A History of Sind, Volume II - A History of Sind, Volume II, Translated from Persian Books by Mīrzā Kalichbeg Fredunbeg

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CHAPTER VIII.*
THE REIGNS OF JÁM FERÓZ SAMMAH AND MÍRZÁ SHÁHBEG ARGHÚN IN SIND.

We have mentioned at the close of a previous chapter

Sháhbeg invades Tattá.

that some Mughuls had come to Sind in the reign of Jám Feróz and settled there with the permission of the Jám. Among them were Kíbak Arghún who had left Sháhbeg’s party owing to a murder he had committed that side, and Mír Kásim Kíbakí, who was a sort of spy left by Sháhbeg. Most of these Mughuls, chiefly of Daolatsháh and Núrgáhí tribes had been enlisted in his service by Jám Feróz, who entertained some suspicions against Daryá Khánand wanted to secure some intrepid men to work against him, in case of necessity. It was at the information and invitation of Mír Kásim Kíbakí, that Sháhbeg marched against Tattá with a large army about the close of 914 A.H. (1508 A.D.).

Sháhbeg came to Fatehpur and Ganjábah to make

Sháhbeg’s flght with Daryá Khán.

warlike preparations by collecting and arrauging troops. He left some chiefs in charge of those places, posted his own brother at Siwí and sent Mír Fázil Kókaltásh † with 240 horses, as an advance party. The Sammah army of sind on passing through the district of Bághbán was joined at Taltí, about 6 or 7 miles from Sehwán, by Daryá Khán’s sons Mahmúd and Mótan Khán. On the arrival of Sháhbeg at the village of Bághbán, the chief men of the place hastened to pay their respects to him, which encouraged him to advance towards Tattá. Passing through the Lakí hills, be came within about 6 miles of Tattá southwards, where he halted and encamped on the bank of the Khánwáh. In those days the river flowed to the south of Tattá and so he had to make arrangements to cross it. The spies soon found a native way-farer, who, on pressure put upon him, pointed out the place where the river was fordable. It was on the 15th of Muharram 926 A.H. (1519 A.D.) that Sháhbeg rode into the river and led his whole force across, having left a party of soldiers to protect the camp at the river. Daryá Khán, the adopted son of Jám Nindó, left his master Jám Feróz at the capital city and himself advanced with a large army and gave battle to the Mughuls. A severe battle was fought, which ended in the victory of Sháhbeg.* Jám Feróz hearing of the defeat of his army, fled across the river. Daryá Khán was killed in the battle. Up to the 20th of the same month the Mughuls plundered the city. Several women and children of respectable families were captured. Even those of Jám Feróz remained in the city. It was at the intercession of Kází Kázan, the most learned man of the time at Tattá, whose family members also had been taken prisoners, that Sháhbeg stopped the plunder by giving an arrow to the Kází to show it round to the plundering Mughuls. A proclamation was also issued to that effect, and once more there was order and quiet in the city.

Jám Feróz, with a few persons was tarrying in the

Fight of Jám Feróz.

village of Perár, anxious to get some information about his own and his father’s family, to protect whom, however, Sháhbeg had the good sense to post a party of his men round their residence. Seeing no help for it, he was obliged to send messengers to Sháhbeg recognising him as his superior and asking for mercy. Sháhbeg sent back the messengers with presents and with promise of pardon on the Jám’s surrender. Accordingly Jám Feróz, taking his brothers and kinsmen with him issued from Perár to the bank of the river with a sword hanging round his neck as a mark of surrender. Sháhbeg ordered the Jám’s families to be taken across with due honour, and in the next month, Saffar, Sháhbeg encamped outside the city, where Jám Feróz came to pay homage to him in person. Sháhbeg received him well and gave him the rich robe of honour that his own father Amír Zunnún had received from king Muzaffar Husain. Sháhbeg was kind enough to give the governorship of Tattá to the Jám. But after some consultation with the chief men of the place it was resolved that as Sind was a spacious country, half of it might be given to Jám Feróz and the other half retained and left in charge of agents appointed by the Mughul prince. Accordingly the Lakí hills near Sehwán were fixed as the boundary. The country from Lakí down to Tattá was to remain under Jám Feróz, and that upwards to the north, to be retained by the agents of Sháhbeg. After this settlement was made and ratified, Sháhbeg left Tattá and marched out on his return journey.

At Taltí Sháhbeg received the homage of certain Sahtah

Sháhbeg at Tattá.

and Sódhá chiefs. He then came to Sehwán. He left Mír Alíkah Arghún, Sultán Mukímbeg Lár, Kíbak Arghún and Ahmad Tarkhán in charge of the place, and sent Sultán Mahmúd Khán Kókaltásh* to take charge of Bakhar and himself proceeded to Shál to bring his family. At the same time he deputed Kází Kázan to bring Mahmúd son of Daryá Khán to his senses and advise him to surrender, but the Kází did not succeed in his mission. Sháhbeg, was therefore obliged to come to Taltí, where Daryá Khán’s sons Mahmúd and Mótan Khán, and Jám Sárang and Rinmal Sódhó had mustered their forces and prepared to defend the place at the instigation of Makhdúm Bilál,† a learned man of the place, as the latter had been ill-treated by the Mughuls after Sháhbeg’s victory in Sind and compelled to give certain taxes. Within 3 days, Sháhbeg secured some boats and crossed the river, with Mír Fázil Kókaltásh and the Arghún and Tarkhán forces. As Rinmal with his brother Jódhó* advanced to meet them Mír Fázil attacked them and defeated them. The fort of Taltí was taken. Most of the Sammah troops were cut down, some drowned themselves in the river and a few fled to Sehwán. Rinmal Sódhó’s brother Jódhó was also among the slain.

After spending 3 days at Taltí Sháhbeg returned to

Tattá given back to Jám Feròz. Jám Salahuddín invades Tattá.

Shál and Siwí, and Jám Feróz began to rule quietly at Tattá as before. But it was not long before Jám Saláhuddín, who had some time ago revolted against Jám Feróz and driven him away from his capital, and had subsequently been himself driven away by Daryá Khán to Gujrát, once more invaded Tattá with an army of 10,000 men, consisting chiefly of Járejás and Sódhá Khangárs.† Jám Feróz, without losing time, hastened to Sháhbeg’s agents at Sehwán and through them sent some fleet messengers to Sháhbeg for help. The latter despatched his son Mírzá Sháh Hasan with a column of Mughuls for the purpose, and sent some more forces after him, by successive instalments.

On the 14th of Muharram 927 A.H. (1520 A.D.) Mirza

Sháhbeg’s son Sháh Hasan comes to Jám Feróz’s help.

Sháh Hasan left Shál for Sind, and after 20 days’ journey arrived in the vicinity of Tattá. Saláhuddín hearing of the Mughul’s approach left Tattá, recrossed the river and betook himself to the village of Jún. Jám Feróz received Mírzá Sháh Hasan gratefully and in return received marks of distinction and friendship from him. Saláhuddín was soon pursued and overtaken. A fight ensued between the advance columns of the two parties, one led by Haibat Alí Khán, Saláhuddín’s son, who was son-in-law to Sultán Muzaffar of Gujrát, and another by Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán,‡ Sultán-kulíbeg and Mír Alíkah. Saláhuddín’s son was killed and his army routed. Mad with rage at his son’s death, Saláhuddín precipitated himself upon the Mughuls. But soon he too was slain and his army fled to Gujrát. After spending 3 days at the scene of the battle Jám Feróz went back to Tattá to settle affairs there and Mírzá Sháh Hasan returned to Bághbán to pay his respects to his father, who had come to that place. Here during their stay, the Máchhí tribes, who had become rather turbulent and refractory, were punished, their cattle and property plundered and their villages razed to the grounds.

Soon after, Sháhbeg, leaving his son there went to

Sháhbeg at Sehwán.

Sehwán with a few chiefs of Bághbán and others and inspected the new fort. He posted some trustworthy persons there and returning to his camp, prepared to move to Bakhar. Soon Kází Kázan came to visit him, and was shown great favour. Envoys with rich presents from Jám Feróz also arrived. Sháhbeg received them cheerfully and returned them with a letter to the Jám intimating that he intented to conquer Gujrát, and that should he succeed in that undertaking he would give up the whole country of Sind to him.

Mír Fázil Kókaltásh, who had been in charge of Bakhar,

Revolt at Bakhar and Sháhbeg marches in that direction.

left his son Sultán Mahmúd Khán, who was then a boy of 15, in his place and himself joined Sháhbeg. In his absence, some headmen of the Dhárejah tribes, who had been asked by Sháhbeg to live in the fort of Bakhar, left that place and stationed themselves in the plain close to Lóhrí* from which place they twice attempted to take Bakhar, but were repulsed by the Sayyeds of Bakhar, who were on very friendly terms with Sultán Mahmúd. On the information being sent to Mír Fázil, the latter took his leave from Sháhbeg at his camp of Chándko, a town about 60 miles to the west of Bakhar† and came to Bakhar, bringing with him 43 ringleaders of Dhárejahs, who had voluntarily advanced to meet him and to flatter him. On hearing the personal complaint of his son against the Dhárejah headmen, Mír Fázil beheaded 27 of the chiefs. By this time Sháhbeg had encamped near Sakhar* on his way to Bakhar. Here he was received by Sultán Mahmúd, who gave him a full report about the conduct of Dhárejahs. On consultation with Kází Kázan, who had happened to come there to visit Sháhbeg, the latter ordered a massacre of those mischievous leaders. Accordingly Sultán Mahmúd Khán hastened to Bakhar, during that very night, and slaying the Dhárejah chiefs threw their corpses from the tower, since known by the name of “Bloody Tower,” and in the morning he accompained his father and the Sayyeds to the camp of Sháhbeg. Although the Sayyeds were much praised for their faithfulness and friendship by Sultán Mahmúd Khán and on that account honoured by Sháhbeg, it was considered necessary to put more Mughuls in the fort of Bakhar, probably to check the power and influence of the Sayyeds. The latter feeling the inconvenience of their position in the fort asked permission to go and live at Lóhrí on the other side of the river. This was granted and they all removed to Lóhrí, where they have been residing ever since.†

Sháhbeg now visited the Bakhar fort and divided the

Sháhbeg at Bakhar.

ground inside into different building sites for his chiefs and their families and ordered the work to commence. The bricks of the ancient fort of Alór, ‡ the old capital of Sind, as well as the materials of the buildings belonging to the Turks and Sammahs living round about the town of Bakhar, were brought and utilised in repairing the fort walls and building houses in it. It was first resolved to cut and remove the two hills to the south of Bakhar, § but as the river flowed between, it was considered a sufficient protection for the town and so the plan of blasting the hills was abandoned as unnecessary. The repairs of the fort were then immediately taken in hand and finished in the course of one year. He then ordered some of his chief men to settle there, as for instance, Mír Fázil Kókaltásh, Sultán Sanjar and Mír Muhammad Sárbán.*

After settling the affairs at Bakhar, Sháhbeg determined to extirpate the Balóch tribes, who had now and then been causing trouble. To do this, he appointed several parties of his men, who were instructed to go in different directions and on a fixed day to slaughter them all at once.

These parties spread themselves over the country. About 42 villages of Balóches were destroyed and their residents put to the sword.

In the winter of 928 A.H. (1521 A.D.) Sháhbeg

Sháhbeg marches towards Gujrát but he dies in the way.

appointed Muhammad Tarkhán as the governor of Bakhar and himself proceeded towards Gujrát clearing both the banks of the river of hostile tribes living there. Coming to Chándiko, Mír Fázil fell ill and he was permitted to go back to Bakhar with his younger son. Shortly afterwards Mír Fázil breathed his last. The sad news made Sháhbeg very sorry. He sent the deceased chief’s elder son Sultán Mahmúd Khán and his other relations too to Bakhar, himself following them soon after. He was so much affected by his brave general’s death that Sháhbeg openly declared that his own end was near. Coming to Sehwán he halted there for a fortnight. Thence he proceeded to Tattá on his way to Gujrát. From Tattá he moved to the village of Agham,† where he encamped for some time, waiting for Jám Feróz, who had been called to meet him. Sháhbeg was now very anxious to take Gujrát, because after leaving Bakhar he had heard that Muhammad Báber had come as far as Khusháb and intended to conquer Hindustán. He was therefore almost sure that he would not be allowed to remain in possession of Sind, and so he was contemplating to secure some other country for himself to rule. These anxieties made his heart more heavy and his mind more uneasy. At last when he came to the village of Agham he expired on the 12th of Shuabán 928 A.H. (1521 A.D.),* while the Korán was being read before him at his request. That very night Mírzá Sháh Hasan was recognised as his father’s successor by the chiefs and grandees. After funeral ceremonies, the coffin was sent to Meccá, where Sháhbeg’s remains were buried in a prominent place.

CHAPTER IX.†
THE REIGN OF MÍRZÁ SHÁH HASAN SON OF SHÁHBEG ARGHÚN.

Soon after Mírzá Sháh Hasan took the reins of government,

Mírzá Sháh Hasan Arghún returns to Tattá to punish Jám Feróz.

he came to know that Jám Feróz and the people of Tattá in general had become very much pleased to hear of his father’s death and were thinking of shaking off his yoke. Sháh Hasan therefore postponed his going to Gujrát and prepared to return to Tattá and punish Jám Feróz.

It was in the town of Nasarpur that Sháh Hasan formally and publicly occupied the throne of his father, and all the Sayyeds, Kázís, headmen and chiefs of the place flocked to him to condole with him on his recent bereavement and to congratulate him on his ascension to the gádi of government. They then proposed to mention his name in the Friday orations, as is usually done for recognised kings of countries. But Sháh Hasan said that as long as any descendant of Amír Taimúr Sáhib Kirán was in existence, he did not think it proper to allow such a thing. He ordered that Báber be recongised as the king and his name mentioned in the public addresses in mosques, on the approaching holiday succeeding the month of Ramazan. Soon after, Kází Kázan and some other religious men brought submissive messages from Jám Feróz, trying to intercede and secure pardon for him. But Sháh Hasan learning that the Jám was collecting men and arms, dismissed them and marched against Tattá.

Hearing of Mírzá Sháh Hasan’s approach Jám Feróz

Flight of Jám Feróz from Tattá.

could not dare stop there. He left the city and crossing the river took to flight. The Jám’s son-in-law Shekh Ibráhím and his wazír Maniká brought some gunners and archers in boats to oppose the Mughuls and to prevent them from landing. But soon they were frustrated : Sháh Hasan landed at Tattá and Jám Feróz hurried to Kachh in order to secure some help from the Rái.

At Cháchikán and Rahímán Jám Feróz succeeded in

Fighting between Sháh Hasan and Jám Feróz.

assembling 50,000 men, horse and foot, and determined to make a stand against the enemy. Mírzá Sháh Hasan coming to know of this, sent some men to keep a watch on Tattá and himself marched against Jám Feróz. Seeing the Mughul forces at hand, the Jám’s men lost all hope and resolved to sell their lives dear and die to a man. Accordingly, following the custom prevalent in those days in Hind and Sind, they came down from their horses, tied the corners of their scarfs and turbans with one-another’s, and commenced the fight in a body. Seeing this, Mírzá Sháh Hasan, alighted from his horse, made ablusions, said his prayers and asked blessings and help from God, and then riding his horse charged the enemy with his chiefs. From the morning to the afternoon the fight went on. Swords and arrows were busy at work. Both sides fought bravely. At last Jám Feróz losing 20,000 men turned away from the field and fled to Gujrát, where he remained till death removed him from the world. Sháh Hasan took possession of the animals and the baggage left behind by the enemy and distributed the same among his troops. After spending three days he returned to Tattá and thence to Taghlakábád, where he made a long halt of 6 months. Then he proceeded to Bakhar viâ Hálakandí.* Coming to a place opposite Sehwán, he was visited by chiefs of Sehwán and other neighbouring places, and appointing Mír Farrukh to be in charge of Darbelah he came to Baburló,* about 6 miles from Bakhar, amusing himself with hunting all the way. During his stay at Bakhar, the place became more populous with some new arrivals from Kandhár and Hirát.

In 908 A.H. (1502 A.D.) Bábá Ahmad the younger son

Some fighting in Ubáorah and Máthelah.

of Mír Fázil Kókaltásh was sent with a column to punish some tribes of Dáhar and Máchhí, in the district of Ubáorah, and Batí and Amín, as they had oppressed the peaceful inhabitants of Máthelah and Mahar. Bábá Ahmad came to the fort of Máthelah, after chastising the mischievous tribes and carrying off their cattle and other property as booty. The Balóches of the fortified town of Sewrái prepared to resist the Mughuls and free the country about the place from their depredations. Bábá Ahmad marched against them and defeated them in a single fight, in which they lost a large number. Many Dáharís and Máchhís were taken prisoners. A large amount of money was takn from the people, who also gave a girl in marriage to Bábá Ahmad. After settling the affairs of Ubáorah and leaving some persons in charge of it Bábá Ahmad came back to Bakhar.

As the river was overflooded at that time the Mughuls had been obliged to leave the animals and cattle taken in booty, near Máthelah. Finding it a favourable opportunity, a party of Balóch Jats of Sewrái, fell upon them and carried away the same. Hearing this, Bábá Ahmad returned with some 300 men, killed most of the mischief makers and again secured the animals. On his return, he was again confronted at Batí and Amín, with the joint parties of Balóches and Dàharís. A battle ensued in which Bábá Ahmad was severely wounded. He had hardly arrived at Máthelah, when he died of the wounds.

With the permission of Mírzá Sháh Hasan, Bábá Ahmad’s younger brother, Abdul Fattáh, in company of his father-in-law Mír Kásim, came with a force to the scene of disturbance to revenge the death of their dear relation. Bábá Ahmad’s body was sent to Bakhar for burial. An attack was now made on the Balóches, a large number of whom was killed. At Máu another fight took place with them and there too the Balóches were defeated. A peace was soon arranged, according to the terms of which Batí and Amín were fixed as the boundary of Sind.

In 930 A. H. (1523 A. D.) Mírzá Sháh Hasan resolved

Sháh Hasan prepares to march against Multán.

to take Multán and for that purpose he summoned all his chiefs and agents with their armies to Bakhar. At first he went to Siwí with 1,000 men to settle some quarrels among the Arghún and Hazárah tribes. He thoroughly repaired the fort of that place and left it in the hands of some trustworthy chiefs. Then he returned to Bakhar, punishing in the way some Balóches of Rind and Magsí tribes and bringing some of their chiefs and prisoners with himself.

As about this time the rumours of Báber’s coming to

Sháhbeg pays homage to Báber and some marriages are celebrated.

Hindustán were afloat, Mírzá Sháh Hasan sent some presents with a letter to that king and he himself soon followed them and received the honour of his audience. Shortly after this, a matrimonial connection between the two princes was arranged, which brought them into still closer terms of friendship. Gulbarg Begum a daughter of Khalífah Hisámuddín Mírak, Báber’s chief secretary and minister, was married by the king to Mírzá Sháh Hasan, and Náhíd Begum, Máh Begum’s daughter, of whom we have spoken in a previous chapter and who had been detained at Kábul *, was given in marriage to Khalífah’s son Alíkhán. Sháh Hasan brought his bride to Bakhar and gave the district of Bághbán and Pát to Hisámuddín Mírak as a present and himself proceeded to Multán.

We have seen from the first volume of this history

A short account of Multán† and its rulers.

that Muhammad Kásim Sakifí had conquered Multán,† and after his death it remained in the hands of Arab lieutenants. Then it was ruled by Sultán Mahmúd of Ghazní and his descendants as mentioned in the first part of this volume. Next it passed into the hands of princes of the line of Karámatih * and next into those of Sultán Múizzuddín son of Muhammad Sháh.† Up to 874 A. H. (1469 A. D.) it was held by the kings of Dehlí. In the confusion and disorder that followed in that year, the then ruler of Multán became independent. In 840 A. H. (1436 A. D.) when Aláuddín son of Muhammad Sháh son of Khizir Khán of the Sayyed dynasty was on the throne of Dehlí, ‡ disorder spread thoughout the vast empire owing to the impetuous behaviour of the Mughuls. And Multán like some other important places in Hindustán was left without a ruler. The headmen and chief persons of the place, therefore elected Shekh Yúsif Kuraishí as their ruler, as he was a descendant of Shekh Baháuddín Zakariyyá Multání § and the keeper of his shrine, which was held in great reverence and was visited by people far and near. Thus from Uch to Multán, all the headmen and landowners recognised Shekh Yúsíf as their head and assisted him by giving him men and money.

A short time after this, one Rái Sahrá, a headman of Lángáh tribe, living in the vicinity of Lóhrí sent messages to Shekh Yúsíf requesting that as Bahlúl Lódhí had got the throne of Hindustán and an invasion was expected, they might make common cause and live like friends. To take in the Shekh completely, who was a pious and simple person, he gave the hand of his daughter to the Shekh and on the excuse of seeing his daughter, he began to visit Multán more often. To save his father-in-law this trouble, Shekh Yúsíf gave him separate quarters in the town, in which he began to collect some of his own men. One night he went with an attendant to the Shekh’s residence to visit his daughter. Before entering the house, he secretly drank a cup of fresh blood of a kid, supplied to him by his attendant. A few minutes afterwards he began to complain of belly-ache and appeared to grow restless. He soon vomitted out blood which terrified the whole family. Rái Sahrá now declared that he was on the point of death and wanted to see his men and to bid them a last farewell. Of course the simple Shekh had no objection to the admission of these men at such a critical juncture. When the brave Lángáhs assembled there, they immediately following their master’s hint, took the gates of the palace and drove away Shekh Yúsíf and his men, who fled to Dehlí and Rái Sahrá ascended the throne of Multán, taking the title of Sultán Kutbuddín.*

In 931 A.H. (1524 A. D.) Mírzá Sháh Hasan started

Sháh Hasan takes the forts of Sewrái and Máu.

for Multán. From the fort of Sewrái, he commenced the work of destruction and depredation. The Balóches ran to strengthen the fort of Uch, which was the strongest of all the forts in the country. Sháh Hasan encamped on the bank of a lake and sent his brave general, Sultán Mahmúd Khán, with 80 warriors only, against the assembled Balóches. A severe battle was fought. 200 men of the enemy were killed, Sultán Mahmúd himself slaying 30 men. The Balóches were put to flight. Sháh Hasan now ordered the fort of Sewrái to be razed to the ground, which work was finished in about a week. He next proceeded to the fort of Máu. But by the intercession of a pious man of the place, Sháh Hasan did not destroy the town, but captured the Lángáhs and Balóches only, who were found in it. The fort was soon taken possession of formally and the Shekhs of the place were called upon to remain faithful to him. Sháh Hasan then proceeded to the country of the Lár tribe and sent Muhíb Tarkhán ahead with 500 horses.

Mírzá Sháh Hasan now marched against Uch, with a

Sháh Hasan fights with Lángáhs and Balóches at Uch.

large army, the right division of which was commanded by Muhammad Miskín Tarkhán and Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán, and the left division by Mír Farrukh and Mír Alí Arghúns, Sultán Mahmúd Khán and Mír Mahmúd Sárbán leading the advance party. The army of Lángáhs and Balóches of Multán was led by one Náhir, and was a hundred times more numerous than the Mughuls. The two armies met and the battle commenced. At first showers of arrows were exchanged, but soon they came to close quarters. The native forces being repulsed outside, they rushed into the fort and began to shower stones and arrows from the top of the walls. The chiefs and headmen, who had been taken prisoners, were now ordered to be pierced to death with lances within the sight of the garrison. This had the desired effect. Several men secretly threw themselves down from the ramparts in order to make good their escape, but they were seized one by one and killed. The town was now ordered to be plundered and the fort to be razed to the ground. The wood and other materials of the fort of Uch were sent to Bakhar by boats.

When Mahmúd Khán Lángáh, the ruler of Multán

The boundary line between Bakhar and Multán is fixed.

came to know of Mìrzá Sháh Hasan’s actions, he collected the people of the tribes of Jats, Rinds, Dódáís, Kóráís, Chándiás and other Balóches, and within one month issued from Multán with 80,000 men, cavalry and infantry. At the very first stage, he fell ill and died from the effects of poison admimistered by a kinsman, with whom he had become angry for some fault. Mahmúd Khán’s son Sultán Husain Lángáh was appointed as his father’s successor by the tribes, but at this critical juncture, peace was considered necessary and so some pious men interceded and a peace between the two parties was brought about, according to the terms of which the Gháró, on the bank of which Sháh Hasan was then encamping, was fixed as the boundary line between Bakhar and Multán territories. After this settlement, Sháh Hasan ordered another fort to be constructed at Uch and he appointed some trustworthy men in charge of the same.

Mírzá Sháh Hasan was now informed that a large

The fort of Diláwar is taken.

treasure was buried in the fort of Diláwar. So he wrote a letter to Gházi Khán, * the governor of the place, asking him to appear before him and pay obeisance to him. But Gházi Khán refused to do so. Sháh Hasan therefore prepared to march against the fort of Diláwar. He took provisions with him to last for about a month and on the 1st of Rajjib 931 A. H. (1524 A. D.) he marched out with his forces. Sanbul Khán was sent ahead to lay siege to the fort, which was apparently impregnable and situated in a desert, where no water could easily be got. In the course of 3 days only, 100 wells were sunk and in 4 days more, Sháh Hasan himself arrived with the main army. The fort was blockaded. At last a breach was made by Sanbul Khán, and the occupants of the fort, engaged with the belligerents in a desparate fight. Some were killed and others wounded, and a large number of them was taken prisoner. The treasures were secured and a good portion of it distributed among the troops. Sháh Hasan now returned to Uch and thence to Bakhar, where he arrived after a fortnight.

About the close of 932 A. H. (1525 A. D.) some

Sháh Hasan takes Multán and gives it over to Báber.

disturbance arose in Multán owing to the weakness of the new ruler Sultán Husain Lángáh. The people, being dissatisfied with his rule, were anxious to have some other chief as their head. Hearing of this state of things, Mírzá Sháh Hasan marched towards Multán in order to take it. An attempt was made by the ruler of Multán to pacify the Mírzá, but it failed as Sháh Hasan wanted him to come personally to pay homage to him, which Sultán Husain would not consent to do. So the Lángáhs made a sortie from the fort on the Arghún army and killed a few of them. This enraged Sháh Hasan, who came and encamped close to the Shams gate of the city, and besieged the fort. Every day a battle was fought with guns and arrows. As the siege lasted for about a year, famine began to be felt at Multán. People began to eat hides of cattle and even dead cats and dogs. The occupants of the fort were compelled to throw themselves from the top of the walls into the moat round the fort. At last on the 11th of Rabíussání 933 A.H. (1526 A.D.) the Luhárí gate was broken down and entry made by the Arghúns. A massacre of the natives then commenced. All the males from the age of 7 to 17 were taken prisoners and the rest put to sword. Great booty, both cash and jewels, were obtained. Sultán Mahmúd Lángáh’s son and daughter were brought and entrusted to Sháh Hasan, who handed them over to Miskín Tarkhán. The latter married the girl himself and retained the boy as his own child and protegê. After 2 months, Sháh Husain returned to Bakhar, having first left Khwájah Shamsuddín Khaofí with 200 horse and 100 foot and 100 guns, in charge of Multán. At the same time Sháh Hasan sent some envoys with letters to king Báber offering Multán as a present to him. Báber accepted it and gave it over to his son Mírzá Kámrán.

On his arrival at Bakhar Mírzá Sháh Hasan received

Sháh Hasan invades Kachh and defeats Rái Khangár.

despatches from Tattá informing him that Ráí Khangár of Kachh was about to march against that city. Accordingly Sháh Hasan, without losing time, came to Tattá. Here he received a letter from Rái Khangár, stating “You killed my brother Ámir Amrání and to revenge his death I have collected an army.* You had gone to Multán and in your absence I could have easily taken Tattá. But I did not do so to oblige you. Now either make peace with me giving me part of Sind or prepare yourself for fight.” To this Mírzá Sháh Hasan gave the following reply “I am only anxious to fight. The field reddened with Ámir Amraní’s blood is destined to bear the token of your blood too. Before you take the trouble of coming this side, I am coming to you.” Shortly after this, Sháh Hasan started for Kachh. Arriving in the vicinity of the capital, he divided his forces into four columns to attack the city from different sides, so that the enemy should, by seeing the advanced party, believe that the force was small and when all should fall upon it, the other columns should attack from other sides and take the place. The advance column was led by Sultán Mahmúd Khán Bakharí. The other three columns were commanded by Mír Farrukh, by Sháh Hasan Takdirí and by Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán and Mír Alíkah. Meanwhile Rái Khangár learning that Sháh Hasan was making a stand with a handful of men only, hurried against him with a force of 10,000 men. Sultán Mahmúd Khán hearing the kettle drums of the Kachh army, hastened to meet him, calling Mír Farrukh at the same time to his help and preventing Mírzá Sháh Hasan from venturing out. In the engagement that took place Rái Khangár himself fought on foot along with his men, having first tied together the corners of their scarfs according to their custom. Sultán Mahmúd commenced with showers of arrows and killed a large number of them. The remnants were cut down with swords by Mír Farrukh, who had arrived at the spot soon afterwards. It was sunset now. The Mughuls spent the night in the battle-field and the next morning they plundered the country and came to the camp with many horses, camels, cows and other booty, together with the prisoners obtained in the battle. Happy and victorious, Sháh Hasan now returned to Tattá.

CHAPTER X.*
THE REIGN OF MÍRZÁ SHÁH HASAN—continued.

In 942 A.H. (1535 A.D.) Humáyún, who had succeeded

Mirzá Sháh Hasan goes to Patan in Gujrát to meet Humáyún and returns to Tattá.

his father Báber on the throne of Dehlí,† marched against Gujrát and laid siege to Jitór,‡ Sultán Mahmúd Bahádur, the ruler of Gujrát, wrote a strong letter to Humáyún, in defence of the Rajáh of Jitór, who was a tributary of his. This annoyed the Mughul Emperor. He turned his face to the ruler of Gujrát himself. He soon put Sultán Mahmúd to flight and at the same time wrote to Mírzá Sháh Hasan, on the strength of the friendship existing between him and his father Báber, to come to Patan with an army to check the progress of the fugitive prince. Upon this invitation Mírzá Sháh Hasan started from Nasarpur viâ Rádanpur, to Patan. Khizir Khán the governor of Patan had already put himself in the fort to defend the place for the king of Gujrát. Sultán Mahmúd Khán had been sent with 500 horse, in advance, by Sháhbeg. This general so threatened the governor of the place that he, with the advice of his old mother, presented one lac of Feróz Sháhí rupees to Mírzá Sháh Hasan and 30,000 rupees to Sultán Mahmúd as a gratification to leave the place and go away. Accordingly Sháh Hasan turned aside and sent a letter with some presents to Humáyún, intimating that he had arrived at Patan in accordance with his orders. Meanwhile, Sháhbeg halted for about a fortnight in the vicinity of the place and Sultán Mahmúd moved about plundering the country up to Mahmúdábád. Mír Farrukh having just then arrived, he advised Sháhbeg to make excuses and decline to join the Emperor of Dehlí, for, said he, when their Arghún and Tarkhán forces would see the Emperor’s men getting the rich booty of Gujrát, they would be induced to desert him and join Humáyún’s army. After some further consultation and consideration Sháhbeg sent Mírzá Kásimbeg with a letter to the Emperor, stating that “On receiving your order I have come here with all my forces; but I have just now received despatches from the chiefs of Bakhar and Tattá stating that some Kalmátí Jatoís have made a conspiracy with some local landowners and revolted. I am therefore obliged to go back to check their rebellion.”

Mirzá Sháh Hasan now returned to Tattá, in the

Humáyún comes to Sind, and encamps at Lóhrí and Babarló.

beginning of 945 A.H. (1538 A.D.), through Rádanpur, and on his way he once more chastised the Járejahs and Sódhás. In 947 A.H. after the Emperor Humáyún had conquered Bengál and Gujrát, he was opposed by Sher Sháh Súrí Afghán.* Near the ferry of the river Jún two or three battles were fought between them, and then Humáyún turned to Júnpur. In 948 A.H. (1541 A.D.) Mírzá Sháh Hasan sent Mír Alíkah Arghún to congratulate the Emperor on his behalf, on his late victories at Bengál and Gujrát. At the same time he sent another envoy to Humáyún’s brother Mírzá Kámrán to congratulate him on his victory at Kandhár. During his stay in the Emperors’ camp Mír Alíkah who was a very shrewd statesman, came to know that a large number of Humáyún’s men were about to desert him and that the Emperor was in danger of losing his power. He, therefore without waiting there and taking formal permission from the Emperor, came back to Tattá and acquainted his master with what he thought would probably come to pass. Just then information was received that the Emperor was defeated by Sher Sháh Afghán. Mír Alíkah was much praised for his fore-thought and expediency. It was now arranged that the country on both banks of the river from Uch to Bakhar should be laid waste to and made desolate; as likewise that from Bakhar to Sehwán. But Babarló with its four celebrated gardens was decorated, its buildings adorned and its fort repaired, in order to be fit for the residence and protection of Emperor Humáyún and his family, for they were sure that Humáyún would come to Sind, in order to join his brothers, Mírzá Kámrán and Mírzá Askarí, with whom he was on friendly terms now.

On the 1st of Rabí-ul awwal 947 A. H. (1540 A.D.) Humáyún arrived at Láhór, where he was joined by his brothers and other chiefs. Shortly after that Sher Sháh Afghán came to Láhór and began to oppress the Mughuls wherever he found them.

Humáyún was therefore obliged to leave that place too and resolved to go to Kábul. On coming to the river Chenáb, however, his brothers Kámrán and Askarí left him and went to Kábul, without his permission. Seeing that his brothers had turned against him Humáyún set out for Sind, in the month of Rajjib and in the next month he came to Uch. Here Bakhsho Lángáh, the chief of the place sent a boat full of corn as a present to the Emperor, who gave him the title of “Khán Jahán” coupled with a robe of honour and permission to carry a standard and kettle drums. About the close of the month of Ramazan, Humáyún’s camp was fixed at Lóhrí and he himself went over to the gardens of Babarló which was a very pleasant spot.

Meanwhile Sultán Mahmúd Khán strengthened the

Humáyún goes to Pát and comes back to Bakhar.

defences of the fortified town of Bakhar and removed all the boats from the Lóhrí side to Bakhar. He was called by Humáyún to pay homage to him, but he sent a reply that he could not do so without the permission of his master Mírzá Sháh Hasan. He, however, sent 500 Kharárs of corn and some other provisions to the Emperor’s camp, as he had learnt that there was scarcity there.

Humáyún now wrote a letter to Mírzá Sháh Hasan at Tattá, reminding him of his gratitute towards and friendship with Emperor Báber, and asking his help at the present juncture.

Mírzá Sháh Hasan’s reply to the envoys was that when the Emperor would go that side, he would give him the country from Hálakandí to Bathórah and that he would accompany him in his invasion against Gujrát. He also advised the Emperor to shift from Bakhar to Cháchikán, as the former place was not rich and productive enough to meet the expenditure of the royal camp, and he promised to meet him at the latter place.

On receiving this message Humáyún wanted at first to act according to Sháh Hasan’s suggestion, but he was subsequently moved by his counsellors to secure the fort of Bakhar to serve as a temporary and convenient shelter against the pursuit of Sher Sháh who was then at Láhór, and then to proceed to Gujrát. They showed him that Mírzá Sháh Hasan was giving false excuses and that he was not faithful to him. Humáyún accordingly determined to take Bakhar.

Humáyún had about 2 lacs of people with him and from Babarló, where he had fixed his residence with his family, to Lóhrí where Mírzá Yádgár Násir had put up in the college attached to the great mosque, a distance of 6 miles, was all occupied by his troops and camp followers. The chief men of the place paid respects to the Emperor and mentioned his name in the Friday orations. Famine began to make itself felt in Bakhar and Lóhrí. This state of things continued for about 6 months, and Humáyún was waiting all this time and hoping against hope that Sháh Hasan would come to his help. After all he was obliged to send his other brother Mírzá Hindál to Pát with a great part of his camp, to secure provisions. The Emperor soon followed him. But as malaria broke out in the camp, they came back to Bakhar, the fort of which still remained in the hands of Sháh Hasan’s agents. Shortly after this his brother Mírzá Hindál left the Emperor and went away to Kandhár, which fact further disheartened Humáyún.

On the 18th of Jamádi-al-Awwal, 948 A.H. (1541 A.D.)

Humáyún lays siege to Sehwán but fails to take it.

Tuesday, Humáyún started for Sehwán, leaving Bakhar in charge of Mírzá Yádgár Násir. On 17th of Rajjib, he arrived at Sehwán with his whole camp. Before his arrival Sháh Hasan’s agents at the place, Mír Sultánalíbeg, Mír Muhammad Sárbán and others had desolated the country all round and they defended the fort against his attacks. About the same time Mírzá Sháh Hasan himself arrived at the place, and declaring open enmity, began to take offensive and defensive steps. He deputed Mír Alíkah Arghún to commence hostilities and himself dug a large trench round the fort But the Imperial army had already pressed hard on the castle walls and caused a breach, throwing down a piece of the tower. The garrison immediately repaired the breach, without giving the enemy any time to effect an entry. This baffled the Emperor’s attempts to seize the fort. After a siege of 7 months, disappointed in the undertaking and inconvenienced by strong breeze and fearful floods, and by the stoppage of communication for provisions by Sháhbeg, Humáyún’s men began to desert him.

At Bakhar Mírzá Yádgár Násir had been twice attacked

He comes back, to Lóhri and Bakhan.

by the garrison of the fort and put to some loss. A third time also an engagement took place between the two parties near Lóhrí, in which the Mírzá put the enemy’s forces to flight and killed a large number of them with his own hands.

Mírzá Sháh Hasán now tried to win over Mírzá Yádgár Násir to his side. He sent messengers to him promising to give him the hand of his daughter and to adopt him as his son and heir as he had none. At length Mírzá Yádgár left Humáyún’s side and went over to Sháh Hasan. Humáyún coming to know of this, sent for Mírzá Yádgár, but on his giving some excuses, he left Sehwán and came back to Lóhrí. As there was scarcity of provisions, Sultán Mahmúd Khán and Mírzá Násir sent some corn to the Emperor’s camp at his urgent representation. But this supply being insufficient for the people, they spread themselves over the country plundering villages. Several attempts were made to take the fort of Bakhar, which had been carefully stored with abundant provisions, but as they had got no machines or instruments required for the purpose, they could not do any harm to it or its occupants.

Being surrounded by misfortunes and disappointments Humáyún thought of leaving the shores of Hind and going to Meccá to become a permanent resident there; but his counsellors showed him the necessity of first acquiring some wealth when they could go wherever they liked. Just then a letter was received from Rájah Máldew of Jódhpur inviting Humáyún to his state and promising to render him as much service as was within his power. Humáyún was much pleased to get such an invitation at such a juncture and without much hesitation he started for that state in Muharram of 949 A. H. (1542 A. D.).

From Bakhar and Lóhrí, Humáyún came to Uch, and

He goes to Jódhpur and turns suddenly to Jesalme.

thence proceeded, on the 8th of Rabí-ul-awwal on his journey, arriving at the fort of Diláwar on the 14th of the same month. On 20th of Rabí-ul-ákhar he came to Bekánír. Here for, the first time, Humáyún came to know that the Rájah’s invitation was not honest, but treacherous. So he sent a spy to get at the true facts, and soon learnt to his mortification that there was strong ground for suspecting treason and conspiracy against him, plotted by Sher Sháh. Humáyún had already come to Bahlúdí, about 60 miles from Jódhpur. Learning that all was not right he turned to Sátilmer, rejecting the kind offers of Máldew’s chiefs. From there, fighting his way through some hostile parties, Humáyún arrived at Jesalmer on the 1st of Jamádi-al-awwal 949 A.H. (1542 A.D.) where he was met by the stragglers of his camp. The camp was pitched on the bank of the Kúl, after a severe fight with the Rájah’s men who wanted to prevent him and his men from being near the water and to make them die of thirst.

From Jesalmer Humáyún came to Umarkót on the 10th

He goes to Umarkót where prince Akbar is born.

of the same month. Ráná Wírsal, the then ruler of the place, received the Emperor with honour and distinction. He vacated the castle, in which Humáyún lodged his ladies, while the people encamped round about the place. It was at this place on the 5th of Rajjib 949 A.H. (1542 A.D.) on the night of Sunday that queen Hamídah Bánú Begum gave birth to prince Jaláluddín Muhammad Akbar.*

As Umarkót was too small and poor a place for supplies, Humáyún thought of leaving it and going to Sind. So he moved to Júnpur, on the bank of the liver, which place was celebrated for the beauty of natural scenery and freshness of climate.

Here he determined to make a long stay. Mírzá Sháh

Fighting between the two parties in Bathórah.

Hasan after coming to Bakhar and reprimanding Sultán Mahmúd Khán for supplying provisions to Humáyún and hanging the storekeeper and flaying two other officers concerned, came to Sehwán where he repaired the fort that had been injured during Humáyún’s stay there. Then he went back to Tattá.

Hearing now that Humáyún intended to come back to Sind and that he had already encamped at the town of Jún, Sháh Hasan came and encamped on the bank of the river, opposite the above town. Humáyún coming to know that there was a fort in the district of Bathórah, that was full of provisions, sent some of his men in that direction to take the fort. Sháh Hasan asked Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán to go and defend that fort, but that nobleman refused to do so, being much moved with compassion for the sufferings of Humáyún. Sháh Hasan next asked Sultán Mahmúd Khán, who had been for the last few days thrown out of his master’s favour, to go on the duty. Sultán Mahmúd Khán in order to regain Sháh Hasan’s favour, accepted the offer and went to Bathórah. Severe fights took place between the two parties in which both sides lost a large number of men. Seeing failure on all sides to the arms and aims of Humáyún, most of his people left him and went to Kandhár.

At this junctive Bairam Khán having arrived alone

Humáyún leaves Sind for Kandhár.

from Gujrát, on the 7th of Muharram 950 A.H. (1543 A.D.) he consoled Humáyún and brought about a reconciliation with Mírzá Sháh Hasan * according to which the Mírzá gave 100,000 miskáls † in cash, 300 horses, 300 camels and other things necessary to Humáyún for the journey and ordered a bridge of boats to be made near the town of Jún for him to pass over with his men. On the 7th of Rabí-ul-ákhar Humáyún crossed the river with his whole army and proceeded to Kandhár.

Two Months after this Bakhshó Lángáh collected people

Bakhshó Lángáh marches against Bakhar, but is repulsed.

of the tribes of Lángáh, Balóch and Náhir in a fort near Multán, on the bank opposite Júnpur, resolved to march against the fort of Bakhar, as he was informed that Sháh Hasan had gone to Tattá and all his governors and chiefs had assembled there under him. With that object in view, he put his troops in 50 boats and sent them ahead to fall suddenly on the island at night, break open the gates and take it before his arrival. Accordingly these men landed at Bakhar about midnight, on the 15th of Jamádissání and set fire to the gate. The garrison, though small, tried their best to check the Lánghás. The assailants were at length repulsed and driven back to their boats. Some were burnt in the fire they had kindled and some were drowned in the river and the rest fled away. The next day, about noon, Bakhshó Lángáh came on beating drums, hoping to see the fort already in the possession of his men. But as soon as he approached, guns and muskets were fired at him from the ramparts of the fort and he was obliged to go to Lóhrí where he spent 3 days and then went back to Multán, after plundering some of the villages in the country.

The above event took place on the Friday night of 14th

Mírzá Kámrán is put to flight, comes to Sind, marries Sháh Hasan’s daughter, and goes to Meccá.

Jamádissání 950 A.H. (1543 A.D.) In the beginning of 951 A.H. (1544 A.D.) when Humáyún, being deserted by his brothers, was preparing to go to Irák, Mírzá Kámrán sent envoys to Mírzá Sháh Hasan asking the hand of his daughter. The envoys were received well by Sháh Hasan and they returned successful to their master. Soon after that, when Humáyún returned from Irák to Kandhár where Mírzá Askarí was a prisoner, and thence proceeded to Kábul, he was opposed by his brother Mírzá Kámrán. But as now all the chiefs took the side of Humáyún, Kámrán fled to Sind, viâ Hazárah. He was met by Mírzá Sháh Hasan at Pát, where the marriage between Mírzá Kámrán and Sháh Hasan’s daughter Chuchak Begum was celebrated with great pomp. After spending 3 months there Mírzá Kámrán returned to Kandhár, with 1,000 horse given to him by Sháh Hasan. He took Ghazní on his way and fell upon Kábul all unawares. Humáyún had then gone to Badakhshán. Hearing of his brother’s attack, he came back, retook Kábul and put Mírzá Kámrán to flight, but he was soon taken prisoner.

In 957 A.H. (1550 A.D.) Mírzá Kámrán again came to Bakhar. Mírzá Sháh Hasan gave him Sháh Belo, now called Sádh Belo, as his residence, and the revenue of the district of Bathórah for his kitchen expenses. After spending some time here peacefully in the company of his wife, Mírzá Kámrán prepared to go on a pilgrimage to Meccá. His wife also wanted to go with him, but Mírzá Sháh Hasan would not give his permission. She was therefore obliged to follow her husband alone in a boat against her father’s consent. Sháh Hasan overtook her and once more tried to induce her to remain with him, but she would not agree to it. “Father” said she, entreatingly, “when the prince was healthy and strong and his eyes were all right, you gave me away to him. Now when he has become blind you prevent me from being with him. I will not do so and bring the reproach of people on my head.” Sháh Hasan felt the force of her contention and he furnished her with all the necessary things for the journey and sent her to her husband’s camp. Mírzá Kámrán and his wife thus came to Meccá, where they lived for 2 or 3 years, when Mírzá Kámrán died on the Haj holiday, and his wife followed him to the next world after 7 months. These events occurred in the year 967 A.H. (1559 A.D.)

In the last days of Mírzá Sháh Hasan’s reign, when he

The last days of Sháh Hasan and disaffection among his men.

was suffering from paralysis, several mischievous and roguish persons got into his favour to the great chagrin and annoyance of Arghún and Tarkhán nobles in his employ. He himself was quite unable to carry on administration work effectually, which fell into the hands of men unworthy of managing it, while he himself passed most of his time in boats sailing from Tattá to Bakhar and from Bakhar to Tattá. In 960 A.H. (1552 A.D.) he gave the governorship of Tattá to one Arabí Gáhí who with his mean relations greatly oppressed Arghúns and Tarkháns. Several complaints were taken to Sháh Hasan against the governor’s misbehaviour, but Sháh Hasan paid no heed to them. Similarly the governorship of Nasratábád was given to his slaves Shanbah and Rakík. He then came to Babarló and thence to Bakhar, where he arrived in Muharram, 961 A.H. (1553 A.D.). Bakhar had been entrusted to Mír Sháh Mahmúd Arghún, who in conspiracy with some other dissatisfied persons, was planning to make a short work of Sháh Hasan and the rogues in power, but before anything could be arranged Sháh Hasan went away to Tattá.

Sháh Hasan getting this information sent for Mír Sháh Mahmúd, who was obliged to obey the summons and he went and joined Sháh Hasan opposite the town of Sann. Sultán Mahmúd Khán was at Siwí at that time. His mother fearing that Mír Sháh Mahmúd was about to revolt and seize Bakhar, sent urgent messages to his son to come and take advantage of the crisis. Accordingly Sultán Mahmúd Khán came to Bakhar, and informed Sháh Hasan that he had come to Bakhar hearing of Mír Sháh Mahmúd’s conspiracy and asked for orders as to what he should do. But before Sháh Hasan got his letter he had already appointed Mír Malak Muhammad and Mír Lutfí to the charge of Bakhar. Sultán Mahmúd Khán, was therefore greatly disappointed and enraged. The new joint governors of the place, on their coming to Bakhar saw the old veteran general on the scene and considered it proper to take him into their confidence. To please him, therefore they sent the keys of the fort to Sultán Mahmúd Khán who had the satisfaction of knowing that his right had not been forgotten even by his rivals.

In the Muharram of 962 A.H. (1554 A.D.) the Arghúns

Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán’s revolt.

and Tarkháns of Tattá made common cause and taking Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán as their leader, openly caused a revolt. They murdered Arabí Gáhí, Shanbah, and Rakík, Sháh Hasan’s favourites, and took Sháh Hasan’s wife Máh Begum prisoner. They broke open the public treasury and distributed money among the soldiers. Even Mír Sháh Mahmúd was obliged to join the insurgents. In a fit of anger Sháh Hasan wrote to Sultán Mahmúd Khán at Bakhar to massacre all the Arghúns and Tarkháns there. An Arghún chief was at the same time slain at Tattá and his head exposed publicly on the point of a spear. This exasperated the Arghúns and Tarkháns the more. Sultán Mahmúd Khán on getting Sháh Hasan’s orders captured the Mughuls, but following the advice of his mother instead of slaughtering them, as directed, he sent them as prisoners to Sháh Hasan to deal with them as he thought proper, and himself followed them, leaving Bakhar in the hands of his mother and his trustworthy men. He met Mírzá Sháh Hasan, who seemed to be very much pleased with him. Forthwith he went and joined the fight going on with Tarkháns near Tattá. A good many men were lost on both sides. Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán now secretly sent a person to Sultán Mahmúd Khán requesting him to stop fighting in view of amicable settlement. On the 2nd of Rabí-ul-awwal they met secretly and came to the following settlement, viz., that Mírzá Sháh Hasan was past recovery and so would not live long; that as long as he lived they should obey him and act according to his wishes; that after his death they should divide the kingdom of Sind among themselves, the portion from Lakí hills southwards going to Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán and that northwards, to Sultán Mahmúd Khán. These conditions were written on a paper and signed and sealed by both of them. They also solemnly swore by touching the Korán that they would keep the terms of the secret treaty. About the same time, through the intercession of some men Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán was pardoned by Mírzá Sháh Hasan and reconciliation was effected. He now returned Sháh Hasan’s wife Máh Begum.

Mírzá Sháh Hasan now left Tattá in order to proceed to

Mírzá Sháh Hasan’s death.

Sehwán. The disease from which the Mírzá was suffering was daily increasing and now took a very severe form. On his arrival at the village of Alípótó, on Monday the 12th of Rabí-ul-awwal of the same year 962 A.H. (1554 A.D.) Mírzá Sháh Hasan expired. Sultán Mahmúd Khán, who was present there, wept bitterly, and uncovering the dead man’s head and kissing his feet he called the bystanders to bear witness to what he was going to say. He then spoke as follows—“For the whole of my life I have remained faithful to the Mírzá, even up to this moment, and I am indebted to no other person so much as to this man, for kindness and patronage.” Shán Hasan’s body was then washed and funeral prayers were offered over it. It was first suggested that the body be taken to Bakhar, but as the late Mírzá’s wife wanted to send it to Meccá, which was nearer from Tattá, the body was brought to the latter place. Here they were met by Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán too. Sháh Hasan’s coffin was first deposited underground in the compound of Mír Ahmad Walí, on the bank of the river. Within 3 months, a Mausoleum was built on the Makli hills, to which it was then removed by several Arghún and Tarkhán mourners. After two years, it was removed from there and carried to Meccá, where it was buried by the side of his father’s tomb.

Immediately on Mírzá Sháh Hasan’s death it was

Division of the country.

widely known that Tattá had fallen to the lot of Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán and Bakhar to that of Sultán Mahmúd Khán. A few other chiefs like Mírzá Sháh Mas-úd, Mír Sháh Hasan Takdírí, Mír Abul Khair, Mír Hámíd Sárbán and Khwájah Bákí, therefore determined to seize Sehwán, which was about midway between the above two cities. So they came to Sehwán and occupied it. When Sultán Mahmúd Khán came to take possession of it they would not open the gates to him. He was therefore obliged to hurry on to Bakhar. Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán, learning the state of affairs at Sehwán, sent his son Mírzá Muhammad Sálih with some forces to besiege the fort and take it. He himself also soon came and joined his son. When much pressure was put upon the fort, Sayyed Mír Kalán, the grandfather of Mír Massúm, the author of the Táríkh Maasúmí, interceded and brought about a reconciliation. The fort was given to Mírzá Ísá. Mírzá Sháh Mas-úd and other chiefs, being much disappointed and ashamed, left the place and went to Gujrát, through Párkar, on the pretext of going on a pilgrimage to Meccá. But they soon went over to Hindustán and ever afterwards remained there.

Mírzá Sháh Hasan, was born in 776 A.H. (1374 A.D.)

Sháh Hasan’s character and his family.

and died in 962 A.H. (1554 A.D.) His age was 66 years,* and his reign lasted for 34 years. He was a brave soldier. From his youth to his old age he was successful in all the battles he fought. He performed several good and praiseworthy deeds. He was fond of study and was a close reader of histories. He was a good Persian writer, and wrote a good hand too. Mír Maasúm Sháh says that he had seen his writing with Kází Dittó of Sehwán, when he was the Kází’s pupil. He was a good poet and a reader of poetry. He paid great reverence to learned and pious men and to Sayyeds of his time, and spent much of his time in their company. He was a very just and kind ruler and carried on the administration of the country with great ability. In his youth he entered the Emperor Báber’s service at Kandhár, and went with him to Kábul, where he remained for 2 years. That Emperor was always pleased with him and used to say “Sháh Hasan has not come to serve under me but to learn the way of ruling a kingdom.”

Mírzá Sháh Hasan had two wives; the first was Máh Begum, daughter to Mírzá Muhammad Mukím Arghún, who was his own paternal uncle, and the other Gulbarg Begum, daughter to Mír Khalífah and sister to Muhibalí Khán. By his former wife Mírzá Sháh Hasan had a daughter by name Chuchak Begum, who was married to Mírzá Kámrán, Humáyún’s brother. This same Máh Begum had first been married to Kásim Kúkah by whom she had a daughter, called Náhíd Begum. After Sháh Hasan’s death Máh Begum married Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán and after his death was taken prisoner by his son Mírzá Bákí and she died in confinement. Sháh Hasan’s second wife, Gulbarg Begum, had been divorced by him two years after their marriage as they did not get on well together. She immediately went to Hindustán and died there. She was buried at Dehlí. Sháh Hasan had a son by name Abul Mansúr, who died at the age of 2 years.

CHAPTER XI.* THE TARKHÁN DYNASTY IN SIND. THE REIGN OF MÍRZÁ ÍSÁ TARKHÁN.

It is said that one day, in his youth, Amír Taimúr

Origin of Tarkháns,

Kúrkán, Sáhib Kirán, going out on a hunting excursion lost his way. The night was dark and the cold was extreme. Loitering about in the jungle for some time, he came to some tents or huts wherein there was a light. The occupants of the huts believing him to be a thief, came out in a body to beat him. But soon learning who he was, took him in their huts and lodged him in one of their best cellars under ground and tried their best to keep him comfortable. This was when Taimúr was 18 years old. At the age of 34, when he occupied the throne of a vast empire, he called those people and enlisted them in his service, simply to patronise them, without requiring them to do any service at all. On this account he gave them the title of “Tarkhán,” which word means ‘Excused of service.’

Some say ‘Tarkhán’ was originally ‘Tarkhún’ meaning ‘wet with blood.’ That was because the ancestors of these Tarkháns had once fought a battle with some enemy and there was so much blood shed in it, that they all returned ‘wet with blood.’

Mírzá Ísá was the son of Mírzá Muhammad who was

Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán.

the son of Mírzá Abdul-alí Tarkhán. He took the reins of government in the beginning of 961 A.H.* From his youth he had remained in the company of Mírzá Sháhbeg Arghún and was considered one of his selected chiefs. In the days of Mírzá Sháh Hasan when Āmir Amrání had invaded Tattá, Mírzá Ísá came from Multán and fought with the invading army, numbering 40,000 men. He showed much skill and bravery in that battle, as 10,000 men of the enemy lay slain on the battle-field. After Mírzá Sháh Hasan’s death, he was elected to the seat of government by the united voice of Arghún and Tarkhán nobles. He was a very good and kind hearted person and was always partial to his soldiers and lenient to the people in general. These qualifications of his, therefore made him very popular.†

After about one year, at the instigation of some

He fights with Sultán Mahmúd Khan at Bakhar.

Arghúns he broke with Sultán Mahmúd Khán and collecting a force morched forth in the direction of Bakhar. In the commencement of Rabí-ussání 963 A.H. (1555 A.D.) he encamped opposite Bakhar and carried on fighting with his troops for about a fortnight. Sultán Mahmúd Khán had sheltered himself in his fort, from which twice or thrice he made a sortie and fought severe battles with Mírzá Ísá. The latter was soon obliged to go back to Tattá.

In his absence from Tattá a party of Europeans, whom

Europeans make an attack on Tattá.

Mírzá Ísá had sent for, for employment under him, came from the port of Gudah to Tattá. Not seeing the ruler there, they plundered the city, took some men prisoners, set fire to the buildings close to the bank of the river and went away. When Mírzá Ísá got this news, he left Bakhar abruptly, as mentioned above, and came back to Tattá, soon after the departure of the Europeans.*

On his return journey, Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán was pursued by Sultán Mahmúd Khán up to Sehwán, where the latter destroyed the wheat crops and caused some other damage. But soon through the intercession of Sayyed Mír Kalán, a reconciliation was brought about between them, and Sultán Mahmúd returned to Bakhar.

In the beginning of 967 A.H. (1559 A. D.) Mírzá Ísá’s

Fight between Mírzá Ísá’s sons.

two sons Mírzá Muhammad Bákí and Mírzá Muhammad Sálih quarrelled, and a battle was fought between them. Mírzá Ísá taking the side of Muhammad Sálih, Muhammad Bákí was defeated and he fled to Wangó, a village of Sódhás and thence to Umarkót. Then passing through Jesalmer, he came to Bakhar where he was kindly received by Sultán Mahmúd Khán. Muhammad Bákí wanted to go to Hindustán, but Sultán Mahmúd Khán, fearing lest he should bring some succour and pass through Bakhar, induced him to give up that idea and remain at Bakhar.*

In 970 A.H. (1562 A.D.) Mírzá Muhammad Sálih, who

Death of Mírzá Sálih, one of Mírzá Bákí’s sons.

was known to be a brave soldier, was murdered by the hand of a Balóch.† On losing one of his sons Mírzá Ísá yearned to see his other son, Mírzá Muhammad Bákí. He therefore sent some kind messages by his nephews to Sultán Mahmúd Khán, whom he requested to induce his son to come back to him. This was easily done and Sultán Mahmúd Khán gave necessary provisions for a journey to Mahmúd Bákí and sent him away. The father and the son met very affectionately and in token of his kind feelings Mírzá Ísá gave Sehwán to his son as a Jágír and permitted him to go and live there.

The Arghúns in Sind, being rather dissatisfied with

Fighting between Mírzá Ísá and Sultán Mahmúd Khán at Sehwán and Darbelah.

Mírzá Ísá, united and made an attack on Tattá, but they were defeated. They then betook themselves to Bakhar, where Sultán Mahmúd Khán treated them kindly and enlisted them under his own banner. Being thus encouraged by a new addition to his army Sultán Mahmúd Khán marched against Sehwán. Mírzá Ísá learning of the attack came to Sehwán and put him to flight in a battle that was fought near the village of Rafiyán, in which Sultán Mahmúd Khán lost a large number of men. At Darbelah another battle was fought between them, but soon peace was made. Mírzá Ísá came back to Tattá and Sultán Mahmúd Khán went to Bakhar.

In 974 A.H. (1566 A.D.) Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán died after

Death of Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán.

a reign of 18 years.* Just before his death he expressed a desire to appoint his youngest son Ján Bábá as his successor, but his wife Máh Begum recommended his eldest son Mírzá Muhammad Bákí for the honourable post. The dying man pronounced Muhammad Bákí as a very cruel and hard-hearted person and rejected her proposal. “He will,” said Mírzá Ísá “oppress the people, and one day you may die at his hands.” This prediction was ultimately fulfilled. The fact of Mírzá Ísá’s death was hushed up for some days by his wife till Mírzá Muhammad Bákí came from Sehwán to Tattá. Then the dead body was taken out and buried on the Maklí hill and Mírzá Muhammad Bákí proclaimed as a ruler and seated on his father’s throne.

CHAPTER XII.*
THE REIGN OF MÍRZÁ MUHAMMAD BÁKÍ TARKHÁN.

In the beginning of Mírzá Muhammad Bákí’s reign,

Massacre of Arghúns.

Arghúns, under the leadership of Mírzá Kásim and Mírzá Kúchak, began to oppose him and were not in favour of his ascension to the seat of government, as they had been greatly disappointed by the behaviour of his late father. But Mírzá Muhammad Bákí won them over by giving them large rewards and donations. Consequently they became very insolent and overbearing towards him. Mírzá Muhammad Bákí therefore determined to extirpate them by having recourse to treachery. One day, being much pressed by their demands for money, he sent for all the Arghúns in the town to the upper story of a house, intimating that he wanted to distribute to them the treasures that had been left by his father. At the same time he concealed several strong men with arms in big boxes, said to be full of treasures, and he posted armed men outside too with instructions to fall upon them on a signal being given. Accordingly numbers of Arghúns assembled in the room. After explaining to them the object of the meeting, he said that as it was probable that there should be some dispute among them as to the amount of each share, he wanted to go down leaving them to take out the treasure and to distribute it among themselves as they thought proper. So saying he came down and gave a signal. Immediately the armed men jumped out of the boxes and slew all the men there. Mírzá Muhammad Bákí now sent men to besiege their houses and kill their women and children. The massacre was so thorough and complete that a few only escaped, who disappeared from the place.† After that Mírzá Muhammad Bákí thought himself to be quite secure and easy.

The few Arghúns who escaped came to Sultán Mahmúd

Revolt of Mírzá Ján Bábá with the aid of Sultán Mahmúd Khán.

Khán at Bakhar and were kindly treated by him. Mírzá Ján Bábá, Muhammad Bákí’s younger brother, who was living among the Samejahs having married there, came and joined Sultán Mahmúd Khán, who now espoused his cause and demanded his share of kingdom from his brother. Muhammad Bákí reminded him that as he had refused to interfere at the time of his disagreement with his brother Mírzá Sálih, he should do the same now and for the same reason. So Sultán Mahmúd remained quiet for the time and Ján Bbá went back to the country of Samejahs, not liking to go and remain under his brother, although his brother wished him to do so.

Soon after this, Mírzá Ján Bábá, being joined by Arghún chiefs like Sháh Kásim and Alí Sher, marched against Tattá with an armed force. Between the Maklí hill and the city, a pitched battle was fought in which Ján Bábá was defeated, but Muhammad Bákí lost many a brave leader of his army. Ján Bábá repaired to Jám Desar, the ruler of Kakrálah near the seashore, for help, but not getting the same, he went back to Samejahs.

Once more Mírzá Ján Bábá with the assistance of Sháh Kásim Arghún marched against his brother. This time they made a sudden nocturnal attack when Mírzá Muhammad Bákí and his men were lying at rest quite ignorant of the enemy’s movement. Muhammad Bákí’s force was dispersed in confusion. Sháh Kásim succeeded in coming to the very boat, in which Mírzá Bákí and his wife Ráihah Begum were lying fast asleep.* It was the lady who started up first and had just time enough to awake her busband, who threw himself over board and was picked up by a boatman. She next threw the burning lamp in Sháh Kásim’s face and had nearly blinded him for ever, but in the dark Sháh Kásim killed her taking her for Mírzá Bákí. Mírzá Bákí’s men were already dispersed in confusion, when he managed to reappear among them and seeing him with them, they renewed fighting with redoubled vigour and put the enemy to flight.

About the same time 976 A.H. (1568 A.D.) Sultán Mahmúd Khán at the entreaties of Arghún chiefs again marched out and laid siege to Nasarpur fort. But soon hearing that the Emperor of Dehlí, Akbar,* was coming to Multán to visit the shrines of the saints of the place he abandoned the siege abruptly and returned to Bakhar.

On getting the news of the Emperor’s approach Mírzá Muhammad Bákí determined to bring about some relationship or connection with him. With that object in view he sent his daughter with a princely dowery, in charge of Mírzá Yádgár Miskín Tarkhán to be given away in marriage to the Emperor. Máh Begum, his father’s widow, and her daughter Náhíd Begum, who had after Mírzá Sháh Hasan’s death come back from Hindustán to her mother, were also asked to accompany the bride; when the party came to Lakí, Mírzá Ján Bábá joined it and all of them, making common cause, misappropriated the valueable property they were carrying and returned with some forces to fight with Mírzá Bákí. A battle ensued, in which Máh Begum was seen riding an elephant and encouraging her men to fight. At last victory declared itself in favour of Mírzá Bákí and the insurgents fled. Ján Bábá and Yádgár Miskín fled to Kakrálah; Náhíd Begum fled to Bakhar and Máh Begum surrendered. Shortly after this, Sultán Mahmúd Khán came to Tattá and through the intercession of some Sayyeds a reconciliation was brought about. But not long after, Mírzá Ján Bábá and Yádgár Miskín were murdered and Máh Begum also was put to death.† Sultán Mahmúd Khán now carried on warfare with Mírzá Bákí at the capital itself and already several men on Mírzá Bákí’s side were lost. But at about this time Uch had been attacked and blockaded, by Tarsú Muhammad Tarkhán. Sultán Mahmúd Khán went in that direction leaving Mírzá Bákí to himself.

In 978 A.H. (1570 A.D.) Mírzá Bákí a second time sent away his daughter, with fresh presents in company of Shekh Abdul Ghafúr and Mullá Tardí Beg, to the Mughul Emperor.* The latter, they say, after spending a night with the girl, sent her back, saying he did not want the daughter of a murderer.

After he had freed himself of the troubles of his brother and mother, Mírzá Bákí began that murderous course, for which he is remembered up to this day. He assassinated a large number of the nobles of the city, one by one, about whom he entertained some suspicion. Several pious and good men even, who had done him great service, were not spared; as for instance, Shekh Mírak, Abdul Wahháb Purání, Sayyed Jalál son of Sayyed Alí Shírází, who was his brother Mírzá Sálih’s son-in-law. Some of them were beheaded, others hanged by the neck, others taken on boats and dropped into the river.

In the last days of his reign Mírzá Muhammad Bákí

The last days of Mírzá Muhammad Bákí.

began to show favour to the Arghúns, who had, before this, betaken themselves to different parts of the country. He allotted estates and allowances to them like his father. As about this time Mujáhid Khán, a general of Emperor Akbar had come to Bakhar and laid siege to that fort, Mírzá Muhammad Bákí thought it was the best opportunity to seize Sehwán. Accordingly he sent one of his sons, Mírzá Páindah with Jání Beg and Shams Kashmírí to Sehwán. Another of his sons, Sháhrukh, he posted at Nasarpur, with Sher Alí Kúkah to take care of that part of the country. His third son Mírzá Muzaffar Tarkhán with Alí Khán Kúkah, he put in charge of Cháchikán and Badín districts; and lastly, Nerún Kót was entrusted to the care of Mírzá Muhammad Tarkhán and Kásim Alí Sultán Sárbán. He himself remained at Tattá, with his counsellors, getting weekly reports from the different divisions of his country.

The end of Mírzá Bákí was drawing near. He had

Mírzá Muhammad Bákí commits suicide.

already shown himself very cruel hearted, but now he became more so. It is believed by some that he was not in his right mind. Fearing lest he should be killed by poison, he left his food and water in the charge of one of his most confidential attendants. On receiving the news of his son Sháhrukh’s natural death he became so angry that he ordered the breasts of the females of his palace to be cut off and he caused the males to be tied to the legs of elephants and exposed them to the public by dragging them through the bazaars. He then sent Kásim Arghún to succeed Sháhrukh in the charge of Nasarpur.

The story of Mírzá Bákí’s death runs as follows. They say one night he got up from his bedstead, extinguished the lamp that was burning, and taking out one of his best swords from its scabbard, fixed its sharp point on his stomach and placed its other end against a wall and then pressed it with his body with such force that his stomach was cut open and his intestines came out. He then took up the same in his hands and walked about in the room for a few minutes and then fell down dead. This was in the year 993 A. H. (1584. A. D.)* Several men were afterwards arrested on the suspicion of being his assassins and beheaded. So that it was said that Mírzá Bákí continued his cruelties even after his death.†

His character may best be judged from his deeds.

His character.

He was extremely eruel and hard hearted. He had his father’s curse upon him as we have already noted. He filled his treasury and his granaries with the property taken by force from other people. He is said to have been very stingy and covetous. Instead of money he used to give corn to his servants. Even the corn that had got spoilt and rotten, was distributed to men in payment of their dues. One of his favourite officers is said to have attained a high position under him for collecting a heap of grain from the dung of horses. He tortured several officers whom he suspected of having acted dishonestly. He cut some to pieces and sent the same to their families. He mutilated others by cutting off their ears and noses. He plucked out the beards of others completely and made them go about in the markets.

CHAPTER XIII.*
THE REIGN OF MÍRZÁ JÁNÍ BEG TARKHÁN.

Mírzá Muhammad Bákí was succeeded by Mírzá Jání

Election of Mírzá Jámí Beg to the throne.

Beg, who had become very popular with the nobility as well as with the public, with whom he had always dealt very kindly. Coming after a cruel ruler like Mírzá Bákí, he was hailed to the seat of government by all men, who in his reign got great relief from the sufferings of the past reign.

It is said that at first Mírzá Bákí’s eldest son Páindah Beg was elected by certain nobles, but as he appeared to be more or less insane, the choice fell on his son Jání Beg, who was a clever person and a good man. On Mírzá Bákí’s death both of them were called from Sehwán. Mírzá Bákí’s son Muzaffar Beg had come to the spot from Badín on the very first day, but the nobles did not allow him to enter the city till after 3 days, when Páindah Beg and Jání Beg came from Sehwán.†

On coming to the throne, at the pecial recommendation of those nobles who were well-wishers of his father, he undertook to punish the persons who were suspected of having assassinated his father. And how these unfortunate men were dealt with, we have briefly noted above. Seeing the tortures to which they were subjected, Mírzá Muzaffar Beg was so much afraid that from his camp outside the city he went back to Badín in such a hurry, that he left behind much of his baggage. There he began to prepare himself against some future evil day.

When Mírzá Jání Beg heard that Mírzá Muzaffar

He defeats his uncle Mírzá Muzaffar in a battle fought at Badín.

Tarkhán was mobilising an army at Badín, he acquainted his nobles with the necessity of settling the matter with him, as without that, he said, the rebellion would not come to a conclusion. Mírzá Muzaffar, with Alíkhán Kúkah, was fully prepared for the expedition and had resolved to start the next morning. During the night that intervened Mírzá Jání Beg managed to write letters to chief men of the Mughuls at Badìn stating “Should Mírzá Muzaffar gain power and become successful, he will certainly bring his own relations, the rájpúts of Kachh and prefer them to you. In that case you will be very much disappointed and will find it hard to live happily. This is the time for you to move in the matter. I shall try all I can to comply with your wishes. If you cannot at this hour withdraw from him, at least stand aloof to-morrow, when the battle commences between us.”

In this way he gave them splendid promises and cheered them with good words, and won them over to his side. The next morning when the martial drums began to beat and fighting commenced between Mírzá Jání Beg’s men and Mírzá Muzaffar’s troops composed chiefly of Kachh rájpúts, the former began to overpower the latter. Mírzá Muzaffar called his Mughuls to take part in the fight and encouraged them much to do so, but they paid no heed to him. Mírzá Muzaffar was therefore obliged to beat a hasty retreat to Kachh, having already sent his mother and dependents ahead. After his flight, Mírzá Jání Beg ordered all the baggage and provisions left by him and his men, to be loaded on camels and sent to him. He then entered the fort and showered more favours on the Mughuls than they had expected or he had promised to them. He granted them large estates, and did all he could to console and comfort the people, who had suffered much in the tyrannical reign of his father. Mírzá Muzaffar went and sought protection under Rái Bhárah, the ruler of Kachh and Mírzá Jání Beg returned victorious to Tattá.

Mírzá Jání Beg now began to take some measures for

His peaceful measures at Tattá.

the improvement of public affairs. He distributed the heaps of grain lying useless in the granaries and storehouses of his father, to the people who were in want of it. He extended his patronage to many of the deserving nobles, giving them rewards and honorary titles. He encouraged commerce and made some important changes in weights and measures and coinage of money. It is said that before that time no gold coins, were used except the ashrafís bearing the French mark or impression. Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán had invented some copper money, that was called Ísáí. Mírzá Jání Beg now reduced its value and called it Mírí. He caused similar reduction in the weights and measures, which however was considered a bad omen in the midst of so much happiness.

In this way Mírzá Jání Beg reigned at Tattá peacefully for some months till in the next year 994 A.H. (1585 A.D.) he had to fight with Muhammad Sádik Khán, a nobleman sent by Emperor Akbar to Sind. But before we record that event, we shall give an account of what was going on at Bakhar, and how the Emperor of Dehlí interfered in the affairs of Sind.

We have seen that Bakhar remained in charge of Sultán

Affairs at Bakhar.*

Mahmúd Khán, who was carrying on warfare with Mírzá Bákí, but in his last days his attention was called to his own division by the arrival of some generals or agents of the Emperor Akbar. Before giving an accout of it we shall take this opportunity of saying something more about Sultán Mahmúd Khán and the gradual rise to importance of Bakhar.

As the readers know Sultán Mahmúd Khán was the son of Mír Fázil Kókaltásh who was the son of Ádil Khwájah Isfahání. From Isfahán, the capital of Persia, his grandfather had come to Khurásán. When Amír Taimúr invaded Hirát, Ádil Khwájah’s father Ahmad Khwájah had fallen into the hands of Mír Hasan Basrí,† the father of Mír Zunnún Arghún, who began to bring him up and treat him like his son. Ahmad Khwájah had two sons Ákil and Ádil. Ádil Khwàjah had a son and a daughter. This son was Mír Fázil who had 5 sons, by 5 different wives. Sultán Mahmúd Khán’s mother was the daughter of an Afghán of Shál and Mastóng. From his youth Sultán Mahmúd Khán led a soldier’s life having remained with Mírzá Sháh Beg. We need not repeat what he did during the reign of that prince or his successors. In 950 A.H. (1543 A.D.) he married Gohartáj Khánum, a daughter of Sháhburdí Beg through the endeavours of a relation of Bairam Khán. In the same year Sháh Tahmásp, king of Persia conferred the title of Khán on him and in 956 A.H. (1549 A.D.) he got Uch, Amín and some other neighbouring parganahs as a Jágír. In 979 A.H. (1571 A.D.) Sháh Tahmásp conferred the title of Khán Khánán on him and sent him some valuable presents.

When Emperor Akbar took greater part of Hindustán,

Sultán Mahmúd Khán’s fight with Mujáhid Khán.

Náhíd Begum, Máh Begum’s daughter, who used to remain in her camp, came to Tattá to see her mother. And when Máh Begum was murdered, she fled to Sultán Mahmúd Khán at Bakhar as we have already mentioned. Sultán Mahmúd Khán promised to espouse her cause and to avenge her brother’s death, provided she used her influence with the Emperor and got from him an order recognising him as a permanent ruler, or, governor of Bakhar. Náhíd Begum went to the Emperor and brought the required order of confirmation and brought with her two of the Emperor’s nobles Muhib-alí Khán and Mujáhid Khán, on whom the Emperor had conferred Fatehpur and Kirór near Multán as Jágírs. They were soon joined by the Arghúns, who being oppressed at Tattá had come for help to Sultán Mahmúd Khán, but he too had dismissed them without showing them much favour. On arriving at Ubáorah, 80 miles from Bakhar, Náhíd Begum and her companions informed Sultán Mahmúd Khán of their coming, but the latter being much annoyed with their conduct and fearing some bad results, sent an offensive reply to them. Accordingly Mujáhid Khán and others came to Máthelah and commenced fighting with Mubárak Khán, the governor of that place on behalf of Sultán Mahmúd Khán. The latter was defeated and was obliged to shelter himself in the fort. Hearing of this, Sultán Mahmúd Khán sent about 3,000 men to help the governor, but after all Mubárak Khán surrendered and Máthelah fell into the hands of Mujáhid Khán. This event occurred in 930 A.H. (1523 A.D.) In the same year, a marriage connection being arranged between Emperor Akbar and Sultán Mahmúd Khán’s daughter, the latter sent the bride with great pomp and glory to the royal bridegroom, through Jesalmer. Akbar had sent an officer of his to receive the party, but he was murdered by a Rájpút at Nágór. Akbar therefore got angry and invaded Gujrát. Meanwhile Mubárak Khán managing to come back, Sultán Mahmúd Khán appointed him the governor of Alór, to which place he went with 1,500 cavalry.

Mubárak Khán and his son Beg Óghlí were now the

Sultán Mahmúd Khán’s death.

chief moving figures, in this division of Sind. Beg Óghlí was a villain and a drunkard. He made a conspiracy with some servants of Sultán Mahmúd Khán to assassinate their master. But Sultán Mahmúd Khán coming to know of the plot, Beg Óghlí took some men with him, went and joined Mujábid Khán and Muhibalí Khán and began to speak ill of Sultán Mahmúd Khán. In 980 A. H. (1522 A. D.) they all came to Lóhrí near Alór. The troopers spread themselves over the whole of Lóhrí and Bakhar to the great annoyance of Sultán Mahmúd Khán, who sent his nephew Muhammad Kulí to fight with the trespassers. The two armies met in a battle, in which Muhammad Kulí and most of his men lost their lives. Mujáhid Khán now crossed over to Sakhar and was met by Sultán Mahmúd Khán’s brother Amìr Sultán, but he too was defeated. Sultán Mahmúd Khán now took shelter in the fort of Bakhar to which the enemy laid siege. When after some time scarcity of food and sickness prevailed in the fort, and Mubárak Khán and his son Beg Óghlí were murdered by some men of Muhib-alí Khán, Sultán Mahmúd Khán got an opportunity of sending some envoys with presents to the Emperor at Ajmer. The Emperor was pleased to send him an order confirming him as his agent and governor at Bakhar, which fact greatly mortified Mujáhid Khán and his friend. As Sultán Mahmúd Khán had been suffering from dropsy for some time, in 982 A. H. (1574 A. D.), he wrote a letter to the Emperor imforming him that he was unwell and unable to work and requesting him to appoint some other agent to take charge of the government of the place. In the same year, on Saturday, the 8th of Saffar, Sultán Mahmúd Khán expired.* Considering this, a favourable opportunity, Mujáhid Khán and Muhib-alí Khán tried to take Bakhar, but they were bravely repulsed by the occupants of the fort.

At last, on Monday, the 12th of Jamádi-al-awwal of the

Emperor Akbar sends Kesú Khán to succeed Sultán, Mahmúd Khán.

same year 982 A.H. (1572 A.D.) Kesú Khán arrived at Bakhar, having been sent by Emperor Akbar to take charge of the government. He was well received by the people of the place and admitted into the fort. Seeing Emperor’s agent on the field, Mujáhid Khán and Muhib-alí Khán betook themselves to Ganjábah. But Kesú Khán soon received an order directing him to give half of the division of Bakhar in charge of Muhib-alí Khán and Mujáhid Khán and to march against Tattá, to bring Mírzá Muhammad Bákí under subjection. Muhib-alí Khán and Mujáhid Khán having come back to Bakhar they were given Bakhar and Lóhrí, Kesú Khán retaining Sakhar. Soon after this, internal quarrels and fights commenced between these two parties and some complaints were lodged against Kesú Khán in the court of Akbar by Sultán Mahmúd Khán’s widows and others. The Emperor at first sent Tarsú Muhammad Khán to succeed him, but on second thought he sent Tarsú Muhammad to Ágrá and appointed a Sayyed by name Mír Adl to settle the affairs at Bakhar. This was in the year 983 A.H. (1575 A.D.).

In the days of Sayyed Mír Adl, some men, of the

Kesú Khán succeeded by Mír Adl, who again was succeeded by his son Abul Fazl.

tribe of Mangchá having raised the standard of revolt, Mír Adl led a force against them and with great loss quenched the rebellion. In 984 A.H. (1576 A.D.) Mír Adl died and was succeeded by his son Sayyed Abul Fazl under the sanction of the Emperor. Some Kákir chiefs having revolted, the Sayyed made them prisoners and put them to death by having them trampled under the feet of elephants.

In 985 A.H. (1577 A.D.) Emperor Akbar sent Iatimád

Akbar sends Iatimád Khán to Bakhar.

Khán Khwájah, as the governor of Bakhar. He was a man of very bad temper. He used to abuse and insult people who were therefore dissatisfied with him and took their complaints to the Emperor, who felt for them and said that if he behaved like that, he would be cut to pieces. And so it happened; for, on the 10th of Rabí-ul-awwal, 986 A.H. (1578 A.D.) he was assassinated by some troopers.

The charge of Bakhar was next given to Masnad Alí

Fateh Khán and Rájá Parmánand succeed him.

Fateh Khán Bahadúr and Rájá Parmánand, a relation of Rájá Taonrmal, jointly. After 2 years Rájá Parmánand went to visit the king, leaving his brother Mádhaúdás. A revolt broke out in his part of the division and it was quenched by Fateh Khán. Soon after, Fateh Khán also went to visit the Emperor who was so pleased with him that he made him the sole governor of the whole division of Bakhar. Shortly after this, some fighting took place with the chief of Náhirs in which Fateh Khán lost a large number of men. The Emperor therefore gave the district of Bakhar as a Jágír to Nawáb* Muhammad Sádik Khán† and sent him with instructions to take Tattá.

The Nawáb arrived at Bakhar on Tuesday the 12th of

Nawáb Muhammad Sádik Khán is sent to Bakhar.

Rabí-ul-awwal 994 A.H. (1585 A.D.). After spending some months at Bakhar settling the affairs of the place, he started for Sehwán. He sent a part of his men in advance and they went and engaged in a fight with Mírzá Jání Beg’s men at Pát. The latter were defeated with great loss. Proceeding to the river, he was opposed by Subhán Kulí Arghún in a sort of naval battle. The two armies fought in boats. After all Subhán Kulí was taken prisoner with 12 boats of his. Muhammad Sádik Khán now marched straight against Sehwán and laid siege to the fort. Mírzá Jání Beg came from Tattá to defend the place. When he arrived at about 12 miles from Sehwán, Muhammad Sádik Khán moved out to meet him.

At Lakí fire was opened from Mìrzá Jání Beg’s boats. In this way warfare went on for some days. A breach was made on one side of the fort. The occupants raised another wall about the place, so that when the enemy completed the breach, they found a stronger wall in front of them; which fact greatly disheartened them. Muhammad Sádik Khán was therefore obliged to raise the siege and to return to Bakhar.

* Soon after his father’s death Mírzá Jání Beg received a letter from the Emperor asking him to pay homage to him as had been done hitherto, to use his coins and to mention his name in the public orations. Mírzá Jání Beg wrote a reply in respectful terms, admitting the Emperor as his superior and promised to send his brother with proper presents.

Soon after his return to Bakhar Muhammad Sádik Khán went to the Emperor. In his absence famine broke out in Sind and people left the country and went to other sides. In 996 A.H. (1587 A.D) the Jágír of Bakhar fell to the lot of Nawáb Ismáíl Kulí Khán, whose son Rahmán Kulí Beg came to Bakhar. He was a very rich man and he showed great favour to the people of the place. On his return to Hindustán, the Jágír was given to Sheróyah Sultán who came to Bakhar in the beginning of 997 A.H. (1588 A.D.). This nobleman was a drunkard and he left his whole affairs in the hands of his inferiors. He sent one of his sons to take Siwí, but he was soon obliged to return unsuccessful.

In 998 A.H. (1589 A.D.) the Jágír of Bakhar was once more given to Nawáb Muhammad Sádik Khán, whose son Mírzá Muhammad Záhid came to Bakhar, on the 12th of Rabí-ul-awwal. He was a very good man and he tried his best to please the people. In his time too, famine broke out to the great trouble and hardship of the people.

In the same year 998 A.H. (1589 A.D.) the Emperor

Arrival of Nawáb Khán Khánán and his fight with Mírzá Jání Beg.

Akbar again determined to bring Mírzá Jání Beg under subjection, as he had then made Láhór his capital, and Mírzá Jání Beg was behaving like an equal in such close vicinity. Accordingly he sent Nawáb Khán Khánán* to take Tattá and that nobleman arrived at Bakhar in the month of Shawwál of the same year. Mír Maasúm Sháh the author of the Táríkh Maasúmí writes that at that time he himself too had gone to pay his respects to the Emperor Akbar, who treated him kiadly and gave him the Parganahs of Darbelah, Kákrí and Chándikó in Jágír, and he returned to Bakhar along with Nawáb Khán Khánán.

Without losing much time Khán Khánán marched against Sehwán, and as Mírzá Jání Beg had come out with a large army from his capital, he proceeded from Sehwán to meet him. Jání Beg encamped in boats, on the bank of the river near Nasarpur. When Khán Khánán came to about 12 miles from his camp, Jání Beg sent Khusró Khán with 120 big boats and several small boats to go and open fire on the fleet of Khán Khánán, but the latter succeeded in alighting on the bank and making a secure camp for his men by putting up rude walls or embankments. Khusró Khán tried to prevent them from landing. Thereupon a battle of boats commenced. Khusró Khán was defeated and pursued by Khán Khánán, but as some of the latter’s boats caught fire accidentally the former made his escape.

The next day Rhán Khánán brought his force against the camp of Mírzá Jání Beg, who had already sheltered himself in a sort of rude fort. He tried to take it but did not succeed. Khán Khánán therefore had recourse to another strategem. He divided his army into parties and sent each party in a different direction. One party was sent against Sehwán, another to Tattá, a third to Badín a fourth to Fateh Bágh and Jún. Khán Khánán himself proceeded against Tattá and Sháh Beg Khán was sent against Sháhgarh. Sayyed Baháuddín and others including the author of the Táríkh Maasúmí, were sent against Sehwán. The forts in different places were besieged. On being called for help, Mírzá Jání Beg came to defend the fort of Sehwán, but was met at Lakí by the imperial force which consisted of 1,200 horse, the Sind force being about 2,000 horse. Mírzá Jání Beg attacked the enemy both by land and by water. About noon the engagement commenced. A pitched battie was fought in which Jání Beg’s men were defeated but he himself with 11 men still continued fighting bravely. At last they too fled and the day was lost.*

Mírzá Jání Beg came to Unarpur which was about 40 miles from the scene of the above battle. There he defended himself in a rude fort, which was soon encircled by Khán Khánán’s column. The siege went on for some days. Every day a battle was fought. Steps were taken to cause a breach which greatly frightened Jání Beg. On his side again, Khán Khánán was convinced that as long as Jání Beg lived he would never give in. So both of them were inclined to make peace, which was soon arranged.

At this juncture Khán Khánán sent a messenger to

† Peace made between them.

Jání Beg telling him,—“Both of us are servants of the same master and are attached to the same royal family of Sahib Kirán. What if by the revolution of time some fighting took place between us. The bravery you have shown in it will long be remembered. But you must remember that on the other side you have the Emperor of the world, before whom brave warriors rub their foreheads on the ground. We must therefore make up the matter and cease from shedding the blood of the poor. I shall stand guarantee for you and see that you are treated well by that monarch, and it is advisable for you to mend matters before all is lost.”

It is said that Jání Beg was the first to seek the truee by proposing to give 30 boats of his and the fort of Sehwán and to be allowed to go to Tattá and prepare to fight with the enemy there; and Khán Khánán, though advised by his officers to reject the proposal and take advantage of Jání Beg’s weakness, on consideration that innocent blood would be spilt, accepted the terms and made peace with him.

Before making the peace Jání Beg had written to his father Mírzá Páindah Beg and his son Mírzá Abul Fatih to destroy the city and to remove their families and people to Kalán Kót, which fortified town he had built for occasions like these. This was done and the splendid city of Tattá was brought to ruins. But unfortunately Jání Beg’s father and son died about the same time. This was a severe blow to him. He was mourning over these bereavements when he got Khán Khánán’s message for peace and he had no other alternative but to consent to it. Orders were immediately issued to the governors of different places to give the keys of the forts to the Emperor’s men. Nerún Kót was taken from the hands of Muhammad Amán Tarkhán. Sháh Beg Khán took the charge of Sháhgarh from Abul Kásim Arghún and so on.

After every thing was settled Mírzá Jání Beg returned to Tattá and Khán Khánán spent his time at Sann, as the river was then high. In the beginning of winter he proceeded to Tattá. At Fatehbágh he was received by Jání Beg. It is said that the two nobles came riding on horses, being preceded by some men on foot. On their meeting, the footmen first embraced one another as friends and then their leaders alighted and greeted each other. After a while they again got on their horses, and came together to the city. Mírzá Jání Beg went and put up in Taghlakábád leaving Tattá to Khán Khánán, who engaged himself for the time in settling the political affairs of the place. This occurred in the year 1000 A.H. (1591 A.D.)* after seeing the seaport of Lóhrí and visiting other places of importance, both Khán Khánán and Mírzá Jání Beg prepared to go and pay their respects to Emperor Akbar, as the latter had expressed a desire for it.

Mírzá Jání Beg was very anxious about his own fate

Khán Khánán and Mírzá Jání Beg go to Emperor Akbar.

but on his going to Emperor Akbar the latter showed him greet kindness and confirmed him, as the governor of Sehwán, Tattá and the seaport Lóhrí. Khán Khánán had left Daolat Khán Lódhí at Tattá. Akbar desired Mírzá Jání Beg to send for his family and live with him for some time. The Mírzá was very unwilling to do so, and so, at the request of Khán Khánán, he was excused the trouble. Mírzá Jání Beg now sent his men under the authority of the Emperor to his minor son Mírzá Ghází Beg, asking him to rule at Tattá for him, with the assistance and under the regency of Shah Kásim Arghún, Khusró Khán Charkas, Bháí Khán Arab Kúkah and Jamáluddín secretary, who were especially sent out for the purpose, while he himself remained with the Emperor for about 8 years. During this period Mírzá Jání Beg’s daughter was married to Akbar’s son Khusró Sháh.

It was in the year 1008 A.H. (1599 A.D.) on the

Mírzá Jání Beg’s death.

21st of Rajjib that Mírzá Jání Beg died of apoplexy or brain fever.* Under the orders of the Emperor his body was carried to Tattá and buried on the Maklí hill in the mausoleum since known by the name of Ránk.†

CHAPTER XIV.‡
THE REIGN OF MÍRZÁ GHÁZÍ BEG.

On his father’s death Mírzá Ghází Beg was confirmed

Changes in the political establishments.

as the governor of Tattá and he began to rule independently of any regent’s assistance. Those of the nobles who had seen him in his childhood did not care very much for him. When his elder brother Mírzá Abul Fatih wasliving, those men were, on one occasion rid-along in his company, and Ghází Beg, who was a child then, was left behind them. Ghází Beg felt this and became so angry that he said “When I happen to get the reins of government, I shall show them what I can do to these dark-minded double-sighted wretches.” Now that he was the sole master of the place he began to rule in his own way. Yaakúb Alí Kúkah, who during Ghází Beg’s minority, had worked against his wishes by giving hardly one-tenth of the reward that the Mírzá ordered to be given to some person, was now deprived of his Jágír, which was given to Mullá Yaakúb, who was the head master of his school in his childhood. He raised one Shahbází who took care of his pigeons and dogs, to a high post, giving him the title of Sháhbáz Khán and appointed Múlah, a Hindu, as his chief accountant, or Díwán, giving him the title of Daolatrài. He made Ahmad Beg his chief secretary calling him Ahmad Sultán. In short he dismissed the old officers and appointed new ones, through whom he tried his best to keep the subjects comfortable and the troops satisfied. Slowly he took back the Jágírs from the grantees, giving them cash allowances instead.

There were several persons who were dissatisfied with

The rebellion of Abul Kásim Sultán.

Mírzá Ghází Beg and they were on the alert to cause rebellion as for instance, Muhammadalí Sultán Kábulí, who on one occasion, while playing at chess with Mírzá Ghází Beg, had got annoyed and had run away wounding two noblemen and people had been sent in search of him; Khusró Khán Charkas, who had been one of the regents; Mírzá Muzaffar son of Mírzá Bákí, who was in Kachh; Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán, who had run away to Samejahs to whom he was related on his mother’s side; and the last but not least, Abul Kásim Sultán son of Sháh Kásim Arghún, who for some years past had been in full possession of the district of Nasarpúr. This last nobleman was a brave soldier and in the lifetime of Mírzá Jání Beg had defeated the Sódhás and taken Umarkót. Though his sister had been Mírzá Jání’s wife and his daughter had been betrothed to his nephew Mírzá Abul Fatib, and after the latter’s death to Mírzá Ghází Beg himself, still he did not like Ghází Beg’s policy and began to act against him. At first he attacked a party of merchants of Tattá who were going on private business to Nasarpúr and plundered them. When Mírzá Ghází Beg reprimanded him for that and asked him for an explanation, he openly told him that he had nothing to do with his division and wrote saying “I shall be obliged to extend the boundary line of my division to the very bank of the Alíján, and forthwith he raised the standard of revolt and stopped all the ways of communication with Tattá either by land or by water.” The old chiefs of Tarkháns and Arghúns, who were jealous of Ghází Beg’s power, became very glad to hear of this, as they thought the Mírzá would soon be brought to ruin. Ghází Beg secretly made plans with his new officers to meet the insurgents, while apparently he asked these old officers to help him in the undertaking.

Having made necessary preparations Mírzá Ghází Beg

Mírzá Ghází Beg marches against Abul Kásim Sultán.

left Tattá for Nasarpúr. Fearing nocturnal attack from the enemy, at every stage he used to dig a trench round his camp. On his coming to Kátiár, Abul Kásim, with a few persons, came walking to the trench and called out to Ghází Beg asking him politely what he had come for and why he should have put a trench round the camp and telling him that Abul Kásim would not fall upon them treacherously or secretly, but was ready to fight with them, in an open battle. Ghází Beg replied that Abul Kásim had turned enemy to his own self and that until he had brought ruin upon himself, he would not stop in his headlong course.

Mírzá Ghází Beg thence proceeded to Sháhgarh, where he fixed his camp and made a halt. Here it is said that Abul Kásim out of vanity once came up to the tower, and from that place spoke to his troops, saying “I shall give Mírzá Jání’s mother to my father, and the daughters of Mírzá Muhammad Bákí and other Tarkháns I shall distribute among you.” But poor man, he did not know what bad consequences disloyalty always brought.

Abul Kásim’s father was a very wise man. He could

They make peace.

foresee these consequences and therefore reprimanded his son urging him not to take such a step. He openly applied for his own as well as his son’s pardon. Bháí Khán, one of Ghází Beg’s enemies, did not wish that peace be made and so he began to put some hindrance in the way, but he was soon put to death by poison, by the Mírzá’s men. Soon after his removal, Abul Kásim became attached to Ghází Beg and thenceforth began to visit him quietly for some time.

Though Mírzá Ghází Beg had sworn to spare Abul

Abul Kásim is blinded with a burning iron wire.

Kásim’s life, he still doubted his loyalty. He therefore hit upon a plan to blind him, that he might live and yet be less harmful. With this object in view, one day he held a pleasure party on the further side of a canal that flowed near his camp. Ghází Beg now sent for Abul Kásim Sultán asking him to bring the book “Chanesar Námah” that had been written and dedicated to him by its author Idrákí Beg and to read it for the amusement of the friends. Abul Kásim, who was very fond of this book, took it with him and walked to the place. In the way he received a letter from Muhammadalí Sultán Kábulí, giving him a warning. But as destiny would have it, he was in such a hurry and good humour that he put it in the folds of his waist-cloth without reading it. While crossing the canal in a boat, along with one of his own attendants and several of the Mírzá’s men, when they came to about the middle of the stream, he was caught all of a sudden and his hands were tied behind his back with his own turban. Gházi Beg, being informed of this, ordered that a red-hot iron wire be passed through his eyes. This was done and both of his eyes were blinded giving him great agony. His legs were then chained and he was sent away to Tattá. His friends hearing of what had happened came and fought with Ghází Beg’s men, but were either captured or driven away. Muhammadalí Sultán Kábulí, was beaten with the stocks of guns and secured in a prison. Ísá Tarkhán left the country and went away to Hindustán. Thus Ghází Beg cleared the field of his rivals and enemies and ruled at Tattá quietly for a long time.

About this time Jám Hálah son of Jám Desar, the

Fight with Jám Hálah of Kakrálah.

ruler of Kakrálah, had encroached upon the frontiers of Mírzá Ghází Beg’s territory, and killed and looted some jagirdars and caused some other mischief. Ghází Beg started with an army to punish the Jám. Under the guidance of Jám Dáúd one of Jám Hálah’s kinsmen, he succeeded in driving away Jám Hálah and gaining possession of his country. Jám Dáúd now became a favourite of Mírzá Ghází Beg, who married Jám Dáúd’s daughter, and dividing that country into 3 parts, he gave one to Jám Dáúd and annexed the other two to his own territory. It is said that this was the first instance of matrimonial connection between the Jáms and the Arghún and Tarkhán rulers, for, before this the latter had tried much to get a girl from the Jáms but had failed.

While Mírzá Ghází Beg was carrying on warfare with

Mírzá Ghází Beg prepares to go to visit the Emperor.

his enemies, Emperor Akbar had sent an envoy to call the Mírzá but as the envoy found him very busy settling the affairs of the country, which urgently required his presence, he would not tell him to accompany him to the Emperor, though he remained with him for some time. After the Mírzá’s return from Kakrálah, however, he heard of Nawáb Saíd Khán’s coming to summon him. He therefore called together his nobles and told them that if like his father he had a vast treasure with him he would certainly take steps to defend it by meeting the Emperor’s army in the open field; but since that was not the case, it was much better that before the Nawáb’s arrival he should start on a visit to the Emperor. Accordingly he left Khusró Khán Charkas, Arab Kúkah and secretary Alahkulí, with some troops at Tattá, and taking Ahmadbeg Sultán, Bháí Khán son of Khushró Khán and a few other noblemen with him, he came to Fatehbágh and prepared to visit the Emperor.

Abul Kásím Sultán, had remained a prisoner in the

Escape and recapture of Abul Kásim Sultán.

neighbourhood of Arab Kúkah under the surveillance of his servant Daryá Khán. After Mírzá Ghází Beg’s departure he arranged with his sister, Mírzá Ghází’s wife, who used to send him food, that on a particular day she should send him a noose concealed in the tray of food, and keep a boat ready for him on this side of the canal and two riding camels on the other. About midnight when the watchmen went to sleep, notwithstanding his blindness, he raised up his cot just under the top window in the room, and climbing over it got himself out of the room. He had to pass through two other rooms which he did with great cleverness. In the last room he fixed his noose to a very small and narrow window, and reaching it and pressing himself out of it, descended to the ground. In this passage he underwent so much difficulty that his skin was scratched off in many places. He then took one Jaafaralí from a neighbouring house, in his company, and crossed the canal by the boat. Then riding the camels they hurried on to the hilly country of the Shórah tribe. Early in the morning, when the watchmen got up, they missed the prisoner, and immediately horsemen and footmen went in every direction to find him out. Intimation being given to Mírzá Ghází Beg at Fatehbágh he began to look sharp, lest that intrepid blind man should make a night attack on him. Daryá Khán, for fear of his life, left no stone unturned to rearrest the escaped convict. With some difficulty he got a clue and going on the tracks, he overtook the two camels in the hills. In the conflict that ensued, Jaafaralí was killed and Abul Kásim dismounted. The latter now took a stand, having collected a heap of stones near himself, which he began to shower at Daryá Khán. Being alone, Daryá Khán went here and there to secure some men to help him. In this attempt he lost his way and walked away from the scene of fight. After some time he met some headman of the village who seeing crows hovering in one direction understood that that was the scene of conflict, where the murdered man was lying. So he brought Daryá Khán to the spot, where he found Abul Kásim still sitting in one place. He was tied on the camel and Jaafaralí’s head cut off and placed before him. He was then brought to the town and after exposing him to the public in that bloody plight, Abul Kásim was again thrown into prison.

It is said that Jaafaralí had a faithful dog, which, for two days, continually was sitting at the foot of the pole on which Jaafaralí’s head was fixed in the midst of the market. When, on the third day the head was buried, the dog remained at the tomb for several days and then slowly left the place.

When Ghází Beg heard of Abul Kásim’s recapture he sent a horse and a robe of honour as a present to Arab Kúkah and increased the allowances of Daryá Khán.

Mírzá Ghází Beg had his mind at ease now and so be

Mírzá Ghází’s visit to Emperor Akbar and after the latter’s death, to Emperor Jahángír.

left Fathbágh on his forward journey. At Bakhar he met Nawáb Saíd Khán, to whom he gave his explanation for the delay. It is said that the Nawáb was so much struck with the proud and over hearing look of the Mírzá that he remarked to his son Mírzá Saadulláh that he found marks of future glory and prosperity in the face of the young man and he requested the Mírzá to take his son in his company and keeping, like a brother. Thenceforth the two young men became intimate friends. In playing or in hunting they were always seen together. The party travelled on in this way, till they arrived at the capital city of Ágrah in 1013 A.H. (1604 A.D.).

The Emperor received Mírzá Ghází Beg with marked distinction. He conferred his father’s honours on him and made him the governor of the Súbah of Sind. After the next few months, in the next year, Akbar died and was succeeded by his son Jahángír.* Being advised by some evil counsellors the Mírzá left Ágrah for Tattá clandestinely. He had hardly arrived at his capital, when he received Jahángír’s orders to present himself before him. At the same time, Mír Abdurrazák was appointed to be in charge of Sehwán, Lóhrí port and Tattá. Ghází Beg lost no time in going to the Emperor in response to his call, and notwithstanding the backbiting of some men, he was received very well by the Emperor, who kept him in his court for some time as a wise counsellor.

It is said on one of those days the Emperor Jahángír was in consultation with his courtiers with regard to the revolt made by prince Khusró. The Emperor wished to call Mírzá Ghází Beg in order to see what advice he gave. The others told him that the Mírzá was a young inexperienced person and that his council would not be very sound, but the Emperor said Ghází Beg had been a ruler and as such must know well how to solve political difficulties. And so he was called and asked as to what he had to say in the matter. Ghází Beg said “whatever your imperial majesty is inclined to do, is the best.” Being further pressed to give his opinion freely, he replied “when you have put one foot in your stirrup I shall say what I have to say.” The Emperor understood what he meant and was much pleased with it, for he had already made up his mind to march against the prince and to quell the rebellion by forces. This was done and the whole affair ended in success.

When Mírzá Ghází Beg was about to start on his

Rebellion of Khusró Khán Charkas.

journey to Ágrah, he wanted to leave Ahmad Beg Sultán at Tattá and take away Khusró Khán Charkas with him, as he was rather suspicious about his faithfulness. But Khusró Khán tried several means through some intercessors to get himself free and at length succeeded. So he was permitted to stay at Tattá and as Ahmad Beg Sultán urged that in the presence of Khusró Khán he would have no influence with the people, Mírzá Ghází Beg asked him (Ahmad Beg) to accompany him. After he had visited the Emperor and received honour from him, Ahmad Beg Sultán was sent back to Tattá under the sanction of the Emperor, and Khusró Khán was asked to retain criminal work, but to give up the civil or revenue work to Ahmad Beg. Khusró Khán obeyed the orders, but he conspired with some other persons to find an occasion to show disrespect to Ahmad Beg publicly, so that he should give up in disgust the idea of governing the country. But Ahmad Beg coming to know of this, secretly left the place with the assistance of Abul Kásim Arghún, who had that day arrived from Nasarpúr and went to the Emperor’s camp, though he was long pursued by Khusro Khán’s men.

Sháh Beg Khán was the governor of Kandhár on

Mírzá Ghází Beg is sent to Kandhár.

behalf of the Emperor. In 1015 A. H. (1606 A. D.) Haidar, one of Sháh Beg’s men, grew disloyal and refractory and brought an army from Khurásán and laid siege to Kandhár. On receiving the report, the Emperor Akbar deputed Mírzá Kurrah Khán to be the governor of the Súbah of Kandhár and Mírzá Ghází Beg was made his companion or assistant. They started with a large army but unfortunately Kurrah Khán died on the way. His men wanted to send the valuable property left by him to his son at Bakhar, but Ghází Beg suggested that as he had not yet received any money from his native estate, the deceased general’s property might be given to him as a loan for use during the expedition. And without waiting for their decision, he ordered the drums to be beaten and the army marched out under his command. All were now obliged to suspend their private inclinations and to co-operate with the Mírzá in his undertaking, that had been taken under the orders of their common master, the Emperor. Luckily the army had hardly gone beyond two or three stages in the Kandhár territory when the Khurásán forces fled in fear, and the victory was proclaimed to be Mírzá Ghází Beg’s.

As Ghází Beg had now received letters about Khusró Khán’s rebellion, he was allowed by the Emperor to leave straight for Bakhar in order to take necessary steps for mending the affairs of Sind. But soon after that he was called back from Bakhar as some of his ill-wishers had represented to the Emperor that Mírzá Ghází Beg wanted to be an independent ruler. Ghází Beg came to the Emperor, when the latter was on his way from Kábul to Láhór. The Emperor was so much pleased with him that he appointed him the governor of the Súbah of Kandhár, and increased his titles and Jágírs.

Thus, getting the province of Kandhár in addition to the districts of Tattá, Sehwán and part of Multán, Mírzá Ghází Beg came from Láhór to Multán. From here he wanted to send an agent to Kandhár before he was able to go thither himself. He first nominated Mírzá Muhammad Amán Tarkhán but as the latter had first to go on some business to Tattá, he appointed Ahmad Beg Sultán to the post, giving him the title of Iatimád Khán. This nobleman hastened to Kandhár and with a wise policy and kind behaviour put the affairs of that division, that had been so long in confusion, into proper order.

Mírzá Ghází Beg thus got an opportunity of coming to Bakhar and settling the public and private affairs of that side that badly required his presence and interference. He then came to Kandhár through Siwí and Ganjábah. Taking some rest there, he deputed Bháí Khán son of Khusró Khán and another, to fight against the Afgháns, and appointed Rái Mánikchand son of Rái Khóriah to march against Haidar, Sháh Beg’s refractory servant. He sent Mír Abdulláh Sultán, titled Mír Khán, as an ambassador to Sháh Abbás the king of Persia,* with rich presents to secure his good will. And now he began to rule quietly at Kandhár.

On receiving complaints, to the effect that Khusró Khán

Khusró Khán Charkas captured by Hindú Khán.

had been misappropriating and misusing the public money at Tattá Mírzá Ghází Beg was advised by his nobles to send some agents to examine the accounts and to make a report about it; accordingly Sáíndinah son-in-law to Rái Khóríah was sent with the title of Hindú Khán to Tattá to check the accounts and to take the money matters of the place into his charge. He came and discovered several defalcations and embezzlements of Khusró Khán and made his report about it to Mírzá Ghází Beg personally on his return to Kandhár.

It is said that Khusró Khán Charkas, having found himself in power and being away from the real owner of the place, began to abuse his power. He put his grandsons in power. One of them, Muhammad Beg son of Rustam Beg, who was the governor of Nerún Kót, dealt very cruelly with the Arghúns and Tarkháns. Another had carried away by force a Hindú girl of haberdashers’ caste, which deed had caused some rioting and bloodshed. These doings of his, together with his criminal misappropriation of the public money, were fully brought to the notice of Mírzá Ghází Beg, who became very angry. He determined to punish Khusró Khán and his relations and to degrade them to a very low position in society. With this object in view he had sent Sáíndinah Hindú Khán with Ráná Mánikchand and Shahbáz Khán to bring Khusró Khán Charkas with all his relations, young and old.

Hindú Khán came to Nasarpúr and wanted first to settle the affairs outside and then to enter the city. Mukím Sultán with all his brothers, at the instigation of Khusró Khán, laid siege to him at that place, and Abul Kásim Sultán, who had been set at liberty at the intercession of Khusró Khán incited his relations to stop supplies to the besieged. Ráná Mánikchand, happening to come out of the fort in order to bring about reconciliation, was cut down by an Arghún. Hearing this, Mánikchand’s son Ráising issued from the fort with a party of soldiers and vowed to be revenged on the murderors of his father, before cremating the latter’s body. He fought with the Arghúns, killed their chief, Sherbeg, a son-in-law of Sháh Kásim Arghún with many picked warriors, secured their animals and property, and then went to burn the body of his father. He now returned successful to Mírzá Ghází Beg, who honoured him more than his father.

After all Hindú Khán succeeded in taking every thing out of Khusró Khan’s charge, though the latter had tried his best to turn the chief landowners against him. Khusró Khán with all his relations was brought to Hálah Kandí to be taken by Hindù Khán to Mírzá Ghází Beg at Kandhár, when he got the news of the Mírzá’s death.

Seeing Mírzá Ghází Beg rising to power more and

Mírzá Ghází Beg’s death.

more, from day to day, some of his kinsmen and friends became jealous of him and resolved to do away with him by violence. Accordingly in the year 1201 A.H. (1612 A.D.) at their instigation he was put to death by a house-hold servant of his, by name Abdullatíf. His body was conveyed to Tattá and there buried in a mausoleum, in the neighbourhood of his father.

Mírzá Ghází Beg was a brave soldier and a generous

His character.

noble. He was a very good ruler. It is said that he used to go about at night in disguise to learn the state of the country and of his people’s mind. He was so liberal that notwithstanding his holding big Jágírs of Kandhár, Tattá, Sehwán and Multán, he was very poor and was often in want of money. Once his accountants requested him to see the accounts as the expenditure was exceeding the income. Mírzá Ghází Beg is said to have torn the account papers saying “my noble father spent what he had and did not leave any thing for me. The all-bountiful has made me comfortable and has given me plenty. I thank Him for not leaving me in want of food. As so many years of my life have passed away, the remaining also will do the same. Do not trouble me with these things.”

He was a man of learning and composed poetry too, taking Karí (reader) as his nom-de-plume. It is said that there was another poet with the same nom-de-plume at Kandhár in his time. He called him, gave him rich presents, and requested him to leave that nom-de-plume for him and take another. Both Ghází Beg and his father were very good musicians and were fond of singing. Their love for that fine art may be imagined from the general belief of the public that anyone, not having any children, who would sing and play on musical instruments for some days in their mausoleums, would be blessed with children.

As Mírzá Ghází Beg had no issue and as Hindú Khán

Concluding remarks.

was soon driven away by Khusró Khán who now considered himself quite secure in possession of Tattá, the Emperor Jahángír thought it better to annex that part of the country to his empire and to govern it like many other provinces of his by appointing some of his men as governors.

Thus ended the rule of Tarkháns. About the close of Jahángír’s reign, Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán was appointed a governor for some days, as will be seen in the next chapter, but no other Tarkhán ever afterwards held the reins of government.

CHAPTER XV.*
THE SÚBAHDÁRS OR GOVERNORS SENT BY THE EMPERORS OF DEHLÍ.

After Mírzá Ghází Beg’s death in 1021 A.H. (1612 A.D.) Khusró Khán Charkas tried to be independent and Hindú Khán, being unable to cope with him, wanted to retire but was asked by the Emperor to retain the government in his hands till a new man was sent. Khusró Khán now saw that the province had been annexed and that he could do nothing in opposition to the Emperor; so he left the place and went away† The following governors were appointed successively to the Súbah of Sind,‡ with Tattá as their capital.

1. Mírzá Rustam, son of Sultán Husain Mírzá son of Bahrám Mírzá, son of Sháh Ismáíl Safawí, king of Persia. This nobleman was at first the governor of Dáwar, a province of Kandhár, but when Khurásán was conquered by Uzbaks he left that country and attached himself to the Emperor Akbar in 1002 A. H. (1593 A. D.). In Jahángír’s time he was sent as the governor of Tattá with the rank of Panj-hazárí. He got 2 lacs of rupees as a reward and travelling allowance and the whole revenue of Tattá as his salary. In fact Tattá was given to him as a Jágír, but he was instructed to try his best to improve the country and look to the comfort of the people, who had suffered much during the reign of Tarkháns. But unfortunately he acted quite contrary to the hopes entertained by the Emperor, and there were so many complaints against him that he was suspended and called away, Rájah Sankdilán holding the charge in his absence. After 2 years, however, he was appointed to the Súbah of Alahábád and then of Pátná and Bahár. About the close of Sháh Jahán’s reign he retired and lived at Ágrah up to his death, his son Mírzá Murád being taken in service for him.

2. Mírzá Mustafá Khán, succeeded Mírzá Rustam.

3. Mír Báyazíd Bukhárí came next to Tattá in 1028 A. H. (1618 A. D.) in the 15th year of Jahángír’s reign. He had the grade of Du-Hazárí (commander of 2,000 men). He had been the Faojdár of Bakhar and from that post he was promoted to this.

4. Nawáb Sharíful-Mulk, known as Sharíf Khán. He was one-eyed. It was in this time in 1035 A. H. (1625 A. D.) in the 21st year of Jahángír’s reign that prince Sháh Jahán quarrelled with his father and came to Tattá, with a few persons, in order to go to Irák Ajam. Sharíful-Mulk tried to harass him and to drive him away. Several skirmishes took place between them, in which many lives were lost. It is said that the prince’s wife being pregnant desired to eat some pomegranates. Prince Sháh Jahán sent a message to Sharíful-Mulk requesting him to get him the fruit. The latter sent for a European gunner and made him fire in the direction of the prince. Owing to the sudden report of the gun, the princess miscarried the child she bore, and Sharíful-Mulk was so angry with himself for pointing out the wrong direction to the gunner that he plucked out one of his eye-balls, and from that day he became one-eyed. For this act of enmity, when Sháh Jahán ascended the throne he put him to death together with some of his friends.

5. Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán, a cousin of Mírzá Ghází Beg and a grandson of Mírzá Ísá, the elder, who in the beginning of Mírzá Ghází’s reign joined Abul Kásim Sultán in raising the standard of revolt. He had left Sind out of fear and come to the Emperor’s camp. He became the governor of Tattá with the rank of Chár-Hazárí (commander of 4,000 men), in 1037 A. H. (1627 A. D.) and in the last year of Jahángír’s reign. He was soon sent to defend the fort of Karnál, where he remained up to his death. He was buried on the Maklí hill and his “Ránk” (Mausoleum) is well known, for which he himself is said to have sent stones during his life-time and which he built when he was 18 years old. Its cost was borne by the revenue of the village of Nóráí, which was set apart for the repairs of the tombs of his elders. Some say the Mírzá died, while the building was being built and was yet incomplete.

6. Nawáb Amír Khán. His name was Mír Abul Baká and he was the son of Nawáb Kásim Khán of Hirát. When Sháh Jahán succeeded his father Jahángír to the throne, he ordered Sharíf Khán and his friends the Jám of Kakralah and others to be killed. The orders were carried out by Nawáb Amír Khán. The town of Amírpur was built by this Nawáb, which became the chief place of Bathórah and Bahrámpúr and Palejah. He was a very learned and witty person. He built a mosque on the site of a Hindú temple in the street of Bháí Khán. His body was buried in a rank on the Maklí hill. He is said to have lisped or stammered in pronouncing certain letters of the alphabet. But he was so clever that while speaking fluently he avoided words containing those letters and substituted other words of the same meaning in their place.

7. Nawáb Muzaffar Khán, whose name was Mír Abdurrazzák. He built a big mosque at Tattá.

8. Sayyed Ibráhím, son of Mír Báyazíd Bukhárí (No. 3).

9. Nawáb Mughul Khán came as the governor of Tattá in 1057 A. H. (1647 A. D.) in the 21st year of Sháh Jahán’s reign. In his time, in the year 1059 A. H. (1649 A. D.) in the 23rd year of Sháh Jahán’s reign, Tattá together with Bakhar and Sehwán were given as an endowment to prince Aorangzeb, who, before this, held the province of Multán as a Jágír. Henceforth the governors of Tattá were sent by him as his agents.

10. Nawáb Zafar Khán. He came to Tattá in 1063 A.H. (1652. A.D.) in the 37th year of the Emperor’s reign. He remained here for 6 years. He planted the celebrated “Musk garden.” In 1065 A.H. (1654 A.D.) Sipahr Shikóh son of Dárá Shikóh, eldest son of the Emperor was entrusted with the government of Tattá with the rank of “Haft Hazárí” (commander of 7,000 men), and the governor of the place was made his agent or lieutenant. About this time Aorangzeb Álamgír ascended the throne of Dehlí in 1069 A.H. (1658 A.D.).

11. Kabád Khán came in 1069 A.H. (1658 A.D.) In his time famine and plague broke out in the country. Soon after, prince Dárá Shikóh arrived in the country, which fact still increased the troubles of the people. That prince, believing that the citadel was not worth residing at and not finding it to his taste, ordered it to be burnt to ashes.

12. Nawáb Lashkar Khán. He came to Tattá in 1075 A.H. (1664 A.D.) and in the 10th year of Aorangzeb’s reign. He remained for 3 years and was succeeded by

13. Nawáb Sayyed Izzat Khán, commonly known as Izzat Pír, who had been the Faojdár of Bakhar. He came in 1078 A.H. (1667 A.D.). After 2 years he was recalled.

14. Nawáb Abú Nasrat Khán, who was maternal uncle to Emperor Álamgír Aorangzeb. He was a pious nobleman and was a poet. He came in 1082 A.H. (1671 A.D.) in the 12th year of Aorangzeb’s reign. He remained for 2 years.

15. Nawáb Saádat Khán. He also remained for 2 years.

16. Nawáb Sayyed Izzat Khán. He came a second time in 1084 A.H. (1673 A.D.) being the 13th governor at first. He remained for 6 years.

17. Nawáb Khánazád Khán. He came in 1090 A.H. (1679 A. D.) in the 22nd year of the Emperor’s reign. He governed at Tattá for about 5 years. He wrote very good poetry.

18. Nawáb Sardár Khán. He came in 1095 A.H. (1683 A.D.) and remained for 3 years. In his time, too, famine and plague broke out. Towns that were depopulated in those days, were never populated again.

19. Nawáb Muríd Khán. He was the son of a rájah and had recently become a convert to Islámism. He came in 1099 A.H. (1687 A.D.). He brought with him a few thousands of Rájputs, who so much annoyed the Musalman population of the place that he was removed from the post, after 2 years. After retirement too he spent time in Taghlakábád with the climate of which place he had been much charmed.

20. Nawáb Zabardast Khán. He came in 1101 A.H. (1689 A.D.) and died in the same year.

21. Nawáb Abú Nasrat Khán. He came a second time, having first come as 14th governor. He remained for 2 years and some months.

22. Nawáb Hifzulláh Khán, son of Saadulláh Khán the wazír of the late Emperor Sháh Jáhán. He came in 1103 A.H. (1691 A.D.) in the 35th year of Emperor Aorangzeb’s reign. He held Tattá and Sehwán both. He was a very charitable person. As about this time prince Muizzuddín was coming to Sind to arrest Míyán Dín Muhammad Siráí, the Nawáb personally superintended the work of putting a bridge over the river at Sehwán. He got a sun-stroke and died of its effects at Sehwán in 1112 A.H. (1700 A. D).* He constructed a new fort at Tattá, which was left incomplete, as he was not allowed further expenditure on that account.

23. Saíd Khán, known more commonly as Khánazád Khán. He came as the governor of Tattá and Sehwán in 1113 A. H. (1701 A. D.) in the 45th year of the Emperor’s reign. He himself resided at Tattá and sent his son Arshad Khán to live at Sehwán.

24. Nawáb Mír Amínuddín Khán Husain, son of Sayyed Abul Makáram son of Mír Abul Báká AmÍr Khán (No. 6). He came to Tattá in 1114 A. H. (1702 A. D.). He was a reader of books and spent much of his time in the company of learned men. He wrote two big books, one treating of fourteen arts and sciences and another of general knowledge of the world.

25. Nawáb Yúsuf Khán Tarí. He came in the next year and was recalled after one year.

26. Nawáb Ahmad Yár Khán. He belonged to the tribe of Barlás, his forefathers having come from Khúsháb, in the province of Láhór. His father Alahyár Khán was the governor of Láhór and Multán and the Faojdár of Ghazní for 40 years. He remained for 3 years. During his time, that is in 1118 A. H. (1706 A. D.) on 26th of Zíkaad, Álamgír Aorangzeb passed away and was succeeded by his eldest son Bahádur Sháh. This Nawáb built the bridge on the Alíján which was close to the eastern gate of the city fort.

27. Nawáb Atr Khán. His name was Saíd Khán Bahádur and was the son of Saíd Khán the elder (No. 23). He came in 1119 A. H. (1707 A. D.) under the orders of the new Emperor. He was recalled after a year and some months.

28. Nawáb Mihín Khán. He came in 1121 A. H. (1709 A. D).

29. Nawáb Shákir Khán. He came in 1123 A. H. (1711 A. D.) and in the same year he was recalled and was succeeded by

30. Nawáb Mihín Khán who came a second time to Tattá. In his time in the year 1124 A. H. (1712 A. D.) the Emperor Bahádur Sháh died and was succeeded by his son Muizzuddín Jahándár Sháh.

31. Nawáb Khwájah Muhammad Khalíl Khán came to Tattá in 1124 A. H. (1712 A.D.).

In the course of nine months prince Farrukh Siyar dethroned Jahándár Sháh with the assistance of the Sayyeds of Bárah and himself took the throne.

32. Nawáb Atr Khán son of Saíd Khán (No. 27). He was a young and inexperienced person. He left his whole work to one Muhammad Yaakúb Kashmírí. Soon, confusion broke out in the affairs of administration. He had to fight with Mír Lutfalí Khán and was killed in the battle that ensued. Mír Lutfalì Khán having some influence at the court, was made his successor.

33. Mír Lutfalí Khán. His name was Mír Muhammad Shafía. He was grandson to Mír Muhammad Yúsuf Mahdí Razawí a saintly person of Bakhar. His government lasted from the beginning of 1125 A.H. to 1127 A.H. (1713 —1715 A.D.). He earned the title of Sháatalí Khán. He was a powerful ruler and a learned man. He died in 1144 A.H. (1731 A.D.). Himmat was his nom-de-plume in the poetry written by him. The poet Muhammad Hasan lived in his time. He had two sons Mír Ghazánfaralí and Mír Zulfikáralí whose descendents are still living at Tattá.

34. Nawáb Aazam Khán, son of Sálih Khán. He came to Tattá in 1128 A.H. (1715 A.D.) in the 5th year of Emperor Farrukh Siyar’s reign. Before his coming his agent Khwájah Muhammad Khalíl was doing work for him. He governed the country for about 4 years. It was in his time, that Sháh Ináyat Súfí the great saint of the time died at Jhók or Míránpur on the bank of the Gháziáh or Gajiáh, in the parganah of Bathórah. It is said that the Sayyeds of Bulrí were on inimical terms with this pious man and his disciples, as the disciples of the Sayyeds and the Fakírs of Bulrí hearing the good name of Sháh Ináyat left Bulrí and went over to Jhók. At the instigation of these Sayyeds as well as of some zamindárs like Núr Muhammad Palejah and Hamal Jat, Nawáb Aazam Khán wrote a report to the Emperor, who ordered Khudáyár Khán Abbásí better known as Núr Muhammad Kalhórah to collect an army and extirpate that leader of the Súfí Fakírs. Accordingly Khudáyár Khán came with a large force and besieged the town of Jhók. This siege went on for four months. The Fakírs occasionally made a sortie and fought with the besiegers. Finding that it was difficult to take the place Khudáyár Khán made peace with Sháh Ináyat. On this excuse an opportunity was soon availed of and the pious man was beheaded on the 9th of Saffar 1130 A.H. (1717 A.D.). Another pious man Makhdúm Rahmatulláh was also ill-treated in the same way, as he was made a prisoner and put in chains. And in the next year Farrukh Siyar was succeeded by Muhammad Sháh.*

35. Nawáb Mahábat Khán son of Muhammad Mun-im Khán, titled Khán Khánán the prime minister of Sháh Álam Bahádur Sháh. He came to Tattá in 1132 A.H. (1719 A.D.) in the second year of Muhammadsháh’s reign. He was a very good man, respected, pious and learned. He was a good poet taking Kázim as his nom-de-plume. He died at Tattá in 1135 A.H. (1722 A.D.) and his body was carried to Hindustán viâ Láhór. He was succeeded by his son, a minor.

36. Sultán Mahmúd Khán. His mother, the widow of the deceased Nawáb sent Rází Muhammad Khán to act as his guardian and manager. This gentleman came in 1136 A.H. (1723 A.D.) and remained for one year. In the next year the post was given to

37. Nawáb Saifulláh Khán, who before his joining the post deputed Abdussamía Khán, brother to Sháh Abdul Ghafúr of Hálah Kandí, of the tribe of Sanwriáh, to administer the state affairs for him. The Nawáb himself arrived at Tattá in the month of Zíhaj 1137 A.H. (1724 A.D.). He brought several learned men with him. In his time great improvement was made in every way. Commerce also improved much. He was a Shiah and encouraged that sect. He effectually prohibited the use of liquor and other intoxicating drugs. In short he is spoken of as a very good man and an excellent governor. He died in 1143 A.H. (1730 A.D.). He was buried on the Maklí hill. His son Sádik Alí Khán remained in charge of the government for a short time till he was relieved by

38. Nawáb Dilerdil Khán. He came to Tattá in 1146 A.H. (1733 A.D.) and remained there for two years. He was a very good man. About this time, the Súbah of Tattá was given to Amír Khán as a reward, and was thenceforth held on a sort of contract or lease.

39. Nawáb Himmat Dilerdil Khán. He hastened to take the contract of the revenue of Tattá from Amír Khán, fearing lest some other person should find mistakes in the accounts of his father. He came to Tattá in 1145 A.H. (1732 A.D.) Although the contract system could not come up to the Jágír system, this Nawáb was fortunate enough to continue in charge of the place for 4 years.

40. Nawáb Sádik Alí Khán son of Nawáb Saifulláh Khán (No. 32). He came in 1149 A.H. (1736 A.D.) in the 19th year of the Emperor’s reign. Of course he had taken the contract from Amír Khán. In the first year he somehow managed to make up the amount for which he had contracted. But in the next year he failed and had to show a great deficiency and so he was unwilling to retain the charge.

41. Nawáb Khudáyár Khán, commonly known by the name of Mián Núr Muhammad Kalhórah Abbásí. He was a nobleman enjoying the greatest confidence and regard of the Emperor. He got the government of Bakhar, Sehwán and Tattá. He immediately sent an agent of his, Shekh Ghulám Muhammad son of Shekh Azízulláh, who relieved Nawáb Sádik Alí Khán of the charge.

Thus the government of Sind came to the hands of the Kalhórás, in which it is said to have remained as long as it had remained in the hands of the Arghún dynasty and longer than it had remained in the hands of the Sammahs and the Tarkháns. We give an account of that dynasty together with that of the Tálpurs who succeeded them, in the second part of this volume.

PART II.
PART II.
CHAPTER I.*
ORIGIN AND ANCESTRY OF THE KALHÓRAHS OR ABBÁSÍS.

The Kalhórahs are said to have been descended from

The origin of the Kalhórahs.

Abbás, paternal uncle to the Prophet Muhammad.† One of their ancestors, by name Mián Ódhánah, who lived in the country of Kech Makrán was celebrated for his piety and virtue, and was honoured as a spiritual guide by a large number of people. His immediate descendants were known by the titular name of Ódhánah. One of these, Thal by name, twenty-fifth in descent from Mián Ódhánah, invaded Káhrah Belah, which was then in the hands of the Gujar tribe, and took possession of it. On his death Thal was succeeded by his son Bhíl. The fort of Barlás, and the cemetery known as “Mótí” still remain, and remind us of his time. Bhíl’s son Chínah, having quarrelled with his brothers about something, left his native place and in company with a large number of his dependents went to Khambháth to live among the tribe of Udhejah. Here he married a daughter of Dharablál Sammah, a big landholder of the tálukah of Dípál Kángrah. A son was born to this couple, who was called Muhammad, and who is considered to be the latest ancestor of the Kalhórahs.

At the time of the agents of the Ghazní and Ghórí

Jám Chínah and his sons, Dáúd and Láshár.

kings, this Chínah came to Multán with the assistance of some Ránás, and attached himself to the rulers of the place. He soon rose to be the leader of a number of tribes, and securing the hand of a girl from each tribe, by way of pledge, he established himself as a chief with the title of Jám. By his twelve wives he had eighteen sons, who became the fathers of large families. One of them, Chóliah, a grandson of Ráná Chanah son of Dethah had a son whom he called Dáúd, from whom are descended the Dáúdpótáhs. Another, by name Láshár, became the ancestor of the tribe of Láshárís, who resided at Bháj near the hilly district of Róh Káchhah.

In short Jám Chínah fixed his residence for some time at Chínah Belí, in the tálukah of Bhiráló of the parganah of Lóhrí.* Subsequently going over to Khambháth, he passed away on the bank of the Sángrah, where he was buried. Mir Chákar Balóch, and Árí Dádní of the tribe of Chanah were his cousins.

After Chínah’s death, none of his descendants rose to be

Mián Ádam Sháh.

of importance, except Ádam Sháh, who was ninth in descent from him, being the son of Kajan, son of Sahab son of Khán, son of Táhar son of Ránah son of Sháh Muhammad (alias Sháham) son of Ibráhím son of Muhammad son of Jám Chínah,† and who rose to occupy the holy seat vacated by the celebrated saint of the time, Mírán Muhammad of Júnpur. After travelling over a great part of the country he settled at the village of Hatrí in the tálukah of Chándúkah.‡ Here he was joined by Kabrá Barhah with his dependents, who came from the village of Dabah and became his disciples.

At that time Nawáb Khán Khánán having come to pay respects to Mián Ádam Sháh and to ask his blessings, at the request of Kabrá Barhah, granted to him the zamindarí of Chándúkah, which at first belonged to the ||tribe of Chándiah.|| After some time Ádam Sháh went over to Multán, to pay a visit to Lál l’san the celebrated living saint of the time, and a descendent of Shekh Baháuddín Multání.* A large number of disciples joined him here and he was obliged to occupy a spacious tract of country. This excited the jealousy of the landowners of the place, at whose instigation the ruler of Multán had him killed and thus he became a martyr.

In accordance with his dying request Ághá Sháh

Ághá Sháh Muhammad.

Muhammad, the Kótwál of the town of Multán, who during the late pious man’s imprisonment had received spiritual guidance from him, brought his dead body to Sakhar and buried it there on the top of a hill.† Then returning to Multán he made his late master’s two minor sons Ibráhím and Dáúd and his dependents, who had dispersed after the tragedy, settle in one place and himself took up the seat of his late spiritual guide. This Sháh Muhammad, the Kótwál, originally belonged to the Balóch tribe of Kherí who resided in Chatrbár, near the mountainous pass of Siwí.

When he died, he was succeeded by Mián Iliás son of

Mián Iliás son of Dáúd son of Ádam Sháh.

Dáúd son of Ádam Sháh, who tried his best to collect disciples and followers. When he passed away, he was buried at the village of Dherí which is situated between the village of Hatrí and Ládkánah.‡

CHAPTER II.
MIÁN SHÁHAL MUHAMMAD AND MÍAN NASÍR MUHAMMAD.

On his death, Mián Iliás was succeeded by his brother

Mián Sháhal Muhammad.

Sháh Alí better known as Sháhal Muhammad. In this pious man’s time the number of his disciples increased largely and they occupied themselves in cultivating land. The canal of Ládkánah was dug by them. He secured land on both the banks of the canal from the tribes of Sángí and Abrah and divided it among his children and brothers, and himself selected his residence in the village of Habíbání. This rise of Mián Sháhal Muhammad excited jealousy in the hearts of some of the Abrah chiefs like Jám Siddík and Jalál Khán, who forgetting the duties of disciples, conspired with the landowners of the place, and after several skirmishes with their master caused him to be killed under the orders of the governor of Bakhar. He was buried at the village of Marandhah in the out-skirts of Chándúkah in the parganah of Khárí.

On his death, Mián Sháhal Muhammad was succeeded

Mián Nasír Muhammad.

by his son Mián Nasír Muhammad, in the year 1108 A.H. (1696 A.D.) This Mián acquired more celebrity for piety and virtue than any of his predecessors, and therefore was envied by most of the people of his time. Accordingly the natives of the place came and incited the Mughuls of Bakhar to harass and trouble him. Mián Nasír Muhammad was therefore obliged to leave the place and go to a sandy desert. After some days of hardship and want, he returned and fixed his residence in the land of the Panwhárs. Mír Panwhár, the chief of the Panwhárs, taking an army from the governor of Bakhar, commanded among other leaders by Mírzá Khán Piní, the governor of Siwí, came and faught with Miàn Nasír Muhammad, but soon a truce was made and Mián Nasír Muhammad was sent to the Emperor Álamgír,* who kept him in confinement for some time. During this period, fighting went on with the Mián’s followers, until Mián Nasír Muhammad managed to escape and returned to his native place. He once more settled his affairs satisfactorily and began to lead a comfortable and secure life among his followers. He laid the foundation of a new town on the land of the Panwhárs, bounded on one side by the hills of Róh and on another by a stream of cool water. He called the town by the name of Khárí and himself took up his residence in it. The village of Hatrí he gave to Faojah Fakír, one of his followers, and the land of Káchhah to another of his Fakírs by name Ináyet Sháh. His followers, who so long had deserted their villages and strongholds, returned and settled permanently and occupied themselves in extending their landed property and territorial possessions. On one occasion they had to fight in an open field with Mír Yakúb Khán, the governor of Bakhar * and were victorious Similarly they fought several times with the governors of different neighbouring places and on all these occasions their arms were attended with success. The parganah of Lákhát was taken from the Mughuls of Síwistán† on a farming contract. Makan Mórah was secured through the exertions of Faríd Bhágat, and the parganah of Sáhtí was brought into possession through Feróz Wírar, who built a town there calling it Naoshahrah.‡ After this, the Siráís were firmly established in different parts of the country. After a successful reign of 35 or 36 years Mián Nasír Muhammad died and was buried on a red sand-hill in the village of ||Khárí||

It is said that in olden days, two brothers, both models of virture and piety, lived at this place and maintained themselves by cultivating land. One of them was single and another was married. When they raised their crops the single brother, considering that his brother had a family and that his expenses were greater, removed a large quantity of corn from his own heap and put it, unseen, into his brother’s heap. At the same time, the brother having a family believing that his brother was a good man and did not much care for worldly profits, added a portion of his own granary to his brother’s. Both the brothers continued doing so for some time, without knowing each other’s actions and motives. Owing to the piety of their minds and the honesty and goodness of their principles, though they continued consuming the produce of their land for their usual wants, it never could be exhausted. After all they passed away leaving a large heap of corn, which changed into a red sand-hill, that can still be seen about the place.**

This chapter is also taken from the Tàrikh Maasúmí.

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Mír Fázil son of Ādil Khwájah was a native of Isphán. When Amir Taimúr had invaded that fort of Persia Adil Khwájah had fallen into the hands of Mír Hasan Misrí, Zunnún’s father, who brought him up like his son. Mír Fázil’s son Sultán Muhammad Khán played an important part in the Government of Bakhar, as will be shorty noticed.

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According to the Tuhfatulkirám this battle was fought on the bank of the Álíján, which was a big oanal below Tattá, and Sháhbeg entered the city as viotorious on the 11th of Muharram 927 and not 926 A.H. as in the Táríkh Maasúmí.

“Ruin of Sind” is the phrase from the numeral value of whose letters this date is obtained by abjad process in Persian.

The rule of Sammah dynasty ended here, having lasted for 175 years.

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He was the son of Mīr Fāzil Kókaltash, mentioned above. The reader will remember this personage and follow him, as will appear further on, that he plays a very important part in the history of Sind, about this period, especially in connection with Bakhar. We shall take further notice of him elsewhere.

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This pious man’s tomb can still be seen at Bághbán near Dádú.

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In the Tuhfatulkirám it is Ámir Amránì brother of Rái Khangár.

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Pronounced by some as Khinkár.

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The reader will remember this personage, who is destined to be the founder of the Tarkhán dynasty of rulers in Sind.

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Now Róhrí.

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This must be Lárkana, the chief place of Chandkái parganah.

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This is now written Sukkur, but we are obliged to write it correctly as Sakhar like Bakhar.

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The descendants of these Sayyads are still living at Róhrí and Sukkur.

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Now called Arór. It is a few milos to the east of Róhrí.

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To the west of Bakhar, according to the Tuhfatulkirám.

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These men were living here up to 1009 A.H. (1600 A.D.), when Mír Maasúm wrote his Táríkh Maasúmi, as he makes a note about it in his book.

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Also called Agham Kót, the ancient capital of Agham Lúhánah.

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Strange enough “month of Shuabán” in Persian gives the numerical value equal to 928, as noted in the Táríkh Maasúmí.

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This chapter is also taken from the Táríkh Maasúmí.

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The present town of old Hálá.

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This village is in the Khairpur territory now. It is near Róhrí.

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As we have seen above, Máh Begum was a daughter of Muhammad Mukím, brother to Sháhbeg and therefore uncle to Sháh Hasan.

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It is said that the origin of the word is Málí Sthán, a Hindu term, meaning the residing place of Málís, an ancient tribe that resided here and fought with Alexander the Great, in 325 B.C.

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It is said that the origin of the word is Málí Sthán, a Hindu term, meaning the residing place of Málís, an ancient tribe that resided here and fought with Alexander the Great, in 325 B.C.

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The first king of this line was Bahrám Karmatí 278 A.H. (891 A.D.) and the last Hasan bin Ahmad 366 A.H. (976 A.D.)

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This is Shahábuddín Ghórí, who came to the throne of Hindustán or Dehlí in 611 A.H. (1215 A.D.)

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This Sayyed dynasty consisting of these three kings only, came in power, between the Taghlak and Lódhí dynasties, as is known to the students of the Indian History.

1. Khizir Khán came to the throne in 1421 A.D.
2. Sayyed Muhammad in 1435 A.D.
3. Aláuddín in 1444 A.D.
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We have spoken about this pious man in a previous chapter.

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The Sayyed dynasty was succeeded by the Lódhí dynasty, which consisted of the following 3 princes:—

1. Bahlúl Khán, who came to the throne in 854 A.H. (1450 A.D.)
2. Sikandar Lódhí 894 A.H. (1488 A.D.)
3. Ibráhím son of No. 2 922 A.H. (1516 A.D.)
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Shekh Yúsíf had only reigned at Multán for 2 years. Sultán Kutbuddín ruled for 16 years and was succeeded by his son Sultán Husain Lángáh, who reigned for 34 years. Then came Sultán Mahmúd son of Feróz Khán Lángáh, who reigned for 27 years and some months and was succeeded by his son Sultán Husain, in whose reign Multán was taken by Mírzá Sháh Hasan as will be seen lower down.

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Very probably this is the founder of Derá Gházi Khán.

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The Tuhfatulkirám is therefore correct in saying that Ámír Amraní was killed and not Jódhó Sódhó, as mentioned a few pages back.

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This chapter is also taken from the Táríkh Maasúmí.

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Báber died in 1937 after a reign of 38 years and was succeeded by his son Humáyún.

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Jetpur in the Tuhfatulkirám.

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Also called Sher Khán. His real name was Faríd. Readers of Indian History know that Sher Sháh got the throne of Dehlí in 947 A.H. (1540 A.D.) He was succeeded by his son Salím Sháh in 952 (1545) and he by his brother Ádil Sháh in 960 (1553.) Then Humáyún once more came to the throne of Dehlí.

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This shows that Akbar was born in the fort of Umarkót. But at present a spot is shown in the jungle, about a mile from the fort, where a stone has been fixed by the government with words showing that Akbar was born there.

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Bairam Khán, Khán Khánán was the son of Yúsif Alí Beg and the great grandson of Alí Shakar Beg, the chief man of Báhárlú tribe, of Badakhshán. He was born at Badakhshán and after his father’s death came to Balkh. At the age of 16 he became attached to Báber and in the days of Humáyún when that prince went to Sind, Bairam Khán went to Gujrát. From there he came and joined him in order to take him to Sháh Tahmasb, king of Persia. After his death Bairam was the regent of his son Akbar.

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A small golden coin.

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According to the calculation it should be 86.

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This chapter is also taken from the Táríkh Massúmí with the exception of the first paragraph which is from the Tuhfatulkirám.

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According to the Tuhfatulkirám he ascended the throne in the beginning of Jamádi-al-awwal, 962 A.H. (1554 A.D.)

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It is said in the Tuhfatulkirám that though Arghún nobles like Kíbak, Farrukh and Taimúr were in his favour, they often occasionally broke into his house with arms and demanded shares of the late Mírzá’s treasures and Mírzá Ísá never displeased them and always gave them good hopes and sent them away satisfied.

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According to the Tuhfatulkirám they landed at the port of Láhrí on the river, and while the men were offering prayers in mosques on Friday, they entered and massacred the assembled men, plundered bazaars and went away shortly before Mírzá Ísá’s arrival. They scattered gunpowder in different parts of the town and on the bank of the river and set fire to it, so that for some time the river appeared to be in flames. Mírzá Ísá had to repair the town and the fort anew. He now pat a big wall along the river and cut a winding and secret canal from the river to reach the town. About this time he is also said to have built a new port and called it Sháhbandar.

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According to the Tuhfatulkirám Mírzá Sálih, being joined by some of Mírzá Kámran’s men, became very powerful. On the brothers disagreeing with one another, Mírzá Sálih drove away Mírzá Bákí to Kachh, and his other brother Ján Bábá to the desert of Samejahs. Mírzá Bákí led a very miserable life in Kachh, on one occasion eating bread half eaten by a dog and on another a stolen goat cooked. On the latter occasion he was caught and taken as a thief to Rái Khangár of Kachh, who recognising him and learning the cause of his misery, showed great favour to him. Here he married a Jarejah nobleman’s daughter by whom he had a son called Mírzá Muzaffar. After some time he took a rájpút force with him and came to fight with his brother Mírzá Sálih, but was defeated by the Mughuls. His forces left him and he came to Bakhar and asked Sultán Mahmúd Khán to help him with an army, but that wily old man said that he could not do so as there was a peace between him and his father. He detained him in order to send him as a prisoner to Hindustán, in accordance with the wishes of Mírzá Sálih but fortunately for him, Sálih died and he was called back by his father to Tattá.

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The assassin of Mírzá Sálih is said to have been one Muríd Balóch, whose father Mírzá Sálih had slain. He came into the Mírzá’s presence as a petitioner, with a dagger rolled in a paper and while giving the petition, killed him, (Tuhfatulkirám.)

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980 A.H. (1572 A.D.) according to the Tuhfatulkirám which is correct as he came to the throne on Sháh Hasan Arghún’s death in 962 A.H. (1554 A.D.) and died after a reign of 18 years.

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This chapter is taken from the Táríkh Massúmí and the Tuhfatulkirám, both.

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This incident is related by the author of the Tuhfatulkirám.

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This Ráihah Begum was the daughter of Náhíd Begum, daughter to Máh Begum, who, as will be seen below, had come to her mother with her daughter. Ráihah was the divorced wife of one Nijábat Khán, Mírzá Bákí fell in love with her and married her.

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Humáyún after reascending the throne of Dehlí in 960 A.H. (1552 A.D.) reigned for 3 years and died in 963 A.H. (1555 A.D.) and was succeeded by his son Akbar, who commenced his reign under the regency of Bairam Khán.

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She was closely confined in a room, where she died of hunger and thirst, as food and water were denied to her.

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According to the Tuhfatulkirám the girl was sent with Sayyed Jalál Shírází.

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He reigned for 13 years and his body was buried on the Makli hill.

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The Tuhfatulkirám gives some instances of this. Daríaí, water-bearer, was rolled in a cloth and burnt in fire. A Kúrchí was sown from top of the head downwards and then cut into pieces and thrown here and there. Some Hindús were stoned to death. One Malak Ahmad was flayed in public, and his flesh was then cut into pieces and thrown to dogs and his skin filled with straws.

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The first part of this chapter is taken from the Tuhfatulkirám and the rest from the Táríkh Maasúmí.

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There seems to be some confusion in both the text books about the relationship of Jání Beg and Muzaffar Beg to Mírzá Bákí. In one place the former is called his son and in another his grandson, Páindah Beg being his father and Mírzá Bákí’s son. So the latter is in one place called Mírzá Bákí’s brother and in another his son. But on careful consideration I find that in both the cases the last relationship is correct, namely that Jání Beg was his grandson and Muzaffar Beg his son.

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From here the account is taken from the Táríkh Massúmí.

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Mír Hasan Misrí, according to the Tuhfatulkirám.

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The value of letters in the phrase “dar Bihisht Ásúdah” (i.e. He went to rest in paradise) amounts to 982, the date of Sultán Mahmúd Khán’s death. (Táríkh Máasumi.)

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More correctly Nawwáb.

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In the Tuhfatulkirám the name is written as Sádik Muhammad Khán.

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The following part of this paragraph is taken from the Tuhfatulkirám.

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His name was Abdurrahím Khán. Nawáb and Khán Khánán were the titles that had been given to him.

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It is said in the Tuhafatulkirám that on coming to Sind, Khán Khánán was not quite sure of the success. So he went on, taking blessings from pious men. About that time Makhdúm Núh, a great Shekh of Hálah Kandí had died. Some fakirs informed Khán Khánán that whoever of the two adversaries, viz. Khán Khánán and Mírzá Jání Beg, would be the first to go and condole for the death of the said Makhdúm, would gain the upper hand. Khán Khánán exerted himself in that direction and was the first to go to Háláh for the purpose and so ultimately he proved victorious.

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This paragraph is taken from the Tuhfatulkirám.

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This year marks the passing off of the independent rulership of Tattá from the family of Tarkháns, who now became dependent rulers. The whole period of the tarkhán dynasty was 38 years.

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According to the Táríkh Maasúmí he died in 1000 A.H. but 1008 is correct as given in the Tuhfatulkirám.

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The Táríkh Maasúmí gives the history of Sind up to this period only.

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This chapter is taken from the Tuhfatulkirám.

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His name was Núruddín Muhammad Salím.

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This king belonged to the Safawí dynasty of the kings of Persia, about whose origin and members, mention has been made in a note in Chapter VII, (p. 61.) The following were the kings of the line.

1.   Sháh Ismáíl, who appeared in 750 A.H. (1543 A.D.) and reigned for 24 years.

2.   Sháh Tahmasb son of No. 1 who reigned for 54 years.

3.   Sháh Ismáíl II, son of No. 2 who reigned for 1 year and 7 months.

4.   Sultán Muhammad, son of No. 2.

5.   Sháh Abbás son of No. 4, who reigned for 42 years.

6.   Sháh Safí, son of Safí Mírzá son of No. 5 who reigned for 14 years.

7.   Sháh Abbás II son of No. 6 who reigned for 25 years.

8.   Sulaimán Sháh son of No. 7 who reigned till the year 1078 A.H. (1667 A.D.).

9.   Sultán Husain son of No. 8.

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This chapter is also taken from the Tuhfatulkirám.

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This is the last we hear of Khusró Khán Charkas. It may be noted here that Khusró Khàn, or Charkas Khán as he is generally called, was descended from that brauch of Changez Kháns’ children that ruled Kabchák. He fell into the hands of Mírzá Ísá in his infancy and soon rose to be an important person as we have seen. During the time he was in charge of Tattá he is said to have built 360 public buildings, mosques, tombs, wells, bridges, &c., at an immense cost. He did this charitable work by way of penance for having once accidentally seen a neighbour’s wife while she was bathing. They say he was about to root out his eye-balls, but learned men suggested that he might do this penance. He now went to Lóhrí fort and thence to Persia. He had a son whose name was Lutifulláh called also Bháí Khán and he has been already mentioned, (Tuhfatulkirám).

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Properly speaking the officer appointed in charge of the Súbah was called “Sáhibi Súbah” or “Súbahdár” from which is derived the present title of Súbedár or the name Sóbdár. These officers were graded as Panj-hazárí (commandíng 5,000 men) and downwards.

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Mír Ghulám Alí Belgrámi has found this year by totalling the value of the letters of the following verse of the Korán.

“To them will be given the gardens of paradise for the good deeds done by them.”

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He was murdered by the same Sayyeds who had raised him to the throne. This was in 1130 A.H. (1717 A.D.). He was succeeded by two other princes who died within a few months one after another. Then Muhammad Sháh son of Sháh Jahán came to the throne.

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The first 13 chapters about the Kalhórhs are translated from the Tuhfatulkirám.

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Hence they are often called Abbásís.

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Now Róhrí. The village of Bhiráló near Róhrí, in the Khairpur territory, still exists.

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Each of these men bore the title of Mián, which continued to be prefixed to the names of all the Kalhórah rulers. The title carries with it the meaning of a spritual guide rather than a chief.

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The parganah round about Larkanah is even now called Chándkó.

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This is Abdurrahím Khán, son of Bairam Khán, who came to Sind in 998 A. H. (1589 A. D.) in the reign of Akbar (see Part I of this volume).

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|| This then is the origin of the name of the parganah Chándúkah.

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A short description of this pious man is given in Part I.

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Ádam Sháh’s hill is still well known at Sukhur. We use the correct spelling of Sakhar in the text like Bakhar.

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Usually written as Lárkána.

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I. e. Aorangzeb whoascended the throne of Dehlí in 1069 A.H. (1684 A.D.)

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A descendant of this high official, bearing the same name is living now at Rohrí. The family is called Kótáí Sayyeds.

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Sehwan.

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This is the present Naushahró Feróz.

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By Siráís is meant the Kalhórahs and by that name they will be often called, because they came from Sirah or the Upper Sind Frontier.

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|| The tomb is still visited by people. The place is in the Kakar Táluka.

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* On that account it is named Gárhí (red).

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