A History of Sind, Volume II - A History of Sind, Volume II, Translated from Persian Books by Mīrzā Kalichbeg Fredunbeg

In the translation of the ‘Chachnámah,’ which I have lately written, will be found the ancient history of Sind up to the close of the Hindú period and the Arab conquest. That book may be taken as the first volume of the history of Sind, the present book being a continuation of the same, and so the second volume of it.

This volume is divided into two parts. Part I. gives an account of the lieutenants of the Khalífahs or successors of Muhammad, the rulers of the Súmrah, Sammah, Arghún and Tarkhán dynasties, and finally of the governors or agents of the Emperors of Dehlí. This brings us to the rule of the Kalhórahs, an account of whom, together with that of their successors, the Tálpurs, is given in Part II.

The first part is entirely based on the information supplied by the ‘Táríkh Maasúmí’ and the ‘Tuhfatulkírám,’^* to which a reference has been made in the preface of ‘the Chachnámah.’ In fact these were the only two Persian books which gave a full account of this period. For the sake of distinctness and easy reference, I have made a note at the beginning of each chapter, stating from which of the above two books the account has been taken. I considered it necessary to draw from the two books in this manner, as in some respects one was deficient and in some, the other; and so by a judicious use and mixture of the two I have filled up the deficiencies of both. Taking one book as my text for that chapter, I have added foot-notes to give the different versions, if any, of the other book. I have also given some other interesting referential notes, as I have done in the translation of ‘the Chachnámah.’^†

The second part of the book deals with the whole period of the Kalhórahs and Tálpur dynasties of the rulers of Sind, up to the advent of British rule. The account of the former dynasty is taken from the Tuhfatulkirám and that of the latter dynasty from the Fatehnámah and Frerenámah. The Fatehnámah is a metrical history written about 1783 A.D., by Muhammad Azím, a respectable person of Tattá, who lived in the reign of Mír Fatéh Alí Khán, to whom the book was dedicated; while the Frerenámah was written in 1857 A.D., by Mír Yár Muhammad Khán, Tálpur, son of Mír Murád Alí Khán, and was dedicated to Mr. (afterwards Sir Bartle) Frere, the then Commissioner in Sind. The first portion of this book (the Frerenámah) is entirely taken from the Fatehnámah, and the last portion is written by the author of the Frerenámah from his own experience, as he was an eye-witness of the period, being the son of a ruling Mír, and subsequently one of the unfortunate Mírs who were taken to Calcutta by the English as State prisoners.

This part too is written on the same principle adopted in the first part; namely, I have given a free translation of the Persian books from which the account is taken, adding as many explanatory and historical notes from other books as I considered necessary. If the language and style of the book appear strange and unhistorical, that is because I have tried to follow the Persian original closely, and at the same time avoided the redundant words and phrases, and sometimes passages, which being superfluities of the Persian language and imagination, were very common in the books. The readers may, however, be sure that I have given them all the facts on the subject that are recorded in the Persian books.

The division of the book into chapters and the head-notes of paragraphs will be found of great assistance to them in grasping the subject; I experienced much difficulty in that respect while going through the Persian books.

In Appendices I have given copious and interesting extracts (with head-notes) from the Blue Book, or official correspondence relative to Sind as placed before the British Parliament, and from some other books, to corroborate the facts related in the texts about the connection of the British Government with Sind from early times to the conquest.

I have also added biographical sketches of some noteworthy persons mentioned in the book, and genealogical trees of the ruling tribes and some other important persons referred to in the book.

In transliterating proper names I have adopted the system followed in the First Volume (The Chachnámah).

In conclusion, it may be mentioned that as a rule, in writing the history of a country, it is necessary to give a detailed account of the system of government or administration, as well as other important geographical, physical and social features of the same. But in this volume I have given bare historical facts, as found in the Persian books from which they were taken, reserving the above information for the concluding part of the last volume, in which, it is hoped that after the history of the British rule up to the present day, the subject will be discussed and the states of things in the different periods compared.

KALICHBEG.

Hyderabad,
November 1901.

I am highly obliged to Rev. J. Redman, C. M., and L. W. Seymour, Esq., for going through the first and second parts of the book, respectively, and to Dayaram Gidumal, Esq., B.A., LL.B., C.S., for writing an introduction for the book.

K. F. M.

We know very little about the aborigines of Sindh, but we may fairly infer that they were a race inferior to the Aryans. Omitting the aborigines, the history of Sindh before the advent of the English may be divided into three broad periods—the Aryan (Brahminical and Buddhist), the Semitic, and the Mongol. The invasion by Alexander, the inroads of the Scythians, the irruption of the King of Nimroz mentioned in the Chachnamah, the hurricane blasts of Nadir Shah and Ahmad Shah, the internecine feuds of rival princes in the Province itself, and their various ups and downs, may well be treated as so many interludes. The present volume deals with the Semitic and Mongol periods, while the first was concerned with the last days of the Aryan period.

The aborigines fell before the Eastern Aryans, the Eastern Aryans before the Arabs, the Arabs before the Mongols, and these last again before the Western Aryans represented by the English. At the present day, the world is mainly governed by the Western Aryans, and no reader of this modest volume can fail to see why they are in the ascendant, for it supplies materials for a safe historical generalisation.

That generalisation is that neither mere Efficiency (Lord Rosebery’s watchword) nor mere Righteousness is enough : there must be a combination of both in order to ensure a nation’s Solidarity, and the nation that is blessed with Solidarity is always superior to that not so blessed. The aborigines lacked Solidarity and so they fell. The Eastern Aryans had it for numerous centuries, but eventually both their branches—the Hindu and the Persian— degenerated and lost their sovereignty. Any one who reads Muir’s History of the Khalifate cannot but admit that the Arabs, when they appeared on the world’s stage as conquerors, were superior to the peoples they conquered in Efficiency and Righteousness. It was due to their Solidarity, based upon these virtues, that while Muhammad bin Kasim was winning Sindh for the Khalif, another general was winning Spain in Europe, and laying a firmer foundation for Arab domination in that country than the Sakifi chief ever succeeded in laying in our Province. Sir Henry Elliot has shown that the Arabs had no great hold upon Sindh after the first few years, but the Arab conquest is nevertheless of great importance in history, as it gave rise to a large population, different in faith from the Hindus, though not different in race and language.^*

The Arab, however, failed to maintain the standard of Efficiency and Righteousness necessary for survival as a sovereign power, and the Mongol had, then, his turn. The world was out of joint, and Genghis, as Amiel says, in commenting upon ‘La Banniere Bleue,’ “proclaimed himself the scourge of God, and he did, in fact, realise the vastest empire known to history, stretching from the Blue Sea to the Baltic, and from the vast plains of Siberia to the banks of the sacred Ganges. The most solid empires of the ancient world were overthrown by the tramp of his horsemen and the shafts of his archers. From the tumult in which he threw the Western Continent, there issued certain vast results : the fall of the Byzantine Empire, involving the Renaissance, the voyages of discovery in Asia, undertaken from both sides of the globe—that is to say, Gama and Columbus; the formation of the Turkish Empire; and the preparation of the Russian Empire. This tremendous hurricane, starting from the high Asiatic table-lands, felled the decaying oaks and worm-eaten buildings of the whole ancient world. The descent of the yellow, flat-nosed Mongols upon Europe is a historical cyclone which devastated and purified our thirteenth century, and broke, at the two ends of the known world, through two great Chinese Walls— that which protected the ancient Empire of the Centre, and that which made a barrier of ignorance and superstition round the little world of Christendom. Attila, Genghis, Tamerlane ought to range in the memory of men with Cæsar, Charlemagne, and Napoleon. They roused whole peoples into action, and stirred the depths of human life, they powerfully affected ethnography, they let loose rivers of blood, and renewed the face of things.” The Eastern and the Western Aryans as well as the Semitic race found themselves in the clutches of vast hordes of nomads, brave, simple and truthful, who have been called the scavengers of the corruptions of civilisation, but who gave India an Akbar, and to Sindh the Arghun and Tarkhan dynasties. When, in 1162, in a small tent on the banks of the distant Onon, Yesukai saw the clenched fist of the new-born Genghis holding a clot of coagulated blood like a red stone, it never occurred to him that his infant son would live to illustrate what has been rightly called “the law of tempests in history,” and would become the ancestor of heroes and emperors. It has been truly said : “No civilisation can bear more than a certain proportion of abuses, injustice, corruption, shame and crime. When this proportion has been reached the boiler bursts, the palace falls, the scaffolding breaks down; institutions, cities, states, empires sink into ruin. The evil contained in an organism is a virus which preys upon it, and if it is not eliminated ends by destroying it.” That is the lesson taught by the fall of the two great Aryan powers in the West—the Greek and the Roman; that is the lesson taught by the fall of the two great Aryan powers in the East— the Hindu and the Persian; and that is the lesson taught by the fall of the Arabs, and by the fall of the Mongols themselves. The wheel of Divine law has now given a fresh turn to the Aryan, and so long as he remains true to God, to himself and to his brothers, he may well expect a sovereignty mightier than that of the Arab or of the Mongol.

This volume helps us to realize the terrible law of retribution, which has, one after another, set aside kingdoms once great and glorious, but which, after they were past their heyday, lacked Righteousness and Efficiency. It helps us to realize how the present is connected with the past, how many a king in this unfortunate land came in vanity and departed in darkness, how those who rebelled against the moral law were brought low, how “light is sown for the righteous and gladness for the upright in heart.” It is also useful as a commentary upon that pregnant Sindhi word raj, which contains the whole history of Sindh in a nutshell, a pure Sanskrit word which once meant a Hindu kingdom or the Hindu subjects of a Raja, but which, in Sindh, now means a Muhammadan village community. Muhammad Maasum, whose history, first literally translated by Capt. G. Malet, has been in this volume freely rendered, wrote it for the benefit of his son Mir Buzurg, “in order that by reading it he might learn what good men of old did; that he might discriminate between right and wrong, between that which is useful and the reverse; and might learn to follow the paths of virtuous men”; and the translator’s labour will not be fruitless if this volume enables even a single young man to accomplish the old Sayad’s object.

DAYARAM GIDUMAL.

Dhulia, 14th March 1902.

As has been related at the close of the First Volume,

Lieutenants of Ummeide Khalífahs in Sind.

Thus ended the rule of the lieutenants of the Ummeide Khalífahs in Sind, which lasted for 40 years, from 93 to 133 A. H. (711 to 750 A. D.) Then followed the lieutenants of Abbáside Khalífahs. But before we proceed to give an account of these, it would be better to give by way of recapitulation, the names of the Ummeide Khalífahs in succession, and to describe the last event by which the Khalifate passed from their hands to those of the Abbáside Khalífahs.

We have seen that the first four successors of the

Ummeide Khalífaha enumerated,

It was in the time of the last Khalífah, Marwán, who

Passing of the Kálifate from the Ummeides to the Abbásides.

About the same time Abú Muslim revolted in Khurásán. He sent a strong army to irák, where it joined the other rebels, and appointed Saffáh Abbásí to be the Khalífah at Kúfah. Saffáh sent a large army under his uncle Abdulláh son of Alí Abbásí to Músal to fight against Marwán. Here many battles were fought that ended in the defeat of Marwán, who fled to Syria, pursued by an army of Abdullàh. From Syria Marwán crossed to Africa, where in a village on the Nile he was murdered by Ámir son of Ismáíl, one of Abdulláh’s men, who had come to the place for the purpose. This was in 132 A. H. (749 A.D.)

After Saffáh was proclaimed Khalífah, Sulaimán bin Hashám returned from Sind and joined Saffáh, but he was soon killed. And thus ended the line of Baní Ummiah the Khalifate of which is said to have lasted for one thousand months.

We have seen that Saffáh was the first Abbáside Khalífah.^*

The Abbáside Khalífahs enumerated.

We need not mention here the remaining 12 Khalífahs of this line, as we are not concerned with them. It will be enough to say that the last of them Mustaasim Billáh died in 651 A. H. (1253 A. D.), and that it was in his reign that the celebrated Tartar prince Halákú Khán, by order of his brother Mankú Káán^* marched against Baghdád with a large army and dethroned that last Abbáside Khalífah, and took possession of his country. The remaining Abbáside princes then continued their rule only in Andalusia (Spain).

The first Khalífah of this line, Saffáh, in the year

Lieutenants of the Abbáside Khalífahs in Sind.

In the year 381 A. H. (991 A. D.) Kádir Billáh became

Passing of the Governorship of Sind from the agents of the Khalífahs to those of the Kings of Dehli.

Thus ended the rule of the Arabs in Sind, or rather of the lieutenants of the Abbáside Khalífahs, which is said to have lasted for 283 years.

There were 14 princes in all, of the house of Ghazní,

Princes of the house of Ghazní, whose lieutenants governed Sind. Mahmúd and others.

In the 7th year of Khusró’s reign, i.e., in 583 A.H. (1187 A.D.) Ghayásuddín,^§ King of Ghór, invaded India and succeeded in dethroning Khusró at Láhór and taking him a prisoner. He sent him to Ghazní and killed all the members of the house of Ghazní who fell into his hands.

After conquering some parts of Hindustán, Ghayásuddín

Princes of the house of Ghór, who ruled Sind through their lieutenants, Ghayásuddín and Shahábuddín.^*

While in his native country, Shahábuddín commenced the organization of an expedition to be ready in 3 years time, to go to Turkistán. While these preparations were going on, he heard that a party of Khókhars had revolted in the direction of Láhór and hastening to the spot, he punished the ring-leaders. But on his return, when near the village of Damík, he fell under the dagger of a headman of Khókhars. His reign lasted for 32 years and some months, reckoning from the conquest of Ghazní. He lelft a daughter to inherit a large treasure of gold, silver and jewels. He is said to have had 500 maunds of beautiful diamonds. From this the amount of money in his possession may be guessed. He invaded India 9 times; twice he was defeated but seven times he was successful. He was pious, kindhearted and just. He respected good and wise men and patronized them in every way.

When Kutbuddín heard of the death of Shahábuddín

Kutbuddín Íbak.

On the death of Kutbuddín, the nobles of Dehlí put his

Árámshah bin Kutbuddín.

About the same time a detachment of the army of

Násiruddín Kabáchah.

Since 624 A. H. (1227 A. D.) Nizámulmulk had remained

Shamsuddín Eltamish.

In 637 A. H. (1239 A. D.) Mas-úd Sháh son of Ferózuddín

Masúd Sháh bin Ferózuddín.

For the first 4 years of his reign Násiruddín ruled the

Násiruddín Mahmúd bin Shamsuddín Eltamish.

About the close of 656 A. H. (1258 A. D.) an army of Mughals invaded Uch and Multán. Nàsiruddín hastened to expel them, but the former retreated without any engagement. So the king returned to his capital.

It is said of Násiruddín that he was a very good writer, or copyist. He used to write two copies of the Koran a year and the proceeds realized by the sale of the same he utilized for his kitchen expenses, as they were the lawful earnings by his own manual labour. Once the king learnt that a copy of the Koran written by him was purchased at a very high price by a nobleman, and so he ordered that in future his writings be sold secretly and at a low price. He had only one wife and no concubine, and she used to cook his food. On one occasion, she complained to him that her hands were giving her pain and suggested that a female slave might be purchased to serve as a cook. But the king replied that he did not consider it proper to spend money on private account from the public Treasury.

Násiruddín died on the 15th of Jamádissání, 664 A.H. (1265 A.D.) after a reign of 19 years, 3 months and some days. He had no issue.

Ghayásuddín a slave of Shamsuddín Eltamish, was

Ghayásuddín.

In the very commencement of his reign he deputed his son Sultán Muhammad to rule the provinces of Láhór, Multán and part of Sind. This young prince was himself pious and learned, and was fond of men known for piety and learning. He passed a great portion of his time in the company of Shekh Bahá-uddìn, Zakariyyá^* and Shekh Faríduddín Shakarganj, the celebrated saints of the time and of Amír Khusró^† and Amír Hasan, the celebrated poets and learned men of Dehlí. The latter he treated as his courtiers, giving them regular monthly allowances and periodical rewards. When on one occasion Shekh Usmán Marwandí, the biggest saint of Sind, who is known as Lál Shahbház Kalandar,^* came to Multán, the king received him with marked reverence and entreated him to make a long stay in the city. But that saint could not comply with his request and went away without tarrying long there. On another occasion, when in a singing party in which Shekh Baháuddín Zakariyyá’s verses were being rehearsed in the presence of his two sons, Shekh Usmán and Shekh Sadruddín, while many of the saint’s followers began to sing and dance in an ecstasy, the king out of respect stood weeping bitterly with his hand on his breast.

It is said that Ghayásuddín had been married to a daughter of Sultán Shamsuddín. Once in a moment of spiritual frenzy Ghayásuddín divorced his wife thrice, but when he returned to his usual mood he repented of what he had done. And as according to the Muhammadan Law he could not have her as his wife again before she was married to another person, it was arranged that the princess be married to Shekh Sadruddín, in the hope that that pious man would not hesitate to divorce her again without touching her, for the pleasure of the King. But after the girl was taken as a bride to the Shekh’s house, she would not return to the palace of the King, whose whims and frenzies had greatly tried her patience. She cried aloud calling that pious man to help her and not to throw her again into the clutches of her former husband. The Shekh was so much moved at her entreaties that he flatly refused to divorce her according to the previous arrangement. The King therefore revenged himself on the saint for that breach of promise.

It is also said of this King that twice he sent messengers from Multán to Shekh Saadí, the celebrated poet of Shíráz,^† who was his contemporary, inviting him to come to Multán and make a permanent residence there. But as the Shekh was a very old man he could not come, and instead, he sent a boat full of his compositions and a letter of recommendation for Amír Khusró of Dehlí, who had become his special friend.

In 683 A.H. (1284 A.D.) Changez Khán sent Kutlugh and Taimúr with a large army to Hindustán. When they arrived within the limits of Láhór, Sultan Ghayásuddín’s son Muhammad went with 30,000 men to meet them. A battle ensued in which prince Muhammad was slain, but the Mughal army was defeated and Kutlugh and Taimúr left the country. Ghayásuddín left his grand son Kai Khusró to rule Multán and Sind in place of his father Muhammad, and himself passed his time quietly, bewailing the loss of his son. He died in 685 A.H. (1286 A.D.)

Jaláluddín, the son of Feróz Khiljí was one of Sultán

Jaláluddín Khiljí.^*

After Aláuddín proclaimed himself king of Dehlí

Aláuddín.

In the beginning of 696 A. H. (1296 A. D.) he began to move actively in settling the affairs of Sind and Multán, about which he was very anxious, because the late king Jáláluddín’s son Arkalí Khán was at Multán. Aláuddín therefore hastened to send his brother Ulugh Khán with 40,000 men in that direction. Ulugh Khán laid siege to the fort of Multán. After three months of blockade, the people inside the fort were compelled to leave Arkalí Khán to his fate and opening the gates at night joined Ulugh Khán. Through the intercession of Shekh Ruknuddín Arkali Khán was allowed to make his exit from the fort. Aláuddín then appointed Nasrat Khán to go with 10,000 men through the Districts of Multán, Uch, Bakhar, Sehwán and Tattá, to put down adverse tribes and appoint trustworthy men as Governors of the several towns and forts and himself return to Multán, which he should form his head-quarters.

In 697 A.H. (1297 A.D.) news was received of the capture of Sehwán by Mughul forces, from Sístán. A fine was imposed upon the people of the place who had come out to oppose them. Nasrat Khán therefore hastened from Multán to Sehwán by boat with a large army and with military stores and machines. The Mughuls came out to fight with him but were soon defeated and driven away. The king’s forces therefore returned to Bakhar. Meanwhile Aláuddín ordered Ulugh Khán to invade Gujrát with some Sind forces, viâ Jesalmer. Accordingly Ulugh Khán came to Jesalmer and took that fort after killing a large number of Hindús. He left two of his trustworthy men in charge of the place and himself proceeded with his army to Gujrát and completely conquered that province. By these repeated successes, Aláuddín’s power was much confirmed throughout the length and breadth of his kingdom, which at this time extended on the east, south and west to the sea, and on the north to Bengal, Gujrát and Sind. Every part of this kingdom was ruled by governors and magistrates appointed by him. It is said that every week he used to receive reports regularly from different parts of his country. His death occurred on the 6th of Shawwál 700 A.H. (1300 A.D.)

About the close of his reign Aláuddín had prepared an

Ghází Malak alias Ghayásuddín Taghlak.

When, soon after this, Ghayásuddín proceeded from Multán to Dehlí, the tribe of Súmrahs^* revolted and took possession of Tattá. Ghayásuddín appointed Tájuddín Malak as governor of Multán and Khwájah Khatír as governor of Bakhar and he left Malak Alísher in charge of Sehwán. In 723 A.H. (1323 A.D.), he appointed his son Muhammad Sháh his heir and successor and took a written promise or agreement to the arrangement from the ministers and nobles of the state. In 725 A.H. (1324 A.D.) he died of heat apoplexy.

On succeeding to the throne of his father Muhammad

Fakhr Malak alias Muhammad Sháh Taghlak.

In 744 A.H. (1343 A.D.) an idea entered the mind of Muhammad Sháh, that he should rule the country as a subordinate to the Khalífah of Mussalmans, Abbás, who was his contemporary and whom he considered his superior, in his absence. He sent Rafíi Malak with rich presents to the Khalífah of Egypt, and the Khalífah too, in recognition of such a voluntary surrender of rights, sent in return rich dresses and Islámic flags, which the king was glad to receive. Thenceforth he ordered the name of the Khalífah to be coupled with his own at the Friday and other Holiday prayers and sermons.

In 751 A. H. (1350 A. D.) Muhammad Sháh prepared to go to Gujrát and with that intention moved from Dehlí to Karnál and as about that time, his slave Tághí had caused a rebellion in Khanbhát with the assistance of the tribe of Jarejahs, the king turned in haste in that direction in order to proceed thither by way of Tattá. Coming to the village of Tharí he halted there, waiting for the forces coming after him. Here he was attacked by fever and so he removed from the proximity of the water and came to Kandal, where he got better and was joined by his troops too. So with an easy mind he marched to Tattá, where the slave fugitive Tághí had taken shelter. At about 28 miles from Tattá the king made a halt for a day. It was the 10th day of Muharram, a holiday with the Mussalmans, and the king observed a fast. The next day he again suddenly got an attack of fever and no remedy of physicians could check it. He rapidly got worse, and on 21st of the same month in 752 A. H. (1351 A. D.) he expired.

Before the last moment of Muhammad had arrived he

Feróz Sháh.

Hearing of Muhammad Sháh’s death the rebel Tághí made a conspiracy with the tribes of Súmrahs, Járejahs and Sammahs and with an army formed of these people he proceeded to oppose the royalists. Feróz Sháh being informed of his movements sent a column of 2,000 men to fight with him. This force made a hasty march during the night and met Tághí with an army of Súmrahs, whom they defeated in a hard-fought battle and put them to flight. The next day another battle was fought and again the Súmrahs were defeated. Tághí could not tarry longer; so he fled away. On the first of the next month (Saffar) Feórz Sháh left Tattá and moved towards Dehlí. He built a fort on the bank of the lake of Sángrah and left Nasír in charge of it and appointed Malak Bahrám to be the administrator. When he arrived at Sehwán he posted Malak Alísher and Malak Tájuddín Káfúrí to be the rulers of that part. He paid a visit to the shrine of Shahbáz Kalandar and fixed some stipendiary allowances for the keepers of the shrine and other men connected with it. Next he came to the fort of Bakhar, where he spent 20 days and appointed Malak Ruknuddín to be his agent or lieutenant for Sind with the title of Ikhlás Khán and Malak Abdulazíz to be the díwán or revenue officer of Bakhar. He also left 80 men to guard the fort. He then marched on, making similar arrangements for the important places on his way. In the month of Rajjib of the same year he arrived at Dehlí, where he spent some months peacefully, treating the people of the place with every mark of kindness.

On the 5th of Saffar of 753 A. H. (1352 A. D.) he left his capital on a touring excursion and received allegiance from several big land owners and chiefs. In 754 A. H. (1353 A. D.) he went on a hunting excursion to Kalánúr and the hills of that side. On his return he built several state buildings. He conferred the title of Shekh-ul-Islám on Shekh Sadruddín the son of Shekh Bahá-uddín Zakariyyá and then returned to his capital.

In 760 A. H. (1359 A. D.) he conquered Bengál and in 772 A. H. (1370 A. H) in the month of Rajjib he started for Bakhar. When he came to the hills situated on the way to that town, they brought iced water for him. But as he learnt that on a previous occasion when the late king Muhammad Sháh had arrived at the same place iced syrup was brought to him and that as he (Feróz Sháh) had been then absent, the late king did not touch that delicious drink out of his fondness for him, the king ordered that one hundred camel loads of sugar-candy be melted into iced water to form syrup and distributed in the honoured memory of his late uncle and patron, who had shown so much love and regard for him.

From Bakhar the king came to Tattá. Jám Khairuddín, who was then the chief at Tattá, put himself in a moated castle to defend himself and for many days kept the king’s army at bay. At last the king was obliged to leave the place owing to scarcity of grain and grass, rise of water and increase of mosquitoes. He left one Bishkal there in place of Nizámulmulk and himself went to Gujrát. After some time, leaving Zafar Khán at Gujrát he returned to Tattá. This time Jám Khairuddín surrendered to him and the king pardoned him and ordered him with many other zamindárs of the place to go to Dehlí. When these men came to the vicinity of Sehwán, Jám Khairuddín secretly arranged to make his escape by means of a boat. But on information being given to the king by the party of zamindárs, the king ordered that the Jám be put in irons and taken as a prisoner to Dehlí. The king himself too moved with his army to his capital. After some time the king appointed Jám Khairuddín’s son Jám Júnah to be the ruler of Tattá.

Feróz Sháh died on 18th Ramazán, 790 A.H. (1388 A.D.) after a successful reign of 38 years and some months.

Feróz Sháh was succeeded on the throne of Ferózábád by

Ghayásuddín alias Taghlak Sháh wd. Fateh Khán.

The nobility now came forward and installed Feróz

Abúbakr Sháh wd. Zafar Khán.

About the same time the chief of Sámánah was murdered by Mír Sadah Sámánah, who sent his head to Muhammad Sháh son of the late king, at Nagarkót. Muhammd Sháh getting this favourable opportunity hastened to Sámánah and proclaimed himself king of the place, in the month of Rabí-ul-awwal and received the obeisance of Mír Sadah Sámánah and other zamindárs of the place. Here Muhammad Sháh was soon joined by some other nobles who had deserted Abúbakr Sháh. In a short time about 20,000 foot and horse assembled under the standard of Muhammad Sháh, who now proceeded from Sámánah to Dehlí. By the time he arrived in the vicinity of Dehlí, his forces increased to 50,000 men. Thus equipped Muhammad Sháh marched on hastely and encamped at Jahánábád, on the 2nd day of Rabí-ul-ákhar of 791 A. H. (1389 A. D.) and again on the 2nd of Jamádi-ul-awwal of the same year and engagement took place within the heart of the town of Ferózábád between the armies of Muhammad Sháh and Abúbakr Sháh. While the battle was going on, Abúbakr Sháh was suddenly strengthened by the arrival of succour under Bahádur Khán of Mewát and he gained the upper hand. The next day a hard battle was fought which too ended in the defeat of Muhammad Sháh and in his escape with 2,000 men to Duábah, across the river Jún. Once more in the month of Shuabán of the same year, Muhammad Sháh came prepared for a fight with Abúbakr Sháh, but he soon fled, being pursued to a distance of 6 miles by the victorious army of the king. Thenceforth Muhammad Sháh remained in one place in a position of rest. In the next month (Ramazan) he only wrote letters to the people of Láhór, Multán and other places instigating them to kill all the men of the side of Feróz Sháh, wherever they could find them. Accordingly massacre and plunder made their appearance in those towns, to the great annoyance of the public. At last the nobles of the state being disheartened by the cruel behaviour of Muhammad Sháh left him and went to Abúbakr Sháh at Mewàt. The reign of this king lasted for a year and a half only.

Muhammad Sháh son of Feróz Sháh came to the throne

Muhammad Sháh bin Feróz Sháh.

Coming to Dehlí, he began to effect some improvements in state affairs. After he had sufficiently strengthened himself, he deputed his son Humáyún Khán, with the advice of his ministers to go and fight against Abúbakr Sháh who was now living at Kótlah. Accordingly this prince with his forces came to the vicinity of that place and camped there. During the night, Abúbakr Sháh with the assistance of Bahádur Khán the leader of Feróz Sháh’s men, who had joined him, made a sudden attack on the prince’s camp. A severe engagement ensued in which Abúbakr Sháh was defeated and he hurried to the fort of Kótlah, where he took shelter from the invading forces. Hearing this state of things Muhammad Sháh himself came down to the place by hurried marches and laid siege to the fort. The result was that Abúbakr Sháh was obliged to surrender. He was taken prisoner and sent to the fort of Mewát, where ultimately he died.

Soon after his return to Dehlí the king went to Gujrát and thence to Bengál, where he punished some of the mischief-makers and then came and halted at the castle of Muhammadábád, which town he had built in his time. During his stay here he got ill, but hearing that Bahádur Náhir had attacked some villages in the close vicinity of Dehlí and pillaged them, he started for Mewat without delay, though very weak. At Kótlah he met Bahádur Náhir, who gave him battle in open field, but being soon defeated, retired to the fort of Kótlah. He could not however remain long there and was compelled to run away. The king now prepared to go to Muhammadábád but illness returned to him with double severity, to which he succumbed on 17th Rabí-ul-awwal 796 A.H. (1393 A.D.). He reigned for 6 years and 7 months.

After the 3 days of the mourning ceremony of the late

Aláuddín alias Humáyún bin Muhammad Sháh.

On the death of Aláuddín many nobles and ministers

Mahmúd Sháh alias Násiruddín bin Muhammad Sháh.

In the same year Mahmúd Sháh prepared an expedition under Sárang Khán against Debálpur and Sind, and against Shekhá Khókhar, who with the assistance of Bhattís, Khiljís and some tribes of Multán had commenced to play mischief. Accordingly in the month of Zí-kaad of 796 A. H. (1393 A. D.) Sárang Khán started for Láhór and arriving within about 12 koss from that town, engaged with Shekhá Khókhar in a pitched battle. Shekhá Khókhar was defeated and fled to the mountain of Jamún. The next day Sárang Khán took possession of the fort of Láhór, and left his brother Malak Khandú with the title of Ádil Khán, in charge of the place, and himself went to Debálpur. In the month of Shuabán of the same year, Mahmúd Sháh left Mukarrab Khán with some other trustworthy men in charge of the fort of Debálpur and himself, taking Saádat Khán with him, left for Gwaliár and Bayánah. When he arrived near Gwaliár a treacherous conspiracy was formed against him by Malak Aláuddín Márwál, Mubárak Khán son of Malak Rajúr and Sárang Khán’s brother Malúr. Saádat Khán getting secret information about this league, managed to secure Malak Aláuddín and Sárang Khán and killed them. Sárang Khán’s brother Malúr effected his escape and coming to the king succeeded in removing the suspicion against himself; then quietly slipping from his camp to the town, openly defied him to fight. The king with the assistance of Saádat Khán laid siege to the town. Then commenced daily engagements between the two parties, which continued for three months. At length some of Mukarrab Khán’s friends treacherously separated the king from Saádat Khán and brought him to the town. Saádat Khán, seeing that his efforts to take the fort were of no avail and having no hope of taking any active measures owing to the rain falling about the time, he left the place and moved to Ferózábád and there, all the nobles of the place unanimously summoned Násiruddín son of Feróz Khán and grandson of Feróz Sháh, who was in Mewát, and in the month of Rabí-ul-awwal put him on the throne of Ferózábád with the title of Nasrat Sháh. But soon perceiving that Nasrat Sháh had become now a different person from before, the nobility found means to detach Saádat Khán, who was the chief of the ministers, from him. Thus putting Saádat Khán, by some excuses at a distance from Nasrat Sháh, they tried to harm him. And Saádat Khán not being able to cope with them single-handed hastened to Dehlí, where Mukarrab Khán treacherously got him murdered.

After this occurrence Muhammad Muzaffar, Sháhah Náhir and Fazlulláh, who were house-born slave-nobles of Feróz Sháh had no other alternative but to join Nasrat Sháh. And the latter with their assistance succeeded in securing many parts of the kingdom.

Seeing this state of things king Násiruddín Mahmúd Sháh began to look with fear and suspicion at his nobles and army. He was in a fix as to what course to adopt in dealing with them. But soon war broke out between the two claimants to the throne. In 798 A.H. (1395 A.D.) some disagreement arose between Sárang Khán, the governor of Debálpur and Láhór, on behalf of Mahmúd Sháh and Khizir Khán, the ruler of Multán. Some men of the tribe of Bhattí also joined him and increased his ranks. Thus strengthened Sárang Khán came and took Multán. In Ramazan 799 A.H. (1396 A.D.) he assembled a large force and proceeded towards Dehlí. The chief men of Dehlí made common cause and came out prepared to fight with him. A battle took place between them on the 15th of Muharram 800 A.H. (1397 A.D.). Sárang Khán, being defeated, returned to Multán.

This disagreeable war-fare continued between these two princes, causing much disturbance in the country. A foreign enemy now appeared on the scene, who changed the aspect of the whole affair. In the month of Rabí-ul-awwal of the same year, Mirzá Pír Muhammad a grandson of Amír Taimúr, known by the title of Sáhib Kirán, traversing the Panjáb, the land of five rivers, laid siege to the fort of Uch. Malak Alí, who was the governor of the place, on behalf of Sárang Khán defended himself in the fort and kept the assailants at bay for about a month. Then arrived succour in the form of 4,000 men, under Malak Tájuddín despatched by Sárang Khán. At the approach of this reinforcement Mirzá Pír Muhammad left the fort and went in advance to meet Malak Tájuddín. He put him to flight and then returned to lay siege to the fort of Multán. For six months continually he kept on fighting with Sárang Khán. After this period Sárang Khán surrendered to the Tartar prince. Mirzá Pír Muhammad took possession of Multán and made a halt there for some time.

Hearing of the encroachments of Mirzá Pír Muhammad as precursors of Amír Taimúr, all the nobles and ministers of Dehlí assembled in Shawwál 800 A.H. (1397 A.D.) at the shrine of Shekh Kutbuddín Bakhtyár Kákí and brought about reconciliation and union between them and thus secured strength and protection for the empire immediately within the province of Dehlí, detaching Sind to shift for itself under its rulers.

In the month of Saffar 801 A.H. (1398 A.D.) amír Taimúr himself came with a large army to Multán and joined his grandson Mirzá Pír Muhammad. He dealt out undue punishment to those who had opposed his party, some of whom were even then prisoners.

At this time the rulers of Sind threw off the yoke of the kings of Dehlí and thereafter ruled their country independently.

Before we take up the account of Súmrah and Sammah

Remnants of the Arab rulers in Sind and tribes descended from them.

At the time of the Khalífahs of the Ummeide dynasty, there were still a few Hindú princes ruling some parts of Sind. The chief among them were Dalúrái at Alór and Bhanbhórái at Bambhór, which town was called after him, he being its founder.^† We have also seen above that in the reign of Harún Rashíd, a Khalífah of the abbaside dynasty, this same Bhanbhór and some other old towns of Sind were destroyed by a convulsion of the earth, which necessitated the removal of the people, in large bodies to the interior of Hindustán; also that at the time of Khalífah Mamún many Arab families of Baghdád and Sámrah^‡ emigrated to Sind, and became permanent residents of that country.

It may be noted here that in the reign of Sultán Árám Sháh when Hindustán was divided into four parts, and the part of Sind and Multán fell to the lot of Násiruddín Kabáchah there were seven native ránás or princes paying tribute to Multán. They were—

In 417 A.H. (1026 A.D.) when Abdurrazák, the wazír of Sultan Mahmúd of Ghazní invaded Sind and taking Bakhar came to Sehwán and Tattá, there were indeed very few Arab residents of the time of the Ummeides and the Abbásides to be found in Sind. It is carefully calculated that there were only 18 such families of any importance, then existant in the province, some remnants of which can still be found in our time. They are enumerated below:—

The last two tribes are of some importance and so we

The Jat and Balój^* tribes.

Muhammad son of Hárún Makrání was one of the officers of Makrán, who, in company with Muhammad Kásim, had come to Armanbelah, at the time of the conquest of Sind and had died there. His remains were buried at that place. He was a grandson of Muhammad son of Abán, son of Abdurrahím son of Hamzah son of Abdul Mutlib.^† It is believed that once Hamzah had come out on a hunting excursion to a lonely desert about this part of the country and confronting a fairy, associated with her and then returned to his native country. The fairy soon found herself with child and in due course of time gave birth to a son, who was named Abdurrahím. In short Muhammad son of Harún is said to have got 50 sons by 7 wives, as shown below:—

By Humairá	Seven.
By Humairí	Seven.
By Mariam	Six.
By Áishah	One.
By Maddí	Seven.
By Fátimah	Nine.
By Hawwá	Thirteen.

After the passing away of Muhammad son of Hárún, the land of Makrán was divided into two parts, one going to the children of one of the sons of Jalál who was the last of Muhammad’s sons by his first wife, and the other to all the other brothers jointly. After some time a quarrel arose between the brothers. The children of Jalál were driven away to Sind and Kachh, where innumerable tribes branched off from them.

Lódahs are also called Lóliás. They take their name

The tribe of Lódah.

The tribe of Sammah derives its name and is descended

The tríbe of Sammah, its origin and its branches.

Whatever may be his origin, Sám had four sons and the names of these with the tribes descended from them are given as follows^†:—

(1) Budha (2) Sangá (3) Hamahr (4) Bhágrat.

Budha had 16 sons:—

Badah, Sórah, Sahtah, Akhel, Aotár, Amrah, Bazír and others They are all known by the general title of Ráthór.

Sangá and Hamahr had each issue, that of the latter being called Túdarast.

Bhágrat had a son by name Derah, who had a son by name Ajepár, who had a son by name Dasrat.

Dasrat is said to have had three wives, Kaselá, Keliah and Samiá. By his first wife he had two sons Rám and Lakhman; by his second wife, he had one son by name Bart; and by his third wife also he had one son who was called Chatrkan.

Of these Bart had four sons—Parhár, Janspá, Kórejáh and Náhah. Chatrkan’s children are known by the name of Chárará. Lakhman had no issue, and Rám had one son by name Nawákas, who had a son by name Atat, whose son was called Tatat, who had a son by name Narganat, whose son was known by the name of Kin from whom the town of Kin took its name. Kin had a son who was called Sanbút Rájá.

Sanbút Rájá had four sons Sám, Bar Karrah (also called Sháh) Hunrut (also called Dakhan) and Máwah. Of these, Sám had a son by name Jádam, who had four sons— (1) Hispat, from whom are descended Sind Sammahs; (2) Kajpat, from whom is descended the tribe of Chaghdah. (3) Bahúpat, whose descendants are Bhattís. (4) Jórá-Sammah from whom was descended the celebrated generous prince, Rái Diáj, the king of Karnál in the parganah of Sórath.^*

Of these four sons of Jádam, Hispat had a son whose name was Zabdarí, who had a son by name Nayyit, whose son was called Ráno-Tyárá, who had a son by name Ódhár, who was the father of Udhah, whose son was called Lákhiár, who again had a son by name Lákhah.

Lákhah became a king and married a lady from Buthí Chárah, by whom he had four sons, two of whom were well known, viz. Udhah, who had no issue and from whom the place where he resided got his name Oudh; and Mahar, who had four sons (1) Satiah (2) Waditar-Páthárí (3) Warhá, who had no issue (4) Sánd, who too died without any issue.

It is said that, in his old age, Lákhah married another wife, by whom too he got four sons,—viz.

(1) Unar (2) Chhuttah, who had three sons,—Bábrah, Dankanah and Kalah, (3) Phul Lákhah, who had a son by name Kalání, (4) Manáhiah.

Of these, Lákhah’s eldest son Unar had a son by name Lákhah, whose son was named Sammah, who had two sons, Kákah and Jakhrah.

Kákah^* became a ruler of his country and the town of Kák or Kákah was named after him. He got two sons— Pallí and Ráidan. Of the children of Pallí, Masrak Sammah became the chief of his tribe.

Ráidan son of Kákah had nine sons, and they are,— (1) Sammah, from whom are descended the Samejás (2) Nótíar, from whom are descended all the Nóts (3) Lákhah, whose descendants are Lanjárs. The well-known saint Shekh Sáhar Lanjár is out of them (4) Abrah whose children were Phul Náhiah and Dáhar Náhiah (5) Náhiyah (6) Chanesar, who became a celebrated person of his time (7) Manáhiah (8) Kóriah,^† from which last three is descended the tribe of Mandrah (9) Pallí who became the chief of his people.

Pallí the last son of Ráidan had two sons (1) Udhah, from whom are descended Bahriahs, Udhejás and Kadriahpótás; (2) Sánd, who became the headman of his tribe.

Sánd son of Pallí had seven sons;—(1) Kákah, whose descendants are known by the name of Kákejah-pótás (2) Járah, (3) Wírah, (4) Janejah, (5) Hingórah, from whom are descended Udhejás, Jaksiahs, Dhorhás and Hingórjás, (6) Derah, whose descendants are Derah Sammah, in Kachh (7) Jám Hóthí.

The last of these, Jám Hóthí had five sons,—(1) Hálah from whom the tribe of Hálahs takes its origin and name. (2) Hingórah, from whom are descended the residents of Dhoriah Hingórah, Chárah Hingórah, and Rámdeh, (3) Sáhar, from whom are descended Sáhar Sammahs (4) Cheláriah whose descendants are Nahriahs, (5) Jám Hápar.

Jám Hápar had two sons, Ráhújah and Jám Júnah. Jám Júnah had a son by name Kar Ráhú, who had three sons, (1) Sánd, whose children were Rahúmá, Lákhátiah and Jakhrah (2) Súmrah and (3) Lákhah Jám. This last man had a son by name Káhah, whose son was Lákhah. After the death of Káhah, another son was born to him who was called Kárah after his own name.

The above Lákhah son of Káhah had twelve sons:—

(1) Jám Júnah, from whom were descended the Sammah rulers of Sind, who became residents of Sámuí.^* (2) Unar, who became the ruler of Bahriah and died without issue. (3) Pallí, whose descendants are Phul Sammahs (4) Káhah, who is the ancestor of Sódiárí Sammahs. (5) Óthah, from whom were descended Sáhah Sammah, Óthah Sammah and Sekhát Sammah (6) Jesar, whose children are called Bhayahpariá (7) Mangar, who had no issue (8) Abrah, whose descendants are known by the name of Abrejahs. (9) Hingórah Kaónr, who was the ancestor of Sahejahs (10) Sultán whose descendants were called Sultan Óth (11) Ràidan (12) Lákhah.

Of these the ninth son of Lákhah wd. Káhah, Hingórah Kaónr had three sons:—Desar, Manáhiah, Murádiah. Desar had five sons, Kahah, Hálah, Rukan, Hingórah and Júnah.

The eldest son of Lákhah wd. Káhah, Jám Júnah, the ancestor of the Sammah rulers of Sind had five sons:— Khóriah, Tájiah, Abrah, Balój and Bábínah. The children of this last son Bábínah got an opportunity of ruling their country, as will be mentioned in its proper place.

There has been an occasional mention in some places

The Súmrah dynasty in Sind.

It has been mentioned in a previous chapter that in the year 720 A.H. (1320 A.D.), Ghází Malak took the army of Sind and Multán to Dehlí, dethroned Khusró Khán the last of the Ghazní kings and proclaimed himself the king of Dehlí, with the title of Ghayásuddín Taghlak Sháh. About that time, a large number of the Súmrah tribe assembled in the vicinity of Tharrí and taking a man by name Súmrah, as their leader, proclaimed him to be an independent chief of their tribe and country. With their assistance Súmrah soon secured a firm grasp of his principality and cleared the surrounding country of rebellious people. He then managed to marry a daughter of a big zamindár of the place. Her name was Sád. He got a son by her and he named him Bhúngar. At the death of Súmrah, Bhúngar succeeded him as the chief of his tribe. Bhúngar was again succeeded by his son Dódá, who extended his rule to Nasarpúr. After a successful reign, he died leaving a grown up daughter by name Tárí and a minor son by name Sanghár. For the time Tárí took the reins of Government. When Sanghár reached the age of maturity, he replaced his sister on the throne. This young chief made some invasions in the direction of Kachh and brought the country up to Nánaknai^* into his possession. At his death, as he had no issue, his widow Hímú, who was ruling in the fort of Adak managed to put her own brothers in possession of the towns of Muhammad Tùr and Tharrí.

About this period, the Súmrah chief Dódá was ruling his people at the castle of Dahkah. Considering the opportunity very favourable, he collected his kinsmen and caste-fellows, invaded the country of Hímú’s brothers, and defeated and killed them. But soon afterwards, one Dádú Phattú, of the descendants of Dódá collected a large number of men and made himself the master of his forefather’s country. After a quiet reign of some years he died and was succeeded by a chief named Khairá. After Khairá, one Armel became the ruler of the place. As he was a cruel-hearted person and treated his people very badly, some people of the tribe of Sammahs with Unar at their head, revolted against him and killed him in conspiracy with his ministers. The head of Armel was hung on the top of the gate of the fort and Unar was proclaimed their ruler. This occurred in 752 A.H (1351 A.D.). Thus the Government of Sind passed away from the hands of Súmrahs to those of Sammahs. According to the Muntakhib Tawáríkh it was in 445 A.H. (1053 A.D.) that in the reign of Abdurrashíd son of Sultán Mahmúd of Ghazní, who was a weak prince, that the Súmrahs secured their independence and elected Súmrah as their chief. He was succeeded by a line of chiefs that are given below:—

Some other stories are related about the causes which

Some other causes of the all of the Súmrah dynasty.

Hamír Súmrah, the last ruler, was a very cruel man. His behaviour was perhaps worse than his predecessors. Ráná Mendrah was his wazír. The love of the king and his wazir for the princess Múmal of the tribe of Gujar and the disagreement between them on this account is well known in Sind. ^§ It took place about the close of the reign of the Sùmrahs, and that, with some other events of the like nature, tended towards the downfall of their kingdom.

Chanesar (No. 13) was another of the last batch of Súmrah princes, whose misconduct with the beautiful princess Lílá, a daughter of ráná Khangár, who had been betrothed to her own cousin, formed a factor in the decline ^||of that dynasty.^||

It was also in the reign of one of these Súmrah princes that Dalúrái, a descendant of the Hindú king of the same name, who was the founder of Dalúr or Alór, imitated the ruling Súmrah princes of his own time in immoral behaviour by attempting to seize Badíul Jamál the beloved wife of Saiful Mulúk, a princely merchant travelling through his city and brought down the wrath of God that reduced the ancient towns of Alór and Bhanbrá (or Brahmanábád) to ruins

Chhattah Amrání, a brother of Dalúráí, being offended with him for his misdemeanour came to Baghdád, took 100 Arabs of Sámrah under the leadership of Sayyed Alí Músawí, and came to Sind. After his arrival, his brother Dalúrái submitted to the Sayyed and gave him the hand of his daughter. The Sayyed preferred his residence at Lakallawí (Lakí) and his descendants are the Sayyeds of the place, still in existence. Sometimes this event is considered to be the origin of Súmrahs in Sind. Among other things some bad customs and habits of the people of that age also conduced in a measure to the loss of high position by the Súmrah chiefs of Sind. It is said that these chiefs used to brand their other relations and ordinary people’s persons with a mark to show that they were all inferior to them. They themselves used to wear turbans, while they permitted the others only to use the warp of the web or half woven cloth instead; for the sake of distinction. They likewise required the other people to cut off the nails of their hands and feet from their roots. They used clothes on their persons once only and did not get them washed to use them again. On the same principle, perhaps, they never approached women who had once given birth to a child and who therefore were obliged to lead a miserable life. Once it is said that a wise lady got her husband’s sheets that he had thrown aside, washed by a washerman and kept the same scented with a sweet scent. When her husband required new sheets after a bath, the lady gave him the washed ones. The man was so much struck with the cleanness and softness of the clothes that he enquired from his wife as to how she had managed to get them for him. The wife then informed him that they were the same old dirty clothes that he had thrown away. She then showed to him the folly of the men in not using certain things that could still be very useful after some manipulation. Next she slowly explained to him the application of the same rule to women, who had been thrown aside, after giving birth to a child. By degrees these bad customs were given up by the people.

It is said that the Súmrahs were in the habit of drinking liquor and eating the flesh of buffaloes. One day some Súmrahs took away a young buffalo from the house of some Sammah in his absence. When the man returned home, his wife complained to him of what had happened and reproached him saying “To-day these Súmrahs have forcibily taken away a young buffalo from your houses, tomorrow they will take away your females.” The man was much ashamed. He took the complaint before the heads of his tribe, collected a large gathering of men, killed some chief men of the Súmrahs and left the town.

In short the Sammahs were very much ill-treated by

Emigration of Sammahs from Sind to Kachh.

It is said that a Brahmin was posted at the gate of the castle and as he was an astrologer too he had the privilege of permitting men to enter or preventing them from entering the walls of the castle. Once upon a time, after the harvest was over, when these Sammahs brought the 500 carts of grass in the usual way, they concealed two brave armed men in each cart, in the midst of the grass. As the carts were admitted into the castle by the gatekeepers to deposit the hay in the appointed place, the Brahmin is said to have observed that he smelt or perceived raw flesh in the grass. But the door-keepers only laughed at the idea. However, as the Brahmin must not be disbelieved, some men thrust lances into some grass loads to test them. They say that the blades of the lances pierced the bodies of the men concealed in the grass and as they came out of their bodies they had courage enough to wipe them with their clothes and to send them out clean of their blood. This removed all suspicion and all the carts were allowed to go in. During the next night, when all was silent in the castle, the armed men rushed out, stopped the gates, called their comrades outside the castle who were on the alert to join them, killed the ruler of Kachh and other occupants of the place and took possession of the fort. Since that time these Sammahs and their descendants have been a ruling class in Kachh.

It has been said above that complaints were taken to

Extirpation of Súmrahs from Sind.

During this confusion it is said that a few young virgins of the Súmrah tribe fell into the hands of the Sultán’s army. Being hard pressed by them and determined to save their chastity, they prayed to God, and the ground under them immediately cracked and engulphed them. The spot is still visited by people, who are shown remnants of their veils that are believed to have been left behind as dumb witnesses of their disappearance.

In short, the tribe of Súmrahs was thus extirpated from Sind and their chief town of Muhammad Túr made desolate by the plunderous hands of the army of the Sultán of Dehlí. The Sammahs who succeeded the Súmrahs built new towns near it, viz:—Sámuí and others, and considered the old site of Muhammad Túr, which was situated in the parganah of Darak as a cursed and an unlucky spot.

We have spoken elsewhere of the origin of the Sammahs

The Sammah Jáms or rulers of Sind.

It was in 752 A.H. (1351 A.D.) that Jám Unar son of

Jám Unar bin Bábínah.

Jám Júnah came to the throne in 755 A.H. (1354 A.D.)

Jám Júnah bin Bábínah.

Jám Júnah was succeeded by his nephew Jám Tamáchí.

Jám Tamáchí bin Jám Unar and Jám Khairuddín bin Tamáchí.

In the absence of their ruler, the Sammahs lived quietly round about Tharrí under Jám Tamáchí’s brother Bábínah son of Jám Unar, as their headman.^* After some years, Khairuddín son of Jám Tamáchí, who in his infancy had gone with his father to Dehlí, was after his father’s death permitted to return to Sind and be the chief of his tribe. Accordingly Jám Khairuddín came and took the helm of the government of his father’s country.

In a short time Sultán Muhammad Sháh Taghlak came to Sind viá Gujrát, in pursuit of the rebel Tághí, as has been mentioned above.

Muhammad Sháh wanted to see Jám Khairuddìn, but the latter avoided meeting him, as he had for years remained a prisoner with him. Shortly afterwards, Muhammad Sháh died in the vicinity of Tattá and was succeeded by Feróz Sháh, who hastened to Dehlí without tarrying in Sind. Jam Khairuddín followed him up to Sann near Sehwán and then returned to his capital and commenced ruling the country quietly and justly. An example of his justice may be given here.

It is said that one day, going with a cavalcade, he happened to pass through a desert, where he saw a heap of human bones. He halted there for a few minutes and remarked to his followers that the bones were appealing to him for a just enquiry into their case. He at once sent for an old man living in a neighbouring village and by making minute enquiries from him and others came to know that some seven years before that a party of travellers coming from Gujrát to Sind had been robbed and murdered by a certain band of robbers. He then secured some of the property of which they had been robbed, together with the robbers. He sent the same to the ruler of Gujrát in order that the robbers be punished by him and the property returned to the heirs of the owners.

At his death Jám Khairuddín was succeeded by his son

Jám Bábínah bin Jám Khairuddín.

Jám Tamáchí was the successor of his brother Jám

Jám Tamáchí bin Jám Khairuddín.

Jám Saláhuddìn was the successor of his father Jám

Jám Saláhuddín bin Jám Tamáchí.

After Jám Saláhuddín’s death the nobles of the state

Jám Nizámuddín bin Jám Saláhuddín.

Jám Alísher was a wise man and a brave soldier. He

Jám Alísher bin Jám Tamáchí.

As might be imagined, the nobles of the state were

Jám Karn bin Jám Tamáchí.

Jám Karn was succeeded by his nephew Jám Fateh

Jám Fateh Khán bin Sikandar.

About this time, Mirzá Pír Muhammad one of Amír Taimúr Kúrkán’s^* grand sons came to Multán and conquered that town and Uch. As he made a long stay there, most of the horses with him died of a disease and his horsemen were obliged to move about as foot-soldiers. When Amír Taimúr heard of this, he sent 30,000 horses from his own stables to his grand son to enable him to extend his conquests. Mirzá Pír Muhammad, being thus equipped, attacked those of the zamndárs, who had threatened to do him harm and destroyed their household property. He then sent a messenger to Bakhar calling the chief men of the place to come and pay respects to him. But these men fearing his vengeance left the place in a body and went to Jesalmer. Only one solitary person, Sayyed Abulghais, one of the pious Sayyeds of the place, went to visit the Mirzá. He interceded for his town-people in the name of his great grandfather, the Prophet, and the Mirzá accepted his intercession. They say that on a previous night the Prophet Muhammad had appeared to him in a dream and pointing at Sayyed Abulghais, who was standing near him, had recommended him to his kindness as his child, and that after 11 days the Sayyed came to visit him in an open darbár, where he recognized him and embracing him seated him by his side. At the time of the Sayyed’s departure Mirzá Pír Muhammad gave him a horse and some other presents, and granted him the parganah of Alór as a jágír.

Mirzá Pír Muhammad soon went to Dehlí, which place he took and where he was crowned as a king by the nobles of the state. Multán remained in the hands of Langáhs, and Sind in those of the Sammah rulers as before.

In short, Jám Fateh Khán reigned successfully for 15 years and some months, and then left this world.

Three days before his death, while he was lying on

Jám Taghlak bin Sikandar.

Jám Sikandar, the late Jám’s son, was a minor when he

Jám Sikandar bin Jám Taghlak.

Jám Sikandar was succeeded by Jám Ráinah. This man

Jám Ráinah. ^†

Within a year and a half after his accession to the throne, Jám Ráinah completly secured the whole of Sind from the sea-shore to the town of Kájrelí and Kandelí (or Kandí) in the parganah of Máthelah.^*

In the ninth year of his reign, one Sanjar, who was one of the king’s chief attachés, treacherously endeavoured to obtain the crown. So he entered into a league with some other courtiers, and on the occasion of an entertainment, he mixed poison in a cup of liquor and administered the same to Jám Ráinah, who died after three days from its effect.

On Ráinah’s death, Sanjar became the Jám of Sind.

Jám Sanjar.

Jám Sanjar ruled the country very wisely. Under no ruler before this had the people of Sind enjoyed such ease of mind. He was very fond of the company of the learned and the pious. Every Friday he used to distribute charities and had fixed periodical allowances for those who deserved the same. He increased the pay of responsible officers. One Kází Maarúf, who had been appointed by the late rulers to be the Kází of Bakhar, was in the habit of receiving bribes from the plaintiffs as well as from the defendants. When this fact came to the notice of Jám Sanjar, he sent for the Kází and asked him about it. The Kází admitted the whole thing. “Yes” said he “I do demand something from the plaintiffs as well as the defendants, and I am anxious to get something from the witnesses too, but before the case closes, they go away and I am disappointed in that.” Jám Sanjar could not help laughing at this. The Kází continued “I work in the court for the whole day and my wife and children die of hunger at home, because I get very little pay.” Jám Sanjar increased his pay and issued general orders for the increase of every government post of importance. After a successful reign of 8 years Jám Sanjar died in 896 A.H. (1490 A.D.)

On the 25th of Rabí-ul-awwal Jám Nizámuddín was

Jám Nizámuddín (alias Jám Nindó) bin Bábínah.

In the beginning of his reign Jám Nizámuddín was very fond of literature and often spent his time in libraries. He was a very obliging man and an industrious person. He was very regular in his prayers and was very religious. In his days mosques were always full at the time of prayers. Shortly after his accession, he went from Tattá to Bakhar, where he spent about a year, during which time he extirpated the freebooters and robbers, who had annoyed the people in that part of the country. He filled the fort of Bakhar with plenty of provisions and then left the place in charge of his house-born slave Dilshád and himself returned to his capital, where he reigned quietly for long long years. In his time the people enjoyed every sort of comfort and rest. Even travellers could travel through different parts of Sind without any one doing harm to their person or property. He contracted friendship with the ruler of Multán and the two often used to correspond with and send presents to each other. He visited his stables regularly every week and passed his hand over the forehead of his horses and said “O lucky beings, I do not wish to ride you in order to fight with others. On all the four sides of us we have Mussalman rulers. May God never give us any cause other than in accordance with the religious law, to go elsewhere, or others to come here, lest innocent blood of Mussalmans be shed and I be ashamed in the august presence of God.”

In the last part of Jám Nindó’s reign, a Mughul army under Sháhbeg came from Kandhár invading the town of Ágrí, Ohándukah, Sindichah and Kót Máchián. Jám Nindó sent a large army^* which arriving at the village known by the name of Halúkhar, defeated the Mughuls in a single pitched battle in which Sháhbeg’s brother Abú Muhammad Mirzá was killed and the Mughuls fled back to Kandhár^† and never made their appearance again during the reign of Jám Nizámuddín.

Jám Nizámuddín was very fond of the company of learned men, with whom he often took pleasure in discussing literary subjects. A learned man of Shíráz, Jaláluddín Muhammad Duábí had come from Persia to Sind and had sent his two worthy pupils Mír Shamsuddín and Mír Muín to Tattá in order that they should arrange for his sojourn there. Jám Nizámuddín learning the intention of the Persian savânt ordered some good houses to be fitted up for his reception and sent his two pupils with a large sum of money for expenses of the journey, ordering them to bring the learned man. But before their arrival their master had died. Mír Shamsuddín and Mír Muín therefore came back to Tattá and took up their abode at the place. After some time Jám Nizámuddín died after a splendid reign of 48 years^*.

Jám Nizámuddín was succeeded by his minor son

Jám Feróz bin J á m Nizámuddín.

Jám Feróz was a young man, and as from the commencement the management of the state affairs was in the hands of his guardian he spent his time in his harem and seldom went out. Whenever he went out he gave himself up to the enjoyment of the songs and dances of dancing girls and the jokes of jesters. In his time the Sammahs and their Kháskhelís (slaves) troubled the ordinary people very much, and if Daryá Khán checked them they spoke ill of him. Daryá Khán was therefore obliged to resign his post and to come to Káhán, which was his Jágír. In that village lived the most learned men of the time, Makhdúm Abdul Azíz Abharí, Maoláuá Asíruddín Abharí and his son Maoláná Muhammad. They had come from Herát in 928 A H. (1521 A.D.) when king Ismáíl was expelled. These savants had since been teaching the ignorant and improving the manners and morals of the people in general. Maoláná Asíruddín was well read in the religious law and had written many books on history and other learned sciences. He had written commentaries on many difficult books. He died also at Káhán where his tomb is still visited by people.

In short, owing to the misbehaviour of Jám Feróz and his disregard of state affairs, the people wrote a letter to Saláhuddín informing him that Jám Feróz was often indifferent to their wishes and wants, that Daryá Khán, who was the best manager of affairs had also left him and gone to Káhán and that it was a good opportunity for him to come. When Saláhuddín got this letter from the people of Tattá, he showed it to Sultán Muzaffar, king of Gujrát, who sent him with a large army to Tattá. He arrived near the place after hurried marches and crossed oyer to the town. Meanwhile the people managed to take Jám Feróz out of the town by another way. Thus Jám Saláhuddín quietly went and occupied the throne. The Kháskhelís captured Jám Feróz and would not release him until they got a large sum of money. His mother then brought Jám Feróz to Daryá Khán at Káhán, where in his presence he repented of his past doings and asked his pardon. Daryá Khán remembered his old privileges and determined to move in the matter. He began to collect an army and soon the people of Bakhar and Sehwán assembled under Jám Feróz’s standard. The tribes of Balóch also turned towards him.

Having thus arrayed his forces Daryá Khán proceeded to meet Jám Saláhuddín. The latter wanted to anticipate his adversary, but his wazír Hájí advised him to remain where he was and to depute him to go and fight with his enemy. Jám Saláhuddín agreed to this proposal. Shortly after this the battle commenced and many a brave soldier was killed on both sides. After all Daryá Khán was defeated and his army fled. Wazír Hají, while still on his horse, wrote a letter to his master informing him of his victory. As it was night, he could not pursue the flying forces of the enemy. The messengers with the letters fell into the hands of Daryá Khán, who instantly prepared other letters of a different nature on behalf of wazír Hají containing the news of the defeat of Saláhuddín’s army and the advice that as the enemy was strong, he (Saláhuddín) should leave Tattá with his family and children and that he would meet him at the village of Cháchikán.^* On receipt of these letters, Jám Saláhuddín left the place and crossed the river on the 9th of Ramazan without waiting to break the fast, which he had observed in that holy month. He was thus finally defeated and deprived of his kingdom. The period of his reign was 8 months. Latterly when the Jám met Hají wazír and the latter reproachingly enquired the reason of his abruptly leaving his capital, Jám Saláhuddín produced the letter he had received and showed it to him. Hají in Surprise denied the fact of having written it. They at once understood that Daryá Khán had played the trick. For this they felt much annoyed but it was too late now and they suffered great remorse.

Daryá Khán pursued them to several stages, and then returning, he brought Jám Feróz to Tattá on the holiday of Ramazán Íd and offered joint prayers at the public prayer-ground. From that time Jám Feróz continued to reign quietly for several years.

Though Jám Feróz reigned undisturbed now, he entertained secret fears of Daryá Khán. As a precautionary measure he enlisted in his service Kíbak Arghún and a large number of men belonging to the tribes of Mughuls, who had during his reign, left Sháhbeg Arghún and came to Tattá. Jám Feróz gave them the quarter of the town, called Mughal-Wárah to live in. He secretly flattered himself for his policy in securing the services of intrepid men to check Daryá Khán, but he never for a minute imagined what ruin these very men were destined to bring on him. For, it was through some of these men that Sháhbeg Argún was induced to invade and conquer Sind in 926 A.H. (1519 A.D), which resulted in the displacement of the Sammah dynasty of rulers by that of Arghún. The account of this invasion will be given in Chapter VIII.

The family or tribe of Arghún is descended from Changez Khán; thus:—

Descendants of Changez Khán and Amír Taimúr Kúrkán Sáhib Kirán.

Changez Khán ^† had four sons (1) Jújí Khán, who was made the ruler of Kabchák and Bulghár (2) Chighatá Khán, the ruler of Máwará-unnahr (i. e., Transoxania or Khurásán) and Turkistán (3) Oktái Káán, whom his father made his heir-apparent and (4) Túlí Khán, whom he retained as his attendant. Changez Khán died in 624 A.H, (1244 A.D.) at the age of 73 and after a reign of 25 years. There are six branches of his children who became rulers in different parts of his vast empire:—

(i) The rulers of Ulugh Yurat, who were 15 in number:—

Oktaí Káán, his son Kewak Khán, Mankú Káán son of Túlí Khán, Kublá Khán son of Túlí Khán, Taimúr Káán (Aljáitó) and others.

(ii) The rulers of Kabchák, who were 39 in number:—

Jújí Khán, his son Bátú Khán and others, including Uzbak Khán, the ancestor of the tribe of Uzbak.

(iii) The rulers of Írán (Persia), who were 15 in number:—

HALÁKU KHÁN son of Túlí Khán, his sons Ibáká Khán and Ahmad Khán; ARGHÚN KHÁN son of Ibáká Khan and others, including Gházán Khán son of Arghún Khán, who became convert to Islám and got the name of Sultán Mahmúd.

(iv) The rulers of Túrán (Turcomania or Scythia), who were 34 in number:—

Chighatáí Khán and others, the last being Sultán Mahmúd who was contemporary with Amír Taimúr Kúrkán.

(v) The princes of the branch of SHAIBÁNIAH, who were descended from Jújí Khán and ruled in Túrán. They were 19 in number. Their army was called UZBAKIAH.

(vi) The rulers of Káshghar, who were descended from Chighatáí Khán. They were 19 in number.

As for Amír Taimúr^* Kúrkán known by the title of Sahíb Kirán, he was descended from Tomnah Khán, who was the fourth ancestor of Changez Khán; thus, Taimúr son of Tarágháí son of Barkal son of Elankar Bahádur, Ejal Núyán son of Karájár Núyán, son of Sóarseján, son of Erómjí Barlás son of Kájulí Bahádúr son of Tómnah Khan.^†

The following were the descendants of Amír Taimúr who ruled in Íran and Túrán:—

Sháhbeg Arghún with whom we are concerned for the

Origin of Arghún Dynasty.

As Amír Zunnún strengthened himself with the tribes

The reign of Amír Zunnún Arghún.

Badíuzzamán’s son Mírzá Muhammad Mómin was at Astarábád, when Badíuzzamán himself had gone to Kandhár. In his absence, Badíuzzamán’s brother Muzaffar Husain Mírzá (No. 21) led an army against his nephew at Astarábád. The latter fought bravely in his defence with his uncle, but was taken prisoner and sent to Hirát in 903 A. H. (1497 A. D.). While in confinement he was murdered at the instigation of Muzaffar Husain’s mother and under his order, issued in an intoxicated state.

When Badíuzzamán Mírzá heard of his son’s sad death,

His fighting with Sultán Husain Mírzá on behalf of Mírzá Badíuzzamán.

After some time, Mírzá Badíuzzamán and Shábbeg led an army of three or four thousand men against Sultán Husain, at Lank Nishín, but they were defeated and repulsed by the Sultán. Badíuzzamán fled to Ghór and Sháhbeg to Dáwar, and Sultán Husain returned to Hirát. This was in the month of Shuabán 900 A H. (1494 A.D.).

In 904 A.H. (1498 A.D.) reconciliation was brought about between the Sultán and Mírzá Badíuzzamán and Amír Zunnún, through the intercession of some pious Shekhs and Sayyeds, and the province of Sístán was ceded to Badíuzzamán, who therefore left Ghór and went to his new state. But when Sultán Husain went to Astarábád, Badíuzzamán and Zunnún invaded Hirát, plundered the place and defeated the forces of the chiefs of the place. Soon hearing that Sultán Husain was coming with an army, they withdrew to the river Murgháb.

Here he was joined by Sháhbeg from Kandhár, who went and took Marw making Parindahbeg, the governor of the fort on behalf of the Sultán, a prisoner. Sultán Husain returning from Astarábád and feeling unprepared to fight against his son, deputed an envoy to him who again brought about reconciliation between them. By this, Balkh was ceded to Badíuzzamán, who went to that part of the country, Zunnún and Sháhbeg returning to Kandhár after leaving Sístán in the hands of Zunnún’s brother Sultán Alí Arghún.

In 908 A.H. (1502 A.D.) in response to the secret messages of some of the rebels of Sístán, Sultán Husain Mírzá sent another son of his with a large army to Sístán. This prince came to Uk, where Zunnún and Sháhbeg met him with their hordes of Tarkhán, Arghún, Takdarí and Hazáráh tribes from one side, and Sultán Alí with his sons from another. The prince, being thus pressed hard, left the battlefield and fled back to Hirát. Amír Zunnún returned to Sístán successfully and thence he went to Kandhár.

About this time, Ulughbeg Mírzá son of Abú Saíd

Zunnún’s son Muhammad Mukím takes Kábul but soon surrenders to Báber Mírzá.

In the beginning of 910 A.H. (1504 A.D.) Báber Mírzá (No. 17) came to Kábul from Samarkand. Muhammad Mukím not being able to meet the enemy in the open field, defended himself in the fort, to which Báber laid siege. Soon Muhammad Mukím surrendered on condition of his being pardoned and was honourably dismissed by that prince to go to his native place.

In the beginning of the next year, Muhammad Khán

Iuvasion of Muhammad Khán Shaibání and death of Amír Zunnún.

After their father’s death Sháhbeg and Muhammad

Sháhbeg succeeds his father.

In 923 A.H. (1517 A.D.) Muhammad Báber Mírzá came

Zunnún’s sons Sháhbeg and Muhammad Mukím fight with Báber.

When Sháhbeg came from Kandhár Shál, several

Sháhbeg takes Siwí.

While at Kandhár Sháhbeg was much pressed by his brother’s wife, the mother of Máhbegum to get her back her daughter from Kábul, where she had been confined by Báber. To succeed in this attempt, the following arrangement was made. A woman by name Daolat Katah who had been attached to the family, was sent to Kábul with instructions to assist Máhbegum in her escape. Daolat Katah came to Kábul like a stranger, managed to visit Máhbegum, brought Máhbegum one day on some pretext to a place outside the town, where she was carried away by a party of men appointed by Sháhbeg for the purpose. She was safely brought to Kandhár, only her little daughter Náhídbegum, a child of 18 months was left behind.

In 917 A. H. (1511 A.D.) when Sháh Ismáil Safawí,

Sháhbeg taken prisoner but released by his slave.

Since the abrupt and unceremonial departure of Sháhbeg

Sháhbeg leaves Kandhár and goes to Sind.

Next year 923 A.H. (1517 A.D.) as already arranged,

Kandhár taken by Báber.

We have mentioned at the close of a previous chapter

Sháhbeg invades Tattá.

Sháhbeg came to Fatehpur and Ganjábah to make

Sháhbeg’s flght with Daryá Khán.

Jám Feróz, with a few persons was tarrying in the

Fight of Jám Feróz.

At Taltí Sháhbeg received the homage of certain Sahtah

Sháhbeg at Tattá.

After spending 3 days at Taltí Sháhbeg returned to

Tattá given back to Jám Feròz. Jám Salahuddín invades Tattá.

On the 14th of Muharram 927 A.H. (1520 A.D.) Mirza

Sháhbeg’s son Sháh Hasan comes to Jám Feróz’s help.

Soon after, Sháhbeg, leaving his son there went to

Sháhbeg at Sehwán.

Mír Fázil Kókaltásh, who had been in charge of Bakhar,

Revolt at Bakhar and Sháhbeg marches in that direction.

Sháhbeg now visited the Bakhar fort and divided the

Sháhbeg at Bakhar.

After settling the affairs at Bakhar, Sháhbeg determined to extirpate the Balóch tribes, who had now and then been causing trouble. To do this, he appointed several parties of his men, who were instructed to go in different directions and on a fixed day to slaughter them all at once.

These parties spread themselves over the country. About 42 villages of Balóches were destroyed and their residents put to the sword.

In the winter of 928 A.H. (1521 A.D.) Sháhbeg

Sháhbeg marches towards Gujrát but he dies in the way.

Soon after Mírzá Sháh Hasan took the reins of government,

Mírzá Sháh Hasan Arghún returns to Tattá to punish Jám Feróz.

It was in the town of Nasarpur that Sháh Hasan formally and publicly occupied the throne of his father, and all the Sayyeds, Kázís, headmen and chiefs of the place flocked to him to condole with him on his recent bereavement and to congratulate him on his ascension to the gádi of government. They then proposed to mention his name in the Friday orations, as is usually done for recognised kings of countries. But Sháh Hasan said that as long as any descendant of Amír Taimúr Sáhib Kirán was in existence, he did not think it proper to allow such a thing. He ordered that Báber be recongised as the king and his name mentioned in the public addresses in mosques, on the approaching holiday succeeding the month of Ramazan. Soon after, Kází Kázan and some other religious men brought submissive messages from Jám Feróz, trying to intercede and secure pardon for him. But Sháh Hasan learning that the Jám was collecting men and arms, dismissed them and marched against Tattá.

Hearing of Mírzá Sháh Hasan’s approach Jám Feróz

Flight of Jám Feróz from Tattá.

At Cháchikán and Rahímán Jám Feróz succeeded in

Fighting between Sháh Hasan and Jám Feróz.

In 908 A.H. (1502 A.D.) Bábá Ahmad the younger son

Some fighting in Ubáorah and Máthelah.

As the river was overflooded at that time the Mughuls had been obliged to leave the animals and cattle taken in booty, near Máthelah. Finding it a favourable opportunity, a party of Balóch Jats of Sewrái, fell upon them and carried away the same. Hearing this, Bábá Ahmad returned with some 300 men, killed most of the mischief makers and again secured the animals. On his return, he was again confronted at Batí and Amín, with the joint parties of Balóches and Dàharís. A battle ensued in which Bábá Ahmad was severely wounded. He had hardly arrived at Máthelah, when he died of the wounds.

With the permission of Mírzá Sháh Hasan, Bábá Ahmad’s younger brother, Abdul Fattáh, in company of his father-in-law Mír Kásim, came with a force to the scene of disturbance to revenge the death of their dear relation. Bábá Ahmad’s body was sent to Bakhar for burial. An attack was now made on the Balóches, a large number of whom was killed. At Máu another fight took place with them and there too the Balóches were defeated. A peace was soon arranged, according to the terms of which Batí and Amín were fixed as the boundary of Sind.

In 930 A. H. (1523 A. D.) Mírzá Sháh Hasan resolved

Sháh Hasan prepares to march against Multán.

As about this time the rumours of Báber’s coming to

Sháhbeg pays homage to Báber and some marriages are celebrated.

We have seen from the first volume of this history

A short account of Multán^† and its rulers.

A short time after this, one Rái Sahrá, a headman of Lángáh tribe, living in the vicinity of Lóhrí sent messages to Shekh Yúsíf requesting that as Bahlúl Lódhí had got the throne of Hindustán ^¶ and an invasion was expected, they might make common cause and live like friends. To take in the Shekh completely, who was a pious and simple person, he gave the hand of his daughter to the Shekh and on the excuse of seeing his daughter, he began to visit Multán more often. To save his father-in-law this trouble, Shekh Yúsíf gave him separate quarters in the town, in which he began to collect some of his own men. One night he went with an attendant to the Shekh’s residence to visit his daughter. Before entering the house, he secretly drank a cup of fresh blood of a kid, supplied to him by his attendant. A few minutes afterwards he began to complain of belly-ache and appeared to grow restless. He soon vomitted out blood which terrified the whole family. Rái Sahrá now declared that he was on the point of death and wanted to see his men and to bid them a last farewell. Of course the simple Shekh had no objection to the admission of these men at such a critical juncture. When the brave Lángáhs assembled there, they immediately following their master’s hint, took the gates of the palace and drove away Shekh Yúsíf and his men, who fled to Dehlí and Rái Sahrá ascended the throne of Multán, taking the title of Sultán Kutbuddín.^*

In 931 A.H. (1524 A. D.) Mírzá Sháh Hasan started

Sháh Hasan takes the forts of Sewrái and Máu.

Mírzá Sháh Hasan now marched against Uch, with a

Sháh Hasan fights with Lángáhs and Balóches at Uch.

When Mahmúd Khán Lángáh, the ruler of Multán

The boundary line between Bakhar and Multán is fixed.

Mírzá Sháh Hasan was now informed that a large

The fort of Diláwar is taken.

About the close of 932 A. H. (1525 A. D.) some

Sháh Hasan takes Multán and gives it over to Báber.

On his arrival at Bakhar Mírzá Sháh Hasan received

Sháh Hasan invades Kachh and defeats Rái Khangár.

In 942 A.H. (1535 A.D.) Humáyún, who had succeeded

Mirzá Sháh Hasan goes to Patan in Gujrát to meet Humáyún and returns to Tattá.

Mirzá Sháh Hasan now returned to Tattá, in the

Humáyún comes to Sind, and encamps at Lóhrí and Babarló.

On the 1st of Rabí-ul awwal 947 A. H. (1540 A.D.) Humáyún arrived at Láhór, where he was joined by his brothers and other chiefs. Shortly after that Sher Sháh Afghán came to Láhór and began to oppress the Mughuls wherever he found them.

Humáyún was therefore obliged to leave that place too and resolved to go to Kábul. On coming to the river Chenáb, however, his brothers Kámrán and Askarí left him and went to Kábul, without his permission. Seeing that his brothers had turned against him Humáyún set out for Sind, in the month of Rajjib and in the next month he came to Uch. Here Bakhsho Lángáh, the chief of the place sent a boat full of corn as a present to the Emperor, who gave him the title of “Khán Jahán” coupled with a robe of honour and permission to carry a standard and kettle drums. About the close of the month of Ramazan, Humáyún’s camp was fixed at Lóhrí and he himself went over to the gardens of Babarló which was a very pleasant spot.

Meanwhile Sultán Mahmúd Khán strengthened the

Humáyún goes to Pát and comes back to Bakhar.

Humáyún now wrote a letter to Mírzá Sháh Hasan at Tattá, reminding him of his gratitute towards and friendship with Emperor Báber, and asking his help at the present juncture.

Mírzá Sháh Hasan’s reply to the envoys was that when the Emperor would go that side, he would give him the country from Hálakandí to Bathórah and that he would accompany him in his invasion against Gujrát. He also advised the Emperor to shift from Bakhar to Cháchikán, as the former place was not rich and productive enough to meet the expenditure of the royal camp, and he promised to meet him at the latter place.

On receiving this message Humáyún wanted at first to act according to Sháh Hasan’s suggestion, but he was subsequently moved by his counsellors to secure the fort of Bakhar to serve as a temporary and convenient shelter against the pursuit of Sher Sháh who was then at Láhór, and then to proceed to Gujrát. They showed him that Mírzá Sháh Hasan was giving false excuses and that he was not faithful to him. Humáyún accordingly determined to take Bakhar.

Humáyún had about 2 lacs of people with him and from Babarló, where he had fixed his residence with his family, to Lóhrí where Mírzá Yádgár Násir had put up in the college attached to the great mosque, a distance of 6 miles, was all occupied by his troops and camp followers. The chief men of the place paid respects to the Emperor and mentioned his name in the Friday orations. Famine began to make itself felt in Bakhar and Lóhrí. This state of things continued for about 6 months, and Humáyún was waiting all this time and hoping against hope that Sháh Hasan would come to his help. After all he was obliged to send his other brother Mírzá Hindál to Pát with a great part of his camp, to secure provisions. The Emperor soon followed him. But as malaria broke out in the camp, they came back to Bakhar, the fort of which still remained in the hands of Sháh Hasan’s agents. Shortly after this his brother Mírzá Hindál left the Emperor and went away to Kandhár, which fact further disheartened Humáyún.

On the 18th of Jamádi-al-Awwal, 948 A.H. (1541 A.D.)

Humáyún lays siege to Sehwán but fails to take it.

At Bakhar Mírzá Yádgár Násir had been twice attacked

He comes back, to Lóhri and Bakhan.

Mírzá Sháh Hasán now tried to win over Mírzá Yádgár Násir to his side. He sent messengers to him promising to give him the hand of his daughter and to adopt him as his son and heir as he had none. At length Mírzá Yádgár left Humáyún’s side and went over to Sháh Hasan. Humáyún coming to know of this, sent for Mírzá Yádgár, but on his giving some excuses, he left Sehwán and came back to Lóhrí. As there was scarcity of provisions, Sultán Mahmúd Khán and Mírzá Násir sent some corn to the Emperor’s camp at his urgent representation. But this supply being insufficient for the people, they spread themselves over the country plundering villages. Several attempts were made to take the fort of Bakhar, which had been carefully stored with abundant provisions, but as they had got no machines or instruments required for the purpose, they could not do any harm to it or its occupants.

Being surrounded by misfortunes and disappointments Humáyún thought of leaving the shores of Hind and going to Meccá to become a permanent resident there; but his counsellors showed him the necessity of first acquiring some wealth when they could go wherever they liked. Just then a letter was received from Rájah Máldew of Jódhpur inviting Humáyún to his state and promising to render him as much service as was within his power. Humáyún was much pleased to get such an invitation at such a juncture and without much hesitation he started for that state in Muharram of 949 A. H. (1542 A. D.).

From Bakhar and Lóhrí, Humáyún came to Uch, and

He goes to Jódhpur and turns suddenly to Jesalme.

From Jesalmer Humáyún came to Umarkót on the 10th

He goes to Umarkót where prince Akbar is born.

As Umarkót was too small and poor a place for supplies, Humáyún thought of leaving it and going to Sind. So he moved to Júnpur, on the bank of the liver, which place was celebrated for the beauty of natural scenery and freshness of climate.

Here he determined to make a long stay. Mírzá Sháh

Fighting between the two parties in Bathórah.

Hearing now that Humáyún intended to come back to Sind and that he had already encamped at the town of Jún, Sháh Hasan came and encamped on the bank of the river, opposite the above town. Humáyún coming to know that there was a fort in the district of Bathórah, that was full of provisions, sent some of his men in that direction to take the fort. Sháh Hasan asked Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán to go and defend that fort, but that nobleman refused to do so, being much moved with compassion for the sufferings of Humáyún. Sháh Hasan next asked Sultán Mahmúd Khán, who had been for the last few days thrown out of his master’s favour, to go on the duty. Sultán Mahmúd Khán in order to regain Sháh Hasan’s favour, accepted the offer and went to Bathórah. Severe fights took place between the two parties in which both sides lost a large number of men. Seeing failure on all sides to the arms and aims of Humáyún, most of his people left him and went to Kandhár.

At this junctive Bairam Khán having arrived alone

Humáyún leaves Sind for Kandhár.

Two Months after this Bakhshó Lángáh collected people

Bakhshó Lángáh marches against Bakhar, but is repulsed.

The above event took place on the Friday night of 14th

Mírzá Kámrán is put to flight, comes to Sind, marries Sháh Hasan’s daughter, and goes to Meccá.

In 957 A.H. (1550 A.D.) Mírzá Kámrán again came to Bakhar. Mírzá Sháh Hasan gave him Sháh Belo, now called Sádh Belo, as his residence, and the revenue of the district of Bathórah for his kitchen expenses. After spending some time here peacefully in the company of his wife, Mírzá Kámrán prepared to go on a pilgrimage to Meccá. His wife also wanted to go with him, but Mírzá Sháh Hasan would not give his permission. She was therefore obliged to follow her husband alone in a boat against her father’s consent. Sháh Hasan overtook her and once more tried to induce her to remain with him, but she would not agree to it. “Father” said she, entreatingly, “when the prince was healthy and strong and his eyes were all right, you gave me away to him. Now when he has become blind you prevent me from being with him. I will not do so and bring the reproach of people on my head.” Sháh Hasan felt the force of her contention and he furnished her with all the necessary things for the journey and sent her to her husband’s camp. Mírzá Kámrán and his wife thus came to Meccá, where they lived for 2 or 3 years, when Mírzá Kámrán died on the Haj holiday, and his wife followed him to the next world after 7 months. These events occurred in the year 967 A.H. (1559 A.D.)

In the last days of Mírzá Sháh Hasan’s reign, when he

The last days of Sháh Hasan and disaffection among his men.

Sháh Hasan getting this information sent for Mír Sháh Mahmúd, who was obliged to obey the summons and he went and joined Sháh Hasan opposite the town of Sann. Sultán Mahmúd Khán was at Siwí at that time. His mother fearing that Mír Sháh Mahmúd was about to revolt and seize Bakhar, sent urgent messages to his son to come and take advantage of the crisis. Accordingly Sultán Mahmúd Khán came to Bakhar, and informed Sháh Hasan that he had come to Bakhar hearing of Mír Sháh Mahmúd’s conspiracy and asked for orders as to what he should do. But before Sháh Hasan got his letter he had already appointed Mír Malak Muhammad and Mír Lutfí to the charge of Bakhar. Sultán Mahmúd Khán, was therefore greatly disappointed and enraged. The new joint governors of the place, on their coming to Bakhar saw the old veteran general on the scene and considered it proper to take him into their confidence. To please him, therefore they sent the keys of the fort to Sultán Mahmúd Khán who had the satisfaction of knowing that his right had not been forgotten even by his rivals.

In the Muharram of 962 A.H. (1554 A.D.) the Arghúns

Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán’s revolt.

Mírzá Sháh Hasan now left Tattá in order to proceed to

Mírzá Sháh Hasan’s death.

Immediately on Mírzá Sháh Hasan’s death it was

Division of the country.

Mírzá Sháh Hasan, was born in 776 A.H. (1374 A.D.)

Sháh Hasan’s character and his family.

Mírzá Sháh Hasan had two wives; the first was Máh Begum, daughter to Mírzá Muhammad Mukím Arghún, who was his own paternal uncle, and the other Gulbarg Begum, daughter to Mír Khalífah and sister to Muhibalí Khán. By his former wife Mírzá Sháh Hasan had a daughter by name Chuchak Begum, who was married to Mírzá Kámrán, Humáyún’s brother. This same Máh Begum had first been married to Kásim Kúkah by whom she had a daughter, called Náhíd Begum. After Sháh Hasan’s death Máh Begum married Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán and after his death was taken prisoner by his son Mírzá Bákí and she died in confinement. Sháh Hasan’s second wife, Gulbarg Begum, had been divorced by him two years after their marriage as they did not get on well together. She immediately went to Hindustán and died there. She was buried at Dehlí. Sháh Hasan had a son by name Abul Mansúr, who died at the age of 2 years.

It is said that one day, in his youth, Amír Taimúr

Origin of Tarkháns,

Some say ‘Tarkhán’ was originally ‘Tarkhún’ meaning ‘wet with blood.’ That was because the ancestors of these Tarkháns had once fought a battle with some enemy and there was so much blood shed in it, that they all returned ‘wet with blood.’

Mírzá Ísá was the son of Mírzá Muhammad who was

Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán.

After about one year, at the instigation of some

He fights with Sultán Mahmúd Khan at Bakhar.

In his absence from Tattá a party of Europeans, whom

Europeans make an attack on Tattá.

On his return journey, Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán was pursued by Sultán Mahmúd Khán up to Sehwán, where the latter destroyed the wheat crops and caused some other damage. But soon through the intercession of Sayyed Mír Kalán, a reconciliation was brought about between them, and Sultán Mahmúd returned to Bakhar.

In the beginning of 967 A.H. (1559 A. D.) Mírzá Ísá’s

Fight between Mírzá Ísá’s sons.

In 970 A.H. (1562 A.D.) Mírzá Muhammad Sálih, who

Death of Mírzá Sálih, one of Mírzá Bákí’s sons.

The Arghúns in Sind, being rather dissatisfied with

Fighting between Mírzá Ísá and Sultán Mahmúd Khán at Sehwán and Darbelah.

In 974 A.H. (1566 A.D.) Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán died after

Death of Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán.

In the beginning of Mírzá Muhammad Bákí’s reign,

Massacre of Arghúns.

The few Arghúns who escaped came to Sultán Mahmúd

Revolt of Mírzá Ján Bábá with the aid of Sultán Mahmúd Khán.

Soon after this, Mírzá Ján Bábá, being joined by Arghún chiefs like Sháh Kásim and Alí Sher, marched against Tattá with an armed force. Between the Maklí hill and the city, a pitched battle was fought in which Ján Bábá was defeated, but Muhammad Bákí lost many a brave leader of his army. Ján Bábá repaired to Jám Desar, the ruler of Kakrálah near the seashore, for help, but not getting the same, he went back to Samejahs.

Once more Mírzá Ján Bábá with the assistance of Sháh Kásim Arghún marched against his brother. This time they made a sudden nocturnal attack when Mírzá Muhammad Bákí and his men were lying at rest quite ignorant of the enemy’s movement. Muhammad Bákí’s force was dispersed in confusion. Sháh Kásim succeeded in coming to the very boat, in which Mírzá Bákí and his wife Ráihah Begum were lying fast asleep.^* It was the lady who started up first and had just time enough to awake her busband, who threw himself over board and was picked up by a boatman. She next threw the burning lamp in Sháh Kásim’s face and had nearly blinded him for ever, but in the dark Sháh Kásim killed her taking her for Mírzá Bákí. Mírzá Bákí’s men were already dispersed in confusion, when he managed to reappear among them and seeing him with them, they renewed fighting with redoubled vigour and put the enemy to flight.

About the same time 976 A.H. (1568 A.D.) Sultán Mahmúd Khán at the entreaties of Arghún chiefs again marched out and laid siege to Nasarpur fort. But soon hearing that the Emperor of Dehlí, Akbar,^* was coming to Multán to visit the shrines of the saints of the place he abandoned the siege abruptly and returned to Bakhar.

On getting the news of the Emperor’s approach Mírzá Muhammad Bákí determined to bring about some relationship or connection with him. With that object in view he sent his daughter with a princely dowery, in charge of Mírzá Yádgár Miskín Tarkhán to be given away in marriage to the Emperor. Máh Begum, his father’s widow, and her daughter Náhíd Begum, who had after Mírzá Sháh Hasan’s death come back from Hindustán to her mother, were also asked to accompany the bride; when the party came to Lakí, Mírzá Ján Bábá joined it and all of them, making common cause, misappropriated the valueable property they were carrying and returned with some forces to fight with Mírzá Bákí. A battle ensued, in which Máh Begum was seen riding an elephant and encouraging her men to fight. At last victory declared itself in favour of Mírzá Bákí and the insurgents fled. Ján Bábá and Yádgár Miskín fled to Kakrálah; Náhíd Begum fled to Bakhar and Máh Begum surrendered. Shortly after this, Sultán Mahmúd Khán came to Tattá and through the intercession of some Sayyeds a reconciliation was brought about. But not long after, Mírzá Ján Bábá and Yádgár Miskín were murdered and Máh Begum also was put to death.^† Sultán Mahmúd Khán now carried on warfare with Mírzá Bákí at the capital itself and already several men on Mírzá Bákí’s side were lost. But at about this time Uch had been attacked and blockaded, by Tarsú Muhammad Tarkhán. Sultán Mahmúd Khán went in that direction leaving Mírzá Bákí to himself.

In 978 A.H. (1570 A.D.) Mírzá Bákí a second time sent away his daughter, with fresh presents in company of Shekh Abdul Ghafúr and Mullá Tardí Beg, to the Mughul Emperor.^* The latter, they say, after spending a night with the girl, sent her back, saying he did not want the daughter of a murderer.

After he had freed himself of the troubles of his brother and mother, Mírzá Bákí began that murderous course, for which he is remembered up to this day. He assassinated a large number of the nobles of the city, one by one, about whom he entertained some suspicion. Several pious and good men even, who had done him great service, were not spared; as for instance, Shekh Mírak, Abdul Wahháb Purání, Sayyed Jalál son of Sayyed Alí Shírází, who was his brother Mírzá Sálih’s son-in-law. Some of them were beheaded, others hanged by the neck, others taken on boats and dropped into the river.

In the last days of his reign Mírzá Muhammad Bákí

The last days of Mírzá Muhammad Bákí.

The end of Mírzá Bákí was drawing near. He had

Mírzá Muhammad Bákí commits suicide.

The story of Mírzá Bákí’s death runs as follows. They say one night he got up from his bedstead, extinguished the lamp that was burning, and taking out one of his best swords from its scabbard, fixed its sharp point on his stomach and placed its other end against a wall and then pressed it with his body with such force that his stomach was cut open and his intestines came out. He then took up the same in his hands and walked about in the room for a few minutes and then fell down dead. This was in the year 993 A. H. (1584. A. D.)^* Several men were afterwards arrested on the suspicion of being his assassins and beheaded. So that it was said that Mírzá Bákí continued his cruelties even after his death.^†

His character may best be judged from his deeds.

His character.

Mírzá Muhammad Bákí was succeeded by Mírzá Jání

Election of Mírzá Jámí Beg to the throne.

It is said that at first Mírzá Bákí’s eldest son Páindah Beg was elected by certain nobles, but as he appeared to be more or less insane, the choice fell on his son Jání Beg, who was a clever person and a good man. On Mírzá Bákí’s death both of them were called from Sehwán. Mírzá Bákí’s son Muzaffar Beg had come to the spot from Badín on the very first day, but the nobles did not allow him to enter the city till after 3 days, when Páindah Beg and Jání Beg came from Sehwán.^†

On coming to the throne, at the pecial recommendation of those nobles who were well-wishers of his father, he undertook to punish the persons who were suspected of having assassinated his father. And how these unfortunate men were dealt with, we have briefly noted above. Seeing the tortures to which they were subjected, Mírzá Muzaffar Beg was so much afraid that from his camp outside the city he went back to Badín in such a hurry, that he left behind much of his baggage. There he began to prepare himself against some future evil day.

When Mírzá Jání Beg heard that Mírzá Muzaffar

He defeats his uncle Mírzá Muzaffar in a battle fought at Badín.

In this way he gave them splendid promises and cheered them with good words, and won them over to his side. The next morning when the martial drums began to beat and fighting commenced between Mírzá Jání Beg’s men and Mírzá Muzaffar’s troops composed chiefly of Kachh rájpúts, the former began to overpower the latter. Mírzá Muzaffar called his Mughuls to take part in the fight and encouraged them much to do so, but they paid no heed to him. Mírzá Muzaffar was therefore obliged to beat a hasty retreat to Kachh, having already sent his mother and dependents ahead. After his flight, Mírzá Jání Beg ordered all the baggage and provisions left by him and his men, to be loaded on camels and sent to him. He then entered the fort and showered more favours on the Mughuls than they had expected or he had promised to them. He granted them large estates, and did all he could to console and comfort the people, who had suffered much in the tyrannical reign of his father. Mírzá Muzaffar went and sought protection under Rái Bhárah, the ruler of Kachh and Mírzá Jání Beg returned victorious to Tattá.

Mírzá Jání Beg now began to take some measures for

His peaceful measures at Tattá.

In this way Mírzá Jání Beg reigned at Tattá peacefully for some months till in the next year 994 A.H. (1585 A.D.) he had to fight with Muhammad Sádik Khán, a nobleman sent by Emperor Akbar to Sind. But before we record that event, we shall give an account of what was going on at Bakhar, and how the Emperor of Dehlí interfered in the affairs of Sind.

We have seen that Bakhar remained in charge of Sultán

Affairs at Bakhar.^*

As the readers know Sultán Mahmúd Khán was the son of Mír Fázil Kókaltásh who was the son of Ádil Khwájah Isfahání. From Isfahán, the capital of Persia, his grandfather had come to Khurásán. When Amír Taimúr invaded Hirát, Ádil Khwájah’s father Ahmad Khwájah had fallen into the hands of Mír Hasan Basrí,^† the father of Mír Zunnún Arghún, who began to bring him up and treat him like his son. Ahmad Khwájah had two sons Ákil and Ádil. Ádil Khwàjah had a son and a daughter. This son was Mír Fázil who had 5 sons, by 5 different wives. Sultán Mahmúd Khán’s mother was the daughter of an Afghán of Shál and Mastóng. From his youth Sultán Mahmúd Khán led a soldier’s life having remained with Mírzá Sháh Beg. We need not repeat what he did during the reign of that prince or his successors. In 950 A.H. (1543 A.D.) he married Gohartáj Khánum, a daughter of Sháhburdí Beg through the endeavours of a relation of Bairam Khán. In the same year Sháh Tahmásp, king of Persia conferred the title of Khán on him and in 956 A.H. (1549 A.D.) he got Uch, Amín and some other neighbouring parganahs as a Jágír. In 979 A.H. (1571 A.D.) Sháh Tahmásp conferred the title of Khán Khánán on him and sent him some valuable presents.

When Emperor Akbar took greater part of Hindustán,

Sultán Mahmúd Khán’s fight with Mujáhid Khán.

Mubárak Khán and his son Beg Óghlí were now the

Sultán Mahmúd Khán’s death.

At last, on Monday, the 12th of Jamádi-al-awwal of the

Emperor Akbar sends Kesú Khán to succeed Sultán, Mahmúd Khán.

In the days of Sayyed Mír Adl, some men, of the

Kesú Khán succeeded by Mír Adl, who again was succeeded by his son Abul Fazl.

In 985 A.H. (1577 A.D.) Emperor Akbar sent Iatimád

Akbar sends Iatimád Khán to Bakhar.

The charge of Bakhar was next given to Masnad Alí

Fateh Khán and Rájá Parmánand succeed him.

The Nawáb arrived at Bakhar on Tuesday the 12th of

Nawáb Muhammad Sádik Khán is sent to Bakhar.

At Lakí fire was opened from Mìrzá Jání Beg’s boats. In this way warfare went on for some days. A breach was made on one side of the fort. The occupants raised another wall about the place, so that when the enemy completed the breach, they found a stronger wall in front of them; which fact greatly disheartened them. Muhammad Sádik Khán was therefore obliged to raise the siege and to return to Bakhar.

^* Soon after his father’s death Mírzá Jání Beg received a letter from the Emperor asking him to pay homage to him as had been done hitherto, to use his coins and to mention his name in the public orations. Mírzá Jání Beg wrote a reply in respectful terms, admitting the Emperor as his superior and promised to send his brother with proper presents.

Soon after his return to Bakhar Muhammad Sádik Khán went to the Emperor. In his absence famine broke out in Sind and people left the country and went to other sides. In 996 A.H. (1587 A.D) the Jágír of Bakhar fell to the lot of Nawáb Ismáíl Kulí Khán, whose son Rahmán Kulí Beg came to Bakhar. He was a very rich man and he showed great favour to the people of the place. On his return to Hindustán, the Jágír was given to Sheróyah Sultán who came to Bakhar in the beginning of 997 A.H. (1588 A.D.). This nobleman was a drunkard and he left his whole affairs in the hands of his inferiors. He sent one of his sons to take Siwí, but he was soon obliged to return unsuccessful.

In 998 A.H. (1589 A.D.) the Jágír of Bakhar was once more given to Nawáb Muhammad Sádik Khán, whose son Mírzá Muhammad Záhid came to Bakhar, on the 12th of Rabí-ul-awwal. He was a very good man and he tried his best to please the people. In his time too, famine broke out to the great trouble and hardship of the people.

In the same year 998 A.H. (1589 A.D.) the Emperor

Arrival of Nawáb Khán Khánán and his fight with Mírzá Jání Beg.

Without losing much time Khán Khánán marched against Sehwán, and as Mírzá Jání Beg had come out with a large army from his capital, he proceeded from Sehwán to meet him. Jání Beg encamped in boats, on the bank of the river near Nasarpur. When Khán Khánán came to about 12 miles from his camp, Jání Beg sent Khusró Khán with 120 big boats and several small boats to go and open fire on the fleet of Khán Khánán, but the latter succeeded in alighting on the bank and making a secure camp for his men by putting up rude walls or embankments. Khusró Khán tried to prevent them from landing. Thereupon a battle of boats commenced. Khusró Khán was defeated and pursued by Khán Khánán, but as some of the latter’s boats caught fire accidentally the former made his escape.

The next day Rhán Khánán brought his force against the camp of Mírzá Jání Beg, who had already sheltered himself in a sort of rude fort. He tried to take it but did not succeed. Khán Khánán therefore had recourse to another strategem. He divided his army into parties and sent each party in a different direction. One party was sent against Sehwán, another to Tattá, a third to Badín a fourth to Fateh Bágh and Jún. Khán Khánán himself proceeded against Tattá and Sháh Beg Khán was sent against Sháhgarh. Sayyed Baháuddín and others including the author of the Táríkh Maasúmí, were sent against Sehwán. The forts in different places were besieged. On being called for help, Mírzá Jání Beg came to defend the fort of Sehwán, but was met at Lakí by the imperial force which consisted of 1,200 horse, the Sind force being about 2,000 horse. Mírzá Jání Beg attacked the enemy both by land and by water. About noon the engagement commenced. A pitched battie was fought in which Jání Beg’s men were defeated but he himself with 11 men still continued fighting bravely. At last they too fled and the day was lost.^*

Mírzá Jání Beg came to Unarpur which was about 40 miles from the scene of the above battle. There he defended himself in a rude fort, which was soon encircled by Khán Khánán’s column. The siege went on for some days. Every day a battle was fought. Steps were taken to cause a breach which greatly frightened Jání Beg. On his side again, Khán Khánán was convinced that as long as Jání Beg lived he would never give in. So both of them were inclined to make peace, which was soon arranged.

At this juncture Khán Khánán sent a messenger to

^† Peace made between them.

It is said that Jání Beg was the first to seek the truee by proposing to give 30 boats of his and the fort of Sehwán and to be allowed to go to Tattá and prepare to fight with the enemy there; and Khán Khánán, though advised by his officers to reject the proposal and take advantage of Jání Beg’s weakness, on consideration that innocent blood would be spilt, accepted the terms and made peace with him.

Before making the peace Jání Beg had written to his father Mírzá Páindah Beg and his son Mírzá Abul Fatih to destroy the city and to remove their families and people to Kalán Kót, which fortified town he had built for occasions like these. This was done and the splendid city of Tattá was brought to ruins. But unfortunately Jání Beg’s father and son died about the same time. This was a severe blow to him. He was mourning over these bereavements when he got Khán Khánán’s message for peace and he had no other alternative but to consent to it. Orders were immediately issued to the governors of different places to give the keys of the forts to the Emperor’s men. Nerún Kót was taken from the hands of Muhammad Amán Tarkhán. Sháh Beg Khán took the charge of Sháhgarh from Abul Kásim Arghún and so on.

After every thing was settled Mírzá Jání Beg returned to Tattá and Khán Khánán spent his time at Sann, as the river was then high. In the beginning of winter he proceeded to Tattá. At Fatehbágh he was received by Jání Beg. It is said that the two nobles came riding on horses, being preceded by some men on foot. On their meeting, the footmen first embraced one another as friends and then their leaders alighted and greeted each other. After a while they again got on their horses, and came together to the city. Mírzá Jání Beg went and put up in Taghlakábád leaving Tattá to Khán Khánán, who engaged himself for the time in settling the political affairs of the place. This occurred in the year 1000 A.H. (1591 A.D.)^* after seeing the seaport of Lóhrí and visiting other places of importance, both Khán Khánán and Mírzá Jání Beg prepared to go and pay their respects to Emperor Akbar, as the latter had expressed a desire for it.

Mírzá Jání Beg was very anxious about his own fate

Khán Khánán and Mírzá Jání Beg go to Emperor Akbar.

It was in the year 1008 A.H. (1599 A.D.) on the

Mírzá Jání Beg’s death.

On his father’s death Mírzá Ghází Beg was confirmed

Changes in the political establishments.

There were several persons who were dissatisfied with

The rebellion of Abul Kásim Sultán.

Having made necessary preparations Mírzá Ghází Beg

Mírzá Ghází Beg marches against Abul Kásim Sultán.

Mírzá Ghází Beg thence proceeded to Sháhgarh, where he fixed his camp and made a halt. Here it is said that Abul Kásim out of vanity once came up to the tower, and from that place spoke to his troops, saying “I shall give Mírzá Jání’s mother to my father, and the daughters of Mírzá Muhammad Bákí and other Tarkháns I shall distribute among you.” But poor man, he did not know what bad consequences disloyalty always brought.

Abul Kásim’s father was a very wise man. He could

They make peace.

Though Mírzá Ghází Beg had sworn to spare Abul

Abul Kásim is blinded with a burning iron wire.

About this time Jám Hálah son of Jám Desar, the

Fight with Jám Hálah of Kakrálah.

While Mírzá Ghází Beg was carrying on warfare with

Mírzá Ghází Beg prepares to go to visit the Emperor.

Abul Kásím Sultán, had remained a prisoner in the

Escape and recapture of Abul Kásim Sultán.

It is said that Jaafaralí had a faithful dog, which, for two days, continually was sitting at the foot of the pole on which Jaafaralí’s head was fixed in the midst of the market. When, on the third day the head was buried, the dog remained at the tomb for several days and then slowly left the place.

When Ghází Beg heard of Abul Kásim’s recapture he sent a horse and a robe of honour as a present to Arab Kúkah and increased the allowances of Daryá Khán.

Mírzá Ghází Beg had his mind at ease now and so be

Mírzá Ghází’s visit to Emperor Akbar and after the latter’s death, to Emperor Jahángír.

The Emperor received Mírzá Ghází Beg with marked distinction. He conferred his father’s honours on him and made him the governor of the Súbah of Sind. After the next few months, in the next year, Akbar died and was succeeded by his son Jahángír.^* Being advised by some evil counsellors the Mírzá left Ágrah for Tattá clandestinely. He had hardly arrived at his capital, when he received Jahángír’s orders to present himself before him. At the same time, Mír Abdurrazák was appointed to be in charge of Sehwán, Lóhrí port and Tattá. Ghází Beg lost no time in going to the Emperor in response to his call, and notwithstanding the backbiting of some men, he was received very well by the Emperor, who kept him in his court for some time as a wise counsellor.

It is said on one of those days the Emperor Jahángír was in consultation with his courtiers with regard to the revolt made by prince Khusró. The Emperor wished to call Mírzá Ghází Beg in order to see what advice he gave. The others told him that the Mírzá was a young inexperienced person and that his council would not be very sound, but the Emperor said Ghází Beg had been a ruler and as such must know well how to solve political difficulties. And so he was called and asked as to what he had to say in the matter. Ghází Beg said “whatever your imperial majesty is inclined to do, is the best.” Being further pressed to give his opinion freely, he replied “when you have put one foot in your stirrup I shall say what I have to say.” The Emperor understood what he meant and was much pleased with it, for he had already made up his mind to march against the prince and to quell the rebellion by forces. This was done and the whole affair ended in success.

When Mírzá Ghází Beg was about to start on his

Rebellion of Khusró Khán Charkas.

Sháh Beg Khán was the governor of Kandhár on

Mírzá Ghází Beg is sent to Kandhár.

As Ghází Beg had now received letters about Khusró Khán’s rebellion, he was allowed by the Emperor to leave straight for Bakhar in order to take necessary steps for mending the affairs of Sind. But soon after that he was called back from Bakhar as some of his ill-wishers had represented to the Emperor that Mírzá Ghází Beg wanted to be an independent ruler. Ghází Beg came to the Emperor, when the latter was on his way from Kábul to Láhór. The Emperor was so much pleased with him that he appointed him the governor of the Súbah of Kandhár, and increased his titles and Jágírs.

Thus, getting the province of Kandhár in addition to the districts of Tattá, Sehwán and part of Multán, Mírzá Ghází Beg came from Láhór to Multán. From here he wanted to send an agent to Kandhár before he was able to go thither himself. He first nominated Mírzá Muhammad Amán Tarkhán but as the latter had first to go on some business to Tattá, he appointed Ahmad Beg Sultán to the post, giving him the title of Iatimád Khán. This nobleman hastened to Kandhár and with a wise policy and kind behaviour put the affairs of that division, that had been so long in confusion, into proper order.

Mírzá Ghází Beg thus got an opportunity of coming to Bakhar and settling the public and private affairs of that side that badly required his presence and interference. He then came to Kandhár through Siwí and Ganjábah. Taking some rest there, he deputed Bháí Khán son of Khusró Khán and another, to fight against the Afgháns, and appointed Rái Mánikchand son of Rái Khóriah to march against Haidar, Sháh Beg’s refractory servant. He sent Mír Abdulláh Sultán, titled Mír Khán, as an ambassador to Sháh Abbás the king of Persia,^* with rich presents to secure his good will. And now he began to rule quietly at Kandhár.

On receiving complaints, to the effect that Khusró Khán

Khusró Khán Charkas captured by Hindú Khán.

It is said that Khusró Khán Charkas, having found himself in power and being away from the real owner of the place, began to abuse his power. He put his grandsons in power. One of them, Muhammad Beg son of Rustam Beg, who was the governor of Nerún Kót, dealt very cruelly with the Arghúns and Tarkháns. Another had carried away by force a Hindú girl of haberdashers’ caste, which deed had caused some rioting and bloodshed. These doings of his, together with his criminal misappropriation of the public money, were fully brought to the notice of Mírzá Ghází Beg, who became very angry. He determined to punish Khusró Khán and his relations and to degrade them to a very low position in society. With this object in view he had sent Sáíndinah Hindú Khán with Ráná Mánikchand and Shahbáz Khán to bring Khusró Khán Charkas with all his relations, young and old.

Hindú Khán came to Nasarpúr and wanted first to settle the affairs outside and then to enter the city. Mukím Sultán with all his brothers, at the instigation of Khusró Khán, laid siege to him at that place, and Abul Kásim Sultán, who had been set at liberty at the intercession of Khusró Khán incited his relations to stop supplies to the besieged. Ráná Mánikchand, happening to come out of the fort in order to bring about reconciliation, was cut down by an Arghún. Hearing this, Mánikchand’s son Ráising issued from the fort with a party of soldiers and vowed to be revenged on the murderors of his father, before cremating the latter’s body. He fought with the Arghúns, killed their chief, Sherbeg, a son-in-law of Sháh Kásim Arghún with many picked warriors, secured their animals and property, and then went to burn the body of his father. He now returned successful to Mírzá Ghází Beg, who honoured him more than his father.

After all Hindú Khán succeeded in taking every thing out of Khusró Khan’s charge, though the latter had tried his best to turn the chief landowners against him. Khusró Khán with all his relations was brought to Hálah Kandí to be taken by Hindù Khán to Mírzá Ghází Beg at Kandhár, when he got the news of the Mírzá’s death.

Seeing Mírzá Ghází Beg rising to power more and

Mírzá Ghází Beg’s death.

Mírzá Ghází Beg was a brave soldier and a generous

His character.

He was a man of learning and composed poetry too, taking Karí (reader) as his nom-de-plume. It is said that there was another poet with the same nom-de-plume at Kandhár in his time. He called him, gave him rich presents, and requested him to leave that nom-de-plume for him and take another. Both Ghází Beg and his father were very good musicians and were fond of singing. Their love for that fine art may be imagined from the general belief of the public that anyone, not having any children, who would sing and play on musical instruments for some days in their mausoleums, would be blessed with children.

As Mírzá Ghází Beg had no issue and as Hindú Khán

Concluding remarks.

Thus ended the rule of Tarkháns. About the close of Jahángír’s reign, Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán was appointed a governor for some days, as will be seen in the next chapter, but no other Tarkhán ever afterwards held the reins of government.

After Mírzá Ghází Beg’s death in 1021 A.H. (1612 A.D.) Khusró Khán Charkas tried to be independent and Hindú Khán, being unable to cope with him, wanted to retire but was asked by the Emperor to retain the government in his hands till a new man was sent. Khusró Khán now saw that the province had been annexed and that he could do nothing in opposition to the Emperor; so he left the place and went away^† The following governors were appointed successively to the Súbah of Sind,^‡ with Tattá as their capital.

1. Mírzá Rustam, son of Sultán Husain Mírzá son of Bahrám Mírzá, son of Sháh Ismáíl Safawí, king of Persia. This nobleman was at first the governor of Dáwar, a province of Kandhár, but when Khurásán was conquered by Uzbaks he left that country and attached himself to the Emperor Akbar in 1002 A. H. (1593 A. D.). In Jahángír’s time he was sent as the governor of Tattá with the rank of Panj-hazárí. He got 2 lacs of rupees as a reward and travelling allowance and the whole revenue of Tattá as his salary. In fact Tattá was given to him as a Jágír, but he was instructed to try his best to improve the country and look to the comfort of the people, who had suffered much during the reign of Tarkháns. But unfortunately he acted quite contrary to the hopes entertained by the Emperor, and there were so many complaints against him that he was suspended and called away, Rájah Sankdilán holding the charge in his absence. After 2 years, however, he was appointed to the Súbah of Alahábád and then of Pátná and Bahár. About the close of Sháh Jahán’s reign he retired and lived at Ágrah up to his death, his son Mírzá Murád being taken in service for him.

2. Mírzá Mustafá Khán, succeeded Mírzá Rustam.

3. Mír Báyazíd Bukhárí came next to Tattá in 1028 A. H. (1618 A. D.) in the 15th year of Jahángír’s reign. He had the grade of Du-Hazárí (commander of 2,000 men). He had been the Faojdár of Bakhar and from that post he was promoted to this.

4. Nawáb Sharíful-Mulk, known as Sharíf Khán. He was one-eyed. It was in this time in 1035 A. H. (1625 A. D.) in the 21st year of Jahángír’s reign that prince Sháh Jahán quarrelled with his father and came to Tattá, with a few persons, in order to go to Irák Ajam. Sharíful-Mulk tried to harass him and to drive him away. Several skirmishes took place between them, in which many lives were lost. It is said that the prince’s wife being pregnant desired to eat some pomegranates. Prince Sháh Jahán sent a message to Sharíful-Mulk requesting him to get him the fruit. The latter sent for a European gunner and made him fire in the direction of the prince. Owing to the sudden report of the gun, the princess miscarried the child she bore, and Sharíful-Mulk was so angry with himself for pointing out the wrong direction to the gunner that he plucked out one of his eye-balls, and from that day he became one-eyed. For this act of enmity, when Sháh Jahán ascended the throne he put him to death together with some of his friends.

5. Mírzá Ísá Tarkhán, a cousin of Mírzá Ghází Beg and a grandson of Mírzá Ísá, the elder, who in the beginning of Mírzá Ghází’s reign joined Abul Kásim Sultán in raising the standard of revolt. He had left Sind out of fear and come to the Emperor’s camp. He became the governor of Tattá with the rank of Chár-Hazárí (commander of 4,000 men), in 1037 A. H. (1627 A. D.) and in the last year of Jahángír’s reign. He was soon sent to defend the fort of Karnál, where he remained up to his death. He was buried on the Maklí hill and his “Ránk” (Mausoleum) is well known, for which he himself is said to have sent stones during his life-time and which he built when he was 18 years old. Its cost was borne by the revenue of the village of Nóráí, which was set apart for the repairs of the tombs of his elders. Some say the Mírzá died, while the building was being built and was yet incomplete.

6. Nawáb Amír Khán. His name was Mír Abul Baká and he was the son of Nawáb Kásim Khán of Hirát. When Sháh Jahán succeeded his father Jahángír to the throne, he ordered Sharíf Khán and his friends the Jám of Kakralah and others to be killed. The orders were carried out by Nawáb Amír Khán. The town of Amírpur was built by this Nawáb, which became the chief place of Bathórah and Bahrámpúr and Palejah. He was a very learned and witty person. He built a mosque on the site of a Hindú temple in the street of Bháí Khán. His body was buried in a rank on the Maklí hill. He is said to have lisped or stammered in pronouncing certain letters of the alphabet. But he was so clever that while speaking fluently he avoided words containing those letters and substituted other words of the same meaning in their place.

7. Nawáb Muzaffar Khán, whose name was Mír Abdurrazzák. He built a big mosque at Tattá.

8. Sayyed Ibráhím, son of Mír Báyazíd Bukhárí (No. 3).

9. Nawáb Mughul Khán came as the governor of Tattá in 1057 A. H. (1647 A. D.) in the 21st year of Sháh Jahán’s reign. In his time, in the year 1059 A. H. (1649 A. D.) in the 23rd year of Sháh Jahán’s reign, Tattá together with Bakhar and Sehwán were given as an endowment to prince Aorangzeb, who, before this, held the province of Multán as a Jágír. Henceforth the governors of Tattá were sent by him as his agents.

10. Nawáb Zafar Khán. He came to Tattá in 1063 A.H. (1652. A.D.) in the 37th year of the Emperor’s reign. He remained here for 6 years. He planted the celebrated “Musk garden.” In 1065 A.H. (1654 A.D.) Sipahr Shikóh son of Dárá Shikóh, eldest son of the Emperor was entrusted with the government of Tattá with the rank of “Haft Hazárí” (commander of 7,000 men), and the governor of the place was made his agent or lieutenant. About this time Aorangzeb Álamgír ascended the throne of Dehlí in 1069 A.H. (1658 A.D.).

11. Kabád Khán came in 1069 A.H. (1658 A.D.) In his time famine and plague broke out in the country. Soon after, prince Dárá Shikóh arrived in the country, which fact still increased the troubles of the people. That prince, believing that the citadel was not worth residing at and not finding it to his taste, ordered it to be burnt to ashes.

12. Nawáb Lashkar Khán. He came to Tattá in 1075 A.H. (1664 A.D.) and in the 10th year of Aorangzeb’s reign. He remained for 3 years and was succeeded by

13. Nawáb Sayyed Izzat Khán, commonly known as Izzat Pír, who had been the Faojdár of Bakhar. He came in 1078 A.H. (1667 A.D.). After 2 years he was recalled.

14. Nawáb Abú Nasrat Khán, who was maternal uncle to Emperor Álamgír Aorangzeb. He was a pious nobleman and was a poet. He came in 1082 A.H. (1671 A.D.) in the 12th year of Aorangzeb’s reign. He remained for 2 years.

15. Nawáb Saádat Khán. He also remained for 2 years.

16. Nawáb Sayyed Izzat Khán. He came a second time in 1084 A.H. (1673 A.D.) being the 13th governor at first. He remained for 6 years.

17. Nawáb Khánazád Khán. He came in 1090 A.H. (1679 A. D.) in the 22nd year of the Emperor’s reign. He governed at Tattá for about 5 years. He wrote very good poetry.

18. Nawáb Sardár Khán. He came in 1095 A.H. (1683 A.D.) and remained for 3 years. In his time, too, famine and plague broke out. Towns that were depopulated in those days, were never populated again.

19. Nawáb Muríd Khán. He was the son of a rájah and had recently become a convert to Islámism. He came in 1099 A.H. (1687 A.D.). He brought with him a few thousands of Rájputs, who so much annoyed the Musalman population of the place that he was removed from the post, after 2 years. After retirement too he spent time in Taghlakábád with the climate of which place he had been much charmed.

20. Nawáb Zabardast Khán. He came in 1101 A.H. (1689 A.D.) and died in the same year.

21. Nawáb Abú Nasrat Khán. He came a second time, having first come as 14th governor. He remained for 2 years and some months.

22. Nawáb Hifzulláh Khán, son of Saadulláh Khán the wazír of the late Emperor Sháh Jáhán. He came in 1103 A.H. (1691 A.D.) in the 35th year of Emperor Aorangzeb’s reign. He held Tattá and Sehwán both. He was a very charitable person. As about this time prince Muizzuddín was coming to Sind to arrest Míyán Dín Muhammad Siráí, the Nawáb personally superintended the work of putting a bridge over the river at Sehwán. He got a sun-stroke and died of its effects at Sehwán in 1112 A.H. (1700 A. D).^* He constructed a new fort at Tattá, which was left incomplete, as he was not allowed further expenditure on that account.

23. Saíd Khán, known more commonly as Khánazád Khán. He came as the governor of Tattá and Sehwán in 1113 A. H. (1701 A. D.) in the 45th year of the Emperor’s reign. He himself resided at Tattá and sent his son Arshad Khán to live at Sehwán.

24. Nawáb Mír Amínuddín Khán Husain, son of Sayyed Abul Makáram son of Mír Abul Báká AmÍr Khán (No. 6). He came to Tattá in 1114 A. H. (1702 A. D.). He was a reader of books and spent much of his time in the company of learned men. He wrote two big books, one treating of fourteen arts and sciences and another of general knowledge of the world.

25. Nawáb Yúsuf Khán Tarí. He came in the next year and was recalled after one year.

26. Nawáb Ahmad Yár Khán. He belonged to the tribe of Barlás, his forefathers having come from Khúsháb, in the province of Láhór. His father Alahyár Khán was the governor of Láhór and Multán and the Faojdár of Ghazní for 40 years. He remained for 3 years. During his time, that is in 1118 A. H. (1706 A. D.) on 26th of Zíkaad, Álamgír Aorangzeb passed away and was succeeded by his eldest son Bahádur Sháh. This Nawáb built the bridge on the Alíján which was close to the eastern gate of the city fort.

27. Nawáb Atr Khán. His name was Saíd Khán Bahádur and was the son of Saíd Khán the elder (No. 23). He came in 1119 A. H. (1707 A. D.) under the orders of the new Emperor. He was recalled after a year and some months.

28. Nawáb Mihín Khán. He came in 1121 A. H. (1709 A. D).

29. Nawáb Shákir Khán. He came in 1123 A. H. (1711 A. D.) and in the same year he was recalled and was succeeded by

30. Nawáb Mihín Khán who came a second time to Tattá. In his time in the year 1124 A. H. (1712 A. D.) the Emperor Bahádur Sháh died and was succeeded by his son Muizzuddín Jahándár Sháh.

31. Nawáb Khwájah Muhammad Khalíl Khán came to Tattá in 1124 A. H. (1712 A.D.).

In the course of nine months prince Farrukh Siyar dethroned Jahándár Sháh with the assistance of the Sayyeds of Bárah and himself took the throne.

32. Nawáb Atr Khán son of Saíd Khán (No. 27). He was a young and inexperienced person. He left his whole work to one Muhammad Yaakúb Kashmírí. Soon, confusion broke out in the affairs of administration. He had to fight with Mír Lutfalí Khán and was killed in the battle that ensued. Mír Lutfalì Khán having some influence at the court, was made his successor.

33. Mír Lutfalí Khán. His name was Mír Muhammad Shafía. He was grandson to Mír Muhammad Yúsuf Mahdí Razawí a saintly person of Bakhar. His government lasted from the beginning of 1125 A.H. to 1127 A.H. (1713 —1715 A.D.). He earned the title of Sháatalí Khán. He was a powerful ruler and a learned man. He died in 1144 A.H. (1731 A.D.). Himmat was his nom-de-plume in the poetry written by him. The poet Muhammad Hasan lived in his time. He had two sons Mír Ghazánfaralí and Mír Zulfikáralí whose descendents are still living at Tattá.

34. Nawáb Aazam Khán, son of Sálih Khán. He came to Tattá in 1128 A.H. (1715 A.D.) in the 5th year of Emperor Farrukh Siyar’s reign. Before his coming his agent Khwájah Muhammad Khalíl was doing work for him. He governed the country for about 4 years. It was in his time, that Sháh Ináyat Súfí the great saint of the time died at Jhók or Míránpur on the bank of the Gháziáh or Gajiáh, in the parganah of Bathórah. It is said that the Sayyeds of Bulrí were on inimical terms with this pious man and his disciples, as the disciples of the Sayyeds and the Fakírs of Bulrí hearing the good name of Sháh Ináyat left Bulrí and went over to Jhók. At the instigation of these Sayyeds as well as of some zamindárs like Núr Muhammad Palejah and Hamal Jat, Nawáb Aazam Khán wrote a report to the Emperor, who ordered Khudáyár Khán Abbásí better known as Núr Muhammad Kalhórah to collect an army and extirpate that leader of the Súfí Fakírs. Accordingly Khudáyár Khán came with a large force and besieged the town of Jhók. This siege went on for four months. The Fakírs occasionally made a sortie and fought with the besiegers. Finding that it was difficult to take the place Khudáyár Khán made peace with Sháh Ináyat. On this excuse an opportunity was soon availed of and the pious man was beheaded on the 9th of Saffar 1130 A.H. (1717 A.D.). Another pious man Makhdúm Rahmatulláh was also ill-treated in the same way, as he was made a prisoner and put in chains. And in the next year Farrukh Siyar was succeeded by Muhammad Sháh.^*

35. Nawáb Mahábat Khán son of Muhammad Mun-im Khán, titled Khán Khánán the prime minister of Sháh Álam Bahádur Sháh. He came to Tattá in 1132 A.H. (1719 A.D.) in the second year of Muhammadsháh’s reign. He was a very good man, respected, pious and learned. He was a good poet taking Kázim as his nom-de-plume. He died at Tattá in 1135 A.H. (1722 A.D.) and his body was carried to Hindustán viâ Láhór. He was succeeded by his son, a minor.

36. Sultán Mahmúd Khán. His mother, the widow of the deceased Nawáb sent Rází Muhammad Khán to act as his guardian and manager. This gentleman came in 1136 A.H. (1723 A.D.) and remained for one year. In the next year the post was given to

37. Nawáb Saifulláh Khán, who before his joining the post deputed Abdussamía Khán, brother to Sháh Abdul Ghafúr of Hálah Kandí, of the tribe of Sanwriáh, to administer the state affairs for him. The Nawáb himself arrived at Tattá in the month of Zíhaj 1137 A.H. (1724 A.D.). He brought several learned men with him. In his time great improvement was made in every way. Commerce also improved much. He was a Shiah and encouraged that sect. He effectually prohibited the use of liquor and other intoxicating drugs. In short he is spoken of as a very good man and an excellent governor. He died in 1143 A.H. (1730 A.D.). He was buried on the Maklí hill. His son Sádik Alí Khán remained in charge of the government for a short time till he was relieved by

38. Nawáb Dilerdil Khán. He came to Tattá in 1146 A.H. (1733 A.D.) and remained there for two years. He was a very good man. About this time, the Súbah of Tattá was given to Amír Khán as a reward, and was thenceforth held on a sort of contract or lease.

39. Nawáb Himmat Dilerdil Khán. He hastened to take the contract of the revenue of Tattá from Amír Khán, fearing lest some other person should find mistakes in the accounts of his father. He came to Tattá in 1145 A.H. (1732 A.D.) Although the contract system could not come up to the Jágír system, this Nawáb was fortunate enough to continue in charge of the place for 4 years.

40. Nawáb Sádik Alí Khán son of Nawáb Saifulláh Khán (No. 32). He came in 1149 A.H. (1736 A.D.) in the 19th year of the Emperor’s reign. Of course he had taken the contract from Amír Khán. In the first year he somehow managed to make up the amount for which he had contracted. But in the next year he failed and had to show a great deficiency and so he was unwilling to retain the charge.

41. Nawáb Khudáyár Khán, commonly known by the name of Mián Núr Muhammad Kalhórah Abbásí. He was a nobleman enjoying the greatest confidence and regard of the Emperor. He got the government of Bakhar, Sehwán and Tattá. He immediately sent an agent of his, Shekh Ghulám Muhammad son of Shekh Azízulláh, who relieved Nawáb Sádik Alí Khán of the charge.

Thus the government of Sind came to the hands of the Kalhórás, in which it is said to have remained as long as it had remained in the hands of the Arghún dynasty and longer than it had remained in the hands of the Sammahs and the Tarkháns. We give an account of that dynasty together with that of the Tálpurs who succeeded them, in the second part of this volume.

The Kalhórahs are said to have been descended from

The origin of the Kalhórahs.

At the time of the agents of the Ghazní and Ghórí

Jám Chínah and his sons, Dáúd and Láshár.

In short Jám Chínah fixed his residence for some time at Chínah Belí, in the tálukah of Bhiráló of the parganah of Lóhrí.^* Subsequently going over to Khambháth, he passed away on the bank of the Sángrah, where he was buried. Mir Chákar Balóch, and Árí Dádní of the tribe of Chanah were his cousins.

After Chínah’s death, none of his descendants rose to be

Mián Ádam Sháh.

At that time Nawáb Khán Khánán ^¶ having come to pay respects to Mián Ádam Sháh and to ask his blessings, at the request of Kabrá Barhah, granted to him the zamindarí of Chándúkah, which at first belonged to the ^||tribe of Chándiah.^|| After some time Ádam Sháh went over to Multán, to pay a visit to Lál l’san the celebrated living saint of the time, and a descendent of Shekh Baháuddín Multání.^* A large number of disciples joined him here and he was obliged to occupy a spacious tract of country. This excited the jealousy of the landowners of the place, at whose instigation the ruler of Multán had him killed and thus he became a martyr.

In accordance with his dying request Ághá Sháh

Ághá Sháh Muhammad.

When he died, he was succeeded by Mián Iliás son of

Mián Iliás son of Dáúd son of Ádam Sháh.

On his death, Mián Iliás was succeeded by his brother

Mián Sháhal Muhammad.

On his death, Mián Sháhal Muhammad was succeeded

Mián Nasír Muhammad.

It is said that in olden days, two brothers, both models of virture and piety, lived at this place and maintained themselves by cultivating land. One of them was single and another was married. When they raised their crops the single brother, considering that his brother had a family and that his expenses were greater, removed a large quantity of corn from his own heap and put it, unseen, into his brother’s heap. At the same time, the brother having a family believing that his brother was a good man and did not much care for worldly profits, added a portion of his own granary to his brother’s. Both the brothers continued doing so for some time, without knowing each other’s actions and motives. Owing to the piety of their minds and the honesty and goodness of their principles, though they continued consuming the produce of their land for their usual wants, it never could be exhausted. After all they passed away leaving a large heap of corn, which changed into a red sand-hill, that can still be seen about the place.^**

On the death of Mián Nasír Muhammad, he was

Mián Dín Muhammad son of Nasír Muhammad,

After a short time the Panwhárs again began to make

Fighting of the Kalhórahs with the Panwhárs and the Afgháns.

There still remained some disagreement with the Afgháns of Piní, the governor of Siwí and Shikárpur. For a short period there was fighting between them and the Siráís, till the Emperor’s son, prince Muhammad Muizzuddín,^* hearing of the death of Shekh Jahán and of the defeat of Alahyár Khán came down to Sind from Láhór. Learning of the prince’s approach, Mián Dín Muhammad sent his youngest brother Mír Muhammad with Kásim and Khamal to Bakhar, in order to welcome him and win him over on his side. They succeeded in doing so and the prince much pleased with the Mián, returned towards Láhór.

About that time Maksúdah, the elder brother of

Fighting of the Kalhórahs with the imperial army and the capture of Mián Dín Muhammad.

Meanwhile Dín Muhammad’s brother Mián Yár Muhammad

Mián Yár Muhammad goes to Kalát.

During the next two years, Yár Muhammad led an unsettled life in Kalát and the Siráís were mostly quiet and secluded. After that period, however, that is, in 1113 A.H. (1701 A.D.) when Rájah Fakír and other Siráí chiefs joined him, Yár Muhammad took a solemn promise from them to abide by his commands, and taking Altás Khán Bróhí with an army to assist him, marched to his hereditary country.

Passing Zaidí and travelling along the lake Manchhar,

Miáu Yár Muhammad invades Sind and recaptures the chief places.

The number of the Siráís now went on increasing, as

Shikárpur fixed as the central city under the name of Khudábád.

Seeing no other help at hand Bakhtáwar Khán hastened to prince Muhammad Muizzuddín at Multán and asked his help in the matter. But the prince could not be induced by his entreaties to take his side. Unfortunately about the same time the prince resolved to go to Bakhtáwar Khán’s territory, but the latter, fearing some bad result tried to dissuade the prince. This step, however, only irritated the prince who, after some fighting, defeated and killed Bakhtáwar Khán.

Meanwhile the envoys of the Siráís were working at the

Siwí given to Mián Yár Muhammad by Prince Muizzuddín.

Accordingly Mián Yár Muhammad proceeded to meet

Mián Yár Muhammad appointed as the imperial agent, with the title of “Khudáyár Khán.”

After giving charge of Khánpúr to Mír Amínuddín

Mír Shahdád Tálpur distinguishes himself in fighting at Derah Ghází Khán for the Emperor.

After these events Mián Yár Muhammad’s two sons

The Pinís and Dáúdpótahs revolt but are punished.

For a short time, the Dáúdpótahs also fought with the Siráís for supremacy, but they were so much crushed that they completely gave in and thenceforth permanently remained subordinate to them.

All the above events took place during the first 9 years

Mián Yár Muhammad gets Jhól, Rópáh and other places.

In short, after a successful rule of 18 years, Mián Yár Muhammad died on Monday or Tuesday the 15th of Zíkaad 1131 A.H. (1718 A.D.).

Mián Núr Muhammad succeeded his father with the

Mián Núr Muhammad or Nawáb Khudáyár Khán.

In the 4th year of his rule, i.e. 1135 (1722 A.D.) the

He fights with the Dáúdpótahs.

The Dáúdpótahs did not long remain quiet. Again and again they gave trouble, but were as often defeated and dispersed, till in 1139 A.H. (1726 A.D.) Mián Núr Muhammad Khudáyár Khán fixed his residence at Shikárpur and sent his army to extirpate them finally. The army pressed them hard in the fort of Dablí, but through the intercession of some Sayyeds they were pardoned and swore solemnly never to revolt again.

The result of all this was that the land of Nahárs, that

The Dáúdpótahs completely subjugated.

Similarly Shekh Hamíd and Shekh Usmán Rónkahs, noteworthy zamíndárs of the suburbs of Multán, emigrated to Bakhar and entered the service of the Mián.

In the year 1142 A.H. (1729 A.D.) Murád Kalerí,

Certain chiefs of the country near Siwí brought into subjection.

Mián Núr Muhammad now commenced hostilities with

Hostilities with Mír Abdulláh the Khán of Kalát.

Unfortunately, in 1144 A.H. (1731 A.D.) a force of Bróhís, in open contravention of the terms of the peace, invaded the land of Káchhah and plundered that part of the country. To punish them for this, Mián Núr Muhammad himself marched out and encamped at Ládkanah. From there he despatched some brave chiefs to fight with Mír Abdulláh Khán. At Jandehar, where Mír Abdulláh Khán had arrived in advance, a pitched battle was fought which ended in the complete overthrow of the Bróhís and the death of their ruler.

In 1145 A.H. (1732 A.D.) the Mián’s son Muhammad

Marriage connections between the Kalhórah and Bróhí chiefs.

Then arose the rumours of Nádir Sháh’s coming, and

Siwistán and Tattá secured by Mián Núr Muhammad.

That same year, Nadir Sháh^* having conquered Kandhár

The Mián’s son Muhammad Murádyáb defeats the invading armies of Dhárájah and Kakrálah at Tattá.

Soon after this, Nádir’s approach spread confusion

Nádir Sháh’s invasion and Mián Nur Muhammad’s flight to Umarkót where he is taken prisoner.

Accepting a gratification of one million of rupees

Mián Núr Muhammad confirmed as a ruler by Nádir with the title of Sháh Kulí Khán.

On the 11th of Muharram 1153 A.H. (1740 A. D.)

Nádir’s envoys at Tattá. Sultán Sámtiah appointed as the Mián’s agent at the place.

In 1154 A.II. (1741 A.D.) the tribe of Shórah, who

Chiefs of Shórah and other tribes defeated and punished by the Mián.

In 1155 A.H. (1742 A.D.) Muzaffar Alí Khán Bayát, Beglarbegí, who had gone to bring some ships that had been ordered by Nadír Sháh to be built for him at the port of Súrat, came to Tattá from Karáchi port, Nawab Sháh Kulí Khán (Mián Núr Muhammad) came to receive him at Tattá, where they spent about two months and a half together, after which period Muzaffar Alí took his departure.

In 1156 A.H. Tahmásb Kulí Khán, the chief of Jaláir

Fresh anarchy in Sind in consequence of Tahmásb Kulí Khán’s coming.

In 1157 A.H. (1744 A.D.) Shekh Shukrulláh defeated

Fighting with certain Hindú chiefs.

In 1160 A.H. (1747 A.D.) at the instigation of the

Fighting with the Ráná of Dhárájah who is killed treacherously.

In 1161 A.H. (1748 A D.) Ahmad Sháh Dúrání, who

The Mián receives the title of Sháhnawáz Khán and his sons return from Persia.

In 1164 A.H. (1751 A.D.) ships left for the port of Muscat, but Shekh Shukrulláh died soon after. In due course of time Muhammad Murádyáb Khán arrived and was received with great affection by his father, who entrusted him with the entire management of the financial business of the state, and appointed Khudábád to be his head quarters. Sháhnawáz Khán, who used to be at Khudábád, came to reside at the new built town of Muhammadábád. Khudádád Khán, who during the absence of his elder brother, had put on the turban of an heir-apparent, had now to resign that honourable position to the rightful owner Murádváb Khán. Being much chagrined and mortified at this, he left his native land and went to Hindustán. But Muhammad Murádyáb Khán soon proved a failure as a financial manager and so that office was taken back from him.

In the beginning of 1166 A.H. (1753 A.D.) it was

The king comes to Sind and Diwán Gidúmal is sent as an envoy to him.

It was about this time, on the 12th of Saffar of the

Death of Mián Núr Muhammad and the election of his son Murádyáb Khán.

The nobles of the state lost no time in electing the late ruler’s eldest son Muhammad Murádyáb Khán to the throne. That young nobleman, fearing lest he might be again given away as a hostage, had left his father on the way and betaken himself in a different direction, from which he had to be brought to fill the vacant throne. This ceremony of enthronement took place on 16th, i.e. 4 days after the late Mián’s death.

On receiving the news of Mián Núr Muhammad’s

Different agents appointed by the king’s orders.

While the Kázi’s eldest son was quarrelling with Sálih

Muhammad Murádyáb Khán appointed to be the ruler with the title of Nawáb Sarbuland Khan.

Díwán Gidúmal had joined Muhammad Murádyáb

The reception of the Mián at Nasarpúr.

About the close of the year he determined to settle the

The Mián marches against the Jám of Kakrálah and defeats him.

For the next two years the Mián ruled the country

The Mián’s rupture with his nobles, who conspire against him.

Mustering strong among themselves on the night

Muhammad Murád dethroned and Mián Ghulám Sháh elected.

Soon after the Áshúrah (the 10th of Muharram) of the

The town of Alahábád founded, and the revolt of Muhammad Murád’s brother Ahmadyár Khán.

Meanwhile Atur Khán, who was a hostage with the

The Mián’s other brother Atur Khán appointed as ruler by the royal decree.

Finding the country vacant, Muhammad Atur Khán

General feelings against Muhammad Atur Khán.

Meanwhile Mián Ghulám Sháh passing some time in the

Mián Ghulám Sháh marches against Atur Khán and defeats him at Lóhrí.

As during this short period Muhammad Murádyáb Khán

Mián Ghulám Sháh comes to Siwistán and thence to Alahábad and Muhammadábád.

In the beginning of the next year 1172 A. H. (1759 A.D.)

Atar Khán goes to Kalát; subsequently joins the King’s camp and returns with an imperial army in succour.

Getting this news, in the month of Rabiussaní 1172

The town of Sháhbandar, founded by Mián Ghulám-Sháh.

Muhammad Atur Khán was already advancing with

Peace concluded between Mián Ghulám Sháh and Atur Khán and the country divided between them.

Up to the month of Ramazán matters went on quietly.

Disagreement between Atur Khán and his brother Ahmdyár Khán.

Hearing of this, Mián Ghulám Sháh started for the

The whole of Sind falls into the hands of Ghulám Sháh, and Atur Khán flees.

On the 2nd of Shawwál of the same year, Mián Ghulám

Mián Ghulám Sháh comes to Ládkánah and Siwistán and punishes the rebellious Khósahs.

Mián Ghulám Sháh now heard that Muhammad Atur

Mián Ghulám Sháh defeats Atur Khán at Ubáórah.

On 25th Muharram, 1173 A. H. (1760 A. D.) Mián

The Jám of Kakrálah is defeated and put to flight.

In this year, Jám Desar, the chief of Kakrálah, who during Mián Ghulám Sháh’s absence at Sháhgarah, had taken the offensive was defeated and driven away by Muhammad Siddík Wais and other generals, who had been specially sent for the purpose, On 7th Saffar 1174 A.H. (1761 A. D.), the Jám was compelled to leave the fort of Ábád and seek shelter in Kachh. His son, Hardárjí, who some time before had come to the camp of Mián Ghulám Sháh, was detained by the Mián as his own aide-de-camp.

In the beginning of the next year 1175 A.H. (1762 A.D.)

Mián Ghulám Sháh appointed ruler of Sind by a royal decree, with the title of ‘Sháh Wardí Khán.’

In 1176 A.H. (1763 A.D.), on the 9th of Rabíussání

Mián Ghulám Sháh invades Kachh and makes peace with the Ráo.

In 1178 A.H. (1765 A.D.) Mián Ghulám Sháh again

Another invasion against Kachh and fresh treaty with it.

Not long after this, Muhammad Atur Khán, whose

Atur Khán surrenders.

In 1181 A.H. (1767 A.D.) Mián Ghulám Sháh was

Mián Ghulám Sháh entrusted with the administration of the Derahs.

Unfortunately during this interval, the force left by the Mián at the Derahs had to fight with the natives of the place headed by their chief Nasrat. This confusion induced the king to send Sardár Jahán Khán as his agent to settle and administer the State affairs there. The Sardár came, dismissed the Mián’s officers and appointed his own in their place. In 1183 A.H. (1769 A.D.) however, Derah Gházi Khán was lost to the Sardár, and Mián Ghulám Sháh had again to go in that direction to settle the country. He succeeded in quieting the country once more. And as a reward for this remarkable piece of the service, the remaining portion of Derah Gházi Khán, that used to be attached to Multán, was given to the Mián and its governor made subordinate to him.

On his return from the Derahs in Zíhajj, 1183 A. H.

The city and fort of Haidarabád, founded by Mián Ghulám Sháh.

After Gul Muhammad Khán Khurásáni and Muhammad

The administrators of Tattá.

In 1184 A.H. (1770 A.D.) for several reasons the charge

Matrimonial connection between the Mián and the Ráo of Kachh.

It was in the year 1185 A.H. (1771 A.D.) that a

The rain of flesh, a strange phenomenon.

In 1186 A.H. (1772 A. D.) foundation was laid for a mud

The death of Mián Ghulám Sháh.

About this time Ahmad Sháh Durání died and with the

Death of Ahmad Sháh Durání and accession of his son Taimúr Sháh to the throne.

The next day after Mián Ghulám Sháh’s death his son

Muhammad Sarafráz Khán confirmed by the new king with the title of “Khudáyár Khán.”

About the close of Shuabán, 1188 A. H., the Mián set

The Mián goes to Kachh and Gujrát,

We have said above in Chapter III that, at the time of

The influence of the Tálpurs at the Courts of Kalhórah rulers.

In 1172 A.H. (1759 A.D.) when Mián Muhammad Atur Khán, the then ruler of Sind, brought the imperial Afghán army to reinstate him, Mír Bahrám was on the side of Mián Ghulám Sháh in the fight that ensued and that ended in the victory of the latter. During Mián Ghulám Sháh’s reign, Mír Bahrám enjoyed the high esteem of that ruler. On his death, his successor Mián Muhammad Sarafráz too regarded him as his chief councillor and prime minister. As Mír Bahrám had grown old, his son Mír Bijár often took place in the council-hall, proving himself to be a worthy son of a worthy father.

As the Mián was very fond of the Mírs, Rájah Líkhí,

Mián Muhammád Sarafráz becomes suspicious of Mír Bahrám and his sons, through the jealousy of Rájah Likhí.

Perceiving coldness in the behaviour of his master Mír

Mír Bahrám’s consultation with his sons.

One day Mír Bahrám had come to pay his respects to

Murder of Mír Bahrám and his son Sóbdár by treachery.

Taking advantage of the occasion, some persons rushed out with swords to despatch Mír Sóbdár, before the tragical news was known. Mír Sóbdár was at that time conversing with Alah Baksh, the eldest son of Rájah Líkhí. Seeing the swordsmen coming and perceiving foul play, he lost no time in killing Alah Baksh there and then. Then he had to confront his assailants, who surrounded him on all sides. He bravely killed a number of the murderers, but at last fell under the heavy blows of the the assailants. This occurred in the year 1188 A.H.^* (1774 A.D.)

Mír Sóbádár died leaving four sons, viz., Fateh Alí Khán,

Mir Fateh Khán’s attack and Mían Sarafráz’s flight from the fort of Haidarábád.

The next day when it was known that Mián Sarafráz

Mahmúd Khán placed on the vacant throne and the fort of Haidarábád attacked and taken.

As there was no other alternative, the wily Rájah Líkhí kept the keys with himself and appointed his own son Tájah to be the chief manager of the fort. He now had an ample opportunity to spend money and win over some of the chiefs, in order to be prepared for the fight that might ensue with Mír Bijár, when he came. He secured the services of Alahbakhsh Jhinjan, Peróz Pitáfí and the chief of the tribe of Khósabs, whom he knew to be on bad terms with the Mírs.

Mír Fateh Khán now thought it proper to withdraw to

Withdrawal of Mír Fateh Khán and the ascension of Mián Ghulám Nabí to the throne.

Mián Ghulám Nabí was a very good man. Like his

Death of Rájah Líkhí.

About this time news of Mír Bijar’s return from Mecca was received and Rájah Líkhí became ill at ease. The approach of a dreaded enemy was a blow to him, which he did not long survive. They say he ended his life by poison. Whatever be the true cause of his death, he had a son, as wicked as himself, to step into his shoes. But Mián Ghulám Nabí entertained as much disgust towards him as for his late father. For, it is said, that the Mián often remarked that he smelt blood from him and that he had the look of a murderer about him.

Mír Bijár, who had become a Hájí now, returned from

Mír Bijár’s arrival from Meccá through Kalát.

When Mír Bijár arrived within twelve miles of the

Mír Bijár goes to the fort of Umarkót but leaves it soon at the false entreaties of Alahbakhsh Jhinjan.

As soon as Mír Bijár believing the deceitful Jhinján’s

Tájáb Líkhí sends a force to occupy the fort of Umarkot and is attacked by Mír Bíjár.

Mír Bijár had 6000 Balóches with him, all veteran

Battle at Lányárí in the Shahdádpur Talukah and murder of Mián Ghulám Nabí.

As soon as the confusion subsided and Mír Bijár learnt that the enemy had murdered Mián Ghulám Nabí and had fled, he was very sorry and went immediately to the spot. Seeing the dead body of the late ruler of Sind he sat on the ground lamenting loudly for him. Then he ordered a rich coffin to be prepared and sent the body off to Haidarábád, under the escort of a number of men. At the same time he sent an army in search of the villains who had committed such a murderous act.^*

Seeing that the Mír’s star was rising, most of the chiefs of the opposite side, like Alah Bakhsh Jhinjan, Muhammad Hasan Khuháwar and Mehráb Jatóí, came and paid homage to him. The Mír was too noble-minded to remember their past behaviour, and readily pardoned them.

We have seen that Muhammad Sarafráz was already in

Muhammad Sarafraz, Atur Khán, Mahmúd Khán and Mír Muhammad murdered in cold blood, by Abdunnabí at Haidarábád.

After the recent victory Mír Bijár fixed his head-quarters

Mián Abdunnabí called from Haidarábád by the Mír and proclaimed the ruler of Sind.

As might be expected, Mír Bijár became the chief minister and counsel of the new ruler; consequently the administration of State affairs was carried on on just and improved principles, to the great happiness of the people in general.

The first act of the new ruler was to call Alah Baksh

Alah Baksh Jhinjan and Tájah Líkhí made prisoners.

Since the time of Mián Sarafráz Khán the revenue of

The king’s army under Izzatyár Khán invades Sind and is defeated by the Mír in the District of Shikárpur.

When the above detachments assembled, the number reached to 30,000. Izzatyár Khán now addressed the following letter to Mír Bijár Khán—“O brave chief, you must know that Abdunnabí has been set aside by the king and I am appointed in his place. If you come and pay allegiance to me you will continue as the fortunate possessor of administrative powers as hitherto. I am not a stranger. I am a grandson of Khudáyár Khán. But if you will not submit and seek to fight with me, then you will gain nothing and cause the death of many innocent people for nothing.” To this, Mír Bijár sent the following reply—“I am obliged to you for the letter. You have taken the trouble of coming to Sind as a claimant to the throne, but you must know, that you come to fight with your own uncle, who is like a father to you. I am pledged to remain faithful to him. Victory and defeat are in the hands of God. I am bound to stand by Mián Abdunnabí. I shall soon be with you, along with my master, and so good bye for the present.”

Mír Bijár now called his brave Balóches, who numbered about 18,000 men. He started with that force, in the company of Mián Abdunnabí Khán. After hasty marches, he arrived at Lóhrí on the river.^* Two hundred boats were ready and a bridge was instantly put on the river. In one or two days, the whole force passed over and came to Shikárpúr, where the enemy’s forces had halted. Before long, martial music sounded, flags were seen moving, and the Afghán and Balóch adversaries joined in a close fight. A fierce battle raged now, as there were brave soldiers on both the sides.^† After all, the Afghán force gave way and was succeeded by the Khósahs, who too did not stand the Balóch charge very long but were put to flight in great confusion, after a large number of them had been cut to pieces. Izzatyár Khán and Mahfúz Khán saved themselves by galloping away on fleet horses, leaving behind their tents, elephants, and other baggage. They did not halt till they had joined the king’s camp.

Some of the Afghán chiefs, including the Governor of Shikárpúr, took shelter within the walls of the fort, to which the victorious army of the Mián and the Mír now laid siege. It soon fell into their hands. The Mír issued an order preventing his soldiers, on pain of death, from plundering the place, or harming the inmates, because, said he. “This is the city of the king and we are all his servants.” The next morning, all the Afghán chiefs were called one by one and asked to give their names and parentage. After this ceremony was gone through each of them was presented with a dress of honour, a horse and way expenses, and dismissed.^‡

The recent defeat of the Afgháns gave ample opportunity

The king himself marches towards Sind and Mír Bíjár proceeds from Shikárpúr to pay respects to him.

After a short time two Hindú Rajpúts, Ráthórs by

Murder of Mír Bijár by treachery.

On the death of Mír Bijár, he was succeeded by his

Flight of Mían Abdunnabí to Kalát out of fear.

When the Mírs learnt this, they thought it proper to remove fear from the Mián’s mind, as they never meant to do any harm to him. Accordingly, they sent some trustworthy men of theirs with the Kórán to the Mián, with the following message. “The word of God is between you and us, and we swear by it that we have no suspicions against you and that we mean you no harm. Moreover some of your councillors are very mischievious, and though they appear to be your friends, are really your enemies. Beware of them. They take you from door to door and make you a beggar before strangers. Avoid them and return to your own country and rule it as before. You will never find loyal men like us in the whole world.”

The solemn messsage was duly delivered to Mián Abdunnabí, but his councillors did not advise him to comply with the request. On the return of the messengers, therefore, the Mír called his companions to put some ruler on the vacant throne. The chief men of the Kalhórahs had already been murdered and none remained from whom to select for the purpose. One Sádikalí Fakír,^* a kinsman of the late rulers, who was said to be a respectable and sensible person, lived in retirement at Khát, on the river. The Mír therefore took a detachment of soldiers with him and went to escort him to the capital. Arrived at the place, he placed the turban of rulership on his head, and brought him on an elephant to the city with pomp and glory.

Mián Sádik Alí Khán was placed on the throne, but as

Mián Sádik Alì Khán elected by Mír Abdulláh to be the ruler of Sind.

After a short time news was received that a large army sent by Bajesing, the Rájah of Jódhpur, was coming from the east to invade Sind, and another sent by Muhammad Nasír Khán of Kalát, with Mián Abdunnabí was marching from the north, joined by the mercenary forces of the Nuhmardís. The Mír summoned his friends for consultation and after some discussion they determined to face the army of Jódhpur and then to meet the Bróhís. Preparations were hurriedly made and on the third day the forces were in motion towards the sandy desert.

When the Balóch forces left Khudábád, Mián Sádik

Défeat of the Jódhpur forces by the Mír.

Mír Abdulláh now prepared to make an attack and began to array his army. He himself headed the central division, while he put Mír Fatéh Alí and Mír Suhráb on the two wings. The advance guard was given in charge of the veteran Mír Fatéh Khán, with Mirzó Fakír^* and his son Bághah as his assistant, and consisted chiefly of Nizámánís and Jamálís and Lighárís. The kettle drums began to beat, the pípes began to play and war-cries rose in the air. At first the fight went on with guns, subsequently swords were brought in use. A very severe battle ensued. It was a battle between the Balóches and Rájputs.

At last Mír Fateh Alí Khán gained the upper hand on his side and the Ráthórs were put to flight. Soon they were followed by others, and a general route ensued. In a short time the field was clear of the enemy, who disappeared leaving a large number of Hindús dead and wounded, together with their heavy baggage. Valuable booty fell into the hands of the victorious Balóches,—tents, earpets, guns, elephants, camels, etc. The solid golden armlets alone, removed from the arms of the dead, were enough to cheer the hearts of the Balóch conquerors.

The conquerors had hardly taken rest when a camelman

Abdunnabí with the Bróhí forces defeated by the Mír at the Chálak Bridge.

Mír Abdulláh Khán now got an ample opportunity of

Mían Abdunnabí returns with reinforcements under Madad Khán Afghán and other chiefs.

Madad Khán came on like a wild hurricane plundering

Mír Abduláh advances to meet Madad Khán in the open field.

The Mír agreed to adopt the policy suggested by Mír

The Mír makes a long halt, and Madad Khán sends envoys to the Mír for peace and then goes to Khudábád.

When the above message was delivered by the envoys, the Mír gave robes of honour and horses to them. In reply the following message was sent to the Sardár through Alahdád^* and munshí Anbratrái, two chief attendants of the Mír :—“We are obedient servants to the king and consider you to be our friend, or rather a near relative, in the positíon of an uncle. Some envious tongues may have spoken against us to the king but we entertain hopes that you will kindly set the matter right. As you advise, we are ready to go back, but before receiving your message we had sworn not to turn away from our adversaries. So long therefore, as your army remains there, in opposition to us, the oath cannot be broken by our turning back. If really you intend to march on to Khudábád, you may do so going along the river. After you pass another way, we shall be free and will then move to Umarkót, where our baggage is already lying.”

Sardár Madad Khán agreed to this and sent back the Mír’s envoys with presents. He then ordered the Nuhmardís to take the lead and guide on his army. Muhammad Nasír’s Bróhí column followed the Nuhmardís and he himself with his Afgháns went behind the Bróhís. In this order the royal army moved to Khudábád, where it arrived in one day and night.

As soon as they arrived at the capital, Abdunnabí

Oppression of Madad Khán and Abdunnabí on the people of Sind.

When Mír Abdulláh Khán heard at Umarkót that the

Mír Abdulláh leaves Umarkót with a large army to help the people to oppose Madad Khán.

When Sardár Madad Khán heard of the approach of the

Correspondence between the Mír and Madad Khán and the disagreement of Mír Fateh Khán.

When the Sardár got this message, he was much ashamed. He sent the following reply to the Mír with his own confidential men. “O! noble Mír, your words are noble. You are doubtless young in years, but old in wisdom and experience. I value your advice and I myself do not like to oppress the creatures of God. As Abdunnabí would not give me the promised gold or even provisions for the army, the latter was obliged to go about plundering. Properly speaking, it is he who is responsible to God for this oppression and not I. As for my words of honour and the promise made by me, I assure you that I have repeatedly sent letters to his majesty, recommending you to be the administrator of this country, on condition that you should regularly send the fixed tribute to the royal coffers. I undertake to do the desirable, but if you are faithful to the king and true to me, come to visit me, who am your guest, with your kinsmen Fateh Alí, Fateh Khán and Suhráb. But in the first place disband your army, for that will be the proof of your faithfulness to the king. Thereby you will gain your object, and your enemies will be greatly disappointed.”

When this message was received, Mír Abdulláh declared his inability to agree to it, as he said he could not dismiss his men, who were all his brothren and castefellows and would be offended with him for doing so. Mír Fateh Khán, however, again appeared ready to second the Sardár’s suggestion. Mír Abdulláh therefore in consultation with Mírs Fateh Ali, Ghulám Ali and Suhráb, started with their army to meet the enemy in the open field. At the same time they nominally called Mír Fateh Khán to join them, but the latter turned his face from them, and rode away towards Umarkót with his band headed by Bághah Fakír. After a quick march Mír Abdulláh with his men arrived at Díngarh and encamped there.

When Sardár Madad Khán heard about the disagreement

Sardár Madad Khán goes to Umarkót where Mír Fateh Khán is induced to visit him and to fall in a trap, but he manages to escape.

When the day broke, the Sardár heard of the escape of

Madad Khán goes from Lóhrí to Díngarh where the Mir’s camp is.

The Mír was wise enough to see through the crafty words of the cunning Sardár. His reply was therefore short and to the point. “I am a man of one word, and I have said already what I had to say. If I had no regard for the king, I would, ere this, have come to you to set matters right.” Immediately he asked Mír Fateh Alí to make preparations for war and sent word to the Sardár to expect him very soon. When Madad Khán got this reply, he became very impatient. He determined to leave the country for good and that very day crossed the river. He dismissed Abdunnabí to shift for himself, but he carried with him his three friends who had been prisoners with him.^*

Left alone and helpless, Abdunnabí thought of trying

Abdunnabí is reconciled to the Mír and is again recognized as a ruler.

The Mír was much ashamed. He gave word to him that in future he would visit him alone, as thereafter he had no fear of him. The next morning the Mír sent away his followers and forces to his own derah or residence,^* along with his kinsmen and chiefs, Fateh Alí, Ghulám Alí, Suhráb, Alahyár, Thárah^† and others. Only he himself, Mír Fateh Khán and Mirzó Fakír remained behind with a few Balóch attendants and officers. Thereafter the Mír began to visit Mián Abdunnabí, with one or two men only.

The Mián now began to laugh in his sleeve, pleased at

Murders of Mírs Abdullah and Fateh Khán and Mirzó Fakír by treachery.

Mír Abdulláh died leaving two little sons Ghulám

Mír Fateh Alí Khán succeeds Mír Abdulláh, occupies the fort of Díngarh and proceeds against Abdunnabi.

When Abdunnabí heard that Mír Fateh Alí Khán had

Advance of Abdunnabí to meet the Balóches.

Proceeding with the above forces Mián Abdunnabí came

The battle of Hálání and the defeat of Abdunnabí.

The flight of Mián Abdunnabí was followed by a general route of his army. After gaining this victory, Mír Fateh Alí Khán came to Naoshahrah ^† and halted there. Biláwal Líkhí was pursued by a force, but escaped by sea to the Hálár mountains to seek help from the Hindús. Tájah Fakír, the son of Mehráb Jatóí, and Dhingánah Jatóí, having repented of having taken the side of the cowardly Abdunnabí came and joined the Mír with their forces. The Mír received them well and appointed Tájah to his father’s post, giving Tájah’s place to Dhingánah.

Mián Abdunnabí had long before this privately given

Death of Mír Suhráb’s brother Ghulám Muhammad at the hands of Rájpúts.

When Mír Suhráb came to know of this event, his grief

Revenge of Mír Suhráb.

For the third time now, Mían Abdunnabí went to Kalát

Abdunnabí’s going again to Muhammad Nasír for help and the correspondeuce between the latter chief and the Mír.

Soon after this, Mír Fateh Ali Khán, started on a hunting

The Mír’s withdrawal from the capital on a sham excursion.

From Nasarpur the Mír proceeded to Wangah, where he spent about two months in amusing himself with hunting, at the same time watching anxiously that the arrangement made be carried out without any bad result.

Meanwhile Mián Abdunnabí taking an army of Bróhís,

Arrival of Mián Abdunnabí with the Kalát force at Hatrí in the Siwistán District and his ill-treatment at the hands of the same force.

At this crisis Abdunnabí thought it better to leave the place and take protection in the district of the Derahs, and he forthwith started in that direction. The Rájpút force, having waited long on the borders of theír country and hearing that Abdunnabí had gone away without crossing the river, returned to their capital. This event occurred in the year 1197 A.H. (1783 A.D.)

When Mír Fateh Alí Khán got the above news, he left

The Mír returns to Khudábád and punishes the Nuhmardís and other refractory tribes.

Soon after this, Ghulám Alí son of Kaisar Fakír Nízámání, who was the administrator of Tattá and Háji Ahmad Khizmatgár (or servant) were ordered to march with a large army to Kakrálah. Accordingly the two generals went to that capital of the Hindús, slaughtered a large number of them, and returned to their places.

Mír Fateh Alí Khán now left Khudábád and fixed his residence at Sháhpúr. From there he sent Hájí Ahmad to go with a strong force to take the fort of Haidarábád by siege.

After some days, the news arrived that Mián Abdunnabí

The Mír sends his envoys to the Court of King Taimúr Sháh.

Fazlalí Khán, a chief of the Dáúdpótahs, who was on

The Mír assists the chief of the Dáúdpótahs against Akhtiyár Khán.

Mír Fateh Alí returned to Sháhpur and there got a

The fort of Haidarábád is taken.

It has been mentioned that Abdunnabí after spending

Abdunnabí and the Mír’s envoys at the court of the king.

The above letter had the desired effect as it moved the king in favour of the Mír. The envoys, at the same time, succeeded in enlisting the sympathies of some of the influential courtiers, who now and then began to speak highly of the Mír. In the conversation that ensued in the court on the subject in question, the Mír’s envoys showed great cleverness in proving Abdunnabí to be a villain of the deepest dye. The result was that the king issued an order to the effect that the province of Sind be divided into two halves, one-half going to Abdunnabí and the other half to Mír Fateh Alí Khán. An officer was appointed to go as an arbitrator and divide the country, and a force under the command of Bóstán Khán and Ikhlás Khán was directed to accompany Abdunnabí to reinstate him in his portion of the country. This was done, because Abdunnabí feigned fear of the Balóches, who, said he, were numerous and might cause trouble.

The Mír’s envoys duly communicated to the Mír the

The Mír moves with an army to meet the royal forces bringing Abdunnabí.

When Mír Fateh Alí Khán got the news, he marched with 40,000 Balóches to Lóhrí in order to meet the royal forces coming with Mián Abdunnabí. The latter hearing of the approach of the Mír, thought it proper to halt and inform the king about it. Meanwhile the Mír’s envoys at the court had succeeded in their attempt and had a sanad issued in favour of the Mír as against the Mián, and an order to Abdunnabí and the two generals to turn back to the king’s camp. The Mír’s envoys were given robes of honour and were sent back with presents. They immediately wrote to the Mír preventing him from sending the army across the river and informing him that their object was gained.

Soon the king’s order was received by his generals and

The return of the royal force and the death of Mahfúz Khán.

The Mír’s envoys soon arrived bringing with them the

Mír Fateh Alí Khán is appointed the ruler of Sind.

After a time, some of the Balóch chiefs severed their

The king again sends a force to reinstate Abdunnabí.

Mír Fateh Alí Khán, though very anxious to check

Mír Fateh Alí Khán advances with an army and defeats the royal force.

Soon information was received that the enemy had arrived on the borders of Sind. The Mír immediately ordered the collection of forces, which work was entrusted to Mír Ghulám Alí Khán. Meanwhile at the suggestion of Bághah Fakír, he ordered that the families and children of Balóches be taken to Kachh and Jesalmer, so that they should be safe from the assaults of the enemy. Ahmad Khán Núrzáí had now advanced as far as Lóhrí. At this juncture Mír Suhráb Khán wrote on a blank page of the Korán, calling on Mír Fateh Alí Khán to come with his army to fight against the enemy and assuring him solemnly that he was ready to join him. Accordingly the Mír started with his army to meet the enemy. He destroyed the bridges made for the enemy’s army to cross the river. When he arrived within two stages of the enemy, Mír Suhráb sent some excuses for not joining the Mír, and forgetting the solemn promises made on the Korán, left for Sháhgarh. He locked himself up in the fort and waited there to see what the result of the engagement would be. The Mír had now no help but to proceed against the enemy alone. He had 2,000 men to fight against 40,000 Afgháns. There was a big canal flowing between them, the water in which was very deep. The Afgháns were in possession of it. When Mír Fateh Alí Khán arrived on this side of the canal, he commenced firing guns at the enemy, who readily responded. Amidst this fire the Mír ordered his horsemen to plunge into water and swim across the canal. They then fell on the enemy, sword in hand. A bloody battle ensued. Bostán Khán and the Bróhí chief, the son of Zarak,^* were killed and Ahmad Khán Núrzáí was put to flight. Retreating about 6 miles, Abdunnabí advised Ahmad Khán to make a halt there in order to be able to make a sudden nocturnal attack on the Balóches. But Ahmad Khán had already lost heart and seeing a detachment still pursuing him, he lost all hopes of escape even. He was therefore obliged to sue for protection to the Mír, who called back his detachment. This event occurred in 1202 A.H. (1787 A.D.).

When king Taimúr Sháh heard of Ahmad Khán’s defeat

King Taimúr Sháh himself marches against the Mír, but he returns from Baháwalpur.

Mír Fateh Alí Khán hearing of the approach of the king wrote a petition to him giving an explanation of his conduct in reference to his fight with Ahmad Khán. “I tried my best,” said he, “to avoid fighting, but Ahmad Khán would have nothing but war. I was therefore obliged to take the defensive. Unfortunately the Khán was defeated. If I had not checked my Balóches, none of the Afgháns with him would have returned safely.” When the king got this letter, he held a council. Most of the councillors were of opinion that it would be impossible to administer the country of Sind through some Afghán Chief or any other person and that Mír Fateh Alí Khan was a fit person for the post. About the same time the king received a letter from princes Zamán Khán and Ayyúb Khán at Kábul informing him that Sháh Murád Khán, the Súbahdár of Balkh, had raised the standard of revolt and was marching against Kábul with an army of Turcomans and other tribes. At such a juncture, therefore, the king had no alternative but to march back to Kábul.

When Mír Fateh Alí Khán heard of the king’s

The Mír returns to Haidarábád which is made the Capital.

The town of Haidarábád was now selected by the Mír to be his future capital. Accordingly he built some houses in the fort for himself and his brothers and removed from Khudábád to that place. Some mosques were built, namely, those known by the names of Mulla Rahmatulláh’s mosque, Tálibsháh’s mosque (which is near the fort gate and had originally been built by Mìan Ghulámsháh) and Máí Khairí’s ^† mosque. All these buildings were built in the course of 9 months.

Next year 1205 A.H. (1790 A. D.) Taimúr Sháh after

Another royal force is sent to Sind but peace is made and the Mír is again confirmed as the ruler.

It has been mentioned before, that Zarak Khán, son-in-law

The Division of Kúrs is acquired by the Mír.

Next year 1208 A.H. (1793 A.D.) Taimúr Sháh died

Death of Taimúr Sháh and the division of Sind among different Mírs.

In 1216 A.H. (1801 A.D.) about the close of Zulhajj

Death of Mír Fateh Alí Khán.

The coronation ceremony of Mír Ghulám Alí Khán

Battle with Mír Thárah Khán at Mírpúr.

One day a villager belonging to Mír Thárah’s division stole some melons from the field of another villager belonging to Mír Ghulám Alí Khán’s division. The thief was taken to the Mír’s Kárdár, who kept him in confinement by way of punishment. The Kárdár of Mír Thárah, coming to know of this, came with a number of people and by force released the man. In the riot that ensued two or three men of both the sides lost their lives. The matter coming to the notice of Mír Thárah Khán, he assembled his forces to wage war with the Mír. Mír Ghulám Alí Khán, not being disposed to fight with a relation, tried to pacify him with words. But Mír Thárah would not be pacified. At last Mír Ghulám Alí Khán was obliged to send his uncle Mír Mahmúd Khán with an army and some guns to Mírpur. At the Tandrah^† of Nindah the two armies met. Mír Thárah Khán had dug a ditch round his camp and placed guns there to repel the enemy. Mír Ghulám Alí Khán divided his army into two columns, one he kept under his own command and another he gave to Táhar Khizmatgár, a servant of his. The action began with a cannonade, then followed musketry firing, and lastly swords were drawn by the combatants. A bloody battle was fought, in which many lives were lost on both sides. Mír Thárah Khán was at last wounded and taken prisoner. He was taken in a litter with appropriate respect, to Haidarábád. In this battle 410 men of Mír Ghulám Alí’s army and 300 of Mír Thárah’s were killed. Mír Thárah was well received and treated kindly by Mír Ghulám Alí Khán. After he was quite cured, he was sent back to Mírpur with some elephants, horses and other presents. This event occurred in the year 1218 A.H. (1803 A.D.).

About the close of the same year, Shujául Mulk succeeded

King Zamán Sháh succeeded by Shujául Mulk.

In 1218 A. H. (1803 A. D.) Shujául Mulk invaded

Shujául Mulk invades Sind, but returns after taking indemnity and tribute.

About this time Muhammad Nasír Khán, the Khán of

Treaty and matrimonial connection with the Khán of Kalát.

Shortly after this, Sayyed Zulfikár Sháh, one of the

The Mír’s army invades the Baháwalpur territory, but a treaty is made.

In the same year, a famine occurred in Kachh to such

Famine in Kachh and Sind and the Mír’s generosity in that respect.

After two years of peaceful reign had elapsed, Mír

Death of Mír Ghulám Alí Khan.

Though Mír Ghulám Alí Khán had a son, viz., Mír

Encouragement of art, science and trade.

Mír Karam Alí Khán was a very just and wise ruler. His reign was a peaceful reign in which no war took place. Consequently he had ample time to devote to the promotion of art and science and to the encouragement of commerce. Being a literary man himself, his court was crowded with poets and learned men. He contracted friendship with Fateh Alí Sháh Kájár, the then king of Persia, and consequently envoys used to come and go between the two rulers, exchanging presents. As the Mír was fond of swords, rich and beautiful swords were imported from different countries^* and many good sword-makers, as well as good writers, painters, besides men of art and science, came from Persia and Khurásán to live in the town of Haidarábád.

In the reign of Mír Karam Alí Khán two men became

Some note-worthy persons of thís reign.

As mentioned in the beginning of this chapter the Mír’s envoys used to go to Persia with presents for the king of that country. A few years before this time, war had been going on between Russia and Persia about the province of Georgia, the Governor of which Heracleus had shaken off the yoke of Persia and had since been defeated and put to flight. Heracleus’ son Gurgín Khán was then assisted by Paul, the then Czar of Russia, against the invasion of Muhammad Khán, king of Persia. Some bloody battles were fought, after which Georgia passed out of Persia’s hands and became a dependency of Russia.

In the above wars several Georgian children had been seized by the Persian invaders and sold in the Bazárs of Isphán, the capital of Persia. Among these were Mirzá Khusróbeg, Mirzá Fredúnbeg, Mirzá Muhammad Bákar and a few others, who were brought by the Mír’s envoys from Persia to Sind. Mír Karam Alí Khán had no issue, though he had four harams (wives). So he became very fond of Mirzá Khusróbeg, who was the first Georgian brought to him and who was the son of a Georgian chief, who had fought in the late wars in the cause of his country. The Mír looked upon him as an adopted son and treated him accordingly. He was naturally an intelligent person and soon rose to be an influential courtier and minister. The other Georgian, Mirzá Fredúnbeg, who came later, was equally treated kindly and was attached to Mirzá Khusróbeg, both of whom thenceforth lived together as relations and members of one family.^* The third Georgian Mirzá Bákarbeg was retanied by Mír Murád Alí Khán. Many other foreigners came voluntarily from different places about this time and became permanent residents at Haidarábád, as already mentioned.

Mír Karam Alí Khán was the first ruler of Sind

A commercial treaty with the British Government.

After this treaty free communication commenced between Sind and Bombay. Before this time the people of Sind going on a pilgrimage to Mecca, were greatly troubled by the Portuguese, and therefore merchants were afraid of trading with Bombay and other ports. But now it was widely proclaimed that traders could safely visit Bombay and other places by sea. The result was that commerce was greatly encouraged and foreign articles began to be sold in the bazárs of Sind.^*

In 1230 A. H. (1814 A. D.) Sháh Shujá being defeated

Shujául Mulk comes to Sind, but is driven away by the arrival of King Ayyúb Sháh.

When Muhammad Azím Khán heard this, he instigated Ayyúb Sháh to march with an army to Sind to fight with the Mírs, and frighten away Sháh Shujá. The two armies met at Shikárpur, but soon a treaty was made by which the Mírs promised to pay 12 laks of rupees as indemnity to Ayyúb Sháh, acknowledge his superiority, use his coin, and give up the cause of Shujául Mulk. Sháh Shujá hearing of this, decamped quietly during the night and went to Ludhiáná. The next day the Mírs held an interview with Muhammad Azím Khán and then started for Haidarábád, the Afghán prince returning to his capital.

In 1233 A. H. (1817 A. D.) information was received

Preparation to meet Rájah Ranjít Sing of the Paujáb at Shikárpur.

Meanwhile Sayyed Ismáíl Sháh, had arrived at Bombay. Sir John Malcolm had gone home and had been succeeded by Lord Elphinstone. The Sayyed was received well by the Governor and was allowed 30 rupees for his daily allowance. After their interview the Governor sent the Mír’s letter, with his recommendation to the Governor General at Calcutta. The latter wrote a letter to Rájah Ranjít Sing telling him that the Mírs were on friendly terms with the British Government with whom they had made a treaty and that he must not think of going to Sind or else they would be obliged to take the Mírs’ side. The Rájah sent a reply that he had no intention of going to Sind or fighting with the Mírs, whom he considered to be his friends and that his grandson Nihálsing had gone on a pleasure trip to Multán, Mithan Kót and Derahs to spend Dasahrah holidays there. At the same time, he wrote a friendly letter to the Mírs and sent it through Sáwanmal, the Governor of Multán. The Mírs were very much pleased to get this letter, and being quite at ease now, returned to Haidarábád.^*

In 1240 A. H. (1824 A. D.) Mír Murád Alí Khán fell

Dr. Burnes comes from Bombay to treat Mír Murád Alí Khán.

In 1242 A. H. (1826 A. D.) the late Mír Fateh Alí

Revolt caused by Mír Fateh Alí Khán’s son Mír Sóbdár Khán.

A few days after this Mír Karam Alí Khán fell ill and

Death of Mír Karam Alí Khán.

It was in the reign of Mír Karam Alí Khán that a terrible inundation of the river Indus occurred submerging large tracts of lands and villages, and it was in his predecessor’s time that snow had fallen in Sind.

Mír Murád Alí Khán occupied the seat of rulership

Friendship with other States.

Being now independent, the Mír for the first time

A mint established at Haidarábád.

The death of Mír Murád Alí Khán occurred on Sunday,

Death of Mír Murád Alí Khán.

Mír Murád Alí Khán died leaving four sons, viz., Mírs Núr Muhammad Khán, Nasír Khán, Muhammad Khán and Yár Muhammad Khán ^† and two daughters. He was fortunate enough to see his grand-children also, for Mír Núr Muhammad Khán had got two sons Mír Shahdád Khán and Mír Husain Alí Khán, and Mír Nasír Khán had got two sons Mír Hasan Alí Khán and Mír Abbás Alí Khán.^*

It was in the previous year that the Mír’s Wazír Nawáb Walí Muhammad Khán Lighárí died “full of years and honour, having retained the confidence of his masters and love of people to the last.”^†

After Mír Murád Alí Khán’s death the chiefs and

Division of Sind into sevéral small sub-divisions.

About this time a report was received from Sayyed

March of the Mírs against Shujául. Mulk at Shikárpur and the departure of the latter.

In 1252 A.H. (1836 A.D.)^† information was received

Balóches advance to oppose the English from passing through Sind to Kábul.^‡

At the same time the Governor General of India, Lord Auckland, ordered an army to go from Bombay under the command of General Sir John (afterwards Lord) Keane, passing through Sind to assist Shújául Mulk. But before their coming, Colonel Pottinger was deputed from Kachh to go to the Court of the Mírs and take their formal permission about it and to request them to arrange in a way that the army passing through Sind viâ Karáchi, might not be molested by any natives of the province, and traders might supply provisions as well as camels, bullocks, labourers and boatmen, at any rate or wages fixed by the Mírs. Mír Núr Muhammad Khán was wise enough to know that under the circumstances of the time, the Balóches were utterly unable to oppose the English in the open field, and so he gave his consent. But the other Mírs, each of whom considered himself an independent ruler, being instigated by rude Balóches objected and showed readiness to fight with the English. Colonel Pottinger was pelted at with stones in the streets of Haidarábád by the boys of the place, and a force was hurriedly got up and marched to the bank of the river, where they encamped in the village of Ábád ^§. Bur Mír Núr Muhammad Khán had already given his permission and Captain Whitelock had already left for Karáchi. Mír Sher Muhammad Khán now arrived from Mírpur with 12000 men and joined the other Mírs. The Balóches running short of provisions so soon, began to plunder the traders, who had collected large quantities of provisions for the British army, which had already been purchased and kept ready for them. This was all the work of the first night and the next morning. The Balóches were ready to loot the bazár of Haidarábád. Mír Núr Muhammad and his brothers, hearing of these outrages, tried their best to check the wild Balóches and with great difficulty succeeded in quieting them, after they had shaved the beards and cut the ears of a good number of them.

Soon a report was received from Jamádár Alahrakhiah

The fort of Manahrah is taken and the British force is landed at Karáchi.

(1) That the Mírs must supply provisions and beasts of burden on reasonable prices and hire.

(2) That as the Sind rupee contained much alloy, being 3 masás out of 11, and its circulation caused great loss to traders, the Mírs should strike a rupee weighing 8 masás, containing no alloy.

(3) That the Mírs should pay an indemnity of 23 laks of pure rupees to the British Government.

(4) That in future a British force of 3000 men would be posted at Karáchi.

(5) That a Resident would be appointed to remain at Haidarábád to superintend the British force and to watch the interests of the British Government in Sind.

(6) That the Mírs would pay 3 laks of rupees annually to the British Government as a tribute, and

(7) That the Mírs would readily comply with any reasonable request that the British Resident might make and that the latter would in no way interfere with any public or private affairs of the Mírs. A copy of the above treaty was taken with Sayyed Ismáil Sháh’s letter to the Mírs, by Captain Whitelock, assistant to Major Pottinger, the British Resident. The Mírs accepted the terms and signed the treaty.^*

After this Sir John Keane with his whole force started

Passage of British forces up the river to Kábul.^†

After a year and a half Mr. Ross Bell died and the

Changes in the British Residents at Haidarábád.

In the month of Zí-Kaad 1254 A.H. (1838 A.D.)

General Keane returns from Kábul and passes through Haidarábád to Bombay.

In Jamádissání 1255 A.H. (1840 A.D.) Mír Núr

Death of Mír Núr Muhammad Khán^*

After Mír Núr Muhammad Khán’s death all the Balóch

Dispute between Mírs Husain Alí Khán and Mír Shahdád Khán.

In the very next month a dispute arose between the late Mír’s sons Mír Husain Alí Khán and Mír Shahdád Khán, about their father’s legacy. The dispute was about to pass from words to arms. At the instigation of Ahmad Khán Lighárí Mír Sóbdár Khán took the side of Mír Husain Alí Khán, and Mír Nasír Khán espoused the cause of Mír Shahdád Khán. As there was no probability of settling the matter otherwise, Mír Nasír Khán sent Ákhúnd Bachal, one of his chief courtiers, to Colonel Outram, the Resident, requesting him to interfere as an umpire and settle the matter between the two brothers. Accordingly the Colonel came and soon brought about reconciliation between them and settled the dispute.

In 1257 A.H. (1841 A.D.) Colonel Outram went on

Cholera in Sind.

About the close of Shuabán of the same year (September

Sir Charles Napier appointed as Resident.

About that time, Mír Alí Murad Khán of Khairpur,

Disagreement between Mír Alí Murád Khán and Mír Rustam Khán and the flight of the latter.

At the close of Zíkaad 1258 A.H. (1842 A.D.) Colonel

Disagreement between Mír Sóbdár Khán and the other Mírs of Haidarábád.

About the close of Zilhajj of the same year, Mír Nasír

Disagreement between the Mírs and Sir Charles Napier.

On the 6th of Muharram, Colonel Outram, Lieutenant Brown and a few other officers with about 150 soldiers arrived at Naoábád, where the British camp and Residency were. The next day Colonel Outram and the other officers came to visit the Mírs. They were received at the bungalow of Mír Nasír Khán. After a long discussion, the Mírs promised to sign the treaty after the 10th of Muharram was over. The officers then went back to their camp in the evening. On the 12th, Colonel Outram and Lieutenant Brown again went to Mír Nasír Khán to have the treaty signed and sealed, as promised. Mír Nasír Khán said that his seal was with Muhammad Khán son of Lukmán Talpur, and that of Mír Shahdád Khán was with his Mukhtiárkár Muhammad Khán Lighárí, and the next day they would take the seals from their confidential attendants and fix them to the document of treaty. The officers therefore went back to return the next day.

During the following night Ghulám Muhammad and Yakhtiar Khán Laghárís induced Mír Nasír Khán to change his views in regard to the English. Mírs Ghulám Sháh Sháhwáni and Khán Muhammad Mánikáni, who were the chief advisers of the Mír, advised him to declare war against the English General, while Ákhund Bachal and Nawáb Muhammad Khán Talpur, entreated the Mír to keep peace with the English and give up any idea of war. But as fate would have it, Mír Nasír Khán was inclined to fight with the English and to refuse to sign the treaty.

The next day Colonel Outram^* sent the document in question with a confidential subordinate of his to the Mír. Ghulám Muhammad Lighárí snatched the same from his hands and tore it to pieces. The man went back disappointed to the Colonel.

It may be noted here that during this discussion Mír Shahdád Khán wisely stood aloof from giving any opinion or taking any side. While Mírs Sóbdár Khán and Mír Muhammad Khán displayed duplicity by joining the Balóches on one side and the English on the other.^†

At last on 14th of the same month, in the afternoon,

The Balóshes attack the English camp and residency at Haidarábád.^*

Meanwhile Colonel Outram and other European officers seeing that it was no longer safe to stop in the residency, picked up the necessary and valuable things with them and moved to the two steamers lying along the bank. Immediately the Balóches poured in on the empty camp, plundering the place, setting fire to the old tents and houses and taking away a large heap of bread and other articles which had been left behind as unnecessary. While they were thus busy, balls fired from the guns in the steamers began to shower upon them. Mashhadí a Persian cook of Mír Nasír Khán was directed to fire a cannon. The balls fell on the steamer and nearly destroyed them. A little before sunset the two steamers were at last seen moving away up the stream, to the north, in the direction of Sehwán, where General Napier’s camp was. Then the Balóches returned to their homes, and Mír Shahdád went and joined Mír Nasír Khán who was then in Kháthri. The next morning the two Mírs with their forces came to Miání^† and encamped there.

A little before noon information was received that the

The battle of Miání and the defeat of the Mírs of Haidarábád.^*

General Napier, after securing the booty left behind by

Surrender of the Mírs, and secession of Mír Sóbdár Khán.

During the night, that followed, Mír Sóbdár Khán sent some trays of sweetmeats and other presents to General Napier, through Munshí Áwatrái, who had held out hopes to that Mír of reaping the same advantage from the friendship with the English, as Mír Alí Murád Khán of Khairpur had done.^* As the night was dark and the watchman of the English camp could not be made to distinguish between a friend and a foe from among the Balóches, the Munshí returned disappointed. That night there was all confusion in the town of Haidarábád. It was expected that the next day the English troops would come and plunder the place. So the people began to migrate with all the valuables and necessary articles they could carry with them. The same was the case with the occupants of the fort. The next morning, Mír Sóbdár Khán openly sent Munshí Áwatrái^† and Músá Armaní (Armenian) to the English General expressing a desire to have an interview with him. The General’s reply was that, before anything else could be done Mírs Nasír Khán, Shahdád Khán and Husain Alí Khán should surrender to him or else he would besiege the fort and raze it to the ground by cannonade and would not be responsible for what worse might happen thereby. Mír Sóbdár Khán sent the two men to deliver the General’s message to Mír Nasír Khán. The latter had no alternative. Taking both of his nephews with him he rode to the English camp, accompanied by 7 or 8 men. When this party drew near the camp, Colonel Outram came out of the tents and after exchanging salutations took the three Mírs into his own tent. After a few minutes, General Napier and Colonel Pattle entered the same tent. The Mírs opened the belts of their swords and placed the weapons before the General, who received them and again tied the same with his own hands on the waists of the Mírs. He them told them that he was sending his report to the Governor General, Lord Ellenborough, at Calcutta, and would act according to the orders received from him. “Till then,” he said, “the Mírs might remain in their camp on the bank of the Indus.” As Mír Husain Alí Khán was very young, the General, following the suggestion of Colonel Outram, permitted him to return to the fort. The next day (19th of the month) Sir Charles Napier moved his army to his camp at Naóábád. The two Mírs were lodged in the garden, now called Mír Muhammad Khan’s garden, and a guard of 1st Brandesbury regiment under Lieut. Johnson, was sent over them. Lieut. Brown, the General’s Secretary, was asked to look after the comfort and wants of the Mírs.

On the 21st of the same month, Captain Pelly intimated

The Mírs are made prisoners and the fort of Haidarábád is taken.

Colonel Pattle first came to the bungalow of Mír Sóbdár Khán in the fort and then went to the tower and unfurled the British flag. Next he wanted to have the keys of the fort and treasures. The gates had already been secured by a guard and communication stopped. In about three days all the treasures, open or buried, were taken possession of by Colonel Macpherson and two other officers, who were deputed to do that duty. Of all the Mírs, Mír Nasír Khán’s valuables were the most that fell into the hands of the English, for unlike the other Mírs, he had had no opportunity of removing any part of his property.

On the 26th of the month Captain Brown took away Mír Mír Muhammad Khán on an elephant to the English camp to join the other Mírs. And on the 1st of the next month (Saffar) Mír Sóbdár Khán also was taken away in a palankin, from the fort, in which only the young Mírs were now left behind. On the 3rd of the month Major Wright, of the 12th Bombay Infantry was appointed to relieve Colonel Pattle and remain in charge of the fort.

On this very date, in the evening, a comet appeared in the heavens. Its head was to the west and its tail to the east. It remained for about a month and then gradually disappeared. The people considered it very unlucky and attributed the loss of Sind out of the hands of the Mírs, to its inauspicious influence.

On the 22nd of Saffar 1259 A.H. (1843 A.D.) Sir

Battle of Dabbah and the defeat of Mir Sher Muhammad Khán.^*

A court-martial was then held to decide the fate of

Three men hanged by a court-martial.

On the 9th of Rabíulawwal orders were received from

State prisoners sent to Bombay and thence to Poona.

Up to this time the Mírs were entertained at the

The Mírs are taken to Calcutta and Hazáríbágh.

In the next month the Mírs were given the choice of going to live at Hazáríbágh or of remaining at Calcutta. Mírs Husain Alí Khán, Muhammad Khán, Hasan Alí Khán, Sháh Muhammad Khán and Yár Muhammad Khán preferred going to Hazáríbágh. Accordingly on 24th Jamádissání, they started by steamer to Murshidábád, thence to Azímábád (Pátná) and thence to Hazáríbágh, where they arrived in Rajjib. Here they remained for 8 years, some of them constantly going to Calcutta to visit the other Mírs and coming back.

In 1262 A.H. (1846 A.D.) Mír Muhammad Nasír Khán

Death of some Mírs and the return of others to Haidarábád.

In 1270 A.H. (1854 A.D.) at the representation of the Governor-General (Lord Dalhousie), the Court of the Directors of the East India Company permitted the Mírs to return to Sind if they liked to do so. Accordingly some of them prepared to return. In Rabíulawwal 1272 A.H. (November 1855 A.D.) Mír Muhammad Khán was the first to arrive in Haidarábád viâ Dehlí and the Panjab. His brother Mír Yár Muhammad Khán who had been left at Alahábád with their harams, left that place in Rabíussání 1273 A.H. (December 1856 A.D.) by the same route and reached Haidarábád in Rajjib of the same year. On the 7th of the same month, 4th March 1857 A.D., Mír Abbás Alí Khán died at Calcutta. On the 7th of Muharram 1274 A.H. (28th August 1857 A.D.) Mír Shahdád Khán breathed his last. In the same year the coffins of all the Mírs, who had died there were brought to Haidarábád and their bodies buried in the Talpurs’ burial-ground to the north of the town. In Shuabán 1275 A.H. (March 1859 A.D.) Mír Husain Alí Khán returned to Haidarábád. The Commissioner in Sind gave a piece of land to the Mírs, along the bank of the river near Gidú Bandar to fix their residence there. Soon a pretty village grew up about the place, where the surviving Mírs with their children and followers have since lived.

In 1259 A.H. (1843 A.D.) when Sind was conquered by

The first Commissioners in Sind.

1. On 10th Rajjib 1224—21st August 1809—a treaty

Treaty between the British Government and Mír Ghulam Alí Khán and his 2 brothers.^*

2. In the Blue Book one treaty is mentioned between

Treaty between the British Government and Mírs Karam Alí Khán and Murad Alí Khán.^†

3. On 20th April 1832 (18th Zikaad 1247 A.H.) a

Treaty between the East India Company and Mír Murad Alí Khán.^*

This treaty was modified by another concluded in 1834, by which a toll was fixed on each boat of 19 Tatta rupees per Tatta Kharrar, of which 8 rupees were to be received by the Government of Hyderabad and Khairpur and 11 by other States on the banks of the Indus, viz:—H.H. Bahawal Khan, Maharajah Ranjitsing and the East India Company. The size of the boat was fixed to be 30 Tatta Kharrars for the sake of levying toll.

4. The following treaty was concluded between the

Treaty between the East India Company and Mírs Núr Muhammad Khán and Nasír Khán.^*

5. The following is the treaty of 23 articles, the most important of which are given here.

6. Lieutenant Eastwick to the Resident in Sind.

Wavering of the Mírs before signing the last treaty.^*

7. The Resident in Sind to the Secretary with the

Sayyad Ismáil Sháh and his sons.^*

8. The Governor-General of India to the Secret Committee,

Dealings of the British Goverument with the Ameers; the possession of Bakhar and Karachi and the march of the British troops along the Indus.^†