The Muntakhabu-’rukh, Volume 2

And in the year nine hundred and seventy-seven (977), when the news of the taking of Chítor and Rintambhor became spread abroad on all sides (P. 120) and in all directions, and Rám Chand the ruler of Bhat'h found that his fortresses could no longer hold out, and that they were short of water, he began to consider seriously what would be the result of continued opposition, and before matters came to such a pitch that he would be obliged to capitulate, sent the key of the fortress of Kálinjar with valuable presents to Court. This fortress he had bought for a considerable sum of money from Bijlí Khán, the reputed son of Bahádur Khán Sarwání. The Emperor committed this fortress to the charge of Majnún Khán Qáqshál, who had a jágír in that neighbourhood. He also sent a conciliatory farmán to Rájah Rám Chand, and gave him the pargan-na of Arail (which is near to Jhosí, and Piyág known as Ilhábás) together with its dependencies as jágír.

On the seventeenth of the month Rabí'ulawwal^124a of this year, when seven hours of the day had passed, the auspicious birth of the Imperial Prince Sulṭán Salím took place at the abode of Shaikh Islem Chishtí at Fatḥpúr:—

“You would say that a star had come to the earth,
That Joseph had come a second time to the world.
On the crown of his head through wisdom
There shone a star of eminence.”

The Emperor set out with all expedition from Ágrah, and in the excess of his joy ordered all prisoners to be released, and for seven days held high festival. The poets presented him with congratulatory qaçídahs. Of that number was Khwájah Ḥusain Marwí, who recited a qaçídah, of which each first hemistich contains the date of the Emperor's accession, and each second hemistich the date of happy birth of the Imperial Prince, the refuge of the world. He received two lacs of tankahs in money. The Qaçídah is as follows:—

Praise to God for the pomp and glory of our king!

(P. 121) A pure pearl from the ocean of justice is come to the shore:
A bird from the nest of pomp and bounty has alighted:
A star from the pinnacle of glory and beauty is manifested:
A rose of this sort they have not shown on the ground of the garden.
A tulip of this sort has not opened in the tulip-bed.
The nurse of the spring-cloud, through the tenderness of excellence,
Made the grass the companion of the rose, the pearl that of the jewel.¹²⁵
The Sun^125a said: ‘It is right that for that Piece-of-moon
It should make an ear-ring of Zohrah for the adorning of beauty: 5

The coming of a son adds to the adornment of a king, perhaps
The incomparable Lúlú^125b would add to the adornment of the royal Pearl.
All hearts were glad that again from the heaven of justice and equity
The world once more revived, through the Sun of the days of spring.
That new-moon of the mansion of power and bounty and pomp came down,
And that shoot of the desire of the soul of the king bore fruit.
The king of the realm of fidelity, the Sultan of the palace of purity,
The taper of the assembly of the heart-broken, the desire of the heart of the hopeful,
The noble the perfect Muhammad Akbar, Lord of conjunction,
The renowned king, seeking and attaining his desire, 10

The perfectly capable sage, the most just of the kings of the world,
Noble, loftiest, a sage without a rival in the world.
From his speech the meaning of the ecstatic state is understood:

(P. 122) And from his perfection the building of religion and of the world is firm.
Shadow of God's bounty is he, worthy of crown and seal,
A religion-protesting king is he, noble pivot of the world.
At times from onslaught of fury he takes pardon on his tongue,
At times with the tongue of the spear he says to the enemy, Flee!
Know that the fourth heaven is the censer in his assembly,
Know that Arcturus is the spearman of his cavalcade. 15

Whenever his victorious cavalcade passes, the whole world
Cries out “Happiness” on the right hand, “Wealth” on the left.
O the power of the pen, which like running water
Goes over black and white day and night!
O thou like the work of the Eternal, thou Sun of kingdom and religion,
Thou who glorifiest the step of eminence, Shadow of God.
O prince of the lofty standard, wise of heart, and Saturn-throned,
O prince of lofty centre, just-one of exalted family.
Lord of the wealth of the world, king of sea and land,
To thy friends thou art kind, mindful of the generous. 20

King of the dawn of justice and truth, moon of the evening of pomp and dignity,
Quick as lightning in decision, strong as mountain to bear burdens.
O mine of justice and bounty, fountain of grace and liberality,
Precious and beauteous, nourisher of religion, and chaste.
Protector of the religion of the Prophet, O eraser of marks of evil.

(P. 123) Prince of the lofty standard, a mine of bounty, and mountain of weight.
Illumination of the mansion of existence, pearl of the sea of bounty,
From the desire of the pinnacle of hearts a falcon hunting lives.
At thy bounty how can a single drop remain before the cloud for shame,
Compared with thy nature “Bounty” is not applicable to the spring-cloud. 25

O King I have brought a string of precious pearls,
A present which is become precious, seek it out and listen.
None has a present better than this, if any have one at all,
If any have any, tell him “Come”, anything he has tell him “Bring”.
Each verse of the poem of Marwí, it is sufficient if it be without mistake,¹²⁷
Whichever [verse] you try you will find the purpose twice:
The first half gives the year of the king's Accession,
From the second bring out the Birth of the Light of the Eye of the world.^127a
That the reckoning of the days and months and year may last,
And that that number may be illustrious on account of the year and month and day: 30

When our king comes to an end, may our prince endure
Days without number, and years without count.”

And that Shaikh of nations, Shaikh Ya'qúb Çírfí of Kashmír composed a qaçídah of the same kind. But what was the good! Another person carried off the reward. And some one else made the following mnenosynon: “The royal pearl of the sea of Akbar”^127b and another:—

“From the rising of good-fortune a prosperous king appeared.”^127c

On Friday the 12th of the month Sha'bán^127d the Emperor set out to pay a vow of thanks for the rising of (P. 124) this star of prosperity, and went on foot from Ágra to Ajmír, travelling six or seven cosses each day. After fulfilling the rites of the pilgrimage he returned, and in the blessed month of Ramzán^127e he encamped outside Dihlí, and spent some days in visiting the tombs of the saints of God, and then crossing the river Jumna he returned to the metropolis hunting as he went.

In this year the Emperor had Mírzá Muqím of Içfahán together with a certain person named Mír Ya'qúb of Kashmír put to death on the charge of being Shí'ahs. The facts are as follows. This Mírzá Muqím had been several times to Lak'hnou to pay his respects to Ḥusain Khán, and the Khán (who is now deceased) had received him with kindness and favour, on account of the great respect he had for the Sayyids, and had made him administrator of his government. Afterwards the brothers and relatives of the Khán impressed upon him the idea, that this Mirzá was a violent and zealous Shí'ah, and utterly alienated his feelings from the Mírzá, who now went to do homage to the Emperor and was favourably received and appointed Wakíl at the court of Ḥusain Khán governor of Kashmír. At that time a number of zealous Shí'ahs had in their bigotry wounded Qází Ḥabíb, who was a zealous Sunní. It happened that the said Qází was still living when Ḥusain Khán of Kashmír on the decision of the Muftís ordered the assassin to be put to death. Mírzá Muqím, on his own responsibility, handed over the Muftís on the charge of “Why did they issue a mandate for the execution of that person, though he might be deserving of punishment?” to a certain person, who was a violent and furious bigot, and he put to death three or four of them. Now when Mírzá Muqím and Mír Ya'qúb, the wakíl of Ḥusain Khán, brought the daughter of Ḥusain Khán to Court as a sort of present, this story was represented to the Emperor, and these two persons upon the decision of Shaikh 'Abdunnabí and other Ulamás, who were his family, were brought to the just punishment of their wicked deeds in the plain of (P. 125) Fatḥpúr. And a portion of this story has been inserted in the history of Kash-mír of which the author of these pages has written an epitome.

In this year on the dismissal of Ḥusain Khán the Emperor gave the parganna of Lak'hnou as jágír to Mahdí Qásim Khán, who had come back from a pilgrimage to Mekkah, and had come to the fortress of Rintambhor, and had an interview with him there. Ḥusain Khán was exceedingly indignant with Mahdí Qásim Khán on account of this, and reciting the verse “This separation between me and thee”,¹²⁹ began to look forward to the Day of the Resurrection.^129a And in spite of his being married to the daughter of Mahdí Qásim Khán, and in spite of her affection for him, he married a daughter of his own uncle Ghanazfar Beg. After a time he left her in helplessness, and the daughter of Mahdí Qásim Beg at Khairábád with her brothers, and set off from Lak'hnou with the intention of carrying on a religious war, and of breaking the idols and destroying the idol-temples. He had heard that the bricks of these were of silver and gold, and conceiving a desire for this and all the other abundant and unguarded treasures, of which he had heard a lying report, he set out by way of Oudh to the Sawálik mountains. The mountaineers, as is their custom, immediately abandoned their positions, after a slight resistance, and took refuge in the high and dangerous mountains. When Ḥusain Khán arrived at the place where Sulṭán Muḥammad, nephew of Pír Muḥammad Khán had been martyred, and which is a burial-place of martyrs, he read the F??tiḥah^129b for those pure spirits, and built a çuffah^129c over the dilapidated tombs of those martyrs. Then he ravaged the country as far as the district of Wajráíl, which is part of the territory of Rájah Ranká, a powerful zamíndár. Thence he marched two days' journey as far as Ajmír, which is his capital, and is a very mine of gold and silver, and silk and musk, and all the productions of the country of Tibet, when on a sudden, as has been frequently observed in those mountains, from the effect of the neighing of the horses, the beating of the drums and the shouts (P. 126) of the men the clouds collected and so much rain fell that neither corn nor fodder was to be procured, and famine stared the army in the face. Although Ḥusain Khán, with the most undaunted intrepidity encouraged his men, and excited their cupidity by representing the wealth of the city in gold, jewels and treasure, they were too much disheartened to support him, and so, whether he would or no, he was obliged to retreat. As soon as they began to retreat, the unbelievers seized the passes and showered down on them stones and arrows tipped with poisoned bones, so that most of the bravest and most experienced of his warriors drank the draught of martyrdom. And the rest, who had been wounded, five or six months later through the effect of that pernicious poison obtained their desired release from this dwelling of pleasure which leaves a bitter taste behind it. And the date of their death is given in a riddle, viz.:—“Tasteless bitterness”.¹³⁰

Ḥusain Khán returned to Court and requested that Kánt and Golah in the skirts of the mountains might be conferred upon him as jágír, in lieu of the one he had held before. This he did with a view to taking vengeance on the mountaineers. His request was graciously acceded to. Several times he made incursions into the skirts of the hills, but he was never able to penetrate into the interior. Many fine fellows, who had escaped half-dead from his first expedition, in this expedition were poisoned by the bad water of the country and departed from the world without fighting. After some years Ḥusain Khán, contrary to the advice and remonstrance of his friends, made another attempt against the hill-country, and gave the chattels of existence to the wind, as will be narrated in its proper place, if God, He is exalted, will.

About this time the author, after taking leave of Ḥusain Khán,^130a went from Lak'hnou to Badáún, where I formed a suitable nuptial alliance for my brother, Shaikh Muḥammad, whom I loved from my very soul; nay I valued him more than my own life, for he had acquired many excellent qualities, and angelic dispositions had become his moral habit (P. 127). Three months hardly had elapsed before that mandate of good, which includes a hundred evils, by consecutive moves of the pieces, carried off both him and the pupil of my eye 'Abdu-l-Laṭíf, who was the earliest first-fruits of the garden of my life and existence,^130b from the bed to the grave, and changed me from a very prince of happiness to a monster in my own city: “Verily we belong to God, and verily we return to Him”:^130c —

“How long will Fate put the scar of grief on my heart!
Before one scar is healed It put on another.
Every wound which inclines a little to amelioration,
It leaves that wound and makes a worse wound.
If my grief puts its back under a thousand mountains,
It puts a thousand fresh mountains upon it”.

What can one do? “This is not the first phial that has been broken¹³¹ in Islám.” And this poem I wrote as an elegy on him, on account of the degree to which, through the wound of his loss, my heart has been, and is, and will be burnt until my appointed day. It is as follows:—

“O Lord! this day what a day it is has fallen on me,
And what a soul-wasting calamity it is that has shown itself to men.
There is no one whom the cry of my despair has not reached,
Yet no one comes to my cry of despair.
My moon at the end of life went behind the veil of invisibility,
See from this pregnant-one of darkness what a woe has been born to me.
My star of joy and hope was dashed to the ground,
After this my heart with what hope shall it be glad?
Although my foundations were firm in patience, yet
The torrent of grief came and threw me from my foundations.

(P. 128) That person, whom I remember a hundred times in a day,
Alas! that he does not remember me once in a year.
Unjust heaven how many sorrows has it given me!
On whom shall I take vengeance, who will give me satisfaction?
I know not the state of my heart, what shall I say? what do?
The remedy for my heart-pain of whom shall I seek? what shall I do?
O Fate! alas that thou hast made my heart wounded and desolate!
My content of heart thou hast utterly scattered.
O Jewel, that in my hand was hidden for others,
Thou hast openly carried it out of my sight and hidden it.
My Cypress thou hast carried from the garden to the prison of the tomb,
Thou hast made the garden a prison to me sorrow-stricken.
My Yúsuf thou hast given to the paw of the wolf,
Ah! me thou hast made a recluse in the cell of care.
In the dark clay thou hast put my new-born rose,¹³²
Why hast thou made my day just like dark night?
In a word that person, from whom was all my scope and aim,
Thou hast carried away, and left me without scope or aim.
That brother, who came to this strange city,
Thou hast made his grave in the desert beside strangers.
The season of the rose is come, and the place of Muhammad is in the dust,
It is my place that through vexation I should lay my hand in the dust.
Finally, O mine Eye! what hast thou seen that thou art gone from the world?
That with thine eye covered thou art gone from my moist eye?

(P. 129) To my dark eye there was light from thy face,
The light is gone from my heart since thou art gone from my eye.
Thou wast to my eye like the signet of a ring,
In the end thou hast dropped from the ring like a signet-stone.
My heart for no cause is glad in the world,
A pity, in thousand pities, thou art gone sorrowful from the world.
Thou pure spirit wast sore vexed at this halting-place,
Thou tookest up thy baggage, and departest from this halting-place of sorrow.
On thy heart from worldly matters there was no burden,
All at once from worldly matters joyful and glad-hearted thou departest.
From the cradle I was to thee, companion and friend, every moment,
Why to the tomb art thou gone companionless and friendless?
Thou art gone, and grief for thee will never go from this bewildered heart
Sorrow for thee will never go from my heart, as long as my life goes not for sorrow for thee,
Who is there that will tell me any news of thee?
Shall any give news of the departed soul to the body?¹³³
News of the rose, that has dropped through the injury of autumn,
Who is there, in short, that will tell it to the bird of the garden?
Where is there a messenger who my sorrow and grief face to face
One by one before thee gracefully will tell?
Who shall tell to you my words with his tongue, and then
For my consolation bring back the words from your tongue?
I am strait-hearted, rosebud-like, and there is none present,
(P. 130) Who will repeat to me a single letter from thee, O thou rosebud-mouthed.
There are a hundred knots and tangles in this heart for love of thee,
Who will tell to thee of this heart full of knots and tangles.
Thou art gone afar, and there has come no one from thy country
Who should tell me anything of thy state.
I go, and on the top of thy tomb I take my station,
That I may hear an answer from thee, and salute thee.
I say, O thou unfound jewel what is thy state?
With thy body wounded and helpless, what is thy state?
Thou art in the sleep of death, and without thee a confusion¹³⁴ hath arisen,
Awake, and lift up thy head from this sleep, what is thy state?
Through separation from thee thy friends are in a very bad condition,
O thou who remainest separate from thy friends, what is thy state?
Thy friends through distance from thee are near to death,
Far from company of companions what is thy state?
Thy place was once in the Prayer-niche,^134a and now I see
The niche left empty of thee, what is thy state?
Without thee I drink the blood of my liver, ask me for once
“In this drinking of blood what is thy state?”
Over thy clay a hundred fresh roses have blossomed from my tears,
Under the clay O thou fresh rose what is thy state?
In such a woeful habitation who is nigh thee?
The solacer of thy day, and friend of thy dark night who is he?
(P. 131) O I am fallen far away from thy fair cheek,
And I am fallen through thy absence into a hundred kinds of calamity.
Thou art in the desert, while I remain in this strange city,
O God! where art thou, and I am to what place have I fallen?
Thou hast not gathered thy whole weight of roses, and I know not now.
Why upon thee hath fallen a hundred hillocks of thorns and briars.
I knew not the worth of thy presence, and this is the requital,
That the day of retribution hath met with thee.
I would have spent my soul in thy behalf, but what can I do?
For thy business hath fallen under God's absolute decree.
Thy date was: He said, When the cypress fell,
‘That erect cypress how suddenly it fell from its place!’¹³⁵
O Qádir wailing and crying doth not profit,
Strive after prayer, for the turn is come for prayer.
Ask of God, that his affairs be all laudable,
And that God may be satisfied equally with him and thee.
O Lord! may his passage be into thy garden of Paradise,
May the tower of the highest Paradise be his resting-place.
When into the garden of Paradise he passes unveiling his beauty,
May Houris and boys be on his right hand and his left.
In the dark night, when he purposed the journey to the other world,
May the light of Islám be the lamp of his dark night.
If there is no one who lights a lamp on his tomb,

(P. 132) May the light of the mercy of God be the taper on his tomb.
Since he has taken away his bosom from the bride the old women of Fate,
May the fresh heavenly brides be in his bosom.
Since after death no friend was with him,
May the mercy of God moment by moment be his friend.
The drops of tears, which men shed over him,
May each drop become a pure pearl, and be devoted to him.
To all eternity may his abode be the pinnacle of heaven,
This prayer from me, and may from Gabriel come: Amen!

And in this year the building of the tomb of the late Emperor, which is heart-delighting, paradise-like, was completed. It is at Dihlí on the banks of the river Jumna and took Mírak Mírzá Ghiyás eight or nine years to build. Its magnificent proportions are such that the eye of the spectator gazing on it admits it only with wonder.

On Thursday the 3rd of the month of Muḥarram^135a in the year nine hundred and seventy-eight (978) there took place in the house of Shaikh Salím the rising of the star of prosperity and happiness, the Prince Murád. And a royal feast just like the former one was prepared. And Múláná Qásim Arsalán composed a qiṭ'ah, of which the first hemistich of each verse gives the date of the birth of those two princes, the first that of the first, and the second that of the second:—

“The first prince, that shining moon,¹³⁶
Rose like a moon from the pinnacle of glory.
That second son of king Akbar^136a
Came down like a descending constellation from heaven.”

Also there is another mnemosynon of the same kind:—

“From the pure light, like Sultán Salím there descended,
The standard of Sháh Murád bin Akbar the just.”^136b

And Khwájah Ḥusain Marwí composed a qiṭ'ah of seven verses, in which each first hemistich (P. 133) gives the date of the birth of the first prince, and each second hemistich the date of the birth of the second:—

“This sky gave two princes to the king,^136c
The face of both was better than the sun.^136d
The first of them was second to the king of the world,
The second of them was a heart-stealer of lofty power.
The one through good luck to the king on the throne
Brought the news of a hundred open doors.
The other was cause of peace and security,
The sun gave him from the moon a sleeping-cradle.
The news that a king is born arises from the first,
And of that the first hemistich gives the answer.
From the second hemistich of each verse
Find thou the birth of the second prince.
May there be to that king, and to that prince,
The pomp of Alexander, and the glory of Afráshyáb.”

On the 20th of Rabi'lákhir of this year the Emperor departed from Fatḥpúr, where he had remained twelve days, and then went towards Ajmír with the intention of paying his vows. He laid the foundations of a fortress in the environs of that pure city, and ordered a lofty palace to be built by the great Amírs. On Friday the 4th of Jamádi'l Ákhir marching thence he came in the course of twelve days to Nágor. And he ordered the great tank of that city to be dug out, and distributed the work among the Amírs, and he named it Shukr-taláo.¹³⁷

In this year Chandarsín, son of Máldeo, ruler of Márvár, came to do homage to the Emperor. And Ráí Kalyán Mal, Rájah of Bíkánír came together with his son Ráí Singh, and brought his daughter as a gift, so that she was admitted into the Imperial Ḥaram. The Emperor gave the father leave to return to Bíkánír, but the son he took along with him. On the jonrney he hunted wild asses, animals which he had never before met with, and then, with a view to visiting the tomb of that Pole-star of Shaikhs, that mine of salt, treasury of sugar, and unique one of his age, the honoured Shaikh Faríd (may God sanctify his glorious tomb!), he went towards Ajodhan, which is generally known as Pattan. There Mírzá 'Azíz Kokah, surnamed A'zam Khán, who was the jágír-holder of that place, made a great feast, and offered suitable gifts and presents (P. 134): and indeed such profuse hospitality is recorded of but few others. This is a mnemosynon for the date:—

“The Sháh and the Prince are honoured guests.”^137a

Thence he went to Láhor, where he was the guest of Ḥusain Qulí Khán. And then reciting “Return is best” he went back by way of Ḥisár Fírozah to the city of Ajmír, and thence by successive marches he arrived at Fatḥpúr.

Muḥibb 'Alí Khán, son of Mír Khalífah, who for a long time had given up military service and lived in retirement, through the intervention of his wife Náhíd Bégum, whose mother was wife to Mírzá 'Ísá Tarkhán, ruler of Tattah, was at this time graciously received: and the Emperor having presented him with a standard and kettledrum, and given him a jágír in Multán, and having written to Sa'íd Khán Moghúl, ruler of Multán, in his behalf, and having sent with him his nephew Mujáhid Khán, who was a very brave and daring soldier, appointed him to take Tattah. He entered Multán, and keeping nearly 400 horsemen in his own jágír, sent some to Sulṭán Muhammad, governor of Bakkar, with this message: “You have often said that if I came here, I should need no other help but yours, now I have promised to take Tattah and deliver it over to the Emperor. This was represented at Court, and in full reliance on your co-operation the Emperor had appointed me to this kingdom. And now the moment for rendering assistance is come.” He wrote in answer: “If you come by way of Jaisalmír to reduce Sind, I will send you assistance; but I will not let you pass by way of Bakkar, for I have no confidence in you.” Muḥibb 'Alí Khán and Mujáhid Khán set off by the other route, and Sulṭán Maḥmúd collected his army and sent it to oppose them. Muḥibb 'Alí Khán came off victorious in the engagement which ensued, and after the defeat besieged the Bakkar-ites in the fortress of Mánélah. That fortress (P. 135) he took on terms of capitulation and quarter. Then Sulṭán Maḥmúd sent the remnant of his army, consisting of gunners and archers, from the fortress of Bakkar to engage Muḥibb 'Alí Khán. They met with the same fate as before, and then retreated to the fortress and there made a resolute stand. But, since the crowding of people within the fortress was very great, the air became fearfully contaminated, and a terrible pestilence came on, so that 1,000 persons, more or less, died every day. At last in the year nine hundred and eighty-three (983) Sulṭán Maḥmúd, who was an aged decrepit and imbecile old-man, himself succumbed, and the fortress fell into the hands of the Emperor. Then he sent Mír Gesú from Fatḥpúr to examine the stores and treasures of the place.

In this year Mun'im Khán, Khán Khánán, came from Jounpúr, and brought with him Iskandar Khán Uzbek, who had escaped from the Afgháns, and obtained pardon for him. Both of them the Emperor presented with a jewelled sword-belt, and a robe of honour, and a horse with a gilded saddle, and to Iskandar Khán he gave Lak'hnou as jágir. Iskandar being appointed to help the Khán Khánán received permission to return to Jounpúr. He arrived at Lak'hnou, and after some time on the 10th of Jumadi-'lawwal¹³⁹ of the year nine hundred and eighty (980) he laid his head on the pillow of mortal sickness, and departed this life:—

“What need of joy or sorrow, for happiness or misery,
For while you wink your eye you see neither one nor the other?”

And in this year Jamál Khán, son of Shaikh Mangan of Badáún, who was a person of decided beauty, and one of my old bosom friends, being at Sambhal with Khán Kalán on the feast of Qurbán,^139a was attacked with bowel-complaint, and having been administered a mouthful of areca-nut by an ignorant hand fell sick and died. And this is the mnemosynon which was found for the date:—(P. 136)

“A hundred sighs for the youth and beauty of Kamál Khán.”^139b

And the Shaikh of nations Shaikh Yaqúb Çarfí of Kashmír invented this mnemosynon:—

“He gave up life on the Feast of Qurbán.”^139c

And in the year nine hundred and seventy-nine (979) the royal palace at Ágra, and another palace in the new town of Fatḥpúr were finished. And Qásim Arsalán composed the mnemosynon:

Two buildings like the highest heavens have been completed
In the time of the reign of the Lord of Conjunction of the seven climes.
One is in the city of the metropolis Ágra,
The other in the district of Sikrí abode of Shaikh Salím.
Heaven for the sake of the date of these two lofty palaces
Has written with its ancient pen: Two highest paradises.”¹⁴⁰

And towards the end of the blessed month of Ramzán^140a of this year Shaikh Salím Chishtí of Fatḥpúr (who was one of the greatest Shaikhs of Hind, and a high master of the different stages of advancement in the knowledge of God, a little of whose history will be written in the sequel to this epitome, if God, He is exalted!’ will) passed from the abode of transient pride to the abode of lasting glory. And one mnemosynon for his death is “Shaikh i Hindí;”^140b and another:—

“The date of the death of Shaikh Islám [is]
The Shaikh of sages, and the Shaikh of princes.”^140c

In this year a dreadful event happened to the compiler of this epitome. It is briefly as follows: When Kánt and Golah became the jagir of Muḥammad Ḥusain Khán, and I, in accordance with the decree of fate, remained some time in his service, and became Çadr of that province, and had the responsibility of ministering to the faqírs, on the occasion of a pilgrimage to the shrine of that illustrious luminary, that Shaikh of nobles, that marvel of truth and religion, Sháh Madár (God sanctify his glorious tomb!) at Makanpúr one of the dependencies of Qannouj, I, this son of man who have imbibed my mother's crude milk, through the nature of my disposition which is compounded of innate carelessness (which is the cause of (P. 137) wrong-doing and repentance) and of radical ignorance (which conduces to presumption and damage, and has descended to me from the father of all flesh) wilfully closed the eyes of my intellect, and gave it the name of love. So I was captured in the net of desire and lust, and the secret contained in the ancient writing of fate was revealed, and suddenly in that shrine I committed a terrible piece of impropriety. But since the chastisement as well as the mercy of God (praise to Him, and glorious is His Majesty!) was upon me, I received punishment for that transgression, and chastisement for that sin even in this world, for God granted to some of the relatives of the beloved to overcome me, from whom I receive nine sword-wounds in succession on my head and hand and back. They all merely grazed the skin except one on my head which penetrated the bone of my skull, and reached the brain, exposing me as a brainless fellow, and another partially severed the sinews of the little finger of my left hand. I became unconscious and took a journey to the other world and came back again. I hope that at the Resurrection the future may also turn out well!

“Whatever calamity fortune hath inflicted,
I must say the truth, it was less than my deserts.
I never paid Him thanks for His goodness,
Until He certainly threw me into sorrow and woe”.

I met with a skilful surgeon in the town of Bángarmou, and in the course of a single week my wounds were healed. In the midst of that pain and sickness I made a vow, that if I should recover from that accident, I would perform the pilgrimage of Islám. And to this moment I am still waiting to perform this vow, if God (He is exalted!) will, and I hope that He will prosper me to attain this felicity before I pay the debt of death and a breach is made in the building of hope: “And this would not be too difficult for God.”¹⁴¹ — “Some there are who have made good their promise, and others are waiting:”^141a —

“In this turquoise palace of ancient foundation,
The son of man is wonderfully apt to err:
Gratitude is not his habit,
His business is only neglect of worship.
Although he passes his whole life amid mercies,
He never knows their value until they be lost.”

(P. 138). Thence I went to Kánt u Golah. There after performing the ablution¹⁴² I was again thrown on a bed of sickness. And Ḥusain Khán, may God (praise to Him! He is exalted) grant him to attain to the eternal paradise! treated me with the kindness of a father or a brother beyond all mortal capacity; and when through the excessive cold the wound became ulcerous, he made me a plaster of pungent wood of the tamarisk-tree,^142a and made me eat a tamarisk sweet-meat. Thence I came to Badáún, where another surgeon reopened the wound in my head, and I was near to death's door. One day between sleep and wakefulness:—

“It was not sleep, but it was unconsciousness”

I saw, that a number of apparitors carried me up to the heavens. And in that place there was a book and a tribunal, and the writers were busy, and a number of constables were present (as in a king's court on earth), and staff in hand kept hurrying about. And one of the writers taking a leaf in his hand looked at it, and said: “This is not he”. At that moment hunger opened my eyes, and so I became conscious of my wandering, and a saying, which I used to hear from the mouths of people in the days of my youth came true: “Yea the world of possibilities is wide, but the power of the First Cause is predominant, and God is predominant over his works.”

During this year a dreadful fire broke out at Badáún, and so many Hindús and Musalmáns perished in the flames as to exceed all computation. Carts filled with the charred remains were driven down to the river, and none could tell who was a Moslem and who an infidel. Many to escape being burnt rushed to the ramparts of the fortress, and men and women on account of the heat of the flaming fire threw themselves down from the top of the wall. Others escaped with burns and scars. Water on that fire (P. 139) acted like oil of naphtha. All this I witnessed with my own eyes, and heard the noise of the flames with my own ears. Some it warned, others it destroyed. Before this catastrophe a half-witted fellow came from the Doáb, and I took him into my house, and associated with him. He said to me in private: “Flee out of this city.” I said: “Why?” He said: “A terrible visitation is about to happen to it.” But since he was a frequenter of taverns I did not credit him:—

“Why do you ask about Badáún and its distracted state,
For it is a revelation of the verses about ‘The punishment of fire’?”¹⁴³

In the year nine hundred and eighty (980) the conquest of Gujrát took place. The substance of the affair is as follows. Gujrát had fallen into the greatest confusion, and had been broken up into different petty governments, so the Emperor issued an order for the assembling of the army and made a firm determination to reduce that country to subjection. On the 20th of Çafar^143a he set out from the Capital, and on the 15th of Rabi'lawwal^143b the city of Ajmír became the abode of the imperial cavalcade. After visiting the sacred mausoleum of that Summary of the line of Chistis, the saint Mu'ínuddín Chistí (God sanctify his tomb, and their tombs!), the next day he proceeded to circumambulate the tomb of Mír Sayyid Ḥusain Khang-sawár, and this verse was composed in his honour:—

“Thanks to God that a clear light hath shone into the heart
From Ḥusain bin 'Alí bin Ḥusain bin 'Alí.”

And he went up to the top of that hill. Then he sent forward Mír Muhammad, Khán Kalán, with 10,000 horse as vanguard, and himself by consecutive days marching arrived on the 9th of the month Jamadi'lawwal^143c at Nágor. During the night of Wednesday the second of this month the birth of the prosperous Prince Dániyál took place at Ajmír in the house of one Shaikh Dániyál by name, a holy sojourner. This good news was brought to the Emperor at two days' journey from Nágor. (P. 140). The Emperor named him Dániyál after the said Shaikh Dániyál. The following is the mnemosynon for the date:—

“One said, May he be a keeper of the Law of the Prophet.”¹⁴⁴
And the word Sharí'at^144a “The Law” will do just as well.

When the Emperor arrived in the neighbourhood of Mírt'ha, news came that a Rájpút at Sarohí having come as an ambassador had struck Kháni Kalán with a jamd'har,^144b which is the name of a weapon well-known among the people of Hind. The weapon pierced his breast and came out at the shoulder-blade, but the wound was not mortal. The Rájpút was sent to Hell. The wound in the course of ten or fifteen days healed over, and continued to do well. When the Emperor arrived at Sarohí a body of 100 or 50 Rájpúts, as is their hereditary custom, some in idol-temples and some in the palace of the Rájah of Sarohí bound themselves to die, and went forth to fight, and were slain to a man. In this engagement Dost Muḥam-mad, son of the late Tátár Khán governor of Dihlí, whom they call Tátárcheh, became a martyr. While the Emperor was at this place he appointed Ráí Singh of Bíkánír governor of Joudhpúr, in order that he might go by way of Gujrát and prevent any harm being done to any one by Ráná Kíká ruler of Gogandah and Kumalmair.^144c And Mán Singh, son of Rájah Bhagawan Dás he sent with a well appointed army in the direction of Ídar in pursuit of the sons of Sher Khán Fúládí,^144d who had gone in that direction with all his family and relatives. In the beginning of the month Rajab^144e the Emperor encamped outside Pattan, and gave that place as jágír to Sayyid Aḥmad Khán Bárha, brother of Sayyid Maḥmúd. Mán Singh having spoiled the remnant of the army of the Afgháns rejoined the Emperor bringing much booty.

When Sher Khán obtained news of the Emperor's approach (P. 141), he raised the siege of Aḥmadábád, in which he had for the space of six months been engaged along with I'timád Khán, the ghulám and absolute vazír of Sulṭán Maḥmúd Gujrátí, and the army of the Afgháns became dispersed. On Sunday the 9th of the month Rajab of this year Muzaffar, son of Sulṭán Maḥmúd Gujrátí, whom I'timád Khán had kept continually in confinement, so as to keep the power in his own hands, came and did homage to the Emperor. Eventually he was given into the charge of Sháh Mançúr vazír (whose history will be narrated, if God will), and he was granted a monthly allowance of 30 rupees. After some years he escaped and regained his government. But he was taken prisoner by the Rájah of Súrat, who, when he had thus secured him, sent him towards Chúnágaṛh to A'zam Khán. But on the road he laid violent hands on himself, and killed himself with a stroke of a razor. Subsequent events will be narrated in detail.

The next day I'timád Khán, and Sháh Abu Turáb, and Sayyid Ḥámid Bokhárí, and Ikhtiyár-ul-mulk the Abyssinian, and Malik-ush-Sharq, and Wajíh-ul-mulk, and Ulugh Khán the Abyssinian, and Jajhár Khán the Abyssinian, and the other Amírs of Gujrát, came one and all and were granted an interview with the Emperor. And I'timád Khán brought the key of the city of Aḥmadábád. The Emperor entrusted the Abyssinians to trusty officers of his own to be employed in guarding his harem. On Friday the 14th of Rajab he pitched his tents on the banks of the river of Aḥmadábád, and the Khuṭbah¹⁴⁵ was read. On the 20th of this month Sayyid Maḥmúd Khán Bárha and Shaikh Maḥmúd Bokhárí brought the Emperor's harem into the Imperial camp.

On Monday the 2nd of Sha'bán^145a the Emperor set out from Aḥmadábád in the direction of Cambay with the intention of repulsing Ibráhím Ḥusain Mírzá and Muḥammad Ḥusain Mírzá, who had seized Bhroj and Barodah and Súrat. Ikhtiyár-ul-mulk the Abyssinian, who was the leading man among the Amírs of Gujrát, seized this opportunity, and escaping from Aḥmadábád, fled to Aḥmad-nagar. And, since it was impossible to put any confidence in I'tímád Khán, the Emperor committed him to the charge of Shahbáz (P. 142) Khán Kambo. On the 6th of Sha'bán the Emperor arrived at the port of Cambay. On the 14th of this month he arrived at the town of Barodah, and committing the government of Gujrát entirely unfettered into the hands of Mírzá 'Azíz Kokah, he dismissed him to Aḥmadábád.¹⁴⁶

On the 17th of Sha'bán news arrived, that Ibráhím Ḥusain Mírzá had put to death Rustam Khán Rúmí in the fortress of Bhroj, and that he was intending to pass within eight cosses of the Imperial camp. On this account the Emperor, left the camp, in which was the young prince Salím, under the guardianship of Khwájah Jahán, and Shujá'at Khán and several others of the Amírs, and having sent Shahbáz Khán to fetch Sayyid Maḥmúd Bárha, and Sháh Qulí Khán Muḥarram and the rest of the Amírs, who had been appointed to go towards Súrat, he took with him Malik-ush-Sharq Gujrátí as his guide, and set off by forced marches with the intention of extirpating Mírzá Ibráhím Ḥusain. When the Emperor arrived at the banks of the river Mahindrí, night had come on. He crossed with 40 horse, when news was brought that Mírzá Ibráhím Ḥusain had alighted in the town of Sarnál on the other side of the river. So the faithful companions of the Emperor began to arm themselves. During the night the Amírs, who had been sent to Súrat, were enabled to form a junction with the Emperor. Mán Singh was appointed to lead the vanguard, and with 100 men crossed the river. Then Mírzá Ibráhím Ḥusain, who had a force of 1,000 horse, when news came to him of the rapid approach of the Emperor, evacuated the town of Sarnál by another road, and drew up his army in the plain with the intention of making a determined stand. Mán Singh advanced in one direction by the broken ground and shallows on the banks of the river Mahindrí, and the Emperor by another road. At last a collision between the opposite parties took place. Ibráhím Ḥusain Mírzá charged against Bábá Khán Qáqshál and his company of archers, and made them fall back for a considerable distance, and some were killed on both sides. (P. 143). At this moment a son of Rájah Bhagvant Dás,^146a named Bhunpat¹⁴⁷ met with his death in that conflict. Then the enemy, taking courage, charged the imperial army, which was in position on uneven ground closely hemmed in on either side by a growth of prickly-pears.^147a Three of the enemy pressed forward in front of the rest. One of them attacked Rájah Bhagvant Dás, who struck him with a hand-pike from behind the prickly-pears, and compelled him to retire wounded. The other two made a rush at the Emperor, who was in front of his men; but they could not stand his blows, and had to retire, and Maqbúl Khán a ghulám of Sarkh Badakhshí went in pursuit of those two fellows. Then the imperial army made an attack on all sides on Mirzá Ibráhím Ḥusain, which he was not able to withstand, and so took to flight. Many of his men were killed in this conflict, and innumerable were the slain. After he had gained the victory, as night was coming on, the Emperor ordered the pursuit to be abandoned. So Ibráhím Ḥusain Mírzá with a few followers managed to reach Sarohí^147b by way of Aḥmadnagar. Thence he came to Nágor, where he again engaged the Amírs, and being put to flight he passed by Dihlí and returned once more to the district of Sambhal. The issue of the event will be recounted in its proper place,^147c if God, He is exalted, will.

On the 18th of Sha'bán^147d the Emperor returned, and rejoined the imperial camp at Barodah. Thence he set out with the object of reducing the fort of Súrat. This fort had been built by Khudáwand Khán, Wazír of Gujrát, on the bank of the river^147e to oppose the Portuguese in the year nine hundred and forty-seven (947). After the death of Chingíz Khán (P. 144) the Mirzás had seized it. And when Gujrát was conquered, the Mírzás, having shut up their families and dependants in their place, and having entrusted the absolute government of it to one Hamzabán by name, chamberlain to the late Emperor, who had fled from the service of the present Emperor and gone over to the enemy, scattered themselves about the district and kept laying the foundation of rebellion. But, when news of the defeat of Ibráhím Ḥusain Mírzá reached the garrison of that fort, Gulrúkh Bégum, daughter of Kámrán Mirzá and wife of Ibráhím Ḥusain Mirzá, took with her her son Muzaffar Ḥusain (who is now honoured with the dignity of being son-in-law of the Emperor), and made for the Dakkan. And Sháh Qulí Khán Maḥram,¹⁴⁸ who together with Çádiq Muḥammad Khán and others had previously been appointed to besiege the fort, went a considerable distance in pursuit of the Mirzá's men, and then came back with part of his baggage and effects which they had succeeded in capturing. Now before the arrival of the Emperor in person, he had sent Rájah Todarmal to thoroughly reconnoitre the fort, and with instructions to submit to H. I. Majesty an accurate statement of the results of his investigation. He represented to the Emperor that the fort might be taken as easily as possible in a very short time. Accordingly on the 18th of the blessed month Ramzán^148a the Emperor encamped at one cos distant from the fort, and proceeded to surround it, as the halo surrounds the moon. He distributed^148b the entrenchments [among his forces] and by perpetual assaults he reduced the garrison to extremities. In the course of two months he threw up immense mounds and high batteries, and the gunners and artillerymen kept up such a fire from under cover of them, that not an individual of the garrison of the fort dared to show his head. On the other side of the fort, which was contiguous to a tank of water he built a palace, and throwing up dams in its vicinity he cut off the water-supply from the besieged. Then the inhabitants of the fort sent out one Múláná Nizám-ud-dín by name, a student of the art of rhetoric, (P. 145) to sue for quarter on the score of their weakness, defeat, and misery. Through the intervention of the Amírs he was admitted to an audience, and the petition of the people of the fort attained the grade of acceptance, and he was dismissed to announce to them the joyful news. The Emperor appointed Qásim 'Alí Khán Bakkál, and Khwájah Doulat Názír to go and re-assure Hamzabán and all the besieged, and to bring them to an audience. And a number of orthodox clerks were appointed to write down the names of the men, and to make an inventory of the property, so that everything was brought before¹⁴⁹ His Majesty.

Out of the whole number of the people, the Emperor, after a severe reprimand and admonition, gave over to the keeper of prisoners a few others as well as Hamzabán, who during the time of the siege had let fall some rude words, and impolite expressions. All the others he freely pardoned. This victory took place on the twenty-third of the month Shawwál^149a in the year nine hundred and eighty (980). And Ashraf Khán Mír Munshí composed this qiṭ'ah:—

“The country-subduer Akbar Ghází,^149b without dispute
There is no key of the forts of the world like his sword.
He has taken by assault the fort of Súrat,
The victory was gained only by his auspicious arm.
The date of the victory is He has taken a wonderful fort,^149c
But to the fortune of the Sháh of the world such things are not wonderful.”

The next day the Emperor went to inspect the fort, and gave orders that its breaches and ruins should be repaired and rebuilt. During this inspection he came across some large cannon, and immense pieces of ordinance. They had been brought by sea by Sulai-mán Sulṭán the Emperor of Turkey, when he came with a large army intending to take possession of the ports of Gujrát; but afterwards on account of some adverse circumstances that army retired, and those cannon from that time were left behind (P. 146) on the river bank. At the time of the building of Súrat Khudáwand Khán Wazír brought most¹⁵⁰ of them into the fort, and the remainder the Governor of Júnágaṛh dragged into that fortress. The Emperor commanded that they should be removed from there, where so many were of no use, and be carried to the fortress of Ágrah.

They say that the reason for Khudáwand Khán's building this fort was, that the Portuguese used to exercise all kinds of animosity and hostility against the people of Islám, and used to occupy themselves in devastating the country, and tormenting the pious. At the time of the commencement of the building they ceased not to throw the builders into confusion, firing continually at them from their ships, but they could not prevent them. The architects skilled in geometry and expert in subtleties carried the foundations of the centre of the fort down to the water, and also dug a moat of the same depth, and on the two sides of the fort which adjoined the land they built a wall of stone, adamant, and burnt brick. The length of the wall was thirty-five yards, and the breadth of the four walls of the fort was fifteen yards, and their height as well as the depth of the moat was twenty yards. The centres of each two stones were joined with iron clamps, and the interstices and joints were made firm with molten lead. The battlements and embrasures were so lofty and beautiful that the eye of the spectator was astonished at them. On the bastions which overlooked the sea they made a gallery, which in the opinion of the Europeans, is a speciality of Portugal and an invention of their own. The Europeans were very much opposed to the building of that Choukandí,^150a and endeavoured to prevent it by force of arms. But at last they resorted to peaceful measures, and agreed to pay a round sum of money, if they would leave off building the Choukandí. But Khudáwand Khán through his love and zeal for (P. 147) Islám gave the reins to his high spirit, and would not consent, and in spite of the Christians soon carried out his purpose of completing the building.

The very same day the Emperor delivered over the fort to the command of the son of Qulíj Khán, and on the 14th of Zí-qa'dah he returned to Aḥmadábád.

During the time of the siege several events took place. First of all, Mirzá Sharaf-ud-dín Ḥusain, who had been a wanderer for ten years, and had at last fallen into the hands of Bahár-Jiv, Rájah of the district of Baglána,¹⁵¹ was bound and brought into the imperial presence. The Emperor was content with handing this ill-conditioned fellow over to the keeper of prisoners, after he had given him a severe reprimand. Next, while at the halting-place of Bahroṇch the mother of Chingíz Khán^151a came and demanded justice, and sued for retaliation against Jahjár Khán the Abyssinian, who had basely slain Chingíz Khán. After the circumstances had been investigated the murderer confessed, and the Emperor had him thrown under the feet of an elephant. Next, while the siege of Súrat was actually in progress, Ibráhím Ḥusain Mirzá after his defeat went from the station of Sarnál to the confines of Patan, and joined Muḥammad Ḥusain Mirzá and Sháh Mirzá. Here they thought of a plan for raising the siege of the fort of Súrat. Their scheme was as follows: Ibráhím Ḥusain Mirzá was to go towards Hindústán with a view to stirring up rebellion, while Muḥammad Ḥusain Mirzá together with Shér Khán Fúládí were to lay siege to Patan, so that the Emperor becoming uneasy concerning their movements should be obliged to come to Aḥmadábád. Meanwhile Sayyid Aḥmad Khán had shut himself up in Patan, and made a brave resistance. Then Quṭb-ud-dín Muḥammad Khán with all the renowned Amírs, who were the fief-holders of Málwah and Chandérí, went to the assistance of Sayyid Aḥmad Khán. And Rastam Khán and 'Abd-ul-Maṭlab Khán, and Shaikh Muḥammad Bokhárí of Dihlí came to Aḥmadábád, and together with A'zam Khán returned to Patan. Then (P. 148) Muḥammad Ḥusain Mirzá, and Sháh Mirzá, and Shér Khán Fúládí raised the siege, and falling in with them at 5 cosses from Patan they fought so fierce a battle that the memory of it will remain on the volume of history. The right wing of A'zam Khán attacked the vanguard of the enemy, and also threw their left wing into confusion, and the Amírs doing all that valour could require of them stood their ground firmly until the breeze of victory fanned the prosperous banner of the Emperor, and they dispersed the enemy like flakes of scattered clouds, and the soldier pursued in quest of plunder. But Khán i A'zam¹⁵² with a few men did not move from his post, when suddenly like an unexpected calamity Shér Khán Fúládí (who was a great opium-eater, and had been delayed for a whole watch at the latrines through constipation, which like a handgrip, is a necessary evil with opium-eaters) arrived with 2,000 or 3,000 horsemen, more or less, on the empty field after both sides had done fighting, and attacked Shaikh Muḥammad Bokhárí, who was still engaged with a few of the enemy, and confusion returned and Shaikh Muḥammad became the rose of the garden of victory:^152a —

“He made a pen of his sword from the point to the hilt,
It wrote in blood the dictum: He was not.”

Meanwhile Khán i A'zam moved from his place, and charged those men on all sides, so that Shér Khán having contrived to rejoin his friends took to flight. When they asked him, “Why did you kill the son of your superior?” he replied, “We heard that of the number of the leaders of the Moghuls Sháh Budágh Khan and one other through excessive valour would not leave the battle-field, under the impression that it was they, we attacked Shaikh Muḥammad; but certainly if we had known who it was, we should never have taken a step towards killing him.” Then Muḥammad Ḥusain Mirzá went towards the Dakkan, (P. 149), and Shér Khán took refuge in the fortress of Júnágaṛh, of which place Amír Khán Ghorí was governor. This victory took place on the 18th of the blessed month of Ramzán^152b in the year nine hundred and eighty (980). A'zam Khán leaving the fort of Patan in the old manner in charge of Aḥmad Khán Bárhah went to Súrat, and paid his homage to the Emperor. And Quṭb-ud-dín, and the other Amírs, having managed to hunt out of the jungles and forts Ikhtiyár-ul-mulk the Abyssinian (who had escaped from those to whom he had been given in charge as prisoner, and fled to Aḥmad-ábád^152c and joined the enemy, and after his flight had laid the foundation of rebellion, and seized several places), and having left stations and patrols in that district, at the time that the imperial camp came from Súrat to Maḥmúdábád joined the Court.

Towards the end of the month Zí-qa'dah¹⁵³ of the aforementioned year Aḥmadábád became the place of the imperial residence. The Emperor stayed in that place ten days, and having conferred the government of Aḥmadábád on A'zam Khán, and having given the other cities to the other Amírs of the Atgah-clan,^153a and having presented Muzaffar Khán with two and a half cosses as jágír, and having given away Sárangpúr, and Ujjain, and the whole of the district of Málwah, on the day of the Festival of Qorbán he marched out from Aḥmadábád, and in the month Muḥarram^153b of the year nine hundred and eighty-one (981), moving from station to station, arrived at Ajmír. At this place he received a letter from Sha'íd Khán containing news of the capture of Mirzá Ibráhím, and of his departure from a world full of trouble and degradation. And on the 2nd of Çafar^153c in this year the metropolis was once more glorified and adorned by the return of His Imperial Majesty.

The following is a compendium of the adventures of Ibráhím Ḥusain Mirzá. He went first from Gujrát to Mírat'h with the intention of stirring up rebellion and revolt in that kingdom. He plundered a caravan which was going to Ágrah (P. 150), and came to Nágór, in which place Farrukh Khán, son of Khán-i Kalán, shut himself up. The Mirzá plundered some of the houses in the suburbs, and having stayed there one day went off to Narnoul. When he had arrived within 20 cosses of Narnoul it happened that Ráí Rám and Ráí Singh, who had been entrusted with guarding the road to Gujrát, taking about 1,000 horsemen with them set off by forced marches from Jodhpúr to Nágór. Then Farrukh Khán set off in their company in pursuit of the Mirzá, and alighted at K'hatoulí. The Mirzá fled without leaving any mark or trace, and so got off. When the Musalmáns in the camp were keeping the fast, they halted by the side of a great tank in that neighbourhood with the intention of breaking fast, then the Mirzá, having gone some distance and returned, on the second night of the blessed month of Ramzán¹⁵⁴ in the year nine hundred and eighty (980) taking them quite unawares made a night-attack on them, and attacking them suddenly on both flanks rained a shower of arrows upon them. They on their side seized their shields and did not waver, but fought manfully. And he, since he could not prevail, and his men did not amount to 700, found himself in difficulties, and retreated. In that dark night many of his soldiers becoming scattered were taken prisoners in the villages and wildernesses, and were put to death on the spot where they were taken. Of this number a 100 men fell into the hands of Farrukh Khán, and became food for the sword. And others were wounded and after a hundred troubles managed to reach the Mirzá. But through the disgracefulness of their wicked enterprise their affairs nowhere prospered. So the Mirzá with 300 men, ravaging the country as he went, crossed the rivers Ganges and Jumna, and came to the pargana of A'zampúr, which had formerly been his jágír. He thought that, since Sambhal was in its rear, a fortress like Mount Kumáún, and in front a moat like the Ganges, if he were to take refuge there and settle himself in that place, many men would return to him (P. 151). But this idea of his was not realized, and the imperial Amírs hemmed him in on every side, and the meaning of the [Arabic saying] “Expectancy hinders advance”^154a became manifest.

Ḥusain Khán^154b Mahdí Qásim Khání at that time, before the publication of the news concerning Ibráhím Ḥusain Mirzá and his going towards Dihlí, went to Kánt-u-Golah, which was his jágír, with the intention of quelling the insurgents of Badáún and Patyálí. Meanwhile Makhdúm-ul-mulk Múláná 'Abd-ulláh Sulṭánpúrí, and Rájah Bahár Mal, who was wakíl and absolute wazír, wrote a letter to him from Fatḥpúr informing him, that Ibráhím Ḥusain Mirzá having suffered defeat on two occasions had arrived in the vicinity of Dihlí, and that, since the Emperor was absent from the Capital, his lordship would do well to hasten thither as quickly as possible. In accordance with this request he proceeded in that direction, but when he had arrived on his march at the village of Oudh, in the pargana of Jalésah,¹⁵⁵ news came in that Rájah Awésar, who had continually infested the roads since the accession of the Emperor, and had kept up rebellion in the vicinity of Ágrah, had now become a regular brigand. Moreover that he had already had many severe encounters, and obstinately fought skirmishes with some of the renowned Amírs, and had slain many excellent men, and was now hidden in the jungle of the village of Nouráhí in the pargana of Jalésah. At midday on the 15th of the blessed month of Ramzán^155a in the aforesaid year, when the men were off their guard and marching in loose order, and most of them were fasting, suddenly the rattle of musketry and arrows burst on them, and they found themselves engaged in a hot skirmish. The Rájah with the help of the villagers^155b had erected crows'-nests in the trees, and from that vantage-ground many useful men became marks^155c for arrows and musket-balls, and some were martyred, and others were wounded. At the very beginning of the battle-moil (P. 152) a musket-ball struck Ḥusain Khán below the knee, glanced off and struck his saddle and spent itself on the head of his horse. He became faint and nearly fell from his saddle, but with great presence of mind he grasped the pommel of his saddle and kept his seat. I threw water on his face. Those who were around him and in front thought that it was perhaps weakness caused by fasting, but I seized his bridle wishing to draw him under the shelter of a tree, where he might be safe from the shower of arrows. When there he opened his eyes and contrary to his usual custom shot a glance of anger at me, and querulously made signs as much as to say, “What are you holding my reins for? You had better go down into the battle.” So they left him in that state and went down and joined in the fray. Such confusion then raged, and so many men were killed on both sides, that imagination were too weak to number them. Eventually, in accordance with [the promise] “Al-Islám shall conquer, and not be conquered,” towards evening the breeze of victory blew to the side of the small handful of religious warriors, and the infidels company by company and crowd by crowd took to flight, but not before our soldiers were so tired that they could scarcely wield a sword or shoot an arrow. In that thick forest they became so commingled, that friend could not be distinguished from foe, and yet through weakness they could not make an end of one another. Some of the servants of God showed such fortitude as to merit the excellence both of waging a holy war, and also of maintaining a strict fast. But I on the contrary was so weak, that I took a single draught of water to moisten my throat, for want of which some gave up the ghost, and several excellent friends of mine became martyrs:—

“Never does Heaven regard my affair,
Nor make me happy in granting me a single wish.
It moistens not my lip with a drop of water,
Except it rain my eye-blood on my bosom.”

After this victory Ḥusain Khán returned by forced marches to Kánt-u-Golah, and strengthened those places. At the same time Ibráhim Ḥusain Mirzá, arrived in the neighbourhood of the pargạna of Lak'hnou, which is (P. 153) fifteen cosses from Sambhal.¹⁵⁶

In spite of that wound [Ḥusain Khán] riding in a litter advanced to Báns Barélí in order to force the Mirzá into action, and from that place he reached Sambhal in one day by a forced march. When the Mirzá became assured of this bold stroke of his, he did not see the advantage of fighting, but retreated by way of Amrohah, in the neighbourhood of Lak'hnou, and put a distance of fourteen cosses between us and him. But, if he had attacked Ḥusain Khán in his wounded state, God knows what would have been the issue! It was one of the mistaken pieces of policy on the part of the Mirzá, that he did not attack Ḥusain Khán when he was in this weak state. Mu'ín-ud-dín Khán Farankhúdí, governor of Sambhal, with a considerable force, and various other Amírs, jágír-holders of the neighbourhood, who had taken refuge in the fortress, when they heard at midnight the roll of the drums of Ḥusain Khán, thought that the Mirzá was upon them, and were quite overcome with fear. But, when from the extremity of the fort the cry arose that it was Ḥusain Khán coming to their assistance, they came out joyfully to meet him. The next day they came to the abode of Shaikh Fatḥ-ulláh Tarín,¹⁵⁷ who was one of the renowned deputies of Shaikh-ul-islám Fatḥpúrí, and sat in council and considered it advisable that all of them together with Tolak Khán Qúchín^157a and Bég Núrín Khán and Raḥmán Qulí Khán and Kákar 'Alí Khán and the other Amírs of the jágír of the neighbourhood of Dihlí, who were come to repulse the Mirzá, should wait for us in the pargana of Áhár on the bank of the river Ganges, and that when a junction should have been effected, we should carry out whatever plans they might fix upon. Ḥusain Khán exclaimed “Good God! The Mirzá came to this neighbourhood with a small party of horse, while you with an army twice or four times as large as his (P. 154) were at the fortress of Sambhal; and you twenty or thirty Amírs, all old soldiers too, with a large force are so dismayed that you would shut yourselves up in the fortress of Áhár, which is a regular rat-hole. This will give occasion to the Mirzá to become bold and to ravage the imperial territories. Now there are two courses open to us, one of which we must follow. Either you must cross the Ganges, and under cover of that old fortress must intercept the Mirzá, and prevent his getting over the Ganges. I will follow up in his rear, and we shall see what will happen. Or I will hasten and cross the Ganges and head the Mirzá, while you pursue him. This is our duty as loyal subjects.” But they could not agree upon any course until Ḥusain Khán, driven by necessity, went off in haste with the horsemen he had to the Amírs at Áhár, and inveighed loudly against their shutting themselves up in that fortress. He brought them out, and in turn held a council with them. “The enemy,” he said, “is enclosed in the heart of the country, and is just like a hare appearing in the midst of a camp, if you move briskly we shall be able to make a fine coup and take him alive, and the glory of the victory will be yours.” They replied: “In accordance with the written instructions of Makhdúm-ul-mulk and Rájah Bahár Mal we have driven the Mirzá out of the neighbourhood of Dihlí, and compelled him to make for Sambhal. Now Mu'ín-ud-dín Aḥmad Khán, commandant of that district, and the jágír-holders of that neighbourhood are responsible for the matter. But we are merely ordered to defend Dihlí, and not to wage a war against the Mirzá, a course in which various dangers are to be dreaded.¹⁵⁸ Meanwhile intelligence arrived that the Mirzá had plundered Amrohah, and having crossed the Ganges at the ford of Choubálah was marching rapidly on Láhór. Then Ḥusain Khán, being convinced of lack of loyalty on the part of the Amírs, (P. 155) hastily separated himself from them, and went by forced marches to Gaḍha Muktésar in order to capture the Mirzá:—

“Take up thine abode with the favorites of fortune,
Flee, swift as an arrow, from the unfortunate.”

The only ones of the imperial Amírs who supported him were Turk Subḥán Qulí and Farrukh Díwánah; but while he was at this place the Amírs of Áhár wrote him a letter, saying: “Do not be in a hurry, for we will join you. Eleven are better than nine.” And they came more by compulsion than of free will, and the verse^158a of the glorious word: “Thou lookest on them as united, but their hearts are divided” exactly fits the case of those people. The Mirzá, like the rook on a cleared chess-board, came into the heart of the country, plundering and ravaging the towns in his way. When he arrived at the village of Páyal, the Mirzá's men committed such atrocities on the Musalmán people and their families as cannot well be described. For instance, twelve virgins in that village were ill-treated to such a degree that they died. Other towns were treated in just the same way. Ḥusain Khán advanced gradually in the track of the Mirzá, with the Amírs in his rear, till they came to Sarhind. At that place they turned refractory and took the opportunity of all remaining behind. But Ḥusain Khán not being content [to remain] with the force that he had, which did not number 100 men, left Sarhind by rapid marches, together with the two [Amírs mentioned above], and arrived at Lúdiyánah. There intelligence arrived that on the Mirzá's reaching the environs of Láhór, the garrison had shut the gates against him, and that the Mirzá had passed on thence and gone to Sher Gaḍha and Jahní.

Now Ḥusain Qulí Khán, who was beseiging Nagarkot and the fort of Kangṛah, heard of the Mirzá's doings, and having made an agreement with the Hindús (P. 156), and received from the people of Nagarkót five man of gold as a douceur, after reading the khuṭbah in the Emperor's name, set out from that place with Mirzá Yúsuf Khán and Masnadi 'Álí¹⁵⁹ Fattú, a ghulám of 'Adalí, Ismá'íl Qulí Khán, Rájah Bírbar, and other Amírs, and pursued him as far as Sankrah. When Ḥusain Khán heard news of this, under the influence of that madness which so often attacks the wits of poor mortals, he swore an oath that he would not touch food until he came up with Ḥusain Qulí Khán. He crossed the river Biyáh at the ford of Talwandí, and went by forced marches to Sher Gaḍha a dependency of Jahní. There he paid a visit to his reverence Shaikh Dá'úd Qádirí Jahní-wál, the greatest Pole-star, the master and asylum of sainthood (God sanctify his tomb!). When food was served, he excused himself from eating on account of his oath. The Shaikh observed that it was easy to atone for an oath, but silly to distress one's friends. The Khán immediately called for a slave, and set him free,^159a and thus atoned for his oath. He then partook of food, and benefited by the gracious words which he heard. He remained there that night. The monastery of the Shaikh provided entertainment for all the party, and his private fields furnished grass and corn for the horses. In the morning he left the place.

Three days after this I came from Láhór to Sher Gaḍh, and attended his reverence for four days, seeing and hearing such things as had never entered my imagination, and the mystery of the saying, “When they desire the remembrance of God &c.” became manifest. And I extemporized some verses, which I presented, and they were accepted. The verses are as follows:—

“O! the stock of thine origin is free from water and clay,

(P. 157) Thy pure spirit like the Prophet is the mercy of the worlds.
Thy mighty name is David, through the impression of it,
Like Solomon, spirits and men come under thy signet.
“There is the face of God”,¹⁶⁰ I could not understand for years,
I saw thy face, and the pupil of the eye of truth became clear.”

I requested to be allowed to renounce the work and burden of worldly affairs, and to choose for myself the office of sweeping the monastery. But he would not permit it, and said that I ought now to go to Hindústán. So I took leave in such a desolate state of mind and distraction of heart, as may no other ever experience, and prepared to depart. At the moment of departure lamentation involuntarily burst forth from my sorrowing soul, and when this came to the ears of his reverence, although no one is properly allowed to remain in that monastery more than three days, he kept me there a fourth, and told me things, the sweetness of which still remains in my heart:—

“I go homeward from this door,
But my heart is without choice:
I lament so much that you would think
I was going to a foreign country.”

And a few of my own adventures I propose (if God will) to recount in the appendix to this book.

One stage from Tulambah¹⁶¹ Ḥusain Khán wrote a letter to Ḥusain Qulí Khán, saying: “Since I have come 400 cosses by forced marches, if you would let me be a participator in this victory, and postpone the battle one day, it would be only friendly.” Ḥusain Qulí Khán said “All right!,” and sent the courier back. But that very day, as quickly as ever he could, outside the fortress of Tulam-bah, which is within 40 cosses of Multán, he commenced the attack. The Mirzá had gone on a hunting expedition, and was quite unaware of his approach. Some of the Mirzá's men were preparing to march, and others were quite unprepared and (P. 158) dispersed about, and not drawn up in any regular order of battle. Mas'úd Ḥusain Mirzá, younger brother of Mirzá Ibráhím Ḥusain, took the initiative, and attacked the force of Ḥusain Qulí Khán, but his horse stumbled on the uneven ground, and he fell to the ground and was taken prisoner. When Mirzá Ibráhím Ḥusain returned from hunting, all chance was gone, and however bravely he fought and charged repeatedly it made no difference, and so, seeing that he could do nothing, he turned his reins and fled. The day after the victory Ḥusain Khán arrived at Tulambah with eighty or ninety men, and drums beating. Ḥusain Qulí Khán showed him the battle-field and recounted to him each man's exploits. Ḥusain Khán then said: “Since the enemy has escaped with his life, you ought to pursue him and take him prisoner, for the business is not yet complete.” Ḥusain Qulí Khán replied: “Since I have come by forced marches from Nagarkót, and my army has been subjected to great exertions in the mountain district, and is not in proper condition, this victory is enough for me, now let other friends have a turn.” Ḥusain Khán now hoped that his turn was come, and that the hardships and forced marches of 500 cosses had opened a way for him, so he took his leave, and pressed forward. Some of his men, who were worn out with fatigue, he sent with the elephants and drums to Láhór, and taking but a few men with him he continued the pursuit of the hapless Mirzá. There was but a short distance between him and the Mirzá, when one night the latter with 400 horsemen halted on the banks of the Biyáh and Satlij, at the point where the two streams unite. The Jhíls, who are a low class of Multán peasants, assembled and made a night attack on him, and poured a shower of arrows (P. 159) upon him. The Mirzá with a party of men, some of them wounded, and some of them disabled and in a miserable plight, did what he could to beat off their assailants. But, in accordance with the proverb:¹⁶² —

“A shout is enough for a conquered army,”

the Jhíls came off victorious. Suddenly during the encounter an arrow, by the decree of God, struck the Mírzá on the back of his head and came out at his throat. Then since all was over with him he changed his dress, and his men left him and fled scattered in all directions. But wherever they went, they became marks for the arrow of fate and went to retribution. One or two old servants of the Mirzá dressed him in the garments of a Kalandar^162a and endeavoured to get him into some place of safety. In his extreme weakness they brought him for refuge to spend the night in the abode of a hermit Dervish, Shaikh Zakariyá by name, who openly applied a molifying ointment to the wound of the Mirzá, but secretly sent information of his whereabouts to Sa'íd Khán at Multán:—

“Wherever an ascetic dwells,
There treachery is found.”

Sa'íd Khán sent a ghulám, Doulat Khán by name, to bring in the Mirzá a prisoner, and wrote a dispatch and sent it to the Court at the time that the Emperor was coming to Ajmír on his return from Gujrát. When Ḥusain Khán heard of the capture of the Mirzá, he hastened to Multán, and saw Sa'íd Khán. Ḥusain Khán made some difficulty about seeing the Mirzá and said: “If when I see him I should salám to him, it will be inconsistent with my loyalty to the Court; and if I do not, it will be uncourteous, and the Mirzá will say to himself, ‘This Qulqachí,^162b when he received quarter at the siege of Satwás, thought good to make saláms without number; now that evil days are fallen upon me, he treats me cavalierly’.” When the Mirzá heard of his ceremonious words, (P. 160) he said: “Come and see me without obeisance, for I waive that.” Still he made his salám, when he went to see him. The Mirzá said with sorrow: “I had no intention of rebellion and revolt, but when it became a matter of life and death, I took my own course and threw myself into a foreign country, but even there I was not left alone. Since by fate's decree this defeat was destined to come upon me, would that I had been defeated by you, who are my co-religionist, that it might have brought you into notice, and not by this Ḥusain Qulí Khán, who is an alien in religion and sect!” Ḥusain Khán then returned to Kánt-u-Golah, and there he heard that the Mirzá after a short respite had died in prison at Multán:—

“He counted a few breaths, and became helpless,
Destiny smiled that he too was no more.”

Ḥusain Khán went from Kánt-u-Golah to the Court. And Ḥusain Qulí Khán came from the Panjáb and brought with him Nas'úd Ḥusain Mirzá with his eyes blindfolded, and a number of other prisoners of the followers of the Mirzá, to Fatḥpúr. They numbered nearly 300 persons, and he brought them prisoners before the Emperor, with the skins of asses, hogs, and dogs drawn over their faces. Some of them were put to death by various ingenious tortures, and the remainder were let go free. Ḥusain Khán had taken prisoners and taken with him some 100 of the followers of the Mirzá, men of determination (who had attained the rank of Khán, and after the defeat on the way to Multán had taken refuge with Ḥusain Khán). Now, when he heard at his own house the news [of the savage treatment of the prisoners], he gave these men leave to quit his pargana. Ḥusain Qulí Khán mentioned this body of prisoners, when he was in attendance on the Emperor. Ḥusain Khán sent a representation to Court that, since he had received no orders from the Emperor to put them to death, he had released that band of prisoners, and so had performed a gracious act which might be attributed to His Majesty. The Emperor (P. 161) forgave him, and imposed no penalty on him for the act. At this time Sa'íd Khán came from Multán to pay his homage to the Emperor, and brought with him the head of Mirzá Ibráhím Mirzá, which he had had dissevered from his body after his death. And this became the foundation of his favour as a courtier:—

“Every bit of dust, which the wind blows away,
Was once a Fárídún or a Kaiqabád.¹⁶⁴
Sweet it is to practise fate's agriculture,
To sow^164a a Farídún, and reap a Kháqán.”^164b

In the year nine hundred and eighty (980) Nagarkót was taken by Ḥusain Qulí Khán. The following is an epitome of the history of the event. The Emperor from his youth up had shown a special predilection and inclination for the society of various religious sects, such as Brahmans, and musicians, and other kinds of Hindús. Accordingly at the beginning of his reign a certain Brahman musician, Gadáí Brahmaindás by name, whose whole business was perpetually to praise the Hindús, and who was possessed of a considerable amount of capacity and genius, came to the Court. By means of conversing with the Emperor and taking advantage of the idiosyncrasies of his disposition, he crept day by day more into favour, until he attained to high rank, and was honoured with the distinction of becoming the Emperor's confidant, and it became a case of “Thy flesh is my flesh, and thy blood my blood.” He first received the title of Kab Ráí,^164c meaning Prince of Poets, and afterwards that of Rájah Bírbar^164d meaning “Renowned Warrior.” When the Emperor's mind became alienated from Rájah Jai Chand, commandant of Nagarkót, who was in attendance at the Court, he appointed that fortress as jágír to Bírbar, and having imprisoned Jai Chand, he wrote a farmán to Ḥusain Qulí Khán, ruler of Láhór, to seize Nagarkót and hand it over to Bírbar. Ḥusain Qulí Khán, with the other Amírs of the Panjáb such as Mirzá Yusuf Khán, and Ja'fir Khán son of Qazáq Khán, and Tattú Masnadi 'Álí &c., first took by assault Dahmírí, and Gwályár, and Koltah an exceedingly lofty fortress, and reduced that district (P. 162). Then, leaving there a force to occupy the district, he passed over a very difficult pass with elephants, horses, camels, and his whole suit, and large cannon, and immense mortars, and laid seige to the fortress of Kángṛah. I myself in the year nine hundred and ninety-eight, when I went to Nagarkót, had occasion to cross that pass, and it is scarcely an hyperbole to say that the foot of the ant in those rugged places would slip through fear. Then Bidhí Chand, son of Jai Chand, thinking that his father had died in prison, shut himself up in the fort. The temple of Nagarkót, which is outside the city, was taken at the very outset. It is a place whither lacs¹⁶⁵ and lacs of men, or rather krors and krors of men, assemble at fixed periods, and bring ass-loads and ass-loads of gold and silver coins, and stuffs and merchandise and other precious things, store-fuls without number, as offerings. On this occasion many mountaineers became food for the flashing sword. And that golden umbrella,^165a which was erected on the top of the cupola of the temple, they riddled with arrows, many of which may be seen hanging there to this day. And black cows,^165b to the number of 200, to which they pay boundless respect, and actually worship, and present to the temple, which they look upon as an asylum, they let loose, and the Musalmáns killed them all. And, while the arrows and bullets were continually falling like drops of rain, through their zeal and excessive hatred of idolatry they filled their shoes full of blood, and threw it on the doors and walls of the temple. So many Brahmans, sojourners in the temple, were killed, that both friends and strangers heap a thousand thousands of curses on the head of Bírbar, who reckoned himself a saint among the Hindús (curse on them!). So the outer city was taken. Then they threw up mounds and batteries and opened a fire of great guns on the palace of Bidhí Chand. In this bombardment nearly eighty persons lost their lives.¹⁶⁶ Bidhí Chand by a hundred artifices (P. 163) managed to effect his escape, and got off in peace, but the fortress was within an ace of being taken. At this juncture news arrived of the disturbances caused by Mirzá Ibráhím Ḥusain, and how that he was making for Láhór: moreover the army of Ḥusain Qulí Khán was suffering great hardships. For these reasons and causes he concluded a treaty with them. They paid as tribute five man of gold according to the weight of Akbar Sháh, which was one year's revenue of the temple, and much stuff and precious things of all kinds. And in the month Shavvál^166a of this year he read the Khutbah, and stamped coin in the Emperor's name is that district, and having put all things straight he built the cupola of a lofty mosque over the gateway of Rajah Jai Chand.

Then Ḥusain Qulí Khán set off to oppose the Mirzás. When he arrived at the village of Chamárí he received the honour of paying his respects to that paragon of pilgrims, that offspring of renowned saints Khwájah 'Abd-ush-Shahíd, grandson of Khwájah Aḥrár^166b (God sanctify his spirit!), who promised him victory, and gave the Khán his own dress as a present. The result of this prayer was, that having arrived by forced marches at Tulambah,^166c he gained the glorious victory which my historical pen has already narrated:—

“We are deeply wounded in our hearts,
It will not be without its effect,
Be sure, on all those
For whomsoever we pray in sincerity.”

In this year also Sulaimán Kirarání, ruler of Bengál, who gave himself the title of Ḥazrati A'lá, and had conquered the city of Katak-u-Banáras, that mine of heathenism, and having made the stronghold of Jaganát'h into the home of Islám, held sway from Kámrú^166d to Oṛisá, attained the mercy of God. His son Báyazíd succeeded him; but in the course of five or six months he was slain by the Afgháns, and his brother Dá'úd bin Sulaimán attained the sovereignty.

In this year, or in the year preceding, that remnant of the saints, and essence of the pure, that illuminator of the thoughts of the heart, and examiner into the secrets of sin, that attracted pilgrim, the righteous (P. 164) in his acts, Shaikh Nizám-ud-dín Ambit'hi¹⁶⁷ -Wál (God sanctify his spirit!) attained translation from this miserable caravanserai to the eternal habitation. A summary of the events of the life of that possessor of Perfection and Ecstasy will be inserted (if God will) in the account of the Shaikhs of the period.

In the year nine hundred and eighty-one (981) the Emperor mounted a dromedary, to go and quench the fire of rebellion in Gujrát and to settle the affairs of those disturbances, and by forced marches went in the course of nine days from Fatḥpur to Aḥmadábád, and fought a battle with the army which was beseiging A'zam Khán in the fortress. He came off victorious, and returned to the Seat of the Khálifate.

The following is an epitome of those events. When the Emperor came the first time after giving Aḥmadábád to Khán-i A'zam, the rebels raised a general revolt in that place and followed each his own devices. Ikhtiyár-ul-mulk^167a Gujrátí taking all the Abyssinians with him seized Aḥmadnagar and that neighbourhood; and Muḥam-mad Ḥusain Mirzá came from the Dak'hin and first of all endeavoured to reduce Súrat; but Qulíj Khán shut himself up in that place and succeeded in keeping him at bay and repulsed him. So he retired on Kambháyat^167b and took possession of that place. A'zam Khán marched himself against Ikhtiyár-ul-mulk. Several engagements took place between the two opposed forces between Aḥmad-nagar and Ídar, and the claim of victory was put to the arbitration of the sword. And he commissioned Nourang Khán, son of Quṭb-ud-dín Muḥammad Khán together with Sayyid Ḥámid to go toward Kambháyat against Muḥammad Ḥusain Mirzá. Muḥammad Ḥusain Mirzá in many fierce encounters showed time after time the greatest obstinacy and valour, but at last he suffered defeat and fled and joined Ikhtiyár Khán. (P. 165) The sons of Shér Khán Fúládí, and the son of Jahjár Khán Ḥabshí also helped to swell his numbers and to turn the balance of power in his favour. Their intention was to go by forced marches by a different route, and so reach Aḥmad-ábad. Khán-i A'zam outstripped them and got there first. Then he sent for Quṭb-ud-dín Aḥmad Khán from Bahroṇch, and not having full confidence in some of his men he shut himself up in the fortress. Then the Gujrátees with a force of nearly 20,000 men, consisting of Moghuls, Gujrátees, Afgháns, Abyssinians, and Rajpoots came and beseiged him. Skirmishes took place every day, and Fázil Muḥammad Khán, son of Rashíd Khán-i Kalán was slain in one of those encounters. Khán-i A'zam kept sending daily dispatches to the Court, and urging the Emperor to come to his assistance. Accordingly he issued orders to the Díváns to supply with necessaries those Amírs who had gone with him on the former expedition, and to pay ready money from the imperial treasury to those soldiers who had served in the last campaign, which had lasted a whole year, and were now without accoutrements. To Ḥusain Qulí Khán he gave the title of Khán Jahán, and appointed him, with the Amírs of the Panjáb, to that province, and Sa'íd Khán he appointed to Multán, and sent them to their respective destinations. Shujá'at Khán he sent forward with camp equipage, and set out himself on Sunday the twenty-fourth of Rabí'us sání¹⁶⁸ mounted on camels fleet of foot and swift as the wind, and passing by way of Basáwar and Todah accomplished 100 cosses in two days. On the 26th of that month he arrived at Ajmír, at the blessed shrine of that Bestower of Splendour^168a (may the peace of the mighty God be on its inhabitants!), and attained the honour of paying a visit to that honoured shrine, and afterwards on the same day he continued his march. At the village of Báliyánah he reviewed the army, and settled the distribution of the forces. He gave Mirzá Khán,^168b son of the late Khán Khánán Bairam Khán, the command of the centre. (He is now the Khán Khánán and has been appointed to subdue the Dak'hin.) And (P. 166) Sayyid Maḥmúd Khán Bárha and Çádiq Muḥammad Khán and others he associated with him. The command of the right wing he gave to Núr Muḥammad Khán-i Kalán, that of the left wing to Wazír Khán, and that of the vanguard to Muḥammad Qulí Khán and Tarkhán Díwánah. He kept under his own command 100 horse, all veterans and picked men out of thousands. His whole force did not consist of more than 3,000 horse.

On Tuesday the 3rd of Jamáda'l- avval they arrived at the village of Karí, 20 cosses from Aḥmadábád. A detachment of the enemy issued from the fortress, and drew themselves up across the line of march of the emperial force. A battle took place, and in the twinkling of an eye the enemy became food for the sword and were annihilated. Since the Emperor had given no orders for the taking of the fortress, they pressed on 5 cosses further, and when the imperial cavalcade came up, they halted there to rest. Then the Emperor distributed arms to the men from his private armoury, so that all might be fully armed. Áçaf Khán was sent in advance to open up communications with Khán-i A'zam. At this time the enemy were steeped in the sleep of negligence. When they heard the sound of the trumpets, they rushed in confusion to mount their horses, and Mu-ḥammad Ḥusain Mirzá with two or three horsemen rode to the banks of the river to find out what it meant. It happened that Turk Subḥán Qulí had also gone down to the river from our side with two or three men. Muḥammad Ḥusain Mirzá asked him: “My lord, what army is that?” “The imperial army” he replied. The Mirzá said, “My scouts informed me to-day that they had left him fourteen days' march off at Fatḥpúr. If this be the imperial army, where are the elephants which always accompany it?” The other replied, “How could elephants (P. 167) travel a distance of 400 cosses by forced marches in nine days!” Then Muḥammad Ḥusain Mirzá commenced the attack with the army in battle array, after sending Ikhtiyár-ul-mulk with 500 horse against Khán-i A'zam to prevent his making a sally from the fortress. The imperial army crossed the river, but Muḥammad Ḥusain Mirzá anticipated them, and with 1,500 Moghuls belonging to Fidáí (who had already attained the title of Khán, and was on the look out for further promotion and jágírs, and was a man of great determination) charged the vanguard, where Muḥammad Qulí Khán and Tarkhán Díwánah were stationed, and swept them before him. The Abyssinians and Afgháns together charged the left wing, which was under Wazír Khán, and the warriors on both sides having come into contest a hundred lives were worth but a barley-corn:—

“Down to the fish¹⁷⁰ and up to the moon went
The foot of the standard and the knob of the tent.
The air became blue, and the ground black;
The river boiled at the sound of the drums.
With his finger he directed the army to the plain,
An army that knew no bounds.
The royal bow came to the string,
One said Take, and the other said Give.”

The battle raged so furiously that the event will be remembered for revolutions of generations and ages. Now, when the Emperor saw that his vanguard was giving way, he raised the cry “Yá Mu'ín!”^170a which at that period, and on that day, was his battle-cry, and making a desperate charge broke the ranks of the enemy, and dispersed them in the direst confusion: and many heads were scattered to the wind. Saif Khán Kokah at this juncture charged the ranks of the enemy, and plunged into that whirlpool from which he never rose again. Muḥammad Ḥusain Mirzá did all that mortal endurance is capable of in that valley of strife and gallantry, and was not even wounded. But at last his spirit exhausted itself, and his horse being wounded he fled from the field. His path happened to be intercepted by a hedge of thorns, which he endeavoured to make his horse leap, when suddenly (P. 168) inexorable Fate seized his reins, and dragging him from the saddle threw him to the ground. One Gadáí 'Alí by name, a Turkí who had been hotly pursuing him, immediately sprung upon him and took him prisoner and brought him to the Emperor. He with his usual kindness and good nature contented himself with reprimanding him, and delivered him over to the charge of Ráí Singh. Meanwhile Wazír Khán was contending manfully with the Abyssinians and Gujrátees, and in this hand-to-hand contest displayed his hereditary valour. When the enemy heard of the defeat of Muḥammad Ḥusain Mirzá and Sháh Mirzá, they turned their backs on the field of battle, and valuing dear life more than the chance of conquering kingdoms saved their lives by fleetness of foot. At the same time Khán-i Kalan performed his part in the action by utterly defeating the sons of Shér Khán Fúládí. And so the field was cleared of all trace of the enemy:—

“Thy servants in the field of battle are like tailors,
Though they are not tailors, O King conqueror of realms!
By the ell of the spear they measure the stature of thine enemies,
That they may cut them up with the sword, and sew them with arrows.”

After the victory was gained, the Emperor ascended a hill which skirted the field of battle, and applied himself to investigating the individual acts of prowess of the combatants, when suddenly Ikhtiyár-ul-mulk, who had been employed in keeping Khán-i A'zam from joining the Emperor, when he heard the news of the defeat of the Mirzás, left off blockading the city and made his appearance on the open plain. Great commotion was observable among his men, and a great hubbub arose, so the Emperor ordered a body of men to discharge arrows at them. They raised a terrific shout of “Yá Mu'in!” and stretched on the dust of death the band which was marching in advance of Ikhtiyár-ul-mulk. Now Ḥusain Khán was of the number of the very foremost in the conflict, so that the Emperor presented him with his own crescent cimeter which was the most renowned of cimeters. And Ikhtiyár-ul-mulk (P. 169) having broken his bridle fled with one rein, till his horse fell into a bed of prickly-plants, like an ass into clay, and the swift-footed steed of his life also lost its footing, and became the spoil of the Turk of Avenging Death. Sohráb Bég Turkmán, who was pursuing him, came up and seized him. At this jnncture Ikhtiyár-ul-mulk said: “Young man you seem to be a Turkmán, now Turkmáns are followers of the blessed 'Alí and of his friends.¹⁷² I am a Sayyid of Bukhára, spare me.” Sohráb Bég replied: “How can I spare you? You are Ikhtiyár-ul-mulk. I recognized you and have been pursuing you headlong.” With that he alighted from his horse and struck his head from his body. Meanwhile some one else went off with his horse, so he tucked up the head in his skirt and walked off with it to the Emperor, and obtained favourable notice. Nearly 1000 heads fell on that battle-field and the Emperor ordered them to make a minaret out of those heads,^172a that it might serve as a warning to rebels. At the very time that the turmoil of battle with Ikhtiyár-ul-mulk ceased, the servants of Ráí Singh made Muḥammad Ḥusain Mirzá descend from the elephant, and dispatching him with a blow with a hand-spear sent him to the world of non-existence. And they sent his head and that of Ikhtiyár-ul-mulk to Ágrah:—

“Why dost thou tell the story of eloquence?
Hear a tale from Death,
That he may tell to the careless, deaf, and blind:
To whom I have given, from whom taken strength;
How I have bound the hands of kings;
In what fashion I have laid low palaces.
That he may tell thee how I break heroes,
Head and body and neck.
That when thou hast heard, through pride of power
Thou mayest not set thy heart on this faithless life.”

At this time Khán-i A'zam came out of the fortress and paid his submission to the Emperor, who embraced him, and treated him with the greatest attention, and enquired with kindness after his welfare and that of the other Amírs (P. 170). The Emperor remained five days at the dwelling of I'timád Khán. He sent Quṭb-ud-dín Mu-ḥammad Khán, with his son Nourang Khán towards Bahroṇch and Chánpánír to exterminate Sháh Mirzá; and Khán-i Kalán he appointed to the government of Patan, and Wazír Khán to Dúlaqah and Dandúqah. And Sháh Qulí Khán Muḥarram, and Rájah Bhagwán Dás, and Lashkar Khán Bakhshí he sent off by way of Ídar towards Ágrah and Fatḥpúr, to reduce the district of Ráná Udai Singh; and the town of Badnagar¹⁷³ was taken by them. On the 16th of Jamáda'l avval^173a he himself marched from Aḥmadábád and en-eamped at Maḥmúdábád one of the dwelling places of Sulṭán Maḥmúd of Gujrát. And from Dúlaqah he gave Khán-i A'zam and the other Amírs permission to leave that quarter. Mírzá Ghiyás-ud-dín 'Alí Qazawáni received the title of Áçaf Khán, and was appointed Díwán and Bakhshí of Gujrát. On the 3rd of Jamáda'ssání ^173b the Emperor arrived at Ajmír, and while staying at Sángánír he appointed Rájah Todarmal (who had remained at Ágrah with a view to fitting out 1000 vessels and boats) to go and examine into the state of the revenues of Gujrát. On the 7th of Jamáda's-sání the imperial cavalcade arrived at the metropolis. The whole time of his going and coming did not occupy one month and a half.

On the 25th of this month the rite of circumcision was performed on their imperial highnesses the Emperor's sons. And on the 22nd of the month Rajab^173c the prince Sulṭán Salím received the tablet of instruction from the hand of the God-fearing Mulána Mír Kalán,^173d the traditionalist of Herát (who was an angel in human form, and had been instructed by his reverence the paragon of traditionalists Mírak Sháh bin Mír Jamál-ud-dín), and learnt the lesson “In the name of the gracious and merciful God. The Merciful-One taught the Qurán.”^173e

(P. 171) In this year the Emperor recalled Muzaffar Khán, who had been appointed governor of Sárangpúr, and appointed him prime minister, and gave him in addition to his other titles that of Jum-lat-ul-mulk. And the Emperor ordered the debts of Shaikh Mu-ḥammad of Bokhára, who was killed in the battle of Patan, and of Saif Khán, who fell in the last battle of Aḥmadábád, to be paid out of the public treasury. They amounted to a lac of rupees.

And in this year the Emperor presented a sword to Rajah Todar-mal, when he brought with him a clear balance-sheet of the accounts of Gujrát. Then he sent him in conjunction with Lashkar Khán Bakhshí (whom most of the people of Hind call Shér Khán) to attempt the conquest of Bengál in the service of Mun'im Khán, the Khán Khánán. To Shahr-ulláh Kambúí of Láhór he gave the title of Shahbáz Khán, and appointed him Mír-bakhshí, and this rhyme was sealed with his name:—

“By the blessing of the favours of the Lord of Conjunction
I have reached Shahbáz Khán-hood from servitude.”

At this time Mír Muḥassan Razwí returned from an embassy to the Dak'hin, and brought suitable presents from the rulers of that country. On the 16th of Shavvál of this year the Emperor determined on a pilgrimage to Ajmír intending to pray for assistance in the conquest of Bengál. At the village of Dáír, which is four cosses from Fatḥpúr, his reverence the refuge of direction, and possessor of saintship, Khwájah 'Abd-ush-shahíd,¹⁷⁴ grandson of Khwájah Aḥrár (may God sanctify his tomb!), made intercession for the release of Mírzá Sharaf-ud-dín, but was refused. Although the Emperor did not neglect any marks of due honour and respect, and publicly even read the Fatiḥah,^174a still his reverence felt much grief at the refusal, and went away much saddened. At 7 cosses from Ajmír the Emperor alighted, and on the 12th (P. 172) of Zí-qa'dah^174b he was honoured with the privilege of paying a visit to the blessed burial-place.

On the 17th of this month took place the entrance of the earth-illumining sun, which is the greatest heavenly body and the light-giver of the world, into the constellation of Aries:¹⁷⁵ —

“The body of the Sun, when it comes from the Fish to the Ram,
The white horse of day makes the black horse of night white of foot.”

And because of the dignity of this day, which he observes every year and passes in joy and gladness, he held a high feast in the ancient fashion, and distributed the sum of a lac of rupees to every class of person present at the assembly. On the 23rd of the month Zí-qa'dah the Emperor marched out of Ajmír (which in grandeur may vie with Constantinople itself), and arriving at his capital he set on foot preparations for an expedition to Bengal, and gave orders for the building of boats. Of that number one boat was lion-prowed, and another crocodile-prowed. And verily only sea-going vessels have such beam and draught.

Towards the end of the month Zí-ḥajjah of this year the Author by reason of destiny, which is a chain round the foot of decision, having parted with Ḥusain Khán, and come from Badáún to Ágrah, was introduced at Court by Jamál Khán Qurchí, and the late Galen-like physician Ayn-ul-mulk.^175a And since in those days the chattles of learning had considerable currency, I was dignified with the honour of a conversation the moment I came, and was enrolled in the number of the attendants at his assemblies. The Emperor made me dispute with sages, who boast of their depth of science, and who admit no uninitiated into their presence, and was himself the arbiter. By the grace of God, and the strength of my natural talent, and the sharpness of my intellect, and the courage, which is inherent in youth, I overcame most of them. When at the time of presentation they described me as follows: (P. 173) “This worthy of Badáún has broken the head of Ḥájí Ibráhím Sirhindí,” the Emperor desired that I should be presented at once, and his commands were issued to that effect. Shaikh Abd-un-Nabí, the Chief Çadr,¹⁷⁶ was very much offended with me because I had not made use of him to obtain my introduction. He used to take the opposite side to myself in disputation, but the proverb came true “He that is bitten by a snake takes opium,” so that enmity by degrees turned into friendship.

About this time Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl, son and heir of Shaikh Mubárak of Nágór, the star of whose knowledge and understanding was brilliant, came to Court, and received many marks of distinction.

In this year a lofty college and high and spacious palaces were built on the road to Ajmír. And the cause of this was as follows: His Majesty's extreme devotion induced him every year to go on a pilgrimage to that city, and so he ordered a palace to be built at every stage between Ágrah and that place, and a pillar to be erected and a well sunk at every coss. Ever so many hundreds of stags' horns, which the Emperor had killed during the course of his life were placed on these pillars as a memorial to the world. And Míl-shákh ^176a “Mile-horn” gives the date. Would that instead of these he had ordered gardens and caravansarais to be made!

In this year at the instigation of Shahbáz Khán Kambú the custom of branding^176b the government horses came into practice. And with one stroke of the pen he commanded the appointment of tax-gatherers throughout the whole empire, and that lands should be held directly from the Crown, as shall be narrated, if God (He is exalted!) will.

In the latter part of the month Çafar^176c of the year nine hundred and eighty-two (982) the Emperor embarked on board the crocodile-prowed vessel with the intention of conqueriug Bengál. The reason for this journey was as follows: When Sulaimán Afghán Kararání died, who from the time of Islím Sháh had held the district of Bengál and become quite independent, his son Báyazíd succeeded him for a time, but on acconnt of his bad conduct after a short (P. 174) space of time he was murdered by the contrivance of his brother-in-law Hansú and other Amírs. Then Dáúd the younger son of Sulaimán, who was his heir, took upon himself the title of king, and omitted the custom observed by Sulaimán of sending messages to inform the Emperor of his accession to power, and to assure him of his loyalty. News of the death of Sulaimán reached the Emperor at the fortress of Súrat, and he immediately issued a farmán to the Khán Khánán, Mun'im Khán, who was at that time at Jounpúr, to chastise Dáúd and conquer the kingdom of Bengál. The Khán Khánán levied a large army, and having seized two lacs of rupees and other goods and precious things as tribute settled the matter peaceably, and returned. Dáúd, who was then at Hájípúr, at the instigation of Katlú Khán, governor of Jagannáth, by cunning management in exciting his cupidity for an elephant, got Lodí into his power and imprisoned him. He had been governor of Orissa, but had since taken a hostile course and had assumed independent and absolute authority in the Fortress of Rohtás. They tell the story that one day Dáúd went out hunting with a small escort, and that Lodí with 10000 horsemen of Sulaimán's formed the design of putting down Dáúd. But Dáúd went back to the city, assembled his forces, and scattered Lodí's followers. By his crafty management he got Lodí into his power, and appropriated all that he possessed. Lodí, knowing his death to be certain, did not withhold his advice from Dáúd. He said: “Although I know that you will be very sorry after my death, and that you will derive no benefit from it, still I give you one piece of advice, which if you act upon, you will prove victorious. And that is (P. 175), that you place no reliance upon that peace which I effected not long ago by means of two lacs of rupees. The Moghuls will never let you alone for this trifling sum. Be beforehand with them, and make war on them immediately, for there is nothing like the first blow.” Dáúd thought that he had an evil design in what he said, and proud of the hollow peace which he had made with the Khán Khánán, but which was no better than a mirage, he put the devoted Lodí to death. Thus he struck his own foot with the axe, and at the same time uprooted the plant of his prosperity with the spade of calamity. When the Khán Khánán heard this news, his loaf fell into the butter¹⁷⁸ and he turned towards Patnah and Hájípúr. Then Dáúd began to recognize the worth of Lodí, and repented of having put him to death; but what was the good of it!

“The horse of your fortune was under your thigh,
If you did not make haste, what could one do!
The dice of life were to your wishes,
But you played badly, what could one do!”

Having repaired the wreck and ruin of the fortress of Patnah, without even drawing his sword, or a single arrow being fitted to the bow, he shut himself up in the fortress. But on account of his drunkenness and injustice his people deserted from him, until the Emperor at the aforementioned date appointed Mírzá Yúsuf Khán to the command of the army and sent him forward by land, and left Shaháb-ud-dín Aḥmad Khán in charge of Ágrah, and himself set off by river. The following rubá'í was composed on the occasion:—

The justice-distributing and religion-protecting Emperor
The world-conquering Jamshíd Muḥammad Akbar,
Sat on the bank of the sea; like Sikandar^178a
Both sea and land became subject to him.

The Emperor took his eldest son with him. The face of the water was hidden by the number of boats and vessels (P. 176). And through the congratulations of the Khárwáhá, who are a sort of sailors used to the river, and through their shouts and cries in the language peculiar to them, the birds of the air and the fish of the water were well nigh made to dance. And such a spectacle presented itself as no words can possibly describe. Every day the Emperor used to disembark and occupy himself in hunting, and at night he would cast anchor, and would spend it in searching into science and poetry, and in recitals and repetitions.

On the 23rd of the month Çafar mentioned above the Emperor encamped at Payág, which is commonly called Illáhábás, where the waters of the Ganges and Jumna unite. The infidels consider this a holy place, and with a desire to obtain the rewards which are promised in their creed, of which transmigration is one of the most prominent features, they submit themselves to all kinds of tortures. Some place their brainless heads under saws, others split their deceitful tongues in two, others enter Hell by casting themselves down into the deep river from the top of a high tree:—

“Although he committed the crime for the sake of reward,
He went to Hell all the same by that road of water.”

He laid the foundations of a great building, and left the name of that city Illáhábád. From Banáras he sent Shér Bég Tawáchí in a very swift vessel to the Khán Khánán. And on the second of the month Rabi'-us-sání¹⁷⁹ from a place called Yaḥyápúr, one of the environs of Jounpúr, which is the meeting-place of the waters of the Ganges and the Gowadí,^179a he had the boats of the Prince, with the ladies of the harem, and the judges and justices, towed against the stream of the Gowadí and sent to Jounpúr. He himself went up the river two or three days' journey, and then returning in accordance with a request of the Khán Khánán in the greatest haste towards the Ganges, he gave rein to his river-drinking crocodiles. At this halting-place news arrived of the death of Sulṭán Maḥmúd of Bakkar, and of Muḥib 'Alí Khán's having taken possession of that kingdom. On the 16th of the aforesaid month the army arrived by land at the environs of the city of Gházípúr, and at this halting-place (P. 177) I'timád Khán, Khwájah Sarái, came to the Emperor from the Khán Khánán and related at length the state of the army of the Khán Khánán, and pressed him to make as much haste as possible. On the seventh of this month Sayyid Mírak Ispahání a man learned in charms, who after the defeat of Khán Zamán^179b had lived at Joun-púr, at the instigation of Naqíb Khán studied a great book of sortilege, and when he had selected the letters and arranged and compounded them, the following verse came out as the omen:—

“With quickness Akbar through royal fortune
Will take the kingdom out of the hand of Dáúd.”

And it so happened that it turned out just in that way. And on his return, when he was encamped at Jounpúr, the afore-mentioned Sayyid hastened to do homage to the Emperor, and offered him another omen. And this verse also came true:—

“The news of the victory suddenly comes,
The head of Dáúd comes to the Court.”

The compiler of this epitome was at that time a friend of his, and I asked leave of him to study that lore, and he consented. But he said that this lore was a special privilege of the Sayyids, and that there was a certain condition attached to the matter, which was fundamental, and the observance of which was indispensable. At last I found out that this indispensable condition was the embracing of the doctrines of the foolish Shí'ah-s! This sort of omen like all omens is a forgery and an invention, for any one who has a little thinking power can invent the like of it, as came to my own experience and was seen by me. And in those days, without the favour of the instruction of the Sayyid, I practised it myself. The wiser Jámí tells us:—

“The augur of the time, drunk and a stranger,
Sets forth his books in this way:
Not fearing the things of the next world,
And not asking about the things of salvation,
Having written some letters, by their side
And below them written some numbers,
Having conceived in himself an empty imagination
Entirely devoid of the ornament of wisdom,
(P. 178) A trouble to man, and a plague to men of science,
What is their jafar,¹⁸⁰ O Ja'fari Çádiq,?
Ja'fari Çádiq is angry with you,
To the Çádiq-s there is a reproach from the liars.
It is better that the people of dignity and pomp,
Who have not their equals in the world,
Although [these augurs] are for wisdom the talk of the world,
Should not buy this tinsel of those asses.
Those jewels which the excellent have strung,
Those sciences which the learned have sung,
In the ear of their mind are but wind,
Their nature is pleased at the removal of such,
They call them all old and shrivelled [and say],
How in a dried up thing can there be any fresh taste?’
I know not what you mean by this ‘fresh’—
Who calls the taste of new wine ‘fresh’?
The pretender who boasts of ‘freshness’
Let him spin his warf and woof ‘afresh.’
The old he has lost, and has not got the new,
The old he has dropped, and has not reached the new.”

On the 20th of the month Rabi'-us-sání¹⁸¹ the Emperor encamped at Jousá, and there news arrived from the Khán Khánán, that 'Iśá Khán Niyází, one of the great Amírs of the Afgháns, who is generally known as Shujá'at, had made a sortie from the Fortress of Patna with war-elephants and a considerable force, and had joined battle, and been slain by the hand of a ghulám of Lashkar Khán's. And at this time Muḥammad Ma'çúm, son of Háshim Khán the brother of Shaháb-ud-dín Aḥmad Khán (who was himself in the army of the Khán Khánán, and his son with the Emperor in the fleet) used every day to bring news from that army, and bring information from his father to the Emperor. By this means he rose to high favour, and the Emperor gave him the title of Khán—till at length what insurrections and rebellions did he not raise, what sword did he not draw, and what fruit did he not reap! as shall be related in its place, if God (He as exalted!) will.

On the 10th of this month the Emperor encamped at the town of Romní,¹⁸² one of the dependencies of Bhojpúr, an old halting-place. From this place he sent Qásim 'Alí Khán Baqqál to the Khán Khánán with a view to asking him what he advised to be done. (P. 179) He quickly returned, and brought news from thence. When the Emperor asked him about Ḥusain Khán, and his brother Kúchak Muḥammad Khán (who had been appointed to help the Khán Khánán), he, on account of his badness of heart and malevolence of disposition, and among other things on account of a grudge which he had against him at Badáún caused by the contiguity of their jágírs, said: “The brother of Ḥusain Khán, Kúchak Khán, remains in the service, but Ḥusain Khán himself has gone from Kánt-u Golah to the neighbourhood of Lak'nou and Oudh, and is hovering round and harrying the Banjár-s.”^182a The Emperor was very much vexed at this bad assistance on the part of Ḥusain Khán, and the effect of his disloyalty soon became evidenṭ. For, on his return, the Emperor would not admit him to Court, and took away his jágír. At last he took his own course, and went to Mountains of the North, where he made war with the infidels, and was wounded. Disabled by this wound he came to Ágrah, where he gave up his soul to the Beloved, as shall be afterwards narrated, if the glorious God will.

On the 16th of this month the Emperor encamped at the halting-place of the Khán Khánán near to Panjpahárí, two or three cosses distant from Patna, where are five high towers close together, which the Indian infidels of former times had raised of baked bricks. The Khán Khánán presented him with caskets full of pearls, and brought as presents precious things and valuable silks, which were beyond all computation. From this place the Emperor dispatched with Khán-i 'Álam into the midst of the raging stream 3000 fully equipped horsemen in boats with such ornamentation and display, that at the sight of it the eye was rejoiced, and filled with all stores and munitions necessary for taking the fortress of Ḥájípúr, from which place aid used to come to the men of Patna. And Rájah Kachítí,^182b whose army and strength was such, that for the space of two years he had kept the Khán Zamán uselessly employed in jungle-cutting and fighting, (P. 180)—and even yet that jungle is not as clear as it ought to be—was appointed to go to the assistance of Khán-i 'Álam with a following numerous as ants or locusts, and a multitude of horses and mares. Then they joined battle having surrounded Ḥájípúr both by land and by water. The Emperor stationed himself on a high eminence by the waterside to view the battle. But, when on account of the distance and the thick smoke it became no longer visible, he placed some experienced soldiers in a boat, and in the afternoon sent them towards Ḥájípúr to obtain definite news. Then the garrison of the fortress set in motion against them 16 boats full of warriors. After a severe struggle this handful of men came off victorious against that great host, and joined Kháni 'Álam. On the other side Fatḥ Khán Bárha with a strong body of Afgháns was maintaining an obstinate resistance. But he fell, and the fortress was taken by assault. The heads of the chiefs, together with the heads of others, were put into a boat and sent to the Emperor, and these he sent into the fort for Dáúd to see, that they might prove to him a warning and a scare. And this mnemosynon was composed and presented to his Majesty:—

“The umbrella of the King of religion for the conquest of Patna,
When it threw its shadow over the district of Patna,
On the spur of the moment the Munshí of thought
Wrote for its date: Fatḥ-i bilád-i Patnah.”¹⁸³

The next day the Emperor mounted the Panj-pahárí to get a comprehensive view of the fortress of Patna, and he reconnoitred it on all sides. And the Afgháns, making a last stand determined to fight to the death, kept firing great gun shots, which from a distance of 3 cosses fell into the camp (!). And one shot passed over the head of the author, who was in the tent of Sayyid 'Abd-ulláh Khán Jokán Bégí, governor of Biyánah and Bajúnah, and God (He is exalted!) protected me, and gave me some days respite; but I do not know how long this respite will last:—

(P. 181) “However much I have wandered about the world of form,
Adam was sorrowful, and his descendants helpless,
Every one in his own degree is a victim to sorrow,
To none is given a passport [of exemption].”

After the fall of Ḥájípúr, Dáúd, although he had 20,000 horsemen and fierce war-elephants without number, and powerful artillery, fled shaking with terror, and on the night of the 21st of this month he got into a boat, and making a free choice of flight set the road to Gour as the goal of his cowardice. And Sarhor¹⁸⁴ Hindí Bengálí, who had been the instigator of the death of Lodí, and had received the title of Bikramajít,^184a placed his treasures in a boat, and followed him. And Gújar Khán Kararání (who had the title of Rakn-ud-doulah) sent the elephants forward, and himself made precipitately for the plain. Great numbers through fear cast themselves into the river, and were drowned in the deluge of death. Another body, like madmen, threw themselves to the ground from the tower and walls of the fortress, and filled up the deep moat with their corpses. Another section were crushed under foot by the elephants in the narrow parts of the streets. When the fugitives arrived at the river Panpan, Gújar Khán sent the elephants over by the bridge which they had constructed over it, and proceeded on his way. But through the crush of people the bridge broke down, and many renowned leaders of the Afgháns throwing away their baggage and arms cast themselves naked into the river, and never lifted again their heads from the whirlpool of death. Later on in the evening the Emperor heard of the flight of Dáúd, and entered the city of Patna, and took 56 elephants in the city as spoil. The following hemistich gives the date:—

“The kingdom of Sulaimán passed from Dáúd.”^184b

He left the Khán Khánán in charge of the place, and himself went off in pursuit of Gújar Khán, who had all the elephants of Dáúd with him. He swam over the river Panpan on horseback, and arrived at Daryápúr on the bank of the Ganges distant 26 cosses from Patna. (P. 182) He hastened on by forced marches, and about 400 elephants fell into his hands, but Gújar Khán escaped. Shahbáz Khán Mír Bakhshí, and Majnún Khán, who had followed him, went 7 cosses beyond Daryápúr, and brought word that Gújar Khán had crossed a small river called Balbhúnd, and that many of his men had been drowned.

On the 21st of the afore-mentioned month the Khán Khánán came by water to Daryápúr, and brought all the shipping with him. The Emperor remained 6 days at this place. He gave him 10,000 horsemen as an additional reinforcement to the Amírs who were with him, and all the boats which had come with him from Ágrah, and having increased the allowance of the army in the proportion of 10:30 or 10:40, and committed the whole management of the province of Bengál to him, the Emperor left that place and returned to Ghiyáspúr, which is on the banks of the Ganges.

On the second of the month Jamáda'l-avval¹⁸⁵ of the afore-mentioned year the Emperor appointed Mirzá Yúsuf Khán to the command of the world-traversing camp, and sent Muzaffar Khán with Farḥat Khán to reduce the fort of Rohtás, with orders that after he had taken it, he should leave the post of guarding it to Farḥat Khán, and himself return to the Court.

On the 3rd of this month the Emperor came to Patna, and ar ranged the affairs of the place, and took a general view of the buildings of Dáúd. And one of the remarkable things is, that in that kingdom there are some houses called chappar-band, fetching 30,000 or 40,000 rupees each, although they are only covered with wood. And on the 6th of this month he went to Jounpúr, where he remained one month. He placed that place and Banáras directly under the royal exchequer, and gave the management of them to Mírzá Mírak Razwí, and Shaikh Ibráhím Síkrí Wál. On the 9th of Jamáda'ssání ^185a he set out for Dihlí the capital. (P. 183.) He encamped at Khánpúr, and while staying there Qází Nizám Badakhshí (who was the wisest of the wise of Badakhshán and Transoxiana, and from the world of purity and the path of Çúfíism had attained many high degrees, and has left behind him a description of a portion of it, by the intervention of Fírúzah Kábúlí (who was one of those born in the house of Mírzá Muḥammad Ḥakím, and has great experience as a student of all kinds of knowledge, and writing, and musical intervals, and whose mental stature is wanting in nothing) came and did homage. And “The learned Badakhshí”¹⁸⁶ gives the date. Qází Nizám was presented with a jewelled sword-belt, and 5,000 rupees in ready money. And on account of his lofty understanding and readiness of wit he by degrees attained the title of Qází Khán, and afterwards that of Ghází Khán; and then he rose to the command of 3,000 men, while Fírúzah, who was originally in more honour than himself, and was a jewel by birth, having beat a disgraceful retreat declined from what he was, and his business became reversed.

While encamped at this place a message came from the Khán Khánán to the effect, that when Dáúd fled from Patna he went to Garhí, and having strengthened that fortress and committed it to honoured persons devoted to himself, hastened towards Tándah. Immediately on the arrival of the Imperial army fear overcame the garrison, and without striking a blow, they evacuated it and fled.

In the month Jamada'l-ákhir, while the camp was at Shérgaṛh (otherwise called Qannouj) a book called Singh-ásan Battísi, which is a series of thirty-two tales about Rájah Bikramájít king of Málwa, and resembles the Ṭuṭí-námah, was placed in my hands; and I received his Majesty's instructions to make a translation of it in prose and verse. I was to begin the work at once, and present a sheet of my work on that very day. A learned Bráhman was appointed to interpret the book for me. On the first day I completed a sheet (P. 184), containing the beginning of the first story, and when I presented it, His Majesty expressed his approbation. When the translation was finished, I called it Námah-e Khirad-afzá,^186a a name which contains the date of its composition. It was graciously accepted, and placed in the Library.

At this time while at Karáúlí his reverence Khwájah 'Abd-ul-shahíd (God sanctify his spirit!) arrived on his way to Samaqand with a view to taking leave. He said:¹⁸⁷ “I wish to carry this handful of bones to that spot.” He bound a sword round the Emperor's waist, and again^187a prayed for the release of Mírzá Sharaf-ud-dín Ḥusain, but was refused. He was very much vexed and said: “What more can I say! He has lost his Justice and Mercy, I pray God that he may lose also the gift of Faith.”^187b As soon as he arrived at Samar-qand he was gathered, as he said he should be, to his honoured father (God sanctify their souls!)

On the 20th of Jamáda's-sání^187c while halting at the town of Is-kandarpúr news was brought, that Dáúd having left Tándah (which is situate on the other side of the river Ganges opposite to Gour), without striking a single blow had gone towards the extreme desert and had arrived at Orissa, and that the Khán Khánán had taken possession of Tándah. When the Emperor was 3 cosses distant from Ágrah he turned towards Dihlí the Metropolis, and at the beginning of the month Rajab^187d that mighty city having become the tent of his prosperity, he spent some days in visiting the blessed shrines. At this time Ḥusain Khán, who had come near to Patyálí and Bhongoun with the express purpose of paying homage, was not admitted to the presence, and his Majesty ordered Shahbáz Khán, Mír Bakhshí, not to allow him to come within the rope which was stretched round the Emperor's tent. So he determined to become a Kalandar, and gave away to students and worthy people, and those who waited at the shrine of the late Emperor, and the people of the monasteries and schools, whatever he possessed in the way of elephants and camels and horses and other military stores. And “Alif! what hast thou?”^187e came true in his case:—

(P. 185) “For all this magnificence of the created world^187f
Is as nothing in the opinion of religious enthusiasts.”

When this matter was reported to the Emperor, he becoming anxious to show him respect, sent him a present of a shawl from his own wardrobe, and one of his own quivers and arrows, and gave orders, that he should keep for one season more the pargannas of Kánt o Golah, Patyálí &c., (which was a jágír worth 1 kror, 20 lacs of rupees), and that the tax-gatherers should not interfere with him, and that after he had put his troop on the footing required by the dágh omaḥallah, he should receive a suitable jágír. So he, who through his extreme liberality and boundless extravagance, and though exceeding all limits of reasonable power and the exhibition of it, was not able to muster 10 horsemen, procrastinating through force of circumstances, at length arrived at his jágír, and kept close to the northern mountains, and so left the Court, that his return is still in nubibus:—

“Give gold to a soldier, and he dies for you;
Withhold your gold, and he will go forth into the world.”

In the beginning of Sha'bán¹⁸⁸ the Emperor left Dihlí for Ajmír. While staying at Nárnoul Ḥasan Qulí Khán, Khán Jahán, waited upon him. Also Khán-i A'zam arrived by forced marches from Aḥmadábád. At the beginning of the blessed month of Ramazán he arrived within 7 cosses of Ajmír, and dismounting in his accustomed manner made a pilgrimage to the shrine, and presented a pair of kettledrums of Dáúd's, which he had vowed to the music gallery of his reverence the Khwájah Mu'ín (God sanctify his glorious tomb!). And daily according to his custom held in that sacred shrine by night intercourse with holy, learned, and sincere men, and seances for dancing and çúfíism took place. And the musicians and singers, each one of whom was a paragon without rival, striking their nails into the veins of the heart used to rend the soul with their mournful cries. And dirhams and dínars were showered down like raindrops.

At this time the Emperor appointed Ṭayib Khán, son of Muḥam-mad (P. 186) Ṭáhir Khán Núri-farághat the commandant of Dihlí, with a body of tried warriors to go against Chandar Sen, son of Máldeo, who was oppressing the faithful in the neighbourhood of Joudpúr and Síwánah. On the arrival of this army he withdrew into the jungles, which were full of mango-trees, and fled.

In the middle of the blessed month of Ramazán the Emperor, dismissed Kháni A'zam to Gujrát, and arrived by continued forced marches at Fatḥpúr at the end of this month.

In this year he sent Sháh Qulí Khán Muḥarram, and Jalál Khán Qúrchí, and several others of the Amírs to reduce the fortress of Síwánah,¹⁸⁹ which was held by the grandsons of Máldeo. Jalál Khán, who was one of the privy counsellors, was the most complete master of mirth and wit, and it was not easy for any one else to acquire such a hold on the Emperor's disposition by force of companionship, as this man did. He fought manfully, and attained the grade of martyrdom. And in his case the saying came true: “He enjoyed this world, and won the next.” When Shahbáz Khán Kambú came there, he in a very short time got possession of the fortress.

In this year the Emperor sent Mír Gesú Bakáwal [Begí] to examine into the affairs of Sulṭan Maḥmúd of Bakkar, and to guard the fortress of Bakkar.

In this year there was in Gujrát both a general pestilence and also a dearness of grain, to such an extent that one man of jawárí sold for 120 tankas, and numberless people died.

And in this year Khwájah Amína, the absolute Wazír, surnamed Khwájah-e Jahán, answered the summons of God at Láhór at the time of the return of the army from Patna. And Çabúḥí a poet in the height of his pomp and greatness composed this rubá'í:—

“Thy door is Alexander's wall to people of merit,
Why do they say ‘O Gog!’ when thy army it is.

(P. 187) In thy generation all the signs of the Day of Judgment are manifest,
Thou art Antichrist, and Khwájah Amína is thy ass”.^189a

Although he was a very by-word for stinginess to such an extent that he used to eat up the remains of his evening meal, still in the line of getting things done for those who made petitions to the Emperor, whether they were strangers or friends, his equal was not to be found in the world. Whenever he wished to accomplish an affair for any one of the courtiers, he used to settle it for a bribe of gold, at the same time he caused to be given to himself by the Emperor a páshá-tail, a kettle-drum, and the titles of Khán and Sulṭán, and whatever jágír he asked for he got it as a gift. And whatever man of learning or excellence came from Transoxania, or Khorasán, or 'Iráq, or Hindústán, he caused him to be endowed with a heavy sum of gold from the imperial treasury. Through his exertions also the Amírs were able to afford a great expenditure, and even to the other courtiers he allowed pecuniary assistance to each in proportion to his state. For instance, for Ḥáfiz Tashkandí, who was one of the disciples of Rashíd Mulá 'Içám-ud-dín Ibráhím Asfaráyaní (?) (who was without equal in the line of Arabic erudition, and who wrote a commentary on the Surah-e-Muḥammad¹⁹⁰ (peace be upon him!) from which his Çúfí ecstasy may clearly be recognized) he obtained from the Emperor and the Amírs about 30,000 or 40,000 rupees. Eventually he went to Mun'im Khán, Khán Khánán, with perfect appointments, and thence he started well supplied with gold to go to the sacred Makka in the year nine hundred and seventy-seven. When he returned home he died.

Among the witty sayings is the following. Ḥájí Ibráhím of Sarhind, who was proud and rude, and quarrelsome and contentious in argument, at one of the Emperor's select assemblies at the time of the presentation of the Tafsíri Ḥáfiz by Mírzá Mufliz, who was a master of religious philosophy,^190a asked “How is Múśa^190b declined?” and (P. 188) “what is the root of the word?” It so happened that the Mírzá could not manage to answer as he ought to have done, and so to the people, brute-beasts as they are, the superiority of Ḥájí Ibráhím became an acknowledged fact. And this is but one of the many injustices of the time:—

“On account of their love of quarelling some people
Have lost themselves in the street of hopelessness.
Every science, they have learnt in the college,
Will ruin and not profit them in the grave.”

And when the Emperor asked the Qází's son Shukr, whom he had made Qází of Mat'hura, “Why do not you join in the discussion?” he answered: “If Ḥájí Ibráhím were to ask how to decline 'Iśá,¹⁹¹ what answer should I give?” His Majesty very much applauded this speech. This sort of thing has gone on for ten years, from that time to this, and all that assembly of arguers and disputants, whether honest enquirers or sham, consisting of more than^191a a hundred people, not one of them now sees^191b [the light of the sun], but all their faces are under the veil of “Every soul tasteth death”:^191c —

“The grass is grown on the site of their dwelling,
It is as though they were gone to a rendezvous.
Of the tribe of dreg-drinkers none but us remain,
Bring the wine, for we are the only survivers—that's something!”

And now, when in conformity with [the Arabic saying] “A favour, when thou hast lost it, thou recognizest,” I call to mind these my companions, a blood-stream of sorrow flows from my woe-begone eyes, and one laments and wails and says: “In this abode of sorrow would that they had remained a few days longer, for in any case they were an advantage! But now all personal intercourse with them is precluded”:—

“To be in a prison in the company of friends
Is better than to be in a garden with strangers.”

But as for me this crushed gnat, this copied picture, what cure have I, save the wound of disappointment and secret wail, may God forgive the past, and have mercy on the future:—

(P. 189) “Lo! some we loved, the loveliest and best
That Time and Fate of all their Vintage prest,
Have drunk their Cup a Round or two before,
And one by one crept silently to Rest”.¹⁹²

In this year an order was promulgated for improving the cultivation of the country, and for bettering the condition of the raiyats. All the pargannas of the country, whether dry or irrigated, whether in towns or hills, in deserts and jungles, by rivers, reservoirs, or wells, were all to be measured, and every such piece of land as, upon cultivation would produce one kror of tankas, was to be divided off, and placed under the charge of an officer to be called Krorí, who was to be selected for his trustworthiness, whether known or unknown to the revenue clerks and treasurers, so that in the course of three years all the uncultivated land might be brought into cultivation, and the public treasury might be replenished. Security was taken from each one of these officers. The measurement was begun in the neighbourhood of Fatḥpúr. One kror was named Ádámpúr, another Shespúr, and so on, according to the names of the various prophets. Officers were appointed, but eventually they did not carry out the regulations as they ought to have done. A great portion of the country was laid waste through the rapacity of the Krorís, the wives and children of the raiyats were sold and scattered abroad and everything was thrown into confusion. But the krorís were brought to account by Rájah Todar Mal, and many good men died from the severe beatings which were administered, and from the tortures of the rack and pincers. So many died from protracted confinement in the prisons of the revenue authorities, that there was no need of the executioner or swordsman, and no one cared to find them graves or grave-clothes. Their condition was like that of the devout Hindús in the country of Kámrúp, who having dedicated themselves to their idol, (P. 190) live for one year in the height of luxury, enjoying everything that comes to their hands; but at the end of the period, one by one they go and assemble at the idol temple, and cast themselves under the wheels of its car, or offer up their heads to the idol. The whole country, with the exception of those held immediately from the Crown (Kháliçah-lands), were held by the Amírs as jágír: and as they were wicked and rebellious, and spent large sums on their stores and workshops, and amassed wealth, they had no leasure to look after the troops, or to take an interest in the people. In cases of emergency they came themselves with some of their slaves and Moghul attendants to the scene of the war; but of really useful soldiers there were none. Shahbáz Khán,¹⁹³ the Mír Bakhshí, introduced the custom and rule of dágh u maḥall, which had been the rule of Sulṭán 'Alá-ud-din Khiljí, and afterwards the law under Shér Sháh. It was settled that every Amír should commence as commander of twenty (Bístí), and be ready with his followers to mount guard, carry messages, &c., as had been ordered; and when according to the rule he had brought the horses of his twenty troopers to be branded, he was then to be made a commander of 100 (Çadí), or of more. They were likewise to keep elephants, horses, and camels in proportion to their command (mançab), according to the same rule. When they had brought to the muster their new contingent complete, they were to be promoted according to their merits and circumstances to the post of commander of 1000 (Hazárí), or 2000 (Dúhazárí), or even of 5000 (Panjhazárí), which is highest command; but if they did not do well at the musters they were to be degraded. But notwithstanding this new regulation the condition of the soldiers grew worse, because the Amírs did as they pleased. For they put most of their own servants and mounted attendants into soldiers' clothes, brought them to the musters, and performed everything according to their duties. But when they got their jágírs they gave leave to their mounted attendants, and when a new emergency arose, they mustered as many ‘borrowed’ soldiers as were required, and sent them away again, when they had served their purpose. (P. 191) Hence while the income and expediture of the mançabdár remained in statu quo, ‘dust fell into the platter of the helpless soldier,’ so much so, that he was no longer fit for anything. But from all sides there came a lot of low tradespeople, weavers and cotton-cleaners, carpenters, and green-grocers, both Hindú and Musalmán, and brought borrowed horses, got them branded, and were appointed to a command, or were made Krorís, or Aḥadís, or Dákhilís¹⁹⁴ to some one; and when a few days afterwards no trace was to be found of the imaginary horse and the visionary saddle, they had to perform their duties on foot. Many times it happened at the musters, before the Emperor himself in his special audience hall that they were weighed in their clothes with their hands and feet tied, when they were found to weigh from 2 1/2 to 3 man more or less; and after inquiry it was found that they were all hired, and that their very clothes and saddles were borrowed articles. His Majesty then used to say, “With my eyes thus open I must give these men pay, that they may have something to live on.” After some time had passed away His Majesty divided the Aḥadís into duaspah,^194a yakaspah, and nímaspah, in which latter case two troopers kept one horse together, and shared the stipulated salary, which amounted to six rupees:—

“Lo! see all this in my day, but ask no questions.”

And this bazaar became much frequented, but the shop of real military-service^194b was deserted. But notwithstanding all this His Majesty's good luck overcame all enemies, so that large numbers of soldiers were not very necessary, and the Amírs had no longer to suffer from the inconvenient reluctance of their followers.^194c

In this year Mun'im Khán, Khán Khánán, sent Rájah Todar Mal with orders to go in pursuit of Dáúd towards Orissa, and Majnún Khán Qáqshál to go towards (P. 192) G'horág'hát, and went himself to Katak Banáras, in which strong fortress Dáúd was endeavouring to shut himself up, and commenced operations against him. Majnún Khán at G'horág'hát fought first of all against Sulaimán Manklí the jágír-dár of that district, who was distinguished for the number of his forces, the greatness of his pomp, and his excessive valour. Him he cast into the dust of death; and the Qáqshál party took so many of the enemy that they were unable to carry them off; and the wives and families of the Afgháns fell into their hands. Then Majnún Khán asked the daughter of Sulaimán Manklí in marriage for his son, who at the present time in the service of the Emperor ranks among the Amírs. Next making war in the neighbourhood of G'horág'hát with the sons of Jalál-ud-dín Súr (who once on a time had had the khuṭbah read, and coin struck in that district) they with the assistance of the zamíndárs of that district defeated him, and pursuing him to Tándah took possession of Gaur. Mu'in-ud-dín Aḥmad Khán Farankhúdí and Majnún Khán kept guard over Tándah, and awaited the news of the Khán Khánan's victory, until after the defeat of Dáúd, [and] the publication of the news of the Khán Khánán's return, the Afgháns retired into the jungles and effectually hid themselves.

Rájah Todar Mal, who had been sent in pursuit of of Dáúd, in conjunction with Muḥammad Qulí Khán Barlás, and Muḥammad Qulí Khán, and Muḥammad Qulí Khán Toqyáí,¹⁹⁵ and Muzaffar Moghúl reached Gwályár^195a a dependency of Bengál by continuous marches from Madáran. Dáúd went 10 cosses forward from that place and gathered a large force together [at] a place called Darínkasárí,^195b and fortified Rohírpúr.^195c Meanwhile Junaid, uncle's son of (P. 193) Dáúd (who was renowned for valour and bravery, and had formerly served under the Emperor, but had fled from Ágrah to Gujrát, and from Gujrát came to Bengál), arrived at the confines of Rínkasárí^195d and wished to form a junction with Dáúd. Rájah Todar Mal sent Mírzá Abu-l-Qásim, who is surnamed Tamkúr,¹⁹⁶ together with Nazar Bahádur to attack him. But these two were defeated by him and returned with broken reins to the Rájah. Then the Rájah went in person to oppose him, and he being unable to withstand him took refuge in the jungle. Thence the Rájah went to Medinípúr, where he remained some days. At that place Muḥammad Qulí Khán Barlás fell sick, and passed to the world of eternity. His loss was a great cause of weakness to the Imperial forces. Then he returned from Medinípúr to Madáran.^196a At this place Qiyá Khán Gang, being offended with the Amírs without any just cause, retired to the jungle Rájah Todar Mal wrote an account of his doings to the Khán Khánán, and remained at Madáran. The Khán Khánán sent Sháhim Khán Jaláír, and Lashkar Khán, Bakhshí (who was once called 'Askar Khán, and afterwards Astar Khán), with others to the assistance of the Rájah. They join the Rájah at Bardwán. Then he went off alone, and pacified Qiyá Khán, and brought him back. Afterwards he marched by way of Madáran and came to Bajhórah.^196b While at Borchín news arrived that Dáúd had left his wives and family at Katak Banáras, and was busy making preparations for war. The Khán Khánán came in haste to oppose him, and formed a junction with the Rájah. The Afgháns surrounded their camps with a moat, and fortified it.

(P. 194) On the 20th of Zí-l-qa'dah of the year nine hundred and eighty-two (982) the armies were drawn up in the neighbourhood of Bajhórah, and Mangalúsí^196c elephants were arranged on both sides. Such a tremendous battle took place, that the tongue of the pen is unable to do justice to the description of it. When the elephants of Dáúd (all of which were fed on good grass and were madder than can be imagined) were put into motion, the Khán Khánán ordered the swivel guns, and cannon which were mounted on carriages in front of the line, to open fire upon them. Upon this some of the renowned elephants, which were advancing, turned tail, and some of the veteran leaders of the Afgháns were mown down by the cannonade. At this juncture Gújar Khán, who was leader of the advance guard of Dáúd, made a sharp attack on Khán-i-'Álam, and Khwájah 'Abd-ulláh, and Kanjak¹⁹⁷ Khwájah, and Sayyid 'Abd-ulláh Chogán Bégí, and Mírzá 'Alí 'Álam Sháhí, who composed the vanguard, and in the first charge put them to flight and drove them in on the Altamsh^197a -corps, of which Qiyá Khán Gang was the leader Khán-i 'Álam, leader of the vanguard bravely held his ground, and was killed. The Altamsh-corps was thrown into confusion, and driven back on the main-body,^197b where the Khán Khánán with the other mountain-like Amírs had stationed himself, and the main-body was thrown into utter confusion and rout. However much the Khán Khánán exerted himself to stay the panic, and restore order, it was all in vam. At this moment Gújar Khán came up, and showered blow upon blow on the Khán Khánán, who being without a sword was obliged to parry the cuts of Gujar Khán's sword with his whip (P. 195), till at last the horse of the Khán Khánán being frightened by the elephants became unmanageble and bolted with him. He went at full speed for 3 or 4 cosses on the pretext of collecting the fugitives, and the Afgháns pursued him part of the way. Then Qiyá Khán Gang and some others of the archers^197c surrounded the Afgháns on every side, and pouring showers of arrows upon them, riddled their ranks like a sieve. The affair had reached such a pitch that neither friends nor foes had any longer strength left in them to move, when suddenly from the bow of destiny an arrow reached a mortal part of Gújar Khán, who was riding at full speed, and brought him to the ground. His soldiery seeing themselves without a leader fell into utter confusion, and turned their backs on the field, and many of them were slain. At this moment the standard-bearer of Khán-i 'Álam¹⁹⁸ brought his standard to the Khán Khánán. Soon after this event news of the death of Gújar Khán reached Mun'im Khán,^198a and he turning his horse rallied some of his men and poured a shower of arrows on the enemy, whose souls like moths began to flit from their emptied bodies. Rájah Todar Mal, and Lashkar Khán, and the other Amírs, who had taken their stand on the right of the Imperial army attacked the left of the enemy, of which Ismá'íl Khán Ábdár, surnamed Khán Khánán, was leader. At the same time Sháhim Khán Jaláír, and Páyandah Muḥammad Khán Moghúl and other leaders of the Imperial left attacked the right wing of the Afgháns, where Khán Jahán, commandant of Orissa, was stationed. On both wings they drove the enemy back on the main-body, where Dáúd was stationed with the other chief Amírs of the Afgháns. His elephants were so irritated by the arrows that they turned round on his own ranks and threw the whole line into confusion. At this moment the standard of the Khán Khánán shone from afar as a sign of victory, and news of the death (P. 196) of Gújar Khán reached Dáúd, and his resolution was shaken, so that:—

“To save what he could he gave his body to flight,
He was content to receive his soul as spoil.”^198b

and most of mountain like elephants moving like clouds he gave to the wind, and that proverb became true “one soldier flees, and it is all over with the soldiery.”

The Khán Khánán remained some days at this place to heal his own wounds, and those of his men. And Lashkar Khán, who had been mortally wounded, joined the host (lashkar) of the Father of all flesh.^198c Meanwhile Dáúd in his flight had reached Katak Banáras^198d so the Khán Khánán sent Rájah Todar Mal, with Sháhim Khán Jaláír, and Qiyá Khán, and Sayyid 'Abdulláh Khán, and Muḥammad Qulí Khán Toqyáí, and Sa'íd Khán Badakhshí in pursuit of him, and promised to follow them himself as soon as his wounds were healed. This army marched as far as Kalkal-g'hátí. Dáúd and the rest of the Afgháns held Katak Banáras, and finding the wide field of honour to be contracted around them, determined to fight to the death, and made energetic preparations to withstand the seige. When the Khán Khánán heard news of this, he set off in person for Katak Banáras and alighted on the banks of the Mahánadi,¹⁹⁹ and brought forward proposals of peace. After considerable opposition and difficulty it was settled with the Amírs that Dáúd should come and have an interview with the Khán Khánán, and that a reasonable portion of the wide kingdom of Bengál, in conformity with the advice and consent of the Amírs, should be assigned to him. On the day appointed a royal feast in the style of Jamshíd and Áfrídún was arranged, and the Amírs took their proper places in accordance with their ranks, and the troops were drawn up in splendid array at the door of the audience-pavilion. On the other side the officers of Bengál with a pomp and grandeur (P. 197) like Solomon's came out from Katak Banáras with the chieftains of the Afgháns, and entering the camp of the Khán Khánán proceeded towards the audience-pavilion. The Khán Khánán with the greatest humility and respect practised all the ceremonies of reverence, and even advanced half way down the pavilion to meet them. When they met, Dáúd loosed his sword, and laying it before the Khán Khánán said, “Since it brings wounds and pain on such worthy men as you, I am sick of war.” The Khán Khánán gave the sword to one of his body-guard, and taking Dáúd's hand led him to a cushion, and made him sit down by his side, and made the most kind and fatherly inquiries. All kinds of food and drinks and sweetmeats were served, and the Khán Khánán pressed him to partake of the dainties, and entertained him with great good humour and graciousness. After the removal of the dishes they proceeded to business, and drew up a treaty. Then the Khán Khánán sent for a sword with a jewelled belt out of his own stores, and binding it on Dáúd's wrist said, “Since you have chosen the path of loyalty, accept this sword on the part of the Emperor. As for the district of Bengál, a farmán will be forwarded to you, in accordance with the request which I shall make.” Then showing him every courtesy, and making him a great variety of precious gifts, he dismissed him. Thus the meeting passed off in all friendliness and good-will. On the 10th of the month Çafar in the year nine hundred and eighty-three (983) the Khán Khánán arrived at Tándah the capital, whence he wrote a despatch to the Emperor containing an account of all that had happened. The Emperor sent him in return a farmán worded in accordance with his request, together with a present of gorgeous robes of honour, and a jewelled sword-belt, and an Arab horse and a saddle and bridle, and committing once more the affair of Bengál to his sole charge he entrusted the reins of independent power to the hand of his capacity.

(P. 198). On the 16th of the month Jamáda'-s-sáná (l-awwal) of this year his reverence the pole-star of pole-stars, the depository of spiritual guidance, and refuge of saintships (successor to that godlike Ghaus,²⁰⁰ that divine pole-star, Shaikh Muḥi-ud-dín 'Abd-ul-qádir Jílání) Miyán Shaikh Dáúd Jahní Wál^200a passed from this transitory world to the garden of Eden, and “O Shaikh Dáúd Walí”^200b was found to give the date. And the author found the following mnemosynon: “Perfection of victory.”^200c

After the Emperor's return from his journey to Ajmír in the month Zí-ul-qa'dah of the year nine hundred and eighty-two (982) the building of the Ibádat-khánah, consisting of four halls, near the new palace in Fatḥpúr, took place. An account of the details thereof, not devoid of prolixity, will, if the glorious God will permit be written on a suitable occasion.

It was during these days that Abu-l-Fazl, son of Shaikh Mubárik of Nágor, came the second time to Court. He is now styled 'Allámí. He is the man that set the world in flames. He lighted up the lamp of the Çabáḥís, illustrating thereby the story of the man who, because he did not know what to do, took up a lamp in broad daylight,²⁰¹ and representing himself as opposed to all sects, tied the girdle of infallibility round his waist, according to the saying: “He who continually takes the offensive, does not commit himself as to his true opinions.” He laid before the Emperor a Commentary on the Áyat-ul-Kursí,^201a which contained all the subtleties of the Qur'án; and though people said it was written by his father, Abu-l-Fazl was much praised. The numerical value of the letters in the words Tafsír-i-Akbarí,^201b gives the date of the composition. But the Emperor praised it, chiefly because he expected to find in Abu-l-Fazl a man capable of teaching the Mullás a lesson (whose pride certainly resembles that of Pharaoh), though this expectation was opposed to the confidence which his Majesty had placed in the auther of these pages.

The reason of Abu-l-Fazl's opinionativeness and pretensions to infallibility was this. At the time when it was customary to get hold of, and kill such as tried to introduce innovations in religious matters (as had been the case with Mír Ḥabshí and others), Shaikh 'Abd-un-nabí and Makhdúm-ul-Mulk, and other learned men at Court, unanimously represented to the Emperor that Shaikh Mubá-rik also, in as far as he pretended to be Mahdí^201c (P. 199), belonged to the class of innovators, and was not only himself damned, but led others into damnation. Having obtained a sort of permission to remove him, they despatched police officers to bring him before the Emperor. But, when they found that the Shaikh with his two sons had concealed himself, they demolished the pulpit in his prayer-room. The Shaikh at first took refuge with Salím Chistí at Fatḥpúr, who was then in the height of his glory, and requested-him to intercede for him. Shaikh Salím, however, sent him money by some of his disciples, and told him it would be better for him to go away to Gujrát. Seeing Salím took no interest in him, Shaikh Mubárik applied to Mírzá 'Aziz Kokah,²⁰² who took occasion to praise to the Emperor the Shaikh's learning and voluntary poverty, and the superior talents of his two sons, adding that Mubárik was a most trustworthy man, that he had never received lands as a present, and that he himself could really not see why the Shaikh was so much persecuted. The Emperor at last gave up all thoughts of killing the Shaikh. In a short time matters took a still more favourable turn: and Abu-l-Fazl, when once in favour with the Emperor (officious as he was, and time-serving, openly faithless, continually studying the Emperor's whims, a flatterer beyond all bounds), took every opportunity of reviling in the most shameful way that sect whose labours and motives have been so little appreciated, and became the cause not only of the extirpation of these experienced people, but also of the ruin of all the servants of God, especially of Shaikhs, and pious men, of the helpless and orphans, whose livings and grants he cut down. He used continually to say:—

“O Lord, send down a Proof^202a for the people of the world!
Send these Nimrods^202b a gnat as big as an elephant!
These Pharaoh-like fellows have lifted up the hand,
Send them a Moses with a staff, and a Nile!”

And when in consequence of his harsh proceedings miseries and misfortunes broke in upon the Ulamá, (who had persecuted him and his father), he applied the following Rubá'í to them:—

“I have set fire to my barn with my own hands,

(P. 200) As I am the incendiary, how can I complain of my enemy!
No one is my enemy but myself,
Woe is me! I have torn my garment with my own hands.”

And when during disputations people quoted against him the edict of any Mujtahid,²⁰³ he used to say: “O don't bring me the arguments of this sweetmeat-seller, or that cobbler, or that tanner!” He thought himself capable of giving the lie to all Shaikhs and Ulamá.

In the year nine hundred and eighty-three (983) the buildings of the 'Ibadát-khánah were completed. The cause was this. For many years previously the Emperor had gained in succession remarkable and decisive victories. The empire had grown in extent from day to day; everything turned out well, and no opponent was left in the whole world. His Majesty had thus leisure to come into nearer contact with ascetics and the disciples of his reverence [the late] Mu'ín,^203a and passed much of his time in discussing the Word of God^203b and the word of the Prophet.^203c Questions of Çúfí-ism, scientific discussions, enquiries into Philosophy and Law, were the order of the day. His Majesty spent whole nights in praising God; he continually occupied himself in pronouncing Yá huwa,^203d and Yá hádí,^203e in which he was well-versed. His heart was full of reverence for Him, who is the true Giver, and from a feeling of thankfulness for his past successes he would sit many a morning alone in prayer and meditation on a large flat stone of an old building which lay near the palace in a lonely spot, with his head bent over his chest, gathering the bliss of the early hours of dawn. When then he heard that Sulaimán Kararání, governor of Bengál, used every night to offer up the prayers in the company of some 150 persons consisting of renowned Shaikhs and Ulamá, and used to remain in their society till morning listening to commentaries and exhortations (P. 201), and then, after offering up the morning prayers, would occupy himself in State-business, and the affairs of the army, and of his subjects; and that he had his appointed time for everything and never broke through his good rule; and when also news arrived from Badakh-shán of the coming of Mírzá Sulaimán, who was a prince of Çúfí tendencies, and had become a Çáḥib-i-ḥál,²⁰⁴ and a Muríd: for these urgent reasons he had the very cell of Shaikh 'Abd-ulláh Niyází Sarhindhí (who had formerly been a disciple of Shaikh Islám Chishtí, but had afterwards joined the circle of Mahdeva)^204a repaired, and built a spacious hall on all four sides of it. He also finished the construction of the tank called Anúptaláo.^204b He named that cell the 'Ibádat-khánah, which became by degrees 'Iyádat-khánah,^204c and Mullá Sherí composed a qaçídah on the subject, of which the following is a verse:—

“In these days I have seen, united with the wealth of Qárún,
The ritual of Pharún, and the buildings of Shaddád.”

On Fridays after prayers he would go from the new chapel of the Shaikh-ul-Islám, and hold a meeting in this building. Shaikhs, Ulamá, and pious men, and a few of his own companions and attendants were the only people who were invited. Discussions were carried on upon all kinds of instructive and useful topics. One day Jalál Khán Qúrchi, who was my patron, and the means of introducing me to Court,^204d in the course of conversation and disputation made the following statement to the Emperor: “When I went to Ágrah to see Shaikh Ziyá-ullah, son of Shaikh Muḥammad Ghous, I found that poverty had taken such a hold on his household, that one day at a meeting he asked for some sers of pulse. Part of it he used for his own food, part he gave to me, and (P. 202) the other part he sent to his household.” The Emperor was much impressed on hearing this, and sent for Shaikh Ziyá-ulláh with a view to showing him kindness. He assembled a party in his honour at the 'Ibádat-khánah, and every Thursday evening he invited Sayyids, Shaikhs, Ulamá, and Amírs. But ill-feeling arose in the company about the seats and order of precedence, so His Majesty ordered that the Amírs should sit on the east side, the Sayyids on the west, the Ulamá on the south, and the Shaikhs on the north. His Majesty would go from time to time to these various parties, and converse with them, and ascertain their thoughts. Quantities of perfume were used, and large sums of money were distributed as rewards of merit and ability among the worthy people who obtained an entry through the favour of the Emperor's courtiers. Many fine books which had belonged to 'Itimád Khán Gujrátí, and had been acquired in the conquest of Gujrát, were placed in the imperial library, but were subsequently brought out, and distributed by the Emperor among learned and pious men. Among the rest he gave me a book called Anwár-ul-mashkút, in amplification of one section of the Mashkút-ul-anwár; and, which was a very good thing, he gave to the Amírs by way of pay some things which they called Irmás,²⁰⁵ i. e. “destruction of enemies.” All at once one night the vein of the neck of the Ulamá of the age swelled up, and a horrid noise and confusion ensued. His Majesty got very angry at their rude behaviour, and said to me, “In future report any of the Ulamá who talk nonsense and cannot behave themselves, and I shall make him leave the hall.” I said gently to Áçaf Khán, “If I carried out this order, most of the Ulamá would have to leave,” when His Majesty suddenly asked what I had said. On hearing my answer he was highly pleased, and mentioned my remark to those sitting near him. He used to summon Makhdúm-ul-Mulk Mouláná 'Abd ulláh Sulṭánpúrí (P. 203) to that assembly, in order to annoy him; and would set up to argue against him Ḥájí Ibráhím, and Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl, then a new arrival, but now the prime leader of the New Religion and Faith, or rather the infallible guide and expositor de omnibus rebus, et quibusdam aliis. His Majesty used to interrupt the Mouláná at every statement, and at a hint from him his companions also would interfere with interjections and observations, and would tell queer stories about the Mouláná, and exemplified in his person the verse^205a of the Qur'án, “And some of you shall have life prolonged to a miserable age.” Among other stories Khán Jalán said that he had heard that Makhdum-ul-Mulk had given a fatwá, that the ordinance of pilgrimage was no longer binding, but even hurtful. When people had asked him the reason of his extraordinary fatwá, he had said that the two roads to Makkah, through Persia and over Gujrát, were impracticable, because people in going by land²⁰⁶ had to suffer injuries at the hands of the Qizilbáshís,^206a and in going by sea they had to put up with indignities from the Portuguese, whose passports had pictures of Mary and Jesus (peace be upon Him!) stamped on them. To make use, therefore, of the latter alternative would mean to countenance idolatry; hence both roads were closed. Another device of Makhdúm-ul-Mulk's was the trick by which he avoided payment of the legal alms due upon his wealth. Towards the end of each year he used to make over all his property to his wife, but before the year had run out he took it back again.^206b It is said that he practised some other tricks of which even the Israelites would have been ashamed. Stories were told one after another about his meanness and shabbiness, and baseness and worldliness, and oppression, all which vices were exhibited towards holy and deserving men, especially those of the Panjáb, and which one by one came to light, verifying the saying: “There is a day when secrets shall be disclosed.”^206c They told also other stories founded upon his villany, sordid disposition, and contemptible conduct, and they ended by deciding that he ought to be shipped off nolens volens (P. 204) to Makkah. When he was asked if he thought that pilgrimage was a duty for a man in his circumstances he said “No!”^206d At this time Shaikh 'Abd-un-Nabí was rising into power, while the star of the Mouláná was fast sinking. The Emperor on account of his great reverence and respect for the Shaikh used to go from time to time to his house to hear lectures on the Traditions²⁰⁷ of the Prophet, and made the eldest Prince attend his school to learn the [collection of] 40 aḥádís by the renowned master Mauláná 'Abd-ur-Raḥmán Jámí (God sanctify his glorious tomb!). And one of his follies was this, that although he boasted of being learned in Tradition, and claimed to be a Ḥáfiz, and an Imám in this glorious science, yet he taught the Tradition “The prudent course (ḥazam) is to hold an evil opinion of others,” with a dotted khé, and an undotted ré (kharam), when every child knows that it is spelt with an undotted ḥé, and a dotted z (ḥazam). Years passed in this way until, when the Emperor's heart became alienated from him, and troops of Mullás were being turned away, Mírzá 'Azíz Kokah^207a reminded him of this fact: “His proficiency in the science of ḥadís, of which he boasted, reached such a pitch, and the result was that you raised him to such a rank, and now at this juncture counterfeit morals, as well as counterfeit principles have shown themselves in him. God preserve us from want after plenty!”

About this time His Majesty entrusted the work of translating the book Ḥaiwat-ul-ḥaiwán to Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl, a book which Naqíb Khán often used to read before the Emperor, and used to interest him in its subject-matter. And Shaikh Mubárik^207b translated it into Persian.

In this year His Majesty gave orders that the Aimahs^207c of the whole empire should not be let off by the krorís^207d of each parganna, unless they brought the farmán in which their grants, subsistence allowances, and pensions were described, to the Çadr for inspection and verification. For this reason a large number of worthy people from the extreme east of India as far west as Bakkar [on the Indus] came to Court. If any of them had a powerful protector (P. 205) in one of the Amírs, or near friends of His Majesty, he could manage to get his affair settled; but such as were destitute of such recommendations had to bribe Sayyid 'Abd-ur-rasúl, the Shaikh's head-man, or make presents to his chamberlains, door-keepers, and sweepers, in order to get their blanket out of the mire. Unless, however, they had either strong recommendations, or had recourse to bribery, they were utterly ruined. Many of the Aimahs, without obtaining their object, died from the heat caused by the crowding of the multitudes. Though a report of this came to the ears of His Majesty, no one dared to take these unfortunate people before the Emperor. And when the Shaikh, in all his pride and haughtiness, took his place upon his official seat, and influential Amírs introduced to him in his audience-hall scientific or pious men, the Shaikh used to receive them in his infamous manner, coming forward and paying respect to none. And after much asking, begging and exaggerating he allowed, for example, a teacher of the Hidáyah²⁰⁸ and other college books, 100 Bígahs more or less; and though such a man might have been a long time in possession of more extensive lands, the Shaikh took them away. But to men of no renown, to low fellows, even to Hindús, he granted lands for the first time. Thus learning and learned men fell from day to day into lower estimation. Even in the very audience-hall, when after midday prayers he sat down on his throne of pride, and washed his hands and feet, he took care to spirt the water, which he had used, on the head and face and garments of the great Amírs, and courtiers of high degree who were near, and made no exception. And they with a view to helping the poor suppliants bore all this, and condescended to fawn on him, and flatter and toady him to his heart's content, in he hope of securing at last some compensation for the insult:—

“When a rustic becomes a judge,^208a
He wills such decrees, that they will kill him.’”

Never in the time of any Emperor had such absolute power been given (P. 206) into the hand of any Çadr.

About this time the Emperor appointed me as an Imám, and directed me also to undertake the office of marking the imperial horses with the brand. He gave me no very considerable travelling-expenses and ordered me from the first to act as mançabdár commanding twenty in bringing horses to the brand. Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl was treated in the same way, so that we were, as Shablí said with respect to Junaid,²⁰⁹ (God bless their spirits!) “both baked in one kiln.” Yet he, at once making a successful beginning, worked so strcnuously at the dágh-u-maḥallí business, that he managed by his intelligence and time-serving qualities to raise himself to a mançab of two thousand, and the dignity of Wazír. While I, from my inexperience and simplicity, could not manage to continue in the service; and this piece of satirical poetry, which one of the Sayyids of Ánjú composed in reference to his own circumstances, came to my mind:—

“Thou hast made me a courtier and commander of twenty,
Let not my mother know of my nothingness.”

I reflected that there were still hopes of securing contentment (that best of possessions!) by means of a madad-i-ma'ásh, which would cnable me to retire from the world, and apply myself to study and devotion, while free from the cares of the world:—

“Seek not worldly pomp, let go transitory happiness,
The pomp of Religion is enough, and the happiness of Islám for thee;”

The third month.

↩

The Rose and the Jewel represent the Emperor, the Grass and the Pearl his wife.

↩

The Sun is the Emperor, the Piece-of-moon is his wife. Zohrah: Venus. The Empress was to be adorned by having a child, which is represented by the ear-ring.

↩

The royal Pearl is the Emperor. Lúlú also means Pearl, it is used figuratively for the baby.

↩

They are correct, only sometimes a wáw or a yé must be struck out.

↩

The 1/2 half of line 12 gives 8 + 20 + 30 + 40 + 7 + 13 + 50 + 39 + 40 + 70 + 50 + 10 + 40 + 60 + 400 + 80 + 5 = 963. The second half of line 6 (omitting yé) gives 36 + 36 + 31 + 31 + 80 + 7 + 6 + 4 + 10 + 17 + 2 + 4 + 200 + 300 + 1 + 5 + 6 + 1 + 200 = 977. Ex uno disce omnia.

↩

4 + 200 + 300 + 6 + 7 + 200 + 30 + 3 + 5 + 1 + 20 + 2 + 200 = 978. But read shah, instead of sháh, and we get the correct date 977.

↩

316 + 271 + 380 = 987. But read rú, instead of rúé, as the metre requires, and we get the correct date 977.

The 8th month.

The 9th month.

Al Qur'án xviii. 77.

Viz., to right him.

Al Qur'án I.

A raised bench of wood, carth or stone, upon which people might recreate themselves with conversation and quoting poetry. Barton, El-Medinah and Meccah ii, 143.

↩

Talkh “bitter” gives 1030, take mazah “taste,” = 52, away from it, and you get 978.

↩

He was a great friend of his. See above.

↩

His first-born.

↩

Al Qur'án II, 151.

↩

Read kusirat, not kuthirat.

↩

Playing on the words gil ‘clay’ and gul ‘rose’.

↩

He calls himself ‘the body’, and his deceased son ‘the soul’.

↩

Qiyámat means “Resurrection”, also “Confusion”.

↩

See Burton's El-Medinah and Meccah, ii, 64.

↩

51 + 60 + 15 + 60 + 200 + 6 + 3 + 5 + 50 + 1 + 20 + 5 + 7 + 2 + 1 + 1 + 80 + 400 + 1 + 4 + 5 = 978.

↩

The 1st month.

↩

7 + 30 + 10 + 50 + 300 + 5 + 7 + 5 + 10 + 51 + 400 + 3 + 50 + 4 + 5 + 40 + 6 = 983.

↩

51 + 10 + 40 + 80 + 200 + 57 + 5 + 20 + 202 + 5 + 300 + 6 = 978.

↩

Each of these lines gives 977.

↩

This line gives 977.

↩

This line gives 976.

↩

‘Thanks-tank.’ The Hindustani Taláo is a corruption of Taláb.

↩

40 + 10 + 5 + 40 + 2 + 50 + 50 + 70 + 17 + 57 + 4 + 300 + 5 + 6 + 300 + 5 + 7 + 1 + 4 + 5 = 978.

↩

The fifth month.

↩

The 10th of Zi-l-ḥajjah. See Burton III, p. 280 seq.

↩

Gives 928 (!).

↩

Gives 977 (!).

↩

4 + 6 + 2 + 5 + 300 + 400 + 2 + 200 + 10 + 50 = 979.

↩

The ninth month.

↩

300 + 10 + 600 + 5 + 50 + 4 + 10 = 979.

↩

Both expressions Shaikh i ḥukamá, and Shaikh i ḥukkám, contain the same letters; and in each case the sum of the numerical values of them is 979.

↩

Al Qur'án XIV 23, XXXV, 18.

↩

Al Qur'án XXXIII, 23.

↩

I. e. ghusul-í çaḥḥat, the first bathing after sickness.

↩

Chob i gaz.

↩

Al Qur'án II, 120, &c.

The second month.

The third month.

The fifth month.

51 + 90 + 200 + 300 + 200 + 70 + 50 + 12 + 2 + 1 + 4 = 980.

↩

300 + 200 + 10 + 70 + 400 = 980.

↩

Sanscrit jamd'hara “death-bearer”, a large dagger with a basket hilt.

↩

See p. 102.

↩

See Briggs, Ferishta IV, pp. 156 and 165.

The seventh month.

See page [1].

The eighth month.

Capital of Gujrát.

Son of Rájah Bihárí Mall.

↩

Sanskrit Bhuvan-patí ‘world-protector’. His other sons were Rájah Mán Singh, Mádhú Singh, and Pratáb Singh.

↩

Az-zaqqúm, a tree said in the Qur'án (XXXVII, 60) to grow in the midst of Hell. It is the euphorbia of the ancients.

In Rájpútána.

Text p. 149.

The eighth month.

Taptí is the name of the river.

↩

So called because the Emperor, from good-will towards him, admitted him into his female apartments (ḥaram). See further in Blochm., p. 306.

↩

The ninth month.

↩

Bakhsh kardah seems to mean “having distributed,” (like taqsím namúdah) but the author does not specify among whom. The reading of the Lak'hnou lithographed edition is the same.

↩

For this expression compare Text, p. 275, l. 6, and 292, l. 4 infra.

↩

The tenth month.

↩

Ghází means one who fights against infidels, not victorious.

↩

70 + 3 + 2 + 100 + 30 + 70 + 5 + 20 + 200 + 80 + 400 = 980.

↩

One seems compelled by the context thus to render hama ‘all’.

↩

See Elliott V, p. 503 notes.

↩

The Text has incorrectly Yaklána. See Blochm., p. 323, and Brigg's Fe-rishta IV, p. 614.

↩

The late king of Gujrát.

↩

Another name for A'zam Khán.

↩

Was slain.

↩

The ninth month.

↩

Another reading is Aḥmad-nagar. Comp. p. 164, l. 11 Text.

↩

The eleventh month.

↩

See above p. 49, note 4.

The first month.

The second month.

The ninth month.

Such seems to me to be the meaning of Aṭ-ṭalabu raddu-ṭ-ṭaríq; but I am not sure.

↩

He was sister's son and also son-in-law to Mahdí Qásim Khán. (Blochm., p. 372). For this reason he is called Mahdí-Qásim-Khání.

↩

Elliot and Blochmann Jalesar.

↩

The ninth month.

↩

Comp. p. 10, note 2.

↩

The word used here seems to be the Hindí bishai = bikhai, Sanskr. vishaya, object.

↩

Sambhal was the paternal estate of Ibráhím Ḥusain Mirzá. Elliot V, 505.

↩

Another reading is Afghán Tarbaní, and Elliot (Ṭabaqát-i Akbarí) Tarbatí.

↩

See p. 54, note 2.

↩

They meant, doubtless, that they were not sure how far they might be pleasing the Emperor, if they proceeded to extremities with the Mirzá, whose wife Gulrúkh Bégum was a daughter of Kámrán Mirzá and consequently the Emperor's first cousin. But see the result, p. 161 Text.

↩

Al Qur'án LIX, 14.

↩

Masnadi 'Álí is an Afghán title. It was given to Fattú Khán, or Fatḥ Khán. He seems to be the same Fatḥ Khán whom Sulaimán Kararání put in charge of Rohtás in Bihár (Text, p. 77). Blochm. p. 502.

↩

Al Qur'án V, 91. “God will not punish you for an inconsiderate word in your oaths … the expiation of such [an oath shall be] the feeding of ten poor men with such moderate food as ye feed your families withal; or to clothe them; or to free the neck; but he who shall not find [wherewith to perform one of these three things] shall fast three days.”

↩

Al Qur'án II, 109 “The East and the West is God's: therefore, whichever way we turn, there is the face of God: Truly God is Omnipresent, Omniscient.”

↩

Ṭabaqát-i Akbarí has here Talwandí, Elliot V, 508. Comp. Text, p. 156, l. 6.

↩

Roebuck I, p. 294.

↩

A wandering Musalmán ascetic.

↩

This word occurs again p. 191, l. 20 Text.

↩

Comp. Hamlet I. 5.

Imperious Cæsar, dead and turned to clay,
Might stop a hole to keep the wind away:
O, that the earth which kept the world in awe,
Should patch a wall to expell the winter's flaw!

↩

There is a play on the words Kishtan to sow, Kushtan to kill.

↩

The meaning is, to kill a hero and so gain the favour of an Emperor.

↩

Sansk. Kabi Rája.

↩

Sansk. víra-vara best warrior.

↩

Lac = 100,000.

Kror = 10,000,000.

↩

Chatar, but property chatta or chatti.

↩

Called Yaks.

↩

By one shot. Ṭabaqát i Akbarí, Elliot V, 358.

↩

The eighth month.

↩

See p. 57.

↩

The Text has sometimes Tulambah, at others Tulabnah.

↩

That is Kámrúp in Assam.

↩

Ambit'hí is a town in the confines of Lak'hnou. Vol. III, p. 15 Text.

Comp. p. 152.

That is Cambay.

The fourth month.

Khwájah Mu'ín-ud-dín Chistí.

↩

See Elphinstone, p. 513, note.

↩

In old Persian poetry the world is said to be supported on a fish; but, according to Indian notions, upon a tortoise.

↩

“O Helper!”

↩

That is, are Shí'ahs, not Sunnís.

↩

Comp. p. 10.

↩

Barnagar, Elliot V, 369.

The fifth month.

The sixth month.

The seventh month.

See Vol. iii, p. 151 Text.

↩

Al Qurán LV, 1.

↩

See Vol. iii, p. 40 Text.

↩

Al Qurán I. See Sale in loco.

↩

The eleventh month.

↩

The vernal equinox, the nourózi jalálí, the beginning of the 19th year of the Iláhí, or era of Akbar.

↩

See Vol. iii; p. 164 Text.

↩

He held the office from 971 to 986.

↩

40 + 10 + 30 + 300 + 1 + 600 = 981.

↩

See Blochmann Áín 55, p. 139.

↩

The second month.

↩

Roebuck's Proverb, p. 54. The proverb means “He was in luck.”

↩

Alexander the Great is said to have sailed down to the ocean, and to have launched a boat on it—referring to his going down the Hydaspes. See Arrian VI, 3 and Thirlwall's Hist. Vol. VII, p. 34, Chap. LIV near the beginning.

↩

The fourth month.

↩

Often called Gumti; but the name is properly Gumati, i. e., “having-cows.”

↩

See p. 99.

↩

Jafar means “charm,” “sortilege.” Ja'fari Çádiq is one of the Imáms, see p. 36, note 2. There is here a play on the two words of similar sound.

↩

The fourth month.

↩

Tabaqát-i Akbarí (Elliot V, 376) has Domní.

↩

A tribe whose business it is to be carriers of grain. They are usually left unmolested by belligerents.

↩

Ṭabaqát-i Akbarí (Elllot V, 377) has Gajpati.

↩

“The taking of the town of Patna.” 80 + 400 + 8 + 2 + 30 + 1 + 4 + 2 + 400 + 50 + 5 = 982.

↩

Ṭabaqáti Akbarí (Elliot V, 378) has Srídhar.

↩

Sansk. Vikrama-ditya.

↩

40 + 30 + 20 + 60 + 30 + 10 + 40 + 1 + 50 + 7 + 4 + 1 + 6 + 4 + 200 + 80 + 400 = 983.

↩

The fifth month.

↩

The sixth month.

↩

4 + 1 + 50 + 1 + 10 + 2 + 4 + 600 + 300 + 10 = 982.

↩

50 + 1 + 40 + 5 + 600 + 200 + 4 + 1 + 80 + 7 + 1 = 989. The title means “The book of mental recreation.”

↩

See Vol. iii, p. 40 Text.

↩

Compare p. 174.

↩

The three words are Aman, Imán, and Ímám.

↩

The fifth month.

↩

The fifth month.

↩

To be stripped as bare as the letter alif is proverbial.

↩

Lit. of “be! and it was.” Somewhat similarly the Creator is often called in post-biblical Hebrew “He who spake and the world was.”

↩

The eighth month.

↩

In Rajputana about 60 miles N. W. of Joudpúr.

↩

Al-masíḥ-ul-dajjál, the false Christ, is according to Musalmán tradition the same whom the Jews call Ham-Máshíaḥ ben Dávíd. He is to appear first between Iráq and Syria, and to be riding upon an ass. See Sale's Prelim. Disc., See. iv.

↩

Al Qurán XLVII.

↩

See Blochmann, p. 541, note.

↩

Moses.

↩

Jesus.

↩

Comp. Text p. 226, l. 1, and 234, l. 1.

↩

Comp. ◌.

↩

Al Qurán iii, 182; xxi, 36; xxix, 57.

↩

Omar Khayyám, transl. Fitzgerald, p. 5. The recension quoted by our Author gives the following:—

“Alas! for my friends are all gone from hand,
One by one they are become low at the foot of death.
They became weak-headed in the wine-party of life,
And became drunk one moment before us.”

↩

On the text of this passage see Blochmann, p. 242, note 2.

↩

On these two terms see Blochm., p. 231.

↩

That is, having respectively one horse, two horses, and a half share in a horse.

↩

Kash = Kamar “girdle.” Thus Kashbandí = Kamarbandí “military service.”

↩

Turkí ◌ means a s rvant, but not a royal one.

↩

Perhaps this ought to be Toqbáí which is the name of a Chagtáí tribe.

↩

It should probably be Gwálpárah (note by Editor). Elliot, p. 385 has Gowálpára.

↩

Probably a corruption of dar Rínkasárí, “in Rinkasarí”. Elliot, V, p. 385, has Dínkasárí. The confusion between ◌ R, ◌ D and ◌ V, as also between other letters which resemble one another is frequent in MSS, and printed editions, especially in the case of proper names.

↩

This ought to be Harpúr, see Blochm., p. 375.

↩

Here the word seems to be spelt correctly.

↩

Another reading is Ghamgín, Elliot, V, p. 385 has Namakí. Blochm., p. 470 give Namakín.

↩

In Jahánábád, a parganna of the Húglí district, between Bardwán and Medinípúr Blochm., p. 375.

↩

See Blochm., p. 375. Elliot, V, p. 386 has Jitúra.

↩

The elephants of Mangalús were famous for their great size, and their white colour. See Vüller's Dictionary.

↩

Another reading is Kajak Khán Khwájah Perhaps the name is Kíjak.

↩

A Turkí word meaning “sixty.” It is applied to a force placed at the head of an army between the advanced guard and the general. De Courteille, Dict. Turk.-Orient. p. 31.

↩

Ghúl, a Hindí word.

↩

This word ◌ is Turkí.

↩

He had just been killed. See above.

↩

The Khán Khánán.

↩

This expression is common in Persian for “escaping with one's life”. Comp. the Hebrew expression Jer. xxi, 9, &c.

↩

I. e., died.

↩

In the centre of Orissa. Ṭabaqát-i Akbarí. It is commonly known as Cuttack.

↩

On which Cuttack stands. The word means “great river.” The name in the printed text is a blunder.

↩

Any one of the seven Abdál, spirits which circle round the world, and are the servants of the seven Imáms, is called a Ghaus.

↩

See Vol. iii. p. 28 of the text.

↩

11 + 300 + 10 + 600 + 4 + 1 + 6 + 4 + 6 + 30 + 10 = 982.

↩

20 + 40 + 1 + 30 + 1 + 400 + 4 + 60 + 400 + 20 + 1 + 5 = 982.

↩

Our writer means that he preferred the lamp-light of human reason to the sunlight of Revelation.

↩

Al-Qur'án II, 256.

↩

“Commentary of Akbar's time.” 400 + 80 + 60 + 10 + 200 + 1 + 20 + 2 + 200 + 10 = 983.

↩

The Imám Mahdí, who, like Elijah the Tishbite of the Jews, is to be the forerunner of the Messiah.

↩

Akbar's foster-brother.

↩

That is one capable of giving the Ulamá a lesson, meaning himself.

↩

Nimrod and Pharaoh are proverbial for their pride. Nimrod was killed by a gnat, which crept through the nose to his brain.

↩

A man of infallible authority in his explanations of the Musalmán law. Like most of the great Jewish Rabbis, there were among the oldest many who plied a trade at the same time.

↩

Shaikh Mu'ín-ud-dín Chishtí Sigizí of Ajmír.

↩

The Qur'án.

↩

Traditional sayings of Muḥammad's.

↩

“O He (God)!”

↩

“O Guide!”

↩

One who attains the state of ecstasy and close union with God.

↩

Śiva. That is he had Hindú-ized.

↩

Hindústání Anúp = Sanscrit Anupama “incomparable”: and taláo corruption of taláb, from Sanscrit taḍága “pond.”

↩

Another reading is 'Ibárat. The meaning is obscure.

↩

See p. 175.

↩

See Blochm. p. 258, and 250. Surely in the latter place (n. 5) he is wrong in reading ṭalab with izáfat.

↩

xvi. 72.

↩

I. e., by Persia.

↩

The Shi'ahs of Persia. So named from their red caps, see Fraser's novel Kazul-básh.

↩

Alms are due on every surplus stock or store which a Sunní possesses at the end of a year, provided that surplus have been in his possession for a whole year. Blochm., 173, note 1.

↩

Al Qurán LXXXVI, 9.

↩

He meant to say he was poor, and thus refuted the charges brought against him. Blochm., p. 173.

↩

Called ḥadís, pl. aḥádís.

↩

He bore the title of Khán-i 'Álam.

↩

Father of Abu-l-Fazl

↩

Al-Badáoní uses the word Aimah in the sense of Aimah-dárán, ‘holders of grant-lands.’

↩

Revenue officers, so called because each was put over a kror of dáms. Blochm., p. 13.

↩

A book on Law. The word means “Guidance.”

↩

Jack in office.

↩

Two of the principal saints of the Islám.

↩

	“O Lord! this day what a day it is has fallen on me, And what a soul-wasting calamity it is that has shown itself to men. There is no one whom the cry of my despair has not reached, Yet no one comes to my cry of despair. My moon at the end of life went behind the veil of invisibility, See from this pregnant-one of darkness what a woe has been born to me. My star of joy and hope was dashed to the ground, After this my heart with what hope shall it be glad? Although my foundations were firm in patience, yet The torrent of grief came and threw me from my foundations.
(P. 128)	That person, whom I remember a hundred times in a day, Alas! that he does not remember me once in a year. Unjust heaven how many sorrows has it given me! On whom shall I take vengeance, who will give me satisfaction? I know not the state of my heart, what shall I say? what do? The remedy for my heart-pain of whom shall I seek? what shall I do? O Fate! alas that thou hast made my heart wounded and desolate! My content of heart thou hast utterly scattered. O Jewel, that in my hand was hidden for others, Thou hast openly carried it out of my sight and hidden it. My Cypress thou hast carried from the garden to the prison of the tomb, Thou hast made the garden a prison to me sorrow-stricken. My Yúsuf thou hast given to the paw of the wolf, Ah! me thou hast made a recluse in the cell of care. In the dark clay thou hast put my new-born rose,¹³² Why hast thou made my day just like dark night? In a word that person, from whom was all my scope and aim, Thou hast carried away, and left me without scope or aim. That brother, who came to this strange city, Thou hast made his grave in the desert beside strangers. The season of the rose is come, and the place of Muhammad is in the dust, It is my place that through vexation I should lay my hand in the dust. Finally, O mine Eye! what hast thou seen that thou art gone from the world? That with thine eye covered thou art gone from my moist eye?
(P. 129)	To my dark eye there was light from thy face, The light is gone from my heart since thou art gone from my eye. Thou wast to my eye like the signet of a ring, In the end thou hast dropped from the ring like a signet-stone. My heart for no cause is glad in the world, A pity, in thousand pities, thou art gone sorrowful from the world. Thou pure spirit wast sore vexed at this halting-place, Thou tookest up thy baggage, and departest from this halting-place of sorrow. On thy heart from worldly matters there was no burden, All at once from worldly matters joyful and glad-hearted thou departest. From the cradle I was to thee, companion and friend, every moment, Why to the tomb art thou gone companionless and friendless? Thou art gone, and grief for thee will never go from this bewildered heart Sorrow for thee will never go from my heart, as long as my life goes not for sorrow for thee, Who is there that will tell me any news of thee? Shall any give news of the departed soul to the body?¹³³ News of the rose, that has dropped through the injury of autumn, Who is there, in short, that will tell it to the bird of the garden? Where is there a messenger who my sorrow and grief face to face One by one before thee gracefully will tell? Who shall tell to you my words with his tongue, and then For my consolation bring back the words from your tongue? I am strait-hearted, rosebud-like, and there is none present,
(P. 130)	Who will repeat to me a single letter from thee, O thou rosebud-mouthed. There are a hundred knots and tangles in this heart for love of thee, Who will tell to thee of this heart full of knots and tangles. Thou art gone afar, and there has come no one from thy country Who should tell me anything of thy state. I go, and on the top of thy tomb I take my station, That I may hear an answer from thee, and salute thee. I say, O thou unfound jewel what is thy state? With thy body wounded and helpless, what is thy state? Thou art in the sleep of death, and without thee a confusion¹³⁴ hath arisen, Awake, and lift up thy head from this sleep, what is thy state? Through separation from thee thy friends are in a very bad condition, O thou who remainest separate from thy friends, what is thy state? Thy friends through distance from thee are near to death, Far from company of companions what is thy state? Thy place was once in the Prayer-niche,^134a and now I see The niche left empty of thee, what is thy state? Without thee I drink the blood of my liver, ask me for once “In this drinking of blood what is thy state?” Over thy clay a hundred fresh roses have blossomed from my tears, Under the clay O thou fresh rose what is thy state? In such a woeful habitation who is nigh thee? The solacer of thy day, and friend of thy dark night who is he?
(P. 131)	O I am fallen far away from thy fair cheek, And I am fallen through thy absence into a hundred kinds of calamity. Thou art in the desert, while I remain in this strange city, O God! where art thou, and I am to what place have I fallen? Thou hast not gathered thy whole weight of roses, and I know not now. Why upon thee hath fallen a hundred hillocks of thorns and briars. I knew not the worth of thy presence, and this is the requital, That the day of retribution hath met with thee. I would have spent my soul in thy behalf, but what can I do? For thy business hath fallen under God's absolute decree. Thy date was: He said, When the cypress fell, ‘That erect cypress how suddenly it fell from its place!’¹³⁵ O Qádir wailing and crying doth not profit, Strive after prayer, for the turn is come for prayer. Ask of God, that his affairs be all laudable, And that God may be satisfied equally with him and thee. O Lord! may his passage be into thy garden of Paradise, May the tower of the highest Paradise be his resting-place. When into the garden of Paradise he passes unveiling his beauty, May Houris and boys be on his right hand and his left. In the dark night, when he purposed the journey to the other world, May the light of Islám be the lamp of his dark night. If there is no one who lights a lamp on his tomb,
(P. 132)	May the light of the mercy of God be the taper on his tomb. Since he has taken away his bosom from the bride the old women of Fate, May the fresh heavenly brides be in his bosom. Since after death no friend was with him, May the mercy of God moment by moment be his friend. The drops of tears, which men shed over him, May each drop become a pure pearl, and be devoted to him. To all eternity may his abode be the pinnacle of heaven, This prayer from me, and may from Gabriel come: Amen!

Muntaḫab al-tavārīḫ - The Muntakhabu-’rukh, Volume 2

Other volumes of this work

	Praise to God for the pomp and glory of our king!
(P. 121)	A pure pearl from the ocean of justice is come to the shore: A bird from the nest of pomp and bounty has alighted: A star from the pinnacle of glory and beauty is manifested: A rose of this sort they have not shown on the ground of the garden. A tulip of this sort has not opened in the tulip-bed. The nurse of the spring-cloud, through the tenderness of excellence, Made the grass the companion of the rose, the pearl that of the jewel.¹²⁵ The Sun^125a said: ‘It is right that for that Piece-of-moon It should make an ear-ring of Zohrah for the adorning of beauty:	5
	The coming of a son adds to the adornment of a king, perhaps The incomparable Lúlú^125b would add to the adornment of the royal Pearl. All hearts were glad that again from the heaven of justice and equity The world once more revived, through the Sun of the days of spring. That new-moon of the mansion of power and bounty and pomp came down, And that shoot of the desire of the soul of the king bore fruit. The king of the realm of fidelity, the Sultan of the palace of purity, The taper of the assembly of the heart-broken, the desire of the heart of the hopeful, The noble the perfect Muhammad Akbar, Lord of conjunction, The renowned king, seeking and attaining his desire,	10
	The perfectly capable sage, the most just of the kings of the world, Noble, loftiest, a sage without a rival in the world. From his speech the meaning of the ecstatic state is understood:
(P. 122)	And from his perfection the building of religion and of the world is firm. Shadow of God's bounty is he, worthy of crown and seal, A religion-protesting king is he, noble pivot of the world. At times from onslaught of fury he takes pardon on his tongue, At times with the tongue of the spear he says to the enemy, Flee! Know that the fourth heaven is the censer in his assembly, Know that Arcturus is the spearman of his cavalcade.	15
	Whenever his victorious cavalcade passes, the whole world Cries out “Happiness” on the right hand, “Wealth” on the left. O the power of the pen, which like running water Goes over black and white day and night! O thou like the work of the Eternal, thou Sun of kingdom and religion, Thou who glorifiest the step of eminence, Shadow of God. O prince of the lofty standard, wise of heart, and Saturn-throned, O prince of lofty centre, just-one of exalted family. Lord of the wealth of the world, king of sea and land, To thy friends thou art kind, mindful of the generous.	20
	King of the dawn of justice and truth, moon of the evening of pomp and dignity, Quick as lightning in decision, strong as mountain to bear burdens. O mine of justice and bounty, fountain of grace and liberality, Precious and beauteous, nourisher of religion, and chaste. Protector of the religion of the Prophet, O eraser of marks of evil.
(P. 123)	Prince of the lofty standard, a mine of bounty, and mountain of weight. Illumination of the mansion of existence, pearl of the sea of bounty, From the desire of the pinnacle of hearts a falcon hunting lives. At thy bounty how can a single drop remain before the cloud for shame, Compared with thy nature “Bounty” is not applicable to the spring-cloud.	25
	O King I have brought a string of precious pearls, A present which is become precious, seek it out and listen. None has a present better than this, if any have one at all, If any have any, tell him “Come”, anything he has tell him “Bring”. Each verse of the poem of Marwí, it is sufficient if it be without mistake,¹²⁷ Whichever [verse] you try you will find the purpose twice: The first half gives the year of the king's Accession, From the second bring out the Birth of the Light of the Eye of the world.^127a That the reckoning of the days and months and year may last, And that that number may be illustrious on account of the year and month and day:	30
	When our king comes to an end, may our prince endure Days without number, and years without count.”

	“O! the stock of thine origin is free from water and clay,
(P. 157)	Thy pure spirit like the Prophet is the mercy of the worlds. Thy mighty name is David, through the impression of it, Like Solomon, spirits and men come under thy signet. “There is the face of God”,¹⁶⁰ I could not understand for years, I saw thy face, and the pupil of the eye of truth became clear.”

	“Thy door is Alexander's wall to people of merit, Why do they say ‘O Gog!’ when thy army it is.
(P. 187)	In thy generation all the signs of the Day of Judgment are manifest, Thou art Antichrist, and Khwájah Amína is thy ass”.^189a

	“I have set fire to my barn with my own hands,
(P. 200)	As I am the incendiary, how can I complain of my enemy! No one is my enemy but myself, Woe is me! I have torn my garment with my own hands.”