The usurpation of Raghoba, the uncle of Narayen Rao, and his invasion of the Balaghaut country; and, at length, his hopeless and fugitive retreat. Also, the conquest by the Nawaub, during this opportunity, of the countries of Badami, Hulihul, Nowul-goondah, Dharwar, &c. with other events of the year 1183, Hijri, A. D. 1769.
WHEN Narayen Rao was murdered at the instigation of his uncle Raghoo, by the instrumentality of the relations of Muhammad Yoosuf, commandant, Raghoo, who, from the time of the government of Balajee Rao and Madhoo Rao, had been in confinement, seated himself on the Musnud, and made his own arrangements to carry on the government; sending some of the chiefs of the Mahratta state, whom he had attracted to his party, with a large force towards Hydurabad. The Názims of that place although he with his troops and artillery soon entered the field to oppose the invaders, still, from the immense force of the Mahrattas, and because the Moghul soldiers are a motley assemblage of proud, indolent, and effeminate men, could not stand against the Mahrattas in the field, but in one battle was overthrown, and his troops fled, leaving their master at the mercyt of the Mahrattas. When he saw that his troops would not fight, but that they fled to their own homes, abandoning their artillery, stores and ammunition, to the enemy, the chief of Hydurabad was obliged to sue for peace, Rooknuddowla, his minister, being unable to carry on the war any longer. Monsieur Raymond, a Frenchman, however, with two thousand regular infantry, and two guns, formed round the body guard and elephant of the Nizám, and, fighting the whole way, safely escorted him to the fort of Budur. Raghoba, nevertheless, still followed him, and besieged the fort, and compelled the Nizám to assign to him in the fullest and most satisfactory manner, the revenues of certain districts, such as Budur, Ourungabad, Berar, &c. He then turned his steps and his views towards the conquest of the Balaghaut, or the country belonging to the Nawaub, and marched thither. During this time, Furnavees, the prime minister at Poona, who had remained at the capital, pretending to be sick, now forming a deep plan, secretly wrote to the Nizám of Hydurabad, that Raghoba, being insane and instigated by an insatiable desire to obtain wealth and rule, had murdered his own brother’s son, who was the rightful heir to the musnud, or throne of that country, and had himself usurped the chief authority, and that it was desirable the Nizám should unite with the Mahrattas, and put him out of the way. He also wrote and despatched letters in the same strain, to the Nawaub. The Nawaub, with his newly reformed army, was holding himself in readiness, and looking out for times and opportunities, when the minister above mentioned wrote also to the chiefs of the Mahratta government, who in the dialect or language of their nation are called Putkuh,u and who from policy had accompanied Raghoba; that, they might be sure the sinner Raghoba had smeared the blood of his nephew on the forehead of his own condition,v and that he had hung round his neck the Zoonnar, (or Braminical cord,) of infamy and shame, and was now dark and entirely reckless. It was therefore, he said, only consistent with their loyalty that they should unite and take revenge on him; that the wife of the murdered Narayen Rao was with child, and should be considered as the sovereign and heir to the government, and that they should not turn aside from her authority; and that it was evident what worldly advantages they might expect from a man who acted so barbarously to his own nephew. The Mahratta chiefs, with the army, when they were acquainted with the contents of this letter, became satisfied that no one could ever be profited by a connection with Raghoba, and therefore every day some one of them, with his contingent, returned without Raghoba’s knowledge to Poona; and, besides this, troops of his best soldiers left the camp under the pretence of joining the picquets, or out guards, and thence returned to their homes. In fact, Raghoba’s army in marching from Budur, to Rai Droog, to which place they had proceeded by the route of Gopul, Bahadúr Bundah, and Kunukgiri, was completely disbanded, except the Kuzzaks or Pindarahs, a body whom he had himself collected, and which amounted to about thirty thousand men, and they were the only troops remaining with him. When Raghoba saw that so much disaffection had crept into his camp, that the key to the authority of the government was lost; that the chief of Hydurabad, according to the hint given him by Nana Furnavees, was also actively occupied in collecting troops, and military stores; also, that, the Poona Chiefs, who had separated themselves from his army, had united with an intention to punish him, were actually following him like a hawk pursuing a partridge; and lastly, that the road of safety was closed, and the field of murder, and rapine wide open; he became uneasy and perplexed, and began to seek the path of accommodation with the Nawaub. He therefore despatched a Vakeel, with a request for aid, and for the Chouth, or fourth part of the revenue of Mysore. The Nawaub, however, seeing his actual necessities, and the disordered state of his affairs, declined to grant his requests; and, in apology, urged the ruined state of the country, and the plunder and destruction of his property and resources, and wrote plainly, in answer, that he must be excused from agreeing to any such measures. Raghoba, however, from policy again sought his protection, and offered the whole of the Souba of Sura; and not only that, but declared that the whole of the country on this side of the river Kishna, to Badami, Jali Hulli, &c., should be given up to the Nawaub’s officers; but for this, the Nawaub was to furnish, by any means in his power ten Lakhs of rupees. As the Nawaub lent a willing ear to this proposition, Raghoba despatched his half brother, Bajee Rao, with three hundred horse, to withdraw the garrison from the fort of the Souba of Sura.
When this chief arrived there, he forwarded Raghoba’s letter to Bapojee Sindiah, the governor, requiring the fort to be delivered up. Bapojee, however, got the guns of the fort in readiness, and sent for answer, that Raghoba was the murderer of his nephew, and what power or authority had a foolish, unfortunate man, like him, to issue orders to the officers of the Chief of the Poona State, that is, to the children of Balajee Rao Nana;— and that if the messengers wished to preserve their lives, they had better take themselves off, as if they did not, he would blow every ungrateful rascal among them from the mouth of a gun. On hearing this sturdy message, Bajee Rao, losing all courage, took the road to Seringaputtun, where he was introduced to the Nawaub Bahadúr, and represented to him the measures necessary for the conquest of the Souba Sura &c. and, in consequence, the prince, (Tippoo), was sent with him, accompanied by a large force.
At this very time, letters to the Nawaub arrived from the minister, above-mentioned (Furnavees), to the effect— “that he was on no account to move or act on the deceitful words of the murderer of his nephew, namely Raghoba; that please God, after the punishment of that wicked man, all arrangements relative to the brave Nawaub’s possessions and dignity would be settled by the Chief and ministers of Poona on a sure footing (this part is rather obscure) and that, even now, the Nawaub was to consider the punishment of that villain Raghoba as incumbent on him.”
The Nawaub therefore, in compliance with the request of the minister, marched with a large force from his capital, and encamped at Chundrai Puttun. Tippoo, on leaving his father had marched, with the Rao before mentioned, to Sura, where he found the Killadár ready for action. But having thrown up batteries, and attacked the works, he in two or three months took the fort, and, leaving a garrison there, moved on quickly to Mud Giri, and in four days finished the conquest of the fort of that place, and made all necessary arrangements. He then proceeded to Chundrai Droog, which he besieged, and, at the end of a month, by a gallant attack on the place, he took it.
The Nawaub having marched from Chundrai Droog, proceeded by slow stages to Tumkoor; when Raghoo, seeing the field of prosperity and safety closed against him on all sides, hearing of the warlike demonstrations of the Nawaub Bahadúr, his neglecting to send the money required of him, and the capture of his forts by the bravery of the Prince (Tippoo) and being grieved to the heart by these accounts, he saw no remedy but to fly, and save his life as best he could. He, therefore, with the troops he had present, about sixteen thousand horse, commenced his return, bootless, and wound, like a black snake, his devious way to Hindustan through the mountainous and woody parts of the country; the troops of Poona and Hydurabad following him successively to Boorhanpoor, and from that to Khandees, and Gujurat.
The Nawaub, considering this opportunity very fortunate, now marched on, and, without the least opposition from any one, took possession of Gopul, Bahadúr Bunduh, Mondergi Droog, Gujindur Gurh, &c., all belonging to the Mahrattas. Some of the Talookas and forts were taken by force of arms; but mostly they surrendered from fear. He also collected Paishkush from all the Poligars of that neighbourhood; and, having honoured the Poligar of Surhutti with a Khilut and presents, he left the charge of that quarter to his management, and, marching on, in a very short time made conquests of Nowul Goondah, Jalli Hulli, and Badami; and, at length, arrived near Hoobli and Dharwar.
It is not to be concealed here, that, in former time, that is, after the conquest of Nuggur, the Nawaub, by management or stratagem, but according to the desire of Meer Rustam Khan Farooki, the governor on the part of Asof Jah, took possession of Dharwar, and stationed a garrison of his own in it, giving the Meer above mentioned according to his rank, five hundred rupees a month, and afterwards the office of Bukshi, or paymaster of horse. When, however, Madhoo Rao marched towards the Balaghaut, he took this place, and retained it in his possession. The Nawaub Bahadúr now promised the Killadár, whose name was Biswunt Rao, a relation of Gopal Rao, the Chief of Mirch, certain Jageers and Inams, or presents, if he would give up the fort, but he, not agreeing to this proposition, the fort was besieged, and a fire commenced on it from a distance. While the siege was proceeding, Hydur formed a deep plan to take the fort; and, on the third night, he sent for a pair of Hurkaras of the Mahratta tribe, inhabitants of Mirch, who were acquainted with the names of the chief persons there, and with the Mahratta dialect, and ordered a letter to be written, as from the minister of the chief of the Mirch state, who, at that time was Soobrao Tatia, the elder brother of Purusram Bhao; but he having followed in pursuit of Raghoba, his agent, a man named Appaja Rao was in charge. The letter was to this effect:— “That information had been received that Hydur Alí Khan Bahadúr, with a strong force, had arrived at Dharwar, and that he intended to make a conquest of that place. It was therefore necessary that he, the Killadár, should perform well the duties of his station, and exert himself to repel the enemy, that relief should soon be sent, and that, until the arrival of this aid he was to take care he was not betrayed.” When the letter was written, it was placed in a cover, and, the seal of Appajee Ram, one of the Nawaub’s own servants being affixed, it was then forwarded on. Having changed their dresses, the Hurkaras entered the fort, and detailing the circumstances as from the agent of the Mirch state, presented the letter, promising aid. The commandant of the fort, at the contents of this letter, was highly pleased, and repaired and strengthened the walls and towers, and remained ready for the attack.
Three or four days after, the Nawaub selected two Risalas of foot and three hundred horse, from his Mahratta and Rajpoot soldiers, and, clothing them like Mahrattas, sent them on the road from Mirch towards the fort, and, encircling this detachment, the Nawaub appointed a separate body of troops, to fire at them from their guns and musketry, without ball. When the report of the firing was heard by the garrison, they were much (rejoiced that the aid which they expected had arrived,) and opened the gates of the fort in readiness to receive their friends. The officer commanding Hydur’s troops above mentioned accordingly entered the fort, and requested the Killadár to assemble his men in one place, and put them under his authority, that they might be in readiness to make a sortie at night, on the enemy and put them to the rout; and he also required that his (Hydur’s) men should be stationed on the walls and at the gates, as they had travelled and were fatigued. The foolish Killadár did as he was directed, that is to say, he assembled all his men in one place. The experienced officer (Hydur’s) having now sent a few matchlock men to different parts of the walls they made signs to the horsemen outside the fort, who immediately dismounted, and leaving their horses, ran on and laid hold on the Killadár, whose hands they tied behind his back; and then, having seized the arms of the garrison, they made prisoners of every one of them. The fort having been thus, by the felicitous fortune of the Nawaub, taken without opposition, his brave officer, after returning thanks to God, the giver of all gifts, fired a salute in honour of his success; and the Nawaub, hearing the guns, became certain that the fort had fallen into the hands of the Khodadad Sirkar. The next morning, therefore, he came to the fort, and having made the requisite arrangements, (for the good keeping of his conquest) he returned to his tents.
Having thus in one year taken all these forts and districts, he placed in all the hill forts strong garrisons, with brave officers, to command them, and able civilians, to fill their respective departments. He also settled accounts with all the Poligars of that quarter, and collected from them an immense amount. Of this, however, he sent, by his Vakeel, five Lakhs of rupees, and some valuable presents, to the minister Furnavees, at Poona, to remove any bad impressions or feeling which might have arisen from his taking possession of the country; and then, victorious, he returned to Seringaputtun.
Bajee Rao, the half brother of Raghoo, was now sent for by the Nawaub, who told him that, if he wished, he might have permission to go to any place he chose; but Bajee Rao, aware of the unfortunate condition of his brother, and knowing that all the Ameers of Poona, and the Moghul chiefs of Hydurabad, were the inveterate enemies of him and his family, and were seeking their destruction by all the means in their power, and seeing, therefore, that he had no asylum but the Nawaub, and that his safety and prosperity in all respects were centered in him, said in reply, that he hoped the Nawaub would consider him as one of his old servants, and employ him in some office, that he might have an opportunity of shewing his attachment, by his devotion to his service. The Nawaub, therefore, having cast an eye of compassion on this poor man, raised him to the command of five hundred horse, and gave him an elephant, Howdah, and standard, and enrolled him among his old servants.
About this time, a Brahman, named Poornea, who was in a low station, as a servant to a certain banker, named Andan Sheth, at an allowance of two Hoons, (Pagodas) a month, and who being a good accountant in the Kinhiri, (Canara) language, was also employed in some way connected with the Tosha Khana, and whose method of keeping the accounts had pleased the Nawaub, was taken from the service of the banker, and placed in charge of the Dufturw of the Kinhiri accounts, with a competent salary. Kishen Rao, also a Brahman, had charge of the Hindi or Mahratta Duftur, and these two together kept in good order the accounts of the receipts and disbursements in the Tosha Khana and treasury.x
As the Nawaub, after his return from his last expedition, employed himself in collecting arms and stores of all descriptions, and also in raising horse and foot, in a very short time, he collected and kept ready in a very perfect degree the means of attack and defence; for troops of brave and experienced soldiers, with horses and arms complete, flocked to his victorious standard, where they were entertained in his service, and placed in the receipt of pay according to their merits. His Dustahs that is, his stable horse, or household cavalry, became in appearance like a Gul Dustah, (a handful of roses); his matchlock-men, or infantry, were clothed in red, yellow, green, or black broad cloth; and near a thousand head of camels, taken from the Mahratta army, were trained to carry swivels.y He had also two or three thousand select cavalry, intelligent and brave men, clad in complete armour. His irregular infantry, blood-drinkers, were assembled from every country. He had, moreover, twenty thousand horse, and sixteen thousand regular infantry, with nearly forty thousand Karnatic foot, and having these always ready for service, he remained free from apprehension. The noise of his victories, and the destruction of his enemies, resounding through all parts of the world, troops of brave men, well equipped and mounted, flocked to him, not only from Hind, and the Dukhun, but even from Iraun and Tooraun; and, giving them high pay, he retained them in his service.
An account of the encroachments or usurpations of the English in the country of the Karnatic Payanghaut, by the instrumentality of Muhammad Alí Khan, Surajuddowla; and the detail of the war commenced by the Chief of the Dukhun, Nizám Alí Khan, in concert with the Nawaub, Bahadúr. Also, a description of the battles fought between the English, and the courageous Nawaub, in the commencement of the year 1185, Hijri.— A. D. 1771.
WHEN Muhammad Alí Khan, the Soubadár of Arkat, after the murder of his father and the Nawaub Násir Jung, was besieged in the fort of Nuthur Nuggur, (Trichinopoly,) and Hussein Dost Khan, otherwise called Chunda Sáhib, aided by the Frenchmen of the port of Pondicherri, was endeavouring to take that fort; the besieged Khan sought and obtained succour from the chiefs of Mysore, and the governor of the port of Devna Puttun;z and by their assistance gained the victory over his enemies; and the head of Chunda Sáhib was gratuitously given to the winds. The Chief of Mysore having been driven away by the violation of the treaty made with him by Muhammad Alí, as has been before related, the latter, by the help of the English, conquered the French, and took the city of Pondicherri. Having then without opposition completed the reductiona of Arkat, Muhammad Alí plundered all the Munsubdárs and Jageerdárs of that Souba, belonging to the Nowayut tribe, raised the standard of independence, and rebelled against the Nizám of Hydurabad.b Now, therefore, when the Nizám was relieved from the conflict with Raghoo and his pursuit,— that Prince considering that, as Muhammad Alí Khan had rebelled against him, and by the powerful aid of the English had usurped the country and wealth of the Karnatic Payanghaut, it was necessary to punish him, but knowing, also that he could not alone contend with the troops of Surajuddowla and the English combined, he desired that, by the aid of the Nawaub Bahadúr, he might be enabled to displace Muhammad Alí, and take possession of the Karnatic himself. After having consulted with his Chiefs upon the subject, and framed his plans for this end, he wrote to the Nawaub, setting forth that a body of English merchants, through the medium of the rebellious Souba of the Karnatic, had taken into their heads a vain desire of chieftainship and rule, and had fearlessly raised the standard of usurpation in that quarter; and that his, the Nizám’s desire was, that, in conjunction with that pride of the housec of power and good fortune, (meaning Hydur,) they should regain the country which had been thus lost. The Nawaub lent a willing ear to these proposals, and with his troops remained ready for service. In the mean time, the Nizám with his army marched to Adhoni, and, taking his brother, Busálut Jung, with him proceeded by the road of Kurpa Kurnoul to Cheenputtun.
Another historian has, however, related this occurrence in a different manner He states, that Muhammad Alí Khan Surajuddowla, when he heard of the prowess and discipline of the Nawaub’s troops, and the promptitude of his military equipments, became perplexed and uneasy, and regarding the spring of the Nawaub’s fortunes as the autumn of his own prosperity, and moreover, apprehensive that the affair of Trichinopoly, where he had so grossly violated his faith, still rankled like a thorn in the breast of the Nawaub, and, God forbid! lest he should consequently, turn his views towards Arkat, and with the energy of the Khodadad, seize his country and wealth; he, (Muhammad Alí), therefore, intimated his wish to the English, that the governor of Madras, otherwise Chenaputtun, should send a Vakeel with a body of troops to Hydurabad, and persuade the Nizám to undertake the conquest of the Balaghaut; and they, in consequence, having done this, prevailed so far with the Nizám, that he suddenly marched with a large force towards that province. His secret plans, however, were, that he would first meet the Nawaub Bahadúr, and ascertain his views, and, under the contingency of favourable opportunity, if he, the Nawaub, should be daunted by his warlike manifestations, he might then seize upon his territory, and retain it in his own hands; and if not, still, that he the Nizám might be able to operate advantageously in the destruction of his rebel Soubadár. He, however, still kept the English troops in his suite; but, Monsieur Raymond, his servant, with two thousand matchlock infantry was always present with him.
But, to return— when the Nizám raised his tent in the plain of Chenputtun,d he sent for the Nawaub to visit him; but, although the Nawaub, also, with his army and artillery, had encamped eastward of Muddoor, (a short distance from Chenputtun), still as he considered that his meeting with the Nizám should be deferred to another time, he sent his son, (Tippoo), with a well appointed force; Meer Alí Ruza Khan, Mukhdoom Sáhib, Meer Ismail Sáhib, Ghazi Khan, Muddoo Khan, &c., all of whom were experienced officers being appointed to accompany him. Five elephants, and ten beautiful horses, were sent likewise as presents.
When the Prince arrived near the Nizám’s tent, the crash of the drums and kettle drums of his body guard struck fear to the ears of the Nizám, who, ascending a balcony on his tent, saw and admired (nevertheless) the pomp and parade of Tippoo’s cavalry escort; and the discipline and order of his troops. The Nizám, after that, received him with great liberality and kindness, and, having gained his heart by honied words and phrases, addressed him by the title of Nuseebuddowla,e and, casting his plans and schemes, aside, consulted him on the feasibility of chastising Muhammad Alí Khan, the Soubadár of Arkat, and the English; and then dismissed him, with the present of a Khilaut, and the shawls the Nizám himself wore.
Tippoo now returned to his father, and, on his arrival, related with minute exactness every word spoken by the Nizám on this occasion. Agreeing in the objects and wishes of the Nizám, the Nawaub Bahadúr marched on with his army, and the Nizám giving the English their dismission, sent them off. These two powerful chiefs now united, and having passed the Barh Mahl district, they encamped on this side the pass of Chungum, where, on the opposite side, at the same time arrived also a Colonel Hewit,f or Howard, an English officer with a body of five thousand regular infantry, and a thousand soldiers,g or Europeans, to secure the pass against the Nawaub, and this officer had taken up his quarters in a small fort, on the other side of the pass of Chungum. As soon, therefore, as the two Chiefs had received information of the arrival of the English army, they dispatched a force in advance, to besiege the above mentioned fort. This force accordingly marched in the night, and surrounded the English troops, stationing themselves as scouts or reconnoitering parties, and then began plundering and killing the stragglers, and followers, of the English troops. When the colonel became aware of the great strength of the combined armies, he acted according to the saying, “Whosoever strikes his naked hand on steel,”— “is sure to bruise his knuckles;”h and, seeing that his stay there was not advisable, he the same night marched on the route to Turnamul. The Chiefs of the advanced guard immediately sent to their masters an account of the Colonel’s march; and, on receiving this intelligence, the Nizám and Hydur immediately followed him. At the distance of two Fursungs, (about seven miles,) from their encampment, the Nuwaub, who had hastened his march, overtook the English troops, and commenced on them a fire of cannon, from different points. The Colonel, nevertheless, having taken up his ground on the slope or skirt of the hills, halted there, and with his guns and musketry broke the heads and necks of his assailants until the evening; and, however, great and vigorous were the efforts and exertions of Hydur’s and the Nizám’s troops, to plunder and destroy this detachment, they were of no avail. The English troops, however, suffered much from want of water, and many were killed by the continual shower of cannon balls which fell on them. At night, therefore, the Colonel above mentioned, with his troops, in order of battle, proceeded to Turnamul, and the two Chiefs, Hydur and the Nizám, encamped on the river of Kilpauk, whence they pushed forward strong outposts on all sides of the English troops.
The Nizám now, after a consultation with Ruknuddowla, sent a message to the Nawaub Bahadúr, desiring that he should despatch a body of his own troops, well acquainted with the country, to plunder, and lay waste the Souba of Arkat, and the vicinity of Chinaputtun, (Madras), &c. and likewise, to collect cattle, and provisions; that they might strike fear and dismay into the hearts of Muhammad Alí Khan, and the English. Although, in time of need, the Nawaub did not mind attacking a wild elephant, still he did not relish this division of his army; the Nizám, however, was so importunate and troublesome in this matter, and used words so exciting, and was, besides, so infatuated in his opinion of his own troops, that at length he prevailed, and brought the Nawaub to consent to despatch his cavalry, regular and irregular infantry, and light guns, under the command of his son (Tippoo), selecting, to accompany him, Meer Alí Ruza Khan, Mukhdoom Sáhib, Muhammad Alí, commandant, Ghazi Khan, &c. Chiefs of note,— and he was acccordingly despatched to that quarter; the Nawaub leaving himself but few troops,— that is to say, five or six hundred horse of his own stable,i two thousand regular infantry, four thousand foot, and his artillery; but all ready for action. Hybut Jung was nominated to the command of the troops remaining with the Nawaub. The Nawaub, however, at that time had not let fall the reins of caution; and, as he had no confidence at all in Rooknuddowla, and the other Chiefs of the Moghul army, wherever he encamped he surrounded his encampment with a stockade, or an abattis,j and to this defence he directed there should be four gates or roads, on each of which he stationed strong guards and artillery.
When the English officer arrived at Turnamul, he detailed the strength of the combined armies, (Hydur’s and the Nizám’s), and their numerous artillery, to the government of Madras; and General Smith, a brave and able officer, who was then employed in urgent duties near Nuthur Nuggur, (Trichinopoly,) was despatched, by the governor of Madras, to oppose the Nizám and Hydur, with four thousand regular infantry, eight hundred Europeans,k three thousand horse of the Souba of Arkat, four thousand Karnatic foot, and a great quantity of provisions and stores; and he proceeded, by forced marches, by the route of Runjun Gurh, and arrived at Turnamul. When these two Sirdárs or officers, blood-drinkers,l met and made themselves acquainted with the strength and description of the Nawaub’s and Moghul armies, they did not estimate the Moghul army at the value of a grain of barley. After having halted for a week, they formed their troops, and marched on, straight forward, without deceit or guile, like lions, to attack the combined armies; firing their guns as they moved on. The Nawaub, with the same number of troops that remained with him occupied his ground of encampment, and directed his artillery men to open their fire on their enemies. The Nizám, in the meanwhile, had stationed hinself on the right flank of the English troops, and was firing away with his guns, without aim or object. His horse, also, in number like ants, or locusts, surrounded the English army in clusters. The English officers, however, by their penetration and experience, soon perceiving that the Nawaub had arranged his troops in the best order and position possible, and had kept his ground firmly, and that the Moghul army, like a herd of timid deer, was standing about without order, now, with a view to deceive their opponents, advanced quickly from the flank, and immediately charged the Nizám’s body guard, giving them several quick discharges from the guns, and, with very little fighting, completely routed them, and took the whole of their cattle, stores and artillery, with the tents, standards, and Bazar of their camp. Spiritless and ashamed, the Nizám now quitted the field, and retreated, venting his spleen in cursing the want of judgment shewn by his Dewaun, Rooknuddowla, and the rest of his Ameers and Khans. His troops, who had never been engaged in a hard fought or well contested battle, left their master to his fate, and, like a flock of sheep at the sight of a wolf, were so scattered, that even round the elephant of the Nizám, scarcely two thousand horse remained. On witnessing this want of colour, the Nawaub bestowed many maledictions on the female relationsm of the runaways, and ordered his artillery off quickly to Singar Peeth; but he himself remained on the field with ten light guns. The English officers having completely plundered the Moghul camp, now returned to attack Hydur. The brave Nawaub, dragging off his guns, and fireing, and retiring step by step, halted and fought, occasionally, at different points on his route. The Nizám, at length, arrived at Singar Peeth, where he encamped; and the Nawaub, sorely displeased at the irregularity and disorder of the Moghul army, pitched his tents at the distance of a fursung from them; while the English General and his troops, victorious, encamped on the battle field. The Nawaub now quickly despatched his camel riders and Hurkaras, (messengers,) with letters, to his son Tippoo, who had been plundering the country in the environs of Madras, commanding him to return. He, also, sent a message to the Nizám, to the effect,— that the expectations formed of his, the Nizam’s, brave troops and the ability and experience of his Ameers and officers, had been well proved, in as much that, in time of need, not a thousand men with their arms, nor one Ameer of respectability had remained with the stirrup— i. e. the Nizám; that with such troops therefore, strong only in numbers and shew, it was evident they could never expect to conquer the stormy, warlike, English;n that the wisest course to be followed, was, that the Nizám should encamp at Kaveriputtun; and he, (Hydur,) his particular friend, by every art and device which knowledge could supply, would oppose and defeat the English, and put them to flight. The Nizám followed his advice, and accordingly marched from this place, and encamped at the said town of Puttun.
In the meanwhile, until the arrival of his son, the Nawaub moved about in the vicinity of Singar Peeth, Barh Mahl, and Ootangiri, and when Tippoo arrived, with all the officers and troops, and great store of provisions and cattle, the Nawaub was freed from all thought and apprehension; and, having ranged his right and left wings in order of battle, he remained in readiness for action. At this time, the Nizám, sending his Ameers to Hydur, begged with great importunity that he would visit him; and, although the Nawaub in his heart was unwilling to accede to his request, yet to keep on friendly terms with him, he marched with his army, and they met, and embraced and conversed together. They then consulted how they were to overcome their strong enemy, and the Nawaub, seeing on the forehead of the Nizám the signs of grief for the late defeat, essayed to comfort him, and said, with a view to his encouragement, that victory and defeat came from God; that similar mischances had often befallen kings and princes of great renown, who, nevertheless, had attained the very highest ranks of fame for strength of mind and courage; and that it was only consistent with the character of Chieftainship, that he should not allow the rust of doubt and despondency to rest on the clear mirror of his heart, nor permit the dust of shame or regret to stick to the skirt of his intentions and projects.o That he recommended therefore that with the care and caution worthy men of rank and station, he, the Nizám, should march with his army to Huskote; and he, Hydur, his well-wisher, by policy and management would subdue his enemies, and conquer the Karnatic Payanghautin the best and easiest manner. The Nizám agreed to this proposal and marched towards Huskote. Rooknuddowla, however, his minister, with Manuvvur Khan, Kurnooli, Ismail Khan, Elichpoori, Rai Rumba, and twenty thousand horse, were attached to the Nawaub, and remained with him.
The Nawaub now, with his own troops, and accompanied by Rooknuddowla, crossed the Ghaut of Tubul Pulli, and besieged Amboor Gurh, which was held by an English garrison, and left no means untried to take the place. Khaki Shah, a Fuqeer, a companion and friend of the Nawaub’s, was here killed by a cannon shot from the fort. As soon as the Chiefs of the English army became aware of the siege they advanced by forced marches, by the route of Karnatic Gurh, Dhoby Gurh, Kylas, and Pulli Koonda, to Amboor. The Nawaub, therefore, when he heard of the arrival of the English troops, raised the siege, and encamped in the neighbourhood of Vud Cheri and Bapun Pilli.
The English officers halted for one day at Amboor Gurh, and, on the next, advanced to attack the Nawaub. As soon as they approached near to his army, he placed his cavalry under the command of his son, Tippoo, and forming the right wing, and committing his left to the command of Rooknuddowla, and others, he posted himself in the centre with his artillery, his bravest senior officers, and Muhammad Alí commandant. In the meantime, the English officers, by their skill comprehending the Nawaub’s disposition of his army, despatched one battalion and two companies of soldiers, (Europeans) with two guns, to attack Rooknuddowla; and two battalions of natives, and a risala or regiment of Frengis, (also Europeans), with four guns to attack Tippoo; and the general, (Smith,) himself, marched straight forward to attack the centre or main body. In a moment, the flames of mortal strife blazed forth, and the brave mussulmans, steady as rocks, planted their feet firmly on the ground; and, from vollies of artillery and musketry, they passed rapidly to the active employment of the sword and spear, hand to hand. Verses.p “The fire of rage seized both the right and left wings,”— “The world again saw the tempest of Noah.”— “On every side glittering poisonous spears,”— “like the eye lashes and glances of the languishing fair.”— “From the bloody darts or spears flashing in the sun,”— “the heart became like the Ruby Mountain of Budukshan.”— “From the blood of the brave, and the dust of the army,”— “the earth became red, and the sky black.”q The troops of Rooknuddowla, however, from the attack of one battalion, and a few shot from their guns, cowardly gave up their ground, and did not draw breath until they arrived at Wanum Bari. But, before the English could defeat the main body, Tippoo, with his victorious horse, had charged them several times, and then attacked their rear guard,r (Chundawul), which was commanded by two Jamadárs, named Ibrar Khan, and Asrar Khan, and consisted of three thousand horse and four thousand foot, having in charge stores of provisions and cattle collected by them; and, like a lion springing on a herd of deer, he fell upon this body, and sunk the boatss of their existence in the whirlpool of eternity. A deadly shock was thereby given to this force, and the whole were dispersed, and put to flight; the military reputation of the officers above mentioned was destroyed; tents, standards, loads of baggage, grain, &c. were burned, and several officers and soldiers of the English army taken prisoners, with their horses and palankins; and, having effected this, Tippoo returned. On seeing this condition of affairs, the General to preserve his cattle and baggage, instantly halted.t The Nawaub Bahadúr, in speed outstripping the lightning, now fell upon the battalion sent to pursue Rooknuddowla; and, in one irresistible charge, overthrew it, and, with such spoil as had fallen into his hands, returned to Wanum Bari. Tippoo, also, returned victorious, and rejoined the Nawaub’s force. The English officers and army remained on the field of battle.
The Nawaub now sent for Rooknuddowla, and made him listen to a bitter expostulation; for he told him that, without doubt, his companions were fine fellows for shewing their heels, and, therefore, it was better that he and his city champions should return to his master, seeing that, by the exertions of such men, he, the Nawaub, could never expect to see the face of victory, and God forbid that the contagion of their cowardice, or want of manhood, should, by association and companionship infect his gallant fellows, and cast their courage and enterprise to the winds. As Rooknuddowla in reply, repeated his boasting and did not wish to go away, it was settled that he should always encamp at the distance of half a Fursung, (two miles), from Hydur’s army, and that none of his men should enter Hydur’s camp; but, in case of need, messages should be sent by Hurkaras.
But, to return— after four days, the English officers, with their army, marched towards Wanum Bari. The Nawaub, on this, quitted his encampment, and the first day encamped at Tripatoor, the next day, he marched with his troops and artillery, and pitched his tents near Kavuri Puttun, in a plain, surrounded by a plantation of Saul treesu and a marsh or deep mud. Here he threw up round his army, four batteries, or redoubts, and mounted guns in them. Rooknuddowla was stationed outside the limits of his camp. The English General now left the troops attached to the Colonel, (Hewitt), in charge of Wanum Bari and Tripatoor, and he himself encamped on the slope of a hill, at the distance of one measured Fursung from the army of the Nawaub. The outpostsv of the Nawaub, however, pressed the English army closely on the flanks, and on one side, the horse of Rooknuddowla were stationed to guard the road. At night, however, General Smith, intending to make a nocturnal attack, got his troops in readiness, and marched by the very road which was held by the bravex picquets of Rooknuddowla; and, although these troops were fully aware of what was going on, they gave no intelligence to the Nawaub, neither did they make any opposition, but on the contrary retired out of their enemy’s reach— “Not every woman is a woman, nor every man a man.”— “God has not made the five fingers of the same length,”y until the time when the General, with much exertion, had arrived near the camp of the Nawaub. From the ignorance of his guides, however, his troops had been led among the Saul trees, and into the marsh or mire; so that his guns had stuck fast in the mud, and they had all been much delayed and distressed, and by this time the harbinger of morning, the cock, sounded his awakening call to the sleeping army, that is, the dark night suddenly broke into the light of the morning, and the soldiers, awakening in the batteries of the Nawaub, began to pour forth such a fire from their guns, and other arms, as soon made the Saul plantation like a bed of spring roses, with the blood of the English troops wading through the mud; and at the same moment, also, the picquets of the Nawaub arrived in their rear, treading on their heels, and, with arrows and musketry, made the red coats drink the red wine of death.
The same night, having concerted and taken the path of union with the English, Rooknuddowla made a treaty with them; and although he on one side was all in readiness, pretending to give aid to the Nawaub, yet, in fact, he was only looking out for an opportunity, to attack and plunder his army. The Nawaub, therefore, who had before heard that his conduct shewed evidently a siding with the English, being now confirmed in his opinion by the circumstance of his being in readiness, and yet giving to the Nawaub no warning or information of the night attack, clearly perceived that he and his troops were changing sides, and he, therefore, ordered to Payindah Khan Bukhturi, Risaldár, to advance with his Risala, and fire a few cannon shot at him, by way of congè, and that drove him away. The General, (Smith), in despair, now wheeled about, and returned to his own ground of encampment.
An account of the establishment of a lasting peace between Nizám Alí Khan and the English, without the knowledge of the Nawaub Bahadúr, by the intriguesz of Rooknuddowla;— and of the battles which followed, about two months after, between the English and the Nawaub, near Nuggur, Trichinopoly, and the Barh Mahl; with an accouut of the victories gained by Hydur’s gallant army in the same year, and the re-establishment of Peace, 1185, Hijri.— A. D. 1771.
WHEN the General had returned to his ground of encampment, and Rooknuddowla proceeded to the presence of the Nizám of Hydurabad, he persuaded him to make peace with the English Bahadúr; and, having settled the articles of the treaty, opened a communication with the English by letter. The next day the English army marched back, and took the road to Amboor Gurh. The Nawaub was surprised at this movement, and fell into deep thought; when Hurkaras arrived, with intelligence that the Nizám had marched from Huskote towards the Ghaut or pass of Kurunpat, and that his Vakeels or ambassadors had reached the English camp, and also that Rooknuddowla, had proceeded to visit Muhammad Alí Khan. The Nawaub was now convinced that that olda wolf, the Nizám, was playing some artful tricks, and that he was travelling in the path of treachery and deceit. Nevertheless, as “men of courage, do not put their trust in the aid of others”— “the canopy or tent of the heavens, stands without pole or pillar,”b and relying on the exertions of his faithful servants, the Nawaub formed his plans, and was ready to carry them into execution, when the Nizám, for the security of his dominions, and by the advice of Rooknuddowla, gave to the English government, as payment for a subsidiary force to aid and defend him, the country of Sikakole,c and Rajbunduri, the collection of the customs of which was thirty Lakhs of rupees; and which was first under the authority of Anwuruddeen Khan, and afterwards assigned for pay to Monsieur Bussy, a French officer. Having done this, he without the knowledge of the Nawaub, returned to Hydurabad, by the route of Kirpad and Kurnole.
But, to continue— In two months and a few days, General Smith and Colonel Hewitt collected together a force, and made preparations, with the intention, of conquering the Karnatic Balaghaut, according to the instructions of the Nizám; and, taking with them Muhammad Alí Khan, the Souba of Arkat, they advanced from Amboor Gurh. The Nawaub, however, not thinking it prudent to oppose the English openly in the field, harassed them with his Kuzzaks or predatory horse only, and despatched the heavy baggage of his army, with his heavy artillery, towards Anikul and Makri Droog; remaining with his horse, foot, and rockets, &c., ready for battle. In the mean time, he attacked the English army on all sides, with parties of his light troops, while he himself was forming schemes to destroy his powerful opponents. At this period, his Hurkaras brought intelligence that by the route of Nuthur Nuggur, (otherwise Trichinopoly,) and from Tanjore, a large convoy of stores under the escort of two thousand foot, a thousand English musketeers, four hundred horse, and two guns, was advancing, by the Ghaut of Chungum, to join the English army, and that they had a great number of cattle with them. The Nawaub, therefore, who was looking out for news bringing such good luck, marched without delay, and, keeping under cover of the hills and forests, brought the day of Judgment on the convoy and its escort; for, at the first attack, the escort were mostly killed, and the whole of the convoy taken. The English General was thrown into perplexity by this occurrence, and, having encamped at Tripatoor, he sent to Madras for stores and provisions. At this time news was brought from Nuggur, that an English army had arrived from Bombay, and had taken the fort of Gorial Bundur, (Mangalore), and was spreading terror over that country; and that it was to be feared the territory of Nuggur would likewise soon fall into their hands. Tippoo was, therefore, despatched with two thousand regular infantry, four thousand horse, and a thousand irregular foot, to protect and defend that quarter; while Hydur himself remained involved in the tempest of battle and slaughter, with these two officers, Smith and Hewitt. Other letters were now received, from the Chiefs of Koimbatoor and Kalikut, that, on the side of Nuthur Nuggur, a Captain, with two or three thousand regular infantry, and four thousand Kullars,e the servants of Ram Raja, the Poligar of Malabar, had entered Karroor; and that his intention was to reduce the districts in that vicinity. On hearing this, Hybut Jung was appointed, with four thousand horse, to repel these invaders.
When Tippoo arrived by forced marches at Gorial Bundur, the commanding officer of the English army, there, strengthened the works of the fort, and, to the distance of a Fursung, surrounded them with redoubts, which he occupied. Tippoo wrote an account of this to his father, whose sole object being the order and safety of his territories, he considered the reduction of that part of the country necessary, prior to all other measures, and he, therefore, taking with him four Risalas of regular infantry, with four guns and selecting two thousand good horse, from the whole of his army; left the rest of his troops, his tents, standards, drums &c. to the charge of Meer Alí Ruza Khan, Mukdoom Sáhib, and Muhammad Alí, commandant, with Ghazi Khan Beed, &c. and in the space of a week, entered the fort of Nuggur. He then despatched orders, to collect men, to all the Killadárs and officers in that neighbourhood, and, in about ten or twelve days, assembled twenty thousand of the peasantry of the country. Having provided these recruits with wooden muskets of ebony and also furnished them with standards of black, white, and yellow cloth, one flag or Beiruk, being assigned to a thousand men, he moved forward with this showy semblance of a force. When he arrived near the batteries of the English, he formed his lines, and, having marched, and countermarched his troops before them, he encamped on an open space on some high ground, and ordered his son, (Tippoo), to attack the batteries in flank. This being done, Tippoo, after some fighting succeeded in taking them, and putting the infantry stationed in them to the sword. This success having thrown the enemy into some confusion, the chief officer of the English, from fear of the Nawaub, whose army appeared numerous, while his, (the officer’s) troops were but few; and with a view, also, to preserve his men, which is the duty of every commanding officer; left the batteries the same night, and took the road to the fort. In this movement two European soldiers ran away from their comrades, and came to Tippoo, and gave information of the retreat of the English. Tippoo instantly despatched this intelligence to his father; but before the Nawaub could put his force in motion, or the retreating parties of the enemy could reach the fort, he with the greatest rapidity, moving on the flank, advanced before them, and keeping up a smart fire, entered the fort, and put to the sword those of the garrison who were manning the walls. The Nawaub, on hearing the news, followed with his cavalry at a gallop, treading on his heels, and rained a storm of arrows and rockets on the devoted detachment of the English; and, at length, their order being broken, and the men terrified, they abandoned the road to the fort, and retired to the sea side. The troops of the Nawaub, however, dashed out after them to the sea shore, and the whole were taken or put to death. The commanding officer of the English troops however embarked on a vessel lying ready to receive him, and disappointed, and hopeless, bent his course to Bombay. After having left a strong garrison in the fort of this sea port, (Mangalore), the Nawaub returned with his European prisoners, and, in six weeks, arrived at Bangalore. By this time, the two officers, Smith and Hewitt, had taken the forts of Wanumbari, Tripatoor, Gugungurh Nutkul, and Jug Deo, and also the small fort of Dhurumpoori, (after Payindah Khan, the Risaldár, who commanded there, was slain), with the Hill Fort of Kishengiri, which was plundered. Abdurrusheed Khan, the Dewaun of the Nawaub Muhammad Alí Khan, was also appointed to the charge of the Barh Mahl;f and the general, having crossed the Kunuk Goondah, Droog, or Ghaut, reduced the forts of Hussoor, Mashti, Moorwakul, Kolar, and Huskote.
It is to be observed here, that, in the reigns of the Kotab Shahi dynasty, the Barh Mahl district was included in the Souba of Arkat, which Souba was depending on Hydurabad; but, when Bahadúr Shah, the son of Alumgeer, gave Kirpa in Jageer to Abdunnubbee Khan, the nephew of Azum Khan Meeana, the Barh Mahl was added to that district. But, to return— Muhammad Alí Khan of Arkat had, at this period, taken up his residence at Kolar, but had sent for Morar Rao, Ghoor Purria, from Gooti, to his assistance, and was making his own arrangements, when the Nawaub returned, and re-entered his camp, and disposed his army in the best order.
The English army, with the army of the Rao before mentioned, was now encamped near the town of Nursipoorum, when the Nawaub finding one night a favorable opportunity, marched towards them to make a night attack, and, on arriving there, without hesitation gallantly attacked and plundered the whole of Morar Rao’s force, and the Rao himself, being wounded, took to flight, leaving all his guns and stores behind him. Some English soldiers, and horsemen of Muhammad Alí Khan, were among the killed and wounded, on this occasion. The commanders of the English, nevertheless, stood to their arms, and, firing their guns, pursued the Nawaub to the fort of Huskote; and, in the plain to the eastward of that town, they took up an encampment, surrounding their army with redoubts, and halted there. Muhammad Alí Khan (of Arkat) in great trepidation, but pretending he was sick, now made the movement of the English an excuse for retiring to Satgurh, and recalled his Dewaun from the Barh Mahl.
At this time, Hybut Jung, who had been appointed to oppose that part of the English army which was advancing by the way of Trichinopoly, despatched a letter to Hydur, stating that, at the present moment, the Captain commanding the English troops had taken (the forts of) Dindigul, Coimbatoor, Palghaut, Hurroor, and Dharapore, and that, being at leisure, he, (the Captain), now intended, after receiving his ammunition and provisions, which had arrived from Turnamuli, Mudhura, and Trichinopoly, and were collected in the small fort of Karoor, to march by the Ghaut of Gujulhutty, and make an incursion into Mysore and Seringaputtun; and that, although Hydur’s Kuzzaks or light troops exerted themselves like brave men, to defeat the enemies of the Sirkar, still, without infantry and guns, no advantage could be gained from their exertions. As soon as the contents of this letter were made known to him, the Nawaub left Tippoo, with the army, to oppose his encroaching enemies; and himself, with six thousand regular infantry, four thousand horse, and fifteen guns, proceeded by forced marches to Dhurrumpoori, and, attacking it in the night, took both the fort and garrison. Then, by night marches, crossing the Ghaut of Tipoor, by the route of Namkul, he proceeded straight by a night march to Karroor, and besieged that fort, which contained two hundred regular foot, and some Kullers or irregulars, for the guard and protection of the supplies or stores therein deposited. In one night he completed his batteries, and mounted on them four or five battering guns, and in the morning commenced his fire. The walls of the fort being of earth, a few discharges, shattered and broke them down; and, although the garrison defended themselves with great constancy till mid-day, they were then obliged to give in, and quit the fort.
About this time, also, intelligence reached the Nawaub, that four thousand carriage bullocks, despatched by the Captain of the English to fetch stores from Hurroor to Karroor, under the escort of two hundred musketeers and three hundred Kullers, (called Colluries by Orme), were advancing, without any fear or caution. On hearing this, the Nawaub immediately despatched two guns and a thousand matchlock men after them; and these intelligent brave fellows attacked this sleepy convoy, and at one charge having thrown the escort into confusion, made prisoners of them, and brought them and their bullocks to the Nawaub, who immediately attached the bullocks to his own artillery, and, after three days, moved towards Hurroor. The Captain, before mentioned, being much alarmed that his detachment and supplies did not return, and by the want of intelligence respecting them and being also ignorant of the arrival of the Nawaub, despatched six hundred regular infantry, and two hundred Europeans, with four guns, to Karroor. This detachment had marched about four fursungs, when the Nawaub heard of them, and he immediately despatched his horse to surround, and draw them on towards the range of his artillery. The horse, accordingly, by caracoling round them, and by pouring showers of arrows and rockets on them, drew them gradually on to the front of the artillery, when they dispersed and retired. Supposing that the cavalry were those of Hybut Jung only, the officer who commanded the English detachment took little or no notice of them, but proceeded on, when, all of a sudden, the artillery opened its fire, and the discharges followed so quickly that the detachment fell into confusion. The Kuzzak, or light horse, who were on the watch for such an opportunity, leaping their horses, dashed forward, and without fear plunged into the midst of the fugitives, and with the sword and spear destroyed many guiltlessg lives; and although the men of this country, [the Dukhun,] had their lives spared on asking quarter, not one of the Frengis,h or Europeans, except two little boys, nine or ten years of age, were left alive.
After this battle, the Nawaub marched on, and pitched his camp opposite the fort of Hurroor, whence he sent the following message, by these two boys, to the captain commanding in the fort. “Behold the Nawaub Bahadúr, like sudden death, is upon your head. He has defeated and plundered the armies of General Smith and Muhammad Alí Khan, and has sent his army with his officers to conqueri Arkat, while he himself has arrived by forced marches with his personal guard, to complete your destruction. He has also, put to the sword all the convoy or escort on the road to Karroor, with the garrison of that fort, and if you have any wish to prolong your life, you must come and seek the protection of the Nawaub’s skirt. If not, the Nawaub has determined that on the morrow he will not spare the life of a single man.”
The little artless boys, who had seen with their own eyes the men of their party destroyed, and were still in great alarm, entered the fort, and related every circumstance with minute exactness to the Captain. The Captain, therefore, being a simple honest man, was deceived by this lying story, and relinquished all intention of defending the fort, and getting into his palankin, accompanied by two or three servants, one or two pioneers,j and seven foot soldiers he went out, and met the Nawaub. The Nawaub, who was highly pleased at his arrival, by consoling and comforting him, quieted his apprehensions, and then ordered a separate tent to be pitched for him and sent him off to occupy it. He did not, however, allow any of his, the Captain’s, servants except the pioneers, to remain with him.
When the Captain had retired from the presence, and entered the tent, and saw that none of his servants had remained with him, he sat down alone in the chair of despondency looking about him, and, placing the telescope of the discernment of truth on the stand of patience, he viewed the wide extent of the region of understanding,k and asked himself, what kind of business is this, and how will it end?— In the meanwhile the civil servants of the Nawaub arrived, and, in sweet words and soft language, began to treat with him, respecting the surrender of the fort, and the military and other stores contained therein, and requested he would give an order, to that effect, on the second in command in the fort, who was ready with his troops to defend it; and, notwithstanding the Captain objected and resisted the demand to surrender the fort, unless after he was permitted to return, the Nawaub’s servants would not allow his words any weight, but by fair and foul means,l they at length compelled him willing or unwilling, to write an order to surrender the fort, and stores, agreeably to the schedule made of them; and then they returned to the presence.m
The Nawaub now despatched four Risalas or battalions of regular infantry, and a thousand irregular foot, with this order. The officer who was second in command no sooner saw the writing of his superior, than he without hesitation gave a return of the troops, composing the garrison, and the guns, and stores, with the keys of the fort, to the Nawaub’s officer, and quitted the fort, of which the Nawaub’s troops took possession, and all the valuable stores were appropriated by the Khodadad government. The servants or troops of the Ram Raja, and the Kullers, who formed a part of the garrison, the Nawaub marched three times round his camp, as an offering, or sacrifice, for the safety of his troops, and they were then dismissed. A few prisoners,n of the English garrison, were sent to be confined in different forts of the kingdom; and thus, victorious, crossing by forced marches the Ghaut or pass of Gujul Hutti, the Nawaub returned to make head once more against the English army.
At that period the General, who had returned from Huskote, and had pitched his tents in the neighbourhood of Kolar, despatched two battalions and four hundred Europeans, to fetch supplies, which had been collected and deposited in the small fort of Hussoor, and when the escort for these supplies had proceeded by night to Hussoor, and had taken charge of the cattle and provisions, they marched with them the next night on their return. The Nawaub at the same time, marched from Anikul, in pursuit of this convoy and escort, and detached Muhammad Alí, commandant, with four thousand regular infantry, and guns, to attack the fort of Hussoor; while he himself, in the vicinity of Nidra Mungul, fell in with the convoy, and, surrounding them, raised the clamour of the Resurrectiono and the tempest of destruction around them. The fearless Kuzzaks now gallantly exercised their predatory calling; for, notwithstanding they lost some of their best men in the attack, they drove off the whole of the bullocks, with their loads, even to the bullocks of the artillery; and, moreover relieved the shoulders of (many of) the escort of the heavy burthen of their heads. On all sides, the field of battle was straightened by bitter enmity,p and it went near that a great loss had fallen on the detachment. Their commanding officer, however, withdrew his men into a ruined fort, which was hard by; and, by a continual fire of cannon and musketry, repelled his assailants.
While matters were in this state, Muhammad Alí, commandant, after having placed a garrison in the fort of Hussoor, returned to the camp with the stores and prisoners, which he had taken; and, being now appointed to the plunder and destruction of this detachment, he attacked them like a raging lion, and, battering one side of the fort, soon breached the walls, while he kept his men ready for the assault. At this time, the General of the English troops, who was encamped at Kolar, hearing the report of the guns and musketry, knew that his convoy had been vigorously attacked, and, in consequence, despatched a body of troops to reinforce them. When, therefore, after great difficulties and trouble, these detachments of English troops joined, the power of the besiegers became much contracted, and the English marched at night and joined their own camp. A single bag of grain or stores, however, never arrived in the English camp.
The Nawaub, after this, marched and besieged Huskote, in which was an English garrison, and attacked it on all sides. The officer who commanded in the fort, however, repelled several assaults with the greatest gallantry, and made known his situation to the general, who instantly marched from Kolar towards Huskote. The Nawaub’s scouts or outposts immediately apprised him of the General’s advance, and he, therefore, despatching the whole of his cavalry, under the orders of his son Tippoo and Meer Alí Ruza Khan, towards the English army to amuse them, he himself remained with his regular and irregular infantry, to take the fort. He now ordered the brave commandant, Muhammad Alí, to plant laddersq against the towers and gates; and with great exertion and bravery, the assailants by their aid mounted the walls. The garrison of the fort being few in number, they had not power to repel the assault of such a multitude; and, therefore, threw away their shields, i. e. surrendered. The merciful Nawaub gave the garrison, who had defended themselves with great bravery, the surety of their lives and property, and brought them out of the fort, in which he placed a garrison of his own. He was preparing, with his artillery, and regular and irregular infantry, to repel the English army, when the general himself, with his best troops, arrived in front of the town of Huskote, under the impression that the fort still remained in possession of his Killadár or officer.
The Nawaub, who had now no choice but to light up the flames of battle, arranged his artillery as quickly as possible, in the plain of the Eedgah,r and fired away with such vivacity, that the concussions of the guns shook the breast of the earth to her centre, and thousands of men were slain. The General, meanwhile, prevented his men from throwing away their lives or limbs uselessly, by making them shelter themselves in the low grounds, and then calmly resigned himself to the will of God. The Nawaub now signified to the officers of the guards on the prisoners who had been taken, of the garrisons of Nuthur Nuggur, Huskote, &c. that they should release two or three men; and this being done, these persons soon reached the General, and detailed to him the circumstances which had occurred at Huskote, and the present condition of the garrisons of Hydur Nuggur, Nuthur Nuggur, and Hurroor. On hearing these statements the General hesitated, and having halted during the day, from anxiety, he, in the evening, returned to Kolar, leaving the heavy baggage of his army, with two or three pieces of artillery; one of which, with its muzzle broken, still lies there, as a remembrance.
Having taken possession of the abandoned baggage, the Nawaub now advanced and encamped at Nursing-poorum, where Hurkaras brought intelligence, that a convoy of provisions was advancing by the Ghaut of Tubul Pulli, to join the English camp, under the escort of two thousand regular infantry, a thousand Poligar foot, and a thousand horse. On hearing this, the Nawaub himself with his light artillery, and regular and irregular infantry, marched and took post in ambuscade in front of the Pass. The next day, the convoy having passed the Ghaut, and arrived at Pudnainchuro, the Ghaziaun, (the Nawaub’s troops,) sallied forth from their ambush, and, commanded by the Nawaub, attacked it on every side, and, like the famished at a table laden with dainties, they put forth the hand of plunder, and with the pitiless sword slew, and then trampled many men of the escort under the hoofs of their horses; and the whole of the property and stores taken being appropriated to the Nawaub’s provision and store departments, he then returned.
When this news reached the General, in whose army provisions and stores became scarce, he fell into deep thought and perplexity, from the prospect of a famine in his camp; and the Nawaub, seeing that the General confined himself in his movements to the conquest of the towns and Talookas of the Balaghaut, resolved that he himself, with the whole of his army, would march to the Payanghaut. Accordingly, having crossed by the pass of Rai Kote, he took the fort of Kishingiri; and then, placing garrisons in the forts of Tripatoor and Wanumbari, he burned most of the towns depending on Amboor. Plundering as he went, he next marched by the districts of Amboor Gurh, Santgurh, Rai Vellore, Dhobigurh, Arnee, and Jeeth-peenth, (or Chittapet,) to Turnamul, where he encamped. From this place he detached his son, (Tippoo,) towards Madras, and Meer Alí Ruza Khan, towards Tujawur, (or Tanjore,) and Nuthur Nuggur, and Ghazi Khan, Maha Mirza Khan, &c., towards Chitoor and Niloor, to plunder the cities and towns in those quarters; and, in a very short time, the whole of that part of the country was swept by the besom of plunder and destruction, and most of the population perished under the hoofs of the Nawaub’s cavalry.
The General, on hearing of this, and the pillage of the Payanghaut districts, was immersed in the whirlpool of anxiety; and now, being compelled, of necessity marched by the Ghaut of Kurrunpat to Sautgurh, and thence towards Rai Vellore where he halted.
Muhammad Alí Khan, when he saw the two lions, (General Smith, and Hydur,) blood drinkers, making these exertions from manly emulation, and purely for the honour of their respective governments, and in the mean time shedding blood, and plundering and destroying God’s people uselessly; moreover, that, notwithstanding the destruction of thousands of brave men, their hands were not yet withdrawn from slaughter; and that, in his Muhammad Alí’s wish to obtain the country of the Balaghaut, the whole of the Payanghaut would be lost; after considering all this, he, therefore, wrote letters to the General, and persuaded him to entertain thoughts of peace. Then, having appointed Nujeeb Khan and Danishmund Khan his plenipotentiary Vakeels, he despatched them with four lakhs of rupees, and friendly letters and presents, to the Nawaub, and, following the path of friendship and truth, he manifested his wish to make peace. The Nawaub Bahadúr, who, also, in his engagements with the English, had obtained nothing but hard blows and loss; who was laden with a burden of hundreds of thousands of debt, and who was himself seeking peace; was in his heart rejoiced beyond measure, by the application of Muhammad Alí Khan, accepted his presents, and with great satisfaction, despatched Alí Zumán Khan, and Mehdi Alí Khan Nayut, as his ambassadors.
When these able deputies arrived, and met Muhammad Alí Khan, they arranged the preliminaries of the treaty in the best possible way, and laid such a strong foundation to the conditions of peace and amity, that on no account should the Chiefs of these two governments ever again quarrel, but, on the contrary, assist and support each other. Included in this negociation, the Vakeels of the Nawaub again obtained the release from Muhammad Alí, of the Nowayut dependents, that is to say, the relations of Chunda Sáhib, also the relations of Imám Alí Bukhshi, and their Zenanas, or women. Those persons and others being released from the prisons of Muhammad Alí Khan, solely from the Nawaub’s regard for his tribe, the Vakeels returned successful.
By this peace the Khan also transferred the Talooka of Kurroor to the Nawaub, and it was taken possession of by his (the Nawaub’s) officers. But, besides this, most of the Munsubdárs,s and Jageerdárs, of the tribe before mentioned (Nayut) as, for instance, Mehdi Khan, the Chief of Awul Goondi, Moortuza Hussein Khan, Munsubdár of Girkut Palli, Muhammad Tuki, the Jageerdár of Wundiwassi; Muhammad Saeed Khan, the Munsubdár of Pur-Mokulgurh; and also the Ilakadárs, Muhammad Alí Khan Powloori, and Herasut Khan Sautgudi, who, from the oppression of Muhammad Alí Khan, were sorely afflicted and distressed. To all these he sent pecuniary assistance, and carriage, and invited them to come to him; and when they arrived, he gave to every one service according to his rank and abilities, such as the office of Bukhshi, or other civil offices, and honours. Many inhabitants of the city and towns of Arkat, Vellore, &c., also, who, being neglected, felt aggrieved, and had retired from public life, now, taking advantage of the time offered for the appreciation of their merits, and considering the opportunity as presented by their good fortune, visited the liberal and discriminating Nawaub, and according to their titles or claims were entertained in his service. The chain of strife and discord being thus cut asunder by the shears of four lakhs of rupees, the Nawaub returned victorious to the Balaghaut province.
The march of the Nawaub and his troops towards Kirpa, Kurnole, Bellari, &c., and the collection of an adequatet Paishkush (tribute) from the Chiefs of the above districts; with other conquests, made in the end of the same year 1185, Hijri.— A. D. 1771.
AT the period when the Nawaub had marched to oppose the English, the Chief of Kirpa, Abdul Huleem Khan, considering the time favourable to his plans, despatched his horse to ravage and plunder the districts and towns depending on the Nawaub, and the towns belonging to the Souba of Sura, and Kurum Goonda, and the villages of the tributary Poligars of that Souba, were in consequence laid waste. In the same way, Munuwwur Khan, the Chief of Kurnole, in concert with the Chief of Gudwal, exerted himself to do as much injury as he could. The Náík of Bullari, whose name was Doodapa, also insolently caused a great disturbance in the dependencies of Rai Droog, &c and continual accounts of these excesses arrived at the hearing of the Nawaub’s servants. The settlement of that quarter was, nevertheless, postponed by the Nawaub to the end of the war with the red faced blood drinkers, (i. e. the English). At this time, therefore, as the heavenly mind of the Nawaub was set at rest by the conclusion of treaties of peace with them, he sent off to Puttunu the heavy baggage of his army with the dependents and families of the Nowayuts or Nayuts; and himself, with a determination to punish his enemies, accompanied by all his horse, and regular and irregular infantry, the whole of which amounted to fifty or sixty thousand men, accompanied also by his Atash Khana,x or artillery raining fire, he proceeded by easy stages, as if travelling for pleasure to see the country, toward Kirpa, and he gave orders to a party of his Kuzzaks to omit no means of laying waste the country in the vicinity of Kirpa; (and they obeyed his orders so thoroughly,) as to leave not one of the well wishers of that enemy, (the Chief of that place), alive.
When this intelligence was carried to the Chief of Kirpa, he became exceedingly alarmed and saw no resource for his present and future welfare but to seek refuge with the servants of the Nawaub, and he therefore despatched a Vakeel with five lakhs of rupees in money, two elephants, and four horses, with jewelled or embroidered saddles and equipments, as a present together with petitions for the forgiveness of his offences, great and small, and offering, as to the future, strong and repeated assurances that, from this time, he would never place the foot of presumption beyond the boundary of obedience to the Nawaub’s commands, but would act according to his orders; and as a mode of manifesting the strength of his attachment, he further offered to send a portion of his troops to serve as subsidiaries with the Nawaub’s army.
This petition the Nawaub granted from political motives, and also accepted the money and presents, according to the verse, “What comes unasked, is given of God”— “refuse not what is sent by God.”y— and placed them in his treasury, and having writtenz some directions, in the way of advice, for the regulation of the Khan’s conduct, now and hereafter, and which might serve as the rule of his life and welfare, he then despatched a newswriter to his capital, with proper presents, and honorary distinctions.
Budruzzumán Khan, who formerly gave up the fort of little Balapoor to the Paishwa, Madhoo Rao, and thereby threw the dust of shame on his own head, and had since accepted the service of the Hakim of Kirpa, now through the intercession of Alí Zumán Khan his brother-in-law, had an assurance of safety sent to him; and, forgiving his faults, the Nawaub invited him to return, bestowing on him the Khilut, or honorary dress of pardon, and restoring him to his former office of Bukshi.
The Nawaub now immediately marched on, and passing by the environs of Gunjee Kote, belonging to the Kirpa Chief, arrived at Bheekun Pulli. The Killadár of that place, who was of the Syud family of Gholaum Alí, otherwise called Guloo, at first got ready to fight; and, his insolence and folly producing a kind of frenzy, he fired a few gun shots at the Nawaub’s body guard; the Nawaub himself being present, and riding his favourite elephant, called Poon Guj. The Nawaub was, therefore, bound in honour to require and demand that this insolent fellow should be punished in a way that might serve for a warning to others, and accordingly, gave orders to his brave officers to attack him with their companies; upon which they instantly encircled him, putting forth their hands to plunder and lay waste. Seeing this ravage, the Killadár threw down his shield, and, placing the ring of obedience and service in the ear of his life,a despatched a Vakeel with a present of fifty thousand rupees, and he was then allowed to remain unmolested. At the same time his cousins, Meer Hussein Alí Khan, and Meer Assud Alí Khan, being desirous to serve the Nawaub, presented themselves to him, and were appointed Bukshis of horse.
The Nawaub now marched two stages towards Gudwal, the Poligar of which place, fearful of the overwhelming attacks of the Nawaub, and trembling like a reed shaken in the wind, despatched a Vakeel with two lakhs of rupees, and some other presents, and also with petitions for his life and safety; and having done this, he considered himself out of danger. When the Vakeel with the money, presents and letters, arrived at the presence, he delivered his message with much humility and supplication. From forethought and expediency, the Nawaub accepted his money and presents, and then marched in another direction.
Although the Nawaub passed with his army by the dependencies of Gooti, that is to say, those of Morar Rao, yet, from policy, he took especial care that no injury should be done, either to the Rao or the inhabitants of that part of the country; but marched on hastily to Kurnole. As soon as Munuwwur Khan was apprised of the arrival of the Nawaub Bahadúr’s army, he determined to oppose them, and got his troops in readiness, pitched his tents, and raised his standards, outside the town. A fanatical devotee, named Shah Miskeen, the Khan’s Moorshud or spiritual director, in whom the Khan placed great faith and all whose commands he obeyed, (to such an extent that no chief of his rank was ever so obedient to his spiritual guide as he,) now said “Munuwwur, rejoice; for I will make thy enemies flee.” The Khan was so overjoyed, at hearing these glad tidings, that he nearly fainted; and, being now happy, fancied he should certainly conquer the Nawaub’s gallant army. The Nawaub, when he became aware of the intentions of the Khan, committed the right and left wings of his army to his bravest officers, and, mounted on an elephant, he himself, with his most devoted troops, taking post in the centre, his artillery in front, advanced opposite the walls of the town, and there halted; his intention being to attack immediately and take the town and its chief together.
At this time, the madb Shah or Devotee above mentioned, sitting upon a naked or uncaparisoned elephant, and accompanied by two or three hundred Afghans, careless of life, advanced towards the Nawaub’s army. On seeing this, a number of the Nawaub’s companions, and Khans, addressed him several times intimating that he ought to relinquish the attempt to conquer this place, in respect that it was under the protection of one of God’s most perfect Walis, or saints; that the Aktab,c Outad,d and Oulia,e whenever they cast an eye of favour on any one, placed him in security from all evil and danger; that the manifestation of this intention might be the cause of loss and injury to the Khodadad government, and God forbid that in the result his mind should be disturbed or person injured; that it was best, therefore, that the Nawaub should encamp his army in some place, (near), and halt there, until the Afghan of Kurnole should, of his own accord, present himself with his hands tied, ready to obey the Nawaub’s commands; and that, in this matter, haste was not becoming the servants of the Nawaub.f The Nawaub, on hearing these opinions, and suggestions, so dishonourable to a man of courage and determination, was much irritated, and, looking angrily in the faces of these weakg men, demanded of them if his troops also were not under the protection of some Wali, Kotub, or saint, that he and his troops should be supposed to be without support or aid? Nearly the whole of those who were present, now wisely held their tongues, and were silent; but, some took the liberty to reply, “Yes, certainly they were.” The Nawaub then said, “in that case, the saint who protects our army, will dispute with and oppose him who protects this place;h and, in the mean time, we ourselves will remove the clouded brain from the vain head of Munuwwur Khan; for, added he, “I will stretch the neck of his presumption with the halter of degradation, and not allow him to remain alive.” After saying this he drove on his elephant, and had advanced about the distance of a musket shot, when the fanatic Shah above mentioned, who had determined to charge and overthrow the Nawaub’s troops suddenly turned about and retreated into the fort, and retiring to the women’s apartments of his house, crept into a dark room, where he said to the Khan, “Oh, Munuwwur! whatever thou hast, give up to this brave man, and make peace; only thy fort will we not give up to him.” On hearing these words from his priest, the Khan gave up all heart, and the strength of his loins was broken by the staff of fear. He, therefore, sent his Dewaun, or minister, to the Nawaub, with presents and provisions for a feast; and intreated he would encamp, and promised the payment next day of as large a sum of money as he was able to collect.
Casting the eye of favour, and the compassionate regard of a master, on the condition of that representative of an ancient house, the Nawaub agreed to accept his propositions, and pitched his tents and standards to the westward of the fort, on the bank of the river Tungbhuddra, and entered his tents, until the money was paid, until that however, he would not allow the Dewaun to return to the fort. The next day, in lieu of five lakhs of rupees, which sum he had engaged to pay, the Khan sent out a quantity of money, and ornaments of gold, and silver, and, in sweet flattering language, professed great regard and friendship for the Nawaub, and thus escaped his ire and vengeance.
The Nawaub, desiring much to conquer and put in order other places, took the amount above mentioned, and on the next day marched by the road of Tripeti Goondeh, and Pundeh Goondeh, to Kupthal, in the environs of Bullari, where he encamped his victorious army, with the intention of reducing the Poligar of that place, and of leaving a garrison of his own in his forts; to cast the dread of his victorious army into the heart of Busálut Jung, the Chief of Adhoni, who was secretly intriguing with Morar Rao, and inciting him to the plunder of the Mysore territory. Under the shew, therefore, of lighting a fire among the villages of Rai Droog, the Nawaub ordered the Risaldárs of the regular and irregular infantry to employ the bravest among their number to run on approachesi against the fort of Rai Droog, to breach the lower and endeavour to take the upper or Mountain fort. Accordingly, by the exertions of thirty days, the tower or bastion at the north east angle of the lower fort was battered down, by the continual fire of the guns, and at night they made an assault. The besieged Náík, however, defended himself bravely, and did not suffer fear to influence his exertions; but successfully beat off the storming party. The resolution displayed by the Náík, excited the violent anger of the Nawaub, who brought his large guns under the sweep of the hill to the north, where he ordered his artillery to batter the walls of the Mountain fort. The sureties of conquest, that is, the artillery-men, now threw some large stones from mortarsj into the women’s apartments of the Náík, on seeing which, the women, in great distress and confusion, filled the air with their cries, and obstinately insisted, that the Náík should immediately enter into communication with the Nawaub to make peace, and pay him whatever sum of money he demanded; and, they declared, that, if he had not money enough, they would give up all their most valuable ornaments, “for,” said they, “should the Nawaub, which God forbid, take the fort, our honour would certainly not remain inviolate.” The Náík being by this means agitated and perplexed, sent a messenger of peace to the Nawaub, agreeing to pay two lakhs of rupees, and thus he entered the list of those who were spared by Hydur.
At this period, spies or intelligencers sent information to the Nawaub, that Tattia Mahratta, the Chief of Mirch, at the instigation of Govind Rao, the son of Imrut Rao, the Chief of Gujindurgurh, had marched a body of troops, with an intention to lay waste and destroy the country, under the government of the Sirkar Khodadad, (the Mysore State;) and that he was raising disturbances near Badami and Dharwar. As the Nawaub was now compelled to reduce this fort, and to chastise the Mahrattas, he accorded the petitions of the Poligar, and taking two lakhs of rupees in money, and leaving a newswriter there, he marched on, and, having crossed the river Toongbhuddra at the Ford of Goruknat, he by long marches arrived at Binkapoor. The enemy, being aware of the rapid advance of the Nawaub, lost their senses, from the fear of the desperate valour of his troops,k and returned hopeless to Mirch.
The Nawaub, therefore, now returning, arrived at Shahnoor, where Hukeem Khan advanced to meet him; and, having professed his friendly sentiments, he presented the expenses of the army for ten days, amounting to a hundred and thirty-five thousand rupees, as a gift, and was thus freed from further trouble. From this place he, Hydur, moved on, and, passing Sirihutti, Dumul, and Kunugiri, and collecting an adequate Paishkush from the Poligars of that quarter, he next pitched his tents at Bejanuggur, otherwise called Anigoondi, and Tum or Timraj, the Chief of that place, was sent for by the Nawaub to visit him. As, however, these Chiefs are the descendants of Kishenraj,l and Ramraj, Chitri, they salute or make obeisance to no one. In former times, the country of the two Karnatics, and even the Dukhun from the forts of Malabar to the banks of the Nurbudda, were subject to their authority. But the power of these Princes was broken and destroyed, by the energies of the officers and troops of the Kings of Islam, namely, Kotub Shah, Adil Shah, and Nizám Shah, in the environs of Nyaul Kote, a town on the banks of the Kishna, in 972, Hijri. The words “Ram Rajam died on the day of Adeena,”— give the date of his death. Sultan Alumgeer during his reign gave the descendants of this line of Princes, to provide for their subsistence, the three districts of Howeli Anigoondi, Durwajee, and Gungawati, as the writer of these lines has detailed, in his History of the rise and fall of these Princes, called the Tuzkirut ul Biladwul Ihkam.
But to return— when the Nawaub sent to Timraj he pretended to be very sick, and sent his son, with some presents and a lakh of rupees, and begged he might be spared. Having taken into consideration the high rank of the ancestors of Timraj and their former greatness, the Nawaub excused him the payment of his Paishkush, and sent him from the presence an honorary dress, confirming him in all his possessions. Hydur then marched, by the route of Hurpunhully and Jureemli, to the neighbourhood of Chitul Droog. The Poligar there, from fear of the spoliation and desolation of his country, sent a Vakeel to the Nawaub, with three lakhs of rupees as a present, and one lakh of rupees as one day’s entertainment for the army, representing his devotedness, and that he was obedient to the Nawaub’s orders. The Nawaub accepted the money, and allowed him to rest under his powerful protection; and having, by suggestion and advice, pointed out the path he was to pursue, he despatched an able newswriter and register to the residence of the Poligar.
Hydur then marched by the route of Boka Puttun, and encamped in the environs of Gulwari. The Nawaub here gave orders for the attendance of the Poligar of that place, whose eccentricity and folly had frequently reached his ears. It is to be remarked here, that the said Poligar was, without doubt, entirely void of sense and understanding. He was an opium eater, and spent all the revenue of his Talooka, or district, in the purchase of opium. He was accustomed, sometimes, to mount up into the balcony of his house, and enjoy the prospect of his hills and dales; and there happening to be opposite his little fort a pond full of water, and a small hill beyond it, he used to ask his minister,— “If we had a quantity of pure opium as large as that hill, and as much milk as that pond or tank would hold, how long would it last?” The minister would answer, “Perhaps about a month;” upon which the Poligar would reply, “What— do you take a man to be like a sparrow, that he should pick a bit here and there, and drink by drops?” “If any one could finish the whole of it in a week, then, indeed, I should call him a man.” If he sat down in the morning to wash his mouth and his face, it was mid-day before he had finished, even although his servants did their best to arouse him. His general food was rice and milk, and his wife, after she had caused it to be cooked, usually sent a servant girl to call him to dinner. But it was not until the girl had well shaken his head, and his shoulders, and repeated to him that his dinner was ready, that he rose and retired to the women’s apartments to eat. He also had planted a small garden, about the distance of a musket-shot from the town; but, whenever he wished to walk in his garden, it took him a week to get ready. When, however, his ministers had at last roused him, and he had walked to the garden, after an hour or two he would ask his servant, “How many days is it since we left home, and in how many days shall we return?” The servant in answer, would say, that they would reach home after two or three stages, when the Poligar, laughing, would reply, “No, no, we are not pigeons, that we should fly so swift as that!” But, in fact, there are so many stories told of this man, that it would be impossible to relate them all.
When, by the order of the Nawaub, this foolish man attended his Durbar, the Nawaub, seeing the stamp of folly on his forehead, called to him to advance, and then said,— “How is it with you, and what have you brought me for a present?”— He, with his hands respectfully crossed, replied,— “By your auspicious fortune, there is in my treasury nothing but two or three maunds of opium; but there are also two hundred cows, giving milk, and a few jewels of gold and silver are on the person of your female servant, ‘meaning his wife,’ if it be your pleasure I will present them to you.” The Nawaub laughed very heartily at his absurdity, and gave him leave to return home, and allowed him to retain his town, to furnish him subsistence, but, stationed in it an Ameen, to regulate the administration of the Talooka. The Nawaub then returned to his capital, Puttun.
An account of the celebration of the Marriage of the Sáhibzada,n Prince, Tippoo, also that of the daughters of Shahbaz Sáhib; and the Marriage of Hydur’s own daughter, the year 1185, Hijri.— A. D. 1771.
WHEN the Nawaub Bahadúr was freed from the war with the English, and his arrangements with the Poligars, &c., and had returned victorious to his capital, he determined to celebrate the nuptials of the Princes and Princesses; and, therefore, with the greatest pleasure, demanded for his son the daughter of Imám Sáhib Bukhshi, Nayut, whom he had brought from Arkat, and he ordered the preparations for the banquet, &c. to be made. The ladies of the curtain of chastity and purity, that is, the mother of the Prince, and the wife of Hydur Sáhib, the elder, would not, however, agree to the marriage of this lady; but, agreeably to the choice of the bridegroom himself, and that of their family, selected Rukba Banoo, the daughter of Lala Mean, (who was killed at Churkoli,) and the sister, by both parents, of Búrhan-ud-dín Sipahsalar. The Nawaub, being angry at the rejection of his choice, gave orders that the Prince should be marriedo to both these ladies the same night. Those, therefore, to whom charge was given to prepare the banquet for this happy occasion, commenced the music of congratulation on both sides,p and the feast was spread, and the customary forms of rejoicing, agreeably to the usages of the Dukkanees, were all celebrated in royal style and fashion; and, for nearly a month, the streets and markets of the city were ornamented, like the nuptial chamber of the bride and bridegroom, and the fame and noise of the royal banquet extended to all parts of the world. The joyful entertainment, music, and all other appliances of delight, were provided so abundantly, that, during the whole time, little and great, low and high, either among the servants of the government, or the inhabitants of the city, never driedq their hands from eating and drinking. The chief officers of the army, the brave men of the body guard, the servants of the household, and the dancing girls, with countenances lovely as Venus, like brides and bridegrooms, arrayed in their various coloured raiment, excited by their beauty the envy of the ever blossoming rose garden, and the poor and needy of the world, by the gifts of pearls, and jewels, made on this marriage, were placed independent of poverty and want.
At length, at the fortunate and blessed moment, after the ceremony of riding in procession, the bridegroom was first taken to the gate of the Nayut’s house, and, after the reading of the Khotba and Nikah, and the performance of other marriage customs, the bridegroom was again mounted, and taken to the respected gate of Lala Mean, where all the ladies of the Nawaub’s family, and all his relations assembled, and gave their sanction to the Khotba and Nikah, and, with the assistance of able bride’s women, the ceremonies of Julwah, &c., were performed to their perfect satisfaction, and the sun and moon were placed in auspicious conjunction. In truth, it is the nature of most men and women, that although women of their own tribe may be the poorestr in the country, still they hold them in respect and honour, and disparage the women of other tribes by hints and allusions, even while allowing their claim to lineage and nobility. But, to return— when they had finished all this celebration and congratulation, the two honourable ladies were placed in the Serai of the prince, and there remained.
After this, came the marriage of the two daughters of the deceased Shahbaz Sáhib. Shahbaz, after the increase of the power and wealth of the Nawaub, retired to his own house, and died of disease at Kolar, leaving three daughters, and one son, named Abdulkadir, who was slain in his youth by a cannon ball at the battle of Anooti. The eldest daughter, whose mother was a lady of Shahbaz Sáhib’s tribe or family, was married, during the life of her father, to Lala Mean, and, consequently, now became the mother-in-law of the prince, Tippoo. The other two daughters were by a wife of a different tribe, not a first marriage. The Nawaub now, therefore, honoured Turbeut Alí Khan Nayut, by bestowing one in marriage on him; and the other he married to Yasin Sáhib, the son of Yakoob Sáhib, Jamadár, one of the most noble among the families of the Dukhun, and after the most liberal fashion of that country.s After this, again being highly pleased with the mild disposition, the propriety of language and manners, and the correctness of conduct of Hafiz Syud Alí, (the son of Shah Sáhib Dukkuni,) a worthy friend and companion of the Nawaub; who had been deputed on an embassy to Hydurabad, and had there negotiated a peace, and strengthened and improved the relations of amity between the Chief of Hydurabad and the noble Nawaub; and who, without the knowledge of the Nizám, or his ministers, with much address had purchased a great quantity of valuable articles and jewels of great price, and had forwarded them to the Nawaub; and, also, had engaged a number of brave and experienced men, well known for their courage, and had sent them to the presence;— taking, into consideration all these services, and wishing to mark his approval of them, he honoured him by uniting him in marriage to his own daughter, and thus exalted his head in both worlds.
As these affairs were all completed in about a year, the Nawaub next occupied himself in the regulation of the affairs of his territories, and despatched officers of justice to all quarters; that, wherever thieves, highway robbers,t and cut purses, had extended the hand of depredation and cruelty, they might be punished; and, wherever the foundations of oppression and tyranny had been raised, they should cause them to be pulled down. As soon as the Nawaub had completed the internal arrangements of his state affairs, he appointed his confidential servants to the charge and possession of different governments and countries, and next employed his time in collecting warlike stores, and soldiers of approved valour,u (like Roostum and Isfendiar); so that, in a short time, he assembled under the shade of his victorious standard experienced and able men from all tribes; and, giving pledges of safety and aid to merchants, and the leaders of Karwans of all countries, he attracted (many of those persons, bringing with them) bales of precious stuffs, droves of fleet horses from Irak and Daman,v and troops of the bravest men of Iran and Tooran, who had been invited to enter his service, and whom by liberal treatment he made the slaves of his will. He also appointed active disciplinarians, to exercise and teach his troops, and maintained near two thousand able spies and newswriters, in all parts of his dominions, and even in Hydurabad, Poona, Madras, Dehli, Bengala, Iran, Tooran, and Kabul, and was supplied with intelligence by them which he heard with great interest and discrimination. But, especially in every district of the tributary Poligars depending on him, (for he was never at ease respecting them), he employed spies and secret intelligencers, one upon another, and required from them the most minute information and a copious diary. He also, at an immense expense, collected all implements of war, as guns, firelocks, and other European articles, from the ports of the French, Dutch and Portuguese nations.
The invasion of Tatia Mahratta the Chief of Mirch, Govind Rao, the son of Imrut Rao, and Suboo Rao Ghatkia, &c., Chiefs of the Mahrattas, from Poona, with the intention to ravage and conquer the country depending on the Nawaub Bahadúr. Also, the incursion of Ibrahim Khan, Dhoonsa, with the same purpose, from Hydurabad; and the making prisoners the chiefs of the Mahrattas, by the hands of the brave soldiers of the Nawaub’s army. The retreat also of Dhoonsa, without attaining his object and the conquest of Bullari by the Nawaub; all which occured in the year 1187, Hijri.— A. D. 1773.
WHILE the Nawaub Bahadúr remained in Puttun, and was occupied in making some particular arrangements, and collecting troops and stores; Busálut Jung, the Chief of Adhooni, and the promoter of strife, Morar Rao, combining and concerting together, wrote and despatched letters to the Nizám of Hydurabad, and the chief persons at Poona, containing a request that they would despatch troops into this country, (Mysore,) and pluck up the tender plant of the Nawaub’s prosperity and greatness,— for, in the increase of his power and might, they saw involved, to a certainty, their own decay and ruin. They then remained waiting or looking out for opportunities. Although he knew well the inimical intentions of these treacherous people, still, before some overt act on their part authorized him, the Nawaub did not consider it consistent with his character for courage and the conquest of his enemies to molest or annoy any of them. Seemingly like a listening deer, he was silent; but, in reality, like a hunting leopard, he was waiting an opportunity to spring upon his prey, when, all at once, his spies, from the banks of the Toongbhuddra, successively brought him intelligence, that, the Governor of Mirch had again associated several Chiefs of the Mahrattas with him, and was raising disturbances in the neighbourhood of Badami and Dharwar; that, although the minister of Poona was adverse to his plans, still he, vain and conceited in himself, had raised the neck of pride, and was marching in the direction of Mysore; that the Názim of Hydurabad, agreeably to the request of the Chief of Adhooni and the Hakim of Gootti, had also despatched Ibrahim Khan Dhoonsa, with a well appointed force, artillery, and warlike stores, to this quarter, that as a soldier Dhoonsa considered no one his equal,w and was exceedingly vain of the discipline of his troops, and the excellence of his artillery; and that he, like a mad elephant, with the proboscis of fury raised, was advancing towards Mysore. Also, that the Chief of Adhooni had despatched his troops to take Bullari, and that Sufdur Jung, the Commander in Chief of his army, and the Frenchman, Monsieur Lalli, who had the title of Roostum Jung, had already besieged that town, and were prosecuting their operations; but that the Náík, who defended the place, had fought manfully, and vigorously repelled his enemies. The Nawaub now, therefore, appointed Muhammad Alí commandant, with five thousand regular infantry and seven thousand horse, and the troops of Bajee Rao, to attack and repel them, and he himself set them forward on their march towards Dharwar. The gallant Commandant accordingly marched with such speed that, in fifteen days, he arrived at Dharwar, and finding to the north of the fort an open plain, and the dry bed of a river, forming a good ground of encampment, placing the river in his front, he planted his standard and encamped there. The tents, however, were not yet pitched, nor had the loads of baggage fallen from the backs of the bullocks, camels, and elephants, when the Chiefs of the enemy it being the day of the Dussura,x with the whole of their force, guns and stores, ready for action, came on by troops, to make a display of themselves, and exercise their horses, and also with the intention to encamp in that very spot of ground which two days before they had seen unoccupied by the Nawaub’s lions. Taking no account whatever of the commandant’s force, which appeared to them small, while they in number were near thirty thousand horse and twenty thousand foot with sixteen guns, they without any hesitation advanced the whole together, officers and men, and at once came on to the attack. The brave commandant, with great activity, posted his artillery in advance, and formed his lines of musketry in the rear of the guns; having stationed on his right wing the Bandársy or rocket men. When, therefore, the Mahrattas had rashly advanced within musket shot, all at once his guns, which had been loaded with grape shot, and were ready for the match, successively opened their fire,— the vollies of musketry being given with aim and precision on the enemy’s main body— and, like as the ears of wheat and barley cut by the sickle at harvest are scattered over the face of the ground, so, the bodies of the Mahrattas were scattered on the field of death. In the rear, again, the cavalry, stretching forth the hands and arms of courage, and shoutingz “Aid from God and victory near,”— threw the dust of defeat on the heads of the conquered. The rocket men, also, firing from the flank, (apparently formed en potence) lighting up the fire of strife, burned the camp followers and baggage of the Mahrattas like dry wood in the oven of devastation.
But, to return— The day of feasting became to the Mahrattas a day of mourning; and Tatia, who was a fat heavy man, at the shock of the thunder of the artillery and musketry trembled so, that he lost his seat and fell from his horse on the ground, and rubbed the forehead of his timidity on the earth of supplication. The other cowardly Chiefs, who, from the clouds of smoke rising from the guns and musketry in this hard fought battle, lost their way to safety, who, from the lightning of the swords of the brave, lost the sight of their understandings, and, the range of whose intellect was pierced through, or fixed, by the flashing points of the spear, javelin and mace, now, in the hope of saving their lives, covered themselves with the clothes of the wounded and, with their bodies uninjured, crying, and wailing, rolled themselves about on the ground. The victorious Kuzzaks, now put forth the hand of plunder, and took freely of all they liked to their heart’s content, &c. The brave commandant, for this great and unexpected victory, prostrated himself in thanksgiving before the throne of the true bestower of all victory, and having twicea performed his thanksgiving devotions, the Mahratta Chiefs were dragged forward, in number ten or twelve, the head of the whole being Tatia, and they were then confined in a tent under a strong guard. Of the elephants, camels, and horses, with other plunder, of which an incredibly great quantity was taken, half was given to the Silahdárs, who in this battle had perilled their lives nobly. To each of the Fakeers, or religious mendicants, who accompanied him, and of whom, whether he was travelling or stationary, forty or fifty always remained round that generous man’s door, he gave one horse or camel. The Mahratta females who were taken he divided among the dissipated and such as were fond of women. He then encamped on the same ground, the twinb of victory, and despatched to the Nawaub a congratulatory letter on this unexpected success, with a list or return of half the plunder taken, and likewise the names of the Chiefs taken prisoners.
When the Nawaub had heard the terms of the letter from his distinguished servant, and the lists of the captured property, he, in presence of those assembled round him, involuntarily broke out in expressions of admiration, at his valour and judgment; and immediately gave orders, that a salute of one hundred and twenty five guns should be fired, as a testimony of gladness and thanksgiving for this victory, and also that his drums should beat the rejoicing for good news. He also conferred on the commandant kingly presents; a jewelled girdle and a horse with saddle and housings of gold, and he exalted the standard of his rank and estimation above all other of the officers and Khans of his court.— Verse. “He raised him above his fellows”— “and distinguished him with great honour and confidence.”
During this time, the newswriters of Rai Droog frequently wrote to the Nawaub, that Busálut Jung’s commander in chief, although he had besieged the hill fort of Bullari closely for three months, had effected nothing; that the besieged Náík had made frequent sorties at night, and had attacked the batteries of the besiegers, and had killed a great many of the Moghuls;c and that Dhoonsa, with his ill omened force, had arrived near Kunukgiri and Gopul, and that the people of the country were terrified at his tyranny and cruelty. As soon as he had heard the contents of these letters, the Nawaub immediately despatched his orders to the commandant, styling him Ghoonsa,d to this effect, that he, the Nawaub, had conferred on the commandant the title of Ghoonsa, and that he had appointed him to oppose the further progress of Dhoonsa; that he, (Ghoonsa), was to proceed as early as possible, and attack Dhoonsa, and chastise him as he deserved; and that, please God, he the Nawaub would also fall on him like sudden death, by the route of Rai Droog. He also commanded him to send his prisoners to the presence. Immediately on receiving the Nawaub’s mandate, the commandant got his troops in readiness, and marched by forced marches towards the army of Dhoonsa. In the meanwhile agreeably to the orders of the Nawaub, the prisoners and spoil were sent to Puttun, under the escort of a thousand regular and two thousand irregular foot.
The Nawaub now marched from his capital,e Puttun, and proceeded towards Ruttun Giri, where he halted. Then, leaving there all heavy baggage, the camp followers and artillery, under charge of Purnia, a Mutsuddi of the Tosha Khana, (wardrobe or storeroom of presents) who was appointed thenceforth Chief officer of the baggage and followers, he with the light horse,f and the regular and irregular foot, lightly equipped, with only four meals of provisions ready cooked, marched on at such a rate, that, after crossing mountains and forests for two days and two nights, on the third night, he, like an arrow speeding from the bow to the mark, reached the camp of Busálut Jung. In obedience to his orders, his brave troops attacked it on every side, and, with the discharge of rockets,g matchlocks, arrows, and camel-swivels, he drove the dark vapours of pride out of the bodies of that force. The horse and foot, of the Moghul army, therefore, who hitherto, like the knot of the Pleiades, had preserved the form of a compact body, being wholly unprepared for the arrival of such a sudden calamity, at once, became loosened, and separated like the daughtersh of the bier; and, some rubbing their hands, and some their eyes, but mostly beating their heads and wailing, put forth the foot of flight; but whole troops of them sleeping on their beds, striking out their hands and feet, drank to the full of the Sherbet of the brave blood-drinkers’ swords, and lay stretched out at length on the ground. The commanding officer of the army, thinking the day of resurrection had arrived, ran away with naked feet, and now rising, now falling, sought refuge with the detachment of Monsieur Lalli, which compared with the rest of the army, remained in some degree collected and in order. There he found safety, and the gallant Frenchman, now binding the waist-belt of courage tight round the loins of enterprise, having collected the remainder of his men, whom the sword had spared, and a few Kaim Khani horse, formed them in regular array, with closed ranks, and, preceded and followed by two light guns, marched by night to Adhooni. But the whole of the baggage of his troops, tents, standards, and even to the women of the Moghuls, fell into the hands of the Nawaub’s brave warriors.
When the clamour of the trumpets, horns, drums, and kettle drums, beating and sounding the rejoicing for victory, rose to the skies,— the Náík, or Chief of the fort, frightened beyond measure, lighted up torches and blue lights, and despatched a messenger to learn the news. No sooner was he made aware of the forced march of the Nawaub, and the defeat of the Moghul army, than, not thinking his situation at all improved by these circumstances, and trembling like a reed at the lion-like attack of the Nawaub, he at once so entirely lost his senses and his manhood, that, with his women, a few friends, and some money and valuable jewels, he descended by the back part of the mountain, and, making night marches, and crossing deserts and hills, proceeded towards Bejapoor; but, to the present day, no one has discovered the place of his retreat. All the property of his state, all his household goods, arms, drums, and nagaras, all which had been collected by the Náíks of former generations, he left to the servants of the Nawaub.
The Nawaub was delighted with this piece of good fortune; and, leaving a strong garrison to defend the fort, with strict orders to repair the walls, he with his army marched towards Adhooni, and encamped in the plain of Gulbayen. Thence, he despatched a message to Busálut Jung, that, by enduring privation and hunger for two months, in their endeavour to burn their enemies, his army had been greatly distressed— and that two months’ pay, being by the accounts, ten lakhs of rupees, he was required to send that sum. Busálut Jung, who, in consequence of the defeat of his army, and the plunder of his baggage and property,h had been deprived of rest and appetite, was paralyzed by this requisition, but, knowing the critical situation in which he stood, he collected some money from his treasury, and a sum from the pledging of his valuable jewels; and, without any further hesitation, despatched the ten lakhs of rupees, affecting, after the manner of the wolf, a disposition to be friendly.i Having done this, he was allowed to remain unmolested.
The conquering Nawaub now marched on, determined to punish Dhoonsa, who had swept the districts of Gujindurgurh and Kunukgiri with the besom of destruction, and who had arrived in the vicinity of Kunchungurh. Muhammad Alí Ghoonsa, also, had arrived in Dhoonsa’s rear, by the route of Kuduk, Sirhutti, and Dumul. When Dhoonsa heard of the defeat and dispersion of the Moghul troops, the conquest of the fort of Bullari, the exaction of a sum of money from the Chief of Adhooni, and, also, of the Nawaub’s near arrival to attack and punish him, his courage forsook him, and, without obtaining his desire, he made a quick retreat to Hydurabad. The Kuzzaks of the Nawaub’s army followed him, however, to the neighbourhood of Raichore, and took a great quantity of the baggage of his army, and also two guns, forty or fifty camels of his Tosha Khana, or treasury, and three elephants carrying tents, after which they returned.
At the period when the Nawaub, by his sudden night attack, had put to flight the Moghul army, and had taken Bullari, Morar Rao had left his capital to the charge of Pali Khan, and he himself with his troops took up their quarters in Dhoonsa’s camp, and tried to persuade him to attack and subdue the Province of the Balaghaut. Huleem Khan, the Hakim of Kirpa, also, and the Poligar of Chitul Droog, at the instigation of the same firebrand, expelled the newswriters of the Nawaub from their towns, and with their troops and stores assisted Dhoonsa; but, when they found he did not attend to their interested advice, and returned to Hydurabad, all three of these wicked promoters of strife returned, likewise, to their homes, ashamed of themselves; and counter-marching also from that side of the country, the Nawaub honoured Bullari with his presence.
The Conquest of Gooti and Soondoor, and the capture of that tyrant, and incendiary, Morar Rao, which occurred in the same year 1187, Hijri.— A. D. 1773.
ALTHOUGH the Nawaub had in every way aided Morar Rao, and had never himself molested him, but, on the contrary, with a view to gain his friendship, had even condescended to call him uncle,j Morar had, nevertheless, often exerted his most strenuous efforts to pluck up the tender plant of the Nawaub’s greatness and power. From the viciousness of his disposition, he was sealing his own ruin— “the sting of the scorpion is not struck from enmity,”— “it is from his nature.” In this pursuit he spared neither gold nor words, spoken or written. Long before this, at the time of the invasion of Trimuk Mama, the able Vakeels of the Nawaub had made a lasting treaty with Trimuk on the best possible terms; when this scorpion by nature struck his sting into the negociation, and stimulated Trimuk to attempt the destruction of the Khodadad Sirkar. This caused a dreadful shock to the Nawaub’s power, in the day or battle of Churkoli, and the recollection of that event produced in the Nawaub’s heart an effect like salt upon a wound. As Morar Rao’s existence therefore appeared to be the source of pure trouble, and the cause of detriment to the props and pillars of his state, the Nawaub occupied himself in considering how he might break down his power. Nevertheless, as a close friendship and intimacy subsisted between Morar Rao and Busálut Jung, and as they were friends both at the banquet and in the field, the Nawaub was rather apprehensive of their united strength, for as the wise say, “two hearts united will cleave a mountain,”k “and scatter a host.” Thanks to God, the defeat of the Moghuls removed half the difficulty, and the junction of the Rao with Dhoonsa furnishing a pretextl for his destruction, the Nawaub desired that, as this opportunity offered itself, he might at once remove him out of the way; for, in his own mind, he was convinced that, while that incendiary lived, the conquest and regulation or subjection of the Khodadad or Mysore territory would never be fully accomplished. After having completed his arrangements at Bullari, he therefore made the conquest of Gooti, and the capture of that dangerous and intriguing man, the object of his conquering energies, and he accordingly marched in that direction.
The Rao, who had left Dhoonsa’s army without obtaining his object, had returned to Gooti, his capital, and had fallen into the midst of doubt and perplexity. The Nawaub, therefore, sent for him under pretence of a wish to see him. Well aware, however, of the folly of his conduct, even while he received no molestation from the Nawaub, and fearing that treachery aiming at his life might be intended to him at the meeting, Morar Rao refused to attend. The Nawaub then sent him another message, to the effect that the entire Talooka of Soondoor should be given up to him, as a provision for his support and maintenance, provided he would, without hesitation or demur, deliver up, to the agents of the Khodadad government, the hill and fort of Gooti and its dependencies which formerly were held in possession by the Náíbs of the Kings of Dehli; after which he might govern Soondoor to his heart’s content. The Pagan also refused to listen to this proposal; and being surrounded by a strong body of soldiers, he at once rejected the conquering policy of the Nawaub, and prepared to defend himself.
The Nawaub now gave orders to the Risaladárs of the regular and irregular infantry, to encircle the fort, and then commence the attack with their artillery and musketry, and, having on all sides, run on approaches,m (saps, trenches, zigzags,) the besieged were reduced to great difficulties. The Nawaub’s Kuzzak or predatory horse, at the same time, agreeably to his orders, guarded the hill and forest so effectually, that no man had power to pass through them, for they rendered it impossible for birds to take wing from the fort, or even for locusts or ants to pass through their cordon; and however often the besieged Rao wrote to the chief of Poona, soliciting aid, and describing his impending ruin, and the determination of the Nawaub to destroy him, yet, for the most part, the Nawaub’s picquets seized the letter carriers, and brought them in, and took especial care to prevent the chief of Poona from knowing any thing about him. In fact, before intelligence of the siege arrived at Poona, which was, at last, conveyed by the letters of Busálut Jung, who made it known to all, two or three months had elapsed, and the garrison was reduced to the greatest extremity. The Rao saw that, in a short time, the fort would depart from his possession, and that his wealth, family and dependents, would fall into the hands of the brave army of Islám. And now, to complete his misfortunes, the water of the mountain, by which the fort was supplied, it being the hot season, failed, or dried up, like the heart of the poor man; and his stores of provisions and ammunition also had abandoned him, or were exhausted like the days of his youth. Being therefore entirely helpless, he despatched Pali Khan, his minister, to the Nawaub, to tender his submission, and beg the forgiveness of his former offences. When the Nawaub became aware of his humility, his supplications and his forlorn state, he cast the eyes of royaln compassion on his hopeless condition, and returned him, by his agent Pali Khan, a kind and conciliatory letter, with a Kowl Nama, or assurance of the safety of his life and property, and invited him to meet him. When the Rao descended from the top on the hill in a palankin, attended by only two or three servants, and entered the camp, the Nawaub ordered a separate tent to be cleared for his accommodation, and placed him in it, sending a garrison of his own men to the top of the hill, and giving up to the Rao his house, that is, the whole of his Zunanao or women’s apartments, with the necessary furniture or utensils, the wearing apparel or clothes in use, and such jewels and gold and silver ornaments as were of small value. But the pearls, and jewels of great price, jewelled ornaments, and other articles becoming the use of a prince, with the arms and warlike stores, and all articles of value, the Nawaub took for himself. With respect to the dancing women of the Telinga tribe, of whom during the Rao’s government many companiesp had been attracted by his liberality, and of whom some had become rich by his gifts, while some even had possession of towns in Jageer, all of whom sought refuge in the Mahl of the Rao, on the top of the mountain, when the siege commenced; to these, excepting the Jageers, the Nawaub restored the whole of their property. Some of the young girls, (virgins)q of that profession, with the consent of their masters or owners, he purchased for his own Natiksal,r and consigned them to his women’s apartments, of these some Táífas or companies he sent to Gunjam, a suburb to the south of the fort of Seringaputtun, on the bank of the river Kauveri, built by himself, and some to Bangalore. The imprisoned Rao however much he entreated to be allowed to visit the Nawaub, received for answer, that the Nawaub had then no leisure; but that, after his return to Puttun, please God, he would accord his request, and, having committed him to the care of confidential men, and sent him off to Puttun, the Nawaub occupied himself in the conquest of Soondoor.
At this time, the Nawaub’s spies brought intelligence, that forty thousand Mahratta horse had been despatched from Poona, to assist Morar Rao, and that they had encamped in the neighbourhood of Gokak Peenth. Having completed his arrangements in the district of Soondoor, the Nawaub considered it incumbent on him to punish these infidels,s and had arrived at Husspeenth, with that intention, when the chiefs of the Mahrattas, hearing of the conquest of Gooti and Soondoor, the capture of the Rao, and, also, that the Nawaub was prepared to attack them, they returned to Poona.
During this period, the Nawaub, from motives of policy, manifested displeasure towards the brave Muhammad Alí, intending thereby to repress his pride in the greatness of his abilities and in the respect shewed to him, and a disposition to tread the path of insubordination; the pretence being that he gave elephants and camels to other officers, and to Fuqueers, without first asking permission, and he was therefore for some time removed from his Risaldári or command. In secret, however, the Nawaub esteemed him more than ever. Muhammad Alí himself also quitted his Risala, and assumed the cap and garbt of a Fuqueer, and cared very little about the matter.
At this time, also, Kishnapa, the Ministeru or secretary of the chief of Rai Droog, after receiving the Sunnud, or written authority, from Hydur, to recover the little fort of Hurrial, which is situate four kose south of Bullari, and is a dependency of the Droog, after a siege of three months, took that fort. Morar Rao had taken possession of this fort by force, and had placed a garrison in it. The Rao had also seized upon, and attached to the Souba of Gooti, the Talooka of Vinkut Giri, which is situated at the head of the Tubulpully Ghaut, and was formerly under the authority of the Poligar of Churkul. This fort was, therefore, at the same time, placed under the government of the Sirkar Khodadad.v
An account of the conquest of Chitul Droog, and the capture of Bhurma Náík, the rebellious Poligar of that Fort; and other events of the year 1188, Hijri.— A. D. 1774.
AFTER the Nawaub had made a prisoner of Morar Rao, and thereby cut up the root of mischief and sedition, he was more at ease in his mind; and, having also completed his arrangements for Gooti and Soondoor, he determined next to punish that head of the list of rebellious personages, the Poligar of Chitul Droog, and in pursuance of this resolve, he turned his ensigns, the emblems of victory, in that direction. The cause was, that, in order to favour the Nawaub’s enemies, who had invaded and plundered his country, and had raised the standard of injustice and wrong to oppress and disturb the peasantry of Mysore, that insolent infidelw had intrigued and combined with them and had exerted himself to the utmost in laying waste the Nawaub’s territory and in ruining God’s people, the poor inhabitants of this country, seeking his advantage in the injury and destruction of others. Outwardly, indeed, and with great sycophancy, he affected to manifest perfect devotion to the Nawaub, while, in secret, he employed his time in conspiring to destroy and root out the foundations of the Khodadad government. It was consequently necessary, and in fact, indispensible, to break the pride of that insolent infidel, and root him out, if only to preserve the peace of the country; especially as Kishnapa, the Purdhan or minister of Rai Droog, who had often without cause suffered indignities at the hand of this Poligar, and whose country had been ravaged by him, now incited and stimulated the Nawaub to attack Chitul Droog, and even engaged to pay for the whole of the powder and ball which would be used in the siege. The urgent persuasion and entreaty of Kishnapa determined the Nawaub in his purpose. At the same time, also, having resolved to attack Goori Kota, Jureemla, and Mulkalchuro, towns or forts which were in possession of the brothers-in-law of that infidel Poligar, the Nawaub despatched Hybut Jung, with a large force, to attack the Poligar of Hurpunhully, and take possession of his territory.
An abstractx account of the cause of these movements, is as follows:— At the time the Nawaub was marching to attack Raghooba, a man, one of the civil servantsy of Hurpunhully, who had been born and bred in the service of that state, and was intimately acquainted with the secrets of that government, sought the service of Hydur Alí; he was received and entertained among the most respectable class of servants, and was also appointed to enlist foot soldiers in that quarter. Having by degrees perfected his knowledge of all matters, great and small, relative to that state, he began to compass and contrive the ruin of his old masters; and as the Poligar of Hurpunhully, whose name was Jug Shoom Shunkur, was a prudent man, after he became acquainted with the man’s intention, being afraid of the loss of his property, and the desolation of his country, and thinking it best to repair the dykes or mounds of the reservoir before the waters broke forth, he addressed a letter to the Nawaub, containing a request that the person in question should be sent by the Nawaub, to his residence, and stating that the Paishkush, or tribute, should be forwarded through his agency. To this proposition the Nawaub agreed and despatched the incendiary to the Poligar, with a newswriter,z named Vinkut Nursoo, having given him strict orders to do his duty to the Sirkar (of Mysore). When this man arrived, and met the Poligar, the latter with sweet and oily words, gained complete possession of his heart, and he was presented with an honorary dress, a stringa of pearls,b jewelled gorget, and golden armlets; and the Poligar said to him, “the government of our state must now depend on your wisdom and judgment; and when we have a wise and an old faithful servant like you to aid and direct us, how can we receive injury.” By this gross flattery, the heart of the fool was drawn into the snare of deceit.— “A fool can always be deceived by a wise man,”— “by food, or drink, or dress, or the tongue,”— and at once he was introduced by the Poligar into all the business of the state and all was placed at his discretion, even so far as to be allowed to enter the Poligar’s particular residence, that is, the women’s apartments, and was supplied with all kinds of delicacies for his eating and drinking. But, the wise say,— “from the bad to expect good is pure folly,”— “will you feed a scorpion to wound you?”— The man, therefore, proud of his employment by the Nawaub, and insolent from the patience and indulgence of the Poligar, which, however, was merely political, began to tyrannise over the servants of the Raj or state, and to distress the poor people, whom, with the peasantry of that country, he vexed or grieved without cause. Indeed, without fear or hesitation he did whatever he chose; and, in addition to all this oppression and cruelty, he stretched forth the hand of lust on all beautiful women, the wives, and property of others, and daringly violated their chastity. The people were consequently driven to extremities by his tyranny, and complained against him to the Poligar. He, however, simply gave them for answer, that what the person in question did, he considered to be for the advantage of the state; and that if they could, for a short time, wait with patience under his government, they might stay, but if not, let them depart in safety. Many of the most respectable persons in the service of the Poligar, being entirely discouraged on hearing this, left their houses and the country; yet, notwithstanding the heart-breaking distress of the people of all ranks, the Poligar never attempted to interpose, or restrain this disturber of the public peace; but, on the contrary, daily made him happy by presents and favours.
At length, one morning, the Poligar sent for his own horse, with saddle and trappings of gold set with jewels, and, with much instance and intreaty, made this person mount, and sent him home. At this time, however, it had very nearly happened that from this man’s tyranny and oppression, some great evil had befallen the Poligar’s state; and he, therefore, laid a deep scheme. Seeing that the man was perfectly at his ease, and that he put forth the hand of oppression without scruple or fear, to rob people of their wealth and honour, the Poligar, on the same evening, when about ten hours of the day had passed, placed a number of armed men in concealment, and then sent for the man to his hall of audience. On his arrival, he told him he had something to say to him in private, and pointed towards the room in which the armed men were concealed. The fool, seized by the hand of death, no sooner entered the apartment than he found his head under the sword of retribution, and he ceased from troubling mankind any longer.
As soon as this was transacted, the Poligar gave himself a wound on the hand with a pen-knife, and, with the blood trickling down from this wound, sent for the Nawaub’s newswriter, and said to him, “an accident has happened, which is neither fit to be heard nor related; for, notwithstanding the kindness and indulgence I have ever shewn to this ungrateful person, still he could not depart from his evil nature, but, without cause, drew his dagger upon me, intending to make himself the heir to my possessions and wealth. In these circumstances, my faithful servants have put him to death. These facts, as they are stated to you, put into becoming language, and make them known to the Nawaub, that doubt or suspicion may not enter his mind.” Having said this, he secretly seized all the property in the man’s house, and, placed it in his Tosha Khana, or treasury; and in the night, with the intention of providing for his safety and that of his property, he despatched all his women, treasure, and articles of necessity, to the opposite bank of the river Tungbhuddra and himself, with his horse and foot, lightly equipped, marched off to the mountains of Narayen Gir, leaving his capital to be defended by his brave and trustworthy servants.
When the letter of the newswriter, detailing the above events, reached the Nawaub, he immediately perceived that the Poligar had been making up a false story, to conceal his treachery, and had acted so daringly from the fear that his secret movements and actions would be disclosed. The Nawaub, therefore, in great anger, and with all the parade and energy of conquest, marched a body of troops in that direction. Fyze Ullah Khan, one of the wisest and most experienced men of his age, who commanded these troops, although he according to the Nawaub’s orders, made a forced march there, and besieged the forts of Oojni and Kootoor, and, to inspire fear despatched his horse to plunder the towns and villages of the district, still drew the Poligar into the snare of his stratagems, and, by wise reproof, corrected him and brought him to the right path. But, as the Poligar was fearful of the consequences of his acts, he, with the repentance and humility of the wise, came forward and agreed to pay seventy thousand rupees, as a composition for his offence, exclusive of the usual tribute, and requested he might be forgiven. He also sent a Vakeel with these proposals to the Khan above mentioned, who despatched the Poligar’s letter, with one of his own, to the Nawaub. Being desirous to reduce or conquer the country depending on the Droog, (Chitul Droog), the Nawaub, with a view to the policy of the time, despatched an honorary dress of forgiveness, and a Sunnud, confirming the Poligar in the possession of his country, through the medium of Fyze Ullah Khan, and likewise sent for the money with the Poligar’s troops, to strengthen his force. The Poligar, therefore, being now reassured, returned to his capital, and, along with the money in question, despatched thence two thousand foot, and three hundred horse, in aid of the Nawaub; after which he was allowed to remain as before.
The Nawaub now completed the conquest of Goori Kota, Kunkupa, Molkalchur, Dudheree, &c., and left strong garrisons in each place. But although, through the medium of other Poligars, who were then with the army, the Nawaub sent requisitions, by writing and otherwise, to the Poligar of the Droog, (Chitul Droog), proposing that he should give up his capital, to the agents of the Nawaub, and accept service, and a Jageer of fifty thousand rupees annually, in lieu thereof, he refused, and from pride and insolence, would not listen to the advice or promises of the Nawaub, but advanced further and further in the field of opposition. As, however, he felt aware that at that moment he had not strength to oppose or contend openly with the gallant troops of Hydur, he considered that the best remedy in this case was to fill up his hill fortress, (which for its magnitude and strength holds a very high rank), with provisions and munitions of offence and defence. He moreover filled up all the ghauts leading to or belonging to the fort, with foot soldiers, he had collected together, and which body amounted to two thousand brave men, with two guns, and two thousand horse; and, having their arms in good order, they remained ready for the attack. The infidel Chiefs or officers likewise, being with one heart and one voice bent on fighting the army of Islám, and having sanctioned or confirmed their determination with oaths, prepared, at the signal of their master, to arrange all things necessary for the defence.
The Nawaub, however, with a very large army, and a body of excellent artillery, after the exertions and labours of a year, and the loss of the lives of thousands of brave men, took the ghauts in the neighbourhood of the fort; and, when he arrived near the walls of this very strong hold, he gave orders to his brave fellows seeking fame, to surround, and attack it on all sides. Every day, also the infidels, armed to the teeth, came out from the fort, and gallantly assailed the bravest and noblest of the Ghazies, or Mussulman soldiers. On the side of the Nawaub, the noble and distinguished Khans, and Foujdárs, with their brave companions, came forward, and ranged themselves in front and in line with the ranks of the infidels, and daily, with arrows and the sword, sent great numbers of them to hell.c Agreeably to the orders of the Nawaub, all the pioneers of the victorious army with hatchets,d and axes, were meanwhile employed in cutting down the woods or jungle, on the same hills near the fort, which, in the face of the enemy, they surrounded with a strong stockade. They also raised batteries under the slope of the hill, which lies to the westward of the fort, and mounted guns in them, and from thence continually battered the walls to breach them. But although, in a few days, the walls were levelled with the ground, and the towers and gates were dismantled and afforded no shelter, still the besieged, every night formed a new wall of earth in their places to cover themselves, and sallied out from the fort, and raised the confusion of the day of judgment among the guards and sentinelse at the batteries; and taking the heads of the slain and tying them to a string, they hung them round their necks, like red roses and thus returned, and received rewards from their Chiefs for the deeds they had done.
The Nawaub now began to revolve in his great mind, that the siege had continued to a considerable length, but that, with all the exertions of his brave army, the insolent Poligar had not yet been reduced. He, therefore, by presenting Muhammad Alí land in gift and Jageer,f soothed and conciliated him, and sent for him to the presence. Muhammad Alí, in his reply, asked what he (the Nawaub) wanted with him, and what he required from a poor man who had abandoned the wicked world? On receiving this impudent answer, the Nawaub, outwardly affected great anger, and despatched Alí Zumán Khan, Budrooz Zumán Khan, and Ghazi Khan, to bring him to the presence; and they immediately went to his tent, and, with soft and hard words, brought him to reason, and presented him to the Nawaub. Hydur, notwithstanding his regard for him, addressed him in angry language, and said, “Aí Sáhiban, O Friends, say, if a low fellow among my servants takes upon himself to make presents of camels and elephants, what should I, his master, be able to give?”— Those present replied, “Bulli (or true) the fault is great; but, agreeably to the exceeding kindness of our master, it ought to be forgiven; for, ‘of a truth, God loves the righteousg or merciful.’”
Muhammad Alí, rash and impudent, notwithstanding the signs and hints of his companions, broke out, and said, “my honouredh master, the presents and gifts made by me were purely for the increase and advantage of your own service; for, as the wise say, ‘a labourer pleased or well rewarded will do the more work.’ And you will also please to consider, that honours, and increase of pay, the gifts of districts, towns, Jageers, &c. remained entirely in your own hands.” But, to be concise, after a few words, mixed up with advice, he received a dress of honour, restoring him to his rank, with a Gorget and Jomala, or a string of pearls. As a return for the dresses and presents he had received Muhammad Alí now asked for an increase of pay monthly, for the men attached to his troop, or division, that they might exert themselves the more heartily in the Nawaub’s service; and the Nawaub, after many objections, increased their pay by adding two rupees to the monthly allowance of each man; and he then despatched him to attack his enemies, and take the fort.
No sooner had the brave commandant arrived among his own people, than he sold the Gorget, pearls, and dresses of honour, he had received, and with the proceeds purchased the materials for a feast; and, having caused a most delicious dinner to be cooked, divided it among the Fuqueers or religious mendicants, and his own men, and the same night, accompanied by the Hurpunhully and Rai Droog foot soldiers, he, like an angry lion, assaulted and took a battery, which might be called the nose of the fort, and upon which, indeed, the whole strength of the mountain depended; and with four Risalas of regular and two thousand irregular infantry, and six guns, he fixed his station there. The Chief of the fort, at the head of two or three thousand infidels, now determined to attempt the recovery of this strong position, and exerted himself strenuously to effect its recapture; but still, every time they attacked it, the welcome intelligence,i “God will aid thee, and give thee a great victory,” sounded in the ears of the Mussulman troops. As the soldiers of the enemy now grew weaker every day, they were not able to contend openly with the brave Moslems; and, fear seizing on them, they no longer dared to step beyond the walls of the fort. When, however, the garrison was reduced to extremities, troops of them of all tribes, fearing the loss of their property and honourj crept out of the fort, under pretence of fetching wood and water, and joined the Nawaub’s army, and only five or six thousand men, of the Bedur tribe, had the courage to exert themselves in defending the fort.
The Nawaub, however, seeing that the Chief of the infidels was a very brave man, and that the keepers of the walls were also stout of heart, was convinced that the fort would not immediately surrender, and that, by obstinately persevering, he would only gratuitously sacrifice the lives of his brave men. He therefore left, under cover of the surrounding hills, an ambuscade,k consisting of five thousand foot, two thousand regular foot, and a thousand horse, and gave them orders to look out for an opportunity, and all at once to attack, and, having taken the fort, make the Poligar prisoner.
The Nawaub himself, decamping from the foot of the mountain, now pitched his tents four fursungs from that place. His plan was this, that if the Poligar left the fort, and presumed to follow him, he might attack him on all sides at once, and destroy him.l If, on the contrary, the Poligar did not follow him, it was his purpose to give to his (the Nawaub’s) tributary or dependent Poligars the charge and government of all the towns and villages depending on the Droog, that they, with a view to their own advantage, might use every art to seize and make him prisoner.
On the day the Nawaub marched, he set fire to the materials of the batteries and trenches, which were of wood, and had been collected at a great expense. As soon as the besieged became acquainted with this movement, the whole of them, with the greatest impudence, manned the battlements and towers of the fort, beat their drums, and began yelling and howling like a pack of hounds. Meer Alí Ruza Khan marched from the same encampment, with his own troops, for the purpose of the celebration of his marriage with the daughter of Meer Gholaum Alí Khan, otherwise called Guloomaen, the Jageerdár of Bikhun Pilly, to whom he was affianced; and also to find out the intentions, plans, and strength, of Huleem Khan, and to receive the Paishkush or tribute due from him. He therefore marched towards Kirpa. The Nawaub himself halted a week in the same place.
At this time, the season for the breezes of victory to wave the Hyduri standard, was fast approaching; for the sons of the Chief of Juremla arrived in the camp. This Chief was the father-in-law of the Poligar of the Droog, and, during the siege, was in the fort with him; but, after the siege was raised, he obtained leave of the Poligar to pay his devotions at the shrine of an image, the temple containing which was situated at the foot of a small hill, at the distance of a fursung from the fort, and thither he proceeded with a few horse and foot. The motive of this journey was, however, entirely misrepresented to the Poligar by interested persons, and he was informed that his brothers-in-law had proceeded with an intention to visit the Nawaub, and negociate for the release of their own Jageers, that they might be free from being molested by him. The infatuated Poligar, on hearing this trumpery story, became jealous and suspicious of them, and ordered his executioners to follow them; and they accordingly followed, and cut off the head of his innocent father-in-law, and plundered his house. His sons, who were adoring the idol, had not lifted up their heads from their prostration, when the news of the murder of their father and the plunder of his house arrived. This intelligence caused a sudden revolution in the feelings and sentiments of the brothers; and, plunged in astonishment and grief, they consulted as to what they should do in such circumstances, and, swifter than the wind or lightning, they turned the bridle of their views and intentions towards the Nawaub’s camp, where, through the medium of the Vakeel of the Poligar of Hurpunhully, who bore the same degree of relationship to them with the Poligar of Chituldroog, they were presented to the Nawaub, and immediately placed the sandal of devotion on the forehead of friendship and obedience,m and were made happy with Royal dresses and presents.
The Nawaub having granted the Sunnuds of the Talookas of the Droog to these devoted friends, after the Droog or hill fort should have been conquered, both the brothers strove the more to stimulate and incite him to attack the fort, and moved on before him. The Nawaub, therefore, according to the suggestions of these intelligent well-wishers, again marched to the fort, and appointed his Chief officers and Foujdárs to the points of attack. The brave Mussulmans now, in the course of a week, gave convincing proofs of their power to break down the forts and overcome their enemies; and by a path, shewn to them by guides,n such a path as the eyes of fancy never figured, nor the imagination of the learned ever conceived, they made their attacks. After a little fighting, the bonds which united the garrison of the fort were broken asunder, and, like falling leaves in autumn, they were dispersed and scattered on all sides, while the besiegers, now fearlessly mounting the hills, beat their drums, in token of victory, and watered the swords and spears of their resentment in the blood of the infidels, and beat the black dust of existence out of the bodies of the unfortunate garrison.
When the Chief heard the drums within the fort, and saw the heads of his men rolling about on the plain of revenge, like the balls of boys at play, he understood well that fortune was now bidding him farewell, and that the geniuso of wealth and prosperity was about to depart from him. He did, indeed, leave his house armed and ready for the fight, but, when he saw that most of his bravest companions were killed or wounded, and that the few men round him were without arms, rubbing their hands, and shedding tears, the feet of his firmness failed him, and he stood like a picture painted on a wall; till the brave Commandant with other officers came upon him and seized and made him prisoner, and brought him to the presence, in the year 1191. H. Committing him with his women and children to the care of his confidential servants, the Nawaub sent him and them to Puttun. The Nawaub distinguished and rewarded every brave officer and soldier in his army, on this occasion, by giving them presents, dresses of honour, and increase of pay.p
The author writes Názim for Nizám, out of contempt.
↩The Author says they left him in the hands of the Mahrattas.
↩Alluding to the custom of the Brahmins, who mark their foreheads with sandal, and a red powder, to denote their caste and sect.
↩Account book.
↩Fort St. David, I believe.
↩These statements are not very clearly expressed in the original.
↩
Chinaputtun and Madoor are in the Mysore territory, Lat. 12.30 North.
↩The fortune of the State.
↩ Written
A verse omitted.
↩Battle of Dhoby Gurh.
↩This confusion of images is contrary to Asiatic rule.
↩
Saul is a tree, the wood of which is used in building ships, &c.
↩
Ironically brave.
↩Spelt by the English, Chicacole.
↩Written Kuddapah by the English.
↩The historical account of the Barh Mahl, or twelve Purgunas, is to be found in the Persian copy of Mr. Marriott only.
↩
By this it appears they extorted the order required by torture.
↩He put the rest to death most likely.
↩A favourite figure with the author.
↩A mosque built to celebrate the Eedikorban, and Eedi Fitr festivals of the Mussulmans.
↩Munsub is a stated rate of pay for military service.
↩In this book Puttun means Seringaputtun.
↩Kotub, is the polar star.
↩Wutud, is a tent peg,— symbolical of strength, also height, &c.
↩Wuli is a friend or a saint— all these are degrees of religious attainment among the Mussulmans.
↩Meaning the Nawaub himself.
↩Called Kunole and Kurnole.
↩They are called guns in the original.
↩Meaning apparently, Ram and Krishna.
↩ Friday,
I have translated
The bride and bridegroom.
↩It will be recollected that the people of Hindustan use their fingers alone in eating.
↩This detail is so involved in parenthesis, as to be almost unintelligible.
↩Also written Maun.
↩A festival of the Hindoos.
↩Bhandárs.
↩ I do not understand this well, but it is so in the original.
The troops of Hydurabad are always called Moghuls in this work.
↩Ghoonsa means the fist, or a blow with the fist, in Hindustanni; and Dhoonsa, I believe, a rude push, or shove; but there appears to be some joke, or conceit, in these names.
↩All mention of the unfortunate Raja of Mysore and his family is avoided from the time of his imprisonment.
↩
Epithets denoting the execution done by these arms are
omitted, being nearly the same throughout the book, such as
A constellation so called.
↩
Ferhad and Shireen.
↩The same kind of royal compassion a tiger feels for a bullock or an antelope.
↩A school for singing and dancing kept in the Hurum of most princes.
↩Sirkar means the head of affairs and is therefore applied to the state. In India all governments and authorities, great or small, are denominated Sirkar, by themselves and those connected with them.
↩This man’s name is never mentioned.
↩It ought to be mentioned perhaps, that epithets such as, “arrows splitting the hard rock,”— “the well-watered sword,” “the artillery roasting and burning their enemies,” &c. are omitted as unnecessary.
↩Women.
↩Take off his head like an ivory ball with the Choukan of the sword.
↩Alluding to a custom of the Hindoos, who draw lines of pulverised sandal wood on their foreheads to denote their sect.
↩
An anonymous author relates, that on taking Chitul Droog, Hydur ordered the Raja to be thrown from the top of a precipice and he was dashed to pieces: he says, moreover, that his name was Sir Sookh Todur.
↩