 'áshúrá):—
“To friends it is a blessed date,
But unto foes unfortunate:”—fighting and slaughter began between the Amírs of the vanguard and the hosts of Hémun. The Emperor and the Khán Khánán on that day were drawn up in three divisions, and kept sending help to one another until news of the victory were received. And Hémun, whose army was all dispirited, and who set all his hopes on the elephants, surrounded by his chiefs charged the imperial hosts, and threw both right and left wings into great confusion. Then, at last, through the efforts of the archers and the scimitar-strokes of some avenging veterans that breach was healed, and the wavering fortunes of the day were retrieved. Then Hémun, bringing up all his mountain-like elephants to bear upon one point, charged the centre where the Khán Zamán was stationed. But the soldiers of Islám received him with a shower of arrows, and Hémun in those circumstances, with his head bare, like one bitten by a mad dog, kept shouting his battle cry “give and take,” and (P. 16) also repeating a charm which he had learnt. Suddenly the arrow of death, which no shield can ward off, struck his squinting eye so that his brain passed clean out from the cup of his head, and he became unconscious. The troops near him, who still held out, when they saw this take place, fled. The army of the people of Islám pursued, and a general carnage ensued: and Shádí Khán Muswání, who was in the van of the army, was slain. Sháh Qúlí Khán Maḥrum9 happened to meet with Hémun's elephant, and the elephant-driver said to him, “Do not kill me! Hémun is riding upon my elephant.” So they brought him as he was to the camp. And Shaikh Gadá-í Kambóh and the others, said to the Emperor, “Since this is your Majesty's first war against the infidels, you should flesh your sword in this unbeliever, for such an act would have great reward.” But the Emperor replied, “Why should I strike him now that he is already as good as dead? If sensation and activity were left in him, I would do so.” Then the Khán Khánán was the first to strike his sword into him, as an act of religious warfare, and following his example, Gadá-í Shaikh, and the others, deliberately made an end of him. Thus was fulfilled the saying, “What is the good of killing one who is going to be burnt?”9a And they found this mnemosynon for the date:—
“If through treachery, deceit, and fraud great Dehli fell,
By Fate's decree, into the hand of Hindu Hémun;
Muḥammad Akbar, that Sháh whose glory reached the sky,
By help of God captured that black-faced Hindu Hémun.
Creation's scribe on lasting tablet with pen of power
Wrote concerning that day: He seized Hindu Hémun.9bNearly 1500 elephants, and treasure and stores, to such an amount that even fancy is powerless to imagine it, were taken as spoil. And Pír Muḥammad Khán, and Ḥusain Khán, (P. 17) a relation of Mahdí Qásim Khán, and many others, in consort with Sa'íd Khán the Moghúl, pursued the fugitives from Dihlí, and passing from Alwar they came up to the wife of Hémun, who had with her elephants laden with gold. She herself gained the mountain and jungle ground in the district of Kuwa (?) and Bajwára,10 but left the gold behind, the greater part of which the rustics10a of the country of Bajwára seized; still the part which fell into the hands of the army of the Faithful was so great that they gave it away by shieldfuls, and “nizár-i-zarhá” “scattering of gold pieces” was found to give the date (964). And on the road, which the Queen took, there had fallen such quantities of coins and ingots of gold, that for many a year travellers and passers-by used to find them. In this manner the treasures, which Shér Sháh and Aslím Sháh, and 'Adalí had amassed through a course of years, were dissipated:—
“O mortal! eat, dress, scatter, give,
For life must needs end in the grave:
When one in other spheres doth live,
It recks not all that this world gave!
O lay not up the hoarded gold,
For many with excessive toil
Have hoarded up, with greed untold,
Wealth, which another seized as spoil.”When, the second day after the victory, the Emperor came to Pánípat, he had a mináret built of the heads10b of the slain. From Pánípat, His Majesty came without delay to Dihlí, and caused the Khutbah to be proclaimed once more from the pulpit; there he stayed one month, and illustrious Amírs were appointed as governors of Ágra, Sambhal, and other towns. Then news came to Dihlí, that on the confines of Chamyárí, a place within 20 cosses of Láhor, Khizar Khán10c had been defeated before Sikandar, and had arrived at Láhor. His Highness had scarcely departed for Jálandhar, when Sikandar had once more betaken himself to the mountains of Sawálik. (P. 18) Then the royal army going in pursuit penetrated as far as Disuha (?) and Dahmírí.10d
Be it understood, that with reference to the occurrence of events I desire from this point to omit trifling occurrences, and to occupy myself solely with events of general importance, in fact, mounted on a single horse to give the reins to the steed of my pen upon this open race-course, and to finish succinctly the history of these 40 years, from the accession of Akbar;11 but success11a depends upon God!
In this year Sikandar shut himself up in the fortress of Mánkút, and the great Amírs day by day kept attacking him and pressing him sore. And especially Muḥammad Ḥusayn Khán, a relation of Mahdí Qásim Khán, was so persevering in those attacks that if Rastam11b had been alive, he would certainly have acknowledged his merits. Moreover his brother Ḥasan Beg was killed:—
“Upon the top of thy mountain Ḥasan was slain,
Greater than of Karbalá11c of thee is the bane.”And this perseverance, which was observed on the one side by the Emperor, and on the other by Sikandar, was the reason of the high estimation in which Ḥusayn Khán was held, and raised him day by day to a higher rank, so that valuable lands11d were made over to him in fief, till at last he came into the government of Láhor, and in many places defeated the rebels. When eventually the siege turned out of long duration, and corn became dear among the garrison, and the Amírs of Sikandar one by one deserted him, and came to the imperial court, as for instance Sayyid Maḥmúd Bárha, and others, he brought forward proposals of peace, and sent his son 'Abd ur-Raḥmán, together with Gházi Khán Súr, with a present of elephants to visit the Emperor, through the intervention of Atka Khán and Pír Muḥammad Khán, on the 27th of Ramzán12 in the year 964, and surrendered the fort. Then Akbar issued his firmán that Jounpúr should be given temporarily12a to Sikandar in fief, and that as soon as the Khán Zamán12b should deliver the country before him [i. e. Bengal] out of the hands of the Afgháns, he should (P. 19) take his place. So Sikandar skirting the mountains came to Jounpúr. And when the Khán Zamán received possession of Jounpúr, Sikandar on the authority of a firmán asked for the district of Gour12c that he might bring it under his command. There all sorts of accidents befel him, and after some time through the game of Fortune such a position of the pieces12d came about that he even attached himself again to his old friends, and fickle Fate folded for him the carpet of gladness:12e
“Fate's chequered board is not ever kind,
Nor can seed of joy be always sown,
These possessions must be all resigned,
Except mere dregs of joys which once were known.”It may here be mentioned that during the siege Muḥammad12f Qúlí Khán Barlás, and Atka Khán, and the other Amírs brought the Balqís12g of her day, the Queen Dowager12h and other ladies veiled with the veil of chastity, from Kábul to the camp. And on the 2nd of Shavvál12i in the year nine hundred and sixty-four (964) the imperial army moved towards Láhor. And during this march12j ill-feeling arose on the part of the Khán Khánán against Atka Khán on account of one of the Emperor's elephants having run into the Khán Khánán's tent; but Atka Khán came to Láhor, and bringing all his sons with him to the Khán Khánán's tent, took an oath on the Glorious Word13 [that the affair was a mere accident], so all suspicion was removed. In this year, through the intervention of Mullá 'Abdul-láh Sultánpurí,13a Sultán Ádam G'hakkar hastened to the Court to give in his adherence. And between the Khán Khánán and him a bond of brotherly love was formed, and in the presence of the Emperor himself a quarrel which had existed between Kámal Khán and his brother's son13b ended in a settlement. The Sultán Ádam returned to his usual place of abode loaded with honours and presents. (P. 20) After the passing away of the rainy season the imperial royal army marched towards Dihlí. And while camping at Jálandhar the nuptial bond was tied between the Khán Khánán and Her Highness Salímah Sultán Bégam, daughter of Mírzá Núr-ud-dín Muḥammad, and sister's daughter to the deceased Emperor, when a great feast was prepared, and gifts and largesses were distributed.
And on the 25th of the month Jamádá II13c in the year 965 the royal cavalcade alighted at Dihlí.
And in those days the Khán Khánán used to come two days a week to the court of judicature, and in conjunction with the nobles, used to settle the important affairs of the kingdom. Now, among the incidents which happened at that time, was the story of the affection of the Khán Zamán for Sháhim Bég. In brief it is as follows: In attendance on the late Emperor were two men of good looks, good disposition, and approved manners, belonging to the corps of the Qúrchís,13d the one Khúshḥál Bég, and the other Sháhim Bég son of the Sárbánbáshí13e of Sháh Ṭahmásp [of Persia]. Both of them were preeminent for beauty of disposition and appearance, the beau ideal of the age, and paragons in the practice of valour. Now the Khán Zamán, before his appointment to proceed towards Sambhal,14 cast secretly a glance at Sháhim Bég, and his extempore poem on the subject is as follows:—
“Of men and things there is no mark upon the board of life,
To me, love's pupil, naught but love for thee doth life impart.
Who else, as I for love of thee, lives such a weary life,
Grief's my friend, blood's my drink, pain's my sweetmeat, my food's my heart.”Now, when after the decease of the late Emperor he became an attendant on his present Majesty, he remained faithful to Sháhim Bég, who was one of the Qúrchís of the palace; and from the district of (P. 21) Lak'hnou he sent persons secretly to Dihlí, to fetch Sháhim Bég from thence to join him. So the Khán Zamán, following the manners of Transoxiana,14a manifested wonderful affection for Sháhim Bég, and called him “my king,” and gave himself up entirely to humouring him, and many times waited on him like an ordinary servant, and remained, while serving him, standing in his presence, and the like. Now I have heard from Mír Abu-l-Ghays Bokhárá of Dihlí (the mercy of God be upon him!), whose disciple Sháhim Bég had after a manner been, that at the time when Sháhim Bég came from the imperial camp to Jounpúr, agreeably with the age of youth, which “has just left the Presence of MY LORD,”14b was much occupied in prayer with the congregation, and in thanksgiving and reading the Qorán, and private prayer, and continual sanctity, and never turned his eye to unlawful things. And the Khán Zamán, through imitation of him, became adorned with scrupulous regard for the Law, and the practice of holiness. And, to please Sháhim Bég, he deputed officers to go into his own camp that, enforcing the observance of things commanded by the Law, and preventing the committal of such things as are forbidden, they might abolish all wanton and forbidden practices. And Mír Sayyid Muḥammad Makkí, (who understood the seven manners of reading the Glorious Word, and with whom the writer of these pages had learnt to read the Qorán at Sambhal in the time of Islím Sháh), he retained with orders to instruct Sháhim Bég with extreme and boundless care. But, since the asceticism of youths is of unstable equilibrium, this piety was in a short time changed to the opposite:—
“Long time on my patience I myself did pride, (P. 22) In practice of patience I displayed myself.
Love entered in, how could patience then abide!
Then thanks be to God! that I have proved myself.”Shxáhim Bég became attached to a dancing-girl named Árám Ján, who was very fascinating, and graceful in her movements; apropos of which:
“No one can force th' affections of the heart,
Nor count on winning or by grace or art:
Many of beauteous form, and glances sweet,
Pour forth their heart-blood at the loved one's feet:
Many a one of fairest cheek, and mild,
Has been despised by him on whom she smiled.”Sháhim Bég could not rest till he had gained her, and although the Khán Zamán possessed this girl in lawful marriage, he gave her up to him. He was perfectly happy with her for some days, and then he gave her up, and made her over to 'Abd-ur-Raḥmán bin Mu'ayyid Bég, who had a desperate fondness for her. When news of the Khán Zamán['s misconduct] came to the court, the Emperor's wrath knew no bounds, and an order went forth from Ágra and Dihlí to Jounpúr addressed to the Khán Zamán to seek Sháhim Bég, and another was issued to the fief-holders of that district, to the effect that, if the Khán Zamán should be dilatory in this matter, an Aghnágh, i. e., a meeting, should sit upon him, and bring him to punishment. Then the Khán Zamán sent a confidential servant of his, Barj 'Alí by name, to the court to gloss over those faults of his, and to retrieve his shattered fortunes. He was first of all to repair to the dwelling of Pír Muḥammad Khán, (P. 23) who was the Khán Zamán's plenipotentiary, and whose abode was upon a tower, and to deliver his message. It may be that harsh language was contained in the letter, for Pír Muḥammad Khán threw him down from the top of the tower, so that he was dashed to pieces. Pír Muḥammad Khán with hardness of heart laughingly said, ‘This little fellow has become a victim to his name.’16 When the Khán Zamán heard this news he set his heart on getting rid of Sháhim Bég, and extemporised the following:—
“When Union turns away, and leaves the country,
The [cold] wind of absence knows no bounds.
My breast is burning with desire for Union,
[But] my place of resort is the shop of the stitcher of fur.”And so, in accordance with the exigencies of the moment, he gave him leave to retire to the district of Sarharpúr, (which is about 18 cosses from Jounpúr, and was fixed as the fief of 'Abd-ur-Raḥmán Bég) that he might occupy himself there for a time in the pleasures of the chase, and return as soon as the wrath of the Emperor should be abated. So Sháhim Bég, in company with 'Abd-ur-Raḥmán Bég, spent his time at that town, where there was an artificial lake of pure water, and a most pleasant garden, and a beautiful building in the middle of the lake, (and a most delightful and tranquil spot it is!); until on a certain day they had a wine-party and became exceedingly elevated, when—in accordance with the following:
“Singing and love and constant drinking
Are all three things which to madness tend:
When wine and love their arms are linking,
God be our refuge! for bad's the end”—he asked 'Abd-ur-Raḥmán Bég for Árám Ján. He brought forward the excuse that he was married to her, and so Sháhim Bég became enraged with him, and all that friendship in a moment ended in hatred:—
“Many have I observed, through the freaks of fickle Fate, (P. 24) Turned from hate to friendship, or again, from love to hate,” and through pride and drunkenness of wine and youth he gave his orders, and had 'Abd-ur-Raḥmán seized; and, on the ground that Árám Ján had first been his, he demanded her from the house of 'Abd-ur-Raḥmán, and kept her with him. But Muayyid Bég, the younger brother of 'Abd-ur-Raḥmán Bég, from a strong feeling of his brother's wrongs, assembled a body of men, and attacked the balcony,17 where Sháhim Bég and Árám Ján were together. Sháhim Bég rose to drive them back, and a fray ensued, in which insane affair an arrow reached a mortal part of Sháhim Bég, and he died. The following hemistich they composed as giving the date:—
“He cried ah! and said: Sháhim is become a martyr.”Be it observed that, when the numerical value of “ah”17a is subtracted from that of “Sháhim Shahíd shud,” we get 963, the date. But, it is a disputed point, whether that fatal accident befel Sháhim Bég in this year, or the year before; probably the latter: but God knows. Then 'Abd-ur-Raḥmán fled to the court, where he was favourably17b received. The Khán Zamán had put on mourning and pursued 'Abd-ur-Raḥmán Bég to the water of the Ganges, but being unsuccessful he returned disconsolate [to Jounpúr] with weeping eye and parched heart:—
“In grief the Sun dropped blood at dawn,17c
Moon tore its face, Zohrah its tress,
Night put on mourning black, and Morn
Raised a cold sigh, and rent its dress.”During these few years the Khán Zamán with a small force had several brilliant engagements with the numerous forces of the Afgháns, and obtained the victory over them. The history of this series of battles forms a model page in the annals (P. 25) of the time. Amongst them is the battle of Lak'hnou, in which Ḥasan Khán Bachgotí brought 20,000 men against the Khán Zamán, who had not assembled more than 3,000 or 4,000. Up to the moment when the enemy18 crossed the river Karwí and attacked Bahádur18a Khán, the Khán Zamán himself was engaged in taking a meal. When news was brought that the enemy was advancing to the attack, he called for a chess-board and kept playing at his ease. When he was told that the foreign troops had driven back his own men, he then at last called for his arms, and put them on. And, while the enemy was plundering his tents, and his whole army was in confusion, he ordered Bahádur Khán to retire; then he, with a handful of men, with drums beating, fell upon the enemy, repulsed them, and pursued them to a distance of seven or eight cosses. The slain he piled up in heaps, and then returned victorious. So, also, at Joun-púr he fought with the Bengálí,18b who called himself Sulṭán Bahádur, and had issued coin, and caused the Khutbah18c to be read in his name in Bengál. This man advanced upon Jounpúr with between 30,000 and 40,000 horse, and the followers of the Khán Zamán were completely routed. When the Khán Zamán rose from table, the enemy found the cloth spread just as it was, and began to plunder. But afterwards the Khán Zamán with a small18d body of men brought destruction18e on the fortune of the Afgháns, slaying many and taking many prisoners; and such an amount of booty did he take, that his army was completely set up in stores. And, in truth, such was his kingly good fortune, that he, and his brother with his own troop, obtained such a series of victories on the eastern side of Hindustán, as has fallen to the lot of but few. And, had they not shown the stain of rebellion upon the forehead of loyalty, these two brothers would have been on the path to a royal distinction. But, in the end, they sank all that perseverance and energy in the dust of (P. 26) degradation:—
“For fifty years one may maintain a name,
But one base act will cover it with shame.”And the rest of their acts will be mentioned in the years before us, if God, He is exalted, will it.
And in this year the Khán Khánán brought to punishment Muçáḥib Bég, the son of Khwájah Kalán Bég, a man who was not free from evil qualities, and inward vice.
And on the 17th of the sacred month of Muḥarram in the year 965, which coincides with the 3rd year from the Accession, the royal train adorned the city of Ágra. And in this year took place the appointment, removal, rise, and fall of Pír Muhammad Khán: and this is how it came about. Pír Muhammad Khán from being a Mullá had become an Amír, and had been advanced to such a degree, that he became closer and opener of every important affair of state, and finance, as vicegerent of the Khán Khánán. All the Pillars of the State used to go to his house, and but few obtained admittance. His opulence had reached to such a pitch that one day, in the course of going from Dihlí to Ágra, when the Khán Khánán went on an hunting expedition with Pír Muhammad Khán, the Khán Khánán asked his private purveyors: “Is there no provision in store, for we are hungry?” and Pír Muhammad Khán on the spur of the moment said: “If you will be pleased to alight, whatever may happen to be at hand shall be served.” So the Khán Khánán with his suit alighted under a tree, and 3000 drinking cups, and 700 porcelain dishes of various colours(?)19 were brought out from the travelling-stores of Pír Muhammad Khán. Though the Khán Khánán was astonished, he let no sign of his astonishment escape him, but great jealousy found its way into his heart:—
“Perhaps in this place you may chance to fail to see,
How many envious foes, and jealous friends there be.”(P. 27) When they arrived at Ágra, Pír Muhammad Khán was indisposed for some days, and the Khán Khánán came to visit him. One of the servants, who was in the habit of keeping off people, both great and small, came to stop him, and said: “Be pleased to wait until your request has been made known, when you have made application you may come in;” on this the astonishment of the Khán Khánán knew no bounds, and he said:—
“For a wilful fool there is no cure!”When this came to the ears of Pír Muhammad Khán, ill as he was, he came running, and “after the destruction of Bozrah”20 begged forgiveness, saying: “Forgive me, for my Porter did not know you.” The Khán Khánán answered: “Nor you either!” In spite of this, when the Khán Khánán came in, not one of Pír Muhammad's household was dismissed except Ṭáhir Muḥammad Sulṭán his chamberlain, who had obtained that position with great difficulty. Praise be to God! for if the fortunes of that man be such what shall I say of myself!—
“O go not to the Sulṭan's Court,
For there indeed thou 'lt profit naught.
Let the gruff Porter's stern rebuff
For wisdom's warning be enough.”20aAnd the Khán Khánán, after he had sat down for a moment, came out again, and Pír Muhammad was left to meditate upon the affair. After two or three days the Khán Khánán sent to Pír Muhammad Khán the following message, by the hand of Khwájah Amíná20b (who afterwards became Khwájah Jahán), and of Mír 'Abd-ulláh Bakhshí, and a number of courtiers: “You will remember that you came to Qandahár in the position of an unfortunate student, and that when we found that you possessed ability and the quality of fidelity, and when also some worthy services had been performed by you, we raised you, a mere student and beggar, from the lowest step among the degraded, to the highest grade among the exalted in (P. 28) Sulṭánship and Khánship, and to the post of an Amír of Amírs; but, since the carrying of a high position is not in your capacity, nothing but a suspicion of rebelliousness and baseness remains in you. So we will take away from you for a time the insignia of your pride, that your base disposition and inflated brain may come to their senses. Now it is right that you should surrender the standard, and kettle-drum, and paraphernalia of pomp.” So Pír Muhammad Khán, in accordance with this command, surrendered on the spot to some of the Khán's people those accessories of conceit (which have carried a host of ignorant men off their balance, and do so still, and have driven, and still do drive them, from the path of manliness and generosity, and have made, and still make, them associates of the Ghúls of the desert), and become the same Mullá Pír Muhammad that he was before; nay he became poorer still:—
“Whatever the rolling heaven gives is but a loan,
In a mill the white is but contingent21 to the stone.”Soon after this they sent the Mullá to the fortress of Biyánah, and there he was confined. And from this place he wrote numberless pamphlets on the subject of proof by tamánu,21a which is that made use of in the verse of the Qorán [XXI, 22]: “If there were in them gods beside God, verily both heaven and earth would come to ruin,” and is a well known method of argument among logicians: and others besides addressed to the Khán Khánán, and thus made endeavours at reconciliation, and liberating himself; but all was in vain:—
“The heart's a glass, if broken, how repair the ill!
It is no earthen cup to be cracked and patched at will.”After some days they sent him from Biyánah by order of the Khán Khánán, on a pilgrimage to the sacred Mekka: and he was still in Gujrát, when the decline of the Khán Khánán's22 power began. Then he returned, and came to pay his homage to the Emperor, and having obtained the name of Násir-ul-mulk, he was appointed to go in pursuit of the Khán Khánán, as shall be recorded in its proper place22a if God (He is exalted!) will. (P. 29) And the office of vicegerent of the Khán Khánán was transferred from Pír Muhammad Khán to Hájí Muḥammad Khán Sístání, who was also one of the Khán's followers. And the following line is applicable to this occurrence:—
“The dog sits down in the sausage-seller's place.”22bAnd Shaikh Gadá-í Kamboh, son of Jamál Kambo-í (a poet of Dihlí, who after the second defeat in India during the time of the exile at Gujrát had come to the Khán Khánán) through the influence of the latter, they put over the heads of all the magnates of Hindústán and Khurásán, and appointed him to the high office of Çadr.22c And the Khán Khánán, nay even the Emperor himself, was often present at his house at singing parties, where the most abject flattery rained down on all sides, and which became a regular hypocrisy-shop. And,—since, from the time of the establishment of Islám in Hindústán, God (praise to Him, and glorious is His Majesty!) has created the great Shaikhs of this country, just the opposite22d in nature to the secular princes, viz., always peasant-natured, servile in disposition, and low-minded, and since their pomp and glory has never consisted in smiting with the sword, but in flattering others, in spiritual hypocrisy, and ignominy, and the garb of dignity and honour has ever been too strait for the stature of their ambition—the chief Imáms, at this exaltation of Shaikh Gadá-í, about the eminence23 of whose family they had stories, went mourning from house to house, and so the Arabic Proverb “The death of the great has exalted me” became verified:—
“At my rival's insolence I'm mightily surprised,
O may that beggar Gadá-í23a ne'er be highly prized.”And he drew the pen of obliteration through the grants of land and pensions23b of the old servants of the crown [Afgháns, Blochm.], and to every one who bore the disgrace of coming to his levees he gave a sayúrghál,23c but not unless. But still, compared with this [niggard] age, in which demurs are made to the giving of a single acre of land (P. 30), or even less, as madad i ma'ásh, one might call Shaikh Gadá-í a very “world-giver.”23d Then the princes and nobles of the kingdom, as many as came, flew into a rage at the advancement, honour, and unseasonable exaltation of Shaikh Gadá-í, and some of them consoled themselves with these words:—
When a fool is exalted through riches,
In the assembly, above the wise and excellent,
He is still the last in all good qualities,
As though the accusative were to prevent the nominative.If an Emperor sit humbled,
It is neither disgrace to him, nor praise to you.
Dost thou not see that the Sura Ikhláç
Comes after “May the hands of Abu Lahab perish?”23eAnd Mír Sayyid Ni'mat Rusúlí, who has been mentioned, repeated the distich, and made it well known in mosques and monastries. And in the mosque, and in Shaikh Gadá-í's own tribunal they wrote up his disgraceful deeds, until he came to read them and had them erased. Still it was no good: and this is one of the lampoons:—
“Mention not Gadá-í's name, eat not his bread
Since beggary24 is bad, Gadá-í's face is black.”And some instances of his insincerity, and stupidity, and evil goings-on with respect to the servants of the Emperor were exposed, which will be mentioned in their proper place. And in these days the king studied under that paragon of greatness Mír 'Abd-ul-Latíf, who is one of the great Sayfí-Sayyids24a of Qazwín, and who came from the country of 'Iráq to India in the year 963, and with him he began reading the Díwán24b of “mystic language.” And 'Abd-ul-Latíf's able son (an Amír endowed with excellent qualities, and commendable dispositions, in whom is reflected the truth of the Arabic proverb: “A well-bred son takes after his noble parents,” whose name is Mír Ghiyás-ud-dín, and surname Naqíb Khán, a very miracle of knowledge in manners and customs, chronology, biography, and all subjects of conversation, one of the wonders of the day, and a blessing of the blessings of the age, a second Preserved Tablet,24c and who bears to myself, the writer of these pages, the relation of cotemporary, fellow-student (P. 31) and co-religionist, is at present in attendance on His Majesty, giving all his attention to reading history, and all books of verse and prose, both day and night.
And in the year 966 the capture of the fort of Gwályár took place. A ghulám of 'Adalí,25 Buhail25a Khán by name, who was beseiged therein, sued for quarter and gave up the keys. The date will be found contained in the words Fatḥ-i báb-í kil'ah-e Gwályár, “The opening of the gate of the fortress of Gwályár.” And in this same year Sangrám25b Khán, also a ghulám of [the late] 'Adalí, sold the fortress of Rantambhor into the hand of Rái Surjan Hádá. The facts of the case are as follows. Before the Emperor made the city of Ágra the goal of his prosperous journey, he had appointed some of the Amírs, such as Hindú Bég Moghúl, &c., to reduce the fort of Rantambhor. They beseiged Sangrám Khán and ravaged the environs of the fortress, and the surrounding district, but were unsuccessful in their main object. But when Biyánah was given as a fief to Ḥabíb 'Alí Khán, one of the followers of the Khán Khánán, and Basáwar, and Todah25c Tark 'Alí, which is better known as Todah Bihyún, were given to Chaghatáí Khán, then Ḥabíb 'Alí Khán was honoured with the command of the army, and, superseding the Amírs of the surrounding district, was appointed to undertake the seige. When he had beseiged the place for the space of one year, and reduced the garrison to great straits, Sangrám Khán made proposals of peace, and sending a messenger of entreaty with a view to acting upon the Khán's feelings, asked for special conditions for his own personal advantage. The Kháns chose my father, and that pilgrim to the two sacred precincts, Hájí Bhíkan Basáwarí, and sent them to arrange this important matter. After much altercation Sangrám Khán agreed to surrender the fortress on certain conditions, among which was one that he should receive part-compensation in the shape of ready-money, goods, and the most valuable of the furniture (P. 32) of his own house. But when the Amírs, since they had not the money to pay down, practised delay and procrastination in the matter, and moreover there was some idea of after all taking the fortress by assault, then26 Sangrám Khán gave up the fortress to Rái Surjan,26a and got all he wanted from him: and this unfortunate army after so many years of effort got no thanks. Then Sangrám Khán in company with Hájjí Khán Alwarí went to Gujrát. And Rái Surjan strengthened the fort with the stores of provisions and arms. Thus by means of riches and address he became master of some also of the pargannas in the vicinity of the fortress. Then Ḥabíb 'Alí Khán and the Amírs, after spending some time in ravaging the country, separated and returned to their fiefs.
In this year Jamál Khán, a ghulám of [the late] 'Adalí, who had become possessed of Chunár, sent a representative to court, to intimate that if they could send a man fitted to be trusted with the affair he would surrender to him the fortress, on which the Khán Khánán sent back, in company with Jamál Khán's representative, Mihr 'Alí Bég Sildúz, (who afterwards attained the rank of Khán, and was made governor of the fortress of Chítor), with a farmán containing friendly terms.
And in those days I left home and, going from Basáwar to Ágra with the intention of pursuing my studies, I made acquaintance with Mihr 'Alí Bég, and remained at his house. And he greatly importuned my late teacher Shaikh Mubárak of Nágór (the mercy of God be upon him!), and my deceased father Shaikh Mulúksháh (may he rest in peace!), to allow me to be his travelling companion, and carried the matter to such a pitch that he declared that he would lay aside the business26b of his journey, if I could not go with him. And both of these valued persons, whom I have named, in their generous friendship towards me, thinking it best for me to go, would take no refusal. So I, to gratify my teacher, although it was the height of the rainy26c season, and I was an inexperienced traveller, abandoning my studies, mounted the dangers of the journey. And passing through Kanouj,27 Lak'hnou, (P. 33), Jounpúr, and Benáres, having seen the wonders of the world, and having been in the company of some of the great Shaikhs and Doctors of that part of the country, after crossing the river Ganges I came to Chunár in a month Zí-l-qa'dah27a in the year nine hundred and sixty-six (966). Jamál Khán sent some of his people to meet Mihr 'Alí, and bring him to his house. There he received him with fitting hospitality and shewed him the palaces of Shér Sháh and Salím Sháh, and all the defensive munitions of the fort. But when the farmán of conciliation, containing a grant of five pargannas in the neighbourhood of Jounpúr in exchange for the fortress of Chunár, was read, Jamál Khán showed that he had further expectations, and proposing the most impossible terms endeavoured to detain Mihr 'Alí in inactivity until an answer to his representation should arrive from the court. Meanwhile he artfully held communication both with Khán Zamán27b and Fatḥ Khán Afghán Tabní (?)27c who with all his force was at the fortress of Rohtás, holding out to them separately promises of the fortress. Then Mihr 'Alí, when he became aware of the treachery and perfidy of Jamál Khán, and when also a suspicion as to Fatḥ Khán's fidelity found way into his mind, fearing lest they should league together for his injury, left the fort unattended, on the pretext of taking exercise. So leaving me in the fortress, he crossed the Ganges in the greatest perturbation. Then insinuating myself into Jamál Khán's good graces, and promising him to bring back Mihr 'Alí, and restore peace and quiet, in the evening I got into a boat with the intention of crossing the river. It happened that my boat fell into a terrible whirlpool at the foot of the hill which adjoins the wall of the fortress, and a dreadful hurricane arose, which made the boat shake in every timber, and if the mercy of the Creator of land and sea had not been my shelter,27d the bark of my (P. 34) hope in that whirlpool of calamity would have been dashed to atoms on the hill to death:—
“I came into a sea whose waves were man-devouring,
No boat in that sea, no sailor, it is wonderful!”And in the jungle at the foot of the Chunár hill I came to the dwelling and abode of Shaikh Muhammad Ghous, one of the great Shaikhs of India, and a man of prayer. One of his followers met me, and showed me a cave where the Shaikh had lived for twelve years as a hermit, subsisting on the leaves, and fruit of the desert trees. So celebrated had he become for the fulfilment of his blessings, that even powerful and absolute monarchs used to bow the head of sincerity and courtesy in his honour.
After that Mihr 'Alí returned to Ágra, Fatú a ghulám of 'Adalí got into his possession the fortress of Chunár.
In 966 A. H. the aforenamed Shaikh with disciples and followers arrived with state and pomp at Ágra, coming from Gujrát. The Emperor received him with frank confidence. But his arrival was displeasing to Shaikh Gadá-í who on account of jealousy, hypocrisy, and envy (which to the saints of Hindustán, in their feelings towards one another, are the very necessaries of life), looked on his arrival as a case of opening a shop in the story above his own shop:—
“The truth of this proverb wisdom will see,
That, ‘Two of a trade can never agree.’”28And the Khán Khánán, on account of the influence which Shaikh Gadá-i exercised over his mind, did not receive Shaikh Muhammad in such a friendly manner as he ought to have done. On the contrary he held many preconcerted conversaziones, in which he brought forward the Shaikh to be a butt for the arrows of contumely, by bringing on the tapis a treatise of his, in which, describing the circumstances of his own exaltation, he says that in his waking moments he had had an interview and conversation with the Lord of Glory (glorious is His Majesty!), who assigned to him a superiority over the Repository of Prophecy,28a (may (P. 35) God bless him, and his family, and give him peace!), and which contained other such follies equally contemptible and reprehensible both in thought and expression. So the Shaikh much chagrined retired to Gwályár, and occupied himself in the pursuits of his holy calling, contenting himself with a jágír which yielded a million sterling!29
In this year Bahádur Khán, brother of the Khán Zamán, with the intention of subjugating the country of Málwah,29a which Báz Bahádur, son of Suzáwal29b Khán at that time held, had advanced as far as the town of Siprí,29c when the Khan Khánán's troubles came about, so he turned back, and with the Khán Khánán's leave came, and attached himself to the Court. In the same year Ḥusain Khán came from Andarí to Ágra, and going with some of the gallant Commanders towards Rantambhór performed some brilliant exploits at Súpar,29d and thence he carried his operations to the castle of Rantambhór, and defeated Rái Surjan in battle and compelled him to shut himself up in that fortress. Against him he acquitted himself well; but on account of the confusion which reigned in the circles of the Khán Khánán, he left his circle of investment incomplete, and went to Gwályár. And when thence he was making for Málwah, the Khán Khánán recalled him to Ágra.
On the 20th of Jumádá-s-sání29e in the year 967 the Emperor crossed the river Jumna on a hunting expedition. And some malevolent speakers, who were jealous of the absolute authority which the Khán Khánán enjoyed as the Vakíl, and especially Adham Khán (who on account of his being the son of Máhum Atka29f held the post nearest to his person), and Çádiq Muḥammad Khán and others, seized the opportunity of misrepresenting to the Emperor certain words of the Khán Khánán. And in fact the Emperor himself (because he had not absolute power in his own kingdom, and sometimes (P. 36) had no voice in some of the transactions relating to expenses of the Exchequer, and because there was no privy purse at all, and the servants of the Emperor had but poor fiefs, and were kept in the depths of poverty, while the Khán Khánán's were in ease and luxury) wished that the circle about him should be put on a different footing. But he had no power to accomplish this, until, in accordance with the saying “When God wills a thing, its causes are at hand”, circumstances combined to bring about the desired result:—
“When the subject-matter is collected,
Then the act of verse-making is easy.”Close by Sikandrah-rao which is [more than] half-way to Dihlí Máhum Ankah represented to His Highness, that the Queen Dowager, who was at Dihlí, had fallen suddenly ill, and impressed upon him that he ought to direct his course thither. Shaháb-ud-dín Aḥmad Khán the Governor of Dihlí came to meet the Emperor, and in concert with all the others made mountains of mole-hills, and prejudiced his mind against the Khán Khánán:—
“Thy mole, and tutty-mark, and locks, and brow,
Are all banded together.
For the purpose of killing Mus'úd30
She is become an arraigner.”Eventually she made the following representation: “When the Khán Khánán learns that the imperial cavalcade is come to Dihlí at my instigation, he will be sure to wish to avenge himself, and I have no power to resist him, so it is best that I should receive permission to make a pilgrimage to Mekka.” The Emperor could not make up his mind to part with Máhum Ankah. So he allayed their terror, and sent to the Khán Khánán the following message: “Since without your leave and approval I have journeyed thus far,30a all my attendants are in the uttermost terror. It is right, therefore, that you should show yourself amicably inclined towards them, and so enable them to continue in my service with minds at ease.” The Khán Khánán sent Khwájah (P. 37) Amíná,31 and Hájjí Muhammad Khán of Sístán, and Tarsán Muḥammad Khán, who were the centre and pivot of important affairs, to wait on the Emperor, to make apologies, and assure his Majesty of his continued fidelity, and good will. But these advances did not reach the door of acceptance, and the above-mentioned magnates were not allowed to return. Then Shaháb-ud-dín Aḥmad Khán and Máhum Ankah, being determined to go through with the matter, spread abroad the news of the Emperor's alienation from the Khán Khánán, so that it reached the utmost publicity. Then the Amírs one after another left Ágra for Dihlí; and the affair is an exact parallel to that of the Sulṭán Abú Sa'íd Moghúl with Amír Chúbán, who was a vazír of almost regal magnificence: an affair which is mentioned in the books of history. And so the well-known [Arabic] proverb was fulfilled “The mystery of the world is like the course of the ass; when it goes forward it does go forward, when it goes back it does go back:”
When Fortune wishes to come to a slave,
All strangers claim relationship with him.
But when the time of prosperity turns away,
His very door and wall become a sting to him.31aQíyám Khán Kang was the first of the Amírs who arrived at Dihlí. And Shaháb-ud-dín Aḥmad Khán, and Máhum Ankah attached each one, as he came, more and more to the cause of the Emperor by holding out promises of high offices and fiefs: and with the greatest care and vigilance they applied themselves to strengthening the fortifications.
The Khán Khánán, who was at Ágra with all his devoted adherents, called a council. The advice of Shaikh Gadáí, with several others, was this, that before the balance of fortune should have turned against him he should set out, and get the Emperor into his power, so as to prevent his being accessible to the Khán's detractors. The Khán Khánán did not approve this advice, saying “Since the heart of the Emperor is alienated from me, any further friendly intercourse in public is out of the question (P. 38), but how could I possibly assume any other guise! for, after spending a lifetime in loyalty to his person, in my old age to put a dishonourable stain on the forehead of my fortune were to cause me an eternal disgrace.” Now he had always had a desire to make a pilgrimage to Mekka and Medína, so he got things ready for his journey to Ḥijáz,32 and set off for Biyánah, intending to go by way of Nágór. He told his intention to all his supporters, and gave them leave to go to the court. And Bahádur Khán, who had been sent for from Málwah,32a he allowed to go as their companion. He then released Muḥammad Amín Díwánah32b from the prison in the fortress of Biyánah, and departed:—
“There is no permanence in any prosperity,
However much you may have tried it:
For lo! ‘Prosperity’32c read backwards is ‘transient’,32d
Read it and see for yourself.”And those, who had the Emperor's ear, represented to him, that the Khán Khánán intended to go to the Panjáb. So the Emperor sent from Dihlí a message by the hand of Mír 'Abd-ul-Laṭíf Qaz-wíní, saying: “Our intention in coming32e to Dihlí was simply, to transact some important State affair on our own absolute authority. But since you have long had a desire to retire, and have taken the resolution of going to Ḥijáz, it is just as well that you should do so. And now you shall have as many pargannahs in Hindústán as you please, and your agents shall forward the revenues of them to any place at which you may happen to be staying.” When the Khán Khánán heard the will of the Emperor, he went from Méwát to Nágór; and, with the exceptions of Walí Bég Zu-'l Qadr, and Ḥusain Qulí Khán (who became Khán Jahán),33 and Ismá'íl Qulí Khán his brother, and Sháh Qulí Khán Muḥarram, and Ḥusain Khán a relative of Mahdí Qásim Ḳhán, none remained with him. From Nágór he sent to the Court by the hand of Ḥusain Qulí Khán his paraphernalia of pomp, consisting of such kettle-drums and standards as he possessed. Also Shaikh Gadáí (P. 39), at last on the confines of Bíkánír, chose too to separate himself, and the hidden meaning of the following became manifest:—
“Every brother must part from his brother
(By thy father's life!) except the two stars Al-Farqadáni.”The Emperor, on his way from Dihlí to the Panjáb, had reached the town of Jhujhar, when these insignia of power were brought to him, and their surrender pleased him much. At this halting place Sháh 'Abú-l-ma'álí, who had come to pay his respects to the Emperor, wished, in the madness of his brain, to overtake33a his majesty on horseback. The Emperor had him arrested and given in charge of Shaháb-ud-dín Aḥmad Khán. And at the same stage Pír Mu-ḥammad Khán Shírwání, who was awaiting the proper season [for the pilgrimage] at Gujrát, having received information of the confusion of affairs, and of the causes of the Khán Khánán's dismissal, set off at once to the Emperor and did him homage, and received the title of Náçir-i-mulk. When he had received the insignia and standards of Khán-hood, he was appointed by the Emperor to go after the Khán Khánán, and pack him off as quickly as possible to Mekka without giving him any time for delay. He started off quickly enough, but remained at his leasure at Nágór, and after a few days' journey wrote a letter to the Khán Khánán as follows:—
“I came, in the heart the foundations of love were firm likewise,
My sorrow-laden soul is of sorrow-for-thee the companion likewise.”The Khán Khánán wrote in answer: “Your coming was manly, but your delay, after having come near, is cowardly.”
The Emperor, when he had returned to Dihlí, sent for Mun'im Khán from Kábul, in order to invest him with the office of Prime-minister (Vakíl).34
The Khán Khánán went from Nágór to Bíkánír with the intention of keeping an eye on the proceedings of Máldeo Rája of Jodhpúr, who with a considerable force had made himself master of the road to Gujrát.34a But being very much annoyed, when he became aware of Pír Muḥammad Khán's pursuit of him, he became desperate, and at the instigation of some demon-like men turned to the Panjáb. His people, family, and effects, together with his lawful heir Mírzá Abd-ur-raḥím, (who (P. 40) was then but three years of age, but now holds the post of Khán Khánán, and Commander-in-Chief), he put for security into the fortress of Tabarkindh,34b which was a fief of Shér Muḥammad Díwánah, the reputed son of the Khán Khánán. But news came to the Khán Khánán, whilst at Dípálpúr, that the said Díwánah had seized those effects and was behaving most treacherously to his adherents. Upon this he sent to Díwánah one Khwájah Muzaffar 'Alí Díwánah, (who afterwards became Muzaffar Khán), and Derwísh Muḥammad Uzbek with sage and soothing words, [thinking] that “may be when he has repented of his base conduct, he will return to rectitude.” But a dog had bitten Díwánah:—
“O wise men stand on one side,
For Díwánah34c is intoxicated.”Shér Muḥammad sent Khwájah Muzaffar a prisoner to the Court, and this blow caused the Khán Khánán more despair than all the rest besides, so that starting from where he was, he set off for Já-landhar. Then Shams-ud-dín Atkah Khán, and his son Yúsuf Muḥammad Khán, and Ḥusain Khán the relative of Shaháb Khán, and all the Amírs of the Panjáb assembled in accordance with a farmán, and in the confines of the parganna of Dik'hdár,34d at a spot called Kanúr Phillour,35 hemmed in the Khán Khánán. There a severe contest took place, in which Ḥusain Khán the relative of Mahdí Qásim Khán distinguished himself; but unfortunately a sword-blow struck him in the eye so that one might say of him that he was “eye stricken.”35a He fell from his seat in the saddle, and being made prisoner was sent to the Court together with Walí Bég, and his son Ismá'íl Qulí Khán, and several others of the chiefs; as will soon be mentioned, if God (He is exalted!) will. After that blow the Khán Khánán fled, and immense spoil fell into the hands of Atkah Khán and his army. Among these things was a standard worked with pearls and gems, which (P. 41) the Khán Khánán had had made, and intended to have sent to the most holy sepulchre35b (may mercy and favour rest on its inhabitant!). Of this Imám my lord Moulawí Jámí (may his tomb be hallowed!) wrote those laudatory and descriptive couplets:—
“Peace on the family of Ṭá Há35c and Yá Sín!
Peace on the family of the Best of the Prophets!
Peace on the Shrine, wherein there rests.
An Imám, in whom sovereignty and religion are preeminent!”
’An Imám, yea in sooth an absolute monarch,
For the sanctuary of his door is become the Qiblah of kings.
King of the palace of Knowledge, Rose of the garden of Bounty,
Moon of the mansion of Majesty, the Pearl of the casket of Contingency.
[Peace] on Ibn Musá Rizá, to whom from God
Is the name Rizá,35d because doing God's will was his habit.”They say that the banner cost nearly a kror of gold. And Qásim Arsalán found the date of the event in the words, “'alam-i imám-i hashtum,36 “banner of the 8th Imám”.36a Atkah Khán sent it with the rest of the spoils to the Court, and it was put into the imperial treasury. One of the remarkable incidents of this year was that the Khán Khánán published as his own36b a ghazal of Háshim Qandahárí, putting the lines into a different arrangement;36c he ordered 60,000 tankahs of money to be paid to him by way of compensation, and asked if the sum were sufficient; Háshim by way of an extempore joke said “Sixty is too little.” upon which he increased the sum by 40,000 and gave him altogether a complete lac. From it you would infer that the Khán Khánán's star was setting, and as a matter of fact his power at this period was on the decline. The ghazal is as follows, of which the Maṭla'36d is Háshim's:—
“What am I? one who has let go the rein of his heart;
Who by the hand of his heart has fallen from his feet upon the road of trouble;
Who is become like a madman in the skirts of the mountains;
Who has without will of his own turned his head to the desert;
At one time like a candle seized by the fire of his heart,
At another like a wick fallen into the heart of the fire.
I, Bairam, am free from care for little or much,
Never have I uttered a single word less or more.”(P. 42). This maṭla' also is one of Háshim's:—
“Thy lip was smiling on account of the weeping eye that I have,
Thy heart was contented on account of the distracted state I am in.”And in the same way the Khán Khánán, although he had nothing in his treasury, gave at one sitting a lac of tankahs worth in money and goods to Rám Dás of Lak'hnou, who was one of the musicians37 of Aslím Sháh, and one that in music37a and song you might term a second Miyán Tán Sín. This man used to be the Khán Khánán's companion and intimate associate, and by the beauty of his voice continually brought tears to his eyes. There was likewise a certain Ḥijáz Khán Badáúní, who formerly was among the number of the Amírs of the Afgháns, and had a standard and a kettle-drum, and a pennon, and afterwards towards the end of his life retired from military affairs, and in the enjoyment of a very trifling pension pursued rectitude in the path of asceticism and devotion. To him in return for a Qaçídah, which in the Maqṭa'37b he dedicated to the Khán, he gave a lac of tankahs, and made him Superintendent of the Government of Sirhind, and caused him to be appointed to that province. The Maṭla' of the Qaçídah is as follows:—
“When the seal of the ring of the heavens
Went down into the water,
The view of its signet gave
A ruby-tinge to the ground.”And so that saying of Khwájah Kalán Bég came true, viz., “Heaven above37c is of course a good judge of poetry!” The sum of the whole matter is that 100,000 were to the liberal mind of the Khán as one. How different indeed to these base ones, who now have come to the surface of the water:—
“If the odour of fidelity thou perceivest from any one,
His foot thou shouldest kiss much more than that of kings.”(P. 43). In the month Zî-'l-qa'dah38 of this year, after the appointment of Atkah Khán to march to the Panjáb, the Emperor appointed Khwájah 'Abd-ul-Majíd of Harát, with the title of Áçaf Khán, to the Government of Dihlí. And then as it was the best thing to do, since Ḥusain Khán's father Walí38a Beg and his brother Ismá'íl Qulí Khán were with the Khán Khánán, he delivered Ḥusain Khán38b to Áçaf Khán's keeping, and himself went to the Panjáb.
Mun'im Khán, in accordance with orders, having come from Kábul to the halting-place of Ludhiyánah,38c in company with Muqím Khán sister's son to Tardí Bég Khán (who afterwards became Shujá'at Khán), waited on the king. He received the title of Khán Khánán and was raised to the office of Prime-minister. And the state of the public exchequer he laid bare. To this same halting-place came the news of the victory of Atkah Khán and the flight of the Khán Khánán towards the mountains of Siwálik. The captives were brought into the Emperor's presence, and he had them imprisoned. One of them, Walí Bég, who had received mortal wounds, went from a [temporal] to an eternal prison, and they sent his head to Dihlí. Ḥusain Khán was committed to the charge of his wife's brother Malik Muḥammad Khán son of Mahdí Qásim Khán, and the Emperor eventually took him into favour, and appointed to him as his fief Pátyálí, which is a town on the banks of the Ganges and the place of the birth and growth of ['A]mír38d Khusrou (mercy be upon him!)
After his defeat the Khán Khánán retired to Talwárah and shut himself up there. This is a very strong and almost inaccessible place in the mountains of Kushmál,38e on the banks of the river Biyáh, the government of which belonged to Rája Gobind Chand. The forces of the king drew near and joined battle. And Sulṭán Ḥusain Jaláír, a youth of great beauty, symmetry of form and bravery, fell in that battle. When they brought his head to the Khán Khánán, offering him congratulations, he calling to mind the youth's devotion to himself in times gone by, covered his face with a veil and wept aloud, (P. 44) saying: “A hundred reproaches on this life of mine! For through the misfortune of my soul so many youths are lost.” Although the Hindús of that place supported the Khán Khánán, fellow-feeling with the Moslem religion seized his skirt, so that turning his thoughts to the world to come, and purifying himself in the path of religion, he with a view to obtaining forgiveness for his shortcomings, sent without delay, and with the greatest humility, a message by the hand of Jamál Khán, a ghulám, craving an audience with the Emperor. Then Mullá 'Abd-ulláh of Sulṭánpúr, whose title was Makhdúm-ul-mulk, set off with the intention of acceding to his request. But the armies still remained in the same position, and the coming and going of messengers continued, until Mun'im Khán, with a handful of intrepid men, came up and seized the Khán Khánán's person and brought him back. And all the Amírs, in accordance with orders, went to meet him, and all honour and respect, just as in former times, having been paid to him, he received a free pardon, moreover a special dress of honour and a horse were given to him. Then Mun'im Khán brought him to his own abode, and put all his tents and appliances at his service. And two days afterwards he received permission to proceed to Mekka with such an allowance for travelling expenses as beseemed his rank. And the Amírs and courtiers, both small and great, gave him every proper assistance in the shape of money, and that kind of stores which the Turks call Chandogh, and the Emperor having appointed Hájjí Muḥammad Khán Sístání as the Khán's escort, himself went for recreation and hunting towards the castle of Firúzah, going by way of Dihlí; and on the fourth of Rabi'-ul-awwal39 in the year nine hundred and sixty-eight (968) he made his glorious entrée into Dihlí. And on the 12th of Rabi'-us-sání he arrived at Ágra, the metropolis, by water.
Now they say that the Khán Khánán going with his retinue to Gujrát by way of Nágór, passed through a jungle which abounded in the prickly acacia, (P. 45) and the corner of his turban was caught in a thorn and fell from his head. And, whereas such an event is usually considered a bad omen, in the Khán Khánán's case it was turned to quite the reverse,40 for Hájí Muḥammad Khán aptly quoted the following [couplet from Háfiz]:—
“When in the desert through desire for the Ka'bah40a thou dost set thy foot,
If the thorn of the acacia hit thy head do not grieve.”And so the Khán's gloom was turned to cheerfulness:—
“By speech knots are untied,
By speech the rust of the heart is polished off:
Many a knot which comes into our affairs from destiny,
To open which seems difficult,
Suddenly, by a graceful turn of language,
That business is converted into facility.”When he arrived at Patan in Gujrát, Musá Khán Fuládí, governor of Patan, and Hájjí Khán of Alwar, received him with the greatest respect, and gave themselves up to the necessary duties of hospitality. One day the Khán Khánán was taking a trip on the lake, called Sahnas Lang,40b where one named Mubárak Khán Afghán, (he belied his name!), whose father the Khán Khánán at the beginning of the conquest of Hindústan had ordered to be put to death, being resolved on vengeance, at the hour of evening prayer, when the Khán Khánán was getting out of the boat, came with a lot of ruffians, on the pretence of meeting him, and with one blow of his gleaming dagger made him drink the draught of martyrdom. And the date was found as follows:—
It said: Muḥammad Bairám is become a martyr;”41b“When Bairam put on the Iḥrám41 in order to encompass the Ka'bah,
On the road he became a martyr,41a not having obtained his desire.
Of my heart I asked the date of his martyrdom,And the humble author of this history discovered an enigma (P. 46)
“He said, ‘The rose is gone from the garden of beauty.’”41cFragment.“From the bowl of Fortune, who has ever drunk a draught,
To whom its drink has not been more deadly than poison?
How should the world make thee secure from vicissitudes,
When itself is not secure from vicissitudes?
Heaven is a thief breaking into the tent of life,
Alas! its form is not bending for naught!
Seek not repose, since for any one beneath the sky,
The means for attaining this has never been collected.
Only look at the blue41d garment of the sky, and learn,
That this sphere can be nothing but a house of mourning.
Put up with wounding, for to us from Fate
Wounds have become our portion, but not the antidote.
O Kháqání, listen not to the deceptions of the world,
For its own laws are not secured from revolution.”The Khán Khánán always had a sympathetic heart, and was devoted to the words of the great Shaikhs (God be favourable unto them!), and in his noble company the talk was ever of the Word of God, and the Word of the Prophet. One day he went to Síkrá to see a certain ascetic Dervish, and asked the meaning of this verse of the Qur'án, [iii 25]: “Thou exaltest whom thou wilt, and thou humblest whom thou wilt.” And, since the Dervish had not read a commentary, he gave no answer. Then the Khán Khánán himself said, “Thou exaltest whom thou wilt”, namely by means of contentment, “thou humblest whom thou wilt”, by continued craving.42 Moreover Friday's prayers and attendance at the (P. 47) mosque were never neglected by him. He was, however, somewhat touchy on the subject of precedence, as Muḥammad Amín Khatíb once said to the writer, “With regard to the titles of his Highness, you will do well to give him ever so many more than to other people.”
And in the same year Miyán Ḥátim Sambhalí passed from the world, and a blow fell on religion for [says the Arabic proverb] “The death of the learned is a fissure in religion.” And they found the date in the words,42a “He is with the mighty King.”
On the 12th of Rajab-ul-murajjab42b in this year Báz Bahádur, son of Sajáwal Khán,42c governor of Málwah, advanced with elephants and numerous followers within 7 cosses of Sárangpúr42d to oppose Adham Khán, Pír Muḥammad Khán, and the other renowned Amírs. He gave battle and was defeated, and his retinue, and servants, and wives, were all taken prisoners. On the day of the victory, the two captains remained on the spot, and had the captives brought before them, and troop after troop of them put to death, so that their blood flowed river upon river; and Pír Muḥammad Khán, with a smile on his face, said in jest “what a plague of a strong neck this victim has, and what a power of blood has poured from it!”. And as for God's creation, (which is only another term for mankind), with my own eye was it seen, that in his sight it was valued but as radishes,42e and cucumbers, and leeks. When I, without any prejudice against either side, came to that army and saw the terror, like that of the Judgment-day, I said to my friend Mihr 'Alí Khán Bég Sildoz,43 “Though the rebels have met with their deserts yet it is not at all in accordance with the Sacred Law to kill and imprison their wives and children.” Then he, on account of the pain offered to his religious feelings and conscience, spoke to Pír Muḥammad Khán to the same effect. He replied “In one single night all these captives have been taken, what can be done with them!” And the same night these plundering43a marauders, having stowed away their Muḥammadan captives, consisting of the wives of Shaikhs, and Sayyids, and learned men, and nobles, in their boxes and saddle-bags, brought them to (P. 48) Ujjain43b and other districts. And the Sayyids, and Shaikhs of that place came out to meet him with their Qur'áns in their hands, but Pír Muḥammad Khán put them all to death, and burnt them:—
“Having torn off the binding of the Qur'án,
And made its leather into a kettledrum,
It is very clear from this, that he is
An enemy of the Prophet.”All that had been the talk, with respect to the cruelty, insolence, and severity of Pír Muḥammad Khán was shown to be only too true. And that, which former generations have said, was verified, viz., He who seeks learning in scholastic theology, is an infidel: and the Doctors of scholastic theology are infidels, to whatever sect they belong; we flee to God for refuge—from a knowledge which doth not profit, from prayer that is not heard, from a heart that is not humble, and a belly that is not satisfied. Adham Khán sent the whole account of the victory to the Court, with some elephants under the escort of Çádik Muḥammad Khán. But most of the elephants, and of the ladies of the ḥaram, and the dancing-girls, and nautch-girls, belonging to Báz Bahádur, and all his precious things he kept for himself. On this account the Emperor on the 1st of Sha'bán44 in the year nine hundred and sixty-eight (968) set out from Ágra, and came to Sárangpúr, and having taken possession of the spoil, and arranged the affairs of that state, on the 29th of Ramzán44a he came back to the foot of the throne.44b
In this year the Khán Zamán,44c with the help of Ibráhím Khán Uzbek, and Majnún Khán Qáqshál, and Sháhim Khán Jaláír,44d fought against Shér Khán, son of 'Adalí, who had succeeded to his father at Chunhár, and was come to Jounpúr with a considerable force. The Khán Zamán defeated him, and gained a signal victory. This is the second victory that was gained at Jounpúr. (On the 17th of Zî-l-ḥijjah of this year the Emperor came to Ágra.)44e And towards the end of this year, on account of the suspected insubordination of the Khán Zamán, the Emperor honoured Kaṛah with his presence, passing by way of Kálpí, and (P. 49) accepting the hospitality of 'Abd-ulláh Khán Uzbek the governor of that place. Then the Khán Zamán and Bahádur Khán came quickly from Joun-púr with every appearance of good will, and paid their respects to the Emperor, bringing with them elephants, and valuable presents, by way of compliment: then they, being honoured with a gift of horses, and dresses of honour, were dismissed to their fiefs. And Peace is the best44f gives the date of that event, with one unit too much:
“The Messenger of prosperity in this ancient world
Uttered the shout that: Peace is the best.”On the 17th of Zî-l-hijjah44g of this year [A. H, 968], the Emperor returned to Ágra.
And in this same year his reverence the Doctor Muláná Sa'íd, the profound Professor of the age, came from Transoxiana; but, on account of want of appreciation on the part of his cotemporaries, he could not remain in Hindústán:—
“Say O Humá,45 never cast thy glorious shadow on a land
Where the parrot is less esteemed than the kite.”And His Highness45a the Qázi Abu-l-Ma'álí, the son-in-law of His Highness the Prince45b of Bukhárá, also, who was a master-builder in legal science, and a second glory of the Imáms, and in the Der-wish order was one whose words and direction were followed, and who after paying the 5 customary prayers,45c used to make a practice of reading the Qur'án aloud,45d came; and the compiler of this epitome read a few lessons in the beginning of the Sharḥi-Waqáyah with auspicious and blessed results in the presence of that great man. And Naqíb Khán, also, had the good fortune to study under him, and verily, he was a wondrous precious person and blessed (the mercy of God be upon him!)
On the 8th of Jumádá-l-awwal45e in the year nine hundred and sixty-nine (969) the Emperor went on a pilgrimage45f to the blessed tomb of that Pole-star of Shaikhs and Saints, Khwájah Mu'ín-ud-dín Chishtí (may God sanctify his glorious tomb!), and gave presents (P. 50) and alms to the people who waited there. And at the town of Sámbhar, celebrated for its salt-mines, Rája Pahárah Mall, governor of Ambér,45g together with his son Rái Bhagván Dás, came and paid his respects to the Emperor, who then espoused his gentle daughter in honourable wedlock. And Mírzá Sharaf-ud-dín Ḥusain, who held a fief on the confines of Ajmír, he appointed to reduce the fortress of Mírt'ha, which is within 20 cosses of Ajmír, and was held by Jaimall Rájpút; and then returned quickly46 to Ágra. Mírzá Sharaf-ud-dín Ḥusain gave quarter to the garrison, but stipulated that they should carry away with them none of their goods, or personal property. So Jaimall evacuated the place. But a certain Deo Dás one of Jaimall's soldiers contrary to the stipulations, when the imperial troops were entering, with a considerable number of men set fire to the goods and chattels of the fortress, and offered an obstinate resistance. After raising many of the imperial soldiers to the grade of martyrdom, Jaimall himself went into eternal fire, and 200 of his renowned Rájpúts went to hell.46a Thus by the help of Sháh Budágh Khán, and his son 'Abd-ul-muṭ-lab Khán, and other Amírs the fortress was taken.
In those days Pír Muḥammad Khán, who after Adham Khán went to the Court possessed absolute power in Málwah, collected a great force, and led it against Burhánpúr and reduced Bíjágaṛh, a strong fortress, by force of arms, and made a general slaughter. Then he turned towards Khándésh, and was not content with himself, unless he practised to the utmost the Code46b of Changíz Khán [the Moghul, viz., no quarter], massacring, or making prisoners of all the inhabitants of Burhánpúr and Asír,46c and then crossing the river Narbadah he raised the conflict46d to the very heavens, and utterly destroyed many towns and villages of that district, and swept every thing clean and clear:—(P. 51).
‘First they carried off every one from house and home,
All money and chattels, whether hidden or exposed:
They robbed the crown from the pulpit, as well as the turban from the preacher,
They tore, the cupola from the mosque, as well as the lamp from the Mináret.”Then, while his men were in confusion,47 and left far behind him, Báz Bahádur Khán, who fled together with some of the rulers of that country, in conjunction with other zámíndárs made an attack on Pír Muḥammad Khán. He could not sustain the attack, but betook himself towards Mandú. In the course of his retreat, in company with all his Amírs, he rode his horse into the river Nar-badah. It chanced that a string of camels which were passing at the time, attacked his horse, and he went by water to fire.47a And so the sighs of the orphans, and weak, and captives were his ruin:—
“Fear thou the arrow-shower47b of the weak in the ambush of night,
For, the more he sighs through weakness, the stronger is the blow of his dart.
When you have cast Bízhan47c into the well, do not sleep like Afrásyáb,
For Rustam is in ambush, and a crocodile is under his cuirass.”And the Amírs of Málwah, seeing that their remaining any longer in that district was beyond the bounds of possibility, read the verse of flight,48 and came to the Court. For some time they were imprisoned, but eventually obtained their release. Báz Bahádur Khán again became possessed of Málwah, but 'Abd-ulláh Khán Uzbek, in conjunction with Mu'ín-ud-dîn Aḥmad Khán Farankhúdí and others, brought that country into subjection to the Emperor. Báz Bahádur for some time took refuge in Chitór, and Údípúr, with Rána48a Udí Singh, but afterwards went away: and after remaining some time in Gujrát he came to the Court, and returned to his allegiance. He was imprisoned for some time, and, though he (P. 52) obtained his release, he did not escape the claw of death:—
“In this many-coloured garden there does not grow a tree,
Which can escape the molestation of the wood-man.”And 'Abd-ulláh Khán Uzbek remaining at Hándiyah,48b the auxiliary48c Amírs, went to their fiefs, and Mu'ín-ud-dîn Khán came to the Court.
In this year Khwájagí Muḥammad Çáliḥ of Hirát, grandson of Khwájah 'Abd-ulláh Marwáríd, a well-known Wazír, was appointed to the Çadr-ate.48d But he had not such absolute power [as his predecessors] in the matter of conferring and granting Aukáf,49 and Madadi ma'ásh: because his jurisdiction was circumscribed by that of the clerks.
In this year Sayyid Bég, son of Ma'çúm Bég, came as ambassador with a letter from Sháh Ṭahmásp [of Persia], containing all the conventional condolences [for the death] of the late Emperor. That letter shall be given hereafter in extenso, if God (He is exalted!) will. He was received with all honour and respect, and the Emperor presented him with a sum of seven lacs of tankahs49a and a horse, and dress of honour, besides all the hospitality and kindness, which the Amírs showed him, so that he went back from Hindústán with gifts and presents without number.
On Monday the 12th of Ramzán49b of the year 969 Adham Khán through pride, and presuming on his favour with the Emperor, and being jealous because he had taken the premiership from Máhum Ankah49c and given it to Atkah Khán (surnamed A'zam Khán, who on his arrival from the Punjáb had been made Prime-minister) at the suggestion of Mun'im Khán and Shiháb-ud-dîn Aḥmad Khán,49d and some others, who were jealous of Atkah Khán, cut him in pieces [as he sat] at the head of the Díwán. Then with his sword in his hand he swaggered in, and took his stand at the door of the royal inner apartments. Then the Emperor also seized a sword, and coming out, asked him, “Why did you commit such an act?” He answered, “A disloyal50 fellow (P. 53) has met with his deserts.” Then they bound him hand and foot, and cast him down from the top of the terrace of the palace, and since he still breathed the Emperor commanded them to throw him down a second time. By chance it happened that the murderer was buried one day before his victim. And so that disturbance died down. And one date is Two violent deaths took place,50a and another, by way of a riddle, is:—
“From his violence A'zam Khán lost his head.”50bThe second is exactly correct, but the first is one too many. And some one else said as follows:—
“The army's greatest50c Khán, A'zam Khán,
Whose equal none saw in this age,
Went to martyrdom in the month of fasting,
He drank fasting the draught of death.
Would that he had been martyred one year later,
For then the year of his death would have been Khán Shahíd.”50dAnd when she had presented the food of the fortieth50e day of mourning for Adham Khán, Máhim Ankah, through grief, joined her son.
In this year my late, lamented, father (may God have mercy on him!), the Shaikh Mulúksháh, on the 27th of Rajab in Ágrah, through liver-complaint, transferred the baggage of existence from this transitory world to the eternal kingdom. I carried his corpse in a coffin to Basáwar and buried him there. I found the date as follows:—
“The Title-page of the Excellent of the world, Mulúksháh,
That Sea of Knowledge, that Source of Generosity, and Mine of Excellence,
Since in his time there proceeded from him a very World of Excellence,
The date of the year of his death comes out: a World of Excellence.”51And by a curious coincidence the Pír, who had been his patron, viz., Shaikh Panjú Sambhalí, who had a great following, and a few of whose excellencies will be mentioned, if God will, in the sequel to this work, in this same year attained union with the True Beloved, and the following was found to give the date:—(P. 54)
“The Perfection of Truth and Religion, Shaikh Panjú,
Whose place the Garden of Paradise became,
By way of enigma the date of his death
Is got out from his heart-attracting Name.”51aAnd another mnemosynon for the date is Darwísh dánishmand “the learned Dervish” (may God have mercy on him!).
In this year Mun'im Khán, the Khán Khánán, and Muḥammad Qásim Khán, the High Admiral, on account of their being accomplices in the lawless and base act of Adham Khán, and for other reasons, passing the ford of Púyah in a boat at the time of evening prayer, with the connivance of certain poor zamíndárs, in company with two or three horsemen, went towards Ropar51b and Bajwárah51c
by the skirts of the mountains. Thence they continued their flight towards Kábul, where Ghaní Khán, son of Mun'im Khán, was governor, and eventually came to the pargana of Sarút, which is in the Dóáb, the fief of Mír Muḥammad Munshí. Qásim 'Alí Khán, [and] Asp52 Juláb Sístání, governor of that pargana, a donkey of a fellow, recognizing in their mode of action in the jungle signs of flight, with a number of ruffians and whole posse comitatus, came and seized both of them. Then he sent the news to the people of Sayyid Maḥmúd Bárha, who happened to be in the neighbourhood. The latter appointed a number of his sons, and friends, to accompany them, and sent them with every mark of honour and respect to Ágra. The Emperor commanded a number of those about his person to meet them, and bring them to his presence. Then at his own request he reinstated the Khán Khánán in his office of Premier under even better conditions than before. So the Khán Khánán, in conjunction with Shíháb Khán and Khwájah Jahán, continued to conduct public affairs.
In this year Mír Muḥammad Khán Atkah,52a surnamed Khán Kalán, went with a considerable force to the aid of Kamál Khán52b G'hakkar into the territory of the G'hakkars, and after (P. 55) a battle took prisoner Sultán Ádam the paternal uncle of Kámal Khán, who has been already mentioned.52c His son, Lashkarí by name, fled to Kashmír, and was afterwards captured, and both father and son52d died a natural death. Then the whole district was entrusted to Kamál Khán, and he hastened to do homage to the Emperor at Ágra.
One day the Emperor made a great feast, and Khán Kalán wished to present a qaçídah, which in his vanity he had called ghazzá [splendid], in the presence of the Amírs and nobles and great poets. As soon as he had recited the first line of the first couplet as follows:—
“Thanks be to God that I have returned
After conquering the G'hakkar”—suddenly 'Abd-ul-Malik Khán, his relative, (while the Emperor was giving all his attention to the qaçídah, which was in fact the cause of the issue of the invitations, and in return for which Khán Kalán expected a great gift), came forward and shouted out “My Khán you ought to have said we returned, for there were other expectants besides yourself.” At which the whole company fell on the back of their heads53 with laughter. Then Khán Kalán threw his turban on the ground and exclaimed “My Liege! satisfaction from this little incapable, who has marred the results of all my labour!” And one of the witticisms of the time is this verse which 'Abd-ul-Malik made for his signet ring:—
“When you increase 'Abd53a by Malik
You must put Alif Lám between.”And Mullá Shírí, the well-known Hindú poet, has a qaçídah of eulogy and satyr dedicated to him; and this is one of the couplets in it:—
“If a rustic53b confront you, get out of his way,
For you are a gentleman, and ought not to confront a rustic.”In this year Mauláná 'Alá-'ud-dín Lárí, author of notes in explanation of the “'Aqá'idi (P. 56) nasafí,” came from the Khán Zamán's to Ágra, and applied himself to the study of the sciences, and founded a school of worthless persons, the date of the foundation of which is given by the words Madrasah-e Khas53c “A school of the worthless.” Then he went on a pilgrimage, and from that journey he travelled to the other world (God's mercy be upon him!).
In this year the affairs of Kábul fell into confusion, and several Governors, becoming marks for the arrows of promotion, and then of disgrace, in a short space of time felt the effects of the ups and downs of fortune. Ḥaidar Muḥammad Khán, Ákhtah-bégí,54 on his coming to Hindústán from his own quarter, had been promoted to the government of Kábul. The Khán Khánán, Mun'im Khán, on account of the bad disposition of Ḥaidar Khán, now wrote for his own son Ghaní Khán to come, and then appointed him to supersede Ḥaidar Khán. But Ghaní Khán, through his depravity, followed in the footsteps of Ḥaidar Muḥammad Khán, and committed many discreditable actions. For instance, without any cause he imprisoned Tolak Khán Qúchín,54a who was one of the chief Amírs. But he in turn fell into his hands, and experienced the lash of the hemistich:—
“The drink, that thou givest other, thou thyself shalt drink.”When with a hundred strategems Ghaní Khán effected his escape, and, breaking his word, and oath, brought a considerable force to bear against Tolak Khán, who without waiting to fight made for Hindústán: then Máh Jújak Bégum, (mother of Mirzá Muḥammad Ḥakím, the son of the Emperor Humáyún, who was at that time ten years of age), with the concurrence of Sháh Walí Bég Atkah, and Fazá'il Bég the Blind, brother of Mun'im Khán, whose eyes Mírzá Kámrán54b had put out,54c and his son Abu-l-Fatḥ Bég, closed the fort of Kábul against Ghaní Khán. So he was compelled to go to Hindústán, and, on account of his undutifulness towards his father, being unable to find road or way, fled, as an exile54d and wanderer, to Jounpúr, until at last he escaped from the disgrace of existence. Now the afore-mentioned Fazá'il Bég was (P. 57) the Bégum's lieutenant, and his son Abu-l-Fatḥ Bég acted as his deputy, and they by combined tyranny helped themselves to good fiefs, and put off the Prince's suite with inferior ones. Sháh Walí Atkah not being able to stand this, with the assistance of 'Alí Muḥammad Asp (who is now on the list of the Emperor's Courtiers), and by the Bégum's orders, one night made an end of Abu-l-Fatḥ while he was drunk. On which, as his father was making for Hazárah55 with his goods and chattels, suddenly the servants of the prince went after him and sent him to his son.55a Then Sháh Walí Bég with the Bégum's permission assumed the management of affairs, and gave himself the title of 'Ádil Sháh. On account of these things the Emperor sent Mun'im Khán, with some Amírs, to undertake the guardianship of the Prince, and the government of Kábul. Then the Bégum Máh Jújak taking the Prince with her went with the whole of the forces of Kábul to Jalálábád55b intending to offer resistance. Mun'im Khán and all of the auxiliary Amírs, among whose number were Muḥammad Qulí Khán Barlás and Ḥasan Khán brother of Shiháb Khán, on the first attack met with a severe repulse,55c and giving his retinue to the wind turned his face towards the Court in such a plight as may no one see [again]! After this victory the Bégum on a suspicion of treachery sent Sháh Walí to the world of non-existence:—
“A partridge eat an ant, a hawk came and asked satisfaction of the partridge,
Afterwards an eagle came, and did the same by the hawk,
A hunter shot an arrow at him, and took his life,
The rolling sphere one day brings down dust on the hunter.”55dWhen Sháh Abu-l-Ma'álí returned from Mekka he went towards the Court. Suddenly near Jálwar, at the instigation of Mírzá Sharaf-ud-dín Ḥusain, (P. 58) he took to rebellion, and went about laying his hands on everything he came across. This Mírzá Sharaf-ud-dín Ḥusain had at this time fled from Ágra, and Ḥusain Qulí Khán, Çádik Muḥammad Khán, and others had been sent in pursuit of him, as will be mentioned shortly, if God (He is exalted!) will. Then Ismáíl Qulí Khán and Aḥmad Bég and Iskandar Bég, relatives of Ḥusain Qulí Khán, went in pursuit of Abu-l-Ma'álí, who entered the fortress of Nárnoul, and, seizing the treasures of that place, distributed them amongst his own party. And after that his brother Khánzádah (whom they also called “king of libertines”)56 was captured in the confines of Nárnoul by Muḥammad Çádiḳ Khán and Ismáíl Qulí Khán, who went in pursuit of him. So, being helpless, he turned from Hindústán and went towards Kábul. And coming into the district of the Panjáb by the jungleside, with the concurrence56a of their attendants, he killed Iskandar Bég and Aḥmad Bég, who had got separated from the Amírs, and then wrote a petition and sent it to the Bégum Máh Jújak Bégum, mother of Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím. It contained professions of regard for the late Emperor, and of the sincerity of his own fidelity, and in the beginning of it the following couplet was written:—
“We are not come to this door, for the sake of pomp and grandeur,
We are come here as a refuge from the evil of circumstances.”The Bégum wrote in answer to him:—
“Show kindness and alight, for the house is thy house.”He married the Bégum's little daughter; and then, assuming the management of affairs, at the instigation of some conspirators, such as Shúkún son of Qaráchah Khán and others, slew the helpless Bégum, and martyred Ḥaidar Qásim Kóhbar, who for some time had been Sháh Wáli Bég's successor as [the Mirzá's] irresponsible lieutenant. (P. 59). His brother Muḥammad Qásim Kóhbar he imprisoned. And when a considerable body of men bound on their girdles to avenge the Bégum, and punish him, a savage fight took place within the fortress of Kábul, in which he drove them out. And Muḥammad Qásim, having effected his escape, went to Ba-dakhshán, and instigated Mírzá Sulaimán to expel Sháh Abu-l-Ma'álí; Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím, also, sent some of his people to urge him to come: as will appear later on.
In this year Mírzá Sharaf-ud-dín Ḥusain—who is of the fourth generation from his Reverence:—
“He, who is acquainted with the Freedom of God,
Is the Lord of the Free, (though) the Servant of God”:57 —after the return from Mekka of his illustrious father Khwájah Mu'ín-ud-dín (son of Khwájah Khávind, son of Khwájah Yaḥá, son of Khwájah Aḥrár, God rest their souls!), and after his father's receiving all honours went from Nágór to Ágra the metropolis. And through the baseness of some envious persons (may their names and marks be blotted out from the page of the world!), without any apparent reason conceiving a suspicion, he went off towards Nágór.57a Then the Emperor sent Çádiq Muḥammad Khán, and a body of men, together with Ḥusain Qúlí Khán57b in pursuit of him, with instructions to try first conciliatory measures, and, if those failed, to extirpate him. Then he, handing over the empty fortress of Ajmír to Tír Khán Díwánah, hastened to Nágór.57c But Díwánah deserted the fortress, and went and followed his principal. Then Mírzá Sharaf-ud-dín, having meet with Sháh Abu-l-Ma'álí at Jálor (who was passing by on his road from Mekka to the Court), they so arranged matters together, that Sháh Abu-l-Ma'álí should go against the people58 of Ḥusain Qulí Khán, who were at Ḥájípúr, (P. 60) and passing that way, should bring Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím from Kábul, while Mírzá Sharaf-ud-dín should do what he could [to prevent rebellion] where he was. But Sháh Abu-l-Ma'álí, on hearing the news of the pursuit of Çádiq Muḥammad Khán and the other Amírs, turned aside and betook himself to Narnoul, where Mír Gesú was governor. Him he made prisoner, but not meeting with any further success, except being able to seize some gold, since he saw the way to the Panjáb and Kábul open to him, he pursued his original design. And Aḥmad Bég and Iskander Bég,58a separating from the army of Çádiq Muḥammad Khán and Ismáíl Qúlí Khán,58b went after him without delay, and overtook him. And a body of the servants of Mírzá Sharaf-ud-dín Ḥusain, whom these two leaders had attached to their cause and perfectly trusted,58c sent a rascal named Zamánah Qulí to Sháh Abu-l-Ma'álí in great haste, with a message to the effect that if he would remain at a certain place, they would make an end of these two leaders as soon as ever they arrived:—
“You may ascertain in one day the attainments of a man,
Up to what point on the ladder of sciences he has reached;
But be not confident as to his heart, and be not deceived,
For the wickedness of the heart may remain unknown for years.”When they drew near, Sháh Abu-l-Ma'álí on the one side, and these domestic enemies on the other, sprang out of ambush, and brought both the Amírs under the pitiless sword. And their old retainers, when they saw what had taken place, fled like frightened deer or wild animals. When news of this came to the Emperor, he happened to be enjoying himself hunting in the neighbourhood of Mat'hurá.59 Nevertheless he marched at once towards Dihlí with the intention of quelling the disturbance.
And it was at that place that his Majesty's intention of connecting himself by marriage with the nobles of (P. 61) Dihlí was first broached, and Qawwáls59a and eunuchs were sent into the harems for the purpose of selecting daughters of the nobles, and of investigating their condition. And a great terror fell upon the city. Now it was the suggestions59b of Shaikh Badah, and Lahrah, lords of Agra, which set in motion this train of events. The circumstances are as follows: A widowed daughter-in-law of Shaikh Badah, Fá-timah 59c by name (though unworthy of such an honourable appellation), through evil passions and pride of life, which bear the fruits of wantonness, by the intervention of her tire-women lived in adultery with Báqí Khán, brother of Buzurg Adham Khán, whose house was near hers. And this adultery was afterwards dragged into a marriage. She used to bring with her to festive gatherings, another daughter-in law of Shaikh Badah, who had a husband living, whose name was 'Abd-ul-Wási'. And the story of the pious cat,59d which is told in the beginning of the Anwár-i-Sohailí, came true. Now this woman, whose husband was still living, was wonderfully beautiful, and altogether a charming wife without a peer. One day it chanced that the eyes of the Emperor fell upon her, and so he sent to the Shaikh a proposal of union, and held out hopes to the husband. For it is a law of the Moghul Emperors59e that, if the Emperor cast his eye with desire on any woman, the husband is bound to divorce her, as is shown in the story of Sulṭán Abú Sa'íd and Mír Chobán and his son Damashq Khwájah. Then 'Abd-ul-Wási', reading the verse:60 “God's earth is wide”:—
“To a master of the world the world is not narrow”60abound three divorces60b in the corner of the skirt of his wife, and went to the city of Bídar in the kingdom of the Dakkan, and so was lost sight of; and that virtuous lady entered the Imperial Ḥaram. Then Fátimah, at the instigation of her own father-in-law urged that the Emperor should become connected in marriage with other nobles also of Agra and Dihlí, that the relation of equality [between the different families] being manifested, any necessity for unreasonable preference might be avoided.
At this time, when one day the Emperor was walking and came near the Madrasah-e Bégum, a slave named Fúlád, whom Mírzá Sharaf-ud-dín Ḥusain, when he fled and went to Makka, had set free, shot an arrow60c at him from the top of the balcony of the Madrasah, which happily did no more than graze his skin. When the full significance of this incident was made known to the Emperor by supernatural admonition and the miracles of the Pírs of Dihlí, he gave up his intention.60d The Emperor ordered the wretched man to be brought to his deserts at once, although some of the Amírs wished him to delay a little until the affairs should be investigated, with a view to discovering what persons were implicated in the conspiracy. His Majesty went on horseback to the fortress, and there the physicians applied themselves to his cure, so that in a short time he was healed of his wound, and mounting his royal litter61 went to Ágra.
On the 15th of the month Jumáda-s-sání61a of the year 970 the Emperor returned to the metropolis. In this year also took place the death of Sháh Abu-l-Ma'álí in Kábul. The circumstances are as follows. After the tragic end of the Bégum,61b the mother of Mírzá Muḥammad Hakím, Muḥammad Qásim Kohbar61c fled to Mírzá Sulaimán in Badakhshán. Then the Mirzá,61d with his wife, who is known as Walí Na'mat,61e brought a large force against Sháh Abu-l-Ma'álí, who,61f in his turn taking with him Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím, kindled the flames of war on the banks of the river Ghorband. The right wing of the Kábulees was repulsed by the left wing of the Badakhshees, and Sháh Abul-Ma'álí, leaving Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím to oppose Sulaimán Mírzá, (P. 63) hastened to the support of his broken line. But while he was gone Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím, with the concurrence of his followers, crossed the river and went over to Mírzá Sulaimán. Then Abu-l-Ma'álí, having now no further power of resistance, took to flight. Near the village of Járíkárán he fell into the hands of Sulaimán Mirzá's men, who has gone in pursuit of him, and was made prisoner. They brought him to Sulaimán Mírzá at Kábul. Sulaimán Mírzá sent him at once bound, and with his hands tied behind his neck, to Muḥammad Ḥakím Mírzá, who ordered him to be strangled. This event took place on the evening of the 17th of the blessed month of Ramzán in the year nine hundred and seventy (970).
After this victory Mirzá Sulaimán sent for his daughter from Badakhshán and gave her in marriage to Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím. And when he had appointed one Umméd 'Alí, a trusty follower, as administrator of the Mírzá's affairs, he returned to Badakhshán.
In this year Jamál Khán, a follower of 'Adalí,62 had given up the fort of Chunhár to Fattú62a (another of 'Adalí's followers), whose fame had reached the Imperial Court. When the latter had sent a petition to Court (offering to surrender the fort), Shaikh Muḥammad Ghous (of whom Fattú was a devoted disciple), and Áçaf Khán (who is the same as Khwájah 'Abd-ul-Majíd Haraví)62b went and took peaceful possession of the place. They committed the fort to the guardianship of Ḥasam Khán Turkamán, and sent Fattú to do homage to the Emperor, by whom he was received with all honour.
About this time took place the death of Shaikh Muḥammad Ghous. While at Gujrát he had by means of inducements and incitements brought the Emperor, at the beginning of his reign, entirely under his influence as a teacher, but when, the truth of matters was fully enquired into, he was obliged to flee with all speed. And Mullá Ismá'íl 'Aṭá-í Mu'ammá-í, one of the Shaik's trusty friends and disciples (Be on him what may!) found the date in these words: Bandah-e Khudá Shud,62c “The Lord's servant is no more.”
While the compiler of this Muntakhab was at Ágra occupied (P. 64) in acquiring the usual branches of knowledge, the Shaikh came in the dress of a Faqír, with great display and unutterable dignity, and his fame filled the universe. I wished to pay my respects to him, but when I found that he rose up to do honour to Hindús, I felt obliged to forego the pleasure. But one day I saw him riding through the bazaar in Ágra. A great crowd accompanied him, before and behind, and to return their salutations, and humble gestures, he was obliged continually to bow on every side, so that he had not a moment's leisure to sit upright in his saddle. Although he was 80 years of age a wonderful freshness, and remarkably fine colour, were observable in his complexion (God be merciful unto him!).
On the 26th of the blessed month of Ramzán of this year my most venerable maternal grandfather died at Basáwar. I received this news at Sansawán, a dependency of Sambhal. Fázil-i Jehán63 “Excellent one of the world” gives the date. Since I was indebted to him for instructiou in several things, besides some of the Arab sciences, and he deserved greatly the respect of men of science, I experienced much distress and sorrow from this event, and it reopened the wound occasioned by the recent death of my valued father. This verse of Amír Khusrú (Upon him be mercy!) occurred to my mind:—
“A sword passed on my head, my heart remained two halves,
A sea of blood flowed, a unique pearl63a remained.”In the course of the year succeeding these events utter confusion seized my [usually] placid mind, and mundane grief, from which it was fleeing, suddenly came on me with grim mirth, and compassed my path. Then the inner meaning of the words “Cast thyself in it upon me”63b became evident and the words of my late father, which he used often to repeat, were verified, viz., “This thy clamour and confusion endures as long as I am in the bonds of life; but, when I am no more, they will see how unshackled thou (P. 65) wilt live, and trample upon the world and all that therein is:”—
“The world is a house of mourning: what is hidden?
A sorrow-stricken one like myself: what is certain?
Mourning became two, my sorrow became double:
O help! For my mourning is become double.
It is unjust that there should be two scars on such an one as me!
One light is enough for one candle-stick,
One head cannot wear two veils,
One breast cannot bear two burdens.”In this year I'timád Khán,63c chief eunuch of Aslím Sháh, obtained the highest consideration in the ḥaram, and even in state matters became the Sovereign's confidant. He showed an enterprise, and economy, such as was never before exhibited, and the monetary matters of the Díván became more settled. He was in his turn succeeded by Todarmal. And during the time of the influence of Máham64 Ankah, and the Bégum, and I'timád Khán the chief eunuch (who was a man of sense and discretion), Mír 'Abd-ul-Ḥayy aptly quoted the following tradition from the Nahj-ul-balághat, which is attributed to Amír64a (may God accept him!), but others attribute it to that noble paragon the late ‘Alam-ul-hada’ of Baghdád, “He said (Peace be upon him!) “A time will come on men, when none will become favourites but profligates, and none be thought witty but the obscene, and none thought weak but the just: when they shall account the alms a heavy imposition, and the bond of relationship a reproach, and the service of God shall be a weariness unto them, and then the government shall be by the counsel of women,64b and the rule of boys, and the management of eunuchs.” From this event to the time of emancipation64c a whole age passed!
“Ah what a difference 'tis between
What now is and what has been.”In the year 971 Khwájah Muzaffar 'Alí Turbatí64d received the title of Khán, and was made Minister of Finance, and they found Zálim64e “oppressor” to give the date. Meanwhile day by day a rivalry in matters general and particular went on between the Rája and him. And a certain wit adapted the old verse, (P. 66):—
“A dog of a Cáshí is better than a Çifáhání,
Although a dog is a hundred times better than a Cáshí:”in the following manner:—
“A dog of a Rája is better than Muzaffar Khán
Although a dog is a hundred times better than a Rája.”When the Amírs complained of the Rája to the Emperor, and requested his dismissal, he returned answer “Every one of you has a Hindú65 to manage his private affairs. Suppose we too have a Hindú, why should harm come of it?” And a foolish fellow invented the following jewellers-posie concerning the Rája:—
“He who of Indian affairs made a mull
Was the Rája of Rájas Todarmal.”In this year Qází Lál, the wittiest of all good fellows and boon-companions, was sent for from the town of Baran under some pretext or other, and delivered up to punishment. The words Qází Lál65a give the date.
In this year Ghází Khán Tannúrí,65b one of the great Amírs of 'Adalí, who had been for some time at the Court, once more took to flight and went to Hatiyah. In the neighbourhood of Gaḍha he brought a considerable force to bear against Áçaf Khán and gave battle. He was slain on the battle-field, and Áçaf Khán, having it now all his own way, marched against the district of Gaḍha-Katan-gah .65c This district at that time contained 70,000 inhabited villages, and its metropolis was the fortress of Chourá-gaḍh.65d But in former times the metropolis had been the fortress of Hoshang-ábád, which was built by Sulṭán Hoshang Ghórí king of Málwa. Rání Durgá-vatí by name, a lady of great loveliness and grace, and in the prime of beauty, who held the government of the place, came against him with 20,000 horse and foot, and 700 powerful elephants, and fought an obstinately contested battle. Many valiant souls on either side, after striving and struggling beyond all limit or measure, at a message from some arrow or pitiless sword, vacated their bodies. An arrow (P. 67) hit the queen in a mortal part, and when she was on the point of death, she signed to her elephant-driver to put an end to her agony. Nevertheless the tricks of her bad luck did not deliver her from ruffians. Ah yes!—
“Every foul fetid beast
Finds his foul fetid feast:”[and again]:
“A Christian's well may not be pure, it's true:
'Twill do to wash the carcass of a Jew!”Áçaf Khán marched against Chourá-gaḍh, and the son of the aforesaid queen, after fighting for his life, joined66 the queen. So much treasure fell into the hands of Áçaf Khán and his soldiery, that the Creator alone is competent to compute its amount. On the strength of this wealth Áçaf Khán set up the pretensions of a Qárún66a and a Shadád, until eventually he went under-ground:66b —
“Though thy corn and wealth be ne'er so great,
All thy coffers full, thy barns be sate;
Boast not! on the Judgment-day thou'llt find,
Poisonous serpents round thy wealth entwined.”On the 12th of the month Zí-qa'dah66c of this year, the Emperor went on an elephant-hunt towards Narwar, and after taking many elephants by means of wonderful contrivances, even in the midst of the rainy season, passing by Sárang-púr in the country of Mandú, at the end of the month Zi-ḥijjah66d he encamped in that district. And 'Abd-ulláh Khán Uzbek, by reason of some defalcations of which he had been guilty, withdrew his family from Mandú, and took the road for Gujrát. And, for all that Muqím Khán (who on that march received the title of Shujá'at Khán) went to him, and offered conciliatory measures seasoned with good advice, 'Abd-ulláh Khán would not accept them:—
“If a place to take it thou canst find,
Thy counsel, may be, it will take.
But what mark, if the ear of the mind
Be dull, can eloquence then make?”'Abd-ulláh Khán for a short time made a stand at Haráwal, but when news of the approach of the Imperial cavalcade (P. 68) reached him, he surrendered to the force of circumstances the greater part of his followers and family and children and goods and chattels, and sending before him only what was absolutely necessary, by a hundred stratagems managed to reach Gujrát. There he took refuge with Chingiz Khán, a dependent of Sulṭán Mah-múd of Gujrát, who had succeeded Sultán Mahmúd in the government of that province, and had become possessed of great pomp and power. The Imperial army went in pursuit of him as far as the confines of Gujrát, and threw his haram and renowned elephants into confusion,67 and made them prisoners, and brought them to the Emperor. The remainder became a prey to their enemies, viz, the countrymen and landowners.67a Now the state of civilization in Gujrát in the time of Chingiz Khán, they describe as such, as it had not67b been during the reign of former kings; and the demand for men of learning and excellence was such, as to exceed all imagination; and any soldier or traveller or stranger, who came and sought an interview or chose to enter his service, had no further need of anything, nor of the patronage of any one else. And they say that he used daily to give away among his people five or six dresses of honour from his private wardrobe, each single dress being never worth less than 70 or 80, or at any rate 50 ashrafi. And one of his Hátim-isms 67c was this, that one day he went out with his courtiers, 'Abd-ulláh Khán Uzbek being of the number, and on this occasion two or three vessels full of fine stuffs and precious jewels were presented to him: no sooner had he seen them, than he gave them up to 'Abd-ulláh Khán Uzbek. And another instance of Chingiz Khán's liberality is the following; Sháh 'Árif Çafaví Ḥusainí (who is now at Láhor, and renowned for the gift of dominion over Jinns) possessed great treasures, which he used to give away to people. Now it is said, that he had received all these treasures and hoards from Chingiz Khán, and that all the money he gave away bore the stamp of Chingiz Khán (but God knows!).
At this time Mírán Mubárak Sháh of Burhámpúr sent ambassadors to the Emperor who accepted his homage. And I'timád (p.69) Khán68 the chief eunuch accompanied them, and brought the daughter of Mírán, with suitable gifts and presents, to the Court. And Muqarrab Khán one of the Amirs of the Dakkan came and did homage to the Emperor. And in the month Muḥarram68a of the year nine hundred and seventy-two (972) the Emperor went from Mandú to the district of Nálchah.68b He appointed Qará Bahádur Khán to the Government of the district, and himself went on a hunting expedition by away of Ujain, Sárang-púr, Baródah, and Gwályár, and on the 3rd of the month Rabi'ul-awwal68c returned to his capital. Twins, Ḥasan and Ḥusain by name, were in this year born of one of his wives, and in the course of one month went to the other world.
In this year the building of the city of Nagarchín took place. On this subject one of the nobles, at the time of the composition of the Akbar-námah, ordered me to compose some lines, which I here insert without alteration:—
“When68d the Architect of the workshop of invention, through the promptings of original genius, suggested to the lofty thoughts of the absolute monarch, who is the builder of the metropolis of the world, and especially the artificer of the shrine of Hind, that, in accordance with [the verse]:
“The world-upholder, the world to hold, doth know,
One place to uproot, and then another sow:”he should make resting places for the glorious imperial cavalcade, by graciously building at every stage, and on every clod of soil, where the air of the place was temperate, its fields extensive, its water sweet, and its plains were level—and what choice was there! for cool spots, and pleasant dwellings, and fragrant resting places, and sweet waters, with a view to preservation of the gift of bodily health, and with a view to the possibility of an evenly-balanced condition of the soul, all of which may possibly be conducive to the knowledge and service of God, are of the number of the six necessaries of existence; and especially at a time when some of the royal occupations (P. 70), such as exercise and hunting, were therein involved—for these reasons, in this year of happy augury, after his return from his journey to Málwah, when the friends of the empire were victorious, and the enemies of the kingdom had been disappointed, before the eyes of a genius lofty in its aims, and the decision of a mind world-adorning, it befell, that, when he had made a place called G'hráwalí (which is one farsang distant from Ágra, and in respect of the excellence of its water, and the pleasantness of its air, has over a host of places a superiority and a perfect excellence) the camping-place of his imperial host, and the encampment of his ever-enduring prosperity, and when he had gained repose for his heaven-inspired mind from the annoyances incidental to city-life, he spent his felicity-marked moments, sometimes in chougán-playing, sometimes in racing Arabian dogs, and sometimes in flying birds of various kinds; and, accepting the building of that city of deep-foundations as an omen of the duration of the edifice of the palace of his undecaying Sultanate, and as a presage of the increase of his pomp and state, his all-penetrating firmán was so gloriously executed, that all who obtained the favour of being near to his resting-place, and were deemed worthy of the sight of his benevolence, one and all built for themselves in that happy place lofty dwellings and spacious habitations, and in a short time the plain of that pleasant valley under the ray of the favour of his Highness, the adumbration of the divinity, became the mole on the cheek of the new bride of the world, and received the name of Nagar-chín, which is the Hindústání for the Persian Aman-ábád, “Security's-abode”:—
“Praise be to God! that picture, which the heart desired,
Issued forth from the invisible behind the curtain of felicity.”It is one of the traditional wonders of the world, that of that city and edifice not a trace now is left, so that its site is become a level plain—“Profit then by this example ye who are men of insight!”70 as the author of the Qámús has said: “Of seven or eight cities, called Mançúrah, or Mançúriyyah, built by a mighty king,70a or monarch of pomp (P. 71) in their time, at this time not one is inhabited:” “Will they not journey through the land, and observe what has been the end of those who were before them.”70b
In this year, or in the year preceding which is perhaps more correct, the Emperor sent to the town of Andarí-Karnál for Shaikh 'Abd-ul-nabí, the traditionist, grandson of Shaikh 'Abd-ul-Qudús of Gangóh, who is one of the greatest Shaikhs of Hind, and made him chief Çadr,70c in order that in conjunction with Muzaffar Khán, he might pay the pensions.70d Soon after he acquired such absolute powers, that he conferred on deserving people whole worlds of sub-sistance allowances, lands, and pensions, so much so that if the bounty of all the former kings of Hind were thrown into one scale, and the liberality of this age into the other, yet this would preponderate. But gradually, little by little, it regained its former position, till eventually things became reversed, as will be related further on, (if God, He is exalted! will).
In this year Khwájah Mu'azzam, maternal uncle of the Emperor, who bore the mark of relatives, like scorpions, on the forehead of his destiny:—
“Relatives are like scorpions in the harm they do;
Therefore be not deceived by father's or mother's brother.
For verily sorrow71 is increased by the father's brother,
And as for the mother's brother he is destitute of all good qualities”.One day, when they came to his house to counsel him, and prevent his committing some unworthy actions, which he meditated, he having learnt their intentions, through malevolence and that innate insanity, which had before manifested itself in him, killed his wife. And since he was deserving of punishment, the Emperor first had him mauled with kicks and sticks, and then gave him several duckings, and packed him off to Gwályár. In that prison he was released from the prison of his natural temperament and went to his deserts:—
“Leave to Destiny the man who does you a wrong,
For Destiny is a servant, who will avenge you.”And in this year Mírzá Sulaimán for the third time came to Kábul. And the reason for his coming was (P. 72) this: when Sháh Abu-l-Ma'álí was defeated, and Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím had married,71a just before he went away again Mírzá [Sulaimán] gave the greater part of the district of Kábul in jágír to his own soldiers, and so [by this diminution of his revenue] the affairs of Mírzá [Ḥakím] and his people became embarrassed. So they on some pretext or other turned [Mírzá Sulaimán's] Badakhshís out of Kábul. So Mírzá Sulaimán, with a large force, came to take vengeance, and Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím being unable to withstand him left Báqí Qáqshál with a number of trusty vassels in Kábul, and himself went to Jallál-ábád. Mírzá Sulaimán pursued him. But when Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím reached the banks of the Níláb he wrote a letter to the Court, and Mírzá Sulaimán leaving Qambar, one of his followers, with a body of men at Jallál-ábád, went from Pashá-war to Kábul. In accordance with a command [received] all the Amírs of the Panjáb (such as Muḥammad Qulí Khán Barlás, and Atkah Khán, with the whole Atkah-clan,72 and Mahdí Qásim Khán, and Kamál Khán Gah'kar) joined Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥákim; and having given Qambar with 200 or 300 persons (who were holding Jalál-ábád) as prey to the sword, sent Qambar's head, tegether with news of the victory, to Báqí Qáqshál at Kábul. Mírzá Sulaimán turned the face of flight towards Badakhshán. Mírzá Ḥakím came to Kábul, and Khán-i-Kalán72a remained in office as guardian of Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím, and the remaing Amírs returned to their own jágírs. After some time Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím, without the permission of the Khán-i-Kalán, gave his own sister,72b the widow of Sháh 'Abu-l-Ma'álí, in marriage to Khwájah Ḥasan Naqshbandí, one of the sons of Khwájah Naqshbandí72c (may God sanctify his glorious tomb!). And Khwájah Ḥasan Naqshbandí, becoming absolute Prime-minister,72d managed the affairs with absolute power, and some wits of the period used to say:—
“If our Master be Master Ḥasan,
We shall have neither sack, nor rope left”.(P. 73) The Khán-i-Kalán, who had supported the authority of the deposed minister, being unable to endure the present state of affairs, without the Mírzá's leave went to Láhór, and sent a true account of matters to Court.
In this year Shaikh-ul-Islám Fatḥ-púrí Chishtí, who in the year nine hundred and seventy-one (971), on his return from Mekkah and Madínah honoured Badáún with his presence, and wrote from that place a letter in Arabic to the Author of this history (as will be related in its proper places, if God, He is exalted! will), laid the foundation of the building of a new monastry, the like of which cannot be shown in the whole of the inhabited world. The following is a mnemosynon for the date:—
“Shaikh-ul-Islám, the leader of mankind,
(May God exalt his sublime power!)
When he came from Madínah to Hind,
That renowned Depository of Spiritual-direction,
From his auspicious advent Hind
Found anew a happy fortune.
Take a certain letter and subtract it
From Shaikh-ul-Islám,73 to find the date.”And another like unto it:—
“Shaikh-ul-Islám, the perfect saint,
That breath of Messias, that footstep of Elias,
A flash from whose forehead was a glimpse of Eternity,
A beam from whose face was the light of Eternity,
When from Madínah he turned to Hind,
That breath of Messias, that footstep of Elias,
Reckon a letter and reckon not a letter
From Khair-ul-maqdam,73a to find the date”.This monastry, having taken 7 years to complete, vaunted itself above the seven heavens.73b
And about this time the Maḥall-i-Bengálí in Ágrah, and another lofty palace, were completed; and Qásim Arsalán made this mnemo-synon :—
“When, for his pleasure, the king of fair countenance
Ordered the building of the two palaces of auspicious mark,
The date of the one came out from 'ishrat,74
Khánah-e Pádasháh74a was the date of the other.”During the first part of the month Rajab74b of the year nine hundred and seventy-two (972)74c the Emperor went towards (P. 74) Narwar and Kaṛah with a view to elephant-hunting; and having appointed certain people of that district to secure the elephants, he went himself to Gwályár. For some days, through the heat of the weather, he suffered from a fever; but, when he recovered, he returned to his metropolis.
In this year the project of building the fortress of Ágrah was conceived; and its citadel, which had before been of bricks, he had built of hewn-stone. And he ordered a tax of the value of three sérs of corn on every jaríb of land in the district, and appointed collectors and officers74d from the Ámírs who held jágírs to collect it. In the course of five years it was completed. [The dimensions of the fortress are as follows:] breadth of wall, 10 guz, height 40 guz; with a deep trench both sides of which were built up with stone and lime, its width 20 guz, its depth to the surface of the water 10 guz, and it was filled with water from the river Jamna. And the like of that fortress can scarcely be shown in any other district. And the date of the gate75 thereof was found by Shaikh Faizí to be Biná-í dar-i Bihisht,75a “The building of the gate of Paradise.” And cost of the building of the fortress was about three krors. After it was completed it became the depository and store house of all the gold of Hindústán, and this mnemosynon was found for the date: Shud biná-i qil'ah bahr zar,75b “The fortress was built for the sake of gold.” And in truth it is not known to any how to convert that dead gold into live-stock, except to him who applies the verse: “And the Earth hath cast forth her burdens”,75c so that it should say impromptu “God, who giveth a voice to all things, giveth us a voice”:75d —
“Gold in the hand of a worldly man,
O brother, is still in the ore.
Gold, my son, is meant to be enjoyed;
For hording, gold is no better than stone”.In this year the rebellion of the Khán Zamán, and Ibráhím Khán and Iskandar Khán Uzbek took place. And this is how it arose. After the rebellion of 'Abd-ulláh Khán Uzbek,75e suspicion of the whole Uzbek tribe found access to the Emperor's mind, and he sent Ashraf (P. 75) Khán the Mír-Munshí from Narwar to seek Iskandar Khán on propitiatory terms. This man held a jágír in Oudh,75f and by means of seductive artifices he managed to carry off to his jágír, which was Sarharpúr,76 Ashraf Khán, on the pretence of accompanying Ibráhím Khán Uzbek, who was senior to the others. Thence they went to Jounpúr to the Khán Zamán76a with the intention of asking his advice. These came to the determination to rebel, which they proceeded to do unanimously, and most unjustifiably detained Ashraf Khán. Sikandar Khán and Ibráhím Khán raising the head of rebellion in Lak'hnou, and Khán Zamán, and Bahárdur Khán at Kaṛah and Mánikpúr. The Amírs of those districts, such as Sháham Khán Jaláir, Sháh Budágh Khán and others were defeated in battle before the Khán Zamán. In that battle Muḥammed Amín Divání was made prisoner, and the Amírs then shut themselves up in the fortress of Ním Kahár, and Majnún Khán Qáqshál in Mánikpúr. Then Áçaf Khán leaving a body of men to hold the district of Gaṛha Katangah, went himself with considerable treasure, and a fresh army, to the relief of Majnún Khán. He unlocked his treasury and satisfied the greed of his army, and also supplied Majnún Khán plentifully from the public treasury (which was the means of his being able to recruit his army), and then encamped opposite to the Khán Zamán. Thence they sent reports to the Court. And Sání Khán wrote this verse in his dispatch:—
“O royal cavalier, army-decking in the day of battle,
The victory hath escaped us, place thy foot in the stirrup.”When, on his return from his journey to Málwah, the Emperor received this news, he sent off Mun'im Khán the Khán-Khánán, to cross the Ganges at the ford of Kanouj, and himself in the month Shavvál76b of the year nine hundred and seventy-two (972) set his royal foot in the stirrup. And to Qiyá Khán Gung (who had been one of the rebels), at the intercession of the Khán-Khánán, (P. 76) the Emperor, on his arrival, granted an audience, and graciously condoned his offences. Thence by forced marches his Imperial Highness came to Lak'hnou. Sikandar Khán did not give battle, but joining the Khán Zamán and Bahádur Khán, these all ceased to confront Áçaf Khán and Majnún Khán, and, retreating towards Jounpúr with all their people and families, crossed the river Narhan, and went down country. Then Yúsúf Muḥammad Khán, son of Atkah Khán, was appointed to go against them. The Emperor also pursued in person, and encamped outside Jounpúr. At that halting-place Áçaf Khán with 5000 veteran horse, in company with Majnún Khán, came and paid his respects, and brought his gifts, and was graciously received. On Friday the 12th of the month Zí Ḥijjah of the aforesaid year the Emperor alighted at the fort of Jounpúr. And Áçaf Khán being made generalissimo of the army crossed the ford of Narhan and went down country to oppose the Khán Zamán. In those days the Emperor appointed Ḥájjí Muḥammad Khán Sístání to go on an embassy to Sulaimán Kara-rání, 77 Governor of Bengál (who had a strong friendship for the Khán Zamán), in order to prevent his giving any aid or assistance to the Khán Zamán. When he arrived at the fortress of Rhotas, some Afgháns seized him, and sent him to the Khán Zamán, with whom they had a kind of union. And the Khán Zamán, on account of the time-honoured friendship which had existed between Ḥájjí Muḥammad Khán and himself, treating him with punctilious honour and respect, settled to send his own mother with him to the Court, to intercede for himself, and entreat forgiveness for his faults.
In these days, the Emperor sent Ḥasan Khán Khazánchí,77a and Mahá-pátra77b Bád-farósh77c (who had been of the favoured courtiers of Shír Sháh, and Islím Sháh, and was without a rival in the science of music and Hindú poetry) on an embassy to the Rájá of Orissa (who was distinguished above the other Rájás for his army and military pomp), to dissuade him from reaching the hand of aid and assistance to the Khán Zamán, and to prevent his giving him refuge in his dominions, and that, by preventing Sulaimán also from helping him he might utterly frustrate the (P. 77) plans of the Khán Zamán. The Rája agreed willingly enough to act on the part of the Emperor, and declared his loyalty by sending elephants and valuable gifts and presents. Then the two ambassadors returned to the Court at Ágrah.
About the same time Muzaffar Khán, and others of the courtiers, through the violence of their nature and their avarice, assailed the ear of Áçaf Khán with open and covert suggestions, hoping to get from him presents, valuables and further advantages, [but afterwards] they followed the beaten track of detraction, and suggested to some people to find out the truth about the booty of Chourá-gaḍh,78 and broached the matter to Áçaf Khán himself. When Áçaf Khán was conducting hostilities against the Khán Zamán and was encamped at the fort of Narhan, he had been much wounded and annoyed by these matters, so that one midnight, seizing the opportunity, he together with his brother Vazír Khán, and such troops as he had, fled towards the district of Gaṛha Katangah,78a and arrived at Gaṛha. On the receipt of news of this circumstance the Emperor appointed Mun'im Khán, Khán-Khánán, in his place as generalissimo of that army, and appointed Shujá'at Khán to go in pursuit of Áçaf Khán. Shujá'at Khán embarked from Mánikpúr, and endeavoured to cross the Ganges, but Áçaf Khán (who had retreated for some distance), as soon as he heard this returned, and came to the river-bank to hinder his passage. There he fought a severe battle, and prevented the flotilla of Shujá'at Khán from crossing, so that the latter, when night came on, was obliged to retnrn to the side from which he started. Then Áçaf Khán on the other bank of the river, with his whole army went off to his own jágír. At this juncture Shujá'at Khán, finding the field open, proceeded by another road to Kaṛah, and went some distance in pursuit of an enemy, the skirt of whose garments he could not reach even in thought; and, when he found that there was a great distance between them, he returned to Joun-púr and came of the Court.
Also in these days Ḥasan Khán came as ambassador, bringing fitting presents, on behalf of his brother Fatḥ Khán79 Afghán Tibatí, governor of the fortress of Rohtás, where in the year (P. 78) 972 he had been beseiged by Sulaimán Kararání, but, on hearing news of the approach of the Emperor, Sulaimán had raised the seige. His prayer was that he might be confirmed in his government, while he should deliver up the fortress.79a On this account Qulíj Khán was appointed to accompany him from Jounpúr. Then Fatḥ Khán, having repented of sending his brother, and having provisioned the fortress well, wrote a letter to his brother as follows: “Convey thyself to us as quickly as possible, for our mind is at rest with regard to the stores.” So Ḥasan Khán, cloaking his treachery under the garb of hypocrisy, managed to detain Qulíj Khán for some time, and outwardly made show of submission. But eventually Qulíj Khán became aware of his duplicity, and had to depart without attaining his object:—
“Dastán i Sám79b was champion of the world,
Yet at play he was not always the winner.”This Rohtás is a fortress in the neighbourhood of Bihár, in length it is79c 14 cosses, in breadth 3 cosses, in height 5 cosses.79d Outside the fortress there is cultivated land, and such abundance of water that if one drive a nail into the ground or set a trivet at any spot water comes up. Ever since Shír Sháh seized the fortress it had been in the hands of the Afghans, till the turn came to Fatḥ Khán, who would not bow the head to Sulaimán. And afterwards it came into the possession of the Emperor, as shall be related if God, (He is exalted!) will.
And when Jounpúr became the halting-place of the imperial standards and the Emperor was very busy in the arrangement of important affairs, before he sent off Mun'im Khán as leader of the army against the Khán Zamán, this latter, being encamped at the ford of Narhan, honoured Bahadúr Khán with the command, and sent him off together with Sikandar Khán towards Sardár (?),80 with instructions to penetrate to the centre of the district, and create a disturbance, and with a considerable force to obtain any advantage they could in any direction they pleased. On this account (P. 79) several of the great Amírs with a great army (such as Sháh Budágh Khán, and his son 'Abd-ul-Maṭlab Khan, and Qiyá Khán, and Sa'íd Khán, and Muḥammad Ma'çum Khán Farankhúdí,80a and others whom it would take too long to mention) were appointed, together with Mír Mu'azz-ul Mulk Mash-hadí 80b (on the stature of whose capacity the dress of commander-in-chief sat badly and unbecomingly) to undertake to oppose and drive back Iskandar and Bahádur. These armies had not yet met, while Mun'im Khán the Khán-Khánán (who had an excessively friendly regard for the Khán Zamán) for four or five months, after the manner of an old man, kept sending soldiers with messages by letter and by word of mouth to make negotiation for peace. When Khwájah Jahán and Darbár Khán arrived at the ford of Narhan from Jounpúr, in order to examine into the matter of peace or war, and to settle whether haste or delay were preferable, on the one side the Khán Zamán with three or four people, and on the other the Khán-Khánán and Khwájah Jahán, also with three or four persons, got into the same boat, and when they had had an interview, settled peace on the following terms: That the Khán Zamán should send his mother, with his uncle Ibráhím Khán Uzbek, and the famous elephants he possessed, to the Court. And that after that all his transgressions had been condoned, Sikandar and Bahádur should go themselves to the Court. Then Darbán Khán brought this news to the royal ear; and the next day the Khán Khánán and Khwájah Jahán brought the mother of the Khán Zamán, aad Ibráhím Khán, together with the elephants, to the Court, and assumed the position of intercessors for the forgiveness of the faults of the Khán Zamán. When, suddenly, news came from Sardár81 of the flight of the general Mír Mu'izz-ul-Mulk. The Emperor was much enraged, and that peace was turned to rancour.
The explanation of this circumstance is briefly as follows: When the imperial army drew near to Sikandar and Bahádur, they remaining just where they were (P. 80) sent a message to Mír Mu'izz-ul-Mulk: “Become thou the means of intercession, and obtain for us from the Court forgiveness of our faults, so that we may send to the Court whatever, of elephants and other things, we have taken possession of, and then when we are cleared of our transgressions, and our faults are forgiven, we may ourselves go and do homage.” Mír Mu'izz-ul Mulk81a in as much as he was continually boasting: “I, and there is none beside me”, showed a Pharaoh-like, and harsh Shaddád-like character, which is one of the inheritances of the Sayyids of Mashhad; and on that topic it has been said:—
“O men of Mashhad, with the exception of your Imám81b
May the curse of God rest on each one of you!”And another poet saith:—
“Though it is man that renders the face of the ground pleasant,
A Mashhadí81c on the face of the ground is not pleasant.”So he established a character for crookedness of disposition, for which he became notorious, and said: “Your being made clean can only be imagined by the water82 of the sword”. Meanwhile Lashkar Khán, Mír Bakhshí, and Rája Todar Mal came from the Court to hasten the decision of the Amírs, whether for peace or war. So that, if they thought it best, they might fight; but if not, they might hold out hopes to Sikandar and Bahádur. So Bahádur Khán came again to the outposts of the imperial camp alone, and sending for Mír Mu'izz-ul-Mulk and some of the Amírs, he made proposals of peace, saying: “Since the Khán Zamán is sending his mother, and Ibráhím Khán to the Court, or rather by this time will have sent them, we have hopes of the forgiveness of our transgressions, and indeed this is the most probable contingency. Meanwhile we are awaiting the answer, and until the affair be settled we will not put our hand to war. Do you too, until the answer arrive, wait a few days.” Mír Mu'izz-ul-Mulk was a very fire, and Todar Mal played the part of oil of naphtha, (P. 81) and made that fire burn fiercer than ever, so that nothing but words of sternness passed on their tongue. So Bahádur Khán and Iskandar Khán, becoming desperate, did what they thought best for their own interests, and drew up their army:—
“In the time of necessity, when there is no escape,
The hand seizes the hilt of the sharp sword”.On the one side Mu'izz-ul-Mulk, putting Muḥammad Amín Dívánah in the van, himself took up his position in the centre, and kept by his side 'Abd-ul-Maṭlab Khán, and Salím Khán, and Kákar 'Alí Khán, and Bég Núrín Khán, and other tried warriors, and appointed the other Amírs to the right and left wings. And on the other side [were] Sikandar Khán, and his relative82a Muḥammad Yár Haráwal; and Bahádur Khán was in the centre.82b Then the two armies joined battle, and like two mountains they clashed together. Much valour was displayed on either side, Muḥammad Yár was slain, and Iskan-dar Khán fleeing, threw himself into the River Siyáh,82c which was in his rear. He himself got out again, but many of his men were drowned, and others came under the áb83 of the sword. Then the imperial troops gave themselves up to plundering. And Mír Mu'izz-ul-Mulk, with a few men, was the only officer who kept his place. For to tell the truth the body of tried warriors, especially Ḥusain Khán the relative of Mahdí Khán and Báqí Muḥammad Khán, &c., being sick of the command of Mír Mu'izz-ul-Mulk and of the rule of Rája Todar Mal, in accordance with the [Arabic] saying: “There is no fidelity towards kings”, did not make that resistance they should have done. At this moment Bahádur Khán, who still held his ground, seized the opportunity, and moved forward to the attack. Directly he came up, he swept Mír Mu'izz-ul-Mulk before him. And Sháh Budágh Khán was thrown from his horse, but not before he had given substantial proof of his valour, and his son 'Abd-ul-Maṭlab, putting forth as much strength as he could, seized him by the hand (P. 82), but in vain. Eventually the son escaped and the father fell into the hands of Uzbeks:—
“When he was free from sorrow, he reckoned him a dear friend,
When he came to grief, he deserted him.”And Rája Todar Mal, and Lashkar Khán, who at the beginning had remained inactive, began now to fight vigorously, until evening, but without success. They became separated, but the next day they rejoined one another, and came to Sher-gaḍh, and reported the state of affairs to the Court.
And now we come to the point where we left off83a about the Khán Zamán. When the Khán Khánán brought to the Court the mother of the Khán Zamán, and Ibráhím Khán, together with Mír Hádí Sadr and Nizám Aghá, who were trusty friends of the Khán Zamán, and presented the war-elephants to His Majesty, then Ibráhím Khán, with head bare, and a sword and a shroud83b round his neck in the place of a cloak, delivered himself up, and said in an impromptu:—
“Wilt thou spare me, or wilt thou slay me,
The option lies with thee.”Moreover the Khán Khánán, taking up the position of intercessor, reminded the Emperor of the past services of their party, so that their offences received pardon. The Emperor commanded that they should be left in possession of their jágírs as heretofore, but that, as long as the Imperial camp remained in that place, they should not cross the river. So their representatives came to Ágrah, and the Emperor issued the necessary farmáns, in accordance with which they took possession. The mother of the Khán Zamán sent this good news to her sons,84 and Bahádur Khán and Sikandar Khán sent the elephants, Koh-párah, and Çaff-shikan,84a two very quarrelsome females, together with other presents, to the Court.
Meanwhile the report from Rája Todar Mal and Lashkar Khán arrived, containing an account of the battle and the flight, and of the treachery84b of the Amírs. Then the Emperor ordered: “Since to please the Khán Khánán I have overlooked the fault of (P. 83) the Khán Zamán and the others, let the great Amírs come to the Court.” Mu'izz-ul-Mulk and Rája Todar Mal were reprehended, and the perpetrators of the treachery were for a time debarred from the imperial presence; and then, were rebuked, and restored to their former favour.
In these days the Emperor made an expedition to the fortress of Chunáṛ, and, being engaged in elephant-hunting in the jungles about that fortress, took to camp-life. While the Emperor's camp was at Chunáṛ, the Khán Zamán crossing the Ganges in haste, and breaking his word,84c came to Muḥammadábád, which is a dependency of the town of Mou,84d and sent agents to seize Jounpúr and Ghází-púr. This affair highly displeased the Emperor, who sent Ashraf Khán Mír-munshí to Jounpúr, to detain the Khán Zamán's mother in the fortress, and to seize any rebels there might be there; and, leaving the camp in charge of Khwájah Jahán, and Muzaffar Khán, himself hurried off by forced marches with the intention of exter-pating the Khán Zamán, and arrived at the bank of the river Sarwár. There some boats laden with goods and effects, which were equal to one85 of the seven treasures of Khusrou, fell into the hands of the loyal party. The imperial army occupied the bank of the river, and had traversed a considerable tract of jungle, when it became known that the Khán Zamán had retired to the skirts of the mountains of Sawálik. So they gave up the pursuit of him and returned. Meanwhile Bahádur Khán with a body of tried warriors came to Jounpúr, and throwing up a noose, climbed into the fortress, and released his mother; and, seizing Asraf Khán, was fully determined to loot and spill, when he received intelligence of the return of the imperial standards. So he fled, and with Sikandar Khán crossed the Ganges at the ford of Narhan.
And on the 15th of the month Rajab,85a which is the auspicious birthday of the Emperor, (P. 84) outside the Parganna of Nazám-ábád, one of the dependencies of Jounpúr, the weighing85b of the Emperor took place; for, in accordance with established custom, he is weighed twice a year, on his solar and lunar85c birthdays, against gold, silver, and other precious things, which are given to the Brahmins of Hind, and to others. And the poets, recited, and still do recite, heart-ravishing poems on this topic. Then his Majesty determined to remain for some time in the citadel of Jounpúr. Then the Khán Zamán on hearing of his remaining there, sent Mírzá Mírak (who afterwards became Razawí Khán) to intercede on his behalf with the Khán Khánán. He went along with Khán Zamán's mother, and brought the message to the Court. So the Khán Khánán, in conjunction with Mír 'Abd-ul Laṭíf Qazwíní, and Mullá Abd-u-lláh Makhdúm-ul-Mulk, and Shaikh 'Abd-un-Nabí85d Sadr a second time prayed for the pardon of the offences of the Khán Zamán, and was graciously accepted. And they sent Khwájah Jahán, and Mír Murtazá Sharífí, who is of the family of that paragon of the human race, the very eleventh86 Intelligence, Mír Sayyid Sharíf Jurjání (sanctified be his grave!), and Mukhdúm-ul-Mulk to bring the Khán Zamán to repent of his rebellion, and to convey the glad tidings of his pardon to the ear of his soul. The Khán Zamán came to meet them, and, as was required took an oath of allegiance, and then dismissed their Excellencies with every mark of honour and respect.
The Emperor towards the end of the year nine hundred and seventy-three (973), returned, and set his face towards the capital, and on Friday the 7th of the month Ramzán86a of the aforesaid year he came to Ágrah and spent his time in festivities. Thence he went to his new palace Nagar-Chín, and occupied himself in Chougán-playing, and dog-racing, and hawk-flying. And they contrived a a fiery ball with which one could play on a dark night.
And in this year died Muḥammad Yúsuf Khán, son of Atkah Khán, through continual wine-bibbing:—
“Three things are fatal to men,
And bring the healthy to sickness:(P. 85) Continual indulgence in wine and women,
And the cramming of food upon food.”In this year the Emperor appointed Mahdí Qásim Khán, and some of the Amírs such as Ḥusain Khán, his relative, and Khálid Khán and others, with 3000, or 4000 horsemen to act against Áçaf Khán in the district of Gaṛha Katangah.86b Then Áçaf Khán left the fortress of Chourágaṛh, and sent a petition to Court asking for the pardon of his offences. But, when this was not accepted, he wrote a letter to Khán Zamán, and in concert with Wazír Khán his own brother went to Jounpúr to the Khán Zamán. The Khán Zamán at the first meeting bore himself so haughtily towards him, that Áçaf Khán repented of having come:—
“Alas that he came out of the well,
And fell into the snare!”And Mahdí Qásim Khán, having got the district of Gaṛha into his power, gave it to the Jágírdárs, and then giving up his pursuit of Áçaf Khán went by way of Hindia towards the sacred Mekka, which he had the happiness to reach. And Ḥusain Khán with his own men went after him as far as the fortress of Satwás near the kingdom of Dekkan.
Then all of a sudden Ibráhím Ḥusain Mírzá and Sháh Mírzá and Muḥammad Ḥusain Mírzá, sons of Sulṭán Muḥammad Mírzá (who was descended on his father's side from Taimúr, the Fortunate,87 and on his mother's side from Sulṭán Ḥusain Mírzá),87a an old man and full of years, to whom the Emperor had given the Parganna of A'zampúr as his jágír, raised the standard of revolt in the district of Sambhal.87b And, after the subjugation of the Khán Zamán, and the Emperor had turned towards the Panjáb against Mírzá Muḥam-mad Ḥakím, they fleeing before Mun'im Khán, the Khán Khánán, plunged into the midst of the district and came to Dihlí, and eventually raised the standard of rebellion in the kingdom of Málwah, [P. 86]. From this place two of the brothers, Sháh Mírzá, and Muḥammad Ḥusain Mírzá, went and laid seige to Hindia. But Ibráhím Ḥusain Mírzá went towards Satwás, which was 10 cosses distant, and Ḥusain Khán together with one named Muqarrab Khán, a chief of the Amírs of the Dekkan, shut himself up in Satwás. Of stores there were none in the fort, so that they were reduced to eating the flesh of horses, camels, and cows, and the matter touched the life, and the knife reached the bone, and yet no assistance came from any side; still, however much Mírzá Ibráhím Ḥusain might bring forward proposals of peace, the garrison would not give in. Till, one morning, they put the head87c of Qadam Khán (Muqarrab Khán's brother, who had been killed at Hindia), upon the point of a lance, and showed it to Muqarrab Khán, and let him know that Hindia was taken, and that his kith and kin and the inhabitants of the place were all prisoners. Moreover they brought his mother, and setting her where he could see her, said: “Since the family and dependants of Muqar-rab Khán are in this condition, with what confidence do you go on fighting?” Then Muqarrab Khán, being helpless, and rather a Muqarrab-ghulám88 than a Muqarrab-Khán, went and saw the Mírzás. Then, having granted Ḥusain Khán quarter, and got him out under treaty, they at first tried to press him into their service, but when he did not seem to see it, they let him go unharmed.Eventually in the year nine hundred and seventy-four (974), at the time when the Emperor had gone from Láhór to Ágra, he went, and did homage to him, and was favourably received, and the Emperor gave him in addition to Patiyálí, which was his jágír, the Purganna of Shamsábád.
The composer of this epitome, one year before thus, having had the good fortune to go from Badáún to Patiyálí, became acquainted with the aforesaid Khán. And, since he was a teacher of polite learning, and condescending, and dervish-like, and brave, and munificent, [P. 87] and of blameless life, and a sunní, and an attendant at the mosque, and a patron of science, and a friend of virtue, and easy of access, I had no desire to leave his presence, and to go and pay my respects elsewhere. Accordingly I spent the space of 10 years in his society, in these unknown corners and dark recesses, engaged with him in suitable occupations. At last Fortune played me a trick, and struck a fatal blow to this companionship. A strange matter was at the bottom of this separation, and however much I begged his pardon, and employed mediation and intercessions, and, going to Badáún, got even my, now deceased, mother to act as my advocate, it availed nothing; so I hasted to pay my respects to the Khalíf of the age:88a —
“The heart, which is grieved by any one,
It is difficult to make happy.
A vase,88b that has been broken,
It is difficult to piece together again.”Finally89 the Khán Zaman appointed Açaf Khán together with Bahádur Khán to reduce some of the districts of the Afgháns, and fearing lest Wazír Khán should act treacherously towards himself he kept his eye on him. The two brothers,89a having by means of messages sent backwards and forwards between them determined on flight, and fixed a time, on the night appointed the one fled from the Khán Zamán, and the other parted company with Bahádur Khán, and went 3 cosses distance going in the direction of Ágra and Mánikpúr. Then Bahádur Khán pursued after Áçaf Khán, and between Jounpúr and Mánikpúr a sharp fight took place between the two parties. Áçaf Khán was taken prisoner and Bahádur Khán had him put into the houda of an elephant, and set off. Meanwhile Wazír Khán from Jounpúr arrived at the place whither they were taking his brother, and Bahádur Khán's men being scattered in quest of booty, he could not withstand him, so Bahádur Khán gave orders for Áçaf Khán to be put to death, as he was, in the houda. He received a sword-cut on his nose, and two or three of his fingers (P. 88) were cut off, but Wazír Khán managed to release him before he had received further injury, and the two brothers made for Garha, and Bahádur Khán returned foiled. Wazír Khán arrived at the confines of Láhór, just at the time that the Emperor, having gone in pursuit of Muḥammad Ḥakím, had turned aside to enjoy a qamurgha-hunt,89b and at the intercession of Muzaffar Khán he was allowed to do homage, and a farmán gracious in its wording was issued to Áçaf Khán.
In this year Mírza Muḥammad Ḥakím came to Láhór. The cause of it was that, when Mírzá Sulaimán returned the third time from Kábul, and Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím had got possession of Kábul, and had dismissed the imperial Amirs to Hindústán, and Khwájah Ḥasan Naqshabandí had become absolute Prime-minister,89c and the Khán Kalán was enraged thereat, then Mírzá Sulaimán, finding the field for the fourth time clear, in company with his wife Walí Ni'mat Bégum, hastened to Kábul, and laid seige to it. And Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím entrusting Kábul to Ma'çúm Kokah (who afterwards raised rebellion, and was the mover of sedition in Hindústán, and was a man of great courage), himself with Khwájah Ḥasan Naqshbandí went to the river Ghorband.90 And Mírzá Sulaimán, when he found that he could not take Kábul by force of arms, by many artifices contrived to convey Walí Ni'mat Bégum to Qará-bágh (which is 10 cosses distant from Kábul, and in the neighbourhood of the Ghorband). There she brought forward proposals of peace, and took solemn and awful oaths:90a and Mírzá [Muḥammad Ḥakím] set out to meet her with a small escort. Khwájah Ḥasan also approved of this conciliatory interview, but Báqí Qaqshál was not pleased with the matter and said: “This woman is a thorough deceiver, and is not fit to be trusted:”—
“Go not out of the way for any blandishments of Fortune
For this old woman
As a deceiver she sits down, and as a traitress
She moves about.”Then Mírzá Sulaimán before Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím arrived at Qarábágh came by forced marches (P. 89) from Kábul with a considerable force, and lay in ambush in that neighbourhood. It happened that some of the soldiers of Mírzá Sulaimán met with the men of Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím, and gave him information of this. So Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím fled, and when he got to Ghorband he became bewildered and fell by mistake into the road to the Hindúkash90b mountain. Khwájah Ḥasan wished to bring him to Pír Muḥammad Khán Uzbek, governor of Balkh, in order to ask his assistance. But Báqí Qáqshál prevented this, and brought the Mírzá in the direction of the Capital by way of Panjhar90c to Jalál-ábád and thence to the bank of the river Níláb, till eventually he crossed the river Sind,90d and sent a despatch to the Court. Khwájah Ḥasan with his party arrived at Balkh, and after some time he became lost, and his life became bitter (Talkh) to him:—
“My heart is gone, my soul is fled, my religion lost,
O Ḥasan! worse than this what can I become!”Mírzá Sulaimán pursued Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥákím as far as Kótal-sanjad-darra, and took prisoners some stragglers of his army, and having plundered91 his baggage, still remained on that spot.
Meanwhile during his prolonged absence Muḥammad Ma'çúm of Kábul attacked Sulaimán's camp, and spoiled it, and defeated his general Qulí Shaghálí, and after this decisive victory proceeded to lay seige to Chaharbágh. Then Mírzá Sulaimán sent Qází Khán Badakshí as ambassador to incite Muḥammad Ma'çúm to terms of peace. This Muḥammad Ma'çúm at first refused, but he could not withstand the persuasions of Qází Khán, because he had been his tutor, and so Mírzá [Sulaimán] received from him a small bribe, for mere form's sake, and returned to Badakhshán.
Now, before Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím's messenger could arrive at the Court, the Emperor had received news of the disturbances at Kábul, and had sent by the hand of a state-messenger Khúshkhabar Khán a saddle, a bridle adorned with jewels, and precious things of Hindústán, and a substantial sum of money to Mírzá,91a (P. 90) together with a reassuring farmán, promising him the assistance of the Amirs of the Panjáb. Mírzá [Muḥammad Ḥakím] hastened to meet the envoy, and fully intended to come [to Court], when Farídún Khán, his maternal uncle whom the Emperor had sent from Nagarchín to bring the disturbance to an end, suddenly arrived, and immediately on his arrival tried to seduce the Mírzá into rebellion, and so changed the aspect of affairs:—
“When the medicine is the cause of the disease, what hope is there
Of the cure of the disease, or of the recovery of the sick man?”And Ḥasan Khán, brother of Shaháb Khán, who was at Kábul and one Sulṭán 'Alí, a scribe who had fled from Hindústán and was waiting for something to turn up, joined with Farídún Khán in representing to the Mírzá that it would be very easy to capture Láhór. Then, when he agreed to their rebellious proposals, they tried to induce him to seize the person of Khúshkhabar Khán. But the Mírzá through that generosity, which was inherent in his nature, sent privately for him, and dismissed him. But eventually this very year, when the Emperor was qamurgha92 -hunting in the neighbourhood of Láhór, Khúshkhabar Khán was drowned in the river Ráwí and a clever fellow extemporised this verse:—
“Khushkhabar92a is bad news, for never was there
In the world such an ugly fellow as he,
He died in the water, although they say:
And from the water all things live.”92bBut Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím with rebellious intentions went into the neighbourhood of Behra, and set his hand (which was never ready for political affairs) to spoiling and plundering the district. Then, setting out for Láhór, he came by forced marches, and encamped in the garden of Mahdí Qásim Khán, which was situate outside the city on the banks of the river Ráwí. And Fate in an improptu of his, said:—
(P. 91) “Since at this point I leave you as you are,
It hardly matters that we came so far.”And Mír Muḥammad Khán, and all the Atkah-kháns92c with their posse comitatus came into the fortress, and however much Mírzá attacked it, they so repulsed him that they gave him no opportunity to formally invest it. Now, when the reports from the Amírs reached the Emperor, he, leaving Ágrah in charge of the Khán-khánán, 92d and Muzaffar Khán, on the 3rd of Jamádi-l-awwal92e of the year nine hundred and seventy-four (974) marched on the Panjáb by way of Dihlí and Sirhind. And Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím on the mere hearing of this news, without effecting anything, went back to Kábul by the way by which he had come:—
“He that cannot seize the skirt of Fortune by might,
His bootless effort is like dyeing the eyebrows of the blind.”And Quṭb-ud-dín Muḥammad Khán, and Kamál Khán G'hakkar were appointed to go from Láhór in pursuit of Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím. They went a certain distance and then turned back to Behra.
At this time a letter came from Muḥammad Báqí Tarkhán bin Mírzá Muḥammad 'Isá,93 ruler of the district of Sindh, containing assurance of his own loyalty, and complaints of the attacks of Sulṭán Maḥmúd, the governor of Bakkar, on the province of Sindh and Láhór. Accordingly a farmán was sent to Sulṭán Maḥmúd touching the complaints of Muḥammad Báqí.
During the stay at Láhór a letter came from the Khánkhánán saying that Ulugh Mírzá and Sháh Mírzá, in whose jágír were the parganna of Nahtnúr (?) a dependency of Sambhal, and A'zampúr, had, in conjunction with their uncles Ibráhím Ḥusain Mírzá and Muḥammad Ḥusain Mírzá,93a with rebellious designs seized some of the government pargannas; but that, on his going in pursuit of them, (P. 92) they had fled to Málwa.
At this time the Emperor held a Qamurgha-hunt93b at about five cosses from Láhór. For a space of 40 cosses in every direction they drove the wild game together in a circle, and day by day they contracted the circle, till it became as narrow as the mouth of the fair:—
“The compass drew so narrow the figure of that mouth,
That the circumference of the circle coincided with the centre.”About 15,000 wild animals of various kinds were counted in that arena. The nobles, and afterwards the people generally, were permitted to join in the sport. Afterwards the whole party gave rein to their horses, and dashed into the river Ráwí to swim across, and all the courtiers, with the exception of one or two, of which number was Khúskhabar Khán (as has been already mentioned),94 got safely across. Now, while the Qamurgha-hunt was going on, Muzaffar Khán arrived with Vazír Khán from Ágra, and the Emperor wrote a farmán entrusting to Áçaf Khán and Majnún Khán the joint guardianship of the districts of Karrah and Mánikpúr—on which subject94a many a poem was composed.
Meanwhile news arrived that the Khán Zamán, Bahádur Khán, and Sikandar Khán had broken faith and were in open rebellion: and that they had sent persons to fetch Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím, and had had the audacity to read the khutbah, and to strike coin in his name in the district of Jounpúr. And Mulá Ghazálí, a poet of Mashhid, composed this verse:—
“In the name of the gracious and merciful God,
Muḥammad Ḥakím is the heir of a kingdom.”On hearing this news the Emperor confided Mírzá Mírák Razawí, the Khán Zamán's lieutenant, to the custody of Ján Báqí Khán, and entrusting the charge of the affairs of the Panjáb to (P. 95) Kháni Kalán, and the whole Atgah family,94b on the 12th of the blessed month of Ramzán in the year 974 started for Ágra, and went to the fort of T'hánésar,94c which has been from time immemorial a haunt of infidels. At the lake [called] Kurk'hét,94d which is an assembly place of Kurus and Pándus,94e (curse on them!) more than 4,000 years ago, according to the opinion of the Hindus, seven or eight hundred millions of persons were killed in a tumult (and they went by way of water to hell-fire). And now every year there is a great assembly there, and the Hindu people, at that place of worship, give away both privately and publicly, gold and silver, and jewels, and linen, and valuable goods: and in accordance with that which has been said, [viz.]:—
“Do a good action, and cast into the water:”they secretly cast gold coins into the water. And bodies of Jogí-s and Sannyásí-s, who are the Hindu devotees, are in the habit of fighting there in their bigotry. On this occasion their fight made a grand show. A number of the imperial soldiers, in accordance with a command from the Emperor, having rubbed their bodies well with ashes,95 went and fought on the side of the Sannyásí-s (who were scarcely 300 men, while the Jogí-s were more than 500). But for all that many were slain on either side. At last the Sannyásí-s came off victorious.
When the imperial camp was pitiched at Dihlí, Mírzá Mírak Razawí escaping from Khán Báqí Khán, in whose charge he was imprisoned, fled and joined his employer.95a Then Khán Báqí Khán went in pursuit of him for some distance, but eventually, through fear of punishment, attached himself to the insurgents:—
‘As for him who became a tale,
His tale never came back again.’While the Emperor was still at Dihlí, Sháh Fakhr-ud-dín Mash-hadí, 95b upon information received from Tátár Khán, commandant of Dihlí, and in accordance with the Emperor's orders, brought Shaháb Khán Turkomán (who held the parganna of Bhójpúr in fief, and with whom Amín Díwána,95c having escaped from Láhór, had taken refuge, and, having been supplied by him with a horse and pecuniary assistance, had gone off (P. 94) to join the rebels) to Court, where he was executed.
When the Emperor arrived at Ágra, news came that Khán Zamán, was beseiging Mírzá Yúsuf Khán Mashhadí,96 who had shut himself up in Shergaṛh (which is generally known by the name of Qannouj). Upon the receipt of the intelligence, leaving the Khán-khánán in charge of Ágra, the Emperor on the 26th96a of Shavvál,96b in the year nine hundred and seventy-four (974), marched towards Jounpúr. And the weather was so hot that the marrow of creatures melted in their bones:—
‘The air again was so hot that, even in running water,
The crab through heat laid its breast on the ground,
Even the moist river, from the mouth of which water ever flows,
Through fever became dry-lipped, like a bilious person.’And when the town of Sakít had became the camping-place of the imperial army, news came in that Khán Zamán had raised the siege [of Shergaṛh], and fled towards Mánikpúr, where was his brother Bahádur Khán. Accordingly, from the town of Bhojpúr the Emperor detached a body of 6,000 veteran troopers under the command of Muḥammad Qulí Khán Barlás, Muzaffar Khán, Rája Todar Mal, Sháh Budágh Khán, and his son 'Abd-ul-Maṭlab Khán and Ḥusain Khán (who at that time had arrived from Satwás) to march towards Oudh to oppose Sikandar. At first Munçúr Khán was appointed to lead the vanguard of this division of the imperial army; but, since he had arrived in a most deplorable and poverty-stricken state, on account of the protracted seige he had sustained in the fortress [of Satwás],96c he went to the parganna of Shamsábád to obtain supplies for his army, and found it so refreshing that some little delay took place in his rejoining the army: consequently Qiyá Khán was appointed in his place.
The author was with the aforesaid Khán on this occasion. And when he passed on from Shamsábád, I remained in that town. (P. 95) The following is one of the marvels, which took place there, to which a number of trustworthy inhabitants of that city niatreo a no ,taht ,beneppah ti siht erofed syab wef A ??ssentiw erod night, a boy of tender age, belonging to a washerman, fell asleep on a couch on the banks of the river Ganges. Suddenly he fell into the river, and the strong stream carried him as far as the town of Bhojpúr (which is 10 cosses distant), and landed him safely on the bank. A relative of the washerman took out the child, and recognizing it, brought it back in the morning to its mother and father:—
‘He is the Absolute Omnipotent,
Who ruleth as He wills,
He is, in truth, the Judge,
Who acteth, as it pleaseth Him.’And, when the imperial camp was pitched at the town of Rái Barélí, news arrived that Khán Zamán and Bahádur Khán had crossed the river Ganges and fled towards Kálpí. Consequently the Emperor, directing that the camp, under Khwájah Jahán, should be moved on towards Kaṛah, set off with all speed for Mánikpúr. Mounted upon an elephant he crossed the stream, and at that time there were not with him more than fifteen or sixteen97 persons. And Majnún Khán, and Áçaf Khán, who were in the vanguard, kept from time to time sending back information concerning the whereabouts of the enemy.
It so happened that Khán Zamán and Bahádur Khán, over whose eyes Fate had drawn the blinding iron of negligence, in accordance with the following:—
‘When Fate97a lets down its wings from the sky,
All the prudent become blind and deaf’—had spent the whole night at a wine-party, and in watching an exhibition of Pátar-dancing,97b and, their cup being full, they looked on the intelligence of the enemy's advance, which the scouts kept bringing in, as merely an act of rashness on the part of Majnún97c
Khán (for which they cared no more, than for a measure stuffed with straw); but, as for the Emperor's approach, they had no intimation of it, and indeed never dreamt of such a thing.
On this day the Emperor was mounted on an elephant named Sundar,98 and (P. 96) he placed Mírzá Kokah, surnamed A'zam Khán in the houda with him. He took up his station in the centre, and placed Áçaf Khán, and all the Atkas,98a on the right, and Majnún Khán, and others, on the left. Now the Khán Zamán had given orders for his army to march in the morning. But sunk, as he was, in sleep and the wine, which he had drunk, he was wakened only by the Messenger of Fate. Then, by the exhibition of standards and paraphernalia of majesty, and the glory of the cavalcade, and the pompous beating of kettle-drums, he became certain that the Emperor in person was with the army. Accordingly, he ordered his troops to fall in, and began to draw up his lines. First he dispatched a body of renowned heroes, veterans in service, to oppose the advance of the vanguard of the imperial army. But Bábá Khán Qáqshál, who was leader of the van, with a well-directed shower of arrows repulsed them, and drove them back on the Khán Zamán. At this moment one of the horses of the fugitives rushed with terrific force against the horse of the Khán Zamán, so that through the concussion his turban became loosened from his head, and caught him round the neck like a lasso. At the sight of this occurrence [his brother] Bahádur Khán, planting firmly the foot of desperation, charged Bábá Khán with such fury, that he compelled him to retreat, and sweeping him before him, bore him back on the ranks of Majnún Khán. Then Majnún Khán, and Bahádur Khán, who had returned to the thick of the fray from the pursuit of fugitives, fell upon one another, and showed great courage. But an arrow struck the horse of Bahádur Khán, which reared and threw him to the ground, so that he was taken prisoner:—
‘When the key of victory is not in the hand,
One cannot open the door of victory by force.’At this juncture the Emperor dismounted from his elephant, and got on horse-back, and ordered that the troop of mountain-formed elephants should charge the ranks of the Khán Zamán: and then the fortune of the day began to waver, and the signs of victory began to decide in the Emperor's favour:—
‘The sword of kings doth show such marks,
The great do such deeds as beseem them,
Look at a king's sword, read not the annals of the past,
For, more sooth-saying is his sword—much!’(P. 97). And an elephant, Híránand by name, on the side of the imperial army, charged an elephant, named Oudyá, on the enemy's side, and came with such force against the head of that animal, that it felled it to the ground. And midst this hubbub and confusion, an arrow struck the horse of the Khán Zamán; and, while he was in the act of pulling it out, another arrow struck it, and it reared up and the Khán Zamán fell to the ground. At this moment an elephant-driver, riding on an elephant named Narsingh, came up; and, although the Khán Zamán kept saying to him: ‘I am a great leader, take me alive to the king, and you will get a great reward,’ the elephant-driver would not listen, but drove on his elephant, which crushed him with its trunk and feet, and ground his bones to powder, and made his body like a bag full of chess-pieces:—
‘The huge-form of elephants dashed [him] crushed to the ground,
An earthquake threw [him] on the surface of the earth:
Through all these tusks, which were weighers-out of evil,
The face of the ground became a [strewed] chess-board.’After that the turmoil of battle had subsided, Nazar Bahádur made Bahádur Khán ride behind him on the same horse, and brought him to the Imperial Presence.99 The Emperor did not wish to put him to death, but asked him: ‘Bahádur how are you.’ He replied, ‘Praise is due to God in all circumstances.’ And when he asked for water, the Emperor gave him some out of his own canteen.100 But the Amírs did not deem it advisable to spare his life, so they brought about his execution.
And after a time the head of the Khán Zamán was also brought in. And for some time there was a dispute, as to whether it were the Khán Zamán's or no. At this juncture a petty Hindú Ráy, Khán Zamán's wakíl, who was of the number of the prisoners, took up the head, and, putting it upon his own, began to lament: ‘Alas! alas!’ And Khwájah Daulat a eunuch, who had once been in Khán Zamán's service, and had afterwards given in his adhesion to the Emperor, and had attained the title of Daulat Khán, said: “The way to find out whether the head is really that of Khán Zamán (P. 98) is this. He used always to chew betel-leaf on the right side [of his mouth], consequently his teeth on the right side will be black.” And so they found them. These affairs took place in the twelfth year of the reign, on the Monday in the first week of the month Zí-ḥijjah100a of the year nine hundred and seventy-four (974), in the neighbourhood of the village of Maakarwál, one of the dependencies of Pairag100b now known as Aláhábás. And some, who had formerly thought good to accept service under Khán Zamán, and had therefrom sucked no small advantage, found this mnemosynon for the date of his death:—
“When Khán Zamán from the world went to the winds,
The pillar of the sky fell down head over heels,
The date of his death I asked of Wisdom; he said:
Heaven having lost its support, raised a cry of despair.”100cAnd some others with reference to the rebellion of that party said:—
“The slaughter of two traitors to the salt, without religion.”101And this date falls short of the correct number by one. And Qásim Arslán was the author of it. And another was said:—
‘The slaughter of 'Alí Qulí and Bahádur.’
O my Soul! ask not me, helpless, how it came about!
I asked of the Old-man Intellect “What was the year of their death?”
He heaved a sigh from his heart, and said: “Two became blood.”101aAnd of the number of the captives101b slain [after] that battle was Mírzá Khúshḥál Bég, whom I myself had seen at an assembly in the army of Málwah, in company with Adham Khán and Pír Mu-ḥammad Khán. And, verily, the appearance of the beauty of his person and disposition was by way of being perfection, and the impression of it will never pass away from my heart. The date of his death was found as follows:—
“Khúshḥal, who was the eye of the men of wisdom,
Through the baneful influence of his star revolted from the King,
When he was slain in company with Khán Zamán,
The date came out: Rose-cheeked, fair-formed.”101c(P. 99). In this year that paragon of the age Mír Murtazá Sharíf Shírází left this deceitful caravansarai.101d And at first he was buried at Dihlí, in the neighbourhood of the tomb of Mír Khusrau101e
(mercy upon him!) But afterwards, when the Çadr,102 and Qází, and Shaikh-ul-Islám represented to His Majesty that Mír Khusrou was a native of India, and a Sunní, while Mír Murtazá was a native of 'Iráq and a heretic,102a and that consequently Mír Khusrou would be very much annoyed by his company; for there can be no doubt, but that:—
“To the spirit the presence of the base is a fearful torment”—the Emperor gave orders, that they should take him up from that place, and bury him elsewhere. And this was a great act of injustice to both of them, as cannot be denied. And some one found out the date of the Mír to be contained in the following:—Knowledge has deserted the knowing. And another combined exactly the same letters into the following:—The paragon has left the world.102b
And in this year one of the friends of the Author, Shaikh Abu-l-Fatḥ by name, brother of Shaikh Sa'd u-lláh, son of Shaikh Badah, who was one of the most powerful nobles of the Court, passed from the world. And his date was found to be:—
“Ab-ul-Fatḥ, that eye of mankind, behold him!
For in this revolving sphere you will never see his like,
When he went from the world, the date of his death
Seek in the words: Repository of excellencies.”102cAnd among the circumstances of this time is the following: Mírzá Nizám-ud-Dín Aḥmad (mercy on him!) who was an intimate companion of the Author, and who had a boundless and extreme predilection for myself, said to me personally (and it is written, moreover, in the Tarikhi Nizámí),102d that when, during the time of the rebellion and hostility of Khán Zamán, news-mongers, and especially drug and opium takers, used every day in Dihlí to spread gloomy reports, one day, when they were sitting three or four friends together, it came into his mind to say ‘What (P. 100) think you, if we were with one consent to spread a report, that they are now bringing in the heads of Khán Zamán, and Bahádur Khán?’ Accordingly they told this news to several persons, so that it became a common rumour. And on that very day, on which this news was spread abroad in Ágra, Khán Zamán and Bahádur Khán were actually slain, and the third day one named 'Abd-u-lláh, the son of Murád Bég, brought their heads to Ágra, and thence carried them to Dihlí, Láhor, and Ká-bul:—
“Many an omen that's uttered in play,
When Fate so decrees, comes true on that day.”And the Emperor, after this victory, would not at first trust any of those who had been led into rebellion by that fellow. He proceeded to Alláhábás, and seizing some who had fled from the Court and joined themselves to the rebellious party, he delivered them over to keepers. And Mírzá Mírak Razawí103 who had fled from Dihlí, he had thrown under the feet of an elephant, but the elephant only gave him a few rubs with his trunk, so the Emperor, with a view to pleasing the Sayyids,103a pardoned him. But some others of the inciters of rebellion he brought to execution, and ‘What bloodshed took place!’103b was found to give the date. And to some of the people of the Khán Zamán, who had advanced far on the road to despair, he granted their lives.
After two days he went to Banáras, and thence to Jounpúr, and remained three days in that city. Then in the course of three or four days, with four or five persons accompanying him, he arrived with great expedition at the banks of the river Ganges, at the ford of Kaṛah and Mánikpúr, where was the camp of the imperial army.103c He crossed over the river in a boat, and alighted at the fort of Kaṛah.
And with regard to killing those of Khán Zamán's party, who have been taken prisoners, when Qází Ṭawáísí (the camp Qází, who was endued with the qualities of honesty, truth-speaking, and trustworthiness) represented to His Majesty that to kill these people, after the battle was over, and to confiscate their goods and chattels, would not be in accordance with the Holy Law, the Emperor was displeased with him, and (P. 101) chose and appointed in his stead Qází Ya'qúb, an inhabitant of Dihlí (who was renowned for his profound knowledge of legal matters, and was son-in-law of Qází Fazílat104 Shérsháhí, whom they used to term Qází Fazíḥat, and who, for all that, was never at a loss for good sayings, and jokes). He held this office for ten years, when he was superseded, and Qází Jalál-ud-dín Multání was appointed in his stead, as will be narrated in its place, if God, (He is exalted!) will:—
“Put not thy foot into any office, lest thou
Become the butt of placing, and displacing.”Meanwhile the Khán Khánán, who before this had received a farmán summoning him from Ágrah, arrived at Court and did homage. The Emperor gave him all the jágírs of Bahádur Khán and Khán Zamán, from Jounpúr and Banáres as far as Gházípúr and the fortress of Chunar and Zanániyah to the ford of the river Júsah, and having presented him with a robe of honour and a horse, dismissed him to his jágírs. In Zí-ḥijjah104a of the aforesaid year in the midst of the rainy season the Emperor set out, and in Muḥarram104b in the year nine hundred and seventy-five (975) his Majesty alighted at the Capital.
In this year Muḥammad Qulí Khán Bartás, and Muzaffar Khán, and the force which had been sent against Sikandar Uzbek in Oudh, blockaded him in that fort, and every day skirmishes took place. When news of the death of Khán Zamán and Bahádur Khán came to his ears, he utterly lost heart. First he laid before the Amír's proposals of peace, and having engaged them in negotiations, he embarked in a boat and crossed over to the other side of the river Sarw. Then, still treating for peace, he requested that some of the Amírs would put off alone from their side, and he himself with three or four persons put off from the other side in a boat, and the treaty and oath was confirmed on both sides, and it was agreed that they should bring him to the Court; but afterwards (P. 102) he would not abide by the terms, but went off to among the Afgháns. The Amírs pursued him as far as Gorák'hpúr, and then wrote a statement of the case to Court: and, when they received a farmán ordering them to repair to the Court, they hastened thither, leaving Muḥammad Qulí Barlás in Oudh.
And in this year the intention was formed of reducing the fortress of Chiṭor. Accordingly the Emperor took away Biyána from Ḥájí Muḥammad Khán Sístání, and gave it as jágír to Áçaf Khán; and Basáwar and Wazírpúr Mandalgaṛh he also gave to him, on the understanding that he should proceed thither, and collect provisions and materials for the army. The Emperor set out after him, and travelling by way of Bárí and hunting in Mou-maidánah, proceeded thence towards Súpar. The subjects of Ráí Sargún evacuated the fort of Súpar, and Nazar Bahádur was appointed commandant of that fort, and Sháh Muḥammad Khán Qandahárí to hold the fort of Kotah Baláyah. When the Emperor arrived at the fort of Kákarún, having given to Shaháb-ud-dín Aḥmad Khán and Sháh Bidágh Khán jágírs in the district of Málwah, he appointed them to quell the disturbances caused by the sons of Muḥammad Sulṭán, viz. Mírzá Ulugh and Sháh Mírzá, who had fled thither from Sam-bhal. When the Amírs reached Ujjain, the Mírzás hearing the said news left that country, and went to Gujrát to Changíz Khán a follower of Sulṭán Maḥmúd. Thus Málwah fell into the hands of the Amírs without their striking a blow. And Ráná Udai Sing, committing the keeping of the fortress of Chiṭor to one Ráí Jaimal by name (a brave and chivalrous commander, who had been beseiged by Mírzá Sharfuddín Ḥusain in the fortress of Mirt'hah and had cut his way out), himself took refuge in the high mountain ground and impassable jungles in the neighbourhood of Udaipúr Komal-mair. Áçaf Khán marched to Rámpúr, which is an inhabited district in that region, (P. 103) and took the fortress by storm, and ravaged the district. And Ḥusain Qulí Khán marched towards Udaipúr, and ravaged the environs; but the Ráná left that place for some other maze-like mousehole.
The Emperor ordered Sábáṭs106 and trenches to be constructed, and gradually brought close to the walls of the fortress. The width of the Sábáṭ was such that ten horsemen could easily ride abreast in it, and its height was so great that a man on an elephant with spear in hand could pass under it. Many of the men of our army were killed by musket and cannon balls, and the bodies of the dead were made use of instead of bricks and stones. After a length of time the Sábáṭ and trenches were brought up to the foot of the fortress, and they undermined two towers which were close together, and filled the mines with gunpowder. A party of men of well-known bravery fully armed and accoutred approached the towers, and waited till the towers should fall, and then they would enter the fortress. By accident, though the two mines were fired at one and the same moment, the fuze of one, which was shorter than the other took effect soonest, and the fuze of the latter, which was longer, hung fire, so that one of the two towers was blown up from its foundations and heaved into the air, and a great breach was made in the castle. Then the forlorn hope in their impetuosity forgetting the second mine stormed the breach at once, and soon effected a lodging. While the hand-to-hand struggle was going on, suddenly the second fuze went off and blew the other tower, which was full, both of friends and foes, from its place and lifted it into the air. The soldiers of Islám were buried under stones, some of 100, and some of 200 man in weight, and the stony-hearted infidels in like manner flew about like moths in that flood of fire. Those stones were blown as far as three or four cosses, and a cry of horror arose from the people of Islám and from the infidels:—
(P. 104) “This stream flowed to Paradise, that to Hell,
Though the blood of Guebre and of an unbeliever both flowed in one place.” And a happy day was it for the vultures and crows
(Glory to Him who multiplieth food for his creatures!)Nearly five hundred warriors, most of them personally known to the Emperor, were slain, and drank the draught of martyrdom: and of the Hindús who can say how many! Night by night the infidels mustering in force kept building up the wall of the fortress from the ruins of these towers.
After waiting a considerable time, six months more or less, at last on the night of Tuesday 25th of Sha'bán107 in the aforesaid year the Imperial troops advancing from all sides, made a breach in the wall of the fortress, and stormed it. The fierce face of Jaimal became visible through the flashing of the fire of the cannon and guns, which was directed against the soldiers of Islám. At this juncture a bullet struck the forehead of Jaimal, who was distinctly recognizable, and he fell dead. It was as though a stone had fallen among a flock of sparrows, for, when the garrison of the fortress saw that their leader was dead, they fled every one to their own houses. Then they collected their families and goods together and burnt them, which is called in the language of Hind jouhar. Most of those that remained became food for the crocodile of the blood-drinking sword, and a few of those who remained, who escaped the sword and the fire, were caught in the noose of tribulation. The whole night long the swords of the combatants desisted not from the slaughter of the base, and returned not to the scabbard, till the time for the afternoon siesta arrived. Eight thousand valorous Rájpúts were slain. The following line was found to give the date:—
“My heart said: He quickly took Chíṭór.”107aAfter midday the Emperor ordered the sacking to cease, and returned to the camp. He remained there three days, and wrote letters announcing the victory, and despatched them in all directions. Then, having appointed Áçaf Khán to the command of that district, on the morning of Tuesday 25th107b of the (P. 105) aforesaid month the victorious standards moved towards Ágrah. And by way of performing a vow the Emperor walked the whole way on foot, and on Sunday 7th of the month Ramzán108 he arrived at Ajmír. There he paid a visit to the holy mausoleum of the blessed bestower of blessings the Saint Khwájah Mu'ín-ud-dín Chishtí (God sanctify his tomb!), and having occupied himself in alms, and good and pious works, after ten days he rode off towards the capital. And Mír 'Alá'uddoulah,108a author of the “Biography of the Poets”, made this mnemosynon:—
“The Sháh cherishing the Faith, enthroned like Jamshíd,
The Khusrou of his age, Muḥammad Akbar,
Made, without doubt, for the conquest of Chíṭór
A mortar brazen-bodied, dragon-faced.
For the date there came from the unseen world [the voice]:
‘It was altogether a Chíṭór taking mortar’.”108bWhen the Emperor arrived in the neighbourhood of Alwar108c he took to lion-hunting. And 'Ádil Muḥammad Khán, son of Sháh Mu-ḥammad Khán Qandahárí, who was himself as brave as a lion, went to face the animal [which was rushing upon the Emperor], and both he and the beast were killed. Then the Emperor separated himself from the camp, and went to Nárnoul. There he visited Shaikh Nizám Nárnoulí (who was one of the greatest Shaikhs), and in the fulness of his faith granted him a subsidy, and then continued his journey to the capital. In this year the second marriage of the Author took place at Badáón, and in accordance with: “And verily the latter is better for thee than the former”108d it turned out most happily, thanks to God!, and I composed the following mne-mosynon :—
“When to me, through the eternal bounty,
There was union with a moon-faced one,
My intellect uttered the date of the marriage,
The Moon is in conjunction with the sun.”109And in this year that model of men of thought, and beau ideal of the Shaikhs who practice perfection, Shaikh 'Abdul-'azíz of Dihlí (God sanctify his spirit!) departed to the other world, and the following mnemosynon was recited:—
And since the Shaikh used constantly to sign himself “The worthless atom 'Abdul-'azíz”, a clever fellow discovered the mnemosynon: Worthless atom.109b
(P. 106) The glorious one of the world Shaikh 'Abdul-'azíz,
Whom all the world calls the Pole-star of Dihlí,
Turned his cheek towards the plain of eternity,
And from this narrow defile mounted the steed of his ambition.
I enquired of my heart, what was the day,
It replied, The Pole-star of Religion is no more.”109aIn the year nine hundred and seventy-six (976) the Emperor sent for the whole Atgah clan and Kamál Khán G'hakkar from the Panjáb, and gave their jágírs to Ḥusain Qulí Khán and his brother Ismá'íl Qulí Khán, and appointed them to that district. Then Ḥusain Qulí Khán and his brother, having come from Nágor, after the taking of Rintambhor obtained permission to go to the Panjáb; and the district of Sambhal and Barelí was confirmed to Kháni Kalán.109c
In this year the Mírzás, the sons of Muḥammad Sulṭán Mírzá, who had gone to Gujrát, and taken refuge with Chingíz Khán, having behaved badly and laid hands of spoliation on the jágírs, fled from Chingíz Khán, and came to Málwah, and beseiged Mu-ḥammad Murád Khán and Mírzá 'Azíz-ulláh of Mashhad in the fort of Ujjain. Then Ashraf Khán, Mír Munshí and Çádiq Muḥammad Khán, who with a considerable number of the Imperial army had been appointed to act against Rintambhor, when they heard this news, represented the matter at Court, and received orders to turn aside to Ujjain and undertake the repression of the revolt in conjunction with Qulij Khán, who had been sent after them to join in the reduction of Rintambhor. And at Sarouj Shaháb-ud-dín Aḥmad Khán, and at Sárangpúr Sháh Bidágh Khán formed a junction with the aforesaid Amírs, and so a very considerable force was gathered together. Then the Mírzás (P. 107) on hearing this news raised the seige of Ujjain, and went to Mandú, and the great Amírs pursued them. When the Mírzás had crossed the river Narbaddah, they received news that Jahjar Khán the Abyssinian had surprised Chingíz Khán when off his guard at the open space by the gate of Aḥmad-ábád, and had slain him, so that Gujrát was now free to them. So the Mírzás hastened to Gujrát, and took the fort of Chámpánír at the first assault. And laying seige to the fort of Bhroj, after some time they managed by a ruse to capture Rastam Khán Rúmí, who was shut up in that fortress, and put him to death, and also took possession of the fortress. Qulij Khán, and Çádiq Muḥammad Khán, and the other great Amirs, returned from the banks of the Narbaddah and came to Court; but the jágír-holders of Mandú remained where they were.
At the beginning of the month Rajab110 of this year the Emperor arrived at Dihlí, and occupied himself for some days in Qamorghah110a hunting in the neighbourhood of the Parganna of Pálam, and afterwards in the latter part of the month Sha'bán110b he came by successive days marching, and invested the fort of Rintambhor. In a short time Sábáṭs111 were constructed and brought close up to the castle. And the Kahárs,111a of whom there were some seven or eight hundred, drew fifteen pieces of ordnance, carrying balls of five to seven man in weight, by main force to the top of the hill Ran, which commands the fortress, and is mounted by so steep a path that even the foot of an ant would slip in climbing it. The first day they reduced the houses within the fort to ruins. Then Ráí Surjan, when he contemplated the disastrous loss of the fort of Chíṭor, and the worthlessness of its garrison, foresaw his own fate, and sent his sons Dodá and Bhoj, by the intervention of some of the zamíndárs, to do homage to the Emperor, and himself asked for quarter. Then Ḥusain (P. 108), Qulí Khán Khán Jahán, came and gave assurances to Ráí Surjan and brought him to Court. He delivered up the key of the fortress, and on Wednesday the 3rd of Shawwál111b of the aforesaid year the fortress was taken. And “Victory”111c repeated was found to give the date. Next day the Emperor with a small escort inspected the fortress in person. The fortress he gave in charge to Mihtar Khán Sulṭání. Then leaving the camp under the command of Khwájah Amíná (who is entitled Khwájah Jahán), and Muzaffar Khán, he gave the word to march towards Ágrah. He himself went forward alone by forced marches with the intention of performing a pilgrim-mage to the tomb of that dispenser of splendours Khwájah Ajmírí.111d On Wednesday the 24th of the month Zi-lqa'dah111e of the year nine hundred and seventy-six (976) he alighted at the Imperial Capital. And Mír Fárighí, brother of Sháh Fatḥulláh Shírází, composed the following mnemosynon for the date of the taking of that fortress:—
“When the Rose of Victory blossomed in the garden of the king's conquest,
The announcer of the date said: They took the fort quickly.”111fAnd Múláná Shírí112 composed the following:—
“When by the fortune of the king the stronghold of infidelity was taken,
Shírí found its year to be: The infidel-breaking king.”112aAnd in this year the Hatiyapúl112b gate, which is a new gate of Ágrah, was completed, and the date of it is:—
“The pen of Shírí wrote as the mnemosynon:—
The Elephant-gate is without compare.”112cNow the Emperor had had several children in succession born to him, and they had all passed away at a tender age. In this year one of the Imperial wives became with child, and he went to beg the intercession of Shaikh-ul Islám Chishtí living at Síkrí, and he left his Empress at the monastry (P. 109) of the Shaikh. Some time before this the Shaikh had foretold to him the happy birth of a son, and after some days he had gone to visit the Shaikh in expectation of the fulfilment of his promise. On account of this bond of union between them the Emperor built a lofty palace on the top of the hill of Síkrí near the monastry and ancient chapel of the Shaikh. And he laid the foundation of a new chapel, and of a high and spacious mosque of stone, so large that you would say it was a part of a mountain, and the like of which can scarce be seen in any inhabited quarter. In the space of about five years the building was finished, and he called the place Fatḥpúr, and he built a bazaar and baths and a gate, &c. And the Amírs, one and all, built themselves towers and keeps and lofty palaces. And the Author found the date of the commencement of the whole palace, mosque, chapel, &c. to be as follows:—
This chapel is the dome of Islám,
May God exalt the glory of its builder!The Spirit Gabriel gave its date:
Its like is not seen in the lands.113Another:—“The heavenly Ka'bah113a came down from heaven”.And Ashraf Khán found this mnemosynon:—
“It is second only to the Mosque at Mecca”.113bAnd such was the disposition of that paragon of excellence, his Grace the Shaikh, that he allowed the Emperor to have the entrée of all his most private apartments, and however much his sons and nephews kept saying, “Our wives are becoming estranged from us”, the Emperor would answer “There is no dearth of women in the world, since I have made you Amírs, seek other wives, what does it matter?”
“Either make no friendship with an elephant-driver,
Or make a house fit for an elephant”.And among the remarkable events of this year is the story of the death of Sayyid Músá (P. 110) of Garmsír, son of Sayyid Mikrí, one of the chief Sayyids of Kálpí in the land of India. It is concisely as follows. Sayyid Músá had come to do homage to the Emperor, and by chance he became infatuated with the Hindú wife of a goldsmith, named Mohiní,113c whose beauty was like gold of purest standard, and the lasso of her pure glance attracted him as her lover, and the bond of love and attachment grew strong on both sides.
“Who is the lover, that the loved one regards not his state?
O Khwájah it is not pain, or if it is there is a cure”.When the expedition set out to Rintambhor, Sayyid Músá contrived to remain behind. He took a house within the fortress of Ágra in the vicinity of his beloved on the banks of the river Jumna, near to Mír Sayyid Jalál Mutawakkil, and his affairs tended to madness. Once or twice accompanied by trusty persons of his own he had gone outside his own house, and had fallen either into the hands of the watchman, or into the hands of some goldsmiths of her caste:—
“There is an angel on the battlement of you round cupola,
Which draws a wall before the desire of the unfortunate.”A period of two years and four months passed, during which they were content with a glance now and then from afar, till one night Sayyid Músá, at a hint from that fascinating lady, threw a lasso, strong as the covenant of the just, and straight as the promise of the liberal, over the cupola of Mohiní's house, and climbed up like a rope-dancer, and so they spent the night together in chaste affection. A poem called Dilfaríb, which Sayyid Sháhí, brother of Sayyid Músá, composed, has some verses on that subject:—(P. 111).
“However much the desire of the heart was boiling,