The retrograde movement made by the Sultán, from motives of policy or convenience, and the pursuit of the Mahrattas;— also the arrival of Boorhanuddín Sipahsalar, with his troops and the arrival of a convoy of provisions from Nuggur in charge of Budruzzumán Khán Foujdár; also the seizure of the district of Sanore, and the flight of Hukím Khán, and a description of the battles fought between the Infidels and Moslems in the same year 1199, Hijri.— A. D. 1784.
THE Sultán after the night attack made a night march, and the next morning pitched his camp in the Jungle where he remained the whole day. The next night he again marched to the junction of the river Bala with the river Tungbhudra, and there encamped.
It is not to be concealed here, that the cause of these night marches was this;— from the filth accumulated from the great numbers of horses and bullocks in camp, and from the carcases and stench of those which died, and the multitude of people in camp, flies were generated in such numbers, that they became a pest to the whole army, to such a degree that the soldiers at night even, could neither cook nor eat their victuals; the Sultán, therefore, gave orders that they should dissolve sugar and sweetmeats in water and sprinkle it before their tents, and this being done, when the flies settled upon this sugar and water, he marched off and left the ground. At this time Boorhanuddín Sipahsalar with his division of troops, arrived from the neighbourhood of Anooti, and Budruzzumán Khán with an immense convoy of provisions also arrived from the district of Nuggur, and was admitted to the honour of an audience. When, however, intelligence of these night marches reached the Mahrattas, they immediately fancied that they arose from fear of their mighty army, and that the Sultán was returning to his capital, and that he had no power any longer to withstand them;— they, therefore, with the whole of their force followed quickly and encamped at the distance of two fursungs in the rear of the victorious army, so near that the pickets and outposts of both armies were stationed at the distance of an arrow’s cast only from each other, and at this distance repelled the different attacks made by each other. The Sultán, therefore, having formed his plans, morning and evening had his Kushoons out in the plain, under pretence of exercise,q manœuvring about and firing from daylight in the morning to eight o’clock; and in the evening from five until it was dark;— and this was done continually. After manœuvring five or six days after this fashion, the Sultán one evening, leaving the baggage and followers of his army in the same place, gave orders to his Amírs, to make a night attack from different points in the mode following:— Mír Moinuddín with two Kushoons, five guns and the French regiment was ordered to attack the right flank of the enemy, and Boorhanuddín with two or three Kushoons and six guns marched towards the left wing of the enemy for the same purpose, while the Sultán himself with two Kushoons, the horse of his Paigah, and the Ahshám foot, advanced with a determination to attack the main body of the enemy.
The night was, however, without moonlight, and so excessively dark, that the troops with the greatest difficulty and labour made their way to the points of attack.r By the light of the false or earliest morning, however, Boorhanuddín, first among them all, attacked the troops of Hurri Punt and Rastia, and opened the gate of dismay and calamity upon them; Mír Moinuddín, embarrassed by his guns, which, owing to the deep mud of the roads could not be got on, left them behind, and with two light French guns marching quick fell upon the troops of Syfe Jung, (in some copies he is called Subkut Jungs) or, the right wing of the Nizám’s army, (the symbol of flight) which was entirely unsuspicious of such tricks of the night,t and caused the confusion of the day of judgment to fall among them.
At this time, the Sultán himself with the greatest rapidity moved on to attack the main body of the enemy. These attacks on all sides having compressed the Mahrattas in a small space, the chiefs of that army, who were bound to the service of the Sultán, keeping aloof from the action, the Moghul army was entirely overrun and plundered, and all their baggage and property trodden under the hoofs of the Sultán’s horse. For the rest, the chiefs of the Mahrattas mounting their horses fled to the Tope Khána, or park of artillery, which was about one fursung distant. The baggage of the army and the stores and wealth of the Oordoo Bazar of the Mahrattas, fell, therefore, into the possession of the servants of the Sultán, and the tents, camels, standards and horses with their head and heel ropes, &c. were all taken. The Sultán remained to rest and refresh his troops the whole day in the Mahratta camp; after mid-day, however, the troops of the Mahrattas assembled and advanced with their heaviest guns, about a fursung, and, taking possessionu of some high ground, placed them in battery there, and opened their fire with such precision, that they greatly distressed the Sultán’s army, and broke the arms and legs of many of his soldiers.
The Sultán’s anger now flamed violently at the insolence of the Mahrattas, and he ordered that they should be driven from their position, and Syud Hamíd, Shaíkh Onsur, and Ahmud Beg, Sipahdárs, therefore, with the regiments of Monsieur Lally, marched, following the low grounds to attack the Mahratta park of artillery;— it happened, however, that on their way thither, they fell in with a large body of the Mahrattas; estimated at thirty thousand well appointed horse, who had concealed themselves in the dry bed of a tankx near their position, and were lying in wait for an opportunity to attack the Sultán’s troops. The brave Sipahdárs and gallant Frenchmen immediately levelled their muskets and poured forth their fire in vollies with such effect, that the enemy from the tumult and throng, could not wheel about without difficulty, and, therefore, of necessity presented their breasts as a mark for the bullets and bayonets of the musketeers, and they were consequently pierced with as many holes as a net; two officers of the Mahrattas, who each rode an elephant, were killed, and the rest leaving their horses and arms escaped with their lives only. In fine, in the twinkling of an eye, seven or eight thousand horse of the Mahrattas were destroyed and their bodies scattered upon the plain.
When the chief of the Mahrattas saw the marks of fear and despondency on the foreheads of his soldiers, he turned away from the fight, and his courage failing him, he withdrew his guns and retreated to the distance of two stages. The Sultán, now therefore victorious, with the spoil of the Mahrattas, his drums beating for joy at his success, returned to his tent, and the next day marched further on towards Sanore.
It is not to be omitted here, that Abdul Hukím Khán, the chief of that state, after the death of the Nawáb, without reason estranged his heart from the Sultán, indeed from his (the Sultán’s) youth even, he had been his inveterate enemy:— moreover after the accession of the Sultán, he sent neither letters of congratulation, nor presents of cloths, &c., courtesies which are esteemed the pledges of friendship and good-will. His agent, however, Chíntoo Pundit, on his own part, and merely to pay court to the Sultán, made some presents, but although these circumstances hurt and aggrieved the feelings of the Sultán;— still on account of the ties of relationship which existed between them, the Sultán gave him no molestation, but on the contrary, overlooked some very unworthy actions done by him.
Notwithstanding all this, this unlucky man never put any confidence in the Sultán, and had now leagued and intrigued with the Mahrattas. When he found, therefore, that the Sultán was approaching him, reflecting on his own unworthy conduct, he trembled like a reed at the sound of the hoofs of the Sultán’s horse, and with certain of his friends, and the dependents of his household, that is his women and a small sum of money he had by him, he at night fled and joined the army of the Mahrattas, leaving Abdul Khira Khán, alias Khira Mean in the city. The date of this flight is given in the following Hindostanni words,
When the Sultán heard of his flight, and his junction with the Mahrattas, he was astonished, but at night despatched Syud Humíd, and Syud Ghuffar Sipahdárs to take possession of the city, and in the morning he himself marched and encamped before the place, and then despatched Mír Sadik, and Mahdi Khán, Bukhshi, with orders that all the property and wealth of the state of Sanore, which the Kháns of former days had collected at a vast expense, should be sent to the presence, and all this Hukím Khán by his foolish enmity gave gratuitously to the winds. The officers sent, agreeably to their orders, without opposition from any one, took and despatched to the presence whatever they found of gold, silver, carpets, or tents, vessels, arms, &c. as for instance, in Abdul Hukím’s wardrobe, they found fifty turbans of different colours, of the Boorhanpoor chintz kind, hung upon pegs in the wall, and honorary dresses of great splendour and value, of the same colour corresponding to the turbans, under cloth covers or in packages:— but besides these, articles of great value brought from all countries laid about in heaps, and these with lists of all of them were sent to the Sultán, and after being inspected by him were deposited in the Tosha Khána.
The light guns were all added to the Sultán’s artillery, and one gun composed of five metals,z twelve legal guz in length was broken up and sent to the mint to be coined into halfpence. In fact, all the valuables, among which were carpets of the most elegant patterns with gold and silver flowers, each the load of four or five camels, and the Kalecchas and Sutrinjas, (other kinds of carpets) of which each was the load of an elephant, were all seized by the Sultán’s servants. A short time after this, Khira Mean on horseback, and accompanied by two or three servants arrived, and was honoured by being admitted to an audience;— at this audience the Sultán addressed him and said, “what has befallen your father, that he should have run away in this manner? we ourselves in no matter, and in no mode, ever interfered with or molested him, but on the contrary, our favour towards him increased daily; but setting this aside, shame on your relationship, that without any injury or breach of engagement on our part, your father should have joined with the Mahrattas, the enemies of our house and openly displayed his hostility. Depend on it that he will never be the better for it, nor ever see the days of prosperity.” Khira Mean in reply, said, “that undoubtedly his father had acted unwisely, and that the bread of his fortunes had been dried up in the sun of despair;— that he, the Sultán’s ransom, or sacrifice, was ignorant of what had been done, or he would have opposed it to the utmost of his power.” After this the Sultán placed him near his own tent, and sent him twice a day, dishes from his own table;— he, however, kept him under strict restraint or surveillance in the same way that he kept Kumruddín.
An account of another night attack, the last battle and the defeat of the Mahrattas by the victorious army, and the establishment of Peace between the Lion conquering the world, the Sultán and his weak incompetent enemies the Mahrattas; also the regulation of the districts of the Poligars, with other events which occurred in the year 1200, Hijri.— A. D. 1785-6.
THE Sultán after the capture and regulation of Sanore, leaving a garrison in that city, marched to the northward, and encamped near Jobun Gurh, and halted there for thirteen days of the month Mohurrum il Huram. He now also distributed his army into four divisions; each consisting of four Kushoons, five thousand irregular foot, five thousand Silladár horse,a and fifteen guns. The first division was placed under the command of Mír Moinuddín, otherwise called Syud Sáhib;— the second division was placed under Boorhanuddín;— the third was committed to the charge of Maha Mirza Khán; and the fourth to Hussein Alí Khán, the Mír Bukhshi.
Having done this, the Sultán ordered them to march on, and directed that the aforesaid divisions should encamp at the distance of three miles from the remainder of his army. The Sipahsalars, therefore, in obedience to these orders, took up their ground, and employed themselves in preparing their troops and arms for immediate action,— while the Sultán himself with two Kushoons, the Assud Ilahi and Ahmudi; three Mokubs or regiments of horse, eight Dustasb of the Paigah, or household horse, four thousand Kuzzaks and ten thousand Ahshám infantry, remained encamped where he was. On these arrangements, it was currently reported by him, that of the Sipahsalars, (the officers commanding these divisions,) the first was commissioned to the conquests of the dependencies of Hydurabad; the second to the conquest of those of Poona; the third to the maintenance of order at Raichore, Kottoor, &c. and the fourth to the capital, Puttun, to subject and controul the different forts and districts of the Poligars,— while the Sultán himself was to attack the Mahrattas. The commander of the Mahratta army at hearing this news, became like quicksilver, restless and uneasy, when of a sudden, Mír Moinuddín, with his force, at the instance of Syud Humíd, and Syud Ghuffar, marched at night and attacked the hill fort of Mondergi Droog, which was garrisoned by the Mahrattas,— and at one assault took the fort and passed the garrison under the edge of the sword. The town was also pillaged, and he returned with stores of provisions and much gold and jewels. In the same way Boorhanuddín marched towards Binkapoor and Misri Kote, which were in the occupation of the Mahrattas, in a way that no one could be aware of his arrival, and unfurling the standard of enterprize, carried exceeding terror and dismay among them, and lighted up the fire of plunder and slaughter in all that quarter. The Sultán also now advanced straight towards the enemy, the sign or symbol of defeat.c In that march, however, the Mahrattas attacked the rear-guard of the victorious army, and brought a storm of evil on its followers, and plundered the Banjaras of ten thousand bags of grain, which they carried off. The Sultán now, therefore, despatched a message to the Commander of the Mahratta forces to this effect, that it was unworthy of noble generous minds to injure or distress God’s people without cause, and, that if he (the Mahratta) had the breath of manhood still remaining in him, their dispute might be settled in an hour, that his wish was, that in a well fought battle of one day, they should finish the book of strife and contention. As the chief of the Mahrattas well knew the valour, (meaning the reverse) of his own troops, and that without peace, he could not expect to save himself from destruction, he declined to agree to the Sultán’s proposition. However, by the advice of certain of his servants, who recommended war, he agreed to an action to be decided with the sword alone. The Sultán, therefore, one day assembled his four divisions on the river Guduk, and arranged them in order of battle, and, having appointed his Kushoons to the right and left wings, he himself mounted on an elephant with his guard, took his station on the field, and first ordered the brave men of his Paigah, or household cavalry, to commence the action, and accordingly each Dusta galloped forward, and having formed in close order took possession of the field.d The Mahrattas also armed cap-a-piè, now charged the Sultán’s troops, and between them a very severe action ensued. It was, however, determined, that each Dusta should fight only half an hour, that the devotion and bravery of the whole army, officers, and men, might be fairly tested. Every brave man, therefore, made the utmost display of his courage, and many by their prowess effaced the renown of the great actions of Roostum and Isfendiar, and until mid-day, the clashing of swords, the whistling of arrows, and the rustling of the spearse continued so great and so constant, that the gallant troopers at length quitted their swords and spears, and laying hands on each other had recourse to their poignards and daggers, and on every side lay heaps of slain. After the brave men of the Paigah, the Silladárs, next stretching forth the arms of manhood, made the face of the plain as red as the rosy morn, with the blood of their enemies. The chiefs of the Mahrattas, however, aware they were not able to resist the swords of the worshippers of fame, in the pride of superior numbers determined to charge with their whole force, and thus ride over the Sultán’s army, and accordingly with this intention, they with all their troops, amounting to seventy or eighty thousand men, moved forward. The Sultán, now seeing that the Mahrattas had violated their agreement, immediately gave orders to his artillery, and they moving forward quickly from the flanks with the Sipahdárs (and their Kushoons) by their heavy fire of musketry and artillery, soon compelled the unfortunate Mahrattas to taste the sherbet of flight. As soon, therefore, as they were scattered and dispersed, the regiments of horse, and the Kuzzaks, of the victorious army followed them for two fursungs, and took from them to the amount of two or three thousand horses, a quantity of baggage, stores and arms; as arrows, swords, and two pieces of cannon, and then returned. The Mahrattas on the contrary, for three stages never looked behind them and fled without halting even for the night. Hurri Náík the Poligar of Kunuk Giri, who at first had attached himself to the Mahrattas, seeing at this time the irregularity of their measures and movements, now finding an opportunity, left them with his troops and offered his services to the Sultán, who received him with great favour.
The Sultán after this marched with his army to Binkapoor, and encamped eighteen kose to the northward of Sanore:— at this place a party of Kuzzak horse left the army with an intention to plunder the villages in that vicinity. It so happened, however, that the outposts of the Mahrattas obtained in formation of this movement, and posted themselves on the road by which they (the Kuzzaks) marched and at one charge surrounded and killed every man of them. The Sultán hearing of this was greatly incensed, and issued orders to the other Kuzzaks, with his army and to his own horse, that no one should proceed beyond the limits of the outposts, or grand guards, without permission. In this encampment the Sultán remained one month, and in that time, by dispensing gold and sending honorary dresses and presents of all kinds in the way of courtesy and friendship, made several of the chiefs of the Mahrattas obedient, and the slaves of his commands, and all operations were undertaken by the advice and instruction of these men, until one day, when, according to the hints and directions of these chiefs, all four divisions of the army were made ready, and marched off for a night attack, and the Sultán having assembled a number of hermaphroditesf belonging to his camp, to the amount of about one hundred and fifty, he gave them painted sticks and placed them in front of each division.
The pickets of the Mahrattas who were the servants of Hurri Punt Phirkia, seeing and knowing the Sultán’s troops, allowed them to pass. When, however, the Sipahsalars arrived near the Mahratta encampment, one of the Mahrattas becoming aware of their approach, apprised Holkar, that they had entered the camp through the villany and collusion of the officers in command of the pickets; Holkar, on hearing this, left his tent on foot, and he had no sooner quitted it than the fire of the rockets and musketry blazing close to his eyes, he immediately ran away leaving his favourite wife asleep in the tent, and the rest of the Mahratta chiefs followed his example. The whole of the camp, therefore, after this was plundered, and the half alive Moghul camp, was also completely pillaged, and eighteen women, the wives of the Mahratta chiefs, with their gold and jewels were taken. As soon as the morning dawned the Sipahsalars, victorious, with the captured baggage of the Mahrattas, their standards, tents, elephants, camels, treasure and four guns, marched on their return, and notwithstanding the Mahrattas rallied those of their army spared by the sword, and that they seized and occupied the road by which the Sultán’s troops returned, and fought desperately to cut them off;— still, it was of no avail, and they were compelled to retire, and the Sipahsalars on their arrival were honoured by admission to the presence, and they presented the plundered property and the women taken to the Sultán; the liberal Sultán to every officer and soldier who had distinguished himself on this occasion, gave two months additional pay, besides other honours and advantages.
The women taken prisoners were dismissed as before, after making an agreement, which they confirmed with solemn oaths to the effect that by every art and means, they would prevent their husbands from continuing the war, and that they would never withdraw their hands from importunity and solicitation, until their husbands laid their heads in submission on the orders of the Sultán. On the arrival of the women in the Mahratta camp, their husbands fearing they had been polluted, and that the veil of their honour had been rent by the rude hands of the Mussulmans who made them prisoners, placed them all in a tent pitched separately for them, and did not allow them to enter their tents.
The women, therefore, now opened their mouths to reproach and revile the illiberality and want of shame manifested by their husbands, to extol their own purity; to praise the kind and honourable treatment they had received from the Sultán; and lastly pertinaciously to insist that peace should be made.
The chiefs of the Mahrattas, therefore, now cleared from their minds the bad opinions they had formed, and discharged from their hearts the deep rooted enmity in which they had indulged, but still from a sense of duty exerted themselves in the execution of the orders of their chief— however, on whatever side the Sultán’s troops advanced to the attack, they as constantly retired;— When the Sultán, therefore, found there was no readiness for action on the part of the enemy’s troops, after the lapse of a month, casting the eyes of compassion on God’s people, according to the hints and instructions of the chiefs of the Mahrattas and Moghul armies, he commenced to set on foot negotiations for the establishment of peace, and Budruzzumán Khán and other Kháns, with friendly letters, a sum of money, some rarities, valuable cloths and jewels, among which was one diamond necklace, worth five lakhsg of rupees, were despatched to Poona.
Holkar and other chiefs of the Mahratta army, who had been often defeated by the Sultán’s troops, and whose women and wealth had been so often pillaged and violated by them, now reduced to extremities, detailed the bravery and enterprize of the Sultán’s army in their letters to Poona, and strenuously advocated the conclusion of peace. When the chief of Poona, (the Paishwa) and his minister consulted with their chief officers,h on this measure, the latter said, our best policy apparently is, that we should also send embassadors with rarities and presents to the Sultán, and thereby wash the dust of enmity from off his offended mind with the pure water of conciliation, and refresh and revive the garden of our territories with the flowing stream of amity and concord; for this reason that the impression and effect of an association with the Mussulman King, would be the source of order and strength to our state, and even if it were not so, that the character for courage and prowess of that great man the Sultán, was so well known, that should he turn the reins of his operations to our quarter, he would inevitably conquer the whole of our country, and the hereditary possessions of the Mahratta empire, would be taken out of the hands of their race. As these words of advice took effect on the hearts of the chiefs and as they had also heard that a body of French troops had arrived to the aid of the Sultán, the offer of negotiation on his part was considered by them as a most fortunate occurrence, and they accepted the embassadors and presents and the dust of enmity existing on both sides was washed off by the water of friendship, and they also despatched an embassador with presents of rarities, honorary dresses, gold, jewels, fine horses and elephants to the presence of the conquering Sultán.
They requested, however, that the Talookas of Nargoonda, Nolegoonda, and Jalihul should be presented to them as gifts. The Sultán, the asylum of the world, from policy and according to the verse,— “be generous, be generous that the stranger may become thy slave,”— agreed to their request, and forwarded the Sunnuds of those three Talookas to them. It is not to be omitted here, that as the chief of Poona (the Paishwa) gave the Sultán’s embassadors the district of Kuslupoor in Jageer, so that in return, the Sultán gave him these three Talookas.
The forts and towns in that neighbourhood which by the neglect and villany of traitors, had fallen into the possession of the troops of the enemy, were now restored to the Sirkar Khodádád— included in these negotiations was the petition of Hurri Punt for the pardon of all the offences, great and small, of Hukím Khán, which was obtained by his mediation, and the Souba of Sanore was again restored to him as before. When the Sultán’s mind on the score of peace was fully satisfied and at rest, he returned victorious to the town of Sanore. Hurri Punt Phirkia who had placed the ring of obedience in the ear of his existence, and who was the origin and founder of the peace, had the Talooka of Gujindur Gurh, with its dependencies, and several towns of Kunchun Gurh, presented to him in Jageer to furnish his Paun and Betel nut expenses.i The Sultán then marched on by the route of Gopul and Bahadúr Bundah, and crossing the river (Tungbhudra) encamped on the tank of the Duroojee Muhl, which lies two kose to the eastward of Anagoondi, and in order to complete the repairs of this tank, halted there some time. During this period, the Poligars of Rai Droog and Hurpun Hulli, accompanied by a number of their dependents, entered the Sultán’s camp in the hope of being admitted to an audience. The Sultán, however, bore a violent hatred to these chiefs for this reason, that whenever they were summoned, they declined to attend, owing to their ill will towards him, and therefore, all wish to accept their services, or admit them, was totally rejected from his mind.
He at night, therefore, despatched his Kushoons and making prisoners of them and their dependents, put them in irons and sent them prisoners to Bangalore,k and all their territory, wealth and property of all kinds were seized, and their districts and forts assigned to able civil officers, and brave military governors, a brother of the chief of Hurpun Hulli, however, who was residing in some town of that district in ill health, when he saw the torrent of the Sultán’s anger and the waters of calamity surrounding him, fled at night with his wife, family and dependents, and leaving the latter at Dumul proceeded to Mirch, and he, therefore, escaped with his life and property. The Sultán after this marched and entered his capital, Seringaputtun.
An account of the re-establishment of order in the City of Seringaputtun, the regulation of the whole of the Sultán’s territories and the dismission from office of Mír Sadik, Dewán, or Minister of state, also, the completion of the Alí Musjid,— the return of the Embassadors from the presence of the Sultán of Room, or Constantinople, sent thither in the year 1198 Hijri:— and the despatch of an Embassador to Hydurabád with other events of the year 1202, Hijri,— A. D. 1787.
WHEN the capital of the kingdom was enlightened by the resplendent countenance of the Sultán, the dispenser of justice, his world conquering mind occupied itself in the regulation of his kingdom and army. At this time also the exactions and tyranny of the Dewán, or minister of state (Mír Sadik) who according to his caprice and will oppressed the people of the Souba of Adhooni and Sanoor, having been represented to the Sultán his services were dispensed with, that is he was dismissed; the property in his house being seized according to orders, two lakhs of rupees the currency of Adhooni, which is called Chulaoni, and one lakh of hoons or pagodas, Muhammad Sháhi, were found, and he was put in irons and imprisoned, and Mehdi Khán, Nayut, the Jageerdár of Awulgoonda, was appointed to the Dewáni (in his place). At this time the Sultán determined to recommence the building of the Musjidi Ala, the erection of which had been suspended since the year 1198 Hijri, and the Daroghu of public buildings, according to the plan, which will be mentioned hereafter, completed it in two years, at the expense of three lakhs of rupees, and the prayers of the Eedi Fitr, in the year 1204, Hijri, were the first said in that mosque, and it was named by the Sultán Musjidi Ala.
A concise account of the cause of the building this Mosque is as follows:— it is, known, that when the vile and rejected Brahman Khunda Rao, with the intention of uprooting the fortunes of his Master, began to excite disturbances, and the late Nawáb fled alone to Bangalore, and that villain imprisoned the Nawáb’s Zunana and the Sultán (who was then a boy of six or seven years of age,) in a house in the fort, near the gate of the Deorai Peenth, which at present is called the Gunjam gate:— at that period, before this house, there stood a Hindu temple, the area or space round which was large. The Sultán, therefore, in his infancy being like all children, fond of play, and as in that space boys of the Kinhiri and Brahman castes assembled to amuse themselves, was accustomed to quit the house to see them play, or play with them. It happened one day during this period, that a Fakír (a religious mendicant) a man of saint-like mind passed that way, and seeing the Sultán gave him a life bestowing benediction, saying to him, “Fortunate child, at a future time thou wilt be the king of this country, and when that time comes, remember my words;— take this temple and destroy it, and build a Musjid in its place, and for ages it will remain a memorial of thee.” The Sultán smiled, and in reply told him, “that whenever, by his blessing, he should become a Padisháh, or king, he would do as he (the Fakír) directed.” When, therefore, after a short time his father became a prince, the possessor of wealth and territory, he remembered his promise, and after his return from Nuggur and Gorial Bundur, he purchased the temple from the adorers of the image in it (which after all was nothing but the figure of a bull, made of brick and mortar) with their goodwill, and the Brahmans, therefore, taking away their image, placed it in the Deorai Peenth, and the temple was pulled down, and the foundations of a new Musjid raised on the site, agreeably to a plan of the Mosque, built by Alí Adil Sháh, at Bejapoor, and brought from thence.
As, however, the regulation of the kingdom, the chastisement of the rebellious, such as the people of Koorg, the Mahrattas and the Poligars were the first objects in the mind of the late Nawáb,— the work fell into delay for a time, but now, when from the blessing of God all these difficulties had been removed, the work was resumed.
The Sultán now divided the whole of the territory under his authority into three parts, each of which he distinguished by a different name; as for instance, the country on the coast was called the Souba Yum, (the sea); the cities and towns of the hilly and woody country, the Souba Turun;— and the open and level or champaign country, the Souba Ghubra (the earth). The chief officers of Purgunas also received the title of Asof. About this time also, round every city, town and fort, at the distance of one fursung, he erected a strong stockade with four gates, and to these he appointed vigilant guards, that no one without his authority and permission, and the signature or mark of the military governor should be permitted to pass in or out. By this restriction, therefore, the intercourse of foreign merchants and the commercial men of the country was entirely cut off; the reason of this was that the deceased Nawáb had collected Muhammadans from all countries, and had filled his kingdom with them contrary to its former state (when it was full of Hindoos). When these people, therefore, by the gifts, presents and liberality of the Nawáb and of the kind hearted Sultán became rich in gold and other valuables, they without leave or licence departed and returned to their own countries. These restrictions were intended, therefore, to prevent their doing so in future. In addition to this, the Sultán stockaded the frontier between the limit of his dominions and the districts of the Karnatic Payanghaut, from the boundaries of Dindigul and Kuroor, to the Ghaut or Mountains of Budweil, and the limits of Khumum, and twelve thousand foot soldiers were stationed along this stockade, as a cordon, in order to prevent any one from entering his dominions from the Payanghaut, or any one from quitting the Balu Ghaut for that quarter.
The silver coins and rupees called Imámi, having on one side the misra or line, “The religion of Ahmud enlightened the world from the victories of Hydur;”l and on the reverse the sentence, “He is the sole or only just King,”h were coined by his orders.
The institution of the Muhammadi year which is thirteen years more than, or exceeding that of the Hijri, it being reckoned from the conclusion of the prophet’s office, and the commencement of the duties of his mission (the office of prophet and that of a particular mission are considered distinct) being previously arranged and ready, was now made current throughout the whole extent of the Sultán’s dominions. In this year Gholám Alí Khán, Nuhnoo Mean and others, who in the year 1198, Hijri, were sent to the Sultán of Room (Constantinople), with presents, worthy of the two Sultáns, such as new muskets, fabricated in the Sultán’s arsenal, ten lakhs of rupees newly coined, valuable cloths, with gold and jewels, of great value, selected from all the departments of the state;n now returned from thence having fully obtained the objects of their mission, with a sword and shield, ornamented with jewels, and friendly and congratulatory letters from the Vuzírs or ministers of the foot of the Mussulman Throne, (the Sultán of Room is apparently considered the head of the Muhammadan powers or states)o and having presented themselves to the Sultán, they there detailed the circumstances of their mission, stating that the presents sent (to Constantinople) were all approved and accepted, but that among the warlike weapons none were so much esteemed and admired by the Sultán of Room as the rockets of which there were none in that country. The Sultán now, therefore, according to the suggestions of the Vuzírs of Room, and the advice of his faithful Amírs, collected all the treasures of the state, or rather assumed the pomp and splendour of royalty,p and directed the formation of a throne of gold, ornamented with jewels of great value in the shape of a tiger, a figure from the first most approved by the Sultán. English and French artisans, also of the greatest talents were assembled and constantly employed in casting metal or brass gunsq and the manufacture of muskets; they also made scissors, pen-knives, hour-glasses, pocket-knives with many blades, &c. so that in the course of a month, one gun and five or six muskets of the best kinds were completed. The Sultán’s manufactories were called Tara Mundulr and were established in four places, one in the Capital, another at Bangalore, the third at Chitul Droog, and the fourth at Nuggur; the chief part of the Sultán’s time was, however, spent in collecting and enlisting men for his horse and foot, but notwithstanding this, the Amírs and Kháns of old times, whom the late Nawáb had allured to his service from all cities and countries, at the expense of hundreds of thousands of pounds, were now all at once cast down from rank and power, and the honour of the Sultán’s confidence; and low bred, vulgar, young men were appointed in their places. The Karwan Bashiaun, that is the chief merchants and horse-dealers, &c. on account of low prices or the want of demand for their goods, abandoned trade and those persons who were willing to take up a musket and a pair of pistols were entered in the cavalry, and those who opposed this innovation were deprived of their rank and dismissed. As the confidence of the Sultán was chiefly placed in artillery and muskets, as the most efficient descriptions of arms, the brave men who excelled ats the handling of the sword and spear lost heart, and some cavalry officers were appointed and compelled to enlist men for the Jysh and Uskur horse and foot, who were ignorant of the rules and qualifications necessary for these divisions of the service, and consequently in a short time, confusion and ruin appeared in the fundamental regulations of the government and kingdom. About this time Kotubuddín Khán, Dowlut Zai, Alí Ruza, called Arkati, and Muhammad Ghiaus, companions and friends of the Sultán and his Amírs were despatched as embassadors to Hydurabád with valuaable presents and friendly letters, the object of which was to strengthen the foundations of concord and amity, and that each should aid and support the other in all territorial and fiscal measures, and also to strengthen these relations by the ties of kindred and marriage, purely with regard to the interests of Islám. When the embassadors were admitted to the honour of an audience by Nizám Alí Khán, they presented the cloths and valuable jewels, and in private and in a friendly manner, represented, that, to the enlightened mind of the Nizám, it must be evident that rank and greatness in this world did not possess the quality of duration, and that its pleasures were always in a state of change, or evanescence;t that it was known to all that the whole of the countries of the Dukkun and Telingana, was formerly in the powerful grasp of a fortunate man of the Bahmuni race, and that from the terror of the sword of that prince, the face of the territory of Islám was freed from the thorns and brambles of infidel opposition. At this time, therefore, that a Muhammadan Padishah or King should accord with and make friends of faithless infidels, and then cause them to lay violent hands on the territory and wealth of Mussulmans, and the helpless inhabitants to be burned with the fire of persecution, would certainly meet reprobation both from God and man, and moreover that this dishonourable conduct would be the cause of shame and retribution at the last day;— that it would be better, therefore, that the dust of enmity and revenge should be allayed by the pure water of peace and that the military and peaceable classes should not be disturbed, or their faith shaken for the enjoyment of pomp and state a few days; at best a very short time— that for the sake, of their country and religion they should fold up the carpet of enmity to each other, and strengthen the foundations of friendship and regard, by the rites of matrimonial connexion, that united in repelling and conquering the infidels, they might so use their best endeavours that the whole of the Mooslim population, the poor, the peasantry, and strangers might repose on the couch of safety and comfort, and pass their time in prayer for the long continuance of the reigns of the Kings of Islám. This address from the able and eloquent embassador, although it made him (the Nizám) smile like the full blown rose, yet, as the sentences of the letter included the mention of matrimonial connexion, he, excited by his folly, became angry and gave these joy dispensing words no place in his envious mind, and considering the term Náík which belonged to the Sultán’s forefathers as discreditable, and relationship with him a disgrace, according to the advice of his foolish women, he turned his face aside from the true path and dismissed the Eelchi, or embassador, without the attainment of his object. A detail of the disputes and quarrels which occurred at the time when Kotubuddín Khán returned is not entered in this book.
It is not to be omitted here, that the Nizám entertained this vain and absurd opinion, that except himself, no one of the princes of the Dukkun was of noble lineage, and on his own nobility and greatness he gave himself these airs,— did he not know that the term Náík in the language of the Rajas of Hind, signifies a chief of courage and renown? and even omitting this, the Náíkwar tribe is not distinct from the four tribes;u— that they should be considered low and vulgar. In truth in his birth the Sultán was not in any wise inferior to the others, (that is the Nizám and his family;) he was not born of a low woman, and as for his claim to consideration on the score of wealth, grandeur, state and power, he had a long and powerful arm, and in courage and ability he was unequalled. Some ignorant men who deny the respectability of the surname of his ancestors, have fallen into a great error. Do they not know that the power of the Almighty, the truly and only powerful, is infinite? that he can select any one he pleases and make him great in both worlds, and in this lower world can exalt him to the highest pinnacle of rank and station. It appears as if they knew nothing of the History of Timúr Gorkan Sáhib Kiran (Tamerlane), from whom the powerful dynasty of the emperors of Hind is derived; what was his origin, and what did he become!— It appears also, as if they had never heard of Hussein Kango the first of the Sultáns of the Bhamunia dynasty, and who was styled Hussein Sháh Bhamani, and of whom it is related, that after his death the blazing lightning passed round the enclosure or precinct, (or rather performed the Towwáfx) of his tomb, the marks of the passage of which still remain, and who he was? Good God is it possible that on the strength of worldly power and distinction, low fellows boast of their noble descent and men of the dregs of the people, falsely claim to be Shaíkhs and Syuds, (the noblest families or tribes among the Mussulmans) and consider no one equal to themselves!— Verse— “Low birth is hidden by wealth and station.”— “The golden veil conceals the ugliness of the old courtesan.”
The march of the Sultán and his army towards Kalikote, and an account of the attack of Koochi Bundur (Cochin), and the dependencies of the Raja of Maliwar,y and the defeat and heavy loss sustained by the victorious army from the mistakes or errors of the guides, and the second attack and conquest of that port,— occurrences of the year 1205, Hijri.— A. D. 1790.
THE conquering Sultán, giving no attention to the tales of the envious and interested, had just completed some private arrangements, when his spies brought intelligence that the Naimars of Kalikote, had placed the foot of insubordination in the path of presumption, and that they had determined to rebel; that Urshud Beg Khán, the Governor or Foujdár of that district, although he exerted himself to compose or pacify them, and by presents of turbans and shelahs,z (ornamental apparel) strove to gain their hearts:— still the infidels were unsettled and restless. The Sultán at hearing of these things ordered the immediate attendance of the Foujdár, and a certain number of the chiefs of the Naimars. The former according to the Sultán’s orders made himself ready to attend; but the Naimars under excuses of to-day and to-morrow refused. At this time a spy, an interested man and a dire enemy to the Foujdár before mentioned, represented to the Sultán, that he, the Naimars, and the Raja of Maliwar, had united in heart and hand, and that he was sacrificing the interests of the Sultán for his own emolument and advantage. In consequence of this, the Sultán with his Amírs and court, four Kushoons, three Mowkubs or regiments of horse, and his artillery, marched towards that quarter, secretly determined to extirpate the rebellious infidels. They, therefore, at the march of the Sultán, being much alarmed and fearful of the destruction of themselves and families, dispersed among the woody and mountainous parts of the country. The Foujdár, however, advanced immediately to meet the Sultán, and having presented himself, was addressed by the Sultán in the following angry words;— “You were appointed to the government or regulation of this district,— what have you done?— You were ordered, moreover, by every art and device to make the Poligar of Maliwar obedient and tributary, and having collected his Paishkush to despatch it to the presence,— this also has not been done.” The Foujdár in reply represented, “Your slave was so entirely occupied in the subjection of, or keeping in order the Naimars of this quarter, that he had no leisure to employ himself in any thing else,— that independently of this, the Poligar was tributary to the Souba of the Karnatic, and, therefore, he was not likely to be deceived by any arts or devices of his; that, if the Sultán would give orders, he would proceed with a body of troops, and after reducing him compel him to pay tribute.” The Sultán replied to this, “that it was evident he, the Foujdár, could never keep the country in proper order and subjection,” and he was accordingly dismissed from his office, and Mahtab Khán, Bukhshi, was appointed in his place. The Sultán then returned to his capital and took up his temporary residence in the Durya Dowlut Baugh, or garden. The displaced Foujdár of Kalikote took up his quarters in the Tukia, (the residence of religious men, probably from fear of his life) of Kadir Wuli, Pír Zada, and after a short time resigned the loan of his life to the Creator who gave it in the same place, and agreeably to the orders of the Sultán was buried in the Lal Baugh. Mahtab Khán Bukhshi, notwithstanding that he treated the inhabitants of that country with great kindness, forwarded them assurances of safety and invited them to come to him; still the benighted heathens gave no credit to his professions, and at the instigation of the people of Koochi Bundur (Cochin) raised the head of rebellion in every quarter, and prepared themselves for their defence.
The Sultán, also, no sooner became acquainted with these circumstances than he marched with his army by the route of Suttigal and Korical to Kalikote, and appointed a detachment of his troops to ravage the country of his enemies, and they accordingly lighted up the fire of oppression in all the towns and villages in that neighbourhood.— Verses,— “When they marched into that country, they committed many cruel acts,” they lighted up such a fire of plunder, “that at once they burned up every thing it contained.” “From the hoofs of their horses, the mountains and plains,”— “were all trodden to dust,” “and even from the rocks, trees, and stones,” “deep sighs arose, and wailing.” After the whole country had been swept by the besom of devastation, and when a host of the refractory and rebellious had been carried away by the whirlwind of desolation, those who remained being subdued, placed the ringa of servitude in the ear of their lives, and with their hands tied together submitted. During this time, a party of Kuzzaks had spread themselves over the districts of Maliwar and Trichinopoly, and had pillaged and burned many towns of those districts. The collector of revenue at Trichinopoly, therefore, addressed a petition to the Sultán, stating that between the government of the English company Buhadúr, and that of the Khodádád, the foundations of peace, and amity, were firmly established,— but, that at the present time certain Kuzzaks, ignorant men, had plundered the towns depending on that Souba (Trichinopoly), and that it was their intention to pluck up the root of the tree of friendship planted in the hearts of the two governments, and that it was indispensable they should be punished. In the reply, the Sultán wrote him that his troops would never plunder in any country without his orders, and that it apparently must have been the Poligars of the collector’s own districts:— that they (the Poligars) had been looking for an opportunity like the present, and they had presumed, therefore, to do the mischief; that he, the Sultán, was occupied in the regulation of his own territory, and the punishment of the refractory. In short, a month after the subjection of the country had been effected, the Sultán having acquired sufficient information from his messengers and spies respecting the Port of Cochin, he with the whole of his army marched thither.
The people of Cochin being aware of the Sultan’s approach and intention, raised three or four batteries, (seemingly those of Cranganore and Ayakotta,) on the banks of the different rivers, and surrounded them with deep ditches, and remained ready for battle, occupying the road with a very strong body of archers and musketeers;— at nightfall of the dayb on which he arrived (apparently), the Sultán ordered his troops to assault and take the batteries, and they, with honourable emulation and the greatest bravery, took them, and the Sultán immediately moved on to a place where two rivers crossed the road, and where the enemy had built a wall across the road of the ford, and had stationed themselves to defend it. The passage of the tide also above and where the water of the sea flowed into the river, was blocked up by a mound, so that the water was stopped in its passage, and the bed of the river became dry. But, although several of the Sultan’s confidential servants, such as Turbeut Alí Khán, and others, took the liberty to represent that in front the road was bad and intersected by the beds of deep rivers, and that a night expedition was not safe, and God forbid that the enemy should gain an advantage and the Ghazies be defeated; still their advice was disregarded and the representation of no one met with approval, and the Sultán getting into his Pálkí with two Risalas, and two thousand regular horse, proceeded onwards forthwith, dark as it was. The Sultán’s faithful soldiers now at one assault with their swords and muskets, drove the enemy before them and by the help of ropes and ladders, scaled and took the first works, and as the enemy lost the power of resistance and fled before the Mussulmans, towards the fort, the Sultán halted where he was, and ordered his Hurkuras (messengers) to bring up the Kushoons and artillery. As soon as these arrived, two Kushoons forming the advanced guard, being in all points prepared for action, were ordered on, and the remainder of the Kushoons kept in reserve;— when at about daybreak all of a sudden the treacherous enemy finding this the critical moment for them to obtain the victory, cut down the mound, which (as before mentioned) they had raised above in order to stop out the sea, and the tide rushing in with great violence filled up the rivers to the brim, and the road of succour and assistance to the advanced division of the Sultán’s troops was cut off.
In this time the enemy attacked the Sultán’s troops on all sides with arrows and musketry, and caused incalculable distress and confusion among them, and, however vigorously they strove to repel their infidel assailants it was of no avail, and they were overwhelmed with all kinds of evil and calamity, but notwithstanding all this, three or four hundred brave horsemen, men of good families, gave substantial proofs of their valour, and were all killed and wounded in front of the Sultán. At this time Kumruddín Khán, who was present with the Sultán, by adjurations and entreaties falling at his feet, took him out of his Pálkí, and by the strong exertion of loyalty and fidelity, caused him to be carried through the water to the opposite side of the river, and then constrained him to turn his steps towards his camp. But of those present in that battle not one man ever returned safe to the presence. The Sultán’s Pálkí with its bed, the great seal of the exchequer and a dagger were taken by the infidels.
Some report that the Sultán’s turban was in the Pálkí, but it is a great mistake, for the Sultán’s turban at that time was upon his fortunatec head, and the coloured turban which fell into the hands of the enemy belonged to one of his footmen, who ran before the Pálkí, and who was accidentally killed by an arrow, or a musket ball, and his turban falling near the Pálkí, the benighted infidels thought it was the Sultán’s, and placed it in the Pálkí:— In short the Sultán and Kumruddín Khán escaped out of the whirlpool of their fortunes, and the rest of the Kháns, such as Turbeut Alí Khán, Muhammad Omr, Urzbegi, and, Sayeed Khán the Durogha of the treasury, &c. were never after heard of.
The Sultán’s anger at this untoward event was excessive, but having caused his drums to beat for victory (as if he had gained one) he directed bridges of wood, cut down from the Jungle to be made, and having by their means crossed the rivers, he brought upon his enemies a resemblance to the days of judgment small and great.
The Sipahdárs and Mowkubdárs, now, according to their orders, attacked the enemy from different points to the extent or along a front of three miles, and with their keen swords, relieved the shoulders of all the infidels they met (man or boy) from the weight of their heads.d
As the power of resistance had now quitted the heathens, they, fearing the might and greatness of the Sultán and his army, fled to Maliwar, abandoning both their country and wealth. The victorious Sultán, therefore, now entered the walls of the port of Cochin, and took possession of every particle of the property remaining therein, as the arms, stores, guns, &c. A nutmeg tree also, which was growing in the fort, he took up with the roots, and having wrapped it in rice straw, despatched it with the greatest care to Seringaputtun, and it was there planted in the Lal Bagh, or garden;— it did not, however, thrive, but soon died.
An account of the advance of an army under the command of General Meadows to the aid of the Raja of Maliwar, and the battles fought between the English army and that of the Sultán;— the death of Boorhanuddín Sipahsalar, who was slain near the Fort of Sutti Mungul, the march of the Royal Standard towards the Payanghaut, and an account of the different victories gained about that time, 1205, Hijri.— A. D. 1790.
WHEN the conquering Sultán had completed the conquest of this country (Cochin, or Travancore,) he demanded tribute from the Poligar of Maliwar, and despatched a body of Kuzzaks to plunder and take possession of that woody country. The Poligar, therefore, trembling like a reed from fear of the Sultán’s sharp sword, now sought aid and redress from the Governor of Madras and General Meadows was appointed to oppose the Sultán, the destroyer of his enemies, and advanced to Nuthur Nuggur (Trichinopoly).
From that place, however, with the aid of the Poligar of Maliwar, who had assembled his army and was ready for action, he next marched forward by the route of Karoor to attack the Sultán. Accordingly, in the vicinity of Koimbetore and Sutti Mungal, he fell in with the advanced guard of the conquering army, and a sharp action followed, and from the clangour of the drums and trumpets, and the roar of the discharges of musketry, rockets, and cannon, the clamour of the day of resurrection arose from both armies, and the Kuzzaks having surrounded the followers of the British army in the forest of Dindigul, after killing and wounding many, took prisoners some of the soldiers with their women, muskets, and baggage, the latter tied in bundles on their heads. Among these were some Muhammadan women, who from want of shame and the fear of an hereafter, had gone aside from their religion, and had given up their impure bodies to the lust of men of other religions, (this refers to Europeans, I believe,) and they according to the orders of the Sultán were impaled. On this day, however, the troops of both armies after repelling the charges made by each other remained on equal terms, and in the evening the General taking up ground at the foot of the mountains encamped there.
The army of the Sultan, however, surrounded the General’s troops closely, and harassed them continually, by driving in their foraging parties, and stopping their supplies. The next day, the General marched on and took the small fort of Sutti Mungul (from which the Sultán had previously withdrawn the garrison), and left two battalions there under the command of Major (Chalmers, or) Chambers. He halted at this place a short time, and then marched towards Koimbetore, at which place at that time the Sultán himself was encamped;— at hearing this news the Sultán, at the presumption of the general, was much excited, and with the whole of his army marched to meet him, and having taken up his ground for a regular field engagement, remained ready for action. On that day, however, the general did not advance, but encamped on the banks of the river Bhowani;e during this a body of English troops, which had been assembled at Seoram at first under the command of Colonel Kelly, lost its commanding officer, who died, and Colonel Maxwell, who had lately arrived from Bengal with five battalions of Native infantry, and a thousand Europeans, was appointed to command in his place, and with the subsidiary troops of the Poligars, that is the Poligars of Kalistri, Vinkutgiri, &c. advanced by the route of Rai Vellore, and Amboor Gurh, towards Koimbetore, and on the route leaving small garrisons in Wanumbari and Tripatore, marched to the Ghaut, or pass of Tuppoor. The Sultán on being made acquainted with this movement, detached Syud Sáhib, Sipahsalar, to arrest the progress of that body of troops, and he himself followed with the same intention, and marched in the direction of Dhurumpoori. The aforesaid Sipahsalar, however, had no sooner made a forced march with his division, than the Colonel (Maxwell), who was marching on the road to Dhurumpoori, suddenly countermarched and retired towards Gugungurh. Syud Ghuffar, therefore, with his Kuzzaks preceding the army moved on, and near that place fell in with and attacked the advanced guard of the English force, and cut them off, taking prisoners one hundred and fifty troopers and two hundred infantry.
The Colonel, therefore, on that day, kept the woody and hilly ground, and on the next marched towards Kauveri Puttun; when, however, he saw the Sultán’s troops surrounding him on all sides, he kept close to the hilly country and marched in the direction of the Ghaut of Tippoor, and General Meadows proceeding by forced marches to join him, the two officers met at the foot of the Ghaut near Kaveripoor. At the period, however, of the junction of these officers, the faithful servants of the Sultán brought up their Kushoons between them, and displaying great bravery, obtained many advantages. The English officers also with their troops charged the victorious army and fought desperately until the Sultán himself, with his Assud Illáhi Kushoons, (or brigades) and artillery, vigorously attacked their rear and reduced them to such straights as left them no means or mode of escape.
The General, therefore, formed his army into a square, and taking his cattle and followers into the centre, marched by the route of Marpaich again towards Suttimungul:— in short, after the space of two or three months, in which the two armies had been continually doing all they could to distress and destroy each other; the supplies and provisions of the English army were exhausted, and the days of scarcity shewed their faces,— the hope of further convoys of provisions or stores from any quarter now having vanished, the general with all his troops marched towards Trichinopoly. The victorious army, however, stopped his progress in the plain of Suttimungul, and so surrounded and so vigorously attacked him, that most of the officers (apparently the English), the lovers of justice and candour, expressed their astonishment at their valour. The keen sword and musket of the brave Mussulmans destroyed many of the infidels, and it went very near that a total defeat and dispersion had fallen upon that army, when night came on and the veil of darkness fell before the faces of the fearless combatants, and both armies drew back their hands from the fight, and the General conceiving that day’s march had been as difficult as if it had been on the tail of a serpent (alluding seemingly to the name of the road Marpaich, but there is some difference in the MSS. here,) halted where he was for the night.
When the Turk, or king of day, (the sun) marched with his army of light from the plains of the east towards the west, (in allusion apparently to the original country of the Turks,) the General marched forward,— he, however, left all his heavy baggage on the ground, and the Kuzzak horse and the Kushoons again were put in motion, and they surrounded him, and commenced the action like true and faithful soldiers; when, as fate decreed, Boorhanuddín the Sipahsalar, who commanded the advanced guard of the victorious army, proceeded in front of the whole on horseback to examine the face of the field of battle, and to find ground qualified, or convenient for a cavalry charge. It happened, that in front of him was a dry bed of a river, in which some English soldiers were stationed in ambush, and these seeing horsemen near them, fired a volley at them, and a ball from one of their unlucky muskets entered his valiant forehead, and he died, and his soul sped to its eternal abode. The troops with him now retired, and laying his body in a pálkí, and proceeding to the presence, reported the circumstances of his death. The Sultán, who had a tender heart, at the death of that strong arm of his prosperity, was much grieved; nay, so afflicted, that he shed many tears, and, therefore, on that day he restrained his troops from fighting any more, and however much the Sipahdárs and other officers desired that they might receive orders to attack and charge, and by that means decide the fortune of the day, still, no orders came, and they rubbed the hands of grief one upon the other. In this time the General (Meadows) perceiving that his enemies were timid and slow, marched on without delay, and entered the Fort of Trichinopoly. The Sultán now consigned the troops of Boorhanuddín Khán to Kumruddín Khán, and detached him to take the Fort of Suttimungul, while he himself turned the direction of his standards towards the Payanghaut and encamped in the neighbourhood of Turwur Paleh, and from thence detached his cavalry to plunder and destroy the towns (dependencies) of Trichinopoly and those of Tanjore. The Genetal now halted where he was for sometime, and then by the route of the sea-shore retired with his troops to Madras. The Sultán, the destroyer of his enemies, now followed this army and arrived at Jingee and Purmokul Gurh. In the mean time Kumruddín Khán, as soon as he had taken leave of the Sultán, immediately commenced the siege of the little fort of Suttimungul, attacking it on all sides (it should be Koimbetore, according to Colonel Marriott) and after battering and destroying the walls prepared for the assault. Before, however, the victorious troops could take the fort by that mode of attack, the officer in command there, who was much distressed for want of ammunition, provisions, and water, despatched a messenger to the Khán, and made terms of peace, and after the sanction of agreements and covenants the fort was delivered up to the agents of the Sultán, and the Khán, having made over the fort to the charge of the Asof of Sulaumubád, himself with his prisoners, returned to the presence. In result, orders were issued that the officers with Major Chalmers should be placed in confinement, and sent to Seringaputtun, and that his Sipahees should be incorporated in the Sultán’s Kushoons, and this was accordingly done.
As soon as the General had arrived at Madras, the Sultán detached several large bodies of troops from his army to plunder and take possession of different parts of the country, and accordingly Kumruddín Khán was sent to take the Hill Fort of Purmokul Gurh, the walls of which had formerly been battered down, but had lately been replaced by fortifications of earth, and an officer who had in former time been taken prisoner by the late Nawáb with two hundred men, was appointed to command there. Kumruddín, therefore, according to orders with his own division of troops marched thither, and thousands of the poor inhabitants and peasantry of the neighbourhood, relying in the strength of the English garrison, having sought refuge on the hill were plundered and destroyed. The cause was this, that immediately on the arrival of the Sultán’s troops, the officer commanding in the fort frightened at their great numbers, and recollecting his former perils and hardships, under pretence of a violent headache, took to his chamber and left the defence of the fort to the Soubadárs and other officers, and they seeing from the want of order and arrangement in the store and provision departments, that there was no chance of successfully defending the fort, agreeably to the wishes of their officer, peaceably surrendered it. The whole of the people, therefore, who had sought refuge there were placed in confinement, and at that time Kishen Rao, the Mutsuddi, or clerk of the Sultán’s treasury, arriving, he exacted the sum of ten thousand rupees from these poor people, and then released them. The officer and garrison of Purmokul, were also allowed to proceed to Madras.
An account of the arrival from Bengal of the Governor-General, Earl Cornwallis, Bahadúr,— the Commander-in-Chief of the English army, and his confederacy with Nizám Alí Khán, and the Mahrattas. Also, the march of the confederates to attack on all sides, and root up the power of the Khodádád (the Kingdom of Mysore,) and the conquest of the Forts and Towns of the Balaghaut. Also, the Battles fought between the army of the Sultán and those of the confederates with other events of the year, 1206, Hijri.— A. D. 1791.
THE maritime intelligence department of the English government now reported to the Commander-in-Chief of their army, the march of the Sultán to the country of the Karnatic Payanghaut, that the whole of the province had been swept by the tempest of desolation;— that the troops of the victorious army had occupied it on all sides, and that General Meadows, after some exertions, from the want of provisions and other stores, being without resource, had returned to Madras;— that if the enemy were not soon expelled, there was great danger of a general rebellion in that country, and that it would then quickly pass out of the hands of the English government.
About this time, also, Aboo Kasim Khán, called also Mír i Alum, the embassador of Nizám Alí Khán, who had been sent to Bengal previously, by the policy of Mushír ul Moolk,f the prime Minister of the chief of Hydurabád, to stimulate and incite the Commander-in-chief of the English army to the destruction of the Khodádád state, finding every thing favourable to his views, exerted himself to the utmost, and the Commander-in-chief, or rather the Governor-general wrote to the Nizám of Hydurabád, and the Chief of Poona (the Paishwa) recommending their conquering, and then dividing amongst them, the whole of the Balaghaut provinces, and then despatched orders to prepare military equipment, and collect troops to the Governor, &c. of Madras;— he himself making preparations at the same time.
The Nizám and Mahrattas who were looking out for an invitation to seize and plunder the wealth and territory of those who had no friends to assist them, in conformity to the suggestion of the Governor-general, with one accord assembled their troops and made all necessary preparations for war. The English officers too, in collecting their stores and munitions of war, each being separately appointed to his work, made all things ready with great labour, and Colonel Read, the Darogha of the intelligence department, who was appointed to the command of Amboor Gurh, with great address, and by the liberal distribution of money, sweet words, and kind actions, brought over to his side the whole of the Poligars of the Balaghaut, who from the oppression and cruelty of the late Nawáb, and the tyrannical character of the Sultán had abandoned their own country, and had sought refuge in the towns of the Karnatic Payanghaut; such as the Poligar of Gungoondi Pala; the sons of Bhyreh Koor, the Poligar of Chuk Balapoor, Pud Naír, the Poligar of Vinkut Giri Kote, who was residing at Charkul; Shunk Rayel, or Rawul, the Chief of Punganoor, and besides these, the Poligars of Khut Koomnír, Mudun Pulli, Anikul, Oonkus Giri, Cheel Náík, &c. all being dispossessed of their lands, received written assurances of protection, and were despatched to their own districts on condition they should collect and forward supplies of forage and provisions to the English army; and they also received authority to retake or recover (by any means) their own districts and Talookas;— and, notwithstanding the severe restrictions in the Balaghaut, where without passes from the heads of districts, a man was not permitted to go from one town to another, he Colonel Read, obtained maps of the whole of the country, by sending clever spies and able moonshis at great expense, dressed as merchants into that country, and by their agency or mediation, also, several chiefs and officers of the Sirkar Khodádád, having been brought over to his interest, he sat waiting the arrival of the Governor-general, and although a certain Syud Imám, previously private intelligencer to Colonel Read, who was residing at the capital (Puttun) had obtained employment in the Sultan’s service; still, he wrote and despatched correct intelligence on all subjects, continually to Colonel Read, and he also had assembled a number of traitors to his aid; when all at once the dish of his detection and shame appeared from beneath the blanket, (in allusion to some Persian custom, or game, apparently,) for his treachery by reason of some correction he had given to a boy, his servant, or slave, was published to the world; and at length certain of the Sultán’s faithful servants seized him and his boy, and brought them before the presence, and detailed all the circumstances of his treachery; this doomed man, therefore, fell under the heavy displeasure of the Sultán, and he was asked by him, what have you been doing?— “If you tell the truth you may by that means save your life for a time.” In these difficulties this foolish man made up a story with truth and falsehood intermixed, and wrote the names of several officers who had leagued with him in his treachery, and presented them to the Sultán, and according to this list of names, fifteen persons, such as Lall Khán Bukhshi of Punganore; Mír Nuzzur Alí, Mokubdár, and his brother, and Ismael Khán Risaldár, &c. were seized and given over in charge to the executioner, and after the proof or establishment of the secret intelligence writer’s guilt (Islám Khán’s) the Sultán asked him, “how he who had eaten his salt could have acted so treacherously, and what punishment he thought such conduct deserved?” The culprit, however, returned no answer, and the Sultán then said, “send this gentlemang with the rest of his companions;” and he was also put to death.
Another person also, named Imám Uddín, a news writer, who had been employed in the same work and who resided at Kolar and Nundi Gurh, hearing this news at night, fled from that place to Kurumpaut, depending on Sautgurh. Still, however, notwithstanding the disclosure of all this treachery, and the execution of his hired dependants, Colonel Read did not abstain from his intrigues and projects. As soon as intelligence, that the troops, provisions, and stores were all ready, reached the Governor-General, he immediately with five thousand Bengal Sipahees, and two thousand Europeans, embarked on board ship and sailed to Madras, and after remaining there a month, he marched, accompanied by twenty-four regiments of Native Infantry; six thousand Europeans, and three thousand regular cavalry, and with great discipline and order, arrived at Rai Vellore, en route to the conquest of the Balaghaut.
In the meantime, the Sultán while he remained encamped near Turwadi, had entered into some negotiation with the French of Pondicherri for aid and support when his spies brought him intelligigence of the march of the Governor-General. In consequence, therefore, of this report, Muhammad Khán Bukhshi was detached with a large body of troops, and marched by the route of the Chunguma Ghaut to Tripatoor,— the fort of which was garrisoned by one hundred English Sipahees, commanded by an European officer, and three hundred foot, belonging to the Poligar of Kalistri, under the command of Ankupa Naír. This fort, therefore, Muhammad Khán closely surrounded, and thus endeavoured to block up the road of escape to the garrison. The officer in the fort and the Naír, however, after counting the stars all night, before sunrise next morning, evacuated the fort and took the road to Amboor Gurh. Muhammad Khán’s horse, however followed them close, and fell in with them near the foot of the hills of Jowadi Pala, and at one charge defeated them.
The officer and the Naír were taken prisoners, and the horse returned. At this time, Nizám Alí Khán, with forty thousand horse and twenty thousand foot, accompanied by his most trusty Amírs, and his sons Alijah, and Sekundur Jah, marched from Hydurabád and encamped at Pankul, and he thence despatched his Amírs with a large force in advance to conquer the possessions of the Sultán. The Commander-in-chief of the English army had effected the passage of his army by the Ghaut, or pass of Moglievinkut Giri, and had posted detachments in the towns of Morewakul,h Kolar and Huskote, and marching on had arrived at Kishen Rajpoor, which is three kose from Bangalore;— when the Sultán receiving intelligence of his progress, made a forced march to stop him.
It is not to be omitted here, that when the French heard of the movements of the English army, and the plunder and ravage of the Payanghaut; from their extreme regard and friendship for the Sultán, they were very unwilling that any injury should be sustained by his army;— they, therefore, determined to send him a thousand men of their nation to assist him, that in all his measures they might be ready to serve under his orders;— some, however, of the Sultán’s servants, upon whose advice he placed the greatest reliance, with the view of manifesting their loyalty, represented that the throne and crown of that sun of the constellation of kingly power and greatness, (i. e. the Sultán) would rise and culminate without the countenance or assistance of others, and that the conquering Sultán did not in any way require the aid of French troops:i— that, moreover, it was proper to consider to whom these troops had ever been faithful, and what prince with their assistance had been supported and established?— By these specious arguments, they so effectually influenced the Sultán, that he rejected the offer of assistance from the French, and with his own troops only, marched to repel his powerful enemies, and the same night detached his Kuzzaks and rocketeers to surround and fire into the camp of the English army, while he himself proceeded to Bangalore. The Kuzzaks, therefore, remained all night attacking, or sniping and throwing rockets into the English camp, until the morning when the English Commander-in-chief, (Lord Cornwallis), without taking much notice of them, marched on and left a place full of fear and danger, and that day encamped at Hussoor, and the next day again marched to the north eastward, and encamped at the distance of one fursung from the town of Bangalore.
The Sultán now, therefore, appointed Syud Humíd Sipahdár with his Kushoon to the charge of the second or lower fort, and Muhammad Khán Bukhshi before mentioned, and a certain Buhadúr Khán, who had previously been Foujdár of Kishingiri was appointed governor of the upper fort or citadel, and Shaikh Oonsur was sent with him.
The Sultán then marched on to the vicinity of Tunkri, where he determined to encamp, and directed his victorious standards to be planted there;— neither the Sultán’s tents nor those of any others, however, were yet pitched, most of the horse were scattered in search of forage, and only three or four Kushoons of the Jysh and Ussud Illahi infantry, and two or three thousand stable horse (household troops) remained with the Sultán, when Colonel Floy (Floyd) with the whole of the English regular cavalry advanced and charged into the Sultán’s camp, and all at once arrived in front of the Tope Khána or park of artillery. The artillery and the officers of the Kushoons, however, now immediately formed up and arrested their progress, and with their guns and muskets soon quelled their pride and insolence, and compelled them to retreat quickly.
It happened also that the colonel abovementioned was struck with a musket ball in the throat and the wound depriving him of the power of speech,k the other officers commanding regiments, not being able to continue the engagement, turned their faces from the field of battle. The brave horse now pursued and attacked them, with the greatest vigour with sword and spear, and four hundred English troopers with their horses were taken prisoners;— the remainder spared by the sword, fled, rising and falling to the main body of the army. The next day Colonel Moorhousel and General Meadows with a strong body of troops attacked the town (the Pettah of Bangalore) and after the sacrifice of thousands of men on both sides, and after an attack of six hours, the town was with great gallantry taken, and so large a quantity of spoil, such as gold, jewels, &c. fell into the hands of the captors, that penury and want were thenceforward discharged or struck off from the muster roll of the English army. The colonel before mentioned (Moorhouse) was killed by wounds from musket balls during the storm. After this, the English collected the materials for their operations such as fascines, stockades, &c. round the town and commenced raising batteries, and for fourteen days they battered the fort continually.
During this time, however, Kumr uddín Khán, agreeably to the Sultán’s orders, with his own division of troops, remained in the vicinity of Busoon Gori to render all the assistance he could to the besieged. When, however, the walls of the fort were battered down, the Sultán became very anxious and fearful for the result, and therefore gave orders that the fort should be evacuated; Kishn Rao accordingly was sent there and he brought away all the property of the state, such as the guns, the money, &c. with the store and other departments; and they were despatched to Seringaputtun, leaving only one Kushoon and two thousand irregular troops, (Ahshám) with their artillery in the fort. It was, therefore, determined by the advice of certain of the Sultán’s counsellors, that the defence of the fort, should be left to Monsieur Lally, and that Kumr uddín Khán and Syud Sáhib with a strong force should be appointed to make a demonstration against the English army, while the Sultán himself should march to arrest the progress of the Moghuls (the Nizám’s troops) and the Mahrattas. In pursuance of this arrangement the French officer (Lally) actually marched, and had arrived at the tank or reservoirm of the canal, when Kishn Rao, and some other traitors becoming acquainted with this plan gave a hint to the English Hurkaras, who were always about them habited as their own servants, and they immediately apprised the guards in the trenches that now the time had arrived to make an assault and take the fort. Kishn Rao after this left the fort, and at the bank of the tank above mentioned, meeting Monsieur Lally, took him by the hand and kept him in conversation about trifles, while the officers in the trenches as soon as they received the information before mentioned, immediately got their troops in readiness and a little after midnight, all at once made their attack. Syud Humíd the Sipahdár and the Killadárs (commanders of the garrison) according to the directions of the traitor Kishn Rao, had allowed their men who were all prepared to defend the fort, to go to their quarters and cook their victuals, and, therefore, except a few sentinels, no one remained at their posts, but notwithstanding their helpless condition they boldly advanced to repel their assailants, and drove them back from the chain of the gate. The Europeans, however, having been quickly supplied with the wine, (or rather spirituous liquor), which inspires courage, returned to the charge, and by the time the brave garrison had assembled, they had stormed and mounted the walls and towers. The Syud being without his men and seeing he could not maintain his ground, escaped and joined the army. The two Killadárs with forty or fifty of their men planting their feet manfully at the gate, were there slain, as was Shaíkh Boodhun Risaladár, after giving manifold proofs of his courage and fidelity. Shaíkh Oonsur Sipahdár and the Náíkwars (the Naírs or Hindu chiefs) and soldiers of the fort were taken prisoners. The fort, therefore, was captured and the garrison with their women and children, and their money and property of all kinds fell into the possession of the English soldiers, and the women were given up to violation.n Although at the time of the assault the Sultán mounted his horse, and with his troops stood ready to engage the enemy; still, he restrained his hand from shedding the blood of God’s people, and although the Khán above-mentioned (Kumruddín) and Syud Sáhib often requested orders to charge the English troops, the Sultán replied that the time would come by and by, for that the favorable opportunity had passed, and that they were on no account to allow their men to fall into disorder. The next morning the Sultán marched on, and placing the jungul or forest of Makri in his rear, encamped there. In short, after three or four days, the Commander-in-Chief of the English army appointed a garrison of two or three thousand native infantry and six hundred Europeans to the charge of the fort, and leaving there part of the stores of his army, marched by the route of Yuloonka to cover and take into his possession the supplies of provisions and cattle, which the Poligars of the north, such as the chiefs of Chuk Balapoor, Punganoor, Khut Komnere and Muddun Pulli had collected according to their engagements, and who with great gallantry had dispossessed the Sultán’s officers some by fair, and some by foul means of the forts, towns and villages, which had been previously their hereditary possessions, and were now enjoying themselves in their success without fear or restraint. Although in the neighbourhood of the place above mentioned, Kumr uddín Khán with a large force had possession, or command of the roads, and laboured hard to obstruct and defeat the English, and that the Kuzzaks also constantly hung on the rear of their army, and put to confusion and dispersed their followers, and cattle, plundering them of property to a great amount, and also, that the troops in general, in repelling their enemies used every exertion;— still, the days of conquest did not come to the Sultán’s aid, but hid themselves from his sight.
The Commander-in-Chief of the English army that day halted on the same ground; the next day he moved on to the neighbourhood of Yousufabad, otherwise called Dewun Hulli, where he encamped, and having despatched an officer with a party of men to the fort, and having brought over the officer commanding there to surrender without resistance, he took possession of the fort, and divided the stores of grain and other articles among his own men. After the lapse of two days the Commander-in-Chief again marched and encamped near Balapoor Khoord, but the officer in charge of the fort there, agreeably to the Sultán’s orders evacuated the fort before the arrival of the English army and with all the infantry, Náíkwars, and stores, retired to the Hill Fort of Nundi and consequently the advanced guard of the English took possession of the fort without opposition, and the stores and provisions that were lying about fell into their hands. The Commander-in-Chief here taking pity on the misfortunes of Ram Swamy Koor, to whom the possession of that district belonged in hereditary right, made it over to him with the fort, and its dependencies, on condition that he paid yearly a tribute of one lakh of rupees. He then marched on towards Ambajee Droog and as after a very long time his (Ram Swamy’s) good fortune had favoured him and the capital of his district fell into his hands, at a fortunate moment he entered the fort, and after repairing and making arrangements for its security, he left there six hundred foot under his own followers and strengthening it with stores and artillery proceeded to Tulkai Goonda, a town or fort seated in the midst of a dense jungle. The conquering Sultán now ordered Ancupa Naír and the English officers, who had been taken prisoners at the fort of Tripatoor, to be delivered over to the executioners, and Jogi Pundit the nephew of Achna Pundit the Náíb of the Souba of Arkat, who during the reign of the Sultán, had been advanced to high dignity and had received the title of Raja Ramchundur, and was also appointed Serishtadár of the whole of the Talookas of Bangalore, but who from his evil destiny, had not acted in conformity to the orders of the Sultán, but had leagued with the enemy, was put to death in company with the Poligars of Hurpun Hully, and Rai Droog, who had been imprisoned, and were executed because for some days the fire of the Sultán’s wrath burned fiercely, at the bare mention of the names of the Poligars. Kishn Rao was at this time sent to take charge of the capital (Seringaputtun), and to despatch money for the payment of the troops, while the Sultán himself with the army and its departments marched in pursuit of the English army to Balapoor Khoord. The splendour of the Sultán’s standard, however, no sooner shone on that fort, than the garrison with great folly beat to arms and sounded their trumpets on the ramparts, at the same time howling and barking like a pack of hounds. The Sultán, therefore, determined to punish them, and ordered his brave troops to the assault, and they with ladders and ropes soon escaladed the walls and conquered their enemies, for although the garrison with one heart and hand giving up all care for their lives, fought so desperately that two thousand Ghazies bit the dust, they were at length subdued, and gave their heads and breasts as an oblation to the sword and spear, and three hundred foot soldiers who were taken alive, according to the orders of the Sultán for an example to others, had their hands and feet cut off, or broken with saws and hatchets by his executioners and they were then left on the ground. In a moment, therefore, the clamour of the day of judgment arose from these unfortunate men, and after this (most unjust and cruel act) the Sultán marched from that place and encamped in the neighbourhood of Sulket.
The Commander-in-Chief of the English army, Lord Cornwallis, in the mean time had taken the fort of Ambajee Droog from the Killadár Muhammad Khán Boorka, and had razed the works to the ground, and after that encamped there two or three days. The Poligars who have been before mentioned in this period, forwarded provisions and cattle to the English camp, and received great praise and reward for their service. The Sipahsalar or Commander-in-Chief of the English, then marched on and encamped near the fort of Murg Mulla, when Assud Alí Khán and Bhar Mul, the Dewán of Mushír ul Moolk, with five thousand horse, entered the English camp, and the next day they marched from that place by the road of Chintumani and Morwakul to Vinkut Giri Pala. The brave and powerful Sultán with his victorious army had at this time turned the head of his generous steed towards the English army with the intention to attack it, when a jasoos, or spy dressed in a suit of mourning arrived, sent by his mother from Seringaputtun, and this man in private informed the Sultán that the villain Kishn Rao conspiring with some other traitors, had so concerted and arranged that probably by this time a sedition had broken out in the capital, or would soon break out, the repression of which it would not be very easy to accomplish,— he having followed the path of the rejectedo Khundi Rao, and had sent for a large body of English troops from Bombay, and that the Queen, (the Sultán’s wife), had given up all hope or care of her life,— at hearing this intelligence the Sultán despatched Syud Sáhib with a body of troops to provide for the security and order of his capital.
An account of the reduction to order and obedience of the Capital, and the merited punishment of the Traitor Kishn Rao, with the arrival of the Sultán there.— Also, the Invasion and ravage of the Mussulman Territory (Mysore) by the Moghuls and Mahrattas, with other events of the same year 1206, Hijri.— A. D. 1791.
WHEN Syud Sáhib received orders to depart, he
proceeded forthwith by the route of the Makri
Jungul and Rai Droog, and arrived at the capital of
the Sultán, Seringaputtun, at mid-night, and placed
his encampment on this side the river, while he
himself with a few friends, and four or five hundred
horse advanced to the gate of the fort, and before
the appearance of the first light of the morning,
called out to the guard at the gate to open it. As it
happened, that Assud Khán Risaldár and other loyal
subjects of the Sultán had been appointed to the
charge of this gate, they pleased at the arrival of
the Syud, opened the wickets, and he entered, and
having stationed parties of his horse over different
departments of the state, he proceeded to pay his
respects to the Sultán’s mother, and she seated
herself in the Hall of audience. At this time the
commander of the troops at the capital, who was
deeply implicated in the treason of the Brahman,
finding his secret disclosed to the world, immediately
repaired to the Syud, and boasting of his
own fidelity and loyalty, and condemning the folly
and treason of the Brahman, persisted in demanding
that he should be imprisoned. The Syud, therefore,
despatched a Chobedárp
to summon Kishn Rao, to
the Hall of audience or Durbar, and, as he, being
aware of his danger, returned for answer, that it was
unusual and unreasonable the Syud should send him
orders, that he had nothing to do with him:— his
answer confirming the suspicion before entertained
of his treachery, the Syud ordered the persons present
to proceed to his house and seize him, and
they forcing their way into his house and breaking
open the door of his apartment, which he had
bolted, or secured in the inside, they with their
swords and muskets put him to death, and threw
his body into the drain of the bazaar, and his house
was plundered, and the property found in it carried
to the treasury. During the last moments, however,
of this fiend, he said,— “I have lighted up a
fire, which as long as the Sultán lives will not be
extinguished:”— this, alas, was but too true. His
wife who was beautiful, faithful, and virtuous, of her
own accord, despatched a message to the Queen,
(
But to return,— the Sultán after the departure of Syud Sáhib, appointed Kumr uddín Khán to command a body of ten thousand horse, that he should take every opportunity to attack and harass the army and baggage of the strangers, while he himself marched towards his capital to restore order there. The General in Chief of the English in the course of three days, despatched all his Bunjaras and Lemauns,r and his hired cattle to Amboor Gurh, and sending for all articles of necessity, such as stores of grain, bread, artillery, and ammunition, he marched by the route of Beed Mungul, and Maloor, to Bangalore. The Sultán’s Commander-in-chief marching towards the English army, gave orders to his Kuzzaks to disguise themselves so as to appear like the troops of the Nizám, and attack the rear guard of the enemy, which was composed of the Moghul or Nizám’s horse, and two regiments of English cavalry, and they like hungry lions among sleeping deer, fell on them and entirely defeated them, taking five thousand bullocks laden with grain, and two hundred Moghul horse. In short, every day the Sillahdárs, Kuzzaks, Afghans, and Dukkanees, threw themselves like as the moth throws himself on the candle, on the pickets, and advanced parties of the two armies (the English and Moghul), and multitudes of men became the food of the unsparing sword, spear and musket, and the route of communication, and the passage of supplies to the enemy were completely shut and blocked up, so indeed that night or day, no one could quit their camp,— and as during the course of this contention and warfare, by God’s assistance, from the exceeding bravery of the soldiers of the victorious army, great fear fell on the minds of the enemy, the pride and insolence in which they had indulged, because the Sultán did not oppose them in person, was now changed to fear and trembling, and they became timid, doubtful and suspicious.
We have now arrived at the point where it is necessary to describe the movements of Nizám Alí Khán and the Mahrattas. The chief of Hydurabád selected the town of Pangul for his fixed encampment, and despatched his Amírs to conquer the Sultán’s territory, and accordingly Mullik Eesau, Khán Meeran, Yar Jung, with his division of troops marched, and after the labours of some months, took the forts of Gunjee Kota, Tar Puttri, Tar Meeri, &c., and Háfiz Furíd uddín Khán, entitled Moyud ud Dowla, with a large force marched towards Gooti, and Kotub uddín Khán Dowlat Zai, the Foujdár of that district with his body of troops opposed him; on the first day, however, fortune did not befriend him, and he was obliged to retreat. The second day he formed up his men in front of the enemy and displayed great courage, but at that very time he was ordered to attend the Sultán, and, therefore, he marched with his troops to Seringaputtun. Háfiz, when he saw it was beyond the power of his followers to take the Hill Fort of Fyze Hissar, otherwise Gooti, levelled every thing in that district with the dust, and then returned and encamped at Kirpa, and after a short time, with little trouble took the town of Kirpa, and the fort of Sadhoot, and next with four thousand horse and five thousand foot, and eight or nine guns, he commenced the siege of Gooram Konda, and occupied himself day and night in endeavours to take the fort, but although he made several assaults and forwarded lying letters to (persons of) the garrison, still, the commanders of the hill and lower forts did not allow doubt or fear to enter their minds, but with different kinds of fire arms (shells, rockets, &c.) and the constant discharge of cannon and musketry, they blackened the face of the courage of their adversaries.
The Chiefs of the Mahrattas, during this time having taken leave of the Paishwa, proceeded to take possession of the forts of the Mysore territory contiguous to their frontier, and accordingly Purusram, the Chief of Mirch, took some forts and towns in his neighbourhood:— some by force and some by intimidation and capitulation, and annexed them to his own district. Budruzzumán Khán the Sáhib Soubah of the fort of Dharwar, having strengthened that fort by the collection of stores of provisions, arms, and ammunition, was besieged, and for eight or nine months did justice to his station (the Killadári) and his courage, but when his ammunition and provisions began to fail, he being without resource, made a regular capitulation and surrendering the fort to his enemies, he was made prisoner by the Mahrattas, with two thousand men;s— he, however, with his party was confined in one place, but at length his base enemy (the Paishwa) from the wickedness of his disposition, ordered his servants to put the Khán in irons, and send him to Poona; when the Khán heard of these orders he recited the Lahowlt on the violated faith of the agreements made by these scoundrels, and giving up all hope of preserving his life, he bravely with his companions retired fighting as he went towards Nuggur.u The Mahrattas in the meantime, in number like ants and locusts, crowded round his party and attacked them on all sides with musket and sword, and notwithstanding all the brave soldiers of the Sultán could do in their defence, they were overpowered, and after destroying thousands of the infidels, the Khán being wounded, was made prisoner, and he was put in irons, and confined on the Hill of Nurgoonda, and his followers were all trodden under the hoofs of the Mahratta horse. The whole of the towns and villages of that part of the country, therefore fell into the possession of the soldiers of the Mahratta army. Hurri Punt Phurkia, also, after taking possession of different parts of the country, advancing by the route of Hurpun Hulli, placed a man named Shoom Shunker, the Poligar of that district, (who was in attendance on him as an Omeidwar, or volunteer,) on the Musnud of his hereditary possessions. He next reduced the Souba of Sura under his authority. The Chief of Mirch Purusram, after having captured and garrisoned the forts of Dharwar, Angola, Murjan, Sanore, &c. marched to Chituldroog, and sending the terms of capitulation to Dowlut Khán, (the Killadár) engaged if he would join him and give up the fort, that no injury should be done to him or his property, and that a jageer of four lakhs of rupees should be conferred on him:— this faithful servant, however, being then occupied in planning how he should destroy his enemies, affected to accept these conditions, and in reply sent word that at night he himself would visit the Mahratta, and in his presence make the necessary arrangements according to his wishes. Purusram was delighted with this answer and remained in expectation of the visit. When night arrived, however, the Sultán’s faithful servant with two risalas of the Assud Illahees and one thousand irregular foot, quitting the fort with a determination to penetrate to Purusram’s tent and there do the best he could, marched into their camp.
When he had arrived in the centre of the camp, one of the soldiers being drunk fired off his musket, but, although, Dowlat Khán in the first burst of his anger ordered him to be put to death; still, the report of the musket roused the whole of the Mahrattas and they got themselves in readiness to receive their enemy. Dowlat Khán now, therefore, stretched forth the arm of courage, and with his keen sword, cut and slashed the garment of life off the bravest of the Hindoo soldiers, and prostrated multitudes of them on the field of death, and at length the whole of the enemy’s troops were scattered and dispersed, and they with their officers took the road to Sura, and the brave Dowlat Khán by his enterprize and valour thus conquered his enemies, and with all the baggage of their army, the tents, arms, accoutrements and some horses with saddles and trappings returned victorious to his quarters. The chief of Mirch now marched from Sura and arrived at Mudgiri, and appointed a certain Mahdoo, his sister’s son to take the fort of Mudgiri, while he himself with supplies of provisions and cattle marched to join the English army,— during this time the Commander-in-Chief of the English, in the space of fifteen or twenty days, having put his army in order, (restored their materiel,) marched towards Seringaputtun by the route of Burdi and Chen Puttun, but the infantry of the Commander-in-Chief of the Sultán’s army who were posted in ambush in the forest of Makri, during the dark nights gained many signal advantages over the army of the enemy, and every night captured five or six hundred Bunjaras, (men who carry corn about for sale,) with their bullocks laden with corn, and returned after cutting off the noses and ears of the men, and whoever brought in a nose, received a hoon or a pagoda (as a reward,) any one who brought in an ear, received a purtab (or half a pagoda,) for every bullock with his load, five rupees; and for every horse two hoons were given:— Every day, therefore, the Kuzzaks attacked the enemy in front and in rear, and exceedingly harassed and distressed their soldiers, often threw the followers into confusion, and almost all their bullocks laden with grain and stores were driven off and taken by them, and to that height was this harassing warfare carried on, that when the English army arrived in the neighbourhood of Kurri Khet, (or as it is usually written Karighat,) there were no provisions or stores left in that army. It happened also that this was the rainy season and the water of the River Kauveri rushed down its bed with the greatest violence,— before the arrival of the English army, however, the Sultán had raised four or five batteries in front to oppose their passage and had armed them with musketry and guns, and the brave Sipahdárs according to orders with their men, took up their stations in each to defend them.
This was no sooner done than the Commander-in-Chief of the English (Lord Cornwallis) before daybreak in the morning advanced and attacked the batteries, and took two of them in the most gallant manner. General Meadows also with a large body of troops made a fierce assault on the Hill of Karighat. The Sipahdár commanding there, however, whose name was Syud Humíd, poured forth from the top of the hill such vollies of musketry and such a fire from his guns, that from the shock, the assailants were completely scattered and notwithstanding the exertions they made to take the hill, obtained no advantage, and after the destruction of thousands of their men they were obliged to retire:— at this period two regiments of Europeans marched to attack the encampment of Hussein Khán Khulíl Sipahdár, which was pitched between the hill and the fort (of Seringaputtun). The brave Hussein Khán kept up a heavy fire from his guns until they arrived near, when he left his guns in the rear and formed line in front of the enemy, planting his feet firmly on the ground of his honour and duty, and in fighting and repelling his enemies he nobly distinguished himself:— Verses,— “Behold on each side men keen for the fight,”— “their talons sharp for bloodshed.”— “With the blood spilled, so much life passed into the earth,” (from the bodies of the slain) “that the earth itself received life.”— “On both sides the battle was long sustained,”— “the knots of contention were not unravelled.” In short with the fiery musket, the bayonet, spear, and sword, he did justice to his courage and character, and the Khán Khulíl being wounded was at length taken prisoner by the enemy.
His men also, with the pride and devotion of Islám, after fighting bravely, one after another drank the cup of martyrdom. But to return;— for fifteen or twenty days the Commander-in-Chief of the English army was sedulously occupied in watering the river bed of his labour,x and schemed and devised numberless modes of taking the Fort of Seringaputtun, but it was all in vain, and he became more and more involved in difficulties, and to increase them still further, ensued the total want of provisions, the cries of famine, arising from all parts of his camp; and in addition, to the total deficiency of wood and forage, a seer (a measure weighing a little more than a pound) of rice, was sold nominally at the price of four rupees, but no one ever saw a grain, and three rupees was the price of a seer of flour of Khush Khushí-Soork’h, that is Raggee, (a small grain growing in the south of India). The price of a seer of clarified butter was eight rupees, and a hoon was also paid for a chicken, but even at that price they were not procurable. The Europeans could not support this scarcity of food, and therefore, according to the orders of their officers the gun bullocks were killed and their flesh served to sustain their strength for some time,— when, however, the Commander-in-Chief saw the signs of impending ruin in his army, and heard of the plunder of a large convoy coming from Malabar under a strong escort and which was captured by the Kuzzaks of Gházi Khán Bede, and the Sillahdárs of Syud Sáhib; the escort put to the sword, and the stores, &c. all converted to the service of the Sultán; he fell into deep thought and reflection, and after the assembly and sanction of a council of war, he determined to take care of himself and his army, and to that end buried all his guns in the earth, and burned their carriages, and next shot all his weak or useless horses, and then marched on his return by the route of Kurri Koort.
The Sultán when he became aware of this movement, determined to pass a joke on the Commander-in-Chief, and therefore, despatched five or six benghis or baskets of fruit under the escort of a party of rocket men, addressed to the Governor-General’sy Persian Secretary:— some of the officers of the English army understanding the joke, or the inference to be drawn therefrom, sent the fruit bearers back with a present and an answer to the effect that their Persian writer was not then present with the army. In short the Commander-in-Chief marched with the greatest difficulty, and the light guns which were indispensable to the army, were dragged along the road by the soldiers, and every day from day-light to the evening, they marched only about four miles, and although at witnessing the miserable state of their army, some of the Sultán’s faithful Amírs and Kháns represented to him that this was the time to attack them, and that if he would give orders they would pursue the English army, and cast the stone of dispersion and defeat among them, and by their prowess bring them with their hands and feet bound before him; still, his foresight and intelligence did not perceive any advantages in separating his brave army from himself, and, therefore, he would not consent to it. The Sipahsalar of the English, therefore, moved on gently without molestation or fear towards Ootridroog, the Killadár of which hill fort, seeing the multitudes of troops brought against him, suffered his courage to ooze out at his fingers’ ends, and with the keys of the fort went to meet the Commander-in-Chief, who received him with great favour, and found a large quantity of stores and a great number of cattle there, of which having taken possession, he gave some relief to his suffering army. In fact three goats might be purchased for one rupee in their bazaar, and the famished people of his camp, being unable to support the pangs of hunger oppressing them, subsisted entirely on the flesh of goats and bullocks, and this diet gave them a flux or dysentery, and many died;— they could not, however, obtain any kind of grain,— the Sipahsalar, or General, therefore, after encamping there two days and procuring some bullocks to draw his guns, marched towards Sondah Kupeh, where he arrived after a month’s march,z (a mistake here apparently) and where Purusram joined him with stores and provisions, and the English army was relieved by him from the miseries of famine, for the Mahratta sent his own Bunjaras to the English camp, and they opening their stores of grain by his orders, in one day caused such a change in the state of affairs, that two seers of rice were sold to all for one rupee, and four or five seers of jowara for the same amount, and consequently half the scarcity was removed when Colonel Read, who had arrived at Bangalore with an immense supply of stores and provisions, despatched thence abundance of grain of all kinds, carts of arrack and bread, with fowls, ducks, geese, sheep and cattle, and for this he was highly complimented by the Commander-in-Chief, who in reward for his good and faithful service, appointed him to the collectorship of the revenue at Bangalore, Huskote, Kolar, Moorwakul and Hussoor, with the political agency of the Poligars of that part of the country.
The Commander-in-Chief after this, commissioned and despatched several officers with strong bodies of troops to take the forts of Makri Droog, and Nundi Gurh, and in consequence Colonel Gowdie with three battalions of native infantry and one regiment of Europeans, besieged Nundi Gurh and battered it on all sides. Colonel Read also marched from Kolar with six hundred Sipahees to attack the same fort, and he doubtless used the utmost exertion in its capture, for notwithstanding he received a musket ball in his thigh, he took it in eighteen days. On the night of the assault, however, General Meadows went down to the trenches or breaching battery and promised the Europeans that all the plunder they took should be free; and likewise all the women who fell into their hands,— (for by the mis-management of Lootf Alí Beg, the Bukhshi there, a great number of men and women were allowed to be shut up in the fort), the General then gave orders for the assault. The storming party immediately moved off, and at one attack mounted and covered the hill, and took the fort, and fearlessly possessed themselves of the property and women of the garrison,— thousands of women, therefore, were violated,b some of them to preserve their virtue and religion threw themselves from the top of the hill down a precipice to the bottom, and thus sacrificed their lives to preserve their honour. The Bukhshi before mentioned and Sultán Khán, the Killadár of the fort, were made prisoners. The fort of Makri Droog was also taken by capitulation after a siege of three days.
An account of the arrival of Sikundur Jah and Foulad Jung the son of Nizám Alí Khán with Mushír ul Moolk, and a large army from the vicinity of Pankul in the camp of the English Commander-in-Chief, and the defeat of the troops besieging Mudgiri by the eldest son of Tipú, Prince Futteh Hydur; also, the death of Hafiz Furíd uddín Khán, styled Moyud ud dowla who was slain in the vicinity of Gurum Koonda— the advance also, a second time of the Commander-in-Chief of the English army to Seringaputtun, the arrival of the Mahratta Chief with his army, and the conclusion of peace between the English and the Sultán according to the views or instructions of the two confederates, (the Mahrattas and the Nizám) with other events of the year 1207, Hijri.— A. D. 1792.
AFTER the return of the English Sipahsalar (Lord Cornwallis) unsuccessful from Seringaputtun, the Sultán with his usual prudence and foresight, as soon as the River Kauveri became fordable, despatched his eldest son Prince Futteh Hydurc with a large body of troops, and pay for one year, to the besieged garrison of Gurum Koonda, who had to that period manfully resisted their enemies. As soon, therefore, as the prince received his orders from the Sultán, he marched by the route of Turri Gira towards the Souba of Sura, and keeping his troops under cover of the jungles or forests of Gulwari and Bookaputtun, encamped his troops there, while he himself, with a small detachment (that is the Jánbáz horse) selected from the whole army and taking with him the money, marched lightly equipped towards Gurum Koonda. Hafiz Furíd uddín, the commander of the besieging party, being aware of Futteh Hydur’s advance, prepared for action and left his batteries to meet him, when all at once the brave young prince with his Jánbáz horse, fell in with and charged him so vigorously and effectually, that after but little fighting he separated the head of Hafiz from his body and it was stuck on a spear’s head, and the whole of his followers, being totally defeated and dispersed, fled to Kirpa. The troops manning the batteries and the trenches now abandoning their property, with their lives only, took the road to the desert of annihilation.
The conquering prince, therefore, took possession of the baggage of the defeated party, with their tents and standards, and sent them into the fort,— he next burned the materials of the batteries, and then having made over the money for the payment of the garrison to the commanding officer in the fort, and exhorted him to defend himself strenuously, took his receipt and marched towards the fort of Mudgiri. Sekundur Jah and Mushír (ul Moolk) with twenty-five thousand horse and thirty thousand foot had about this time encamped at Moorsun Pilly and Ulumbari, which towns are about sixteen or seventeen kose from Gurum Koonda, but on hearing this intelligence, being in some alarm, they sought the cover of the hills and jungle of Sankul Pala. The brave prince, therefore, marched by night from his encampment to attack the besiegers of Mudgiri, who were Mahratta troops, and on his arrival there, raised the confusion of the day of judgment among them, and cutting off the head of the Mahratta officer who commanded there, returned victorious to the presence.
At this time also, Kumruddín Khán was commissioned to collect grain, cattle and other necessaries, and was sent to Nuggur. After the lapse of about a week, the Hydurabád or Moghul chiefs, with their army marching by the route of Bangalore, joined the English Commander-in-Chief, at or near Khán-Khán-Hulli. During this time also, General Meadows after the capture of the hill fort of Nundi Gurh, with a strong force marched towards the Barh Mahl district, with an intention to take the fort of Kishingiri, and assaulting the town at night, captured it, and gave it up to plunder. The troops then ascending the mountain, reached the gate of the fort, when the garrison being aroused, came forward to repel them, and crowding to the walls poured forth such a fire of guns, musketry, rockets and shells that they put them to flight, and not satisfied with that, courageously pursued them and put the greater part to the sword. The General, therefore, marched back and joined the grand army. Colonel Gowdie, with his division of troops after the capture of Nundi Gurh, marching by the route of Bangalore and Hussoor, first subdued the hearts of the Killadárs of Rai Kote with but little trouble, and by shewing them a sum of money and firing a few shots at the fort, it was surrendered, and having left a garrison in it he returned. But to proceed,— as soon as the rainy season was over, the Sipahsalar (Lord Cornwallis) with the army of the Nizám of Hydurabád again marched to attempt the capture of the City of Seringaputtun, and by long stages by the route of Chinaputtun and Ootridroog arrived there, and encamped near Kurri Gooreh one day, and then leaving the Hydurabád army in the rear and placing some infantry in charge of the small fort of Kurri Gooreh, the General passed through the defile of the hills of Hurroor and still moving on at midnight fell on the batteries, which by the treachery of the Sultán’s imbecile ministers had been left without defenders, and took possession of them and keeping up a heavy cannonade advanced towards the Sultán’s camp. The Sultán, who with his army had encamped on this side of the river (Kauveri), and whose spies, scouts, and intelligencers had given him no information of the advance of the enemy, was completely deceived and as he had no time or opportunity to oppose them, ordered his musketeers and archers to file off to the rear, and retire to the city and place it in the best order of defence, while he himself mounted his horse and with a few faithful servants turned his face to the field of battle. From the darkness of the night, however, the troops fell into disorder and not being able to distinguish friend from foe, fought among themselves.
In this confusion Imán Khán and Mír Muhammad, Sipahdárs, with their regiments arrested the advance of the enemy and performed their duty right manfully, and to the extent of their means drove the dark vapours of pride out of the heads of their opponents, but they were at length both slain.
During this time, General Meadows with the greatest gallantry advanced, and at one assault took possession of the walls of the city, or rather suburb of Ganjam, and the Lal Baugh, which were defended by a deep ditch and strong towers. The loss of these by the neglect of Mehdi Khán, the Sáhib Dewán, left a great chasm in the foundations of the kingdom, for it happened on that night that the whole of the garrison of the fort above-mentioned, without the orders of the Sultán, were sent for under pretence of distributing their pay, and stationed before the gate of the fort of Seringaputtun, and the walls and towers being left entirely bare of defenders, the General was victorious.
As soon as this intelligence reached the Sultán, he, with the whole of his army, retired into the city, and appointed two Risalás, or regiments of Assud Illáhi Infantry,d (himself asking or entreating their aid) to recover the batteries which had been taken that night by the English.
As soon, therefore, as the morning dawned, these regiments marched to attack the batteries and advanced to the foot of the ramparts. It happened, however, that the Sipahsalar of the English army, was himself present in the battery, and his men consequently remained firm and drove back the storming party, and although they repeated their assaults again and again, victory refused to shew them her lovely face, and most of the Jánbáz,e or bravest men sacrificed their lives in these unavailing attacks.
The Sultán’s troops (the Assud Illáhis), therefore, returned to the city. The valiant Sultán, now strengthened all sides of the fort of Seringaputtun with guns, mortars and every description of firearms, and stationed his brave troops in all parts of the works, and with exceeding confidence and a truly royal spirit gave orders that his tents and canopies made of European velvet, the silks of Khotun and China, and the embroidered or brocaded cloth of Constantinople, should be raised on every one of the towers of Seringaputtun, and the most beautiul Bayaderes, or dancing women, and the best singers,p and musicians being assembled were employed day and night in dancing, singing, and all kinds of pleasure and merriment. The whole of the cavalry was sent towards Mysore, and two days after this Purusram and Hurri Punt, with their troops arrived and encamped in the neighbourhood of Char Kooli and Foulad Jung, and Mushír, also with their army encamped on the Mooti Talaub or great Tank.
No sooner did it become evident to all present, that the siege was likely to be protracted to a great length, and the war not likely to be easily brought to a close, except by the sacrifice of multitudes of lives, the fortitude and courage of the Sultán being well known to all, than the three confederated powers each separately in his own place sought the means of making peace. The Sipahsalar of the English army, in the meantime, raised a battery south of the fort, on the side of Gunjam, and another to the east of the fort on this side the river, and held all in readiness for the attack. At this period, however, the Sultán also unwilling to continue at enmity and war with the three powerful states, by the advice, or at the instance of some of his wise and faithful servants, despatched Vakeels or ambassadors to the English Commander-in-chief and to the Mahrattas, with valuable presents, and they shaking the chain of friendship and unionf fulfilled their office, and made known their commission. The Sipahsalar (Lord Cornwallis) was delighted with the friendly propositions of the Sultán, and determined to accept them. General Meadows was, however, of a different opinion, and did not give them a willing ear, and, after much dispute and contention, he received permission from the Commander-in-chief to attack the battery at Somar-Peeth, which might indeed be called the nose of the fort of Seringaputtun, and of which the intrepid Syud Ghuffar the Sipahdár, had charge. He accordingly attacked it, and that brave man, Syud Ghuffar, planting his feet firmly in the field of manhood, immediately grappled with his adversaries;— for he advanced and met them in the field, and with the sword, musket, and bayonet, so vigorously repulsed them, that he drove the ball of victory before him with the Chowkang of valour, and the storming party not having power to stand against him retired.
After about two hours, however, while the Sultan’s troops were occupied in cooking their dinners, and had discharged all fear of their enemies from their minds, the brave English, finding an opportunity again, all at once made a furious assault, and with but little trouble dispersed the Sultán’s troops and took possession of the place.h This was, however, no sooner known, than Syud Humíd and Fazil Khán, Sipahdárs, with their troops, arrived to the aid of the defeated Sipahdár (Syud Ghuffar) and together attacking the battery vigorously, they by main force retook it, and again occupied their station in it;— but by this time two thousand English soldiers had measured their length on the field of blood, and those who escaped the sword returned to their army. On this day, General Meadows on returning to his tent, loaded a pistol and fired it off on himself:— the ball, however, did not wound him mortally, but passed through the skin of his abdomen, and he had taken up another pistol (to put an end to himself), when Colonel Malcolm, the Adjutant-General, hearing the report, rushed into the tent, seized the pistol and despatched an account of what had happened to the Commander-in-Chief. Lord Cornwallis immediately visited the General in his tent, and taking him by the hand, returned thanks to God, that he was safe, and after consoling and comforting him with kind words said,— “at this precise period, peace is our best policy, for although taking the fort and making the Sultán a prisoner be easy, and allowing both the Sultán and fort fell into our hands, still, I am not satisfied respecting our confederates, who are sharers with us in all things; for in such a case what good will result to the Company’s Government?i— Indeed, after mature reflection, I am convinced this is the proper time to make peace,” and the General now agreed to the truth of these words.
But to proceed,— by the council and unanimous opinion of these confederated powers, the terms of agreement were arranged on the following basis, viz.— that the Sultán should cede territory to the amount of three krores of rupees and pay a similar amount in money;— that until the payment of the aforesaid money, one of the gates of Seringaputtun should be given up and remain in charge of the English troops, or otherwise, that the Sultán should send certain of his sons, as hostages for the satisfaction of the three confederated powers, to the Sipahsalar of the English army. The prudent and clear sighted Sultán, seeing the affairs of his kingdom ruined by the villany and neglect of his ungrateful and traitorous Amírs and Chiefs, of necessity was obliged to accept these terms, and the countries of the Barh Mahl, Suleem Atoorantgiri, Sankli Droog, Dindigul, Kalikote, &c., were surrendered to the English; and the whole of the districts of Kirpa, Tar Puttri, Tar Muri, and Bullari, were given up to Nizám Alí Khán, and all the country on the other side of the river Tungbhudra, was consigned to the Mahrattas, and one krore of rupees in money, with presents and dresses of honour was sent out to the confederates, and agreeably to the request of the English Commander-in-Chief, Mazuddín Sultán and Abd ul Khalik Sultán, the sons of the Sultán, under the guardianshipk of Gholaum Alí Khán, and Muhammud Ruza Khutíb, Arkati, were appointed embassadors, (hostages) and sent off to the General, and these wise and learned envoys, by fair and specious speeches and words of apology, cleared the royal road of friendship and peace from the dirt and rubbish of suspicion and enmity, and, having pleased the confederates with presents and offerings, caused their removal from the city of Seringaputtun.
The confederated Chiefs having, therefore, divided the before-mentioned sum of money between them, returned to their own countries. The Commander-in-Chief of the English army, also, with his princely embassadors, soon arrived at Madras, his attention and kindness to them continually increasing, and Colonel Doveton was appointed Mír Samani, that is, to conduct their household affairs and provide them with whatever might be required; (this office in Persian is called Mahmandari; it is here Mír Samani), and he entertained them with the respect and attention due to their rank. The English infantry now, therefore, were withdrawn from all parts, depending on the Sirkar Khodádád, and marched to take possession of the Barh Mahl, &c.— and proclamations of peace were made in all regions.
When the Sipahsalar before mentioned arrived at Madras, a palace in the fort was cleared for the reception of the embassadors, and they were lodged there, and all necessary things prepared for their accommodation; and their friends, servants, and teachers, had permission to go and come as they pleased, particularly Muhammud Khán Surajuddowla, (who had often written to the world-conquering Sultán, desiring to make peace with him, and join him), in this matter, (attention to the princes) was most earnest and persevering, and in kindness and courtesy, treated the princely embassadors of the Sultán with more respect than he did his own children, and was continually sending them dainties for the table, fruit of the rarest kinds, &c.
An account of the march of the Sultán’s troops to punish the refractory Poligars of the frontier, and of the internal regulation of the kingdom and departments, which had fallen into disorder and decay; also, the rebuilding or reconstruction of the Fort of Seringaputtun, events of the year 1207, Hijri.— A. D. 1792.
FROM the day that the three confederated chiefs returned successful to their own countries, the Sultán used his utmost endeavours to understand rightly the condition of his kingdom, and to ascertain the loyalty, and disloyalty of his chief civil and military servants, bankers, &c., and he, therefore, demanded from each of his collectors, Foujdárs, &c., an account of their receipts and disbursements, and from the context and connexion of these reports he became well informed, and assured that Mehdi Khán, his chief minister, in concert with several bankers of the Karnatic and other traitors, had placed his steps in the path of disloyalty and treason, and had desired that the fame and honour of his master and benefactor should be thrown to the winds of peculation and plunder, and that of this, the disordered condition of the finances and different departments of the State was an evident proof; as for instance, during the heat of an engagement, several guns by the direction of these villains had their muzzles stopped up with sand or clay. Accordingly, one by one, these wretches received the punishment due to their crimes. Their houses were plundered and the money obtained from them was forwarded to the embassadors to pay the instalments of the amount demanded by the confederates. The displaced Amír, however, that is to say Sadik,l the false and faithless, was restored to the Musnud of the Dewáni, or to the office of Secretary of State.— “Ah! the wolf was entrusted with the care of the sheep,”— that old wolf, therefore, whose heart, from the time at which he had been removed from office, was filled with the vapours of rancour and malice, seizing on this opportunity, accused most of the most faithful Amírs and Kháns of neglect and disaffection, and by arguments without reason, and proof without foundation, (as he well knew that as long as the Sultán had faithful servants his evil purposes and intentions could not be accomplished,) turned the Sultán’s mind against them and in conformity to his orders they were put to death.
During this period, certain asofs, and spies, reported to the Sultán, that to the northward of Seringaputtun, from every corner and every bush, rebels and robbers raised the head of pride and insolence, and had advanced the foot of rebellion towards the conquest of towns depending on Mysore, and without cause or consideration had bound up their loins to injure and distress God’s people, the subjects of that state:— as for instance, one of the chiefs of the infidels, named Vinkuti Kooreh, had strengthened the hill fort of Kooreh Bundah, and as is customary gave himself out as one of the children of the Poligar of Murkeisi, and had seized and held possession of the fort of Mudgiri, and also, that of Ruttun Giri, and that he was in readiness to defend himself. About this time also, Muhammud Khán the Asof of Chituldroog, and Dowlat Khán the Foujdár of that place, despatched an urzee (a letter) to the presence, representing that a strange man, whom some said was a connexion or relation of the Poligar Chiefs of Hurpunhully, had made himself known by the name of Buspa Náík, a man who had been formerly put to death,— that he gave himself the airs of a chief of rank, and had collected four thousand foot of the Bedur tribe, and had strengthened Hochungi Droog and the fort of Kootoor, depending on the Souba of Hurpunhully and sought aid from all quarters, (even as the writer of these lines has detailed in the Tuzkirut ul Bilad wul Ahkám in the eighth Ourung or Chapter.)
But to proceed;— at this the fire of the Sultán’s wrath flamed violently, and Syud Sáhib was appointed with a large force to punish the chiefs of the infidels in the vicinity of Goori Bundah, Mudgiri, &c. and Kumr uddín Khán was also despatched with a large division of troops to chastise the infidel of Hurpunhully.
The Khán had no sooner received his appointment from the Sultán than he departed, and by forced marches reached and surrounded the fort above mentioned, and with his guns and musketry threw the stone of defeat and dispersion among the garrison, and having stormed the fort took it by force of arms, and placing a detachment in that small fort marched towards Hochungi Droog. The chief before mentioned (Buspa Náík) with two thousand Bedurs (mountaineers apparently) was ready to meet him, having filled the hill fort with arms, ammunition and provisions, and indeed he exerted himself strenuously in repelling the attacks of the Sultán’s troops.
For seven months, therefore, he maintained his ground and opposed them valiantly, at length, however, the Khán’s anger being much excited by the brave and obstinate defence of the infidels, he ordered his troops to assault the fort, himself mounting his horse to direct the attack, and his victorious soldiers without giving any attention to the numbers of their enemies, (they were only two thousand he says a little before) advanced steadily to take revenge on them, and with the greatest intrepidity mounted the ramparts and towers, and soon sounded their trumpets and beat their drums in token of victory. The infidels also, advanced to meet them like men devoting themselves to death, and fought with such intrepidity that the Khán himself was wounded. But at length the besieged could no longer resist the blood-drinking swords of the Ghazies and they were dispersed in the desert of defeat,m and the infidel chief with four hundred men was taken prisoner. Shoom Shunkur the nephew of the slain Náík, Buspa, who by the assistance of the Mahrattas had seized a portion of the dependencies of Hurpunhully, and resided at Narayen Gir, hearing this news fled to the other or Mahratta side of the River Tungbhudra. The Khán, therefore, according to the orders of the Sultán for the sake of example, cut off the hands and feet of some of the prisoners, and the virile members of others and then let them go. The walls of the mountain and fort, &c. which had been the aid and refuge of the rebel infidels were razed to the foundations and he then returned. Bubur Jung, the Soubadár of that Souba, (Hurpunhully) who in the defection and contention of the troops had sought refuge in Chituldroog, after the disturbances were quelled returned to that country, and with his own troops recovered the towns of Anigoonda, and Kunukgiri, and having sent assurances of safety to Hurri Náík, the Poligar of Kunukgiri, invited him to meet him, and on his arrival gave him the Sunnud sanctioning his continuance in the Government of that Talooka, with an honorary dress, and an elephant, and thereby gained his heart; for the Poligar, now having his mind at ease, professed himself one of the slaves or rather servants of the Sultán, and became tributary and obedient.
Syud Sáhib in the course of two or three months, after some opposition recovered Goori Bundah, Mudgiri, and Ruttun Giri, from the hands of the rebels and, having cut off the noses and ears of some of the abject infidels, returned.
Syud Humíd, the Sipahdár, from his faithful and good services was honoured by the present of kettle drums, an elephant and howda, and also ennobled by the title of Nawáb, and he was then appointed to the Government of Nuggur.
In a very short time, however, his fortune declined, for he was taken sick and departed to the mansions of eternity. About this period also, the wife of the Sultán who on the arrival of the Allied Powers at Seringaputtun, by the concussion and shock of the battering gunsn was seized with a palpitation of the heart, her delicate frame being much shaken, in a few days departed to enjoy the gardens of Paradise, (the age of Mohi uddín Sultán being then five or six years,) the daughter of Syud Sáhib, therefore, according to the desire of the Queen Mother, the young lady being approved by the Sultán, was now selected to supply her place and was accordingly affianced to him.
It is not to be omitted here, that Kumr uddín Khán in the hope of obtaining in marriage the bright star of the constellation of royalty; that is to say, the sister of Futteh Hydur Sultán, had frequently in every service in which he had been engaged, nobly perilled his life, but as he was not a man of that rank or character to qualify him for such an honour, the Sultán united him in marriage with one of the daughters of the Nayut, (name not mentioned) and he Kumr uddín Khán being on all accounts hopeless, now became careless and indifferent in all matters of duty, and more than that, he secretly adopted the language of those chiefs envious of the prosperity of the Sultán, and was anxiously desiring and waiting the downfal of the State. But to return;— in a very short time by the exertions of the Sultán’s troops the heads of the rebels of that quarter were brought low, and some of the Poligars, when they saw and were convinced that opposition to the Sultán was like voluntarily placing the foot of ill luck into the net of destruction, being ashamed of their misconduct, apologised and asked forgiveness, and became tributary and obedient. The Poligar of Punganoor, through the mediation of the English Commander-in-Chief, by the payment of a lakh of rupees yearly, as horse-shoe money, obtained the sunnuds or grants of his own Talooka from the Sultán, and was allowed to remain in peace.
From this period the Sultán renouncing all punishment, such as beating, flogging, or displacing the officers of his Government; after much deliberation determined on exacting an oath from each of them, and, therefore, in the month of Zi Huj, the Asofs of the Talookas and Purgunas with the Governors and accountants were assembled in presence of the Sultán, and after prayers and reading the Khotba of the Eediddoha, all of them before the mimbur, or reading desk of the Mosque, each having the Korán on his head, took an oath that he would not fail in his duty to the Government, nor make any false charge nor embezzle the money collected and forwarded by him on account of the revenue; that he would not allow the poor or the peasantry to be oppressed in word or deed,— also, that they should pass their time in prayer, their regular and daily duties, and abstain from forbidden things. After the imposition of these oaths and engagements, every one received the presents given on dismissal; but notwithstanding all this, these faithless men after taking the oath as soon as they arrived at their own Purgunas, discharged all care of it from their minds, and committed crimes the bare mention of which must be avoided, and whatever unlawful things their wicked minds conceived or desired, those they accomplished.
Ah! these fools did not know to what degradation and misery the evil influence of these wicked actions, after breaking their oaths would reduce them:— God protect us from the like. As the Sultán had a great aversion to Brahmuns, Hindus and other tribes, he did not consider any but the people of Islám his friends, and, therefore, on all accounts his chief object was to promote and provide for them. He accordingly selected a number of Mussulmans who could scarcely read and write, and appointed them Mirzas of the treasury departments and placed one over each of the other accountants, to the end that the accounts might be submitted by them to him in the Persian language, and in the extent of his Dominions in every Purguna by his orders was placed an Asof,o and in the towns yielding a revenue of fivep thousand hoons or pagodas one Amil, (or collector) one Serishtadár, one Ameen, and one Mujmoodár; all Mussulmans, but, although the Sultán’s plans involved the displacement and ruin of the Brahmuns, such as the Desemookh,q Desepondeh and the Kanoongo, and all of that tribe were at once thrown out of office,— still, these people by sycophancy and their knowledge of business, and by intriguing with the Amils and Asofs were continued in their employment in revenue affairs as usual, without the knowledge of the Sultán, and the Asofs and Amils, relying on the ability of these Brahmuns in revenue arrangements, abandoned the duties of their offices and without fear or apprehension gave themselves up to pleasure, and passed their days and nights in witnessing dances and singing, and enjoying themselves in all ways, and the rapacious Brahmunsr in the mean time plundered all the Talookas at their discretion, giving half to the Asofs while they retained the other half for their private use. Although the Sultán heard all this from without (from his spies, I suppose), yet still keeping in view the oaths of these faithless men, he neither punished the offenders nor did he manifest anger at their misconduct.
The Sultán also built a Musjid in every town, and appointed a Muezzin, a Moula and a Kazi to each, and promoted the education and learning of the Mussulmans to the utmost of his power. He himself also spent his time in prayer, reading the Korán and counting the beads of his rosary:— as in a Kasideh written in his praise, some one said, “Even as he gained the stars and the heavens by the help or the blessing of his rosary.” “So by his sword, he conquered the world and the people of the world.” The man, however, who neglected his appointed prayers and the adulterer, he considered his personal enemies. When, therefore, for the sake of his religion, the Sultán withheld his hand from the duties of government, and conquest, and ceased to inquire into the actions and conduct of his agents and servants, every one in his place did as he pleased fearlessly, and without restraint. The old Kháns and faithful servants of the state were now cast down from confidence and power, and low men, and men without abilities were raised to high offices and dignities; men of rank, also, who had always been employed in the highest duties and services, were reduced to the lowest and humblest offices, for this reason, that it was the wish of the Sultán that every Mussulman should derive benefit, or reap all advantages from his kindness alone, in order that the lower classes of people should not despair of obtaining rank and office.s From this cause, however, it was that disorder and disaffection forced their way into the very foundations of the state, and at once the nobles and Kháns being alarmed and suspicious, became the instigators of treachery and rebellion; and the before-mentioned Amír (Mír Sádik), covered with kingly benefits, opened wide the doors of deceit and fraud on the highest and lowest servants of the state, until at length the reins of the government and the supreme direction of affairs, all fell into his hands, and his duties and rank rose higher and higher;— pride, however, now found its way into his empty head, and most of the questions relative to government and revenue he took into his own hands, and decided on them without asking the consent or pleasure of the Sultán. He also by his oppression and violence filled all parts of the kingdom with tumult and sedition, and regulated matters of the highest importance at his mere fancy and caprice;— he also, by reading charms, incantations, and by prayers for dominationt (for his necromancers burned half a maund of black pepper every day),u he so subjected the mind of the Sultán, that when he heard complaints against this villain from the mouths of his Amírs, he listened to them, but extinguishing the fire of his royal anger with the pure water of clemency and forbearance, he did not in any way discountenance or punish him, but on the contrary, still strove to raise him to the highest dignities, and threw the mantle of mercy and kindness over his crimes. The Mír, therefore, by the Sultán’s daily increasing favour, gained authority and power over all the forts and castles of Mysore, and treating the chief men of the kingdom with neglect and insolence, he allowed no one any share in the conduct or administration of public affairs;— he also, dispatched misplaced or unnecessary firmáns and orders to the different dependencies of the state,— and neglected to report to the Sultán the state of the different departments, the condition of the people, and the occurrences in the kingdom.
When some of the Sultán’s faithful officers saw this state of things they withdrew their tongues and hands from his service; but, to proceed, the Sultán now determined to rebuild the fort of Seringaputtun, after a new plan, and threw down the old walls and built towards the river two stone walls of great strength, with a deep ditch, towers, and curtain;— and to the south, four or five strong walls, so that the Durya Bagh, became included in the fourth fort. To the west also, he laid the foundations of four walls, or ramparts, of which two very strongly built were finished.
An account of the return of the Illustrious Embassadors (the Sultán’s sons) in the year 1208, Hijri, and the naming of the Kutcheries, or Brigades of Infantry, after the great and glorious names;x— also, the distinction and honours conferred on the Sultán’s Amírs, by the title of Mír Mírán. The preparation or formation of the throne of the kingdom, and the arrival of one of the Princes of Eeraun, or Persia, the cause of his coming being the enmity of the Amírs and Chief personages at his (Father’s) court.— An account also, of the marriage of the Sultán, and a detail of the events or occurrences in the kingdom, from the beginning of 1208, to the year 1212, Hijri.— A. D. 1793-1797.
AFTER the embassador princes had remained at Cheenaputtun or Madras a year and some months, and on both sides, that is, both on the part of the Sultán and British Government, the conditions of peace and friendship had been fully established and the amount agreed on, paid, they returned, and the Sultán then made a hunting and pleasure excursion to the environs of Dewun Hully, and there on an extensive plain he received the embassadors, his sons, and their enlightened tutors or guardians, and now entertained hopes of victory and success. Gholám Alí Khán and Alí Ruza Khutíb, however, from suspicion of disaffection, were placed in arrest, and the escort of the princes was dismissed with honours and royal presents.
A banquet was also given by the Sultán, at which every thing which could promote festivity and joy was provided, and every one of the Sultán’s Amírs, and his brave officers received his favours with increase of rank and pay.— Verses,— “He increased their rank and dignity.”— “His soldiers were delighted with his liberality.”— “They were all well pleased and satisfied:”— “and from the weight of his favours and benefits they were all bent down to the earth.” It was also in this expedition that the most distinguished of his officers were honoured with the title of Mír Mírán, and the Kutcheriesy (brigades, or divisions) were named or numbered after the Ismá il Hussena, the names of the most high, which are ninety-nine in number; as, for instance, the Iláhi Kutcheri was named the Rehman Kutcheri; the Ghuffar Kutcheri, the Ghuffoor, and so on, and the Sultán having made this new regulation, returned to his capital and appointed three or four thousand Sipahees to each Kutcheri, and abolished the name of Jysh,z calling them all Uskur.z It is not to be omitted here, that Syud Ghuffar, the faithful servant of the Sultán, was the first person distinguished by the title of Mír Mírán, and Muhammad Ruza, the son of Ibrahim Sáhib, the maternal uncle of the deceased Nawáb and the grandfather of Tipú Sultán,a also, raised the standard of Mír Mírán, and was also styled the Binky Nawáb. The cause of his being so named, was this;— on some former occasion, the Sultán had deputed him with a body of troops to quell disturbances raised by certain rebel Naímars, and by his bravery and good conduct, he having brought the signs of the last day on these misguided people, and having taken many of them prisoners, he shut them with their wives and children up in a house, and burned them alive (with the fire of example, or as a warning to others). He was, therefore, called by this name.b Khán Jehán Khán, and Poornia, the Brahmun, and some other persons of the Nayut tribe, and some the sons of religious men, who neither possessed courage nor a knowledge of the military art, but who were acceptable to the Sultán; the patron of all Mussulmans, were raised to the rank of Mír Mírán, and dignified by being allowed the use of kettle drums, &c.
To the whole of the Mír Míráns were also presented dresses of gold embroidery, and tassels, with jewels arranged in a certain order, and jewelled gorgets. About this time the Sultán changed the names of the different arms (fire arms), as for instance, a bundook, or matchlock, was called Tofung; a tope, or cannon, Duruksh;c and a ban, or rocket, Shuhab, &c.d The throne of the kingdom was also at a fortunate period finished as was desired, but as according to the customs of the kings of Delhi, first introduced by Sultán Julal uddín Muhammad Akbur; for they previously demanded the daughters of the family of Juswunt,e (that is, I conclude, the daughters of the Rajpoot Princes of Hindostan), previous to the Sultán’s ascension, a certain ceremony remained unperformed, the Sultán having despatched hundreds of thousands of pounds to the Raja of Kutch; by his presents and favours made him obedient and willing to send his daughter to him in marriage. At that period, however, fortune being employed in endeavours to ruin those professing the true religion, and the defender of God’s people; this happy result was not attained. About this time the Prince of Eeraun, on account of the opposition and enmity of Aka Baba, an eunuch (of his father’s court), was obliged to quit his own country, and after suffering many hardships, arrived at Seringaputtun.
The liberal Sultán visited him, and lodged him in the suburb of Gunjam, and treated him with princely courtesy and kindness, and besides rich dresses, carpets, &c. other necessary articles, such as provisons, &c. allowed him two thousand rupees a month for the payment of his servants. As the Sultán’s aim was to join and act in concert with the kings of Islám, for this reason and from friendship and good intention, he despatched embassadors with valuable presents, elephants and friendly letters to Zumán Sháh, the son of Timour Sháh, the son of Ahmud Sháh Doorrani, the Chief of Kabul and Sultán of the Ser Abdalli tribe, to propose and arrange the modes of affording each other aid and assistance, and that powerful sovereign accorded all the requests of the Sultán, and honoured the envoys with many presents of great value. When the terms of peace and amity were confirmed between the two Kings by oaths and treaties, the embassadors returned to the Sultán with rarities and presents of that country, and letters in reply, signifying the establishment of friendship and the laying of the strong foundations of amity between the two states. After some time had been passed in pleasure in the year 1210, Hijri,f the Sultán espoused a lady, previously betrothed to him, who was entitled Khodija i Zumán, or the Lady of the Age, (the daughter of Syud Sáhib), and the marriage banquets and entertainments were prepared, and for a certain number of days the Kháns and Amírs, who were appointed to the office of Mír Sámáni, (a kind of stewardship) arranged all things conducive to pleasure and enjoyment, and all the officers and men of the army received gifts from the treasury of that fortunate prince, and from his delicious feasts, the tongue and palates of both high and low were sweetened and gratified. By his royal munificence also, the musicians and singers, or Bayaderes, with their magic glances, were placed beyond wages or want.
The kind and friendly Sultán next sat at one table with all his Amírs and soldiers, and with the greatest condescension eat his dinner of rice and milk with them; and during the repast said that he and they were all brethren in religion, and that being of one tribe it was indispensable all jealousy and enmity should be cast aside from their minds, and that they should unite in heart and relying on God alone, bind up their loins strongly to make war on the infidels, with a firm determination to devote themselves to Martyrdom in the cause. After saying this, the Sultán with his own generous hands distributed among his officers and soldiers honorary dresses of a red colour, and he then again said that they must consider these red dresses as the dresses in which they were to devote themselves in his service. Ah!— notwithstanding all this conciliation and these favours from the Sultán, these hard hearted men, still refused to follow the path of loyalty and good fortune.
The next year, the Sultán determined that the marriages of the royal princesg should be solemnized, and orders to that effect were issued. The Mír Sámánán or stewards of the ceremonies according to these orders, superintended the marriage of Mihi uddín Sultán with the daughter of Muhammad Alí, otherwise called Hujoo Mean, and the prince was introduced to the Moon of the Heavens of purity and virtue, and according to the rules and customs of the royal marriages they were placed in conjunction on the nuptial throne.
In the course of the third year, the wife of the Sultán gave birth to a daughter and died about a month after, and the child soon after drank the milk of Paradise, or died, also.
About this time, the Prince of Eeraun agreeably to the request of the Amírs of his own country received permission to depart, and as the Sultán entertained a great regard for this prince, he honoured him with many valuable presents of money and jewels, and at parting said,— “after you have made your arrangements regarding the Capital of the Sultánut of Persia, it is my wish that you and I in concert with Zumán Sháh should endeavour to regulate and put in order, (divide between them seemingly) the countries of Hindostan, and the Dukhun.” The prince agreed and pledged himself to this proposition. Previous to this, the Sáhib Dewán,h (one of the Devil’s children) who was styled the Mír Asof, had frequently represented to the Sultán the wickedness, faithlessness and disloyalty of the Sect of the Mehdivies, who are called Ahl-i-Daira, while to all appearance they were true men and faithful servants; the Sáhib Dewán being afraid of this tribe. The Sultán, therefore, merely to gratify him, expelled the whole of them with their women and children from his dominions.i
After this, from motives of prudence and foresight,
the Sultán selected ten thousand men from
the soldiers in his army, Shaíkhs and Syuds, inhabitants
of Seringaputtun, Kolar, Huskote, Dewán
Hully, Souba Sura, great Balapoor and Tanjore,
and called them his Zumrai Khas, that is his own
division or body guard, the sign or object of their incorporation
being derived from the sentence, “dur
Zumrai Ma Ghumm Nubáshud;”k—
that is, “in our
company sorrow shall find no entrance;” the letter
About this time Dhondajee Wágh a devoted servant of the Sultán, (an account of whom is separately given in the Tuzkirut il Belad, va ul Ahkám, in the tenth Ourung, or Chapter) being a man of great courage and enterprise with three or four hundred well mounted horse (Do uspa), roved about and plundered in the territories of the Mahrattas, Nizám Alí Khán and the Mysore. The Sultán, therefore, sent a Kowl Namah, or assurance of safety, to him and allured him by promises of increase of rank to his service. When Dhondajee, therefore, placing confidence in the word of the Sultán came with his troops and dependents to the presence, the Sáhib Dewán in his devilry and malice found out some cause of offence against him, and with every artifice and pretence sought his ruin, and at length by false charges and suggestions to that end, he so stimulated the Sultán that having sent for him one day under pretence of speaking to him, he was seized at the gate of the Palace, put in irons, imprisoned and circumcised, and the honour of Islamism conferred on him, and his body of horse was then incorporated with the Sultán’s army.m Nevertheless, the favour of the Sultán towards that worthy man still continued to increase, as for instance, he was allowed ten fanams Sultáni a day, which sum amounts to three rupees, and a teacher was appointed to instruct him, (in the Muhammadan customs and religion) but, although after a time, a kutcheri or brigade was named after him, and orders were issued for his release, it was to no purpose, for the Dewán like a scorpion still continued to strike at him with his venomous sting, making a representation to the Sultán to the following effect— “King of the World, find another man equally insolent, enterprising and brave, as he (Dhondajee), and then let him go. For it is known to all that when he was weak and of no account, he then beat the troops of Hydurabád, Poona, and the servants of the Sultán, and, therefore, after this to make him an officer of high rank in your army and independent, is far from good policy, for with his power and rank it is possible he might raise such a disturbance as the hand of redress might not be able to quell, or remedy,” the opinion of this fool was, therefore, accepted by the Sultán, and that faithful servant and well-wisher was left in prison. At first he was named Shaíkh Ahmud, but latterly at his own desire he was entitled Mullik Juhán Khán,— but to proceed, the faithless Dewán seeing his power nearly absolute, in all matters followed the dictates of his own will and caprice, as for instance, Gházi Khán, who might be said to constitute the strongest support of the Khodádád State, without the commission of any crime, but merely on suspicion of intrigue or collusion with Mushír ul Moolk (of Hydurabád), was ordered to be imprisoned, and was then subjected to very severe treatment.
During the latter part of the Sultán’s reign by the advice of certain infidel or atheistical persons he used or adopted letters from the Korán of the characters of Osmán, may God be pleased with him, which are not read, and which letters from the days of the prophet Adam to the days of the seal of the prophet (Muhammad), no one of the Kings of Arabia, or Persia, had ever dared to use, and which no learned historical, or sacred writer had deemed it proper to employ.n
This is one of the stratagems recommended in the Futtah il Mujahiddín.
↩A mistake here.
↩It must have been a large tank.
↩Hakím Khán Meeana, left all and ran away.
↩A Dusta was about twelve hundred, in Tipú’s army.
↩In contra-distinction, the Sultan’s army being invariably the victorious army.
↩I should have attempted a description of Tipú’s military regulations from the Futtah ul Mujahiddín, and other works, but there is not sufficient interest in such details to repay the trouble.
↩ The noise made by the strokes or cuts of the sword, is represented
by the word
500,000.
↩Paun is a leaf eaten with Betel nut, well known in India; called by the natives Tamul Puttra.
↩One died at Seringaputtun, and the other was poisoned by Tipú, according to Col. Marriott.
↩Treasury, wardrobe and Zunana.
↩In the war against Tipú Sultán, in the Mysore, evidence has appeared of letters to the Ottoman Porte, claiming his aid as the “Head of the Moslem world,” and Mahmood appears fully sensible of the hold which this rank invests him with over his most powerful vassals.— Upham’s Ottoman Empire, Vol. I.
↩It appears from this that Tipú wanted the sanction of the Sultán of Room, before he assumed the titles and distinctions of royalty.
↩Signifying a constellation.
↩Le maniement des armes blanches.
↩A Verse is omitted here.
↩Does he mean the Mooslim, Shaíkh, Syud, Moghul, Puthan, or is it the Hindu divisions of caste?
↩Malabar.
↩Cloths worn over the shoulders.
↩See Deuteronomy, chap. xv. v. 17.
↩December 28, 1789.
↩Meaning they gave no quarter.
↩One copy says, the Sultán did not advance.
↩Called by Colonel Marriott, Malwaggle.
↩It appears clear the author thinks he had better have accepted them.
↩See Colonel Welsh’s Journal or Reminiscences.— Vol. I, p. 9.
↩A man who carries a silver or gold-headed stick before chiefs in India and is employed as a messenger.
↩The author supposes this mode of reasoning perfectly conclusive.
↩Men who carry grain about for sale, on bullocks, the latter term, however, is not, I believe, used for Bunjaras in Hindostan.
↩A detachment of British troops, under Colonel Little, was employed in this siege.
↩ The form of an exorcism used by the Mussulmans, the words
being
It does not appear from this, that he was in confinement as before stated.
↩Uselessly I suppose from what follows.
↩That is to the Commander-in-Chief.
↩See Thornton, Vol. II. p. 434,
↩A kind of grain grown in India.
↩A gross exaggeration I do not doubt.
↩In all the MSS. he is called in the heading of the Chapter the youngest son, and in the Chapter itself the eldest son,— by a mistake I suppose.
↩The Lions of God.
↩The Jánbáz, are men who devote themselves, or care nothing for their lives.
↩Alluding to the fable of the Golden Chain, suspended before the Gate of Anoushirwan, the just, and which was shaken, whenever any one had to complain of injustice.
↩A kind of cricket bat, or golf.
↩He calls it the place, but means the battery.
↩He, perhaps, does not mean this interrogatively, but affirmatively, that his proposition was the best for the interests of the Company.
↩A play on the word Sadik, which signifies true.
↩Meaning in other words a Foujdár or Magistrate.
↩In some copies ten thousand.
↩Officers employed in the collection of the revenue.
↩Or, that the people of Islám should derive all benefits and and advantages from the table of the Sultán’s beneficence alone.
↩I do not know the precise use or intention of this, but the people of India burn black pepper as a charm to drive away evil spirits.
↩These according to Kirkpatrick, each contained several Kushoons or brigades.
↩These words are synonimous.
↩These words are synonimous.
↩The following is in parenthesis, but I have thought it best to put it in a note.— The eldest son of the said Ibrahim, that is, the eldest brother of Muhammad Ruza, who was called Amín Sáhib, and who was the Bukhshi of the whole of the Silladár horse, was killed in full Kutcheri, for some trifling offence, by a Sipahi, named Syud Mírán.
↩Which in the Canarese language, means the Burning Nawáb.
↩Persian, lightning.
↩Arabic, a falling, or shooting star.
↩Juswunt signifies possessed of courage or enterprize, but there is some fault in the MSS. here, the word Dolee, or Dukhtur being omitted, as persons acquainted with the customs of Hindostan will perceive.
↩A. D. 1795.— The Prophet Muhammad’s first wife was named Khadija.
↩They are called princes, although one only appears to have been married.
↩Mír Sádik.
↩See the Transactions of the Bombay Literary Society for an account of this Sect, vol. 2, page 281.
↩
Dhoondia Wágh was a Mahratta, not a Puthan as supposed by some.
↩I do not know what is meant by the Author here.
↩