| CONTENTS. | |
| TITLE PAGE | |
| TRANSLATOR’S DEDICATION | p. iii |
| TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE. | p. xiii |
| THE PREFACE. | p. xxv |
| CHAPTER I. | |
| A concise account of the Ancestors of Hydur Alí Khan Bahadúr. | p. 1 |
| CHAP. II. | |
| The birth of Tippoo Sultan, the Martyr, (may God’s mercy rest upon him); with other details. A. Hijri 1163. Nov. 29, 1749. | p. 28 |
| CHAP. III. | |
| The encreasing prosperity of Hydur Alí Khan Bahadúr, with other occurrences of the year 1165, H., A. D. 1751. | p. 31 |
| CHAP. IV. | |
| The march of an army, under the command of Nundi Raj, agreeably to the request of Muhammad Alí Khan, Suráj ud dowla, towards Nuthur Nuggur, otherwise called Trichinopoly, and the display of that innate courage in the course of the expedition, which marked the character of the Khan; in the year 1160, H. | p. 34 |
| CHAP. V. | |
| An account of the defeat of the Mahrattas under Gopal Rao, in the vicinity of Bangalore, by the bravery of Hydur Alí Khan, and the recapture of the Talookas, and Forts, taken by the Mahrattas; with other occurrences of the year 1168, Hijri— A. D. 1754. | p. 49 |
| CHAP. VI. | |
| The quarrel between Nundi Raj and his son-in-law, and his retirement to the fort of Mysore. Also, his contention with Hydur, the Sipahsalar, and at length his being taken prisoner. Also, the acquisition of the Talookas of Ani Kul, and the district of Barh Mahl, by the Khodadaud Sirkar (Hydur,) with other events of the year 1169, Hijri.— A. D. 1755. | p. 61 |
| CHAP. VII. | |
| An account of the treachery of the Chiefs of the Mysore state, and the base ingratitude of the proud and foolish Brahman, Khundi Rao, to his patron; and his arriving at the punishment due to his bad actions. Also the invasion, or incursion, of Esajee Beenee Mahratta. 1170, Hijri. A. D. 1756. | p. 71 |
| CHAP. VIII. | |
| An account of the regulation (perhaps capture) of the City of Seringaputtun, with other events of the year 1171, Hijri. A. D. 1757, September 14th. | p. 96 |
| CHAP. IX. | |
| The march of Busálut Jung, to take possession of the Souba of Sura, and his conquest of that Souba, by the aid of Hydur Alí Khan Bahadúr. Also, the transfer of the Sura to the hands of the prudent Hydur, in the same year, 1171, Hijri.— A. D. 1757. | p. 105 |
| CHAP. X. | |
| The march of Hydur and his army to Chuk or little Balapoor, and the capture of that place. Also the conquest of the Hill fort of Murg Sura, or the little Sura of Pankoonda, &c. in the year 1172, Hijri.— A. D. 1758. | p. 114 |
| CHAP. XI. | |
| An account of the conquest of Bednore, otherwise called Hydur Nuggur, and other forts and towns of that country, in the year 1173, Hijri. A. D. 1759. | p. 125 |
| CHAP. XII. | |
| An account of the incursion of the Afghans of Shanoor, who came to the aid of the imprisoned Rani of Bednore, and the punishment of the Chief of Shanoor, by the sharp sword of the Nawaub Bahadúr, with the conquest of other places, occurring in the year 1175, Hijri. A. D. 1761. | p. 140 |
| CHAP. XIII. | |
| An account of the Invasion of Mysore, by the Paishwa Siwaie Madhoo Rao, Mahratta, and his taking a number of Forts, and the Souba of Sura, &c., with other events of the year 1076, Hijri. A. D. 1762. | p. 148 |
| CHAP. XIV. | |
| The Second Invasion of Mysore by Sewaie Madhoo Rao, and the march of the Nawaub Bahadúr to the neighbourhood of Shanoor, to oppose him; with other events of the year 1078, Hijri. A. D. 1766. | p. 167 |
| CHAP. XV. | |
| An account of the conquest of Koorg, and the reduction of Kalikote, (Calicut), &c. events which occurred in the year 1181, Hijri. A. D. 1767. | p. 178 |
| CHAP. XVI. | |
| An account of the incursion of Trimuk Rao Mama, the maternal uncle of Madhoo Rao, into the Karnatic Balaghaut, and the terrible defeat the troops of the Nawaub sustained in the battle of the hill of Churkooli, a place about four or five miles to the northward of Seringaputtun; and, lastly, Trimuk Rao’s bootless return to Poona; with other fearful events of the year 1182, Hijri, A. D. 1768. | p. 188 |
| CHAP. XVII. | |
| The usurpation of Raghoba, the uncle of Narayen Rao, and his invasion of the Balaghaut country; and, at length, his hopeless and fugitive retreat. Also, the conquest by the Nawaub, during this opportunity, of the countries of Badami, Hulihul, Nowul-goondah, Dharwar, &c. with other events of the year 1183, Hijri, A. D. 1769. | p. 230 |
| CHAP. XVIII. | |
| An account of the encroachments or usurpations of the English in the country of the Karnatic Payanghaut, by the instrumentality of Muhammad Alí Khan, Surajuddowla; and the detail of the war commenced by the Chief of the Dukhun, Nizám Alí Khan, in concert with the Nawaub, Bahadúr. Also, a description of the battles fought between the English, and the courageous Nawaub, in the commencement of the year 1185, Hijri.— A. D. 1771. | p. 244 |
| CHAP. XIX. | |
| An account of the establishment of a lasting peace between Nizám Alí Khan and the English, without the knowledge of the Nawaub Bahadúr by the intrigues of Rooknuddowla;— and of the battles which followed, about two months after, between the English and the Nawaub, near Nuggur, Trichinopoly, and the Barh Mahl; with an account of the victories gained by Hydur’s gallant army in the same year, and the re-establishment of Peace, 1185, Hijri.— A. D. 1771. | p. 264 |
| CHAP. XX. | |
| The march of the Nawaub and his troops towards Kirpa, Kurnole, Bellari, &c., and the collection of an adequate Paishkush (tribute) from the Chiefs of the above districts; with other conquests, made in the end of the same year 1185, Hijri.— A. D. 1771. | p. 288 |
| CHAP. XXI. | |
| An account of the celebration of the Marriage of the Sáhibzada, Prince, Tippoo, also that of the daughters of Shahbaz Sáhib; and the Marriage of Hydur’s own daughter, the year 1185, Hijri.— A. D. 1771. | p. 304 |
| CHAP. XXII. | |
| The invasion of Tatia Mahratta the Chief of Mirch, Govind Rao the son of Imrut Rao, and Suboo Rao Ghatkia, &c., Chiefs of the Mahrattas, from Poona, with the intention to ravage and conquer the country depending on the Nawaub Bahadúr. Also, the incursion of Ibrahim Khan, Dhoonsa, with the same purpose, from Hydurabad; and the making prisoners the chiefs of the Mahrattas, by the hands of the brave soldiers of the Nawaub’s army. The retreat also of Dhoonsa, without attaining his object and the conquest of Bullari by the Nawaub; all which occurred in the year 1187, Hijri.— A. D. 1773. | p. 311 |
| CHAP. XXIII. | |
| The Conquest of Gooti and Soondoor, and the capture of that tyrant, and incendiary, Morar Rao, which occurred in the same year 1187, Hijri.— A. D. 1773. | p. 324 |
| CHAP. XXIV. | |
| An account of the conquest of Chitul Droog, and the capture of Bhurma Náík, the rebellious Poligar of that Fort; and other events of the year 1188, Hijri.— A. D. 1774. | p. 332 |
| CHAP. XXV. | |
| The march of the victorious standards towards Kirpa, and the capture of Huleem Khan, the governor of that place. Also, the conquest of Gunjee Kota, &c., occurring in the year 1191, Hijri.— A. D. 1777. | p. 351 |
| CHAP. XXVI. | |
| An account of the Marriage of Hydur Alí’s youngest son, Kureem Sáhib, with the daughter of Hukeem Khan, Meeana, the Governor of Sanore; and the Betrothal of the Nawaub’s own daughter, the rose of the Garden of Purity and Chastity, to the Son and Successor of Hukeem Khan, in the capital, Puttun, 1192, Hijri.— A. D. 1778. | p. 366 |
| CHAP. XXVII. | |
| The second expedition of the Nawaub Bahadúr, to conquer the country of the Karnatic Payanghaut, at the instigation of the Názim of Hydurabad, and the Poona ministers, in the year 1194, Hijri.— A. D. 1780.— With an account of the victories gained by the lion hunting Moslems in that expedition. | p. 372 |
| CHAP. XXVIII. | |
| The advance of the English Army, under the command of General Munro, from the vicinity of Madras, towards Gunjee, and that of the detachment under Colonel Baillie from the neighbourhood of Kottoor Mungulgiri, and the defeat and destruction of the troops under the command of the Colonel. Also, the Conquest of Arkat, and the taking prisoner of Shukoh-ul-Moolk, Nuseer-ud-dowla, Abdul Wahab Khan, the brother of Muhammad Alí Khan, Suráj-ud-dowla, in the strong Hill Fort of Chunder Giri; and an account of the different successes obtained in the same year 1195, Hijri.— A. D. 1780. | p. 386 |
| CHAP. XXIX. | |
| The arrival of General Coote, a very able officer, at Madras from Bengal, and a description of the battle of Muhammad Bunder, and the death of Meer Alí Ruza Khan. Also, the march of the victorious army towards Tanjore and Nuthurnuggur, and the victories then gained; being the year 1195, Hijri, 1780. | p. 413 |
| CHAP. XXX. | |
| An account of the arrival of Troops from Bengal at the Port of Madras, and a description of the Battle in the vicinity of Sool Nuggur. Also, the relief of the Fort of Rai Vellore, by General Coote, with great difficulty; the Battle of Arnee; and the attack and overthrow of a body of English troops, by the Prince Tippoo, in the neighbourhood of Puna Nelloor, a dependency of the Souba of Tujavur (Tanjore;) with other events of the year 1196, Hijri.— A. D. 1781-2. | p. 439 |
| CHAP. XXXI. | |
| An account of the Nawaub’s last expedition, that is to say, his departure for his eternal abode in Paradise: and some account of the goodness of his disposition, his habits, his abilities, and the rules of conduct he prescribed to himself; with other matters. Also, the death of General Coote, which occurred before the death of the Nawaub, in the same year, Hijri, 1196.— A. D. 1781-2. | p. 469 |
| SUPPLEMENTARY NOTE | p. 493 |
MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY.
MADAM,
I venture to offer my humble and most grateful thanks for the permission granted me to dedicate to YOUR MAJESTY the following Translation of a Manuscript, placed in the hands of the Royal Asiatic Society by the favour of YOUR MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY.
Upon this occasion I cannot approach YOUR MAJESTY, the Daughter of my Brother’s early patron, the illustrious DUKE OF KENT AND STRATHERN, to whose condescension and kindness, I and my family are indebted for many lasting obligations, without the expression of the deepest feelings of acknowledgment and gratitude.
That long and happy may be YOUR MAJESTY’S Reign is the sincere wish and prayer of YOUR MAJESTY’S
THE Persian Language, as any one at all acquainted with it is aware, delights in inflated description, pompous imagery, sounding epithets, and in all extravagant figures; and according to the character of the writer, this genius or affection of the language is frequently carried to the verge of absurdity— that is, absurdity as measured by our scale.
To suppress or soften these peculiarities when very wild, and retain them when deserving to be kept, is I think, indispensable, and in my translation of this work, I have tried hard to conform to this rule, although I may not perhaps have always succeeded in my endeavour.
It must however be observed, that in most cases these ornaments as they and extravagancies as we call them, are applicable to themselves alone— for, with regard to their enemies these descriptions are as tame as it is possible for them to be, and some times so obscure, that without long practice no one can understand them.
In some places, therefore, as I suppose must occur in most translations, I have been obliged to change the person, tense, and order of the words and sentences; to reject for the sake of brevity and clearness many of the parallel or synonymous terms;— to omit most of the high sounding epithets accompanying the names of Hydur Alí, Tippoo, their families, &c. and lastly to abridge much of that poetic licence which is natural to the Persian language.
With respect to the Indian names of persons and places, it may be proper to remark, that in English authors they are very incorrectly spelled, and in some cases altogether changed:— As, for instance, Fuzzel oolla, for Fyze ullah; Ooscote, for Huskote; Dunnully, for Dewun Hulli; Chittapet, for Jeeth Peeth;a Malwagle, for Murwakul, &c. &c. To avoid, if possible, following these examples, I write the words as they are written in the Persian MS.; but, notwithstanding this precaution, I fear that many names are still mispelt.
The history of the Rajas, or Ooderes,b of Mysore has been so ably written by Colonel Wilks, that little more of any importance, can, I believe, be said about them. By the minute accuracy of that gallant officer, and by the details in this work, I am also relieved from the task of pointing out the original boundaries of Mysore and the acquisitions of Hydur Alí. But, as the work of Colonel Wilks may not be in the hands of those who read this, I beg leave to offer, as an outline, that they consisted generally of the Balaghautc and part of the Payeen Ghaut Provinces. The country depending on Mysore may be said to have extended E. and W. from Bednore to Cotapilly, near Rama Sumoodrum, which by the map, is something less than three hundred miles; and N. and S. from Rai Droog, to Urdenall, about two hundred miles. This, of course, does not include many of Hydur’s conquests, and is intended as an approximation only.
In translating this work I have not, in general, made any reference to those of Orme,d Wilks, and others, on the history of Mysore and the wars of the Karnatic; firstly, because this book is sufficiently large without such an addition; and, secondly, because, although we have seen abundance of what has been said respecting Hydur Alí and his son Tippoo, by English and French writers; still we have never seen what those two individuals, or any of their nation, have said of themselves; if we except a portion, and that I believe a small one, of Tippoo’s letters, translated by the late Colonel Kirkpatrick.
For these reasons, I have thought it best to allow Hydur’s historian to tell his tale without comment. This account, compared with those above mentioned, will, it may be presumed, furnish a tolerably fair guide for the general historian. There is, however, only a partial resemblance between the English histories of the wars in the Karnatic and this; only a small part of this relating to the English wars, while, on the contrary, the English histories contain very little else.
It may, perhaps, be expected, that I should attempt a short outline of the history of Hydur and his family.
According to the statement of a writer, from whose work I have translated a character of Hydur, that chief, himself was accustomed to claim a descent from the kings of Bejapoor. There appears however to be no other ground for his claim, than his own assertion; and the Author of this work, if he had had the slightest pretext for assigning so noble an origin to his hero, would not, I think, have failed to give him the full advantage of it.e But the fact is, that his origin was very obscure, and the term Náík is rather ambiguous.— It originally, no doubt, signified a Chief or Leader, and was the title of the Hindu Rajas of Madhuraf and Tinavelli, who were conquered by the Nawaub of Arkaut, in the beginning of the last century. But, it is, also, the designation given to the lowest rank of non-commissioned officers in the Company’s army, and the surname assumed by nearly the lowest class of Hindus in the Dukkun.
It is rare, therefore, that a Mussulman should have such an addition to his name, except in the Indian army.g
The title, however,— for title it is,— was given to Futteh Muhammad, the father of Hydur, by the Raja of Mysore; and the author says, that it is given only to those who are distinguished as statesmen or soldiers.
Another account of Hydur states, his family to have been originally called Náík by the Afghansh of Kirpa and Kurnole.
According to this history, the first of Hydur’s ascertained ancestors, Wulli Muhammad, came from the neighbourhood of Dehli to Kalberga, during the reign of Muhmud Adil Shah,i sultan of Bejapoor; and it states that he was of the tribe of Koreish,j the tribe of the Prophet Muhammad.
It appears, that this Wulli Muhammad was one of those persons called by the Arabs Mushaikh, that is, a grave devout mussulman; and that he took up his residence there in the Durgah, or mausoleum, of a celebrated saint, named Bundeh Nowaz,k and remained there until the reign of Ali Adil Shah the second, of Bejapoor, when he died.l
Hydur was the great grandson of this Wulli Muhammad. He was born in the year 1721, at the town of Kolar, a dependency of the Karnatic Balaghaut province. It is needless for me to enter into the events of his life, as they are detailed in the following pages; but it may be as well to remark, that his introduction to power arose from his engagement, through the medium of his cousin Hydur Sahib, to serve the Raja of Mysore; and that, while he remained in his service at Seringaputtun, by artfully availing himself of the imbecility of the Raja, and the dissensions of his ministers, he gradually dispossessed the one, and imprisoned and put to death the others; and in a very short time became the Nawaub of the Karnatic Balaghaut Chukmukm Jung. The title assumed, (for I doubt its validity conferred by Busálut Jung,) and the territory obtained, by the most unqualified ingratitude and treachery.
His career, which preserved a perfect consistency to the end, was, however, at length, arrested by Sir Eyre Coote; and although Hydur is said to have died of a cancer in his back, it is probable that the checks and defeats, which he sustained from that brave and accomplished officer hastened his death, which occurred in 1781.n
In reference to Hydur’s character, it may be said that his best qualities were his judgment and decision. He was from policy, and perhaps from superstition, more indulgent to the Hindoos than his son Tippoo; but, he was never exceeded by any one in perfidy and cruelty. His bad faith, (the author of this work calls it ‘governing or conquering policy,’)o seems to have pervaded every action of his life. In proof of this see his conduct to the unfortunate Rajas of Mysore, to Nundi Raj,p (who whatever he might be otherwise was certainly the best friend Hydur ever had), to the Mahrattas, to his English prisoners, to his benefactor Busálut Jung; to Morar Rao, (or, as he is called by Orme, Morari Row,) and, indeed, to every one who had the misfortune to come in contact with him.
There may, nevertheless, be some apology or palliation for this in the peculiar circumstances of his rise, and situation, in the character of the people with whom he had to deal,— and in the tenets of his religion, which, I believe, as understood by most classes of Muhammadans,q scout all notion of keeping faith with Christians and idolaters, unless when convenient; but, perhaps, more than all, in the laxity of principle common to public men in most countries, and particularly in India, where, as in his case, it was under less controul than in Europe.
I do not, however, think that the charge of avarice, made against him, is well grounded. Such an army, as he commanded, never could have been assembled without a very lavish expenditure; as those who know any thing of the constitution of native armies in India will, I believe, allow.
The secret of Hydur’s success against his countrymen, appears to have consisted chiefly in his clear perception and ready adoption of the advantages of European discipline, and in the employment of Europeans, and those who were trained in their mode of warfare. Abundant proof of this will be found throughout his life. The officers in whom he most depended, and who most effectually served him, although, they are but slightly noticed in this work, were all French or Portuguese; as, for instance, Messieurs Manuel, Lally, Jani, Raymond, &c.
In stating that the author manifests a strong bias towards his master, some times apparently at the expense of truth, it is but fair to remark, that, unlike other Muhammadan authors, he has seldom spoken disparagingly of the British troops, whom, on the contrary, he admits to have been Hydur’s most gallant opponents, and whom Hydur himself, according to him, with the frankness of a brave soldier, describes as “lions ranging over the face of the whole earth.”
Such expressions as the “stormy, warlike English,” “the lions ranging over the face of the earth,” and others of the same tenor, plainly indicate the opinion entertained by Hydur of the prowess of the British army in India.r
After premising thus much, I am bound to make my public acknowledgements for the flattering assistance and encouragement which I have received from the following distinguished Oriental scholars.
I am under the greatest obligations to the late much lamented Earl of Munster; not only for the confidence placed in me, implied in his lordship’s offering me the translation of the Neshauni Hyduri, but, from the advantages I have derived from his extensive knowledge of Oriental military customs and literature.
To the Right Hon. Sir Gore Ouseley, I beg leave to offer my most thankful acknowledgements, for the kind assistance I have ever obtained from him, and which I trust he will permit me to say, no Oriental scholar of the present day is able to give with more critical judgment and precision.
To Professor Forbes, and Mr. Bland, I am under great obligations for their kindness in lending me copies of this work; since, by the collation of these copies, I have been enabled to ascertain the meaning of many passages, which must otherwise have been left unexplained.
To Mr. Shakespeare, Professor of Hindostani, I am also much obliged, for his kindness in pointing out to me a work, on the life and character of Hydur, in the Hon. East India Company’s library. Of this I have availed myself by a partial translation.
To the Rev. J. Reynolds, Secretary to the Oriental Translation Committee of the Royal Asiatic Society, I also beg leave to offer my best thanks, for his uniformly kind suggestions and advice.
In presenting this translation of the life of Hydur Alí to the public, I beg leave to observe, that no one can be more sensible of its defects than I am. In justice to myself, however, I think I may state with some confidence that it is translated as closely as the difference which exists between the two languages will admit, unless the risk be incurred of rendering it uncouth to an English reader by making it a verbal translation.
In conclusion I beg leave to subjoin that a literary friend, Mr. Davenport, having obligingly versified part of the English translation of the Persian poetry in this book, I have taken the liberty to place his verses at the bottom of the page, and write this as an acknowledgement of his kindness and ability.
THE title page of the volume containing the various accounts of the Universe; and the Book of Booksa describing the conditionb of all the different Tribes or Nationsc of the world; are, the praise of the King of all Kingdoms; the Standard of whose might and Majesty is planted on the field of his works, and under the shadow of whose aid and protection all the contending armies on the face of the earth are enrolled.
The Shuhneh,d Magistrate or Provost Martial, who executes his universal orders, regulates with the scourge of wisdom and justice, in eternal moderation and proportion, the opposite natures or qualities of the various kinds of sentient beings;e The Herald of his decrees, by the proclamation to the four quarters of the world, that, to “him belongs Sovereignty, the one God! the all powerful God!”f— draws forth or compels from the tongue of every one high and low the acknowledgement of belief in his unity; and the generous call or invitation to his plenteous table, adorns with the ornament of faith the ear of every living creature.— Verses from the Gulistan— “So wide has he spread his bounteous feast— That the Simorghg eats his share in the Mountain of Kaf.”h
And the Preface to the Book of the Creation, and the title of the volume of Wisdom and Knowledge, are the praises of that Commander (Muhammad), whose authority, [the words]— “we do not send thee except from compassion or mercy to mankind,”i became to the sinners of the earth, the glad tidings of salvation; and the sword of whose claim, and mission, like the life destroying lightening came and burned up the harvest of the pride and insolence of idolators and infidels. May the blessings of God ever remain on him, his family, friends and dependents.
But, from the conquerors in the realms of literature,j and from the presidents or leaders of the Councils of the learned, it will not be hidden, that when the Almighty in any time or period desires that the individuals of his Creation, (that is, his Servants), shall repose on the couchk of ease and safety; he qualifies and makes acceptable to himself, a fortunate individual, a man of strong mind, and places the symbol of obediencel to him on the shoulders of the age, and the nations of the earth far and near are maintained in the supply of their wants and the accomplishment of their desires by the impression and influence of his name and power.
This proposition is established, in the cases of Shums ul Moolk, Ameer ud Dowla, Nawaub Hydur Alí Khan Bahadúr, Hydur Jung,— and Oomdut ool Moolk, Mubaruk ud Dowla, Tippoo Sooltaun, Alí Khan Bahadúr, Huzubbur Jung;m both fortunate and illustrious men, who from the commencement of 1167, Hijri, (A.D. 1753), to the end of 1213, Hijri (1798-9,) reigned over their kingdom (Mysore) and fostered and cherished mankind by their prudence, justice, and liberality;— and during this period as will be detailed hereafter, held the whole of the Balaghautn Province and part of the Payenghaut under their authority and controul,— and, for some time the revolving Heavens like confidential servants girded their loins ready to perform the service required of them by these great men; and for a certain number of days, the five Nobuts, (times or modes of beating the kettle-drums) of rejoicing or congratulationo for the increase of the Khodadad, or God given kingdom, were beaten before the gate of their prosperity; and these great men, by the aid of their good fortune, with the sword of chastisement, cast down the heads of the chief infidels of this Souba, and the fear of the sabre, wielded by the strength of these lion like men, compelled the seditious and intriguing chiefs of the Balaghaut to throw down their shields, and show their teeth.p
In fine, towards the conclusion of the reign of these prosperous Chiefs, they became the asylum of the weak, the safeguard of the rich and poor, and the refuge of the Tribes of the Earth.
They favoured and honoured the professors of the Trades and Arts; and the fame of the bravery of these protectors of the poor, and their encouragement of the brave, resounded through Hindostan, and the Dukkun; the praise of the justice and liberality of these generous and truly wise men was likewise spread through all the nations of the earth.
Still, however, a detailedq history of the kingdom God given, (Mysore), and the reigns of these great and able men, in one continued series; and, a descriptive commentary,r on the lives of these Princes, illumined by the light of truth, has hitherto been unattempted by any one.
For this reason, this student in the school of ignorance, whose name is Meer Hussain Alí, Kirmani, the son of Syud Abdul Kadir Kirmani, (who served both these Princes, and remained in the service of Tippoo Sultaun in a highly honourable rank, about five years, that is from the year 1196, to 1201, Hijri, but of which no further mention is now necessary), having spent two or three years in a search for information, respecting the forefathers of this illustrious family, which was with great difficulty obtained, he reduced it to writing, and formed it into a book; and, the detail of the months and years being added, he has named his work, the Neshauni Hyduri,s and has left it as a memorial inscribed on the page of time. And he has laboured with such care and caution, that he is certain nothing, but fact and truth, has found an entrance into his work; and some circumstances, to which the author himself was an eye-witness, are stated without hesitation or the shadow of a doubt; simply as they occurred— in order, also, to bind together the leaves of this newly written book, he has turned over the pages of months and years, and the leaves of night and day; and he has, moreover, adorned the garden of its columns and chapters with chosen words teeming with meaning, and watered and refreshed it with the streams of perspicuity and truth.t
Although this book, agreeably to the saying of the learned, that “every beginning has an ending,” is finished; yet, according to the opinion of the author, it is still incomplete: but when men of exalted understanding, candidu linguists, learned historians, wise and liberal encouragers of learning shall look over his pages with the eyes of scrutiny and see the painful task he has made agreeable to himself; and that he has not foolishly thrown away his precious time, but has clothed the bride of fugitive recollections with the marriage garment of junctionv and union, and seated her on the nuptialw throne of the coloured pages of his book; and lastly shall review his work with the eyes of truth and approbation, it will then (and then only), by their approval and sanction be completed. What he hopes from the truly learned, the generous concealers of errors, is, that, if they at any time should peruse this book, they will not dwell on the want of arrangement, or of elegance, in the language and sentences, but, by the favour of correction, lay an obligation on him, which he is ever ready to acknowledge.x
A concise account of the Ancestors of Hydur Alí Khan Bahadúr.
IN the reign of Mahmúd Adil Shah, King of Bijapoor, who was the sona of Ibrahim Adil Shah, surnamed Juggut Gooru,b and celebrated for his profound knowledge of music,— a certain Shaikh, Wulí Muhammad, of the tribe of Kureish, a man devoted to religion,c compelled by accidental circumstances arrived from the neighbourhood of Delhi at the nobled city of Kalberga. He took up his abode there; and, as he was a man of mild temper and strictly pious, the servantse of the Durgah, or Tomb of Huzrut Bundah Nawáz,f received him with great respect, and made him a small monthly allowance to provide for his subsistence.
Having with him a grown up son, whose name was Shaikh Muhammad Alí, who was a learned young man, and also endowed with considerable talent, the Shaikh determined to seek a wife for him here. After much search and difficulty, a suitable bride was demanded for him, from the house of one of the servants of the Durgah, and they were shortly after married.
At this place they remained, in ease and comfort, till the reign of Alí Adilshah the II., when the Shaikh having obeyed the summons of his maker Alí Sáhib left Kalberga with his wife, and proceeded to Bijapoor. There he took up his residence in Mushaikhpoora, in the house of his wife’s brethren, who were seven in number, between whom and their sister there existed a sincere and hearty affection; they were all of them engaged in the service of the Ameer of the Dukkun, Shaikh Minhaj, at a liberal rate of pay, and all lived together. The whole of the seven brothers received their sister and her husband with the greatest warmth and affection.
It happened, a short time after, that the army of Hindustan advanced,g with a view to the conquest of Bejapoor; and the Ameers of the Dukkun, that is, the Shaikh above-mentioned, and Afzul Khan, Rustum Khan, and Surmust Khan, with a large force, were therefore dispatched to oppose the army of Hindustan; and, in the vicinity of Kalberga they met and fought a fierce battle. The Ameer of the Huráwul,h or advanced guard, (of the Dukkunees), who was Shaikh Minhaj, charged his enemies with the greatest bravery, and defeated them; but, after fighting gallantly, not less than seven hundred brave fellows of his party or troop were slain by the arrow or musket; and it was so ordained that, one after another, the seven brothers having arrayed their bodies in the glorious jewels of sword-wounds, and opened to their enemies the doors of grief and dismay in this hired mansion, the world, at once sped on their way to view and enjoy the eight gardens of Paradise.
When this painful intelligence reached their beloved sister, she was so overwhelmed with grief at the loss of her dear brothers, that, giving up for them the peace of her heart, and the strength of her mind, she took to her bed and, refusing all sustenance, determined to die; thus, inconsolable and incessantly weeping and lamenting the loss of her brethren, and, in her sorrow, letting fall the reins of hope and trust from her hands, her affections were alienated from friend and stranger, and she inscribed the elegy of her brethren on her broken heart.
When Alí Sáhib saw his wife in this miserable condition, it appeared to him that his remaining where he was, must continually open afresh the wounds grief had inflicted on his mourning partner. He, therefore, with his wife, property and relations, left Bijapoor, and turned his steps towards the Karnatic Balaghaut, and there took up his abode in the town of Kolar.
The Chief of this place was Shah Muhammad Dukkuni, who was Governor on the part of Kasim Khan, the Souba of Sura. Having had some previous acquaintance with Shaikh Alí, he received him with great respect, assigned him a house for his residence and treated him with every attention, insomuch that, in order that he might remain there in peace and comfort, and trusting to his honour, he allowed him the charge of all his dependents and workmen. But, besides this occupation, Shaikh Alí afterwards cultivated the soil, and rented fields and gardens.
Shaikh Alí had four sons; 1st. Shaikh Muhammad Ilias; 2nd. Shaikh Muhammad; 3rd. Shaikh Muhammad Imám, and 4th, Futteh Muhammad. When these four sons had grown up to manhood, they determined to seek a respectable service, and gain a worthy rank and name in the world, and they, therefore, sought permission of their father to depart, Shaikh Alí, however, by advice and instruction endeavoured to divert them from their purpose, saying to them, “Our forefathers were pious and holy men, and, though they were competent to distinguish themselves in the world, they nevertheless strove to separate themselves from its ties and connexions;— for this reason, that the desire of the world involves the relinquishment of spiritual comfort and a distaste for eternal happiness;— and, therefore, it is incumbent in you to follow in their steps, and put no faith in the allurements of this uncertain state of existence— for, what fate has from eternity assigned for your subsistence arrives without labour or search— (verses)— ‘If thou couldst sew heaven and earth together— thou couldst not obtain from them more than thy daily subsistence’i— moreover, perfect minded independent men are never grieved at the narrowness of their worldly circumstances, and, although they may have earthly ties, they pride themselves on disengagingk themselves from them, and resigning such connexions.” In short, while Shaikh Alí lived he would not allow his children to leave him, but still supported them. At length, in the year 1109, he bid adieu to this life, in the town of Kolar and proceeded to Paradise. Shaikh Ilias his eldest son was selected to succeed him, he, also, used his best efforts to console his brethren, and to provide for them, and the wants of his family, relations and connexions.
About this time, Shah Muhammad, the Chief of Kolar, resigned his being into the hands of the creator of life, and another Chief was appointed, and took his charge. Apparently from this cause, Futteh Muhammad, divesting himself of all regard for his relations, departed, without the permission of his elder brother, to the Karnatic Payanghaut, and resided for a short time in the Talooka of Turnamul, a very pleasant part of that country; but he afterwards changed his abode to the Souba of Arkat, where, through the interest of Ibrahim Khan Killadár, he was introduced to the Nawaub Saudut Ullah Khan, the Sáhib Souba, and appointed to the command of two hundred foot and fifty horse, in the service of the said Nawaub, and was styled a Jemadár.
Muhammad Ilias, being offended at the conduct of his brother, and thinking it derogated from his own respectability and character, also left Kolar alone, under pretence that he was going to visit Syud Búrhan-ud-dín, a Peerzadeh at Tanjore, leaving his wife, with his son, named Hydur Sáhib, who was about fourteen years old, at home with his brethren.
Muhammad Ilias dying at Tanjore, in the year 1115 H., Futteh Muhammad who resided at Arkat, after sometime sent for Búrhan-ud-dín, the Peer Zadeh before mentioned, from Tanjore, and married his daughter, who was the sister of Ibrahim Sáhib. The bride’s niece, who was grown up to womanhood, he gave to his brother Imám Sáhib, and their families resided together.
Sometime after this, Hydur Sáhib the son of Muhammad Ilias, at the invitation of the ministers of the Polygar of Mysore,l proceeded to that country, and was entertained by them in their service, with a body of a hundredm horse and two hundred foot; and he also received from them the honourable title of Náík, a term which, in the Hindu dialect, signifies an officer or commander of foot soldiers.
Futteh Muhammad, however, still remained at Arkat, much respected; and, towards the end of the Nawaub’s government, he was allowed by the Soubadár to entertain six hundred foot, five hundred horse, and fifty juzail-burdar (rocket-men)n attached to his command; and he acquired fresh reputation in every service in which he was employed, particularly in the fight at Jinjee, a town depending on the Karnatic Payan Ghaut, where a fierce battle was fought, between the Nawaub and Raja Teep, or Teeb, Singh. In this battle the Raja with only fourteen horse crossed the river of Sukrateerut, (on this side of Futteh Peeth), the river being swollen with the rains, and attacked the army of the Nawaub, consisting of four or five thousand horse and thirteen thousand foot; and stretching forth the arm of manhood, threw the whole into confusion, and stamped his name indelibly on the page of time by his exceeding bravery, and cutting down his enemies as he advanced, the Raja arrived with only two horsemen at the Nawaub’s elephant, when, at this critical moment, Futteh Muhammad, with his infantry, and juzail burdaran, formed a circle round the elephant, and at one discharge stretched the Raja lifeless on the field. In reward for his promptitude on this occasion, he was immediately honored with the present of an elephant, a standard, and a pair of nagaras or kettle drums.
As after the death of the Nawaub, his nephew, Dost Alí Khan, became Soubadár of Arkat, and quarrels had arisen among his relations, and as the inexperience of Sufdur Alí Khan (his son) had thrown the state into disorder, Futteh Muhammad, fearing he might sustain loss of character and respectability, quitted of his own accord the service of the Nawaub, and retired with his wife and family to the Balaghaut. Leaving his women at Kolar, he proceeded to Mysore, where he remained some time with his nephew, who had established himself well there by his amiable dispositiono and good qualities. About this time, also, the Polygar of Mysore sent for him, gave him the title of Náík, and entertained him in his service, on the same terms with Hydur Sáhib Náík. It may be proper to remark here, that the title of Náík is a very respectable one among the Hindoos; and any one who is distinguished by personal bravery and prudence in the management of state affairs, has this title conferred on him by the chief among them.
After awhile, however, the affairs of the Raja’s territory of Mysore, from the quarrels of the chiefs of that country, fell into great confusion, and Sáhib Shujeeap or Futteh Muhammad therefore left the Raja’s service, and lived privately for sometime.
About this period, that is 1131 H., he had a son named Shahbaz Sáhib, and, two years after, another, who was named Wulí Muhammad; but the latter died when he was only two years old.
But, as men of courage and conduct cannot pass their lives without occupation, or seeking to distinguish themselves; and, as they cannot remain like foxes, lurking in the holes and corners of obscurity, but, on the contrary, like the lion-hearted men who, under the guise of acquiring personal renown, are really aiming to provide for the subsistence of many of God’s creatures who cannot provide for themselves; even so Futteh Muhammad left Mysore, to seek service, and proceeded to the chief of the Souba Sura, that is, to Nawaub Durgah Kuli Khan,q where he obtained a very high station as commander of four hundred foot and a hundred horse; he was likewise appointed to the command of the fort of Great Balapoor. He, therefore, sent for his family from Kolar to that place, and remained there for sometime.
In the year 1134 H., A. D. 1721, while he dwelt there, a son of auspicious presage and exalted good fortune was born to him; who from the glory of his person shed splendour on the lap of the nurse of time. The Sun being in the sign Ariesr when he was born, he was named Hydur Alí Khan.
An historians who has sought for historical documents, states that, after the birth of this child, certain astrologers cast his nativity, and disclosed that, although this boy would certainly arrive at the dignity of the crown and throne, and rise to be the sovereign of the two Karnatics; yet, that he would, in a short time, suffer the pain and grief of becoming an orphan; that is, his father would be taken from him. On hearing this prediction, his relations, with one accord, determined that the child should be fed with the milk of death, and laid to sleep in the cradle of eternity.
His father, however, on being informed of this intention, said, “If the evil omen attendant on his birth rests on me, well and good, be it so; but I will not allow him to be put to death; for good and bad proceed alike from God’s decrees.” In consequence of this, the mother and relations of this light of the eyes of prosperity and good fortune spared no pains in his nurture and preservation.
After the dismission of Durgah Kuli Khan, and during the government of Ábid Khan, governor of Sura, the Poligars of Mysore, Bidnore, and others, formed a confederacy, and assembled a force to take the fort of Balapoor, and dispatched a message, through the medium of Hydur Náík Sáhib, demanding its surrender. Futteh Muhammad, however, was not deceived by their interested professions; but followed the paths of fidelity, and the usages of the brave. He, therefore, at once rejected their demand, and prepared to defend his charge; and having, with his own dependants alone, gallantly made a sortie, he defeated them in a night attack, and thereby gained a high reputation among his companions and contemporaries.
The Poligars, defeated, dispersed, and hopeless of success, sought their places of residence, and Futteh Muhammad forwarded to the Soubadár Ábid Khan, the plunder which he had taken from them. Ábid Khan complimented the prudent Futteh Muhammad highly on his valour, and sent for him to the capital of the Souba, where he was honored with a munsub of two thousand foot and five hundred horse, with the present of an elephant, a standard, and a pair of kettle drums; and he was, moreover, appointed to superintend the defence and regulation of the Souba. After this in all public affairs in which he was employed, the prudent Futteh Muhammad always accomplished his task in the best possible manner.
When Durgah Kuli Khan was a second time appointed to the Soubadari of Sura, he, also, relying on Futteh Mahummud’s abilities and courage, continued to employ him in the management and regulationt of all matters relating to the government of the Souba. After Kuli Khan was slain, the able Futteh Muhammad attached himself to Abdurrasúl Khan, his son, and they together made such arrangements in the Souba, and with the Tributary Poligars, that, notwithstanding the absence of the chief authority, which is generally the cause of sedition and treachery in worldly matters, no rebellion, or disturbance in the Government ever occurred, and until the arrival of the governor of the Souba, Táhir Muhammad Khan, (who, for nine months after his appointment, was delayed to collect the necessary number of Sebundi or local troops) Abdurrasúl, with the aid and advice of Futteh Muhammad, kept the whole in perfect order. When the Nawaub, Táhir Muhammad, arrived in the Souba with his troops, Abdurrasúl Khan, not having well settled his affairs, retired to his father’s Jageer, the same Purgunna of Balapoor the Greater; and from thence proceeded without delay to Hyderabad, leaving in the Souba Muhammad Khan Punni,u as Governor of the chief fort or townx of the Souba, with the troops belonging to Futteh Muhammad,— and with orders to oppose the new Souba by force of arms.
The governor or Killadár and Futteh Muhammad, with other Náíks, therefore, under pretence that their pay was due for the nine months during which they had done duty, and he had been absent, argued and insisted that, until they were paid, they would not allow him to enter the walls of the capital of the Souba, and they secretly prepared to defend themselves.
When the Nawaub became acquainted with these circumstances, he despatched a message to them, that he would pay the monthly allowances of the Huzariaun,y the garrisons of the forts, the sebundi, (a kind of militia), and the troops of the Souba, from the time of his entrance into, and taking possession of, the same; but that they must claim all their arrears from the last Soubadár. The garrison, however, would not listen to this proposition, and they consequently strengthened the gates of the city and fort, and prepared to defend themselves.
The Nawaub, meanwhile, encamped with his troops on the western side of the capital of the Souba, near an Eed Gah,z and one day made a determined attack on the fortifications, to gain an entrance into the fort.
The defenders of this part of the town, being however the soldiery of Futteh Muhammad, they successfully opposed his attack and gained great reputation.
After this repulse, the Nawaub marched and encamped on the road of Hallun Hulli, and surrounded both the town and fort. A continual discharge of arrows and musketry was kept up from the fort, and in every attack the garrison had the advantage; and, therefore, the Nawaub again moved ground to the neighbourhood of Kummin Hulli, which is distant, south westa from the fort, about three miles.
The Killadár now, inspired by folly and rashness, taking the troops of Futteh Muhammad with his own, left the town, to make a night attack on the Nawaub; and, falling in first with the picquets of the Nawaub’s force, asssaulted them, and a fierce combat ensued between the parties. Being deficient in experience and unacquainted with war, the Killadár did not, however, pay any attention to the troops of the enemy, who were in ambush, or concealed on his flanks, but pressed on straight to the tent of the Nawaub, having Futteh Muhammad, and a body of horse and foot, surrounding his elephant. The troops of the Nawaub, however, soon raised the cry of Gao! Gao!b and closed on the Killadár and Muhammad Khan on every side, and, after a hard fought conflict, the Killadár lost his head, and the brave Futteh Muhammad was also slain.
This event took place in the year 1137, Hijri, at which time the wives and children of Futteh Muhammad were residing in the Pergunna of Balapoor; and when the intelligence reached Abbás Kuli Khan, the son of Durgah Kuli Khan, who was the chief of Balapoor, the tyrannical and hard-hearted man immediately began without cause to persecute and oppress the afflicted and soul-stricken family of Futteh Muhammad, and plundered them of all their property, even to the furniture of the house, clothes, utensils, and the trinkets and jewels of the women. In addition to this tyrannical proceeding, the two brothers, (that is the sons of the slain Futteh Muhammad, the eldest of whom was Shahbaz Sáhib, about eight years old, and Hydur Alí Sáhib, three or four years old,) were also seized and carried into the fort, and confined there in a nagara, or kettle drum, the head or parchment of which being stretched on the drum, it was beaten, in order that, by the pain and distress of these poor orphans, he might extort more money from their families, and by this act of cruelty Abbás Kuli made himself known to the world as a tyrant and oppressor.
At length, the widow of the slain Futteh Muhammad dispatched a confidential person, with an account of the oppressive conduct of the chief of Balapoor, and the cruel confinement of her poor infants, to Hydur Sáhib the elder, the nephew of her husband, who was residing at Seringaputtun. On hearing of the death of his uncle, and the miserable condition of his children, Hydur Sáhib was so afflicted that he could neither eat nor sleep, and immediately complained to the Poligarc of Mysore, who wrote a letter to the Chief of Sura, requiring the release of the women and children of the slain Futteh Muhammad; and the Nawaub of Sura, therefore, after reproving the tyrant, and threatening him with punishment, himself procured their release.
It is not, however, to be concealed here, that another authord has given a different account of these occurrences. He says that, when the Nawaub Durgah Kuli Khan was killed, his son Abdurrasúl Khan, without the knowledge of the Nizám’s government, and wishing to obtain the government of the Souba, himself, borrowed three or four lakhse of rupees, from a Sahookar, or Banker, named Muhammad Khan Sulimán Zai, an inhabitant of Arkat, and collected troops for the defence of the Souba. Futteh Muhammad Sáhib also borrowed eighteen thousand rupees from the same person, to pay his company of soldiers, which amount he converted to his own use. When, however, Abdurrasúl Khan heard of the arrival of Nawaub Táhir Khan, the Soubadár, he prepared to go to Balapoor, but the banker before mentioned, at that time opposed his departure, on account of the money owing to him, and he therefore gave strict charge to the Commandant of the fort, and officers of the army and garrison, to secure by all means in their power the payment of the money from the Nawaub; after which he departed. When, therefore, the Nawaub arrived, the Huzariaun or officers of the Souba demanded their pay, and the money advanced by the banker, and refused to allow him to enter the capital of the Souba until the money was paid. The banker also assembled his Afghans, and prepared for defence. At length, after much strife and contention, the Killadár, or officer commanding the fort, and Futteh Muhammad, threw away their lives, and the Nawaub, advancing, at one gallant attack, entered the town. Nevertheless, the officers, the Mewatties,f and the banker abovementioned, seized the castle; and, making it secure, held out for a month, and did not give it up till they were paid.
When these circumstances were reported to the Huzúr, Nawaub Nizám-ul-Moolk, Asof Jah, he forwarded the pay of the soldiers, and the money of the banker, from his own treasury; and by that means quieted the disturbances in the Souba. After the receipt of the money, therefore, the officers surrendered the keys of the fort to the Nawaub; and the banker, having laden his camels, and elephants with his treasure, moved off on his journey towards Arkat. When, however, he arrived at the Purguna of Balapoor, he found the condition of the sons of Futteh Muhammad, as has been before described, and, having seen and being moved with compassion for them, he obtained the release of the women and children; but he dispatched the former and their dependents only to Seringaputtun, and kept the two brothers, as a security for the money which he had advanced their father.
In short, when the banker had arrived at Arkat, and the women at Seringaputtun, the pillage and cruel treatment of his cousins reached the ears of Hydur Sáhib the elder in detail; and he and the widows of Futteh Muhammad wept and bewailed their double loss and calamity.
Hydur, nevertheless, did his utmost to console the mourners, and immediately dispatched eighteen thousand rupees to Arkat to obtain the release of his oppressed cousins, whom he sent for and kept to live with him; on their being released they joined him in the state to which they had been reduced by oppression, with only a single suit of clothes.
Hydur the elder brought up these children with more tenderness and care than his own, and provided for them in a very liberal manner. He likewise taught them the useg of arms, and horsemanship, the lance or spear exercise and all the accomplishments of a soldier.
When the two brothers had arrived at years of discretion, Shahbaz Sáhib, who had married a lady of his own family, or tribe, being a young man of independent spirit, and not wishing to live a life of idleness, and throw the weight of his support on his cousin, took a forced leave of him and his mother, and, accompanied by his brother, departed to the Payanghaut, and visited, and took service with Abdul Wahab Khan, the younger brother of Muhammad Alí Khan, Wala Jah, who, during the government of his father, held the Jageer of Chitore. He was appointed by him to the command of a body of a thousand foot and two hundred horse, and in his service he remained sometime; his younger brother, that is, Hydur Alí, being appointed to the command of the horse— both brothers living happily together in the greatest harmony and friendship.
It may be proper to observe here, that, during the government of Nawaub Dilawár Khan, Soubadár or governor of Sura, the Poligars of the Balaghaut, having softened the Soubadár by bribery, began to shew their spirit by attacking each other; so that, latterly, the Poligar of Mysore, having collected seven thousand horse and twenty thousand foot, conquered or reduced all the Poligars to the eastward of Mysore— that is, the Chiefs of Bangalore Mashti, Sutigal, Korikal, Makri, and Ootridroog, &c. and gradually took possession of the whole of the country, at length even to the boundary of the Souba of Sura, to which frontier his troops had advanced. He also took the Hill Fort of Mudgiri, which belonged to the Poligar of Mirgi, and placed in garrison there Alí Sáhib Náík, the son of Hydur Sáhib the elder, with three hundred foot and seventy horse, an elephant and nagara, to guard the Hill Fort, and protect the country.
About this time, Hydur Sáhib the elder, sent for his cousins from Chitore, it being a period of prosperity with his family; and, by chance it happened that, about this period, Shahbaz Sáhib receiving some slight affront from Abdul Wahab Khan, and, being offended, with difficulty obtained his discharge from his service, and having no employ, he, at the invitation of his relative, (Hydur the elder), joined him with his brother, their family, followers, and property.
Seeing the style and respectability of the two fortunate brothers, Hydur Sáhib was highly pleased with them, and presented them to Nundi Raj, the chief minister of Mysore, and obtained service for them, with three hundred foot and fifty horse.— As after this, during the attack on Dewun Hulli, depending on Chuk Balapoor,h in which forti Hydur Sáhib the elder had a detachment, he having besieged the fort, and reduced it to extremity, was accidentally wounded in one of the assaults, and afterwards died, the minister before mentioned, (Nundi Raj,) delivered over to Shahbaz Sáhib the company which Hydur the elder had commanded, and also gave him the charge of the fort and dependencies, which had been newly conquered; he then returned to Seringaputtun. Shahbaz dispatched his horse, under the command of his brother Hydur Alí, with the minister’s troops; and, sending for his family from Kolar, he remained at Balapoor. As, about this time, his wife had died after giving birth to a daughter, he demanded in marriage, and married, a young lady of his tribe, and when his daughter,k born under the star of good fortune, had arrived at a proper age, he affianced her to Lala Mean. His new wife brought him two daughters, and one son, whom he named Kádir Sáhib.
At this period, Hydur Alí had conducted himself with such prudence and discretion in Seringaputtun, that all the Chiefs of the Government, the Raja himself, but chiefly his minister Nundi Raj, (who was the father-in-law of Jug Kishen Raj Ooderi, the Raja of that period,) were so fascinated by the goodness of his disposition and his bravery, that they distinguished him above all his compeers, the Jamadárs, Náíkwars, and other officers of older standing; and the latter (Nundi Raj) favored and desired his promotion, as he considered him the leader of his troops, or the bravest man in the army. Hydur having also been permitted to farm the Jumabundi, or land revenue,l for the payment of his horse and regular foot, was now dignified with the title of Hydur Alí Khan; and neither in business nor pleasure did Nundi Raj ever separate himself from him.
When Hydur Alí Khan had arrived at the age of nineteen or twenty years, Shahbaz Sáhib, his elder brother who with his family resided at Dewun Hulli, determined to seek a wife for his brother; and, after much search, the family of a certain Syud Shahbaz, commonly called Shah Mean Sáhib, was selected, he being a Peer Zadehm of the Souba Sura, who had six children, viz. three sons and three daughters, the eldest son being Syud Kumal, otherwise called Kumtoo Sáhib, the second Syud Mukhdoom, and the third Syud Ismáíl.
This man was sent for with his family to Seringaputtun, and his eldest daughter was married to Hydur Alí in Seringaputtun, after the manner of the Dukkanees. This young lady had a daughter; but, unfortunately, while she was in child-bed, either from neglect of regimen or some other cause, she was seized with the dropsy, which took away the use of the lower part of her body,n and he was on the point of marrying again, when Nundi Raj found it necessary to proceed with his whole force, to reduceo the country of the Payan Ghaut, which is south of Mysore, and consists of Calicut, Koimbatore, Dindigul and Palighat, &c., some of the Naimars of which had rebelled, and deserted their villages, after laying waste the country.
He, therefore, marched, with the whole of his troops, and a year and a half were expended in reducing the country to order, and punishing the disaffected Naimars. The bravery of Hydur Alí Khan in this service was so conspicuous, that it became the theme of praise on the tongues of all ranks of people; and in reward for his labours and services he had an elephant, a flag, nagaras, or kettle drums, and the palankin of the Dulwai or Minister of State, presented to him, and he was honoured with permission to enlist horse and regular foot, that is musketeers; he accordingly enlisted about four thousand foot, to be disciplined after the European mode; he likewise enlisted fifteen hundred horse separately: and these he termed his own troops.
When, therefore, Hydur returned with so much credit from his successful expedition, his wife, of her own free will, gave him permission to take another wife.
In this delicate matter, the Khan acted according to the advice of his elder brother, Shahbaz Sáhib, and sent for Meer Alí Ruza Khan, the late Killadár of Kurm Goonda, who, being then unengaged in any service, was residing with his family in the Barh Mahl. He supplied him with the necessary expenses and carriage for the journey; and, when Meer Alí arrived, took his sister-in-law to wife. He, however, still considered his first wife as holding the principal sway in the house,p continued all her privileges and honours, and moreover regarded her as the ornament of his family, and placed all his family and household under her authority. The second sister of his first wife he gave in marriage to a learned man, named Syud Búrhán, and her third sister not being engaged, he, about this time, gave her to Meer Alí Ruza Khan, and the marriage was celebrated with the usual ceremonies. All his brothers and connexions remained with him constantly, he giving to the whole of them some kind of service or employment.
For three or four years after this marriage the Khan (Hydur) had no children. At length, however, by the mediation of the transcendant meritsq of Tippoo Mustan Oulia, (may God enlighten his tomb and those of his brethren,— and whose miracles are celebrated both in Hind and in the Dukkun,) he obtained his wish, and in the hope of obtaining children, having taken refuge in the favour of the Almighty, and having offered up prayers and vows for the accomplishment of his desires, when the time arrived for the acceptation of his petition and the increase of his greatnessr and power, the arrow of his prayer reached the butt of accordance, and the tree of his hope blossomed and fructified.—
Tippoo Mustan was the elder brother of Humeed Sáhib, who lies in the centre of the city of Gunjee or Kunjun Nuggur, and who himself sleeps in the market or Chowk of Arkat. The third brother also of that saint is buried at Hunoor, Talooka Rai Droog.s
The birth of Tippoo Sultan, the Martyr, (may God’s mercy rest upon him); with other details. A. Hejri 1163. Nov. 29, 1749.
PRAISES and gratitude to God! who, after so much desire and anxiety, caused the rose tree to produce the bud of hope, who caused Hydur Alí’s house and fortunes to be illumined by the lamp of prosperity, also the night of his desire to be succeeded by the morning of its fulfilment; that is to say, the rising of the bright star of the constellation of power and dignity, in the village of Dewun Hulli, on the morning of Saturday, the 20th of Zi, Huj. year 1163, H.t shedding its light on the field of his father’s wishes for progeny, dispelling the dark gloom obscuring his hopes and rejoicing the heart of both friend and stranger. The brave Khan on the bestowal of this great gift, rubbed his forehead on the earth of acknowledgement, and offered up the thanksgiving and praise due to the Creator of all life; and for forty days likewise he kept open his house for feasting and enjoyment, and opening wide the doors of his treasury, made all his servants and friends rich with his gifts.u
The rose buds of his friends’ hearts expanded and blossomed in this breeze of pleasure; day by day, the Nagaras of rank and fortune were beaten at his gates, and the blessings accompanying the propitious steps of that fortunate child increased in number; for even from the day of his birth, riches and power, it may be said, came in person to meet and do him honor; and, as his advent was owing to the secret aspirations and intercession of the Saint Tippoo Mustan, he was named Tippo Sultan, and no care was omitted in his nurture and preservation.
About the end of this year, Nawaub Nizám ul Moolk Násir Jung, marched to the Karnatic Payan Ghaut, to revenge the death of Unwar uddin Khan Gopa Mooe, Soubadár of Arkat, who, in the year 1162, H.x was assassinated, without cause, on the plain of Amboor Gurh, by the treacherous hand of Hidáyut Mihí-ud-dín Khan, the sister’s son of the Nawaub abovementioned, at the instigation of Hussain Dost Khan, otherwise called Chunda Sáhib Nayut. The said Nayut, likewise, with the aid of the French of Pondicherry, having seized upon the whole Souba of Arkat, and taking on himself the correction of its rebellious subjects, and the regulation of its affairs.
All the Poligars of the Karnatic Balaghaut, therefore, and also Dilawár Khan, the Soubadár of the Souba Sura, repaired with their followers, arms, and ammunition to the presence. Among the number was also Girajwuri Nundi Raj,y on the part of the Mysore chief, accompanied by a large force, and by Hydur Alí Khan; and they joined the Nizám, and fought on his side, till, in the year 1164, the Nawaub was slain on the field of Ginjee, owing to the disaffection and treachery of the Afghans of Kirpa Kirnole. Astonished and dismayed at this terrible event, the subsidiary Poligars, without any communication with each other, retired to their respective homes.
Hydur Alí Khan, however, with his troops and artillery, remained on the field with the scattered troops of the murdered Nizám, until the midday after his assassination; but, on being fully acquainted with the circumstances, he took the road to the Balaghaut, and, on his route, fell in with three or four camels, laden with treasure of the government, which the rebels had seized, and were taking away. After punishing the robbers, Hydur Alí took possession of this treasure, which he added to his own and then returned to Seringaputtun.
The encreasing prosperity of Hydur Alí Khan Bahadúr, with other occurences of the year 1165 H., A. D. 1751.
DURING the reign of Jug Kishen Raj Ooderi, Raja of Mysore; and the ministry of his agent, Girachoori Nundi Raj, many turbulent and rebellious men assembled, and raised disturbances in different parts of that country; and, having possessed themselves of portions of territory belonging to the government, withdrew themselves entirely from the authority of the Raja, and refused to pay tribute; more particularly, Deo Raj, (the brother of Nundi Raj,) who had rebelled, and having surrounded the palace of the Raja with his sentinels, fired several cannon shot at the gate of the palace. With the aid and advice of Hydur Alí however, Nundi Raj soon overcame the enemies of his son-in-law the Raja.
In addition to these disturbances, but of greater importance, were those of the eastern part of Mysore, which was in the greatest disorder and confusion; a brief account of which is as follows:— When Nundi Raj, after the assassination of the Nawaub Násir Jung, returned in hastez towards Mysore, Hydur Alí Khan likewise following him, a man of the name of Gunga Ram, who was the Foujdár of Raikote, Hussoor, and Baglore, and who commanded a party of men in conjunction with the troops of Nundi Raj, having obtained leave on the road to return to his districts departed and commenced to rebel, and excite disturbances; and, after the manner of the Poligars and chiefs of forts in his vicinity, considered himself independent. Nundi Raj, and the other chiefs of the government, with one accord agreed, that there was no one so well qualified to restore peace and order in that disturbed quarter as Hydur Alí Khan— verse— “The range of mountains and deserts belongs of right to the lion.”a— and he was therefore appointed to the command there, with his own troops and the companies of his brother Shahbaz Sáhib, and Khoob Sáhib Dukkuni Jamadár, and two thousand horse. Hydur Alí being invested with full power to act in all matters as he thought best.
Advancing immediately from that place, by a night march, the Khan fell like a sudden calamity on the sleeping fortunes of the rebels, and, by stretching forth the arm of courage, speedily subdued them. The rebel, Gunga Ram, was made prisoner, and, as a return for his bad actions, was put in irons. As for the rest of the rebels, by one of Hydur’s vigorous attacks he soon lightened their shoulders of the weight of their proud heads, and cast their bodies on the field of eternity. In fact, in the course of two months, he had put to death, or taken prisoners, the whole of the rebels, and had placed strong detachments of his own troops in the Forts of that mountainous country such as those of Holi Droog, Chund Rai Droog, Ruttun Giri, Rai Kote, Hussoor, and Baglore; and he placed in each of them commanding officers on whom he could rely; and then, with much treasure, and many camels and elephants, he returned to Seringaputtun.
About this time Asud Khan, Surdar Khan, and Muhammad Omr, the father of Muhammad Alí commandant, Ghonsa, arrived from Arkat, and were appointed to the high rank of Risaladár in the regular battalions.
The march of an army, under the command of Nundi Raj, agreeably to the request of Muhammad Alí Khan, Suráj ud dowla, towards Nuthur Nuggur, otherwise called Trichinopoly, and the display of that innate courage in the course of the expedition, which marked the character of the Khan; in the year 1160. H.
After the murder of his father, and that of Násir Jung, Muhammad Alí Khan Suráj ud dowla, Wala Jah, the son of Unwar uddín Khan, the martyr, sought refuge in Nuthur Nuggur, or Trichinopoly. With the intention, therefore, of rooting out the power of Muhammad Alí Khan, Hussain Dost Khan, otherwise Chunda Sáhib Nayut, (who, by the assistance of the French of Pondicherry, had wrested the whole of the province of Arkat from Hidayut Mohi uddín Khan,) now advanced boldly to attack Nuthur Nuggur; having with him a few French troops and his own force amounting to about six thousand horse, and twelve thousand foot, and besieged that fort, throwing up batteries, and maintaining a continual fire on the city.
Suráj ud dowla, reduced to extremity, was like a lamp, the light of which glimmers and dies at the approach of morning. He, therefore, wrote to the ministers of the Mysore government, stating that, if they would now assist him in his necessities, and conquer his enemies, he would, after his foes had retreated, and the Souba had been reduced under his authority, consign to their charge the fort of Trichinopoly and its dependencies. He also sent for aid to the governor of the Port of Deona Puttun, an Englishman, and assigned him a monthly allowance; and promised him a Jageer;a and by this means obtained from him a number of European soldiers.
Seduced by the flattering prospect of obtaining a fertile rich country, and greedy of gain,b Nundi Raj, the minister of the Mysore Raja, associated himself with Morar Rao, and other Poligars; and, having expended a great deal of money, he, with his treasury and artillery, and an army of seven thousand cavalry, and ten or twelve thousand foot, marched towards Trichinopoly. The Raja of Mysore, however, was not consenting to this movement; but, nevertheless, his Dulwai or Prime Minister, with great labour persisted, and carried to the besieged Khan, (Muhammad Alí,) money and supplies of all sorts; indeed, all the aid he required.
Hydur Alí Khan was present in every engagement, in conjunction with the troops of Suráj ud dowla, and displayed the greatest valour; he also made several night attacks on the French troops, and on those of Chunda Sáhib, with great success. His Kuzzaks,c who were under the command of Gházi Khan Bede, were likewise appointed to surround and plunder the camp of the French and they captured and brought thence arms, tents, and cattle; and, in one of these night attacks, by their enterprize and bravery they took two guns from the advanced guard of the French. By these actions Hydur Alí established himself a name above his compeers.
The assassination of Chunda Sáhib, at length took place in the Dulwai Munduf, (Mundup) where he had formerly sworn on the Korán not to molest or injure Munka Rani, the wife of Trimul Náík, the Chief of Madhura, who then had charge of the government of Trichinopoly, and to whom, after he had drawn her into his snares by oaths and treaties that he would offer her no injury, he not only broke his promise and oath, but, moreover, violated her person, and caused her to be put to death in a most barbarous manner.d In consequence of his death, the French withdrew to Pondicherry, and Suráj ud dowla remained successful and master.
He now, however, with great artifice, abandoned his agreement with the Mysorians; and, instead of sending the money, that is pay, which was due to the troops for six months, he sent messages and apologies. Astonished at the Khan’s duplicity and villainy, Nundi Raj was also ashamed of his own imprudence in the business; he therefore gave orders to commence the siege of the fort, and Hydur Alí, and his other officers, immediately made an attack on it. The wily Khan, however, after the breaking up of the Trichinopoly treaty, or agreement, sought the friendship and aid of the French, and sent for a number of soldiers of that nation to his aid. He likewise sent to Pondicherry, to purchase warlike stores, as cannon, muskets, powder and shot, and to procure able gunners, and other Frenchmen whom he entertained in his service.
The siege lasted three months, and in that time Kumtoo Sáhib, the half brother of Hydur Alí, was slain by a cannon ball. At length, the besieged Khan planned a deep scheme; he sent to Nundi Raj, to request he would despatch some confidential officer, with a party of troops, to garrison the fort, to whom the keys should be delivered up, and that he himself would then retire to take possession of Arkat, under the aid and protection of the English.
Supposing, from this message, that the spell, or witchery, of his prudence and valour had made a proper impression on the serpent-like Khan, Nundi Raj, joyfully despatched his brother or near relation, Gooti Gopal, with Venkut Rao Burki, Khoob Sáhib, Syud Budduni Dukkuni, and Umr Singh, Jamadárs, with a detachment of about two thousand foot, and seven hundred horse, giving them strict orders to provide for the security of the fort and its dependencies.
When these people had reached the gate of the fort, a key was sent to them; but the day being considered very inauspicious by the Hindoos, and also the hour unlucky, they for that reason made excuses, and would not receive the key; but an agreement was made that it should be delivered up to them the next day, and the party went back. Suráj ud dowla was extremely well pleased at this arrangement, as he had thus fulfilled his promise and engagement. The next day, therefore, the same party returned to the fort, and with great cheerfulness entered it. As soon, however, as they were in, Gooti Gopal and the other officers were sent for separately, under pretence of speaking to and consulting them, and were imprisoned, and the arms of their followers being seized, some of them were confined, and some turned out of the fort. The gates were then closed, and a few shots were fired into the Mysore camp.
Nundi Raj was very grieved and angry at this treachery, yet, at the same time, he was entirely at a loss to know what he should do to remedy his misfortune, at length, however, yielding to fate, he followed the advice of Hydur Alí, and, returned towards Sutti Mungul; foiled and ashamed that after all his exertions, he had lost the chance of possessing so rich a country as Arkat, and had thrown away 3,000,000e of pagodas to no purpose.
The Raja of Mysore, also, being offended at these operations, had not sent any pay for the troops for nine months; and, this causing great distress in the camp, Nundi Raj halted at the town before mentioned, being ashamed to return to the capital.
About this time, Balajee Rao Nana,f the chief of the Mahrattas at Poona, for the first time made an incursion towards Mysore, after taking possession of the Souba Sura, to the chief of which, Nawaub Dilawár Khan, he gave the Purguna of Kolar, in Jageer, leaving the Souba in charge of Bulwunt Rao. Finding that Hydur Alí was absent from the country of Mysore, he proceeded without fear, and, meeting no opposition, laid the whole of the country waste, and placed strong garrisons of his own troops in all the forts, and took permanent possession of them.
The Raja of Mysore, seeing the enemy in great force, and that they had seized all his towns and villages, excepting his capital, Bangalore, and Makri Droog; also that, by the pride and mismanagement of the Dulwai, Nundi Raj, his own troops were confined to the neighbourhood of Trichinopoly; and that, however often he wrote informing him of the desolation of his country, and the plunder of his Ryuts, and ordered him to return to his succour, Nundi Raj still refused to comply before making his own arrangements; and, lastly, seeing that all pertaining to the government was falling into confusion, he, (the Raja) overwhelmed with difficulties, and disordered in his senses, at length, purchased the forbearance of the Mahrattas, by paying a krore of rupees to them; but, although they with their troops returned to Poona, still they did not withdraw their detachments or garrisons, and officers, from the towns and forts of Mysore; but, on the contrary, increased their number. They, moreover, plundered and laid waste the country, so cruelly and effectually, that to this day some towns are not repeopled.
But, to return, while Nundi Raj, the Dulwai, was encamped at Sutti Mungul, his troops, for want of their pay placed him in Dhurna.g The Dulwai, however, having with sweet words and fair promises appeased their anger, sent them to the Raja, at Seringaputtun. But Hydur Alí, in whose personal character he had great confidence, and a Rathore Jamadár, named Hurri Singh, who commanded a hundred and fifty horse, these, with his own Pagah, five hundred horse, and about two thousand foot, he kept with himself. The entire want of money and supplies, however, so oppressed the soldiers, that, Hurri Singh forgetting the ties of salt, or gratitude to his master, in order to obtain his arrears of pay forbade the sleeping and eating of the Dulwai, by placing him in Dhurna, or arrest, and that in so great a degree as even to stop the water used in his kitchen. The Dulwai, losing heart from this rigour, with his clothes and the vessels of silver and gold brought for his use in travelling, and a small sum of money, paid him off, and discharged him.
As soon as the Jamadár had obtained his money and discharge, he marched away with his baggage, to a place within about three miles from Seringaputtun, and encamped there; and his men being free from careh and want, in body and mind, after eating and drinking joyfully, laid themselves down to rest with the greatest confidence.
On witnessing these occurrences, however, Hydur became exceedingly excited, and going to the Dulwai, addressed him in reproachful terms, saying to him, “Why have you acted thus? What you have done is unworthy a man of rank! Is it proper, that, without the knowledge of your most particular friend, and for the sake of paying one of the meanest servants, of the Raj, or Government, you should have incurred the discredit of selling your plate and clothes? and of discharging demands without proof of the justness of the claim. This is far from correct; seeing that to make one man insolent by such an unwise indulgence, is to open the door to similar claims and insults from the rest of the officers of the troops. It is indispensable, therefore, that he who has placed his foot beyond the circle of obedience, and by that means sought misfortune, should be punished; and, if you authorise me, I will punish him so that he shall be an example to others.”
The Dulwai lent an attentive ear to this advice, and requested that it might be as Hydur Alí had said. Hydur, therefore, immediately rising, without a moment’s delay returned to his own place of encampment, and taking five hundred musketeers, or matchlock men, and a store of ammunition with him, he marched straight towards Hurri Singh’s halting ground, and falling suddenly on his sleeping party, whose death had arrived, and firing volley after volley among them, slew some, the more fortunate on their beds, and others were slain rising and advancing a few steps, with their swords and shields in their hands. In fine, the whole of the troop, with their mutinous Jamadár, were slain by the sword, bayonet, &c., and all their arms and baggage, with their money, utensils, horses, and the articles they had collected, were brought to the Dulwai, who, with the exception of the money and articles belonging to himself, presented the whole of the plunder, horses, &c., of these slaughtered men to Hydur Alí, whose prudence in this action acquired for him great renown.
A few days after this, the Dulwai sent for Hydur, and, seating him on the musnud with himself, he consulted with him on the re-establishment of his own affairs, complaining bitterly of his distress for want of money. Hydur immediately took the management of his affairs, (that is, to say, the collection of money for his wants), on his own responsibility, and without delay, like a raging lion, marched with his brave soldiers towards the Poligars; and, in the course of one year, having thrown all the Nairs and Mapillasi into the utmost trepidation and confusion, he collected a large sum of money. In this expedition those persons who, according to requisition, came forward with a good will, and did their best to provide the sum demanded, he spared in life and property; but, on the contrary, those who disobeyed his commands, and, without having the license or exemption of the Raja, refused to pay the required tribute, he so completely destroyed, that their names, and those of their children, were erased from the book of time.
The Poligars of the Talookas of Palni and Virapachy, who were exceedingly rebellious, were, by a well-planned attack, taken with their families and property, and brought in; and, in some of the difficult positions and passes in that country, Hydur also built stockades, or wooden forts, with stakes and planks, which in the language of the Hindoos are called lukkur kote,k and in these he left detachments of his own troops. He thus diffused throughout the region a salutary fear of punishment, (which is so necessary to support the authority of Governors), held the country firm, and kept the rebels in proper subjection.
At these successes, which, by the good management of Hydur, produced a large sum of money, Nundi Raj was much pleased, and wrote a congratulatory letter to the Raja, at Seringaputtun, on the conquest of the territory of the rebellious Poligars, with which he sent a krore of rupees, as a nuzzur or present. By this means he washed away half the blackness of discredit or shame which before covered his face.
A short time after this, Hydur Ali was again sent with a body of troops, to establish order at Dindigul, Palghaut, &c. At this time, the chiefs about the Raja, persons who dreaded Hydur’s advancement, persuaded him to recal Nundi Raj, and they obtained and despatched letters recalling him, but conveying kind assurances to him under the Raja’s seal.
As the Dulwai had been travelling for a long time, that is, two or three years, he had become tired of the fatigues of continual movement, and was wishing and looking for an opportunity to return home, to his family, then residing in the fort of Seringaputtun. As soon, therefore, as the letters arrived, he without any fear or apprehension, proceeded to Seringaputtun, and wrote to Hydur Alí, who was employed in reducing the Poligars, to return as quick as he could.
When Hydur Alí found that Nundi Raj had returned to Seringaputtun, he lost no time in completing his arrangements where he was, and with his own troops, consisting of two or three thousand regular infantry, five hundred Chittikars,l two hundred Europeans, of all nations, (who had been attracted by high pay from Pondicheri, Mangalore, &c.) four thousand Karnatic foot, and eight hundred horse, with four or five light guns, he marched by regular stages to Seringaputtun, and encamped near the Mana Munduf.
At that time the state of Seringaputtun was as follows. The whole of the country northward from the town of Chutr,m which is four fursungs from the city of Seringaputtun, and on the road to Sura, was in the hands of the Mahrattas, and the civil and military officers of these plunderers, regulated the whole of the Talookas and towns, and enjoyed themselves in collecting the revenue. Gopal Rao Mahratta, the Chief of Mirich, who was constituted the Chief of the Souba Sura, after the removal of Bulwunt Rao, again assembled a force, and besieged the fort of Bangalore. The Killadár or governor, however, whose name was Sri Nowas, the son of Vinkat Rao Burki, did not lose heart; but having strengthened the fort, and encouraged the garrison, he opposed the enemy with great constancy and courage. The Chiefs of Mysore, nevertheless, lost from cowardicen all sense and discretion, and, like a parcel of old women, trembling, waited for a man to enter the field of valour for them. When, therefore, Nundi Raj and the brave Hydur arrived at Seringaputtun, it appeared as if the breath had entered anew into their lifeless carcases, and now they began again to consult how they should repel their enemies. All the chief officers and Jamadárs being assembled, they were questioned as to how the country, almost entirely lost, could be recovered, and the enemy chastised. In answer to these interrogations, the whole of the military officers said, that, if the Raja would mount his elephant, and prepare to attack the Mahrattas, they would surround him, and fight to the last man in his defence; but that, otherwise with their own forces alone, they could not venture to attack the numerous army of the Mahrattas.
An account of the defeat of the Mahrattas under Gopal Rao, in the vicinity of Bangalore, by the bravery of Hydur Alí Khan, and the recapture of the Talookas, and Forts, taken by the Mahrattas; with other occurrences of the year 1168, Hijri— A. D. 1754.
WHEN the heads of the government heard these dastardly words from all the officers commanding their troops, they became hopeless, and, sending for Hydur Alí, they made him acquainted with what had occurred, and besought his aid in the recovery and preservation of the country. The Khan immediately without the least hesitation, made himself responsible for the accomplishment of this arduous undertaking; and the Raja, after complimenting him highly on his courage, embraced him, gave him the title of Khan Bahadúr, and repeated his request for the settlement of the country, and the discomfiture of his enemies; he likewise sent out of the fort his own standard, his own tents and equipage, his musnud ornamented with gold, his treasury, wardrobe, and elephants; and appointed the Khan, Sipahsalar (Commander-in-Chief) and gave him discretional authority to act as he thought best, and then, giving him the leaf of dismissal,o he, to do him honor, accompanied him attended by his chiefs on foot to the Gate of the Palace.
Persian verse. “He who can wield the sword shall have money struck in his name”p— or the Sikka shall be read in his name.q
As the Khan, and his brother Shahbaz, with their own troops only, now left the city and encamped at the Kurri Kote, the Raja and Dulwai, summoned all the Jamadárs, and gave them strict orders to obey the Sipahsalar, and signified to them that they were dismissed for the purpose of joining him. At first only Khoob Sáhib Dukkani, and Syud Buduni, Jamadárs, (officers who had been lately released from the prisons of Muhammad Alí Khan,) with their troops, amounting to about three thousand horse, arrived; but afterwards, Ruhím Sáhib, Yakoob Sáhib, Meer Bijli, Amr Singh, with their companies and military stores, some officers of foot, and Manuel, the European, with his Risala, made themselves ready to attend the Sipahsalar. The rest of the officers and troops raised a dispute regarding the arrears of pay which were due to them, and remained at the capital. Hydur Alí was, therefore, at length obliged to march with the scanty force which he had under his orders, amounting only to four or five thousand horse, twelve thousand regular infantry, and six or seven guns; and, having given the curl of enterprise to the moustache of his manhood, he proceeded towards Bangalore, and in two or three days, with the greatest regularity and order, arrived and encamped in the vicinity of Chinaputtun.
Being aware of his approach, the Mahrattas dispatched fifteen thousand horse to attack him; but, hearing of their advance the Sipahsalar also marched, and took up a position in the jungul or forest of Burdi, or Baroli, where he and his men lay in wait, like tigers waiting for their prey.
Having sent, the next morning, to ascertain the place where the Mahrattas were encamped, he, at night, marched against them with one thousand regular Infantry, and Chittikars, and two hundred Europeans, and attacked them in the rear so successfully, that, abandoning all their baggage, the Mahrattas fled hastily and lost but few in killed and prisoners. After this night attack, which was admirably concerted, and gave them an example of what they (the Mahrattas) had to expect in future, Hydur marched to Bangalore, and encamped near Basoon Gori, and immediately wrote and forwarded a letter of encouragement to the besieged Killadár, Sri Nowas, informing him of his arrival, to his (the Killadár’s) aid, and the defeat of the enemy. Sri Nowas was now nearly reduced to surrender, by the fire of the Mahrattas, and the want of ammunition, and provisions, but immediately on receiving the letter, and recognizing the signature of Hydur, he recovered his confidence, and for joy fired off his guns, as a salute, at the Mahratta camp.
The Mahrattas, also, seeing that the garrison were roused by the prospect of relief, determined to relinquish the siege of the fort, and attack the troops arrived to its assistance. They, therefore, changed their ground the distance of two fursungs, (about six or seven miles,) to Soondi Gopeh, and encamped there in the best order. On the following morning, Hydur, the Sipahsalar, drew out his forces, and having given charge of his right and left wings to experienced officers, he, with his artillery in readiness, marched straight towards the Mahrattas, who, aware of his purpose, marshalled their troops, and prepared to receive him warmly. The fire soon commenced, and the balls fell like pattering rain from the guns and muskets of Hydur’s men, and unable to stand the fire of Hydur’s infantry and artillery, the Mahrattas, lost all power of opposition and resistance, and fled, leaving part of their baggage behind them. Being master of the field of battle, Hydur Alí now taking possession of the deserted baggage, returned to his former ground of encampment, and then, with great art, sending for Sri Nowas the Killadár, under pretence of a visit, he detained him with his own troops, and appointed to the charge of the fort a certain Kubeer Beg, one of his own friends.
The body of Mahrattas, which had been defeated and fled, again collected their scattered numbers, and made ready for action, in the neighbourhood of Nulloonga. In consequence of this, Hydur Alí marched from Bangalore, and encamped two or threee fursungs from Balapoor the greater, and halted there for two days. On the night of the third, however, having obtained a favourable opportunity, he again marched, and attacked the Mahrattas, throwing, such a powerful fire of musketry, guns, and rockets like a tempest of lightning upon them, that he dispersed them and losing their manhood and senses, they fled, leaving their arms, am munition, tents and standards, on the ground.
Hydur thus gained the victory, and the leader of the Mahrattas, having escaped with much difficulty, continued his flight to Nijigul.— After the lapse of about ten or fifteen days, he, however, commenced again to collect his horse and foot, and was making ready to attack Hydur, when at this period, news arrived from Poona, that Sudusheo Pundit Bhow, and Wiswas Rao, the eldest son of Balajee Rao Nana, who had displayed the standard of conceit and arrogance, and had raised the neck of pride in the empire of Hind, and with three hundred thousand horse, two hundred thousand foot, and three hundred guns, had marched towards Dehli, and had taken and plundered the Dárul Khiláfat of the King of Kings; had, at length, in the plain of Gunjawur, depending on Paniput Karnal, received from the powerful hand of Ahmud Shah Doorani, (the grandfather of Zemán Shah the King of Kabul, who with four Dustas of Sir Abdalli, each Dustu consisting of twelve thousand horse, had arrived in Hindustan) such a total defeat, and had been so effectually destroyed, that their name and the token of their existence had departed from the world.r (He learned also,) that Balajee Pundit, at hearing of this shameful defeat, the utter ruin of his power, and the destruction of hundreds of thousands of his troops, was so struck with grief, that, from the distress and disorder of his mind, he at length lost his senses, and died, lamenting his misfortunes and loss. Gopal Rao, on receiving this dreadful news, finding he could not hope to oppose Hydur successfully, lost his way in the wilderness of despair; that is, with his troops and his baggage that remained, he retired to Sura, and withdrew all his people from the country of Mysore. Hydur Alí followed his steps, and, having expelled the Mahratta garrisons from the forts depending on Mysore, some by fair means and some by foul, and replaced them by men and officers of his own, he then, with the plunder he had taken from the fugitive Mahrattas, returned, with joy in his heart, and pleasure in his countenance, to Seringaputtun; the departments of which he found in the following unsettled state when he arrived.
The whole of the Jamadárs of horse, with their men armed and ready, amounting to three or four thousand men had secured the gates and posterns of the fort, and stopped all communication with any one, friend or stranger, under pretence of demanding their arrears of pay. The chief officers had made up their beds at the doors of the Raja and Dulwai’s habitations, and remained there, demanding their money; and suffered no one in the fort to go out, nor would they allow any one to enter the fort.
On witnessing the rigour and injustice of these soldiers, Hydur Alí was greatly excited and enraged, and determined to punish them; when, at the same time, the Raja, Nundi Raj, &c. placing entire confidence in Hydur, sent to him, through the medium of a woman who sold herbs, an account of the misery of their situation, from the oppression of these faithless soldiers, and begged his assistance, in obtaining a settlement of their disputes with them.— Hydur Alí, in reply, sent verbally all the consolation and comfort he thought necessary at that moment, and professed his friendly wishes to do them service. On the ensuing day, therefore he sent word to the mutinous Jamadárs, that he, also, was one of the claimants or creditors of the government, and that he had been employed on hard service for months, without any pay or assistance whatever, and that, if they would allow him, he would join them, and thus obtain the settlement of his own demands; but that they might be certain that, until they opened the fire of their guns and rockets on the Dewaun Khana, and Zanana, (or the palace) of the Raja, and showered a tempest of shot on these places like hail, and until they filled the heads of the conceited occupantss with the black smoke of their artillery and musketry, they would never submit to follow the right path. If they chose he said to act on his suggestion, well,— if not,— the surrounding suburbs of the city were rich and populous; and, besides them, there was the whole country of Mysore, from which, if he thought proper, he could collect his dues without difficulty.
When the Jamadárs heard this excellent advice from Hydur, they began to fear that he would carry his plan into execution, by plundering their houses, which they had built in the Bahadúr Poora, near the old Eed Gah, a little to the westward of the battery of Muhammad Alí, commandant, and which part of the suburbs was very populous. They, therefore, gave him leave to enter the fort, with a few men; but Hydur, that Lion of the forest of courage and enterprize, without the least delay, accompanied by two light guns, seven or eight hundred regular infantry, and two hundred spear men on foot, entered the fort, and, having posted his men in parties at different places, visited the Raja and the Dulwai, and offered consolation and comfort to them. Then, after having also pleased the Jamadárs with kind and flattering words and speeches, and having attracted the hearts of high and low to him by his affable manners, he returned to his encampment. The next day he entered the fort, accompanied by the same number of men as before, and now told the Jamadárs that, as there was no guard on the Zanana, or women’s apartments, of the Raja or Dulwai, he would place his own foot soldiers on them, that they might stop all supplies of water and other necessaries to their inhabitants; and, the Jamadárs having yielded to this proposal, he immediately sent for two thousand foot, well armed, and posted guards on the Zananas of the Raja and Dulwai, and, in short in the course of two or three days, he secured, or made himself master of, all the roads and lanes leading to the palace.
The day after this he proceeded to the Private Hall of audience,t and having placed a number of his attendants under pretence of Dhurna in the inside of the Hall, which is called Chutr Duddi, or Doori,u he of a sudden came out, and told the Jamadárs that a settlement of his and their demands had been effected; but, that the regular accounts of their monthly pay must be entered into the Duftur, or register of the Tosha Khona, (or treasury) and that they might then take their money. That, they must take up their beds, therefore, from the palace, and carry them away, and then, with the Vakeel or agent of the Risala or troop, and one Mutsuddi, (or writer) attend, the Kutcheree,v that their monthly accounts might be made up, and their claims discharged; also that, if they had any other intentions he thought they would in the end repent of them. Having said this, he ordered his men to keep the Jamadárs, with a Vakeel and Mutsuddi each, present in the Hall, and turn the remainder of their men out of the fort. As his brave soldiers were drawn up in companies, parading about the streets and markets, with their drums beating, and handling their arms, the Jamadárs, seeing the posture of affairs, lost their colour,w and submitted to Hydur’s pleasure and commands, and with an accountant or two, each repaired to the Kutcheree, where the astute Hydur himself examined the monthly pay lists of each Jamadar, and, causing a memorandum of each, to be taken, kept it by him; while, to compare the numbers in the returns with the numbers present for duty, he demanded an actual muster. For, in fact, the Jamadárs of a thousand horse had present at that time only six hundred; those of five hundred, but three hundred, and those of two hundred but half as many; although, by the collusion of the writers of the Pay Office, and the Vakeels or agents of the regiments, they extorted pay for the full complement, and, for actual muster, played at hide and seek;x as soon as the clear-headed Hydur understood this excessive roguery,y he immediately sent for the Jamadárs and took the muster of their men and horses; and, being much vexed at the villany of the accountants of the Treasury, he deducted the amount overdrawn for absent or non-effectives, from the day on which the Jamadárs and their companies were received into the service, to the very day he mustered them; and made up and settled their accounts on that scale. Now, as, by reckoning, in this mode, Jamadárs, instead of creditors, were made debtors to the State in a large amount, in order, to discharge the same, they were obliged to give up their horses, camels, elephants, tents and utensils, and even their clothes, of all which he took a regular account, and then discharged them. But, of the Jamadárs, any one who had been his companion in the field and at board, to him he paid his money in a certain mode, and reengaged him. As, in this way, a body of five or six thousand of these men were ruined, their horses were taken by Hydur Alí, and sent to his own stables, and, in place of their riders, he hired Bargeers, (men enlisted as cavalry to ride the government horses) and in this manner he surmounted his difficulties.
The quarrel between Nundi Raj and his son-in-law, and his retirement to the fort of Mysore. Also, his contention with Hydur, the Sipahsalar, and at length his being taken prisoner. Also, the acquisition of the Talookas of Ani Kul, and the district of Barh Mahl, by the Khodadaud Sirkar (Hydur), with other events of the year 1169, Hijri.— A. D. 1755.
AFTER the Sipahsalar, Hydur, by his prudence and courage, had defeated the Mahrattas, and recovered the country taken by them, he placed the government of Seringaputtun on a sure and established basis, and relieved the state from the burden and danger of mutinous and seditious servants; and having done this, he retired to his own house.
About this period, the Raja of Mysore, on account of the hopeless and bootless return of his troops from the expedition to Trichinopoly, which, notwithstanding it was attended with an immense expense, produced no profit, again reproached Nundi Raj in angry terms and manifested great displeasure. Nundi Raj, who, also, was much ashamed of his want of political foresight in the affair, with great trouble and difficulty, and by pleading his advanced age as an apology for ceasing to bear a part in the government, was allowed to retire to Mysore. He accordingly withdrew entirely from the management of state affairs, and took up his residence in that fort, retaining, as a necessary protection, a body of about two thousand foot, five or six hundred horse, and five hundred regular infantry.
The other chiefs of the government, having consulted together, were, however, desirous to go further, and obtain from Nundi Raj the sealed Sunnuds, (patents or commissions), of the Dewanni, or Prime Ministership. One man, in particular, named Khundi Rao, a Brahman, who was the Mooshrif, (overseer or inspector), of Hydur Alí’s troops, was the most active and influential in this design; he induced his master Hydur to join him in his object, and the whole together petitioned the Raja to demand the Sunnuds.
On receiving these requests, the Raja, to oblige them, demanded the patents of the appointment of Prime Minister, (Purdhani or Sáhib Dewanni), from Nundi Raj, who returned for answer that as the documents in question had not been derived to him during the reign of the present Raja, but from his father and grandfathers to the ancestors of Nundi Raj, generation after generation, the returning of them would be superfluous; for, when it was considered that he, Nundi Raj, had abandoned of his own free will all regulation or control of the Raja’s affairs, he, the Raja, might be certain that, through the medium of the Sunnuds, Nundi Raj could cause no impediments to any one, in matters of state, and he might estimate the old Sunnuds or patents as copy books of children or waste paper. He added, that he, Nundi Raj, recommended the Raja with the advice of his council, to select, his ministers himself, from those best able to conduct his affairs, and let him, a weak, worn out man alone, and relieve him from the trouble and perplexity of public business.
The whole, however, of those who were seeking the injury and downfall of Nundi Raj, by telling tales and making misrepresentations to the Raja, brought his mind to determine that Hydur Alí, after having been flatteringly called by the Raja his son, was the proper person to be sent to obtain the seals and Sunnuds. As soon as Hydur, therefore, marched with his own troops towards Mysore, he sent a detailed notice to Nundi Raj, that, as some enemies of his had deceived and turned the Raja’s mind against him, and had persuaded him to seize the Sunnuds or patents of his office, it appeared to him, (Hydur Alí), necessary or rather the best policy that he should send in the papers, through the medium of his most particular friend, (meaning himself,) and that he, Nundi Raj, might place every reliance on him. Nundi Raj, however, not being inclined to agree to this request, the fort was surrounded by order of the Raja, batteries were raised on all sides and guns mounted. Notwithstanding all this, Hydur Alí, in hopes to avoid actual conflict, still wisely advised him to submit, but Nundi Raj would listen to none of his advice, however prudent and politic, but prepared to defend himself, and fired upon Hydur’s camp.
That lion of the field of battle, therefore, could hesitate no longer; and he now gave orders to his brave soldiers to commence the attack, who immediately opened a fire of all arms, guns, muskets, &c. on the fort. The fire of war was consequently lighted up on all sides, and both parties fought courageously; but, at length, by their valour and strength of arm Hydur Alí’s fearless troops brought on the heads of the besieged a resemblance of the day of Judgment. Still, their chiefs defended themselves with great bravery for three months, when, their provisions and ammunition becoming exhausted, they surrendered, and Nundi Raj, agreeably to the desire of his friends, accompanied by his family in carriages, proceeded to Hydur’s camp and his troops marched out of the fort, and leaving a garrison in it, and taking with him Nundi Raj, Hydur returned to Seringaputtun, where Nundi Raj was placed in confinement. In obedience to orders from the Raja, Hydur by artful means obtained the patents of the Prime Minister and other papers from Nundi Raj; and then, by the sanction of the Raja, and the recommendation of the Chiefs of the Government, the office of Prime Minister, was given to the Brahman Khundi Rao, an old servant, Hydur supposing him, faithful, and he received strict orders to do nothing in affairs of Government without the knowledge and sanction of Hydur. In this matter Hydur, however, was unsuspicious and ignorant of the changes which the revolving heavens, or the arch conjurer Time, (who varies his tricks every moment), might bring about.
As soon as he had delivered up his patents to Hydur, having nothing further to care for, and considering his residence in such circumstances at Seringaputtun a degradation, Nundi Raj with great eloquence pleaded for and obtained leave to retire to his three Jageers, which had belonged to him of old and which he still possessed; these Jageers were, the Kusba or town of Kinnoor, Puria Puttun, and Arkul Goorah, with Anchiti Droog, a perpetual or permanent assignment— he himself residing at the town of Kennoor, and maintaining, for the protection and regulation of his dependencies, six or seven hundred horse, two thousand regular infantry, and about four thousand Karnatic foot; and thus he rested from his labours, and enjoyed himself.
About this time, Suráj ud Dowla Muhammad Alí Khan, Wala Jah, at the instigation of the English, marched with a body of troops to attack Pondicherry. The French immediatly sent a Vakeel, or messenger, to Hydur Alí, the noise of whose courage and political ability had reached the utmost corners of the earth; but whose fame was more particularly known in the countries of Hind and the Dukhun, and requested he would afford them aid; offering to give up, for the support of the troops sent to their assistance, the revenues of two Purganas, one Chinchee, and the other Tyag Gurh, both which depended on them. Hydur, the protector of the helpless, immediately stained the finger of the Vakeel’s request with the henna of accordance, and dispatched a force of three thousand horse, six thousand regular, and two thousand Karnatic infantry, under the command of Syud Mukhdoom, his half brother, with abundance of stores, ammunition, and provisions, to Pondicherry.
With Syud Mukhdoom, on his departure, was associated a certain Asud Khan Mahkuri, Nayut, who had been formerly in the service of the Chief of Kirpa, and had been appointed to the Barh Mahl district. This man was universally known for his excessive bravery, and had no equal in his kind regard for his comrades,— but it may not be uninteresting to mention here some instances of his bravery. When Abdul Mujeed Khan was killed, by the hand of Bulwunt Rao, the Mahratta, Imrut Rao, also a chief of the Mahrattas, was sent by his orders with five hundred horse, and two thousand foot, to take possession of the Barh Mahl district. Having plundered the Kusba of Wanambari, he was advancing further, when this brave fellow, feeling his honour as Foujdár rather roughly handled, by the Mahrattas, and his blood being up, sallied forth from the town of Tripatoor, and on an open space, to the northward of that town, fell in with the Mahrattas; and, not taking any account of their numbers, with only five horsemen he attacked them as a tiger attacks a herd of deer, and actually beat them off his bounds; the said Imrut Rao being wounded in the action. Sometime after this event, Uzeez Khan, a one-eyed man, being envious of this brave man’s reputation, obtained for himself the agency or lieutenancy of this district, and arrived to take possession. Offended at the neglect and want of appreciation of his services, shewn by the Chief of Kirpa, Mohsun Khan, (alias Moocha Mean,) Asud Khan of his own accord left his service, and took up his residence at Rai Vellore. Knowing his value, the Nawaub Bahadúr sent for him, at the same time providing him with funds for his expenses and carriage. This officer was therefore now attached to Syud Mukhdoom’s force, and the Syud marched with his military stores from Seringaputtun to Bangalore, where he learned that the Poligar of Anikul had given up the care of his own dominions, and, being tired of governing, had presumed to oppress his people and despoil his own relations and servants of their rights.
Mukhdoom, therefore, taking advantage of an opportunity, suddenly surprised him in the night and sent him off a prisoner to Seringaputtun. Placing a garrison in his fort, he then marched on. At this time, news arrived, that the Barh Mahl district, from the tyranny of Uzeez Khan, the one-eyed slave of Moocha Mean, the Chief of Kirpa, had fallen into disorder, all the inhabitants having been plundered by him; and that some of them had actually arrived, to complain of their hard treatment, and to request the Khan to restore order among them. Syud Mukhdoom, however desirous and determined he might be to protect them, still dared not advance a foot without Hydur’s commands. After some consideration, therefore, he addressed a letter to Hydur, who, on receiving his letter, without hesitation, dispatched an answer, authorizing him to undertake the protection or regulation of the district, without further delay.
Passing, therefore, with his troops by the defile of Rai Kote, Syud Mukhdoom immediately came in contact with Uzeez Khan, who, with his troops, forthwith abandoned the country, without fighting and fled to Kirpa. Mukhdoom, therefore, after having placed garrisons in the forts and hill forts, &c. of the Barh Mahl, and left Asud Khan Mahkuri there as Foujdár, advanced toward Pondicherry, and conducted his march thither with such address, that he arrived there without being molested or opposed by any one; after which, making a vigorous night attack on the English Troops, detached to guard the trenches or batteries, he with all his stores and ammunition safely entered the fort. The besiegers, however, being subsequently more on their guard, by the fire of their guns and small arms effectually closed in future the road, in or out, to the besieged. Notwithstanding this, Syud Mukhdoom encamped with his troops near Vallinoor, and took the defence of the city on himself. With regard to the Purguna of Chinchi, which is eighteen kose west from Pondicherry, the authority of the French had ceased there, and it had fallen into the hand of the Chief of Arkat, Muhammad Alí Khan; the government was not therefore in Mukhdoom’s hands. Tyag Gurh, however, which was a very distant dependency, was placed under the authority of Mukhdoom’s agent who remained there.
Pending the defence of Pondicherry, however, for want of hay, corn, &c., the troops and cattle suffered greatly; and most of the horses and camels became useless or died for want of forage; but, notwithstanding these hardships and difficulties, the garrison continued to make a brave defence.
An account of the treachery of the Chiefs of the Mysore state, and the base ingratitude of the proud and foolish Brahman, Khundi Rao, to his patron; and his arriving at the punishment due to his bad actions. Also the invasion, or incursion, of Esajee Beenee Mahratta.z 1170 Hijri. A. D. 1756.
WHEN the villain Brahman, Khundi Rao, by the kindness and aid of his master, had obtained free of expense or trouble, the Seven Sunnuds of the Dewanni, or first ministership of the Mysore State and when he saw that the rest of the officers of government were not averse to his views and policy, he imagined that his own good fortune and propitious stars had aided him in the work, and that the heavens revolved to accomplish his designs. In a very short time, therefore, for this very reason— that the water of a little pool, soon becomes offensive, and that a dog has no relish for the sweetness of rice and milk,— he with a hope of establishing his own inauspicious power, turned his back on his patron; and, considering himself independent in the binding and loosing all matters of state, he unrighteously placed the foot of his designs beyond the circle of his ability, and planned the expulsion and destruction of his master, and his establishment; indeed, did his best to root out his power and authority. With this purpose, he in private addressed himself to the Raja, in the following terms— “This contemptible Náík, (meaning Hydur,) has increased to his present height, and power, by the favour and benefits conferred on him by the Maharaja, and has become the possessor of wealth, territory, and a military force; and this in truth seems likely to be the cause of much danger to your authority.a God forbid, a foreigner or stranger, for instance, a Mussulman, should enter into the affairs of this government, and thus cheaply obtain possession of the riches and power accumulated and established, by the labour of so many years.— If however, I am permitted, I will exert my abilities in the destruction of his power. Verses from Sadi.b “A tree which has just taken root may be pulled up by the strength of a man; but if let alone for a time, you cannot pull it up with a waggon, or, a team of horses.”
The Raja, inexperienced and low minded, and an example that rank does not confer capacity, lent a willing ear to these suggestions, but still with a cautious regard to his own safety; for, he allowed the ungrateful Brahman to act as he pleased in the matter, but himself preserved the strictest silence. Verses. “He, (Khundi Rao,) was like the base born silk worm, who when he invests himself with a silken robe of honour, loses himself.” He did not reflect, that treachery never fails to bring contempt and degradation in the end, but spread the net of his wiles, over the whole of the officers, and servants, of the Mysore government, and associated them in his plans.
At the same time, he wrote to the Chief, (the Názim), of Poona, in the following terms,— “That a certain Mussulman, a servant of inferior rank, had increased in power to that degree, that he had seized and usurped the whole of the wealth and territory of Mysore, and had grown so arrogant that the Raja had nothing left to him but the name; and that, if the Poona State would now assist them, and remove or take away this Mussulman, the yearly tribute, with two Lakhs of Rupees, Nuzzur, or as a present, and five Lakhs of Rupees, for the expenses of the subsidiary troops, should be immediately paid.” This letter being dispatched, he waited for opportunities and an answer.
As Hydur had detached a great part of his troops, to Pondicherry, and another body of troops under the Foujdári of Meer Alí Ruza Khan, for the necessary protection of the Barh Mahl, he was left with only two or three risalas of regular infantry, (consisting of about fifteen hundred men) four hundred horse of his own stables, and a thousand foot without arms, in his encampment, which was near the Deo Rai Peeth, on the bank of the river, (Kauveri) where also his family, relations, dependents and workmen, resided. By prudence and foresight, however, and observing closely the conduct and movements of the faithless Rao, he gained some information, which induced him to provide, as is proper for all persons in authority, for his own safety, by raising two or three batteries round his residence, and keeping his guns mounted and in readiness. But, notwithstanding this, Hydur frequently sent for the Brahman, under pretence of particular business, and to ascertain what he was about; for, whatever might be his conduct, Hydur still had confidence in him, and merely wanted by kindness and gentleness to prove his political capacity. Verse. “Heat will bring iron out of stone,” by gentleness one may insinuate himself as water into steel.c The Brahman, however, under various pretexts, put off his attendance from today to to-morrow, and often sent word, that the Raja would not allow him to leave the fort, but that, if Hydur himself would come, and ask the Raja’s leave, he, Khundi Rao, was ready to return with him. By these strange answers Hydur was filled with doubt and thrown into great perplexity; he did not, however, lose courage, or neglect any means to protect himself.
When the letters, before mentioned, arrived at Poona, Madhoo Rao, the son of Nana, greedy of the things of this world, which is the Paradise of the covetous— verses, “The covetous, with all the riches of the world are never satisfied, the cup of the bubble is not filled by the sea”d— he immediately dispatched Esajee Pundit Beenee, (that is the Chief of the Mahratta advanced guard,) with forty thousand horse and twenty thousand foot; and the artillery, which Nana had left in the Souba Sura, when he returned to Poona, was given to him, to accompany him.
When the news of the arrival of the Mahrattas reached the false Brahman, he formed a deep scheme the same night, and the next morning shut the gates of the fort, pointed the largest guns in the direction of his patron’s (Hydur’s) camp or cantonments, and fired several shots at them. Hydur, who was in his Dewan Khana, on hearing this left it, and having viewed the fort, saw a change of policy was in contemplation, and that his secret suspicions were now about to be verified. He however, thought— verses, “what does the (Kargus)e vulture enjoy of life but carrion— of what advantage is a long life to a fool.”— He, therefore, immediately manned his defences with musketeers, and also, without the knowledge of any one dispatched a number of men, and seized all the Ambakarsf of the river (Kauveri) side with their baskets,g it being now the time of the flood, (rains), and made them prisoners. Then, having placed his infantry and cavalry in readiness round his house, he sent for the writers of his different departments, and made them write out distinct lists of what he was possessed of, in valuable cloths, elephants, camels, arms, and the most precious of his household property, as rich stuffs, utensils, &c., and arranged all this business by midday. During that time, the perfidioush Brahman, with a body of horse and foot, made a sortie from the Mysore gate, and attacked Hydur’s encampment; but the men Hydur had placed in his batteries gave them such a warm reception with their guns and musketry, that they were defeated and fled; and although they returned and repeated their foolish attacks, they were constantly repelled.
In the evening, Hydur having collected from his Zanana, all his money, and valuables in gold, silver, and precious stones, and placed them in bags, and having consoled and comforted his family and dependants; he with two or three hundred well mounted horse, taking with him his bags of gold and jewels, crossed the river in baskets,i and, marching all night, arrived the next morning at Anikul. Having made his arrangements here in an hour or two, Hydur next addressed a letter to Kubeer Beg, the Kiladár of Bangalore informing him that he might expect him there. That worthy friend, on hearing of the approach of Hydur, was well pleased; but as the chief civil officers, (Huzaurian), were the servants of the Raja, he was apprehensive of them, and he therefore devised the following plan. Under pretence of visiting some gardens in the vicinity, he assembled the civil officers of the fort,i and took them out with him; giving orders, to the guards at the gates, not to oppose the entrance of Hydur Alí Khan Bahadúr, and his followers, as he was coming to the fort on particular business from Seringaputtun. The Mirza, after this, dispatched a letter, inviting him to Bangalore. As soon as Hydur saw this letter, from his trusty well wisher, he with great satisfaction marched into the fort; and, having quietly placed guards of his own men on the gates and Posterns, he now made himself easy. After staying out an hour or two, the Mirza returned with the officers, and immediately visited Hydur, who, by his presents and promises to the officers and men of the old garrison, so completely won their hearts, that they all agreed to serve him, and sacrifice their lives for him whenever required.
After the settlement of this affair Hydur immediately sent for all the bankers and merchants of the city, and having given them assignments,k or drafts, for the amount, he took fifty Lakhs of Rupees from them. He also informed Meer Alí Ruza Khan of his arrival alone at Bangalore, and the circumstances which led to his arrival, and requested him to come to him. He likewise wrote to Mukhdoom Sáhib, at Pondicherry, informing him of the treachery of the ungrateful Brahman, the incursion of the Mahrattas, at the invitation of that seditious person; and his (Hydur’s) having in consequence sought refuge at Bangalore, without troops or stores, and he requested Mukhdoom to join him immediately. When, however, Meer Alí Ruza Khan, with his troops, amounting to about two thousand regular infantry, (Bar,l) three hundred horse, a thousand irregular foot, and five guns, arrived, Hydur felt still more confident; and, being now strong in heart, he threw up batteriesm or outworks at Busoon Goori and Hussoor, and encamped there, occupying himself in collecting horse and foot.
When the ungrateful Brahman found, on the next day, that the lionn had left his old hunting ground, and had hoisted the standard of valour in the manhood-testing field of Bangalore, spreading the terror of his name in all quarters of the world, he proceeded with a few men to Hydur’s encampment and having seized all the property remaining there, he carried it into the fort, and placed the family, and the fortunate son of Hydur,o (then about seven years of age), in an empty house near the Alí Musjid, which at that time was a Hindu temple, and posted a guard over them. He next, without the least delay, began to remove and to replace the Killadárs and Talookdárs of Mysore, or the commanders of forts and districts, and assembled a body of troops, for the conquest of Bangalore.
In the intermediate time Esajee Beenee, with his heavy force, arrived, like a hungry hawk, pouncing on its prey, and the Brahman, estimating his arrival as an instance of the greatest good fortune, suggested to him the plan to be pursued in regard to Hydur, and made him a present of Hydur’s elephants, about thirty in number, (which he, Hydur, was training, and for which he had paid a large price,) with other valuables. Then sending him with injunctions to capture the fort of Bangalore, and make Hydur Alí prisoner, he speedily followed, with a force of nine thousand horse, fourteen thousand foot and a train of heavy guns, and soon also arrived there.
In the meanwhile, the Mahrattas had raised a terrible storm in the vicinity of Bangalore, and had so pillaged, and destroyed the people, that most of the towns and villages, from the constant ravages of that ill omened army, were left without an inhabitant.p But, during these proceedings whatever approaches were pushed on, trenches dug, or batteries raised, to breach the fort, were rendered of no avail; for the soldiers of Hydur frequently sallied forth, and burned their trenches, and victoriously repelled their assaults.
At this time, Mukhdoom Sáhib, according to Hydur’s requisition, having taken leave of the French at Pondicherry, with the same worn out body of troops, the state of which has been before described, arrived by forced marches at Tyag Gurh; and, having taken four guns from the top of the mountains, brought them along with him, and, marching through the Pass of Tippoor, arrived at Kishengiri. Here he took some necessary supplies of provisions and ammunition, from Asud Khan Mahkari, the Foujdár, and, giving him a receipt for the same, then marched by Rai Kote to Anikul.
Upon hearing of Mukhdoom’s arrival there raging like a mad elephant, with a large force, the Brahman and the Mahrattas, immediately determined to attack him. Accordingly, with their plundering horse and foot they let loose their courage for the fight, and, although camel-hearted,q they being in numbers like locusts, arrayed themselves in great force against him on the field. Mukhdoom Sáhib, nevertheless, did not give the game out of his hands; but arranged his artillery and infantry on the lower grounds, while he himself, with his light-bridled and well-trained horse, intending to give them a lesson, kept the higher parts of the ground. The two Surdárs, (the Brahman and Mahratta), in their pride, not estimating the bravery of their opponents, as they appeared few in number, immediately charged them, and Mukhdoom Sáhib retiring with his horse, and giving the signal to rise to the parties he had placed in ambush, they immediately rose, and opening a heavy fire of artillery and musketry, killed a great number of the infidel Mahrattas. Nor did they withdraw their hands while they had power from slaying and plundering their enemies, and thousands on both sides were stretched on the field of death.
The Mahrattas were defeated, and fled; but, towards the evening, they reassembled, and surrounded and besieged Mukhdoom’s lions, buzzing round them like flies continually. Mukhdoom, therefore, forwarded a letter to Hydur Alí, stating his arrival at Anikul, with stores and ammunition, and his being surrounded and besieged by the Mahrattas and Brahman’s troops.
On receiving this letter, Hydur, by using his intelligence and prudence to the best end, and agreeably to the rules of those who love to overcome difficulties, immediately wrote and despatched a letter to Nundi Raj, informing him that the Brahman, Khundi Rao, had followed the path of treachery and rebellion, and that he himself had been compelled to abandon his station and property, and separate himself from his family. He also made known to him the arrival of his troops from Pondicherry, and their being prevented from joining him by the two vile Infidels, the Mahratta and Mysorean, and their want of some place of support or refuge.
When the Dulwai heard the terms of this letter from that great and illustrious man his old friendship again warmed his heart, and he became convinced that the misfortunes which had before befallen him arose from the villany of this Brahman. He, therefore, wrote a kind and consolatory letter in reply, with a note to the Killadár of Anchiti Droog, directing that provisions should be supplied to Mukhdoom Sáhib’s troops, and that they should be allowed to seek support and refuge under the protection of the guns of that hill fort, the garrison there being his. This note Hydur immediately forwarded, with corresponding suggestions of his own, to Mukhdoom Sáhib. Mukhdoom, who, in opposing his enemies and preserving his own troops, had been for three or four days exposed to great difficulties, but who, notwithstanding he had two armies to contend with, had never quitted the field, however pressed by force or artifice;r and who, during all this time, whilst oppressed by the want of water, forage, corn, and carriage, had still maintained himself in the same place by dint of hard fighting; on receiving the letters of his master, and the orders of Nundi Raj, immediately formed his troops, and attacked his opponents, and the two worthless chiefs, finding they could not resist his brave soldiers, retired like foxes before them; but, nevertheless, still continued to surround the victorious army, and occupied themselves in playing off their treacherous wiles. Mukhdoom, however, without fear or hesitation, with his right and left wings under the command of his experienced officers of horse and foot, marched, still keeping up a hot fire, straight to the Droog, before mentioned, and forwarded the order of Nundi Raj to the Killadár. The Killadár, on receiving it, immediately admitted the troops to the protection of the hill fort, and furnished them with provisions and articles needful to them of all kinds, at reasonable prices, and he thereby obtained great credit.
The Mahrattas, however, when they saw this state of affairs, sent for their artillery, commenced a distant fire on Mukhdoom’s troops, and also made incessant attacks on them. One day and two nights passed in this way, but, on the third night, Mukhdoom, with some brave and experienced officers, two hundred (Kulahposh) Europeans,s and two thousand regular infantry, after climbing hills, and descending vallies, in the darkness of the night, arrived in the rear of the enemy’s camp, and made such a fierce attack on them, that, losing with their senses all power to fight, they fled to the deserts of shame and bitter reflection, and the two inexperienced chiefs, that is Esajee Beenee and the seditious Rao, seeing this sudden calamity, alone, without any covering for their heads or feet, fled and escaped from the conflict. Of their troops, some who awakened from their sleep of forgetfulness laid hold of their swords and muskets, and, making no distinction between friend and foe, slew each other; the rest, both horse and foot, each seizing his opportunity, fled from this trial of manhood, and, by tears and supplications, saved their lives from the hands of Hydur’s blood drinkers.
Having gained a great victory, Mukhdoom rejoicing had his conquest proclaimed by his loud kettle drums, on the portals of the world; and, in the morning, with the baggage of the defeated Mahrattas, their guns and stores, which lay about in heaps, he returned to his ground of encampment. The next day the two defeated chiefs again collected their followers; and, like crows cawing with cries of ha and hoo, notwithstanding their dispersion, and the confusion of their faculties, again assembled in one place.
About this time, Nundi Raj wrote to the Mahrattas, that Hydur Alí Khan was the pillar of the Mysore State, and that he had not only established just claims on that state, but that he might be considered its master; that, at this time, a low servant of his, a Brahman, according to the verse, “When the lair is empty the fox gives himself all the airs of the lion,”t being spoiled by the favor and kindness of his master,— verses, “He who is wicked will never fail to do evil— the faithless man can never be trusted,— had rebelled against him, but that his labour was useless, for this wicked action could not be profitable to him— “Confidence cannot be placed in a low man for more than a hour or two— The scum which rode at the top, soon sinks to the bottom of the vessel”u— “And that it was not worthy of them (that is the Mahrattas), that they should interfere thus for him in the government of the Mysore country, that if they wished to obtain the money due for the Chouth, or Tribute, they should first consider how they might obtain its payment, and afterwards return home, without loss or damage.” After the receipt of this letter from Nundi Raj, the Mahratta put less confidence in the Brahman, Khundi Rao, and some angry words passed between them; and as the Mahrattas had suffered much from the troops of Hydur, they conceived it their best policy to return home, and, accordingly Esajee made known his intentions to Hydur, demanding, at the same time, a sum of money. In reply Hydur pleaded his poverty, from the loss of his property, which had been plundered through the intrigues and rebellion of the Brahman; but he promised that, as soon as he should have established his power, and had time to regulate his departments,x the amount should be paid. The Mahrattas now requested he would give up to them the Barh Mahl; and, as they strenuously insisted on this gift, Hydur, to please them, and as a temporary expedient, sent an order, written in the name of Asud Khan Mahkurri, the Foujdár of Kishengiri, to give up the district of the Barh Mahl. Sealing it with his large seal, but without enclosing it in an envelope, he thus despatched it to the Mahrattas; and Esajee, delighted to obtain it, and conceiving that all is gain which is saved out of a burning house, immediately marched from the vicinity of Bangalore.
Hydur now, with the rapidity of lightning, marched, and joined the force of Mukhdoom Sáhib, and encamped outside the fortress of Bangalore with his troops and stores. He then secretly wrote to the Foujdár of the Barh Mahl, that it was merely with a view to expediency and his own security, that he had written an order to him, without an envelope, to give up the Barh Mahl district; but that he, (the Foujdár), was to keep his station, with all his force and ability, perfectly independent, and on no account to allow the Mahratta to enter or possess himself of the fort. The prudent Foujdár, therefore, independent, and at his leisure, provided for the defence of his forts.
In the mean time, Esajee, the Beenee, arrived with his deceptious orders at Kishengiri, and forwarded it to the Foujdár, with his own demand of the surrender of the fort. On receiving the order that able and obedient man demanded a repetition of it in his name, with the signature of his master, and the impression of his private seal;y and further intimated, that he could never think of giving up forts and territory to a single order, and that not even enclosed in an envelope. When the Mahratta insisted on an authentic repetition of the order, Hydur plainly told him, that no order or signature should be repeated; and the Mahratta saw, by such a manly answer, that his negociation had been baffled, and that there was no use in squabbling about it, as the country could never be retained in his possession.
While he was in this distress, his intelligencers brought him information, that Hydur, with the troops of Meer Alí Ruza and Mukhdoom Sáhib, had left, like a hungry lion, his lair in the fort of Bangalore, and had encamped on the plain of Jugni; and that his eye was eagerly directed to his enemies, as to a flock of sheep. The heart of the Mahratta failed him when he heard this, and he marched off, without attaining his object.
The Brahman, Khundi Rao, when the Mahratta moved towards the Barh Mahl had slunkz back to Seringaputtun. Hydur Alí, with his victorious troops, now marching by the route of Makri Droog, placed garrisons of his own in that Droog, and at Ootri Droog, Chenraiputtun, Cheenaputtun,a &c. and then proceeded, by the Mooti Talaub, and Churkoli, towards Periaputtun, to meet Nundi Raj.
At this time letters arrived, secretly despatched from the grandmother of the Raja, to the effect that, at this moment, in consequence of the imprudent and selfish views, and enmity of the foolish chiefs or ministers, the power of their ancient house, or family, had become so totally disordered, that most of the seditious and rebelliousb were waiting opportunities to seize and take possession of the territory and wealth of their state. That in these circumstances if he, Hydur, who was their thrice fortunate (adopted) son, would return, and restore the government to some order, place her unfortunate family in safety and comfort, and encourage and promote the welfare of the country, it would be only consistent with his name and character.
When Hydur became acquainted with the contents of these letters, he seized them as pledges and patents,c establishing his claim to the supreme authority of the Khodadad, (the name which Hydur Alí gave to the state of Mysore,); and, putting the letters into his pocket, he wrote and forwarded a a conciliatory epistle in reply. From this place he marched straight to visit Nundi Raj, and met him at a fortunate moment, and after having enjoyed their meeting, they began to converse on the villany and ingratitude of the Brahman, upon whom Nundi Raj bestowed a few curses, and then advised how he should be displaced and punished. Hydur therefore immediately got his troops in readiness to attack him, and Nundi Raj, also, placed the force he had with him consisting of two thousand foot, a thousand regular infantry, and seven hundred horse, under Hydur’s command for the same purpose.
Khundi Rao, meanwhile, with a body of troops amounting to seven thousand horse, twelve thousand foot, and Manuel the European at the head of eight hundred Chittikars, with ten or twelve guns, was likewise on his march, to attack Hydur; but, although he affected to make Periaputtun his ground of encampment, still, from the fear of the manhood of Hydur’s character and the promptitude of his hand and sword against his enemies, he trembled day and night; indeed, his fears so prevailed that he could neither eat nor sleep. It happened, too, that in his encampment a horse broke his heel ropes one night, and fell upon another horse, and both began neighingd and kicking each other. This creating much alarm in his camp, the men and women within it began to cry out, “the enemy are come! the enemy are come!” and the alarm was so great, that they all fell into such confusion, that some from fright laid hold of their swords, and blindly slew each other, and most of the merchants, having lost their goods in the tumult, struck the hand of grief on the forehead of their bad luck. When, however, the morning dawned, and they could discover nothing of the Kuzzaks of Hydur’s army, (the burners of their enemies,) whom they so much feared, they became ashamed of their foolish alarm, and ventured to take a little rest.
Hydur, on the other hand, on hearing of the mischief that had befallen the Brahman’s troops, was much comforted, and next day formed the right and left wings of his army, and marched straight to his enemy. The Brahmane also put his troops in readiness, and formed them in good position and order; but, nevertheless, the heavy fire of Hydur’s guns and musketry at once defeated his force,f which was totally dispersed.
Khundi Rao, therefore, mounting a horse, swift as lightning, and wet with the sweat of shame, flew like a hail storm; and, passing through a thousand difficulties and dangers, escaped to Seringaputtun. His cavalry with their horses, and his entire infantry, regular and irregular battalions, with their arms and accoutrements, became, as they were before, the servants of Hydur, the friend of the soldier, and prepared to oppose his enemies. Hydur, (the poor man’s friend as he is called,) now marched after the fugitive Brahman, and crossing the river, (Cauvery), by the ford of Choongul, encamped with his troops in the neighbourhood of Manai Mundup, where, having placed his largest guns in one battery, he, for an example, fired a few shot at the Dewaun Khana, or palace, of the Raja, to frighten the inmates of the women’s apartments. As soon as the shot struck the Zanana, (women’s apartments), a mighty cry arose from them, and the whole of the women, with great noise and clamour, went to complain to the Raja. Frightened out of his senses at the tumult and wailing of the women, the Raja despatched a messenger to Hydur, to tell him that, from the commencement of the government of his family, and the foundation of the capital, to the present time, no one of their servants had acted as he had done, nor had any one of them presumed to fire guns or muskets at his (the Raja’s) house; and he requested Hydur would send orders to his artillery men to desist from such insolence and outrage, and then signify to him, (the Raja), what was his object. In reply to this message, Hydur sent word, that he was the faithful adherent of the Raja, and his government, but that an ungrateful servant, an enemy of his, had sought refuge in the fort; and, therefore, those upon whom rested the responsibility of the defence of the State, had used the presumption and insolence of which the Raja complained; but that, if this man were given up to him, he was the same friend he had ever been.
The Raja, being unable to evade this application, had no remedy, and therefore, after exacting from Hydur the most solemn covenant, that he would not put the Brahman Khundi Rao to death, he placed him under a guard, and sent him to Hydur, and that dispenser of good to the world, having regard to his oath and engagement, instead of impaling or dismembering him, which punishment he richly merited, put him into an iron cage, like an inauspicious crow, and sent him off to Bangalore. Verily, if a man eat salt from the table of his master’s benefits; or, if he be cherished by the hand of a generous patron, and ungratefully betray him, or rebel against him; the true avenger of ingratitude, in a short time will cause him to be taken in the net of his own perfidy— verses, “To show enmity to a man with a pure breast, is only enmity to one’s self,” “whoever unsheaths his dagger at a looking glass draws it on himself.”
The town or Suburb of Victory.
↩See the Author’s Preface. The Balaghaut extends according to the map, N. and S. from the district of Guntoor to Nundi Droog, or there abouts. The Payeen Ghaut, which signifies the foot of, or below, the Mountains, is apparently the South Eastern coast, N. and S. from Nellore to Namkool, or thereabouts, but I have no means of ascertaining the precise extent of these Provinces.
↩Except with regard to Trichinopoly, it is generally consistent with Orme’s account to 1760.
↩Mysore was tributary to Bejapoor; and thence, most likely, Hydur’s claim.
↩The Hon. M. Elphinstone calls them Nayucs, the Poligars of Bellari, Rai Droog, &c., are also called Náíks. The word is, I believe, derived from the Sanscrit.
↩ The meaning of the word has been changed from its original
sense, apparently from a motive similar to that which induces the
Arabs to call a blind man, Buseer,— i. e. seeing, and a slave
Moula, or Master.
It may be proper to apprise the English Reader that the Afghan race is widely dispersed in Hindostan.
↩In the list of the Adil Shahi kings, which I have seen, I can find no Muhammad; but if he be, as stated, the son of Ibrahim Adil Shah, he must, I conclude, be the son of the last of that name. There appears, however, to be some mistake here.
↩Hindu converts to Muhammadanism often call themselves Koreish.
↩Apparently about the year 1670.
↩The cock, or flint and pan of a musket in Turkish.
↩It is worthy of remark, that the death of Sir Eyre Coote, also, is said to have been hastened by the opposition and annoyance which he received from the persons who, unfortunately, at that period presided over the affairs of the East India Company at Madras.
↩Nundi Raj is called Regent of Mysore by Orme.
↩There are I believe passages in the Koran enjoining Muhammadans to keep faith with Christians, but I believe also they consider those passages abrogated by the chapter of the Syfe or sword.
↩“May the earth be sweet to him, and may his abode be in Paradise.”
↩
Phenix.
↩
Koran.
A rough estimate of the Karnatic Balaghaut and Payenghaut provinces, will be found in the Translator’s Preface.
↩Admitting themselves overcome.
↩
Some verses are omitted here in which the Author, after speaking highly of his work, says that, although he did not write for hire, he trusts, that the sons of Tippoo, being intelligent and learned men, will not fail to reward him for his labour.
↩Verses omitted being merely a versification of the above.
↩The saint or Spiritual guide of the world.
↩
A term not generally used for the Chiefs of Mysore.
↩The numbers are taken from Mr. Marriott’s copy of this work.
↩
From this place Futteh Muhammad is called Sáhib Shujeea, which signifies the brave officer.
↩The name of a well known tribe of Afghans.
↩The term Huzariaun, which may mean the Lord of a thousand villages, is applied, according to the Hon. Mr. Elphinstone, to the Ser Desmukhs of the Dekkan.
↩A musjid, or place of prayer, where the festivals of the Mussulmans are celebrated.
↩
Another copy says, addressed a petition.
↩400,000.
↩The Mewatties, a note says, are a people from the Eastern part of India, much employed, because of their fidelity and bravery.
↩Balapoor the less.
↩This I think is a mistake.
↩The Mussulmans never mention the names of their daughters or wives in public.
↩Of some Purgunna, perhaps.
↩Is a religious man.
↩The account of these saints in the original is involved in parentheses.
↩A.D. 1749, Novr. 19.
↩Verses from Nezzami omitted.
↩1748-9.
↩Girachoru or Girachoori. The Dulwai is a minister for civil affairs and the Purdhan who is otherwise called Bukshi is the commander of the forces.— Nundi Raj is called the Regent of Mysore by Orme.
↩
This appears a gross exaggeration.
↩The Paishwa.
↩By sitting at the door of his tent, which was equivalent to imprisoning him.
↩Hindu Chiefs, and Mussulmans of the Malabar coast.
↩So called from their clothing apparently.
↩The Betel leaf.
↩ “
The whole of these paragraphs in the original are very much involved and parenthetical.
↩Any public hall for the settlement of revenue or judicial questions.
↩Became alarmed.
↩
The temper of steel is called the water.
↩Watermen.
↩Baskets covered with skins, used as boats.
↩These basket boats appear to have been used in Ireland, and there called Corragh, they are described as— Carabus-parva scapha ex vimine facta quæ contexta crudo corio genus navigii præbet.
↩ The word
In one manuscript a verse is inserted here— verse “from whose forehead rank and dignity shone resplendent”— giving notice to the world beforehand.
Cowards.
↩Also called Muddoor.
↩Zoonnardár, alluding to the Brahminical string.
↩ Hydur in all his battles seems to have been indebted most to
his artillery, (or