Nišān-i Ḥaydarī - The Reign of Ṭīpū Sulṭān

The Seal of Ḥaydar

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CHAPTER XIX.

An account of the march of an Army under the command of General Harris, the Commander-in-Chief of the English Forces, agreeably to the orders of Lord Mornington, Bahadúr, and according to the advice of Aboul Kasim Khán Shusteri, and Mushír ul Moolk, (the Prime Minister of the Nizám of Hydurabád), to Seringaputtun, and the battles fought between the Sultán and the Sipah Sirdár, or General, before mentioned, the assault and capture of the Fort of Seringaputtun, the Martyrdom of the Protector of the World, the Sultán, and the fall of his Kingdom and Government, all of which events occurred in the year, 1213, Hijri.— A. D. 1798-9.

IT may be proper to observe here, that the Sultán in certain matters frequently acted precipitately and without thought, and in these cases would attend to no representation, even from his most faithful servants. As an instance, at this time, he commissioned certain envoys and dispatched one with presents of great value, and friendly letters to Zumán Sháh, to strengthen the foundations of peace and amity; and, another was sent to Kutch to bring thence the Tika;o another person was also sent with very rich presents to the Sultán of Room, or Constantinople. About this time, also several Frenchmen under the command of Monsieur Seepoo, or Seboop arrived at the presence from the Port of Maurice (the Mauritius) and as in Europe, during seven years, the fire of war and slaughter had been lighted up daily between the English and French nations, and they had employed every scheme and artifice in the ruin and destruction of each other; now at the arrival of these French, and the permission given them (to visit Seringaputtun), the horse-shoe of the English chiefs was placed in the Fire,q and they fearing that by the aid, and at the instigation of the French, the troops of the Sultán would proceed to the attack and pillage of the towns of the Karnatic and Hydurabád; in consultation and concert with their friends; they formed a plan for the destruction of the Khodádád state; and assuming the arrival of the French as the plea and ground of their hostilities, they with the advice of Mushír ul Moolk and Mír Alum, wrote a detailed account of these occurrences to Lord Mornington Bahadúr, then residing in Calcutta, and he who was looking out for such a contingency, and who was also well acquainted with the weakness and disorganization of the departments of the Mysore state; with the greatest promptitude and speed embarked with four thousand Sipahees on board ship, and arrived at Madrasr in the month of Shabán il Moazum, and having assembled the army there under General Harris, Commander-in-Chief, dispatched it in advance to the conquest of Seringaputtun. From Hydurabád also, Colonels Roberts and Dalrymple, with four thousand of the Bunduri, or coast Sipahees, (which force Mushír ul Moolk had sent for to attack and break up the troops of Monsieur Peron, the Frenchman who had succeeded Monsieur Ramon,s the friend or servant of the Nizám of Hydurabád, and which service they had fully accomplished;) and with them also two thousand Bengal Sipahees, who formerly were stationed near Hussein Sagur, agreeably to the orders of the Commander of the army, with their stores and guns, marched towards Madras. Mír Alum, also, with eight thousand horse, and Roshun Rao, with six thousand men disciplined by the late Monsieur Ramon, marching by the route of Pungul Ghaut, and crossing the Ghaut of Budweil and Vinkut Giri joined the English army in the vicinity of Goriatum. As soon as the army with its stores and artillery had assembled, Lord Mornington wrote and dispatched two or three letters to the Sultán, requiring him to deliver up into his hands the Frenchmen newly arrived at his capital; to receive and retain embassadors or residents on his part, in the fort of Seringaputtun, and also to surrender to the English the ports on the sea coast, such as Gorial Bundur, Mungalore, Honawur, &c. ports where ships arrive. As the Sultán among these requisitions did not accept or agree to one, and as he sent no answer to any letter, the General according to the orders of the Lord before mentioned (Mornington), with General Floyd, commanding the cavalry, General Burgess, the commander of the Europeans and other Generals, on the 2nd of the month of Rumzan, 1213, Hijri, marched on, and by successive stages passing by Amboor Gurh, and Tripe toor, arrived in the neighbourhood of Rai Kote. At that time certain interested persons represented in studied, pompous language to the Sultán, that the English army with certain wry faced fellows (, is a disease which draws the face to one side), from Hydurabád, were advancing to throw away their lives, but that altogether they did not amount to more than four or five thousand, and that the Chief of Poona had refused to join or act in concert with them.

The Sultán, therefore, at hearing this intelligence, appointed Poornia, Mír Mírán with a large body of troops and other Mír Míráns to punish the insolence of the invaders of his country while he himself gave orders to assemble his Amírs, and the remainder of his army. The Mír Mírán above mentioned having taken leave marched towards the English army. About two kose to the westward of Rai Kote, his cavalry having the cover of the forest attacked the English army, but in a scattered and confused manner, and the regular regiments of cavalry of the enemy advanced and formed their lines for action. The Sultán’s horse surrounded this body on all sides, and after the Kuzzaki mode vigorously attacked them.t The General halted four days before the Ghaut, and on the 2nd Showal ul Mukurrim, moved on and encamped near Anikul, when the Kuzzaks, or light cavalry, charged the advanced guard of the English and put a considerable body of them to the sword;— but, in place of praise and eulogy they received from the accursed Mír Mírán, in reward nothing but abuse and blame, he demanding of them with oaths and imprecations, why they attacked so rashly.

It appeared, therefore, to every one, after this that the intention of their officers was to avoid fighting, and consequently they displayed no more zeal or enterprise, and more like an escort or safeguard quietly preceded and followed the troops of the enemy as they marched along. As soon as the whole of the troops and their officers and departments were assembled under the shade of the Sultán’s standard, and the Sultán became fully aware of the invasion of the enemy, he marched from Seringaputtun with the whole of his Amírs and army, and pitched his tents in the plain of Chenaputtun, on the very road which his treacherous servants had pointed out for the advance of the enemy. The General, however, turned aside from that road, and according to the advice of his scouts and guides advanced to Khán Khánhully. As soon as this intelligence reached the Sultán, he expressed great anger at his spies, and made a forced march in that direction, and in the neighbourhood of Gulshunabád, otherwise called Marooli, stopped the further progress of the enemy, he being perfectly ready for action.u The troops of the enemy also advanced and formed their lines for battle.— Verses,— “The sound of the soldiers tramp came up from the field of battle,” “and fear struck the hearts of the bravest of the brave.” “The dust rose so thick that the passage to the Heavens was blocked up.” “The reins of safety fell from Men’s hands.” “The shouts and clamour of the soldiers warmed the soul.” “The neck was taken in the noose of the Kumund,” (a lasso, or running knot, formerly used in battle by the Persians, and other eastern nations), “when on both sides the armies were formed.” “The champions began to look out for their bravest competitors.” “Punishment commenced her duty of cutting off heads.” “And light quitted the eyes of the world.” “From the quantity of blood that flowed into the low ground,” “the earth assumed the fiery colour of red brimstone.” “The two armies charged and met in numbers like ants and locusts.” “By their shock they threw the world into confusion.”

Although from the battle of that day, it appeared evident how the war would end, still, the faithful troops of the Sultán performed many worthy and gallant actions, and fought with the artillery of the enemy hand to hand, and shoulder to shoulder, and raised the tumult of the last day among them, and some of the bravest men closing with them with their muskets and pitiless swords sent many of them to eternity— the brave men of the enemy’s army also, planting their feet firmly on the ground, like men devoting themselves, threw themselves bravely on the Mussulman troops. Certain also of the brave and faithful officers of the Sultán, with their regiments came forward, and manfully withstood the fearful charge and shockx of the English, and like lions attacking a herd of deer, or wild asses, fell upon their assailants, and broke their ranks, and scattered them like the daughters of the Bier.y The false Kumruddín Khán, however, when he received orders to charge the enemy with his cavalry, alas, most shamefully neglected his duty; for having put his body of horse to a canter, he like a blind man (instead of charging the enemy), fell upon a division of the Sultán’s brave troops, and put them all into disorder, and as good fortune, and prosperity, had turned their backs on the Sultán’s army, and as the signs of mischance and bad fortune every day manifested themselves more and more, many of the unfortunate soldiers gave up their lives gratuitously, and the rest regularly and with slow steps retired from the field. This undoubtedly was all predestined and under the power and control of no one. The English army, therefore, gained the victory and were much elated.

At this time news arrived that a body of English troops from Bombay commanded by General Stuart, bringing a very large convoy of stores and provisions was advancing by the route of Koorg, straight towards Seringaputtun. The Sultán, therefore, immediately with the whole of his troops and artillery, leaving some of his chief officers to make head against the enemy (General Harris) marched off to attack that body,z and in one day and two nights arrived in front of them, and gave orders for the attack. The faithful Syud Ghuffar, who in bravery and loyalty had no equal, grappleda with the enemy on one flank, while Hussein Alí Khán, the son of Nawáb Kotubuddín Khán carried death and destruction among them on the other, raising the flames of war to the skies— the other Mír Mírán, (General officers) also, in charging and defeating the enemy used their most strenuous endeavours, and with their swords, musketry, and artillery, put the infidels to flight;— and they giving way to the necessities of the time, and having no power to withstand the shock of the Sultán’s blood-drinking lions, leaving part of their baggage behind them, slank into the Jungle, and occupying its outlets remained there. The troops of the Sultán, however, still followed them, and vigorously attacking them again, strained every nerve to rout and destroy them;— at this critical period Muhammad Ruza, Mír Mírán, having by much entreaty obtained from the presence leave to charge, proceeded with his division like a raging lion towards the enemy, and stretching forth the arm of valour, it went near that the whole of the enemy’s army was cut up and destroyed. The ambush of fate, however, having girded their loins to accomplish the defeat of the Mussulmans, a musket shot from the enemy accidentally struck the head of Muhammad Ruza, and he fell mortally wounded. His victorious soldiers took up his corpse and carried it to the Sultán, who directed it to be forwarded to the capital, while he occupied himself in the defeat and dispersion of this force;— when spies brought intelligence that the Bombay army had retired from further opposition, and had marched by the route of the Jungul to Kalicote. The Sultan, therefore, returned to Seringaputtun, where he had scarcely arrived, when General Harris having crossed the river by the Ford of Hosilly, and passing Sultán Peenth, encamped to the westward of the fort, and the next day the English regiments made an attack on several strong outworks which covered the fort, and were occupied by the Sultán’s troops, and after a sharp contest and the slaughter of most of their defenders took them. On the same day, Hussein Alí Khán, the son of Nawáb Kotubuddín Khán, a very brave man, with the greatest gallantry threw himself into the ranks of the enemy, and there drank of the Shurbet of martyrdom. The English troops now according to the orders of their commander, collected the materials for their batteries from the gardens of that vicinity, and one battery was thrown up to the westward of the fort, and another to the north west,b and these having been completed, they began to batter and breach the walls, and to set fire to the city by throwing shells into it.

The illustrious Sultán when he saw his fortunes in this melancholy position, and that the storm at length had burst around the walls of his capital, with the native firmness and hardihood of his character still determined neither to quit the fort and retire to some other place, nor offer conditions of peace. He resigned himself, therefore, to the will of God, and having committed the defence of the fortification of his capital to the Zumra (or his choice troops) he determined to fight to the last. Kumruddín Khán who was an excellent partisan was detached with a large body of troops to cut off the supplies and reinforcements of the English and their confederates, and Futteh Hydur, with the whole of the cavalry and Sillahdár horse with Poornia the Mír Mírán and others were detached from the Sultán, and encamped in the plain of the Karighat;— still at times the Sultán’s horse paraded round about the English army, but as their officers gave them no orders to engage the enemy, mortified and distressed they rubbed the hands of sorrow on each other. In short the army of Bombay, also arrived, and encamped in the vicinity of Bahadúr Poora. When the Ghazies of the Faith saw they had no choice but to light up the flames of war, they every day well armed and appointed threw themselves on the troops of the enemy, as the moth flies at the lamp, and is destroyed by it, and to repel and put to flight the authors of this tumult and disorder, they most manfully exerted themselves. Fortune, however, was adverse to giving aid or success to the Sultán’s troops, and they lost or neglected the proper modes of prosecuting the war successfully:— as for instance, the case of the Mehtab Bagh; where the faithful Syud Ghuffar was stationed, and which he long defended against the assaults of the enemy, and after the loss of thousands of lives did not allow it to fall into their hands. At length, however, the enemies of the Sultán by their advice procured him to be recalled and stationed in the fort, and another person was sent to replace him. The English troops, therefore, immediately attacked the Mehtab Bagh, and at one assault took it, and filled it with artillery and musketeers, and thence ran on their approaches towards the fort. About that time the mild and humane Sultán, sent for Monsieur Seeboo (Chapuis), the French officer, and asked him what plans or measures he could recommend? The Frenchman replied, “that his faithful servant’s advice was this, that the Sultán with his cavalry, infantry, treasure, women, &c. should quit the fort and retire to Sura, or Chituldroog, and detach a body of his troops to oppose the infidels, or if he thought best he might deliver him (Monsieur Chapuis) and the rest of the French up to the English, and then an accommodation might be made between the contending parties, or if he chose he could give up the breached walls of the fort to the charge of Monsieur Lalli, for defence, without, however, allowing Lalli to be subject to the interference or controul of the Sultán’s native officers.” The Sultán in reply respecting the surrender of the Frenchmen, said, “if on your account, you being strangers from a distant land, the whole of our kingdom should be plundered and laid waste, well and good; but you shall not be delivered up:” but for an answer to the remainder of Monsieur Chapuis’s excellent advice, the Sultán sought counsel from the Dewán, and he in furtherance of his own views and projects said,— “It must be well known to your highness that this people (the French) never kept faith with any one, and your highness may be well assured, that if you give up the fort to their care and defence, that at that very moment it will fall into the possession of the English, for both these people (the English and French) consider themselves originally of the same tribe, and they are one in heart and language.”

After this villain (the Dewán), by such misrepresentations, had turned the mind of the Sultán from the right path, the walls of the city being much battered and breached, the Sultán with an intention to quit the city had his treasure, valuables, and Zenana (Seraglio) and also all his elephants, camels, carriages, &c. kept in readiness to move at the shortest warning, and held a consultation on the subject of his departure with his Amírs. In this council Budruzzamán Khán Nayut, inconsiderately said to the Sultán, “may it please your highness from the circumstance of your departure and that of the ladies, princes, treasury, &c. the courage of your faithful servants will fail, and the bonds of union in the garrison of the capital will be broken asunder.” The Sultán at hearing this looked up towards the heavens, and sighing deeply said, “I am entirely resigned to the will of God, whatever it may be,” and forthwith abandoned his intention of quitting the capital. The articles packed, however, still remained ready for removal in the treasury. The unfortunate Gházi Khán,c about this time was put to death in prison by the hands of the Sultán’s executioners at the instigation of the same traitor (the Dewán);— in fact, though the walls of the fort were battered down, still, the information was withheld from the Sultán. At length, however, on the twenty seventh of Zi Kad, from some secret source, he became acquainted with the treachery of certain of his servants, and the next morning he wrote with his own hand a list of some of their names, and having folded it up, gave it to Mír Moyinuddín, with instructions to put his orders therein contained into execution that night, (that is to put those named to death) in order to strengthen his government.

The Mír ignorant, or unaware of the tricks played by fortune, and the changeable heavens, opened this paper and perused it in full Durbar. It happened, however, while he was reading it, that a sweeper, or menial servant of the palace, who could read and write, cast his unlucky eye upon the paper and saw the name of the lying Dewán the first in the list. This ill-omened wretch, therefore, immediately reported the circumstance to him, and said this night will be your last (or the night of your burial). At hearing this intelligence, he, the Dewánd kept on the alert at his own quarters, and at about mid-day sent for the troops stationed in the works near the breach under pretence of distributing their pay among them, and having collected them near the Alí Musjid, remained looking out for what ill-luck might bring forth.

The Sultán on that day, which was the 28th of the monthe mounted his horse, and after inspecting the breaches in the wall or defences, ordered a party of pioneers to rebuild and repair them, and having directed his gold embroidered pavilion to be raised on the walls for his reception, returned to the palace, and then retired to the hummum or bath. As the astrologers according to their calculations of the stars had determined that day to be unlucky, they represented to the Sultán, that to mid-day and for seven Ghurries (or near two hours) after, was a time extremely unpropitious to him, and also, that a dark cloud overshadowed the fort during that period;— that it would be advisable, therefore, that the Sultán should remain with the army until the evening,f and give alms in the name of God. This prediction of the astrologers did not please the Sultán, still, however, in respect to the charitable donations which repel and dissipate misfortune, whether it be earthly or heavenly, he gave orders all should be made ready, and after he had bathed and had left the bath, he presented an elephant with a black Jhool, or caparison, and a quantity of pearls, jewels, gold, and silver, tied up in each of the corners of the caparison to a Brahman, and a number of poor men and women being assembled, rupees and cloth were distributed among them;— the Sultán then having ordered his dinner to be brought, ate a morsel, and was about to take more, but he was not so fated, for all at once the sound of weeping and wailing reached his ears. He, therefore, inquired of those present what was the cause of the outcry, and it was then made known to him that the faithful and devoted Syud Ghuffar was slain. The Sultán, therefore, immediately left off eating and washed his hands, saying,g “we also shall soon depart,” and then mounted his horse and proceeded by the road of the Postern on the river, which is called in the Kinhiri language, Holi Vuddi, towards the flag or western battery. The Sultán’s enemies, however, who were looking out for opportunities to betray him, as soon as the worthy Syud was slain, made a signal from the fort by holding out white handkerchiefs to the English soldiers, who were assembled in the river ready for the assault, informing them of that event, and accordingly at about twenty minutes after mid-day, the European and other regiments mounted the walls by the breach, and before the Sultán’s troops could be collected to man the walls and bastions of that flank of the works, they with but little labour took the fort. The garrison, although they quickly came to the rescue and the repulse of their enemies, and with sword and musket, steadfastly resisted them, still as on all sides so much disorder and confusion reigned, that remedy was hopeless, they mostly threw away their shields and dispersed and left their women and wealth to the soldiers of the enemy, covering their shameless heads with the dust of cowardice and disgrace. It was about the time that the Sultán’s horse and followers arrived near the flag battery, that the lying Dewán followed in the rear and shut up the Postern before mentioned, blocking it up securely, and thereby closing the road of safety to the pious Sultán, and then under pretence of bringing aid, he mounted his horse and went forth from the fort and arrived at the third gate (of the suburb) of Gunjam, where he desired the gate-keepers to shut the gate as soon as he had passed through; while, however, he was speaking, a man came forward and began to abuse and revile him, saying, “Thou accursed wretch, thou hast delivered a righteous prince up to his enemies, and art thou now saving thyself by flight? I will place the punishment of thy offence by thy side;” this man then with one cut of his sword struck the Dewán off his horse on the ground, and certain other persons present crowding round him soon despatched him, and his impure body was dragged into a place of filth and uncleanness and left there. Mír Moyin uddín being wounded fell into the ditch and died there. Shere Khán Mír Asof, also, was lost in the assault and was never after heard of,— when the Sultán, the refuge of the world saw that the opportunity for a gallant push was lost, (some copies say lost, and some not), and that his servants had evidently betrayed him, he returned to the Postern or sally port, but notwithstanding he gave repeated orders to the guards to open the gate, no one paid the slightest attention to him;— nay, more, Mír Nudím, the Killadár himself, with a number of foot soldiers, was standing at this time on the roof of the gate, but he also abandoned his faith and allegiance, and placing his foot in the path of disloyalty (took no notice of his master).

To be concise, when the storming party firing furiously as they advanced, arrived near the Sultán, he, courageous as a lion, attacked them with the greatest bravery, and although the placeh where he stood was very narrow and confined, he still with his matchlock and his sword killed two or three of the enemy, but at length having received several mortal wounds in the face, he drank of the cup of Martyrdom.

After this, therefore, what followed in the slaughter of the Mussulmans, the plunder of their property and the violation of their women had better be left untold. The French troops in the Sultán’s service during this time wrung their hands in grief, and having assembled at the gate of the palace, they fired a few vollies at the storming party and then desisted from further resistance. The whole of the treasures, wealth, and property of all kinds belonging to the Khodádád state, therefore, which was great in amount beyond conception, fell into the plundering hands of the English soldiers, and they who had been reduced to death’s door by the want of supplies and the dearness of provisions, who had been obliged to pay two rupees for a Seer (a measure of little more than a pound) of rice in the Hydurabád camp, when they could get it there; three rupees for a leg of mutton; and two rupees for a bundle of the roots of grass;— now all at once became well provided and rich in all things. The princes with all their property, the Zunana or women of the Sultán, and Kurím Sáhib his brother were all taken prisoners. Futteh Hydur the Mír Lushkur or Commander-in-Chief, however, who with the infantry, cavalry, elephants, artillery, and stores, the strength of the kingdom, was encamped near the Kurighat Hill, at hearing this dreadful intelligence, marched and took the road to Chenraiputtun.

The English officers now after great search, having found the body of the injured and oppressed Sultán, it was placed in a Pálkí and left for the night in the treasury, and the next morning the whole of his children, servants, and friends having seen it for the last time and established its identity, the General gave leave for its interment, and it was deposited in the earth in the Lal Baugh, in the Mausoleum of the deceased Nawáb, on the right side of his tomb, and there rested from the treachery and malice of faithless servants and cruel enemies. Alas! this great accumulation of state and grandeur, pomp and splendour, at a single revolution of the faithless and ever changing heavens, was so lost, that no one knew what had become of it. Truly,— Verse,— “what garden of prosperity ever raised its head to the skies?”— “that in the end, the cold withering blast of desolation did not tear up by the roots?”— “Upon whose head did fortune ever place a kingly crown”— “upon whose hands and feet death (fate) did not ultimately cast its bonds.” The following are elegiac verses written in commemoration of this event.

“Tipú Sultán was slain unexpectedly.” “He shed his blood for the sake of the religion of the true God,” on Saturday the 28th Zi Kad, “The day of judgment manifested itself,” “At the seventh hour, from the morning, blood flowed from every wall and door, in the streets of Seringaputtun.” “Tipú lived in honour fifty years, and reigned seventeen.”— “His heart was ever bent on religious warfare,” “and at length he obtained the crown of martyrdom, even as he desired.” “Ah! at the destruction of this prince and his kingdom.” “Let the world shed tears of blood.” “For him the sun and moon shared equally in grief.” “The heavens were turned upside down and the earth darkened.” “When I (the poet) saw that sorrow for him pervaded all.” “I asked grief for the year of his death.” “An angel (Hatif) replied, let us mourn his loss with burning sighs and tears”— “For the light of the religion of Islám has departed from the world,”

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In short the agents of fate and destiny did what they willed, or what was in their power. All the elephants and camels, the treasures, jewels, valuables, and property of every description, belonging to the Sultán, fell into the hands of the English. The new throne was broken up, and the diamonds, jewels, with chests full of jewelled gorgets and pearl necklaces were sold by auction () and all the arms and stores were plundered, and the library of the deceased Sultán sent to Europe.

After about a week, Kumr uddín Khán, who anxiously prayed for such a day, came with great pleasure, to offer his services to the General commanding the army, and having negotiated with him respecting his Jageer, Gurum Koonda, and after receiving the Sunnud, entitling him to retain that district, he marched thither with his drums beating to take possession.

Futteh Hydur Sultán also, when he saw the symptoms of fear, distress, and despair, prevailing among his followers, and at the same time heard the consolatory, and conciliatory language used by the English General and other of his officers; included in which were hints or hopes held out of his being placed on the throne; abandoned all intention of fighting or further opposition, although several of his bravest officers, such as Mullik Jehán Khán,k who after the death of the Sultán had been released (by the British troops) and had presented himself to the service of Futteh Hydur Sultán, also Syud Nasir Alí Mír Mírán and other Asofs dissuaded him from peace, and strenuously urged him to continue the war. They represented to him that the Sultán had devoted his life only to the will of God, but that his dominions, his strong cities and forts were still in the possession of his servants, and that his army with all its artillery and stores was present. That if there were any intention to reconquer the country, or if any spirit or courage remained, now was the time (for exertion), and that they were ready and willing to devote their lives to his service. This descendant of Hydur, however, notwithstanding his constitutional or hereditary bravery, at the suggestion of Poornia, the Brahmun (who in promoting the ruin and destruction of the Khodádád state had employed his utmost endeavours) and the advice also of other traitors of the Sultán’s court, (every one of whom thinking of his wife and family, abandoned his duty and loyalty,) was deceived, and acted in conformity to their wishes, at once rejected the prayers of his well wishers, and consequently washing his hands of kingly power and dominion, he proceeded to meet and confer with General Harris.

After this was arranged, according to the advice and desire of the (Governor-General) council, a boy of five years of age, one of the lineal descendants of the former Rajahs of Mysore, was seated nominally on the Musnud of his hereditary claim to that territory in Mysore; and a country, the revenue of which amounted to thirty lakhs of pagodas,l was assigned to him under the prime ministry or guardianship of Poornia, and all the children and relations of the deceased Sultán, (many of whose ladies remained,) with Kurím Sáhib and his family were sent to Rai Vellore, and a liberal salary was allowed to each of the princes, and to the present time they still reside in the fort of Vellore.

The following is the list of the princes,—

Mohí uddín Sultán; Hydur Alí Sultán, known by the name of Futteh Hydur, this is the eldest of all the brethren; Abdul Khálik Sultán; Moiz uddín Sultán; Subhán Sáhib Sultán; Shúkur ulláh Sultán; Gholám Ahmud Sultán; Gholám Muhammad Sultán; Surwur uddín Sultán and Yasin Sáhib Sultán; with his two brothers, Jama uddín Sultán;m and Monír uddín Sultán. These with their women, families and followers, all reside together.

The mind of the General (Harris) being now perfectly at ease, he proceeded to Chitul Droog, and took possession of all the hill forts and strongholds in that part of the country; and placing garrisons in some of them, he returned to Madras, and thence sailed for Europe, accompanied by Colonel Read, General Floyd, &c.

The countries of Gootti, Rutna Giri, Murkeisi, Hurpun Hulli, Ani Goondi, Punookoond, Murgsura and other places were added to the territotories of the Nizám of Hydurabád for a time. After this, however, in the year 1215, Hijri, (A. D. 1800) they were given back in Tunkhwah to the English Government. (To defray the charges of a subsidiary force apparently.)

Mullik Jehán Khán (Dhoondia) who had escaped with only one horse, in a short time, by his own vigorous exertions increased in strength and reputation so much, that he collected together a body of twenty-five or thirty thousand horse and foot, and raised a great tumult in the country, situate between the Kishna and Tungbhudra Rivers, and Babur Jung, and others joined him. By the aid also of the chief of Kolapoor, during a sharp engagement, he in a furious charge, killed Gokla the Mahratta and Purusram the chief of Mirch, and having struck off their heads stuck them on the points of spears.

At length, however, it fell to his lot to be opposed to the English troops, and after much hard marching and fighting day and night, during which time no decisive action was fought, (although in this period his successes were great and he obtained much spoil,) still as he had no fort or stronghold in his possession to which he could retire and deposit his stores and followers, and by that means compete with the English on fair ground; after a hard struggle for two years from the treachery of the Afghans of Kirpa and Kurnole, he received such a defeat from the English troops (under the command of the Hon. Colonel Sir Arthur Wellesley) in the neighbourhood of Kotal Bhanawur,n (called Konahgull by Mr. Thornton) that with the exception of his name and fame, no memorial of him whatever has remained.

Kumr uddín Khán for a time exerted himself in a vain desire to obtain a government, but at length a fatal disease, too terrible to be described, seized him and he died in great agonies. Many of the Sultán’s Sirdárs or officers, however, such as Budruzzumán Khán, Gholám alí Khán the elchee or envoy; Muhammad Ruza Khutíb; certain of the Mír Mírán and Sipahdárs; the brethren of Boorhunuddín, that is the sons of Lala Meean; Gholám Alí Bukshi, Gundahchar, &c. receive liberal salaries from the English East India Company, according to their respective claims. A thousand praises are due to their courage and constancy.o

In the year 1215, Hijri, Hydur Alí the son of Kurím Sáhib (the son of Nawáb Hydur Alí) made his escape from the English and joined the Mahrattas.

 
CHAPTER XX.

A description of the amiable personal qualities, the disposition, manners and usages of that ornament of the throne of silence, (death) Tipú Sultán.p These, notwithstanding from the abundance of evidence and proof they require no detail, or amplification, still agreeably to custom, a concise account of them is here given.

IN his courts the splendour of kingly magnificence and majesty were well sustained. He had profited to a considerable extent in all the sciences. He wrote and composed with ease and elegance, and indeed had a geniusq for literary acquirement, and a great talent for business; and, therefore, he was not obliged to rely on the aid or guidance of others in the management of public affairs. He had a pleasing address and manner, was very discriminating in his estimation of the character of men of learning, and laboured sedulously in the encouragement and instruction of the people of Islám. He had, however, a great dislike to, or rather an abhorrence of, the people of other religions. He never saluted (or returned a salute to) any one. He held his Durbars from the morning until midnight, and after the morning prayers, he was used to employ some time in reading the Korán, and he was to be seen at all times with his Tusbíh or rosary in his hand, having performed his ablutionary duties. He made only two meals a day, and all his Amírs and the princes dined with him. But from the day on which peace was made between him and Lord Cornwallis, Buhadúr, (to the day of his death) he abandonedr his bed and bedstead and slept or took a few hours rest on certain pieces of a coarse kind of canvas called Khaddi, (used for making tents) spread upon the ground. He was accustomed on most occasions to speak Persian, and while he was eating his dinner, two hours were devoted by him to the perusal (from standard historical works,) of the actions of the Kings of Persia and Arabia, religious works, traditions and biography. He also heard appropriate stories and anecdotes related by his courtiers. Jests and ribaldry, however, from the repetition of which the religion of Islám might suffer disparagement, or injury, were never allowed in the courts or assemblies of that most religious prince. For the sake of recreation (),s as is the custom of men of high rank, he sometimes witnessed dancing (or was present at the performance of Bayaderes). He was not, however, lavish or expensive in any of his habits or amusements, not even in his dress, and contrary to his former custom he latterly avoided the use of coloured garments. On his journeys and expeditions, however, he wore a coat of cloth of gold, or of the red tiger stripe embroidered with gold. He was also accustomed to tie a white handkerchief over his turban and under his chin, and no one was allowed to tie on, or wear, a white handkerchief in that manner, except himself.

Towards the end of his reign he wore a green turban Shumlehdár, (twisted apparently) after the fashion of the Arabs, having one embroidered end pendantt on the side of his head. He conferred honours on all Professors of the Arts, and in the observance of his prayers, fasts and other religious duties, he was very strict, and in that respect the instructor,u or example of the people of Islám. Contrary to the custom of the deceased Nawáb, he the Sultán retained the hair of his eyebrows, eyelashes, and moustaches. His beard, however, which was chiefly on his chin, he shaved thinking it not becoming to him. In delicacy or modesty of feeling he was the most particular man in the world, so much so that from the days of his childhood to that of his death, no one ever saw any part of his person except his ancle and wrist, and even in the bath he always covered himself from head to foot.

In the whole of the territories of the Balaghaut, most of the Hindoo women go about with their breasts and their heads uncovered like animals. He, therefore, gave orders that no one of these women should go out of her house without a robe and a veil or covering for the head. This immodest custom was, therefore, abolished in that country. In his strict sense and keen perception of propriety and right he was unequalled. It happened that on some festival or day of rejoicing, he went to his father’s private apartments to present his congratulations to his mother, and after the performance of this duty, and presenting dresses to her and her servants, he laid himself down to sleep a short time. During this period two ladies of the deceased Nawáb’s family, both of them young and handsome, (God knows with what intention good or bad) came forth from their apartments, and began to rub his feet. While, however, they were doing this, he awoke, and when he saw they were the widows of the late Nawáb, (or in the place of his mother), he became exceedingly angry at their presumption, and trembling with rage, said, “you are both of you my mothers, what insolence is this of which you have been guilty and by which you have blackened my face, what answer shall I give to-morrow to my father?” (meaning at the day of judgement) after this expostulation he sent for one of the Eunuchs of the Serai and directed him to punish these women, so that they might be an example to others.

In courage and hardihood the Sultán took precedence of all his contemporaries, and in the management of a horse and the use of the spear in the world he had no equal, as will appear after an attentive perusal of this work. He was fond of introducing novelty and invention in all matters, (and in all departments) as for instance, the year called Muhammadí, an account of which has been before given, also the names of the solar months. For although these months are in usage among the Hindus, still as they became necessary in the computation of the revenue accounts, he gave them names from the Persian according to the Abjud, Howuz, Huttix system of numeration as Ahmudi Bihari, Julwi, Darai, Hashimi, Wasai, Zuburjudi, Hyduri, Tulooi, Yuzdani, Eezudi, Bunai, &c.

Towards the conclusion of his reign he abolished these namesy and called the months by others; such as Ahmudi, Bihari, Tukki, Sumri, Jafuri, Hyduri, Khasrovi, Deeni, Zakuri, Rahmani, Razi, and Rubbani. In the same manner also, the names of the cycle of sixty years, as for instance, Ahud, Ahmud, Ab, Ja, Bab, Buja, Abud, Jad, Jah, Ouj, &c. He also altered the impression on the hoon, or pagoda, and rupee to a different form, as has been before related in the account of his coinage.

The Siduki was an ashrafi or gold mohur, with the same impression, as the rupee.

The Farooki was a pagoda, having on one side the name (Farooki) and on the other the letter .

The Imami rupee also was of the weight and value of two rupees, this is now current.

The Bakuri, a half rupee.

The Jafuri, a quarter of a rupee.

The Kazimi, two annas.

The Fulum or Fanam was called Rahuti, and the Anna, Ayuh.

The terms employed in the measurement of grain were as follows. The Seer (a weight a little more than a pound) was called Duk, and weighed twenty-four fuloos or halfpence.

The Mun was called Atul, which is about four Seers or pounds.

The Dhurra which is a quarter of a Mun was called Hoob.

The Kurro which was sixteen Asar or Seers, was called Bede, and the Khundi which is twenty Kurras, Ahya.

Besides these inventions, his workmen cast guns of a very wonderful description, lion mouthed; also, muskets with two or three barrels, scissors, pen-knives, clocks, daggers called sufdura,— also, a kind of shield woven and formed so as to resist a musket ball.

Besides these he also instituted manufactories for the fabrication or imitation of the cloths of all countries, such as shawls, velvet, Kímkháb, (cloth of gold,) broad cloth (European), and he expended thousands of pounds in these undertakings.

His chief aim and object was, however, the encouragement and protection of the Muhammadan religion, and the religious maxims or rules of the Soonni sect,— and he not only himself abstained from all forbidden practices, but he strictly prohibited his servants from their commission.

He also formed regulations on every subject and for every department depending on his government, every article of which was separately written with his own hand. If, however, he dismissed any one from his office for any fault, or neglect, he after correction and punishment, was accustomed to re-appoint him to the same office again, and from this cause it was that during his reign, treachery gained head so far as to cast his kingdom and power gratuitously to the winds.

On the top of his furmáns or public papers, he was accustomed to write the words,— “In the name of God”— in the Toghra character in his own hand, and at the end his signature was in this form so

 
THE CONCLUSION OF THIS WORK.

PRAISE and Thanksgiving to God.z— (Verse)— “that what I asked has been granted by him.”

When the commands obeyed by the world, brilliant as the light of the sun, exalted as the Heavens, of that great personage (the name of this great personage is not given, it being in the opinion of the author sufficiently known) whose heart is the abode of purity and sincerity, were issued to this gatherer of crumbs from the table of the wise and learned, that he should reduce to writing in a plain easy style the History of the Kingdom of Mysore, and with his pen describe faithfully the whole of the wars and conquests, (made by the rulers of that country); notwithstanding certain contingencies and worldly troubles (),a and the scanty means and mean abilities of this ruined man; the difficulties which beset him in obtaining the means of subsistence and the fatigue of a long journey; all strongly operated to prevent his attempting so great an undertaking and threw the stone of indecision at the glass of the firmness of his determination; and his mind the finder or inventor of signs, or symbols,b with the tongue of humility in detailing such high and praiseworthy qualities and actions, said “what power has a speechless ant that he should be able to move a mountain? or what strength has a fly that he should take such a burden on his shoulders?” being, still, however, obedient to the commands and bound to the orders of the great personage before mentioned, without attempting the difficult task of composing flowery and ornamented periods, a few lines have been written describing the conquests and other events of the reign (of Tipú Sultán), his excellent qualities and singularly good disposition. Stories of his liberality, the relation of occurrences displaying his kind and forgiving temper, his generosity to his friends, his zeal for the propagation of the religion of Islám, and for the destruction of infidels and infidelity. In writing these details the purity of the author’s pearl-stringing pen, has not been sullied by the dirt of misrepresentation or falsehood, such being the practice of hired sycophants of low character, or of foolish rhapsodical writers only. (The Author after using the third person, now speaks in the first— but, to continue as he began). The hope and trust of the Author, therefore, from the princely sons and dependants of the Sultán is, that they will look on his book with the eyes of impartiality and approbation, and give him the meed of praise in proportion to his claims and merits, which (meed) is the harvest of the life, and the chief source of gratification and delight to the poor and needy scholar. And as the History of the Nawáb Hydur Alí Khán Bahadúr, and a commentary on the reign and actions of Tipú Sultán, are both included in this work, for that reason the Author has sought and found the year of its completion in the word () Towáríkh (which is the plural of c a date of a month or year, and a term generally applied to history,) that is to say, it was the year 1217, Hijri. (A. D. 1802); and it was on the 9th of the month of Rujub ul Morujub, that he turned the reins of the horse-like pen from his career on the race-course of the paper to the end, that his soul might be released from the toils of anxiety, hard study, and deep reflection, and that at length the object of his desires (rest, or the completion of the work) might shew him her lovely face

From this commences the accomplishment of the Author’s desires, by the aid of the Lord of all existence.

This word signifies an ornament or mark on the forehead used by ladies. It also signifies the installation or inauguration to an office, or of a Sovereign Prince;— here apparently it signifies the Daughter of the Raja, who had been affianced to the Sultán, and whose presence was necessary, as before stated to his accession to the throne.

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M. Chapuis.

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A common simile.

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In this part I have followed Colonel Marriott’s copy of this work.

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Raymond.

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It does not say with what result.

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March 27, 1799.

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A constellation so called, this appears to refer to the gallant resistance made by Tipú’s Infantry in this action.

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Battle of Sedaseer.

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The celebrated Commander of Hydur’s irregular infantry and cavalry, called Bede and Pindaras.

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This man evidently supposes some secret correspondence or intelligence between the Dewán Mír Sádik, and the English General, or some of his staff.

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Lunar month.

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One copy says, seven hours of the day; that is to one, or half-past one o’clock.

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These words appear to be understood as a prophetic intimation of his death.

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Said to have been a gateway.

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This last verse gives the date, 1213 Hijri, or A. D. 1798-9. Another person found the date in the words — the bread of the widows and orphans has failed— another Alas! the Son of Hydur is a Martyr.

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That is to say, Dhoondia the partisan chief, whose force was so effectually dispersed and destroyed by the British troops under the command of the Honourable Colonel Arthur Wellesley, at Konahgul, or according to the Persian account, Kotal Behnawer.— See Thornton’s History, Vol. III. p. 93. 115, &c.

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3,000,000.

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This prince was residing in London two or three years ago, but died lately at Paris.

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Otherwise Hunoor.

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I think the Author here speaks ironically.

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See the 115 Psalm, 17 verse, for a similar expression. The Dukhmas or Sepulchres in which the Parsees deposit their dead, are called by them “Towers of Silence.”

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Apparently from having made a vow to that effect, a custom ery common in the East.

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To see or patronize the skill and accomplishments of the Bayaderes.

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Some variation in the MS. here. I have followed Colonel Marriot’s copy.

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From the root signifying the time of making or composing any thing, as a Book, &c.

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