A History of Sind, Volume II - A History of Sind, Volume II, Translated from Persian Books by Mīrzā Kalichbeg Fredunbeg

In the translation of the ‘Chachnámah,’ which I have lately written, will be found the ancient history of Sind up to the close of the Hindú period and the Arab conquest. That book may be taken as the first volume of the history of Sind, the present book being a continuation of the same, and so the second volume of it.

This volume is divided into two parts. Part I. gives an account of the lieutenants of the Khalífahs or successors of Muhammad, the rulers of the Súmrah, Sammah, Arghún and Tarkhán dynasties, and finally of the governors or agents of the Emperors of Dehlí. This brings us to the rule of the Kalhórahs, an account of whom, together with that of their successors, the Tálpurs, is given in Part II.

The first part is entirely based on the information supplied by the ‘Táríkh Maasúmí’ and the ‘Tuhfatulkírám,’^* to which a reference has been made in the preface of ‘the Chachnámah.’ In fact these were the only two Persian books which gave a full account of this period. For the sake of distinctness and easy reference, I have made a note at the beginning of each chapter, stating from which of the above two books the account has been taken. I considered it necessary to draw from the two books in this manner, as in some respects one was deficient and in some, the other; and so by a judicious use and mixture of the two I have filled up the deficiencies of both. Taking one book as my text for that chapter, I have added foot-notes to give the different versions, if any, of the other book. I have also given some other interesting referential notes, as I have done in the translation of ‘the Chachnámah.’^†

The second part of the book deals with the whole period of the Kalhórahs and Tálpur dynasties of the rulers of Sind, up to the advent of British rule. The account of the former dynasty is taken from the Tuhfatulkirám and that of the latter dynasty from the Fatehnámah and Frerenámah. The Fatehnámah is a metrical history written about 1783 A.D., by Muhammad Azím, a respectable person of Tattá, who lived in the reign of Mír Fatéh Alí Khán, to whom the book was dedicated; while the Frerenámah was written in 1857 A.D., by Mír Yár Muhammad Khán, Tálpur, son of Mír Murád Alí Khán, and was dedicated to Mr. (afterwards Sir Bartle) Frere, the then Commissioner in Sind. The first portion of this book (the Frerenámah) is entirely taken from the Fatehnámah, and the last portion is written by the author of the Frerenámah from his own experience, as he was an eye-witness of the period, being the son of a ruling Mír, and subsequently one of the unfortunate Mírs who were taken to Calcutta by the English as State prisoners.

This part too is written on the same principle adopted in the first part; namely, I have given a free translation of the Persian books from which the account is taken, adding as many explanatory and historical notes from other books as I considered necessary. If the language and style of the book appear strange and unhistorical, that is because I have tried to follow the Persian original closely, and at the same time avoided the redundant words and phrases, and sometimes passages, which being superfluities of the Persian language and imagination, were very common in the books. The readers may, however, be sure that I have given them all the facts on the subject that are recorded in the Persian books.

The division of the book into chapters and the head-notes of paragraphs will be found of great assistance to them in grasping the subject; I experienced much difficulty in that respect while going through the Persian books.

In Appendices I have given copious and interesting extracts (with head-notes) from the Blue Book, or official correspondence relative to Sind as placed before the British Parliament, and from some other books, to corroborate the facts related in the texts about the connection of the British Government with Sind from early times to the conquest.

I have also added biographical sketches of some noteworthy persons mentioned in the book, and genealogical trees of the ruling tribes and some other important persons referred to in the book.

In transliterating proper names I have adopted the system followed in the First Volume (The Chachnámah).

In conclusion, it may be mentioned that as a rule, in writing the history of a country, it is necessary to give a detailed account of the system of government or administration, as well as other important geographical, physical and social features of the same. But in this volume I have given bare historical facts, as found in the Persian books from which they were taken, reserving the above information for the concluding part of the last volume, in which, it is hoped that after the history of the British rule up to the present day, the subject will be discussed and the states of things in the different periods compared.

KALICHBEG.

Hyderabad,
November 1901.

I am highly obliged to Rev. J. Redman, C. M., and L. W. Seymour, Esq., for going through the first and second parts of the book, respectively, and to Dayaram Gidumal, Esq., B.A., LL.B., C.S., for writing an introduction for the book.

K. F. M.

We know very little about the aborigines of Sindh, but we may fairly infer that they were a race inferior to the Aryans. Omitting the aborigines, the history of Sindh before the advent of the English may be divided into three broad periods—the Aryan (Brahminical and Buddhist), the Semitic, and the Mongol. The invasion by Alexander, the inroads of the Scythians, the irruption of the King of Nimroz mentioned in the Chachnamah, the hurricane blasts of Nadir Shah and Ahmad Shah, the internecine feuds of rival princes in the Province itself, and their various ups and downs, may well be treated as so many interludes. The present volume deals with the Semitic and Mongol periods, while the first was concerned with the last days of the Aryan period.

The aborigines fell before the Eastern Aryans, the Eastern Aryans before the Arabs, the Arabs before the Mongols, and these last again before the Western Aryans represented by the English. At the present day, the world is mainly governed by the Western Aryans, and no reader of this modest volume can fail to see why they are in the ascendant, for it supplies materials for a safe historical generalisation.

That generalisation is that neither mere Efficiency (Lord Rosebery’s watchword) nor mere Righteousness is enough : there must be a combination of both in order to ensure a nation’s Solidarity, and the nation that is blessed with Solidarity is always superior to that not so blessed. The aborigines lacked Solidarity and so they fell. The Eastern Aryans had it for numerous centuries, but eventually both their branches—the Hindu and the Persian— degenerated and lost their sovereignty. Any one who reads Muir’s History of the Khalifate cannot but admit that the Arabs, when they appeared on the world’s stage as conquerors, were superior to the peoples they conquered in Efficiency and Righteousness. It was due to their Solidarity, based upon these virtues, that while Muhammad bin Kasim was winning Sindh for the Khalif, another general was winning Spain in Europe, and laying a firmer foundation for Arab domination in that country than the Sakifi chief ever succeeded in laying in our Province. Sir Henry Elliot has shown that the Arabs had no great hold upon Sindh after the first few years, but the Arab conquest is nevertheless of great importance in history, as it gave rise to a large population, different in faith from the Hindus, though not different in race and language.^*

The Arab, however, failed to maintain the standard of Efficiency and Righteousness necessary for survival as a sovereign power, and the Mongol had, then, his turn. The world was out of joint, and Genghis, as Amiel says, in commenting upon ‘La Banniere Bleue,’ “proclaimed himself the scourge of God, and he did, in fact, realise the vastest empire known to history, stretching from the Blue Sea to the Baltic, and from the vast plains of Siberia to the banks of the sacred Ganges. The most solid empires of the ancient world were overthrown by the tramp of his horsemen and the shafts of his archers. From the tumult in which he threw the Western Continent, there issued certain vast results : the fall of the Byzantine Empire, involving the Renaissance, the voyages of discovery in Asia, undertaken from both sides of the globe—that is to say, Gama and Columbus; the formation of the Turkish Empire; and the preparation of the Russian Empire. This tremendous hurricane, starting from the high Asiatic table-lands, felled the decaying oaks and worm-eaten buildings of the whole ancient world. The descent of the yellow, flat-nosed Mongols upon Europe is a historical cyclone which devastated and purified our thirteenth century, and broke, at the two ends of the known world, through two great Chinese Walls— that which protected the ancient Empire of the Centre, and that which made a barrier of ignorance and superstition round the little world of Christendom. Attila, Genghis, Tamerlane ought to range in the memory of men with Cæsar, Charlemagne, and Napoleon. They roused whole peoples into action, and stirred the depths of human life, they powerfully affected ethnography, they let loose rivers of blood, and renewed the face of things.” The Eastern and the Western Aryans as well as the Semitic race found themselves in the clutches of vast hordes of nomads, brave, simple and truthful, who have been called the scavengers of the corruptions of civilisation, but who gave India an Akbar, and to Sindh the Arghun and Tarkhan dynasties. When, in 1162, in a small tent on the banks of the distant Onon, Yesukai saw the clenched fist of the new-born Genghis holding a clot of coagulated blood like a red stone, it never occurred to him that his infant son would live to illustrate what has been rightly called “the law of tempests in history,” and would become the ancestor of heroes and emperors. It has been truly said : “No civilisation can bear more than a certain proportion of abuses, injustice, corruption, shame and crime. When this proportion has been reached the boiler bursts, the palace falls, the scaffolding breaks down; institutions, cities, states, empires sink into ruin. The evil contained in an organism is a virus which preys upon it, and if it is not eliminated ends by destroying it.” That is the lesson taught by the fall of the two great Aryan powers in the West—the Greek and the Roman; that is the lesson taught by the fall of the two great Aryan powers in the East— the Hindu and the Persian; and that is the lesson taught by the fall of the Arabs, and by the fall of the Mongols themselves. The wheel of Divine law has now given a fresh turn to the Aryan, and so long as he remains true to God, to himself and to his brothers, he may well expect a sovereignty mightier than that of the Arab or of the Mongol.

This volume helps us to realize the terrible law of retribution, which has, one after another, set aside kingdoms once great and glorious, but which, after they were past their heyday, lacked Righteousness and Efficiency. It helps us to realize how the present is connected with the past, how many a king in this unfortunate land came in vanity and departed in darkness, how those who rebelled against the moral law were brought low, how “light is sown for the righteous and gladness for the upright in heart.” It is also useful as a commentary upon that pregnant Sindhi word raj, which contains the whole history of Sindh in a nutshell, a pure Sanskrit word which once meant a Hindu kingdom or the Hindu subjects of a Raja, but which, in Sindh, now means a Muhammadan village community. Muhammad Maasum, whose history, first literally translated by Capt. G. Malet, has been in this volume freely rendered, wrote it for the benefit of his son Mir Buzurg, “in order that by reading it he might learn what good men of old did; that he might discriminate between right and wrong, between that which is useful and the reverse; and might learn to follow the paths of virtuous men”; and the translator’s labour will not be fruitless if this volume enables even a single young man to accomplish the old Sayad’s object.

DAYARAM GIDUMAL.

Dhulia, 14th March 1902.

As has been related at the close of the First Volume,

Lieutenants of Ummeide Khalífahs in Sind.

Thus ended the rule of the lieutenants of the Ummeide Khalífahs in Sind, which lasted for 40 years, from 93 to 133 A. H. (711 to 750 A. D.) Then followed the lieutenants of Abbáside Khalífahs. But before we proceed to give an account of these, it would be better to give by way of recapitulation, the names of the Ummeide Khalífahs in succession, and to describe the last event by which the Khalifate passed from their hands to those of the Abbáside Khalífahs.

We have seen that the first four successors of the

Ummeide Khalífaha enumerated,

It was in the time of the last Khalífah, Marwán, who

Passing of the Kálifate from the Ummeides to the Abbásides.

About the same time Abú Muslim revolted in Khurásán. He sent a strong army to irák, where it joined the other rebels, and appointed Saffáh Abbásí to be the Khalífah at Kúfah. Saffáh sent a large army under his uncle Abdulláh son of Alí Abbásí to Músal to fight against Marwán. Here many battles were fought that ended in the defeat of Marwán, who fled to Syria, pursued by an army of Abdullàh. From Syria Marwán crossed to Africa, where in a village on the Nile he was murdered by Ámir son of Ismáíl, one of Abdulláh’s men, who had come to the place for the purpose. This was in 132 A. H. (749 A.D.)

After Saffáh was proclaimed Khalífah, Sulaimán bin Hashám returned from Sind and joined Saffáh, but he was soon killed. And thus ended the line of Baní Ummiah the Khalifate of which is said to have lasted for one thousand months.

We have seen that Saffáh was the first Abbáside Khalífah.^*

The Abbáside Khalífahs enumerated.

We need not mention here the remaining 12 Khalífahs of this line, as we are not concerned with them. It will be enough to say that the last of them Mustaasim Billáh died in 651 A. H. (1253 A. D.), and that it was in his reign that the celebrated Tartar prince Halákú Khán, by order of his brother Mankú Káán^* marched against Baghdád with a large army and dethroned that last Abbáside Khalífah, and took possession of his country. The remaining Abbáside princes then continued their rule only in Andalusia (Spain).

The first Khalífah of this line, Saffáh, in the year

Lieutenants of the Abbáside Khalífahs in Sind.

In the year 381 A. H. (991 A. D.) Kádir Billáh became

Passing of the Governorship of Sind from the agents of the Khalífahs to those of the Kings of Dehli.

Thus ended the rule of the Arabs in Sind, or rather of the lieutenants of the Abbáside Khalífahs, which is said to have lasted for 283 years.

There were 14 princes in all, of the house of Ghazní,

Princes of the house of Ghazní, whose lieutenants governed Sind. Mahmúd and others.

In the 7th year of Khusró’s reign, i.e., in 583 A.H. (1187 A.D.) Ghayásuddín,^§ King of Ghór, invaded India and succeeded in dethroning Khusró at Láhór and taking him a prisoner. He sent him to Ghazní and killed all the members of the house of Ghazní who fell into his hands.

After conquering some parts of Hindustán, Ghayásuddín

Princes of the house of Ghór, who ruled Sind through their lieutenants, Ghayásuddín and Shahábuddín.^*

While in his native country, Shahábuddín commenced the organization of an expedition to be ready in 3 years time, to go to Turkistán. While these preparations were going on, he heard that a party of Khókhars had revolted in the direction of Láhór and hastening to the spot, he punished the ring-leaders. But on his return, when near the village of Damík, he fell under the dagger of a headman of Khókhars. His reign lasted for 32 years and some months, reckoning from the conquest of Ghazní. He lelft a daughter to inherit a large treasure of gold, silver and jewels. He is said to have had 500 maunds of beautiful diamonds. From this the amount of money in his possession may be guessed. He invaded India 9 times; twice he was defeated but seven times he was successful. He was pious, kindhearted and just. He respected good and wise men and patronized them in every way.

When Kutbuddín heard of the death of Shahábuddín

Kutbuddín Íbak.

On the death of Kutbuddín, the nobles of Dehlí put his

Árámshah bin Kutbuddín.

About the same time a detachment of the army of

Násiruddín Kabáchah.

Since 624 A. H. (1227 A. D.) Nizámulmulk had remained

Shamsuddín Eltamish.

In 637 A. H. (1239 A. D.) Mas-úd Sháh son of Ferózuddín

Masúd Sháh bin Ferózuddín.

For the first 4 years of his reign Násiruddín ruled the

Násiruddín Mahmúd bin Shamsuddín Eltamish.

About the close of 656 A. H. (1258 A. D.) an army of Mughals invaded Uch and Multán. Nàsiruddín hastened to expel them, but the former retreated without any engagement. So the king returned to his capital.

It is said of Násiruddín that he was a very good writer, or copyist. He used to write two copies of the Koran a year and the proceeds realized by the sale of the same he utilized for his kitchen expenses, as they were the lawful earnings by his own manual labour. Once the king learnt that a copy of the Koran written by him was purchased at a very high price by a nobleman, and so he ordered that in future his writings be sold secretly and at a low price. He had only one wife and no concubine, and she used to cook his food. On one occasion, she complained to him that her hands were giving her pain and suggested that a female slave might be purchased to serve as a cook. But the king replied that he did not consider it proper to spend money on private account from the public Treasury.

Násiruddín died on the 15th of Jamádissání, 664 A.H. (1265 A.D.) after a reign of 19 years, 3 months and some days. He had no issue.

Ghayásuddín a slave of Shamsuddín Eltamish, was

Ghayásuddín.

In the very commencement of his reign he deputed his son Sultán Muhammad to rule the provinces of Láhór, Multán and part of Sind. This young prince was himself pious and learned, and was fond of men known for piety and learning. He passed a great portion of his time in the company of Shekh Bahá-uddìn, Zakariyyá^* and Shekh Faríduddín Shakarganj, the celebrated saints of the time and of Amír Khusró^† and Amír Hasan, the celebrated poets and learned men of Dehlí. The latter he treated as his courtiers, giving them regular monthly allowances and periodical rewards. When on one occasion Shekh Usmán Marwandí, the biggest saint of Sind, who is known as Lál Shahbház Kalandar,^* came to Multán, the king received him with marked reverence and entreated him to make a long stay in the city. But that saint could not comply with his request and went away without tarrying long there. On another occasion, when in a singing party in which Shekh Baháuddín Zakariyyá’s verses were being rehearsed in the presence of his two sons, Shekh Usmán and Shekh Sadruddín, while many of the saint’s followers began to sing and dance in an ecstasy, the king out of respect stood weeping bitterly with his hand on his breast.

It is said that Ghayásuddín had been married to a daughter of Sultán Shamsuddín. Once in a moment of spiritual frenzy Ghayásuddín divorced his wife thrice, but when he returned to his usual mood he repented of what he had done. And as according to the Muhammadan Law he could not have her as his wife again before she was married to another person, it was arranged that the princess be married to Shekh Sadruddín, in the hope that that pious man would not hesitate to divorce her again without touching her, for the pleasure of the King. But after the girl was taken as a bride to the Shekh’s house, she would not return to the palace of the King, whose whims and frenzies had greatly tried her patience. She cried aloud calling that pious man to help her and not to throw her again into the clutches of her former husband. The Shekh was so much moved at her entreaties that he flatly refused to divorce her according to the previous arrangement. The King therefore revenged himself on the saint for that breach of promise.

It is also said of this King that twice he sent messengers from Multán to Shekh Saadí, the celebrated poet of Shíráz,^† who was his contemporary, inviting him to come to Multán and make a permanent residence there. But as the Shekh was a very old man he could not come, and instead, he sent a boat full of his compositions and a letter of recommendation for Amír Khusró of Dehlí, who had become his special friend.

In 683 A.H. (1284 A.D.) Changez Khán sent Kutlugh and Taimúr with a large army to Hindustán. When they arrived within the limits of Láhór, Sultan Ghayásuddín’s son Muhammad went with 30,000 men to meet them. A battle ensued in which prince Muhammad was slain, but the Mughal army was defeated and Kutlugh and Taimúr left the country. Ghayásuddín left his grand son Kai Khusró to rule Multán and Sind in place of his father Muhammad, and himself passed his time quietly, bewailing the loss of his son. He died in 685 A.H. (1286 A.D.)

Jaláluddín, the son of Feróz Khiljí was one of Sultán

Jaláluddín Khiljí.^*

After Aláuddín proclaimed himself king of Dehlí

Aláuddín.

In the beginning of 696 A. H. (1296 A. D.) he began to move actively in settling the affairs of Sind and Multán, about which he was very anxious, because the late king Jáláluddín’s son Arkalí Khán was at Multán. Aláuddín therefore hastened to send his brother Ulugh Khán with 40,000 men in that direction. Ulugh Khán laid siege to the fort of Multán. After three months of blockade, the people inside the fort were compelled to leave Arkalí Khán to his fate and opening the gates at night joined Ulugh Khán. Through the intercession of Shekh Ruknuddín Arkali Khán was allowed to make his exit from the fort. Aláuddín then appointed Nasrat Khán to go with 10,000 men through the Districts of Multán, Uch, Bakhar, Sehwán and Tattá, to put down adverse tribes and appoint trustworthy men as Governors of the several towns and forts and himself return to Multán, which he should form his head-quarters.

In 697 A.H. (1297 A.D.) news was received of the capture of Sehwán by Mughul forces, from Sístán. A fine was imposed upon the people of the place who had come out to oppose them. Nasrat Khán therefore hastened from Multán to Sehwán by boat with a large army and with military stores and machines. The Mughuls came out to fight with him but were soon defeated and driven away. The king’s forces therefore returned to Bakhar. Meanwhile Aláuddín ordered Ulugh Khán to invade Gujrát with some Sind forces, viâ Jesalmer. Accordingly Ulugh Khán came to Jesalmer and took that fort after killing a large number of Hindús. He left two of his trustworthy men in charge of the place and himself proceeded with his army to Gujrát and completely conquered that province. By these repeated successes, Aláuddín’s power was much confirmed throughout the length and breadth of his kingdom, which at this time extended on the east, south and west to the sea, and on the north to Bengal, Gujrát and Sind. Every part of this kingdom was ruled by governors and magistrates appointed by him. It is said that every week he used to receive reports regularly from different parts of his country. His death occurred on the 6th of Shawwál 700 A.H. (1300 A.D.)

About the close of his reign Aláuddín had prepared an

Ghází Malak alias Ghayásuddín Taghlak.

When, soon after this, Ghayásuddín proceeded from Multán to Dehlí, the tribe of Súmrahs^* revolted and took possession of Tattá. Ghayásuddín appointed Tájuddín Malak as governor of Multán and Khwájah Khatír as governor of Bakhar and he left Malak Alísher in charge of Sehwán. In 723 A.H. (1323 A.D.), he appointed his son Muhammad Sháh his heir and successor and took a written promise or agreement to the arrangement from the ministers and nobles of the state. In 725 A.H. (1324 A.D.) he died of heat apoplexy.

On succeeding to the throne of his father Muhammad

Fakhr Malak alias Muhammad Sháh Taghlak.

In 744 A.H. (1343 A.D.) an idea entered the mind of Muhammad Sháh, that he should rule the country as a subordinate to the Khalífah of Mussalmans, Abbás, who was his contemporary and whom he considered his superior, in his absence. He sent Rafíi Malak with rich presents to the Khalífah of Egypt, and the Khalífah too, in recognition of such a voluntary surrender of rights, sent in return rich dresses and Islámic flags, which the king was glad to receive. Thenceforth he ordered the name of the Khalífah to be coupled with his own at the Friday and other Holiday prayers and sermons.

In 751 A. H. (1350 A. D.) Muhammad Sháh prepared to go to Gujrát and with that intention moved from Dehlí to Karnál and as about that time, his slave Tághí had caused a rebellion in Khanbhát with the assistance of the tribe of Jarejahs, the king turned in haste in that direction in order to proceed thither by way of Tattá. Coming to the village of Tharí he halted there, waiting for the forces coming after him. Here he was attacked by fever and so he removed from the proximity of the water and came to Kandal, where he got better and was joined by his troops too. So with an easy mind he marched to Tattá, where the slave fugitive Tághí had taken shelter. At about 28 miles from Tattá the king made a halt for a day. It was the 10th day of Muharram, a holiday with the Mussalmans, and the king observed a fast. The next day he again suddenly got an attack of fever and no remedy of physicians could check it. He rapidly got worse, and on 21st of the same month in 752 A. H. (1351 A. D.) he expired.

Before the last moment of Muhammad had arrived he

Feróz Sháh.

Hearing of Muhammad Sháh’s death the rebel Tághí made a conspiracy with the tribes of Súmrahs, Járejahs and Sammahs and with an army formed of these people he proceeded to oppose the royalists. Feróz Sháh being informed of his movements sent a column of 2,000 men to fight with him. This force made a hasty march during the night and met Tághí with an army of Súmrahs, whom they defeated in a hard-fought battle and put them to flight. The next day another battle was fought and again the Súmrahs were defeated. Tághí could not tarry longer; so he fled away. On the first of the next month (Saffar) Feórz Sháh left Tattá and moved towards Dehlí. He built a fort on the bank of the lake of Sángrah and left Nasír in charge of it and appointed Malak Bahrám to be the administrator. When he arrived at Sehwán he posted Malak Alísher and Malak Tájuddín Káfúrí to be the rulers of that part. He paid a visit to the shrine of Shahbáz Kalandar and fixed some stipendiary allowances for the keepers of the shrine and other men connected with it. Next he came to the fort of Bakhar, where he spent 20 days and appointed Malak Ruknuddín to be his agent or lieutenant for Sind with the title of Ikhlás Khán and Malak Abdulazíz to be the díwán or revenue officer of Bakhar. He also left 80 men to guard the fort. He then marched on, making similar arrangements for the important places on his way. In the month of Rajjib of the same year he arrived at Dehlí, where he spent some months peacefully, treating the people of the place with every mark of kindness.

On the 5th of Saffar of 753 A. H. (1352 A. D.) he left his capital on a touring excursion and received allegiance from several big land owners and chiefs. In 754 A. H. (1353 A. D.) he went on a hunting excursion to Kalánúr and the hills of that side. On his return he built several state buildings. He conferred the title of Shekh-ul-Islám on Shekh Sadruddín the son of Shekh Bahá-uddín Zakariyyá and then returned to his capital.

In 760 A. H. (1359 A. D.) he conquered Bengál and in 772 A. H. (1370 A. H) in the month of Rajjib he started for Bakhar. When he came to the hills situated on the way to that town, they brought iced water for him. But as he learnt that on a previous occasion when the late king Muhammad Sháh had arrived at the same place iced syrup was brought to him and that as he (Feróz Sháh) had been then absent, the late king did not touch that delicious drink out of his fondness for him, the king ordered that one hundred camel loads of sugar-candy be melted into iced water to form syrup and distributed in the honoured memory of his late uncle and patron, who had shown so much love and regard for him.

From Bakhar the king came to Tattá. Jám Khairuddín, who was then the chief at Tattá, put himself in a moated castle to defend himself and for many days kept the king’s army at bay. At last the king was obliged to leave the place owing to scarcity of grain and grass, rise of water and increase of mosquitoes. He left one Bishkal there in place of Nizámulmulk and himself went to Gujrát. After some time, leaving Zafar Khán at Gujrát he returned to Tattá. This time Jám Khairuddín surrendered to him and the king pardoned him and ordered him with many other zamindárs of the place to go to Dehlí. When these men came to the vicinity of Sehwán, Jám Khairuddín secretly arranged to make his escape by means of a boat. But on information being given to the king by the party of zamindárs, the king ordered that the Jám be put in irons and taken as a prisoner to Dehlí. The king himself too moved with his army to his capital. After some time the king appointed Jám Khairuddín’s son Jám Júnah to be the ruler of Tattá.

Feróz Sháh died on 18th Ramazán, 790 A.H. (1388 A.D.) after a successful reign of 38 years and some months.

Feróz Sháh was succeeded on the throne of Ferózábád by

Ghayásuddín alias Taghlak Sháh wd. Fateh Khán.

The nobility now came forward and installed Feróz

Abúbakr Sháh wd. Zafar Khán.

About the same time the chief of Sámánah was murdered by Mír Sadah Sámánah, who sent his head to Muhammad Sháh son of the late king, at Nagarkót. Muhammd Sháh getting this favourable opportunity hastened to Sámánah and proclaimed himself king of the place, in the month of Rabí-ul-awwal and received the obeisance of Mír Sadah Sámánah and other zamindárs of the place. Here Muhammad Sháh was soon joined by some other nobles who had deserted Abúbakr Sháh. In a short time about 20,000 foot and horse assembled under the standard of Muhammad Sháh, who now proceeded from Sámánah to Dehlí. By the time he arrived in the vicinity of Dehlí, his forces increased to 50,000 men. Thus equipped Muhammad Sháh marched on hastely and encamped at Jahánábád, on the 2nd day of Rabí-ul-ákhar of 791 A. H. (1389 A. D.) and again on the 2nd of Jamádi-ul-awwal of the same year and engagement took place within the heart of the town of Ferózábád between the armies of Muhammad Sháh and Abúbakr Sháh. While the battle was going on, Abúbakr Sháh was suddenly strengthened by the arrival of succour under Bahádur Khán of Mewát and he gained the upper hand. The next day a hard battle was fought which too ended in the defeat of Muhammad Sháh and in his escape with 2,000 men to Duábah, across the river Jún. Once more in the month of Shuabán of the same year, Muhammad Sháh came prepared for a fight with Abúbakr Sháh, but he soon fled, being pursued to a distance of 6 miles by the victorious army of the king. Thenceforth Muhammad Sháh remained in one place in a position of rest. In the next month (Ramazan) he only wrote letters to the people of Láhór, Multán and other places instigating them to kill all the men of the side of Feróz Sháh, wherever they could find them. Accordingly massacre and plunder made their appearance in those towns, to the great annoyance of the public. At last the nobles of the state being disheartened by the cruel behaviour of Muhammad Sháh left him and went to Abúbakr Sháh at Mewàt. The reign of this king lasted for a year and a half only.

Muhammad Sháh son of Feróz Sháh came to the throne

Muhammad Sháh bin Feróz Sháh.

Coming to Dehlí, he began to effect some improvements in state affairs. After he had sufficiently strengthened himself, he deputed his son Humáyún Khán, with the advice of his ministers to go and fight against Abúbakr Sháh who was now living at Kótlah. Accordingly this prince with his forces came to the vicinity of that place and camped there. During the night, Abúbakr Sháh with the assistance of Bahádur Khán the leader of Feróz Sháh’s men, who had joined him, made a sudden attack on the prince’s camp. A severe engagement ensued in which Abúbakr Sháh was defeated and he hurried to the fort of Kótlah, where he took shelter from the invading forces. Hearing this state of things Muhammad Sháh himself came down to the place by hurried marches and laid siege to the fort. The result was that Abúbakr Sháh was obliged to surrender. He was taken prisoner and sent to the fort of Mewát, where ultimately he died.

Soon after his return to Dehlí the king went to Gujrát and thence to Bengál, where he punished some of the mischief-makers and then came and halted at the castle of Muhammadábád, which town he had built in his time. During his stay here he got ill, but hearing that Bahádur Náhir had attacked some villages in the close vicinity of Dehlí and pillaged them, he started for Mewat without delay, though very weak. At Kótlah he met Bahádur Náhir, who gave him battle in open field, but being soon defeated, retired to the fort of Kótlah. He could not however remain long there and was compelled to run away. The king now prepared to go to Muhammadábád but illness returned to him with double severity, to which he succumbed on 17th Rabí-ul-awwal 796 A.H. (1393 A.D.). He reigned for 6 years and 7 months.

After the 3 days of the mourning ceremony of the late

Aláuddín alias Humáyún bin Muhammad Sháh.

On the death of Aláuddín many nobles and ministers

Mahmúd Sháh alias Násiruddín bin Muhammad Sháh.

In the same year Mahmúd Sháh prepared an expedition under Sárang Khán against Debálpur and Sind, and against Shekhá Khókhar, who with the assistance of Bhattís, Khiljís and some tribes of Multán had commenced to play mischief. Accordingly in the month of Zí-kaad of 796 A. H. (1393 A. D.) Sárang Khán started for Láhór and arriving within about 12 koss from that town, engaged with Shekhá Khókhar in a pitched battle. Shekhá Khókhar was defeated and fled to the mountain of Jamún. The next day Sárang Khán took possession of the fort of Láhór, and left his brother Malak Khandú with the title of Ádil Khán, in charge of the place, and himself went to Debálpur. In the month of Shuabán of the same year, Mahmúd Sháh left Mukarrab Khán with some other trustworthy men in charge of the fort of Debálpur and himself, taking Saádat Khán with him, left for Gwaliár and Bayánah. When he arrived near Gwaliár a treacherous conspiracy was formed against him by Malak Aláuddín Márwál, Mubárak Khán son of Malak Rajúr and Sárang Khán’s brother Malúr. Saádat Khán getting secret information about this league, managed to secure Malak Aláuddín and Sárang Khán and killed them. Sárang Khán’s brother Malúr effected his escape and coming to the king succeeded in removing the suspicion against himself; then quietly slipping from his camp to the town, openly defied him to fight. The king with the assistance of Saádat Khán laid siege to the town. Then commenced daily engagements between the two parties, which continued for three months. At length some of Mukarrab Khán’s friends treacherously separated the king from Saádat Khán and brought him to the town. Saádat Khán, seeing that his efforts to take the fort were of no avail and having no hope of taking any active measures owing to the rain falling about the time, he left the place and moved to Ferózábád and there, all the nobles of the place unanimously summoned Násiruddín son of Feróz Khán and grandson of Feróz Sháh, who was in Mewát, and in the month of Rabí-ul-awwal put him on the throne of Ferózábád with the title of Nasrat Sháh. But soon perceiving that Nasrat Sháh had become now a different person from before, the nobility found means to detach Saádat Khán, who was the chief of the ministers, from him. Thus putting Saádat Khán, by some excuses at a distance from Nasrat Sháh, they tried to harm him. And Saádat Khán not being able to cope with them single-handed hastened to Dehlí, where Mukarrab Khán treacherously got him murdered.

After this occurrence Muhammad Muzaffar, Sháhah Náhir and Fazlulláh, who were house-born slave-nobles of Feróz Sháh had no other alternative but to join Nasrat Sháh. And the latter with their assistance succeeded in securing many parts of the kingdom.

Seeing this state of things king Násiruddín Mahmúd Sháh began to look with fear and suspicion at his nobles and army. He was in a fix as to what course to adopt in dealing with them. But soon war broke out between the two claimants to the throne. In 798 A.H. (1395 A.D.) some disagreement arose between Sárang Khán, the governor of Debálpur and Láhór, on behalf of Mahmúd Sháh and Khizir Khán, the ruler of Multán. Some men of the tribe of Bhattí also joined him and increased his ranks. Thus strengthened Sárang Khán came and took Multán. In Ramazan 799 A.H. (1396 A.D.) he assembled a large force and proceeded towards Dehlí. The chief men of Dehlí made common cause and came out prepared to fight with him. A battle took place between them on the 15th of Muharram 800 A.H. (1397 A.D.). Sárang Khán, being defeated, returned to Multán.

This disagreeable war-fare continued between these two princes, causing much disturbance in the country. A foreign enemy now appeared on the scene, who changed the aspect of the whole affair. In the month of Rabí-ul-awwal of the same year, Mirzá Pír Muhammad a grandson of Amír Taimúr, known by the title of Sáhib Kirán, traversing the Panjáb, the land of five rivers, laid siege to the fort of Uch. Malak Alí, who was the governor of the place, on behalf of Sárang Khán defended himself in the fort and kept the assailants at bay for about a month. Then arrived succour in the form of 4,000 men, under Malak Tájuddín despatched by Sárang Khán. At the approach of this reinforcement Mirzá Pír Muhammad left the fort and went in advance to meet Malak Tájuddín. He put him to flight and then returned to lay siege to the fort of Multán. For six months continually he kept on fighting with Sárang Khán. After this period Sárang Khán surrendered to the Tartar prince. Mirzá Pír Muhammad took possession of Multán and made a halt there for some time.

Hearing of the encroachments of Mirzá Pír Muhammad as precursors of Amír Taimúr, all the nobles and ministers of Dehlí assembled in Shawwál 800 A.H. (1397 A.D.) at the shrine of Shekh Kutbuddín Bakhtyár Kákí and brought about reconciliation and union between them and thus secured strength and protection for the empire immediately within the province of Dehlí, detaching Sind to shift for itself under its rulers.

In the month of Saffar 801 A.H. (1398 A.D.) amír Taimúr himself came with a large army to Multán and joined his grandson Mirzá Pír Muhammad. He dealt out undue punishment to those who had opposed his party, some of whom were even then prisoners.

At this time the rulers of Sind threw off the yoke of the kings of Dehlí and thereafter ruled their country independently.

Before we take up the account of Súmrah and Sammah

Remnants of the Arab rulers in Sind and tribes descended from them.

At the time of the Khalífahs of the Ummeide dynasty, there were still a few Hindú princes ruling some parts of Sind. The chief among them were Dalúrái at Alór and Bhanbhórái at Bambhór, which town was called after him, he being its founder.^† We have also seen above that in the reign of Harún Rashíd, a Khalífah of the abbaside dynasty, this same Bhanbhór and some other old towns of Sind were destroyed by a convulsion of the earth, which necessitated the removal of the people, in large bodies to the interior of Hindustán; also that at the time of Khalífah Mamún many Arab families of Baghdád and Sámrah^‡ emigrated to Sind, and became permanent residents of that country.

It may be noted here that in the reign of Sultán Árám Sháh when Hindustán was divided into four parts, and the part of Sind and Multán fell to the lot of Násiruddín Kabáchah there were seven native ránás or princes paying tribute to Multán. They were—

In 417 A.H. (1026 A.D.) when Abdurrazák, the wazír of Sultan Mahmúd of Ghazní invaded Sind and taking Bakhar came to Sehwán and Tattá, there were indeed very few Arab residents of the time of the Ummeides and the Abbásides to be found in Sind. It is carefully calculated that there were only 18 such families of any importance, then existant in the province, some remnants of which can still be found in our time. They are enumerated below:—

The last two tribes are of some importance and so we

The Jat and Balój^* tribes.

Muhammad son of Hárún Makrání was one of the officers of Makrán, who, in company with Muhammad Kásim, had come to Armanbelah, at the time of the conquest of Sind and had died there. His remains were buried at that place. He was a grandson of Muhammad son of Abán, son of Abdurrahím son of Hamzah son of Abdul Mutlib.^† It is believed that once Hamzah had come out on a hunting excursion to a lonely desert about this part of the country and confronting a fairy, associated with her and then returned to his native country. The fairy soon found herself with child and in due course of time gave birth to a son, who was named Abdurrahím. In short Muhammad son of Harún is said to have got 50 sons by 7 wives, as shown below:—

By Humairá	Seven.
By Humairí	Seven.
By Mariam	Six.
By Áishah	One.
By Maddí	Seven.
By Fátimah	Nine.
By Hawwá	Thirteen.

After the passing away of Muhammad son of Hárún, the land of Makrán was divided into two parts, one going to the children of one of the sons of Jalál who was the last of Muhammad’s sons by his first wife, and the other to all the other brothers jointly. After some time a quarrel arose between the brothers. The children of Jalál were driven away to Sind and Kachh, where innumerable tribes branched off from them.

Lódahs are also called Lóliás. They take their name

The tribe of Lódah.

The tribe of Sammah derives its name and is descended

The tríbe of Sammah, its origin and its branches.

Whatever may be his origin, Sám had four sons and the names of these with the tribes descended from them are given as follows^†:—

(1) Budha (2) Sangá (3) Hamahr (4) Bhágrat.

Budha had 16 sons:—

Badah, Sórah, Sahtah, Akhel, Aotár, Amrah, Bazír and others They are all known by the general title of Ráthór.

Sangá and Hamahr had each issue, that of the latter being called Túdarast.

Bhágrat had a son by name Derah, who had a son by name Ajepár, who had a son by name Dasrat.

Dasrat is said to have had three wives, Kaselá, Keliah and Samiá. By his first wife he had two sons Rám and Lakhman; by his second wife, he had one son by name Bart; and by his third wife also he had one son who was called Chatrkan.

Of these Bart had four sons—Parhár, Janspá, Kórejáh and Náhah. Chatrkan’s children are known by the name of Chárará. Lakhman had no issue, and Rám had one son by name Nawákas, who had a son by name Atat, whose son was called Tatat, who had a son by name Narganat, whose son was known by the name of Kin from whom the town of Kin took its name. Kin had a son who was called Sanbút Rájá.

Sanbút Rájá had four sons Sám, Bar Karrah (also called Sháh) Hunrut (also called Dakhan) and Máwah. Of these, Sám had a son by name Jádam, who had four sons— (1) Hispat, from whom are descended Sind Sammahs; (2) Kajpat, from whom is descended the tribe of Chaghdah. (3) Bahúpat, whose descendants are Bhattís. (4) Jórá-Sammah from whom was descended the celebrated generous prince, Rái Diáj, the king of Karnál in the parganah of Sórath.^*

Of these four sons of Jádam, Hispat had a son whose name was Zabdarí, who had a son by name Nayyit, whose son was called Ráno-Tyárá, who had a son by name Ódhár, who was the father of Udhah, whose son was called Lákhiár, who again had a son by name Lákhah.

Lákhah became a king and married a lady from Buthí Chárah, by whom he had four sons, two of whom were well known, viz. Udhah, who had no issue and from whom the place where he resided got his name Oudh; and Mahar, who had four sons (1) Satiah (2) Waditar-Páthárí (3) Warhá, who had no issue (4) Sánd, who too died without any issue.

It is said that, in his old age, Lákhah married another wife, by whom too he got four sons,—viz.

(1) Unar (2) Chhuttah, who had three sons,—Bábrah, Dankanah and Kalah, (3) Phul Lákhah, who had a son by name Kalání, (4) Manáhiah.

Of these, Lákhah’s eldest son Unar had a son by name Lákhah, whose son was named Sammah, who had two sons, Kákah and Jakhrah.

Kákah^* became a ruler of his country and the town of Kák or Kákah was named after him. He got two sons— Pallí and Ráidan. Of the children of Pallí, Masrak Sammah became the chief of his tribe.

Ráidan son of Kákah had nine sons, and they are,— (1) Sammah, from whom are descended the Samejás (2) Nótíar, from whom are descended all the Nóts (3) Lákhah, whose descendants are Lanjárs. The well-known saint Shekh Sáhar Lanjár is out of them (4) Abrah whose children were Phul Náhiah and Dáhar Náhiah (5) Náhiyah (6) Chanesar, who became a celebrated person of his time (7) Manáhiah (8) Kóriah,^† from which last three is descended the tribe of Mandrah (9) Pallí who became the chief of his people.

Pallí the last son of Ráidan had two sons (1) Udhah, from whom are descended Bahriahs, Udhejás and Kadriahpótás; (2) Sánd, who became the headman of his tribe.

Sánd son of Pallí had seven sons;—(1) Kákah, whose descendants are known by the name of Kákejah-pótás (2) Járah, (3) Wírah, (4) Janejah, (5) Hingórah, from whom are descended Udhejás, Jaksiahs, Dhorhás and Hingórjás, (6) Derah, whose descendants are Derah Sammah, in Kachh (7) Jám Hóthí.

The last of these, Jám Hóthí had five sons,—(1) Hálah from whom the tribe of Hálahs takes its origin and name. (2) Hingórah, from whom are descended the residents of Dhoriah Hingórah, Chárah Hingórah, and Rámdeh, (3) Sáhar, from whom are descended Sáhar Sammahs (4) Cheláriah whose descendants are Nahriahs, (5) Jám Hápar.

Jám Hápar had two sons, Ráhújah and Jám Júnah. Jám Júnah had a son by name Kar Ráhú, who had three sons, (1) Sánd, whose children were Rahúmá, Lákhátiah and Jakhrah (2) Súmrah and (3) Lákhah Jám. This last man had a son by name Káhah, whose son was Lákhah. After the death of Káhah, another son was born to him who was called Kárah after his own name.

The above Lákhah son of Káhah had twelve sons:—

(1) Jám Júnah, from whom were descended the Sammah rulers of Sind, who became residents of Sámuí.^* (2) Unar, who became the ruler of Bahriah and died without issue. (3) Pallí, whose descendants are Phul Sammahs (4) Káhah, who is the ancestor of Sódiárí Sammahs. (5) Óthah, from whom were descended Sáhah Sammah, Óthah Sammah and Sekhát Sammah (6) Jesar, whose children are called Bhayahpariá (7) Mangar, who had no issue (8) Abrah, whose descendants are known by the name of Abrejahs. (9) Hingórah Kaónr, who was the ancestor of Sahejahs (10) Sultán whose descendants were called Sultan Óth (11) Ràidan (12) Lákhah.

Of these the ninth son of Lákhah wd. Káhah, Hingórah Kaónr had three sons:—Desar, Manáhiah, Murádiah. Desar had five sons, Kahah, Hálah, Rukan, Hingórah and Júnah.

The eldest son of Lákhah wd. Káhah, Jám Júnah, the ancestor of the Sammah rulers of Sind had five sons:— Khóriah, Tájiah, Abrah, Balój and Bábínah. The children of this last son Bábínah got an opportunity of ruling their country, as will be mentioned in its proper place.

There has been an occasional mention in some places

The Súmrah dynasty in Sind.

It has been mentioned in a previous chapter that in the year 720 A.H. (1320 A.D.), Ghází Malak took the army of Sind and Multán to Dehlí, dethroned Khusró Khán the last of the Ghazní kings and proclaimed himself the king of Dehlí, with the title of Ghayásuddín Taghlak Sháh. About that time, a large number of the Súmrah tribe assembled in the vicinity of Tharrí and taking a man by name Súmrah, as their leader, proclaimed him to be an independent chief of their tribe and country. With their assistance Súmrah soon secured a firm grasp of his principality and cleared the surrounding country of rebellious people. He then managed to marry a daughter of a big zamindár of the place. Her name was Sád. He got a son by her and he named him Bhúngar. At the death of Súmrah, Bhúngar succeeded him as the chief of his tribe. Bhúngar was again succeeded by his son Dódá, who extended his rule to Nasarpúr. After a successful reign, he died leaving a grown up daughter by name Tárí and a minor son by name Sanghár. For the time Tárí took the reins of Government. When Sanghár reached the age of maturity, he replaced his sister on the throne. This young chief made some invasions in the direction of Kachh and brought the country up to Nánaknai^* into his possession. At his death, as he had no issue, his widow Hímú, who was ruling in the fort of Adak managed to put her own brothers in possession of the towns of Muhammad Tùr and Tharrí.

About this period, the Súmrah chief Dódá was ruling his people at the castle of Dahkah. Considering the opportunity very favourable, he collected his kinsmen and caste-fellows, invaded the country of Hímú’s brothers, and defeated and killed them. But soon afterwards, one Dádú Phattú, of the descendants of Dódá collected a large number of men and made himself the master of his forefather’s country. After a quiet reign of some years he died and was succeeded by a chief named Khairá. After Khairá, one Armel became the ruler of the place. As he was a cruel-hearted person and treated his people very badly, some people of the tribe of Sammahs with Unar at their head, revolted against him and killed him in conspiracy with his ministers. The head of Armel was hung on the top of the gate of the fort and Unar was proclaimed their ruler. This occurred in 752 A.H (1351 A.D.). Thus the Government of Sind passed away from the hands of Súmrahs to those of Sammahs. According to the Muntakhib Tawáríkh it was in 445 A.H. (1053 A.D.) that in the reign of Abdurrashíd son of Sultán Mahmúd of Ghazní, who was a weak prince, that the Súmrahs secured their independence and elected Súmrah as their chief. He was succeeded by a line of chiefs that are given below:—

Some other stories are related about the causes which

Some other causes of the all of the Súmrah dynasty.

Hamír Súmrah, the last ruler, was a very cruel man. His behaviour was perhaps worse than his predecessors. Ráná Mendrah was his wazír. The love of the king and his wazir for the princess Múmal of the tribe of Gujar and the disagreement between them on this account is well known in Sind. ^§ It took place about the close of the reign of the Sùmrahs, and that, with some other events of the like nature, tended towards the downfall of their kingdom.

Chanesar (No. 13) was another of the last batch of Súmrah princes, whose misconduct with the beautiful princess Lílá, a daughter of ráná Khangár, who had been betrothed to her own cousin, formed a factor in the decline ^||of that dynasty.^||

It was also in the reign of one of these Súmrah princes that Dalúrái, a descendant of the Hindú king of the same name, who was the founder of Dalúr or Alór, imitated the ruling Súmrah princes of his own time in immoral behaviour by attempting to seize Badíul Jamál the beloved wife of Saiful Mulúk, a princely merchant travelling through his city and brought down the wrath of God that reduced the ancient towns of Alór and Bhanbrá (or Brahmanábád) to ruins

Chhattah Amrání, a brother of Dalúráí, being offended with him for his misdemeanour came to Baghdád, took 100 Arabs of Sámrah under the leadership of Sayyed Alí Músawí, and came to Sind. After his arrival, his brother Dalúrái submitted to the Sayyed and gave him the hand of his daughter. The Sayyed preferred his residence at Lakallawí (Lakí) and his descendants are the Sayyeds of the place, still in existence. Sometimes this event is considered to be the origin of Súmrahs in Sind. Among other things some bad customs and habits of the people of that age also conduced in a measure to the loss of high position by the Súmrah chiefs of Sind. It is said that these chiefs used to brand their other relations and ordinary people’s persons with a mark to show that they were all inferior to them. They themselves used to wear turbans, while they permitted the others only to use the warp of the web or half woven cloth instead; for the sake of distinction. They likewise required the other people to cut off the nails of their hands and feet from their roots. They used clothes on their persons once only and did not get them washed to use them again. On the same principle, perhaps, they never approached women who had once given birth to a child and who therefore were obliged to lead a miserable life. Once it is said that a wise lady got her husband’s sheets that he had thrown aside, washed by a washerman and kept the same scented with a sweet scent. When her husband required new sheets after a bath, the lady gave him the washed ones. The man was so much struck with the cleanness and softness of the clothes that he enquired from his wife as to how she had managed to get them for him. The wife then informed him that they were the same old dirty clothes that he had thrown away. She then showed to him the folly of the men in not using certain things that could still be very useful after some manipulation. Next she slowly explained to him the application of the same rule to women, who had been thrown aside, after giving birth to a child. By degrees these bad customs were given up by the people.

It is said that the Súmrahs were in the habit of drinking liquor and eating the flesh of buffaloes. One day some Súmrahs took away a young buffalo from the house of some Sammah in his absence. When the man returned home, his wife complained to him of what had happened and reproached him saying “To-day these Súmrahs have forcibily taken away a young buffalo from your houses, tomorrow they will take away your females.” The man was much ashamed. He took the complaint before the heads of his tribe, collected a large gathering of men, killed some chief men of the Súmrahs and left the town.

In short the Sammahs were very much ill-treated by

Emigration of Sammahs from Sind to Kachh.

It is said that a Brahmin was posted at the gate of the castle and as he was an astrologer too he had the privilege of permitting men to enter or preventing them from entering the walls of the castle. Once upon a time, after the harvest was over, when these Sammahs brought the 500 carts of grass in the usual way, they concealed two brave armed men in each cart, in the midst of the grass. As the carts were admitted into the castle by the gatekeepers to deposit the hay in the appointed place, the Brahmin is said to have observed that he smelt or perceived raw flesh in the grass. But the door-keepers only laughed at the idea. However, as the Brahmin must not be disbelieved, some men thrust lances into some grass loads to test them. They say that the blades of the lances pierced the bodies of the men concealed in the grass and as they came out of their bodies they had courage enough to wipe them with their clothes and to send them out clean of their blood. This removed all suspicion and all the carts were allowed to go in. During the next night, when all was silent in the castle, the armed men rushed out, stopped the gates, called their comrades outside the castle who were on the alert to join them, killed the ruler of Kachh and other occupants of the place and took possession of the fort. Since that time these Sammahs and their descendants have been a ruling class in Kachh.

It has been said above that complaints were taken to

Extirpation of Súmrahs from Sind.

During this confusion it is said that a few young virgins of the Súmrah tribe fell into the hands of the Sultán’s army. Being hard pressed by them and determined to save their chastity, they prayed to God, and the ground under them immediately cracked and engulphed them. The spot is still visited by people, who are shown remnants of their veils that are believed to have been left behind as dumb witnesses of their disappearance.

In short, the tribe of Súmrahs was thus extirpated from Sind and their chief town of Muhammad Túr made desolate by the plunderous hands of the army of the Sultán of Dehlí. The Sammahs who succeeded the Súmrahs built new towns near it, viz:—Sámuí and others, and considered the old site of Muhammad Túr, which was situated in the parganah of Darak as a cursed and an unlucky spot.

We have spoken elsewhere of the origin of the Sammahs

The Sammah Jáms or rulers of Sind.

It was in 752 A.H. (1351 A.D.) that Jám Unar son of

Jám Unar bin Bábínah.

Jám Júnah came to the throne in 755 A.H. (1354 A.D.)

Jám Júnah bin Bábínah.

Jám Júnah was succeeded by his nephew Jám Tamáchí.

Jám Tamáchí bin Jám Unar and Jám Khairuddín bin Tamáchí.

In the absence of their ruler, the Sammahs lived quietly round about Tharrí under Jám Tamáchí’s brother Bábínah son of Jám Unar, as their headman.^* After some years, Khairuddín son of Jám Tamáchí, who in his infancy had gone with his father to Dehlí, was after his father’s death permitted to return to Sind and be the chief of his tribe. Accordingly Jám Khairuddín came and took the helm of the government of his father’s country.

In a short time Sultán Muhammad Sháh Taghlak came to Sind viá Gujrát, in pursuit of the rebel Tághí, as has been mentioned above.

Muhammad Sháh wanted to see Jám Khairuddìn, but the latter avoided meeting him, as he had for years remained a prisoner with him. Shortly afterwards, Muhammad Sháh died in the vicinity of Tattá and was succeeded by Feróz Sháh, who hastened to Dehlí without tarrying in Sind. Jam Khairuddín followed him up to Sann near Sehwán and then returned to his capital and commenced ruling the country quietly and justly. An example of his justice may be given here.

It is said that one day, going with a cavalcade, he happened to pass through a desert, where he saw a heap of human bones. He halted there for a few minutes and remarked to his followers that the bones were appealing to him for a just enquiry into their case. He at once sent for an old man living in a neighbouring village and by making minute enquiries from him and others came to know that some seven years before that a party of travellers coming from Gujrát to Sind had been robbed and murdered by a certain band of robbers. He then secured some of the property of which they had been robbed, together with the robbers. He sent the same to the ruler of Gujrát in order that the robbers be punished by him and the property returned to the heirs of the owners.

At his death Jám Khairuddín was succeeded by his son

Jám Bábínah bin Jám Khairuddín.

Jám Tamáchí was the successor of his brother Jám

Jám Tamáchí bin Jám Khairuddín.

Jám Saláhuddìn was the successor of his father Jám

Jám Saláhuddín bin Jám Tamáchí.

After Jám Saláhuddín’s death the nobles of the state

Jám Nizámuddín bin Jám Saláhuddín.

Jám Alísher was a wise man and a brave soldier. He

Jám Alísher bin Jám Tamáchí.

As might be imagined, the nobles of the state were

Jám Karn bin Jám Tamáchí.

Jám Karn was succeeded by his nephew Jám Fateh

Jám Fateh Khán bin Sikandar.

About this time, Mirzá Pír Muhammad one of Amír Taimúr Kúrkán’s^* grand sons came to Multán and conquered that town and Uch. As he made a long stay there, most of the horses with him died of a disease and his horsemen were obliged to move about as foot-soldiers. When Amír Taimúr heard of this, he sent 30,000 horses from his own stables to his grand son to enable him to extend his conquests. Mirzá Pír Muhammad, being thus equipped, attacked those of the zamndárs, who had threatened to do him harm and destroyed their household property. He then sent a messenger to Bakhar calling the chief men of the place to come and pay respects to him. But these men fearing his vengeance left the place in a body and went to Jesalmer. Only one solitary person, Sayyed Abulghais, one of the pious Sayyeds of the place, went to visit the Mirzá. He interceded for his town-people in the name of his great grandfather, the Prophet, and the Mirzá accepted his intercession. They say that on a previous night the Prophet Muhammad had appeared to him in a dream and pointing at Sayyed Abulghais, who was standing near him, had recommended him to his kindness as his child, and that after 11 days the Sayyed came to visit him in an open darbár, where he recognized him and embracing him seated him by his side. At the time of the Sayyed’s departure Mirzá Pír Muhammad gave him a horse and some other presents, and granted him the parganah of Alór as a jágír.

Mirzá Pír Muhammad soon went to Dehlí, which place he took and where he was crowned as a king by the nobles of the state. Multán remained in the hands of Langáhs, and Sind in those of the Sammah rulers as before.

In short, Jám Fateh Khán reigned successfully for 15 years and some months, and then left this world.

Three days before his death, while he was lying on

Jám Taghlak bin Sikandar.

Jám Sikandar, the late Jám’s son, was a minor when he

Jám Sikandar bin Jám Taghlak.

Jám Sikandar was succeeded by Jám Ráinah. This man

Jám Ráinah. ^†

Within a year and a half after his accession to the throne, Jám Ráinah completly secured the whole of Sind from the sea-shore to the town of Kájrelí and Kandelí (or Kandí) in the parganah of Máthelah.^*

In the ninth year of his reign, one Sanjar, who was one of the king’s chief attachés, treacherously endeavoured to obtain the crown. So he entered into a league with some other courtiers, and on the occasion of an entertainment, he mixed poison in a cup of liquor and administered the same to Jám Ráinah, who died after three days from its effect.

On Ráinah’s death, Sanjar became the Jám of Sind.

Jám Sanjar.

Jám Sanjar ruled the country very wisely. Under no ruler before this had the people of Sind enjoyed such ease of mind. He was very fond of the company of the learned and the pious. Every Friday he used to distribute charities and had fixed periodical allowances for those who deserved the same. He increased the pay of responsible officers. One Kází Maarúf, who had been appointed by the late rulers to be the Kází of Bakhar, was in the habit of receiving bribes from the plaintiffs as well as from the defendants. When this fact came to the notice of Jám Sanjar, he sent for the Kází and asked him about it. The Kází admitted the whole thing. “Yes” said he “I do demand something from the plaintiffs as well as the defendants, and I am anxious to get something from the witnesses too, but before the case closes, they go away and I am disappointed in that.” Jám Sanjar could not help laughing at this. The Kází continued “I work in the court for the whole day and my wife and children die of hunger at home, because I get very little pay.” Jám Sanjar increased his pay and issued general orders for the increase of every government post of importance. After a successful reign of 8 years Jám Sanjar died in 896 A.H. (1490 A.D.)

On the 25th of Rabí-ul-awwal Jám Nizámuddín was

Jám Nizámuddín (alias Jám Nindó) bin Bábínah.

In the beginning of his reign Jám Nizámuddín was very fond of literature and often spent his time in libraries. He was a very obliging man and an industrious person. He was very regular in his prayers and was very religious. In his days mosques were always full at the time of prayers. Shortly after his accession, he went from Tattá to Bakhar, where he spent about a year, during which time he extirpated the freebooters and robbers, who had annoyed the people in that part of the country. He filled the fort of Bakhar with plenty of provisions and then left the place in charge of his house-born slave Dilshád and himself returned to his capital, where he reigned quietly for long long years. In his time the people enjoyed every sort of comfort and rest. Even travellers could travel through different parts of Sind without any one doing harm to their person or property. He contracted friendship with the ruler of Multán and the two often used to correspond with and send presents to each other. He visited his stables regularly every week and passed his hand over the forehead of his horses and said “O lucky beings, I do not wish to ride you in order to fight with others. On all the four sides of us we have Mussalman rulers. May God never give us any cause other than in accordance with the religious law, to go elsewhere, or others to come here, lest innocent blood of Mussalmans be shed and I be ashamed in the august presence of God.”

In the last part of Jám Nindó’s reign, a Mughul army under Sháhbeg came from Kandhár invading the town of Ágrí, Ohándukah, Sindichah and Kót Máchián. Jám Nindó sent a large army^* which arriving at the village known by the name of Halúkhar, defeated the Mughuls in a single pitched battle in which Sháhbeg’s brother Abú Muhammad Mirzá was killed and the Mughuls fled back to Kandhár^† and never made their appearance again during the reign of Jám Nizámuddín.

Jám Nizámuddín was very fond of the company of learned men, with whom he often took pleasure in discussing literary subjects. A learned man of Shíráz, Jaláluddín Muhammad Duábí had come from Persia to Sind and had sent his two worthy pupils Mír Shamsuddín and Mír Muín to Tattá in order that they should arrange for his sojourn there. Jám Nizámuddín learning the intention of the Persian savânt ordered some good houses to be fitted up for his reception and sent his two pupils with a large sum of money for expenses of the journey, ordering them to bring the learned man. But before their arrival their master had died. Mír Shamsuddín and Mír Muín therefore came back to Tattá and took up their abode at the place. After some time Jám Nizámuddín died after a splendid reign of 48 years^*.

Jám Nizámuddín was succeeded by his minor son

Jám Feróz bin J á m Nizámuddín.

Jám Feróz was a young man, and as from the commencement the management of the state affairs was in the hands of his guardian he spent his time in his harem and seldom went out. Whenever he went out he gave himself up to the enjoyment of the songs and dances of dancing girls and the jokes of jesters. In his time the Sammahs and their Kháskhelís (slaves) troubled the ordinary people very much, and if Daryá Khán checked them they spoke ill of him. Daryá Khán was therefore obliged to resign his post and to come to Káhán, which was his Jágír. In that village lived the most learned men of the time, Makhdúm Abdul Azíz Abharí, Maoláuá Asíruddín Abharí and his son Maoláná Muhammad. They had come from Herát in 928 A H. (1521 A.D.) when king Ismáíl was expelled. These savants had since been teaching the ignorant and improving the manners and morals of the people in general. Maoláná Asíruddín was well read in the religious law and had written many books on history and other learned sciences. He had written commentaries on many difficult books. He died also at Káhán where his tomb is still visited by people.

In short, owing to the misbehaviour of Jám Feróz and his disregard of state affairs, the people wrote a letter to Saláhuddín informing him that Jám Feróz was often indifferent to their wishes and wants, that Daryá Khán, who was the best manager of affairs had also left him and gone to Káhán and that it was a good opportunity for him to come. When Saláhuddín got this letter from the people of Tattá, he showed it to Sultán Muzaffar, king of Gujrát, who sent him with a large army to Tattá. He arrived near the place after hurried marches and crossed oyer to the town. Meanwhile the people managed to take Jám Feróz out of the town by another way. Thus Jám Saláhuddín quietly went and occupied the throne. The Kháskhelís captured Jám Feróz and would not release him until they got a large sum of money. His mother then brought Jám Feróz to Daryá Khán at Káhán, where in his presence he repented of his past doings and asked his pardon. Daryá Khán remembered his old privileges and determined to move in the matter. He began to collect an army and soon the people of Bakhar and Sehwán assembled under Jám Feróz’s standard. The tribes of Balóch also turned towards him.

Having thus arrayed his forces Daryá Khán proceeded to meet Jám Saláhuddín. The latter wanted to anticipate his adversary, but his wazír Hájí advised him to remain where he was and to depute him to go and fight with his enemy. Jám Saláhuddín agreed to this proposal. Shortly after this the battle commenced and many a brave soldier was killed on both sides. After all Daryá Khán was defeated and his army fled. Wazír Hají, while still on his horse, wrote a letter to his master informing him of his victory. As it was night, he could not pursue the flying forces of the enemy. The messengers with the letters fell into the hands of Daryá Khán, who instantly prepared other letters of a different nature on behalf of wazír Hají containing the news of the defeat of Saláhuddín’s army and the advice that as the enemy was strong, he (Saláhuddín) should leave Tattá with his family and children and that he would meet him at the village of Cháchikán.^* On receipt of these letters, Jám Saláhuddín left the place and crossed the river on the 9th of Ramazan without waiting to break the fast, which he had observed in that holy month. He was thus finally defeated and deprived of his kingdom. The period of his reign was 8 months. Latterly when the Jám met Hají wazír and the latter reproachingly enquired the reason of his abruptly leaving his capital, Jám Saláhuddín produced the letter he had received and showed it to him. Hají in Surprise denied the fact of having written it. They at once understood that Daryá Khán had played the trick. For this they felt much annoyed but it was too late now and they suffered great remorse.

Daryá Khán pursued them to several stages, and then returning, he brought Jám Feróz to Tattá on the holiday of Ramazán Íd and offered joint prayers at the public prayer-ground. From that time Jám Feróz continued to reign quietly for several years.

Though Jám Feróz reigned undisturbed now, he entertained secret fears of Daryá Khán. As a precautionary measure he enlisted in his service Kíbak Arghún and a large number of men belonging to the tribes of Mughuls, who had during his reign, left Sháhbeg Arghún and came to Tattá. Jám Feróz gave them the quarter of the town, called Mughal-Wárah to live in. He secretly flattered himself for his policy in securing the services of intrepid men to check Daryá Khán, but he never for a minute imagined what ruin these very men were destined to bring on him. For, it was through some of these men that Sháhbeg Argún was induced to invade and conquer Sind in 926 A.H. (1519 A.D), which resulted in the displacement of the Sammah dynasty of rulers by that of Arghún. The account of this invasion will be given in Chapter VIII.

The family or tribe of Arghún is descended from Changez Khán; thus:—

Descendants of Changez Khán and Amír Taimúr Kúrkán Sáhib Kirán.

Changez Khán ^† had four sons (1) Jújí Khán, who was made the ruler of Kabchák and Bulghár (2) Chighatá Khán, the ruler of Máwará-unnahr (i. e., Transoxania or Khurásán) and Turkistán (3) Oktái Káán, whom his father made his heir-apparent and (4) Túlí Khán, whom he retained as his attendant. Changez Khán died in 624 A.H, (1244 A.D.) at the age of 73 and after a reign of 25 years. There are six branches of his children who became rulers in different parts of his vast empire:—

(i) The rulers of Ulugh Yurat, who were 15 in number:—

Oktaí Káán, his son Kewak Khán, Mankú Káán son of Túlí Khán, Kublá Khán son of Túlí Khán, Taimúr Káán (Aljáitó) and others.

(ii) The rulers of Kabchák, who were 39 in number:—

Jújí Khán, his son Bátú Khán and others, including Uzbak Khán, the ancestor of the tribe of Uzbak.

(iii) The rulers of Írán (Persia), who were 15 in number:—

HALÁKU KHÁN son of Túlí Khán, his sons Ibáká Khán and Ahmad Khán; ARGHÚN KHÁN son of Ibáká Khan and others, including Gházán Khán son of Arghún Khán, who became convert to Islám and got the name of Sultán Mahmúd.

(iv) The rulers of Túrán (Turcomania or Scythia), who were 34 in number:—

Chighatáí Khán and others, the last being Sultán Mahmúd who was contemporary with Amír Taimúr Kúrkán.

(v) The princes of the branch of SHAIBÁNIAH, who were descended from Jújí Khán and ruled in Túrán. They were 19 in number. Their army was called UZBAKIAH.

(vi) The rulers of Káshghar, who were descended from Chighatáí Khán. They were 19 in number.

As for Amír Taimúr^* Kúrkán known by the title of Sahíb Kirán, he was descended from Tomnah Khán, who was the fourth ancestor of Changez Khán; thus, Taimúr son of Tarágháí son of Barkal son of Elankar Bahádur, Ejal Núyán son of Karájár Núyán, son of Sóarseján, son of Erómjí Barlás son of Kájulí Bahádúr son of Tómnah Khan.^†

The following were the descendants of Amír Taimúr who ruled in Íran and Túrán:—

Sháhbeg Arghún with whom we are concerned for the

Origin of Arghún Dynasty.

As Amír Zunnún strengthened himself with the tribes

The reign of Amír Zunnún Arghún.

Badíuzzamán’s son Mírzá Muhammad Mómin was at Astarábád, when Badíuzzamán himself had gone to Kandhár. In his absence, Badíuzzamán’s brother Muzaffar Husain Mírzá (No. 21) led an army against his nephew at Astarábád. The latter fought bravely in his defence with his uncle, but was taken prisoner and sent to Hirát in 903 A. H. (1497 A. D.). While in confinement he was murdered at the instigation of Muzaffar Husain’s mother and under his order, issued in an intoxicated state.

When Badíuzzamán Mírzá heard of his son’s sad death,

His fighting with Sultán Husain Mírzá on behalf of Mírzá Badíuzzamán.

After some time, Mírzá Badíuzzamán and Shábbeg led an army of three or four thousand men against Sultán Husain, at Lank Nishín, but they were defeated and repulsed by the Sultán. Badíuzzamán fled to Ghór and Sháhbeg to Dáwar, and Sultán Husain returned to Hirát. This was in the month of Shuabán 900 A H. (1494 A.D.).

In 904 A.H. (1498 A.D.) reconciliation was brought about between the Sultán and Mírzá Badíuzzamán and Amír Zunnún, through the intercession of some pious Shekhs and Sayyeds, and the province of Sístán was ceded to Badíuzzamán, who therefore left Ghór and went to his new state. But when Sultán Husain went to Astarábád, Badíuzzamán and Zunnún invaded Hirát, plundered the place and defeated the forces of the chiefs of the place. Soon hearing that Sultán Husain was coming with an army, they withdrew to the river Murgháb.

Here he was joined by Sháhbeg from Kandhár, who went and took Marw making Parindahbeg, the governor of the fort on behalf of the Sultán, a prisoner. Sultán Husain returning from Astarábád and feeling unprepared to fight against his son, deputed an envoy to him who again brought about reconciliation between them. By this, Balkh was ceded to Badíuzzamán, who went to that part of the country, Zunnún and Sháhbeg returning to Kandhár after leaving Sístán in the hands of Zunnún’s brother Sultán Alí Arghún.

In 908 A.H. (1502 A.D.) in response to the secret messages of some of the rebels of Sístán, Sultán Husain Mírzá sent another son of his with a large army to Sístán. This prince came to Uk, where Zunnún and Sháhbeg met him with their hordes of Tarkhán, Arghún, Takdarí and Hazáráh tribes from one side, and Sultán Alí with his sons from another. The prince, being thus pressed hard, left the battlefield and fled back to Hirát. Amír Zunnún returned to Sístán successfully and thence he went to Kandhár.

About this time, Ulughbeg Mírzá son of Abú Saíd

Zunnún’s son Muhammad Mukím takes Kábul but soon surrenders to Báber Mírzá.

In the beginning of 910 A.H. (1504 A.D.) Báber Mírzá (No. 17) came to Kábul from Samarkand. Muhammad Mukím not being able to meet the enemy in the open field, defended himself in the fort, to which Báber laid siege. Soon Muhammad Mukím surrendered on condition of his being pardoned and was honourably dismissed by that prince to go to his native place.

In the beginning of the next year, Muhammad Khán

Iuvasion of Muhammad Khán Shaibání and death of Amír Zunnún.

After their father’s death Sháhbeg and Muhammad

Sháhbeg succeeds his father.

In 923 A.H. (1517 A.D.) Muhammad Báber Mírzá came

Zunnún’s sons Sháhbeg and Muhammad Mukím fight with Báber.

When Sháhbeg came from Kandhár Shál, several

Sháhbeg takes Siwí.

While at Kandhár Sháhbeg was much pressed by his brother’s wife, the mother of Máhbegum to get her back her daughter from Kábul, where she had been confined by Báber. To succeed in this attempt, the following arrangement was made. A woman by name Daolat Katah who had been attached to the family, was sent to Kábul with instructions to assist Máhbegum in her escape. Daolat Katah came to Kábul like a stranger, managed to visit Máhbegum, brought Máhbegum one day on some pretext to a place outside the town, where she was carried away by a party of men appointed by Sháhbeg for the purpose. She was safely brought to Kandhár, only her little daughter Náhídbegum, a child of 18 months was left behind.

In 917 A. H. (1511 A.D.) when Sháh Ismáil Safawí,

Sháhbeg taken prisoner but released by his slave.

Since the abrupt and unceremonial departure of Sháhbeg

Sháhbeg leaves Kandhár and goes to Sind.

Next year 923 A.H. (1517 A.D.) as already arranged,

Kandhár taken by Báber.