The march of the victorious standards towards Kirpa, and the capture of Huleem Khan, the governor of that place. Also, the conquest of Gunjee Kota, &c., occurring in the year 1191, Hijri.— A. D. 1777.
THE Nawaub was three years in conquering Chitul Droog; but, as soon as that was accomplished, and the fort and its dependencies had been taken and occupied by the agents of the Nawaub, he nominated a certain Dowlut Khan, an old servant, who was originally of the Naimar or Nair tribe, to take charge of the Droog, and the management of the dependencies was in all respects committed to his discretion. In reference to this man it is proper to mention, that, at the time Nundiraj resided near Suttimungul, the Nawaub being employed in making arrangements with the Poligars of that quarter, and in collecting the Paishkush, Dowlut Khan, then a boy, was taken prisoner or fell into his hands there, and was brought up by him in tenderness and care as one of his own children.
The Nawaub, with his army, now passed to this side of the Ghaut; and encamped some days at Mungul; and here, for the purpose of testing or trying the service and loyalty of his Foujdárs (civil servants) and Sirdárs or officers of his army, and of the high officers of government, the obedience of the Poligars, &c., in short, to ascertain also who was his friend and who his enemy— he concealed himself, for some time, and gave out or caused a report to be spread, that he was dead, and at night a chest as a bier was despatched to Puttun, filled with Utr or essence of roses, and Ubeer,q under the charge of certain singersr or chanters. When the evidence of this news was seen in the chest or coffin, the cries of grief and lamentation extended through the army and country, and the sound of weeping and wailing was heard from every door, and every tent and pavilion, until it rose to the heavens. Sighs and moans burst spontaneously from every breast, and dismay oppressed the hearts of the officers of the army and the governors of forts. Notwithstanding the hearts of all were broken with anguish, still, among the officers of the army and the troops, no diminution or excess in the duty of the camp was manifest; neither did any breach of the regulation or order of the civil government of the country occur. The Prince also, (Tippoo), did not in any matter rashly put himself forward. When, however, this political lying report of the Nawaub’s death, he having all his faculties alive, was received by Huleem Khan, he immediately made presents of sweetmeatss to his friends, and beat his Nobut or kettle drums, for joy. It happened, however, that intelligent and observant spies wrote an account of this insulting act to the presence, and, at the relation of the circumstance, the flames of Hydur’s wrath burned furiously, and he resolved on the destruction of Huleem Khan.
After a short time, having satisfied his mind as to the fidelity of his officers, and servants, he took his seat on the throne of wealth and power; and, in reward of this good service, he distinguished them, and made their hearts glad, by giving all of them presents and dresses of honour. He then displayed his victorious standards, and the army marched towards Kirpa,t to punish the Afghans. This was scarcely done when letters arrived, from Meer Alí Ruza Khan, stating that the Afghan of Kirpa, Huleem Khan, had withdrawn his foot from the circle of obedience and friendship, and that his troops were formed ready to oppose the Nawaub; that a line of soldiers had been drawn up on the road, to stop the passage or advance of Alí Ruza Khan; and that he, (Huleem Khan), had also posted artillery and rockets on the road, to impede their progress; and that he was still collecting troops. On hearing these tidings, the anger of Hydur flamed violently, and he hastened on with all his brave troops to that quarter, by forced marches.
When the Hakim or Chief of Kirpa heard that the lion of the field of battle was advancing with a large army, he trembled with fear at the approach of the strong armed soldiers of the Nawaub, and despatched Muhammad Ghiaus, as his embassador, to the Nawaub, to solicit the pardon of his offences. The Vakeel arrived, and, after kissing the ground, performed to the utmost of his ability his duty towards the Afghan; and, seeking his master’s advantage, desired that the edifice of enmity should be replaced by the foundations of kindness and friendship, in opposition to the usage of former days. In reply to these propositions, the Nawaub said, “your master pretends friendship for me openly, but in secret he has raised the head of pride, and followed the path of intrigue, and enmity; and, on hearing the report of my death, he in joy distributed sweetmeats for the good news, and expelled my Anchi Wala or newswriter from the town.— Good God! with all this disgusting pride, and malice, and folly, is it possible he can expect grace or forgiveness?— Gratitude for the many benefits and favours which I conferred on him, and for having kept the tender plant of his fortune and condition flourishing in the garden of maintenance, has been all forgotten.— ‘His fortune will be of his own making.’— Now, therefore, tell your master to get ready to defend himself; for we shall very soon reach him.”
After the unsuccessful embassador had been thus despatched, spies brought intelligence, that the Afghan of Kirpa had assembled his troops, and had placed them under the command of his nephews; that is, under the sons of Kurma Mean, (the son of Mujeed Khan,) whose names were Husseini Mean, and Saeed Mean, and had despatched them towards Dhoor. In fact, a very severe action was at that time fought between the Afghans and Meer Sáhib,u and in that engagement the Afghans were victorious. As soon as this intelligence reached the Nawaub, he advanced rapidly with his horse, foot and artillery, and, at about midnight, fell on the heads of these men like sudden death; and, with rockets and musketry, broke the chain of their order, and many of these wicked Afghans were thus made food for the edge of the unsparing sword. Nevertheless, the commanders of the Afghans, although they were inexperienced, and mere boys, planted their feet firmly and fearlessly in the field of manhood, and, with Nagaras beating, and mounted on elephants, retired towards Kirpa. The Nawaub, with all his horse, had followed them four fursungs, as far as Balsan Hully, when night ended, and the light of the morning appeared. The Kuzzaks, Silahdárs, and the Dustadárs, of the victorious army now surrounded and hemmed in the Afghans; and, from the first fragrant breeze of the morning until mid-day, the drums and trumpets never ceased to sound the charge, nor the market of hard blows from constant traffic. Every individual Afghan gave such proofs of his skill in the use of the sword, that their prowess is still recorded in the page of memorable events; and the young lads, mounted on their elephants, plied their arrows with both hands so fast, and gave such proofs of courage, that two thousand brave and experienced men of the Nawaub’s army were slain by them. At length, however, all this intrepidity and pride ended in flight, and the Afghans were forced to throw away their shields, and seek refuge in the small fort, the Hulli, above mentioned and there they remained.
The artillery, according to the Nawaub’s orders, now opened their fire, and, battering the walls of the fort, soon levelled them with the ground. When they saw that they were neither able to fight nor retreat, the foolish young men surrendered and were made prisoners with Sidi Hulal and three hundred Afghans; and the whole of the elephants, horses, and military stores, that is, bows, arrows, spears, swords, and tents, heaps on heaps, fell into the possession of the servants of the Nawaub.
After being blessed with this victory, the Nawaub marched on, and captured the town of Kirpa at the first assault; and, from the pomp and magnificence of his army, of victorious presage, the environs of that town became the envy of the starry heavens. The Nawaub here placed the captured Afghans in a tent near his own; the two brave young chiefs were, however, imprisoned in their own house.
The next day the Nawaub directed the arms of the Afghan prisoners should be taken from them; fearing that, as they were rash, foolish, men, they might attempt some act of violence or treachery. When, therefore, Abou Muhammad, the Mirdah or chief officer of the Peonsv or messengers of the Presence, a man of great respectability, and an old and faithful servant, went to them to ask for their swords and shields, he at first desired to get possession of them by stratagem;w and accordingly he said to the Afghans, “Gentlemen, I beg to inform you, that the Nawaub is perfectly enchanted by the skill and excellence of your sword practice; he wishes therefore to be allowed to inspect your arms, and, for your honourable service will present each of you better arms, from his own armoury.” In answer to this the Afghans unanimously declared that, while the loan of their lives remained with them, their swords should never come into his hands. When the Mirdah returned to the Nawaub with this insolent answer of the Afghans, the Nawaub immediately ordered a number of matchlock men to proceed to terrify them with their matchlocks and bayonets, and take possession of their weapons.
When the musketeers went and stood before them, the Afghans saw that the issue of their affair depended on the point of the bayonet and the mouth of the musket, and four brothers of their number, the sons of Abdurrizak Khan, Dowlut Zai, whose names were Jubbar Khan, Suttar Khan, Ruhman Khan and Kadur Khan, all Chiefs among that tribe, careless of life, after repeating the Fatiheh,x madly drew their swords and sallied forth. Killing five or six matchlock men on their way, they took the path to the Nawaub’s tents. On their arrival there, however, the spear men and the sentinels of the guard killed three of these men at the door of the Nawaub’s tent; but the fourth or the remaining one rushed into the tent. Aware by some means or other of his approach, the Nawaub with his daggery slit down the wall of the tent, and escaped to the Dewaun i Aum, or the tent of public audience, and the rash perfidious Afghan, seeing the tent empty, began to repeat the Lahowl,z to signify his astonishment and mortification, and rubbed the back of his sword on his foot. But, while he was doing this, an executioner stole behind him, and separated his head from his body.
From this circumstance, the Nawaub conceived a bad opinion of the whole of these men,— Truly,— “If one man of a tribe commit a fault,”— “neither the respectability of the little or great is spared,”a— and Hydur, in his anger, therefore gave orders to his hard-hearted executioners to cut off the hands and feet of the Afghan prisoners at the joints with axes and saws, and thereby gave a bitter potion, as an example, to the tongue and palate of the rest; and these men, with the blood streaming from their legs and arms, were carried through the streets and lanes of the town, and were then left outside the walls. Some of them, however, to save their lives, pretended to be Syudsb and Shaikhs, and thereby escaped punishment.
After this occurrence, the Nawaub sent a party of steady experienced infantry into the town, and despatched the Kuzzaks, or plundering horse, towards the fort of Sudhote, where the Chief of the Afghans, (Huleem Khan), had sought refuge. The horse, before mentioned, having marched by night to Sudhote, began to plunder, and destroy the country near the fort. In the morning, the Hakim or Chief, seeing troops upon troops of these bravoes plundering and setting fire to the houses, he sent out a man to enquire the reason. His messenger on his return, told him that the army of the Nawaub had defeated his troops, and that the hands and feet of the Afghans, in consequence of their violence, as has been before related, had been cut off with the hatchet and saw of anger and revenge. Also that the Nawaub had taken the city of Kirpa at the first assault, and that the horse near the fort were his light cavalry, sent forward to plunder. Huleem Khan, on hearing this, fell into deep fear; and, with the counsel and advice of certain of his short sighted Khans, proclaimed, that all his servants and the inhabitants of the town, with their women and families, property, money and jewels, should during the night retire to the hill country, near Chitul Droog; and they accordingly proceeded thither. It happened, however, that the keen-sighted Kuzzaks had some intimation of this movement, and that multitudes of men and women, with great quantities of heavy baggage, and articles of value, such as gold and jewels, were quitting the fort, and journeying towards the hilly country; and they immediately set out after them at speed, and, attacking them on the road, omitted no indignity or cruelty in plundering the night wanderers, and without compunction seized on their wealth, violated their women, and falling in with some Afghans, (who apparently had charge of these people) they put them to death and then returned.
The foolish Khan, when he heard these circumstances, was greatly afflicted, and ashamed at his want of prudence. The next day the Nawaub himself mounted his horse, and, with his army and artillery, marched to Sudhote; and, having encircled the fort like a ring, he encamped there. The Khan, having no power to oppose the lion-hearted troops of Hydur, and being without resource, again despatched Muhammad Ghiaus to the presence, with professions of complete submission, and, being ashamed of his conduct, begged pardon for his former offences. When the Nawaub became acquainted with his sorrow and abject humility, his generous spirit and comprehensive clemency came into operation, and he contented himself with demanding ten lakhs of rupees, and the fort of Gunjee Kota, as the price of his forgiveness. As Huleem Khan had not even two lakhs of rupees in his treasury, this requisition of the Nawaub plunged him into deep thought, and uncertainty; and the silence and delay which were thus occasioned by this shuffler continued so long, that the Nawaub, in anger, ordered Meer Alí Ruza Khan to attack and take Gunjee Kota; accordingly, he, who was only looking out for such times and such orders, marched with his own troops, and besieged the hill fort, and after the labours of a week, he took it, and despatched his letter of congratulation on its capture to the Nawaub, who appointed an able Ameen, or collector, and a brave governor, to establish and preserve order in the fort, and its dependencies, and then recalled the Meer to the presence.
When the news of the capture of Gunjee Kota reached Huleem Khan, he became still more disorderedc in his senses than he was at first; but, being remediless, he despatched his Dewaun or minister, Abdurrusool Khan, accompanied by Muhammad Ghiaus, to the presence. These men delivered their verbal message in language replete with eloquence,d and in terms remarkable for their propriety and elegance, to the effect that Abdul Huleem Khan had drawn the head of shame under the hood of repentance, and that he had assembled his family and children in one apartment, and had surrounded it with a store of gunpowder, and that, with a portfire in his hand, he was waiting the result of their message; but that, if his life could be spared, he was a man who might render acceptable or approved service to the Nawaub, and therefore that they begged the Nawaub would take him by the hand.— “To have pity on any one’s misfortunes shews greatness.”— “To grant any one his desire is greatness.”
The Nawaub, having well considered the grief and deep humility of the embassadors, at length spoke, and said, “my first wish is that you would allow two flags, with two companies of matchlock men, merely for the honour of our name, and to shew the friendship which connects our families, to remain in your fort for two hours; and, after that, I will draw the pen of pardon through the list of your offences, great and small.” When the embassadors, well pleased, returned therefore to their master, and made him acquainted with all the Nawaub had said, and persuaded and urged him to conform to the orders of the Nawaub, he whose horse-shoe was in the fire, that is, whose necessities were pressing, with the appetitee of a religious beggar, listened with a willing ear, and ordered his servants, both horse and foot, who garrisoned the fort, and were ready for action, and who had frequently requested permission to light up the fire of contention, and commence the attack, to leave the fort. Some of the Khans, also, who had placed the foot of courage in the field of opposition to these orders, were dismissed with sour looks; and Huleem Khan sat still, waiting patiently. The Nawaub, meanwhile, having cleared the rust of uncertainty from the mirror of his heavenlyf mind, despatched to the fort four thousand regular infantry, of the red and yellow regiments, with two victorious ensigns, to the commanding officer of which detachment however he gave secret orders. Immediately on entering the gates of the fort therefore the officer left half his men at the gate and ramparts adjoining, and he himself with the remainder, proceeded straight like an arrow, and seized the mild Huleem, who was then sitting in his Hall of Audience. Having made him a prisoner, he put him into a palankin, and sent him, with his personal and other servants, to the presence. All this having been effected, the whole of the city and suburbs were committed to the charge of Meer Alí Ruza Khan; and, the Nawaub’s mind being then at ease, he returned to his capital, Seringaputtun, where he gave himself up to pleasure and enjoyment.
Abdul Huleem Khan, however, with his women, relations, and other dependents, were brought to Seringaputtun, and imprisoned in the Gunj Aum suburb, and a sufficient allowance was made for the expences of his establishment. His son-in-law, named Syud Muhammad, escaped by night with his wife to Naugpoor; but his other son-in-law, whose name was Behlole Khan, remained with him. In the course of time, they all, one after another, left this vain perishing scene, and thus escaped the wasting troubles and miseries of this world.g
An account of the Marriage of Hydur Alí’s youngest son, Kureem Sáhib, with the daughter of Hukeem Khan, Meeana, the Governor of Sanore; and the Betrothal of the Nawaub’s own daughter,h the rose of the Garden of Purity and Chastity, to the Son and Successor of Hukeem Khan, in the capital, Puttun, 1192, Hijri.— A. D. 1778.
AT a former time, the Nawaub selected and obtained in marriage the bright star of the constellation of Chastity, the daughter of Mehdi Beg, a Jamadár, who commanded two hundred horse at Arkat. The circumstances of the case were these, that after this officer’s death, his two sons Hussaini Beg and Moraud Beg, with their sister, leaving Arkat to obtain service, had arrived in Mysore, where the Nawaub sought and marriedi their sister. This lady had a son, who was named Kureem Sáhib, and also a daughter; but, after giving birth to the latter, she died of a mortal disease, and departed to Paradise. A Bayadere, or dancing girl, named Zohreh,j a favourite of the Nawaub’s, brought up the son and daughter with great care and tenderness, until they reached years of discretion; and the Nawaub himself regarded this son with increase of favour. At this time, therefore, the mind of the Nawaub being at rest from the prosecution of his measuresk for the prosperity of the Khodadad state, he began to think of the marriage of his son, and make arrangements for its celebration. Hukeem Khan, the Afghan Chief of Shanoor, was not well affected to the Nawaub, and had frequently deviated from the path of confidence and friendship, but the political views of the Nawaub required that the enmity and hatred, which had subsisted between them, on both sides, should be replaced by relationship and marriage, and that thereby comfort and assurance should be given to the mind of the Khan. He, therefore, despatched Vakeels, with letters of congratulation on the projected marriage, informing him that he abandoned his claim for tribute from his possessions. At the same time, to produce an effect, there followed in the rear of these embassadors, a strong body of troops, under pretence of foraging, but well supplied with stores, and ready for action. When these able embassadors arrived at Shanoor, they visited Hukeem Khan and presented their letters, and also delivered a verbal message to him, to the effect that, for the possession of dominion enjoyed but a few days, and which at most could last but a short period, it was best that the dust of enmity and strife should be allayed by a sprinkling of the pure water of peace and good will, and that the carpet of opposition and distrust should be rolled up and removed, and the foundations of intimacy and friendship raised and strengthened by the ties of family connexion; and that, acting together, they might wage war with greater effect on the infidels, and, that as a result of their union, the whole, body of the Mussulman people, and the high and low of all tribes, might repose happily on the couchl of comfort and safety, and continually offer up prayers for the lasting prosperity of their government. The well weighed words of the embassadors made a strong impression on the heart of the noble Khan, and, like the gentle rain, washed away the dust of doubt and enmity from his mind; so that at length he lent the ear of acceptance, and cast the eyes of thankfulness, on the wise and salutary message of the Nawaub, and the contract of agreement and friendship was arranged and settled, on the following terms,— That Hukeem Khan’s daughter should be united to the Princem in marriage, and that the sister of the Prince, the emblem of chastity, should be united to the eldest son of the Khan. It is to be observed here, that the attainment of this great object arose from the following causes; the Nawaub, from his high rank and station, the abundance of his means, his prosperity and excess of wealth, had no peer or equal among the newly risen chiefs of power and rank; the proud and haughty chiefs of different parts, whom the sultans and governors of former times, with great armies and mighty preparations, had vainly spent years in labouring to subdue, he, on the contrary, in a very short time, by his personal bravery and conquering sword, had completely overthrown and destroyed; and to that degree did he exert himself, in the subjection of the proud and insubordinate, that, in the towns or districts of Mysore, the name of rebel or rebellion no longer existed; and whenever, he heard of a stronghold in the possession of a rebel or an enemy, he, either by the force of policy, or by strength and courage, cast down the walls, and destroyed it. His victorious standards, also, to which ever quarter they might be directed, never lowered their heads until they threw the ensigns of their enemies, reversed, into the dust of disgrace and contempt. Instances of this, are to be found in the ruin of the power of Morar Rao, the Náík of Chitul Droog, and the Afghan of Kirpa; and the weight of these examples threw terror into Hukeem Khan’s soul, but, most of all, the advance of the detachment of troops, following the embassadors, gave him the greatest uneasiness. But, if it had not been so, the pride and insolence of the Afghan race are too well known, to need further mention. In short, the fortunate Khan accepted the offer of the Nawaub with thankfulness, and despatched by the Vakeelsn letters, couched in the style and language of congratulation and friendship, with presents and honorary dresses; and next occupied himself in preparing the feast and ornamental arrangements of the bridal day. The Nawaub having therefore his mind at ease, now invited the consenting Khan, with his family and servants, to his capital, Seringaputtun; and, having completed the forms of felicitation to his worthy and honourable son, and done the honours of the royal feast and banquet, the two propitious stars were placed in real conjunction at the fortunate hour; and in the same form, and with the same ceremonies, the sister of the bridegroom was married to Abool Khire Khan, otherwise Khira Mean, the son of Hukeem Khan. After the leisure consequent on the celebration of these marriages, the distinguished Khan, leaving his daughter and son and a body of troops with the Nawaub, returned to Shanoor, and the Nawaub remained at his capital.
The second expedition of the Nawaub Bahadúr, to conquer the country of the Karnatic Payanghaut, at the instigation of the Názim of Hydurabad, and the Poona ministers, in the year 1194, Hijri.— A. D. 1780.— With an account of the victories gained by the lion hunting Moslems in that expedition.
THE causes and materials of the grandeur and power of the house of Hydur increasing day by day, and every one of his Khans and brave officers being distinguished for affection to his person, and devotion to his service, the fame of his conquests, and the destruction of his enemies, and the report of his liberality, and the protection afforded to the poor by this nourisher of mankind, penetrated to all quarters of the world; and as at all times, the world shared and enjoyed the benefits dispensed from the table of his bounty, and as the shower of gold from his generous hand continually moistened and refreshed the garden of the hopes and desires of all kinds of men, the result was, that the whole of the towns, fortresses, and cities of Mysore assumed a new form of beauty and splendour; for at that period, no Chief of high military talent and power remained, the Nawaub alone excepted, who, with the strong hand of power, and by the art of subduing his enemies, had broken the necks of those who had raised them in prideo and vain glory, and, by his daring and intrepidity, had drawn the whole of the cautious and wily, both infidels and Mussulmans, into the net of subjection and servitude. The heavenlyp mind of the Nawaub, therefore, now that the bride of wealth and dominion had fallen into the close embraces of his conquering fortune, being content and at ease on all sides, resided at Puttun, enjoying himself, and occupied, also, in the collection of warlike stores, brave soldiers, horses of Arabia and Irak, powerful elephants, &c. Viewing, however, the number of his troops, the splendour of his equipments, and the pomp of his court, the thorn of grief and jealousy penetrated the hearts of the envious Chiefs of the Dukhun; that is, the hearts of Nizám Alí Khan, and the Chief of the Mahrattas, and to break down the power of that nourisher of the poor, and, dispenser of benefits, (Hydur), they exerted their utmost endeavours. At this time therefore when the foundations of the kingdom and kingly fortunes of Hydur were doubled, he having chastised, and made obedient to his will, most of the insubordinate Rajas of that part of the country who in greatness and pride had raised their heads to the clouds; nay, from day to day, had increased his ascendency so rapidly, that their fear was lest he should wrest the whole of the Telingana and Mahratta countries from them, they laid deep schemes and plans, and, agreeing in word and spirit, they both despatched embassadors, with presents and dresses of honour of great value to the capital of the Khodadad state, who, with a friendly tongue, and openly manifesting great regard, delivered their message, to the effect that the blood shedding English had usurped or made themselves masters (of part) of this country, and that they had also taken entire possession of the province of Bengal, “the mole on the cheek of Hind;” that the whole of the province of the Karnatic Payanghaut they considered as their military fief, and that their power increased every day; that they, (the English) kept Muhammad Alí Khan as a hired servant, and reigned under the shadow of his name; that, more particularly, the infidel Raghoo, the assassin of his son,q had by their assistance effected the plunder and destruction of the country of the Paishwa, that is, the Mahratta empire; that most of the peasantry, payers of taxes, of that country, had been ruined and destroyed by him; that he had cast away from his wicked heart all remembrance of benefits he had received from the Paishwa’s government; and though, by the mercies of the eternal, and the aid of good fortune, he had received signal punishment,r still the present danger was that, from the remaining of the English in this country, the flames of strife would be lighted up again and again. To avert this evil, they urged, that when the conditions of amity should be firmly established between the three families, their enemy would then have no power to contend with or intrigue against them; that it was necessary, therefore, nay, indispensable, for them united to remove the English out of the way, and then they might reign in peace, and without the intermeddling of strangers, and that, they had agreed and sworn to keep the following engagement, namely, that whenever either of the contracting parties, should have an object to attain, they should proceed together, and together use their best efforts to effect the same. As, for instance, that they two had agreed and sworn, and had bound the girdle of endeavour tight round the loins of their courage, to do away with the tyranny of the English of Bombay.s What measures, therefore, did the glory of the house of prosperity and power, (Hydur,) propose or advise in the matter? But at all events Hydur might be certain that, when all the contracting parties united in heart and word, the conquest of the Karnatic Payanghaut, and even the whole of Hindustan, might be accomplished in a very easy manner. “When two kings unite in heart, there is no path left for sedition.”— “In peace, if two kings light a lamp”— “their cities and armies will be illuminated;”— “but if they turn their faces to the battle field,”— “they bring calamity upon the earth from heaven.”— “Better is it therefore, that we should turn our faces to peace,”— “and adopt liberal sentiments towards each other.” In these measures it was, they said, necessary no delay nor negligence should occur. God forbid that a difficulty should arise, the remedy of which might not be easily obtained, even by the united strength of the brave troops of all parties.
On hearing this deceitful language, the Nawaub, who, by his caution and penetration surpassed all other the most renowned Kings and Princes, refused to lend a willing ear to their proposals, and, in reply, said, “Your stimulating words of advice are from the tongue, not the heart, and to listen to such fool-deceiving propositions, would doubtless be highly imprudent and dangerous for this reason,— that the reins and direction of your government and policy are in the hands of incompetent, avaricious, and indolent, ministers;— and that, knowingly and willingly, in many places and in the most critical times, shameful deception and treachery have been practised by them, and undoubtedly the same will occur again; and, that in case of such a recurrence, the contracts and treaties made between the parties, would be cut sharp off.” That nevertheless, following the dictates of his high courage, the protection of the weak, he “had bound up his loins to exertion in this cause,” “and that all the warlike materials to destroy their enemies were ready,” that, his prudence, however, would not allow him to admit, or his frank heart to believe, their assertions, when they declared that, reposing confidence in their boasting troops, and effeminate Ameers, they intended to fight, or fancied they could contend with, the lions,t ranging over the face of the whole earth, or suppose that they could bear the weight of the labour and anxiety of such an undertaking on their indolent minds. He called to their recollection, that the people they so hated (the English,) were united among themselves, both in heart and language, and it was for this reason that, in all places and times, they were so successful. If, however, they, (Nizám Alí and the Mahratta,) were sincere in the policy on which they had apparently decided, they were to advance towards that country, (the Carnatic,) with their troops in the best order, and, with all the strength of their artillery and warlike stores; and he himself would be ready at that time. But, if they decided otherwise, he requested they would trouble him no more on the subject.
When the Eelchees, or embassadors, detailed to their respective masters this just answer of the Nawaub, they on both sides, sanctioned and strengthened the articles of this treaty with the most solemnu oaths; and the future arrangement of the country, and the establishment of their power, such as might be required, being repeatedly discussed, they opened to each other their ultimate views and determination. It was, therefore, concluded, that the Mahrattas, with the whole weight of their forces, should put the horsev of attack in motion for the conquest of Bombay; that the chief of Hydurabad, with his army of city soldiers, should march to take possession of Mutchli Puttun, and Raj Bunduri;w and that the Nawaub should direct his conquering ensigns towards Arkat.
In conformity to this plan of operations, both the princes pitched their tents and standards outside the walls of their respective capitals, and ordered a muster of their officers and troops.— The Nawaub Bahadúr, although he was nearly certain that the Moghuls and the Mahrattas were neither true of tongue nor heart, and that they would not continue to the end in the same mind, still, after maturely considering the strong treaties, and conditions of agreement, which they had newly contracted, took upon himself, with a firm confidence, the responsibility of the war, and, having despatched gold, jewels, and rich cloths, to the two grasping potentates, and thus made them happy, he set free his determination to make the conquest of the Karnatic Payanghaut, and despatched a letter to the address of Muhammad Alí Khan, requiring him to deliver up the fort of Nuthur Nuggur, (Trichinopoly,) in conformity to his treaty or agreement, the account of which was fully given in a former part of this work. As Muhammad did not return a proper answer, the Nawaub, immediately commanded the attendance of his Ameers, Khans, and Foujdárs, and, in a very short time, in obedience to his proclamation, his chief officers, with their troops and military stores, marched to the capital. According to his engagements, therefore, the Nawaub with his brave army,— (Verse, “An army that never felt the bitterness of defeat:” “Troops that never tasted the poison of flight, or despair:” “horses under them like raging lions.” “Spears in their hands like the twisted serpent:”)x— directed his standards towards Arkat. But, previous to the commencing of their march, he gave orders to muster his forces, and those to whom the charge was consigned, presented the Nawaub with a return of twelve thousand horse of his own Paigah or guard, ten thousand Kuzzak or predatory horse, fifteen thousand Sillahdár horse,y twenty-four thousand regular infantry, and sixty thousand irregular foot, with seventy guns, exclusive of the Poligar chiefs, with their contingents.
About the middle of the month of Rujub, 1194, H., the Nawaub descended by the Ghaut or Pass of Chungum, and pitched his tents, high as the sun and moon, in the environs of Kilpauk,z and, from the same encampment, detached his youngest son, Kureem Sáhib, with the Kuzzak horse, towards Muhmood Bundur, while he himself, with his innumerable army, marched on and took the small hill fort of Turnamul. He then besieged the fort of Jeeta Peeth, and gave orders to his conquering soldiers to attack the town. After the commandant, who was a Sikh, named Gooroo Buksh, had held out with great spirit two or three days, he was killed at one of the gates of the fort, and the fort was therefore taken. From hence the Nawaub, after leaving a detachment at the fort of Dhobi Gurh, despatched his son Tippoo, with a strong body of troops, to reduce Arni and Tumri; and then, turning his victorious standards towards the capital of Arkat, encamped near Nimukpeeth and Ghalibpoora, and next invested the fort and town of Alumpunah, against which he ordered batteries to be raised. The chiefs in the fort, namely, Achna Pundit a Brahman, (otherwise called Raijee Náíb, Souba, and who had also the title of Raja Beerbur, Bahadúr, the founder or builder of the Alum Punah), and Nujeeb Khan, Salar Jung, Bahadúr, with five thousand regular infantry, two thousand horse, and four hundred dismounted Ashráf, (that is, men of good families,) held themselves in readiness to repel their enemies, and filled the capital with stores of provisions, arms, ammunitions, and materials for defence, and then arranged themselves for action. Two or three thousand Ashráf inhabitants of the place, of all tribes, who rose in arms merely to defend their families and preserve their honour, were conciliated by a daily allowance, or subsistence, in money, and the show of a great deal of deference and respect; and the gates and bastions of Alum Punah also being confided to the inhabitants of the Muhlas,b they fought desperately.
Kureem Sáhib, meanwhile, when he moved off to Mahmood Bundur, met with no resistance; and having by night marches arrived at the town, he surrounded, and, at the first assault, bravely took possession of it, and plundered the houses of all the wealthy merchants, bankers, and traders, of bales on bales of merchandise, and bags on bags of gold and jewels. The next day, the whole of the wealth and commodities taken from all the merchants, who had expended millions of rupees in commissioning or procuring them from different parts of the world, for the purpose of barter, were collected in one place. Amongst the rest was the whole of the property of a certain Muhammad Mokrim, a man of the Bohrac tribe, the Chief of all the merchants, and the owner of three or four merchant ships, who about this time had purchased thirty-five Jhawah or young elephants, of eight or nine years old, sixty Tankun, or ponies of Manilla and Pegu, and also cloths of great value, and dresses of honour from the countries of Bengal, Bunaras, China, Kashmeer, Boorhanpoor, Mutchliputtun, &c. All these articles were taken, and laden on elephants, camels, bullocks, and carts; and with the merchant to whom they had belonged, and his dependents, as prisoners, were sent to the Nawaub.
The Prince, (Tippoo), after he had taken leave of his father, proceeded to Arni, and encamped there, and gave orders to attack the fort. Budruzzumán Khan Bukshi, accordingly raised a strong battery, to the westward of the fort, and in one day fired a number of cannon shot into the place. The Killadár, or commandant, whose name was Hussain Alí Khan, and who, even in his dreams, had never heard of battle or fighting, much less witnessed any thing of the kind, lost all heart, and, ornamenting himself with his unworthy arms, and taking the keys of the fort, he sought the presence of the Khan above mentioned, and, through his mediation, was presented to the Prince, and delivered up the keys as a Paishkush to his servants. He then represented, that in the fort there were many houses inhabited by Syuds, or descendents of the prophet; and being in fear lest the Syudanian, their women, might be insulted or violated, he had given up the fort and its dependencies; but that, otherwise, he would have defended them as long as he had life. The Prince, at hearing this foolish story, laughed outright, and having placed a garrison in the fort, Sidi Imám, an experienced officer according to the orders of the Nawaub, was appointed its Commandant. Taking with him the former Killadár, the Prince then marched towards Tumri, the Chief of which also gave up his honour to save his life, and, without a shot from either gun or musket, surrendered the fort. Still advancing, therefore, Tippoo took possession of the small forts of Trivatoor, Gulwa, Kaveripauk, &c., and, placing strong garrisons in each, returned to join his own army.
It is proper to mention here, that, while the lion-hearted Nawaub, thus threw terror and dismay into the country of the Payanghaut, Nizám Alí Khan under pretence of sickness, did not stir from his capital; and the Mahrattas, also after some movements, having by treaty obtained possession of the person of Raghood from the English of Bombay, remained where they were, and gave no assistance whatever to the Nawaub.
The advance of the English Army, under the command of General Munro, from the vicinity of Madras, towards Gunjee, and that of the detachment under Colonel Baillie from the neighbourhood of Kottoor Mungulgiri, and the defeat and destruction of the troops under the command of the Colonel. Also, the Conquest of Arkat, and the taking prisoner of Shukoh-ul-Moolk Nuseer-ud-dowla, Abdul Wahab Khan, the brother of Muhammad Alí Khan, Suráj-ud-dowla, in the strong Hill Fort of Chunder Giri; and an account of the different successes obtained in the same year 1195, Hijri.— A. D. 1780.
WHEN the Nawaub Bahadúr, with his numerous army, marched to the conquest of the Payanghaute country, Muhammad Alí Khan, the governor of the Payanghaut, who previously at the instigation of his enemies had imprudently disbanded his own army, and in their place retained a few militia indispensable to his service, of whom but a small part where matchlock men, was completely humbled, and, in order to keep off Hydur’s fierce lions, he insisted on the support and aid of the English.
The commanding officer of the English troops, whose name was General Munro, with six thousand regular infantry, one thousand five hundred regular cavalry, and two thousand European soldiers, all being equipped and ready, marched from Madras, by the route of Choongul Peeth (Chingleput) and the mountains of Sewram, to Gunjee, to oppose and drive back the conquering Hydur.f Colonel Baillie, at the same time, marched from the neighbourhood of Kottoor, which district Busálut Jung, the Chief of Adhoni, fearful of the incursions of the Nawaub, had given to the English, with whom he had contracted a close intimacy, for the payment of the Colonel’s troops, and the whole of the collections of the Talooka were committed to his authority. Having been appointed to the superintendence of that Souba, the Colonel, now that circumstances rendered it necessary, marched with three thousand regular infantry, and four hundred Europeans, (who had arrived from Killabundur), and eight guns, by the route of Wankul and Nellore, towards Arkat. The Nawaub, on hearing this news, immediately despatched Tippoo, with the Nawaub’s own Paigah, the Sillahdárs, and four light gunsg to keep off the force of the Colonel; and the whole of the Kuzzaks, (predatory horse) and rocket-men, were placed under the command of Sidi Hillal Khan Bukshi, a servant of the Afghan of Kirpa, who was taken prisoner at the battle of Balsun Hulli, and was entertained and received in the highest rank of the Nawaub’s servants. This man, an active and brave soldier, was despatched, with the light troops, to harass the camp of the general, that he might surround it, and, by continual noise and desultory attacks, stop the supplies, and shut up the road against all reinforcements, (to the aid of the Colonel.)
In the mean time, Prince Tippoo, terrible as a lion, fell in with and engaged the force of Colonel Baillie,h in the neighbourhood of Sutweer, or Sutobur, and blocked up the road of safety to his detachment; keeping up an incessant cannonading, sniping, and skirmishing with that body. Although the Colonel, notwithstanding the number and constant attacks of Hydur’s brave men, showed no apprehension of them, but marched on, fighting, to the neighbourhood of Tukool and Purimpauk, a town about six kose from Gunjee, still, however, from the superiority in numbers of the conquering army, he was reduced to great difficulties, to which was added the total want of wood and forage. The General (Munro) therefore, selected from his army fourteen first companies, called in the language of the English, grenadiers, and these, with some stores of provisions, bottles of wine, and ammunition, &c. he despatched to the Colonel’s assistance; while he himself halted, intending to move on as soon as the Colonel had joined him; and had the Colonel made a night march after the companies had formed a junction with him, he would, undoubtedly without any difficulty or danger, have arrived at Gunjee; but it happened that his troops were overpowered by fatigue, and, to rest and relieve them, he halted for the night.
The moment the Nawaub heard this intelligence, he quitted the siege of Arkat, and, with his army, the emblem of victory, he arrived by a forced night march, and effectually closed all the roads of escape to Colonel Baillie’s force; and, having posted his guns in readiness on all sides, he waited for an opportunity to begin the attack; however, the same night, in order to increase the confusion and terror in the country, he detached five thousand horse towards Chitore, and the country of the Poligars of that quarter.
As soon as the morning dawned, and the king of the heavenly travellers, drawing his conquering sword from the scabbard of the east, put to flight the starry host, the Colonel commenced his march. The Nawaub, meanwhile, having arrayed his troops with the greatest skill and care, now gave orders for the attack, and the officers of his regular infantry and artillery took up their positions. On one flank, Muhammad Alí, the brave commandant, Shaikh-Oonsur, and others, and the regiment of Chittikars, of whom Monsieur Jani, a Frenchman, was the commandant, lighted up the fire of mortal strife. On the other flank Monsieur Lalli, the Frenchman, who had been the servant of Busálut Jung, but, after the defeat of his troops near Bellari, being discharged from his service, was entertained by the Nawaub, with a body of two thousand regular infantry, five hundred Europeans, or Portuguese,i and a hundred Allemand horse, now zealous in the Nawaub’s cause, by pouring perpetual volleys of balls and bullets on the English, so straightened the field of battle on their troops, that, notwithstanding the bravery and great exertions of the Colonel, it was impossible for him to join the main army. But, although the thunder of the guns, the deadly storm of musket balls, and the lightning of the rockets, made dreadful havoc among the troops and followers of the Colonel, still they stood firm, until mid-day, under cover of a grove of palm trees, close to the town of Purimpauk. Soon after this, however, Lalli, the Frenchman, discovering with the telescope of his intellect and science, the position of the enemy’s ammunition, fired a shot from a heavy gun at the Colonel’s tumbrils, all of which had been collected in one place. By accident, the ammunition blew up, and, by the shock of the explosion, the bondsk of union of the Colonel’s force, were broken up. Seeing this opportunity, the brave horsemen of the Paigah or household cavalry, on one of the flanks, like a thunder cloud in the spring season, rushing and shouting charged the broken troops in a body, and plying the bow and arrow and the keen sword, they gashed the heads and breasts of their enemies. On the other flank, the Sillahdárs, like the blazing lightning, fell on and destroyed the harvest of the array of their enemies, and dyed their blue swords, red as the ruby, in their blood. With but little labour, therefore, the soldiers of the Colonel’s force, with their officers, and all the camp followers, were crushed under the hoofs of the Nawaub’s horse. This, however, was not done without the loss of two or three thousand of the bravest men of the conquering army.l At length, the Colonel (Baillie), with a number of officers, was taken prisoner, by the address or management of the French officers.
After the conclusion of the battle, the Nawaub immediately marched, intending in his mind to attack the army of the General, which was reposing very comfortably at Gunjee. He however encamped at the distance of two fursungs, giving orders to his Kuzzaks, or light cavalry, and Sillahdárs, to exercise the greatest vigilance, as scouts or picquets, in surrounding the General’s army. When, however, the General heard of the defeat of Colonel Baillie’s force, and his having been taken prisoner, he, being himself full of doubt and anxiety, threw all his heavy guns and heavy baggage into the reservoir, or tank, of the Temple at Gunjee; and at night took, with his force, the road to Choongul Peeth, (Chingleput). The Nawaub, when aware of his retreat, followed him, in the darkness of the night, to Sewram; but finding that no advantage was to be obtained, he detached his horse to surround the General’s army, and also appointed one of his confidential servants, with a force, to take possession and charge of the fort of Girgut Paleh; then, returning from the pursuit, he that day encamped at Gunjee.
On the following day, the Nawaub again surrounded the city and fort of the Dar-ul-Amareh, (Arkat), and issued his orders, to his Risaldárs of the regular and irregular infantry, and the Poligars attending his camp, to attack and take that strong fortress. On all sides, therefore, deep trenches were dug, batteries raised, and approaches by sap pushed on; and, with continual firing, the walls were soon battered down, and breached, and, moreover, by throwing the Colonel’s (Baillie) shot and shells and rockets into the town, the inhabitants were cast into the greatest consternation and confusion. Yet, notwithstanding, all this discomfort and misery, the defenders of the city held out gallantly for three months, and manfully withstood the assaults of the rank breakersm of Hydur’s army. It is proper however, to mention, that the citadel was defended by two companies of Europeans, and three hundred recruits, disciplined after the European fashion, who had lately arrived from Rai Vellore, and were ready for the defence. In short, on both sides, exertions were made to that extent that the son-in-law of the Nawaub, Syud Hafez Alí Khan, was killed, in the western battery, by a cannon ball; and many of the chief officers and men of the victorious army were also slain. On the other side, Syud Fureed-ud-dín Khan, the Kurrooreh of the city, that is, the chief of all the Kotwals of the province, a prudent and a brave man, was likewise slain by a cannon ball. The walls of the city, however, having been battered down, the besieged became very much straightened; and, from the loss of the brave Syud, great disorder fell into their discipline and arrangements, in so much that, being terrified, every one kept his house, and cast away his confidence and manhood.
At the expiration of this time, one night, towards morning, the Nawaub gave orders to assault the works; and his most tried and experienced men having, on all sides, planted their ladders against the walls of the town, they at one assault took the place, and by plundering and slaying their enemies, completed their conquest. Achna Pundit, who was sleeping comfortably in his own house, was taken prisoner with his family, as also were Urshed Beg Khan, Chishti Yar Khan, the Commander of the dismounted men, Syud Humeed, Tumboo Nair, Commandant, &c. Nujeeb Khan, however, crept into the Ark or citadel, and shutting himself up with the English troops, placed himself in security.
The next morning, the Nawaub visited the city, and, in all the streets and markets, caused safety to be proclaimed to the people, (particularly to the poor and destitute,) that none of his troops might oppress or lay hand on the wealth, or women of the people of the city, and he gave safety of life and property to all the inhabitants. In the course of two or three days, the Nawaub gave orders for the presence of Nujeeb Khan, and of the officer commanding the English troops, who still firmly maintained the Ark or citadel; and his ministers accordingly, despatched the terms of capitulation, sealed with the seal of the Nawaub; and, manifesting towards them every courtesy and kindness, invited them to the presence, and Nujeeb Khan, reposing confidence in the word of the Nawaub, presented himself to him with his body of regular infantry and the Europeans, and the Nawaub sent him to Cheena Puttun, (Madras,) under the escort of a small party of light cavalry. The Khans above mentioned, with other men of high rank of Arkat, were employed by the Nawaub in suitable offices, according to their degree and ability, and with liberal salaries. They were, moreover, honoured with dresses, and presents of gold and jewels. Syud Humeed, commandant, a man of high reputation, was honoured with a One Munzil Palkee, and four hundred rupees a month, and was appointed to command a body of four thousand matchlock men. To Meer Sadik, (the grandsonn of Meer Ahmud Khan, Jageerdár of Wuhul Koor, one of the Munsubdárs of the Souba Sura,) who had been for a long time Kotwal of the Bazar of the Nawaub’s army, and was also intelligencer and counsellor to the Nawaub, was given the Soubadári of the city of Arkat.
About this time, the Nawaub’s Hurkaras reported to him, that Abdul Wahab Khan, the brother of Muhammad Alí Khan, had committed the fort of Chitore to the care of his Dewaun, whose name was Rai Bhojung,o and to the Poligars of Mokuli, Vinkut Giri, Mogul, and Bhingari; that he himself had strengthened and repaired the hill fort of Chundur Giri, and was busily occupied in enlisting horse and foot; and that it appeared his intention, after collecting troops, was to march to Cheena Puttun, (Madras), and join the English army, and then attack that of the Nawaub. On hearing this news, the Nawaub determined to march immediately to that quarter. Meer Alí Ruza Khan (who had halted one night at Chitore, when he returned with his troops from Kirpa, and had received the hospitality of Abdul Wahab Khan, and had then acquitted himself of the obligation, by advising and even earnestly soliciting the Khan, by message, if he had any intention of seeking the honour of an introduction to the Nawaub, to join the Nawaub’s army, before any troops were ordered against him: and, if not, that he should fly for refuge where he might be safe, seeing that, if he contemplated opposition to the Nawaub, he might expect his own destruction, and the ruin of his family and children, the Khan, however, being then involved in doubts and uncertainty, left the fort of Chitore to the care of his servants, and made Chundur Giri his residence and refuge, and he remained there, expecting a visit from Hydur,) at this time, therefore, immediately arose, and represented to the Nawaub, that Abdul Wahab Khan had quarrelled with his brother and that although he intended to visit the Nawaub he had been too unwell lately to carry his intention into effect; that at all events, what power had the poor man that he should rise up in opposition to the Nawaub; and that, whenever the Nawaub chose to command him, he would attend without delay.
After the state of the Khan had been ascertained, the march was, therefore, put off, and Meer Moin-ud-dín, otherwise called Syud Sáhib, the nephew of the Meer, who was ennobled by the office of Bukhshi to a Dustah or regiment of horse, was sent with a strong force to that quarter to bring him to the presence. The Meerp before mentioned, was also detached with his division of troops, to reduce the tributary Poligars of the Souba of Arkat; that is, the Nairs of Kalistri, Vinkutgiri, Bimraj, &c. The Prince Tippoo with five thousand regular foot, two thousand (Ahshám)q foot, and a thousand horse was sent to reduce the western forts of that Souba, and to take possession of that part of the frontier.
When Syud Sáhib was despatched on his mission by the Nawaub, he made a forced march by night, and surrounded the fort of Chitore, which he summoned to surrender. The officers commanding the garrison of the fort having, however, stated the orders of their master as an excuse or apology for not obeying the summons, and preparing to defend themselves the Syud commenced the siege, and placed the foot of manhood in the field of exertion to capture the fort. On the second day he established some guns on a hill, to the southward of the fort, and at the end of ten days the brave besiegers mounted the walls, and notwithstanding the great strength of the fort, it was taken by assault. The commandant of the fort and others were placed in confinement, and having consigned the fort to the care of his brave and experienced soldiers, the Syud marched towards Chundur Giri. On the first day that he encamped before the town, he despatched a message to the besieged Khan, that the Nawaub wished to see him, and that, if his safety was precious to him, he must attend immediately. Having neither power to resist, nor strength to flee, the Khan was struck with fear and astonishment, and sought advice and assistance in replying to the summons, from his family and his Khans, and thus deferred sending an answer. It happened, at this time, that the cavalry of the Nawaub’s army advanced towards the mountains, to forage for grass and wood, and the careless short-sighted Killadár, without the knowledge of his master, opened a fire from the guns of the fort upon them,— Truly, many kings of great renown, and many princes of great power, have seen the face of ruin, and have been reduced to beggary and want, by foolish and inexperienced servants.— This conduct threw the commander of the Nawaub’s troops into great difficulty, and he became satisfied that the Khan intended to resist the Nawaub. He, therefore, immediately despatched a detailed account of what had occurred, and of the Khan’s neglect in not sending an answer to his invitation, and selecting a position for a gun on the slope of the mountain, and near the walls, he then fired a few shot into the fort on the summit. It chanced that the first shot fired struck the Zunana or women’s apartments, and caused a great concussion; so much so, that cries of grief and alarm burst forth from the inmates of the Muhl. When the besieged Khan saw the effect of the lightning-raining gun, the order of the Nawaub’s foot and horse, and the promptness with which they had seized the position on the slope of the mountain, he gave up all his hesitation and delay, and his fears excited such a tumult in his nerves and veins, that he became paralytic. He, therefore, retired into his Zunana, and, entering the chamber of chagrin, laid himself down on the bed of inexperience. No sooner had he done this than another ball, like the sighs breathed by the widow and orphan, flew up straight from below, penetrated his kitchen, and struck a cauldron full of victuals on the fire. In short, from the rapid arrival of shot, one after another, the besieged Khan sent a request, on the part of the Begum, his wife, to this effect, that, as her husband was unwell, she begged the artillery men might be directed to desist from firing; and if it was intended to take possession of the fort, and country, they were welcome, and might take them, for they, the besieged, had no choice but to submit to the Nawaub. Syud Sáhib consequently took possession of the fort and its dependencies, and, placing there an experienced Foujdár, to superintend the affairs of that country, brought the Khan with his Zunana, or family, to the presence, and the Nawaub, after some time, despatched them under a strong escort to Seringaputtun. The Khan’s son, however, whose name was Abdussumud Khan, and his title Dileer Jung, was honored with the Daroghahship of the Silladár Kutchiri, at a salary of three hundred rupees a month.
During this time, the Prince, (Tippoo,) young and fortunate, in the space of one month took the forts of Mahi Mundul Gurh, and Kylas Gurh, (which is called Husseinabad), near Rai Vellore; and then, with a large force, and abundance of guns and stores, marched towards Sautgurh, which is one of the greatest among the fortresses of the Karnatic; and, like the sevenr heavens in strength and height, towers fearfully above all the rest. Wulli Muhammad Khan, the Killadár of this strong place, Syud Mukhdoom, Risaldár, and Muhammad Mowla, who, with two thousand regular infantry, were appointed to defend this fortress, although they had with them good store of provisions, ammunition, and other necessaries to sustain a siege, still the unpropitious salts of Muhammad Alí Khan had no hold on their gratitude. The Prince, mounted on an elephant, marched on to the plain before this hill fort, with his drums and trumpets sounding and beating before him, and then halted for two or three hours, and forming the lines of his regular and irregular infantry, and his Julowdárs, or body guard, he manœuvred and marched them about, while his horse in troops formed knotst or divisions, and threw the fear of their imposing display into the hearts of the garrison of the fort; they then encamped at the distance of one fursung beyond the river. A man with a genius for poetry, who had heard the tramp of the cavalry, and had seen the discipline and order of the columns of march, and the splendour of the ensigns and standards, starred with gold, repeated without hesitation this quatrain,— “It may be said the heavens are beneath thy horses feet;”— “the pleiades are the marks of his shoe nails;”— “thy victorious standards on the day of battle, are like the Alifs of”u— “of a truth we have gained a victory.”
In short, when the officers and men in the fort saw the order of the troops, the readiness of the artillery, and the numbers of the cavalry, fear seized on their souls, and they gave up their manhood gratuitously; and as they could not hope to fight successfully with Hydur’s Ghazies, they made a present of the keys of the fort to the servants of the victorious prince, and asked their lives. The prince gave them security, both private and public, and having appointed a governor, with a strong body of musketeers, to the charge of the fort, he marched to attack Amboor Gurh, which is about three measured Kose distant. The hill fort of Amboor, however, had an European officer in command with a garrison of brave soldiers, and he did justice to his command for fifteen days; until the walls were breached, and the army of the prince having agreeably to his orders, raised batteries on a small hill, to the Northward, and adjoining that of the fort, and having with three guns battered the walls down, the governor, reduced to extremity, surrendered the fort to the servants of Tippoo. Zein ul Abideen Daduni Nayut, who was the son-in-law of Assud Khan Muhkuri, the Foujdár of Kishengiri, was appointed by Hydur to the command there, and had charge also to repair the walls of this hill fort. Tippoo now returned to his father, and was honoured with innumerable gifts and rewards.
The Meerv above mentioned, in a short time reduced by force all the Poligarsw before enumerated, and drew them into the net of tribute and obedience; and, bringing with him the presents, the tribute money, and the Poligars, he returned to the presence.
Although the brave Muhammad Alí was appointed to the conquest of Rai Vellore, he was afterwards superceded by the Prince Tippoo, who was employed on the same command; and they together, in attacking the hills and the fort, employed every art, and made every effort. Colonel Lang, however, who commanded there, was a brave man, and a soldier of great experience, and he defended and maintained all three of the Hill forts, that is Sajira, Gojira, and Mortuza Gurh, with the fort at the foot of the hills; nor did he suffer doubt or fear to enter his heart, but defended his charge valiantly.
The brave Commandant, (Muhammad Alí,) assaulted the batteries on the Sajira Hill, two or three times; but, as fate or the time demanded, returned unsuccessful, and received no thanks for his labours. As this siege was difficult, and without a large force, and great energy, could not arrive at a successful result, Tippoo wrote in detail to the presence, on the subject. On hearing that the Colonel of Rai Vellore, had a stout heart, and that he was not likely to be soon or easily conquered, and seeing that it was far from prudent to allow his troops, the ornaments of the field of battle, to be destroyed in a difficult, impenetrable, country, amidst forests and mountains, the Nawaub recalled the Prince, and the brave Commandant, to the presence; leaving a thousand foot, and three hundred horse, to maintain the siege or blockade, and to prevent all relief, or supplies of provisions, from entering the fort.
Hydur then detached numerous bodies of horse and foot, under the command of experienced Bukhshees, to subdue the southern part of the territory of Arkat. As, for instance, Rustum Alí Khan, Farooki, with a thousand horse, two thousand foot, and one Risala of regular infantry, was sent to take the Hill fort of Jinjee; and Roshun Khan Dustadár, with two thousand foot, one Risala of regular infantry, a thousand horse, and three guns, was appointed to reduce the Hill fort of Purmokul,x and marched in that direction. The commander of the latter fort was an English officer, named Captain Joseph; he had a garrison of about two hundred men under his orders, and, having put the mountain or fort into a state of defence, he remained in readiness. Roshun Khan encamped to the westward of the fort, and, having surrounded it with cavalry, despatched a message to the Commandant of the fort, requesting him to give it up, and adding that, in reward of his obedience to this summons, the presence, (Hydur), would be entreated to give him the command of a body of troops, similar to those of Monsieur Lalli. The officer in the fort, however, refused to listen to his propositions, and began to defend himself.— The Dustadár, therefore, gave orders that the infantry should cross to the northwardy of the fort, to an adjoining hill; and, after arriving there they attacked and plundered the village upon it, and remained on the spot. To the southward, also, is a hill, at a short distance, which, in old time, was fortified with a wall and towers, and called Chumar Tekri; but, at that time it was in ruins. At the foot or on the slope of this hill was likewise a tank, the dyke or mound of which being cut through, guns were brought up, and directions given to breach from thence the walls of the fort. Yet, with all this exertion, the garrison was not reduced; but, on the contrary, frequently sallied forth and attacked the batteries, and drove the besiegers out of them. The chief officers of the victorious army not being careful, the besiegers also several times attacked the hill, and were put to flight.
At length, however, the Khan before mentioned, put forth the hand of oppression and violence, and seized the women belonging to the garrison of the fort, who had sought refuge in the towns and villages which had fallen under the authority of Hydur’s officers; and, making them prisoners, caused them to be dragged to his camp, where they were confined. By these women he despatched messages to their husbands and brothers in the fort, detailing their capture and dishonour by Hydur’s soldiers; but, nevertheless, the garrison, attached by the kindness and indulgence of the commanding officer in the fort, considered the cruel and shameful violation of their women as of less moment than the breach of their fidelity and loyalty, and took not the least notice of the messages.
Rustum Khan, who had proceeded with a large body of troops to Jinjee, subdued in one week, without fighting, all the Hill forts there, namely Kishen Gurh, Chuneidgurh, and Raj Gurh, which last is the Chief of all these mountains; and, resembling a single mill-stone, it raises its head on high, and is indeed a place of peculiar strength. He also subdued Bander Bundeh, and Dhoby Bundeh, which are close to each other;— also Kalakote, the fort, at the foot of the mountain, the garrison, an European officer, and a certain Syud Mohi-ud-dín the Walajah (or Arkat) Killadár, being taken prisoners. These persons being placed under a guard, he next marched towards Turnamul, Sulufgurh, &c.
The victorious Prince,z with a large force, artillery, and stores, was now despatched from the presence, to reduce Pooloor, Kurnatic Gurh, Tyaggurh, and Rawut Nellore, &c. Proceeding by rapid marches, by the road of Dhoby Gurh, Alí Abad, Bagmar, Peenth and Pooloor, he arrived at the fort of Karnatic Gurh, the height of which reaches the heavens, and which has no equal among the forts of the Karnatic for strength and command. He encamped on the plain before it, taking possession of the foot of the mountain, and posting musketeers and archers in the vicinity of the pass there over the mountains. The next day, although several shot were fired from the guns below to the top of the mountain, yet, from the great height of the fort, lofty as the clouds, no injury was done to the walls. Two or three days having passed in this way, on the fourth, the Prince, who had a number of prisoners in his camp from Arkat, despatched some of them to apprize the besieged of the taking of Arkat, the destruction of the English army, the impossibility of their receiving reinforcement, or aid, and the orders, that no quarter should be given to the besieged, but all be put to death. When these messengers, therefore, climbed up the mountain, and arrived at the gate of the fort, they detailed each of the events that had taken place, as the retirement of Muhammad Alí Khan to a place of refuge, the destruction of the English troops, and the conquest of Arkat, and then tried to frighten the garrison, by advising them to be very speedy in surrendering the fort to the noble Prince, and not, by waiting for an assault, throw their lives away for nothing; for, that the Prince had actually given orders that the whole of them should be put to the sword.
On hearing these fear-exciting statements, the people of the fort gave up their confidence and courage, and imagining it beyond their strength to make effectual opposition, the Killadár and Commandant of the troops were obliged to request permission to deliver up the fort, on condition of the safety of their lives, properties, and the honour of their women being assured to them. The Prince, who was anxiously looking out for such a prize, immediately sent them a Kowl Nama, or an assurance of safety, and what they asked was accorded to them, and the whole of the garrison was received under his protection.a
The fort was then placed under a man of ability, with a garrison of veterans, and the Prince moved on. In a short time, therefore, the whole of that district was conquered. The Hill fort of Rawut Nellore was taken in two days, and the Prince then turned the head of his fiery steed towards the conquest of Tyag Gurh. The Killadár or Commander there, an English officer, who had with him two hundred musketeers, exerted himself bravely, in opposing and resisting his enemies. The Prince encamped his troops on a tank, west of the hill, and at night, and at the first assault, took the suburbs,— he then constructed batteries and ordered the attack of the fort. The officers and men of the regular and irregular infantry, (artillery), now battered the walls, and threw shells for twenty-eight days successively, and the ramparts being breached, they made themselves ready for the assault, when, by accident, the water in the reservoir of the mountain became dry as the heart of the poor, and not even mud remained. Although the officer in command of the fort, had abundance of provisions and warlike stores, yet, being without water, which is the stay of life, and by which it is bound or kept together, he saw that his only resource was to resign the fort to the servants of Hydur. He, therefore, sent propositions to the Prince, requesting him to desist that night from the attack, and that, next morning, he would surrender the fort into the hands of his agents. The Lion-hearted Prince, whose disposition was mild as that of an antelope, looking kindly on his entreaty, gave orders to his artillery men to cease firing, or throwing shells into the fort; his feelings of compassion being excited for the poor garrison. The guards, however, remained as they were in the batteries.
By chance, on the same night the blessed rain fell out of season, and in such abundance that the reservoir above mentioned, and other pools of the mountain, became, like the eyes of a despairing lover, full of water. After the night had passed, and day had displayed the rosy banners of the sun on the towers of the east, the officer commanding in the fort, putting on the cocked hat of conceit,b with a desire to show himself valiant, and casting the dust of inexperience on the forehead of his contract, opened a fire from the guns of the fort on the batteries. By this faithless conduct the Prince was inflamed with anger, and gave strict orders to take the fort. The artillery men, therefore, by firing the guns continually, shook the hill and foundations of the fort to that degree, that, in one day, the reservoir became again, like the faces of the false, without water;c and, notwithstanding the officer in the fort was ashamed of his misconduct, and with great submission, and crying entreaty,d despatched messengers of peace to the batteries, no attention was paid to his words. The same night, therefore, agreeably to orders, Tippoo’s brave soldiers assaulted the fort, and poured the sherbet of blood down the thirsty throats of most of the garrison; and many guiltless persons were put to death. The officer was taken alive.e In short, in the space of two months, the whole of the forts and towns of that quarter, as Durwachul, Selimbur, Vinkuta Peeth, Bhoongiri, &c. being taken, were handed over to the charge of confidential officers; and, with his Khans, and other men of rank, the Prince returned to his father’s camp.
The arrival of General Coote, a very able officer, at Madras from Bengal, and a description of the battle of Muhammad Bunder, and the death of Meer Alí Ruza Khan. Also, the march of the victorious army towards Tanjore and Nuthurnuggur,f and the victories then gained; being the year 1195, Hijri, 1780.
AN English officer of rank, named General Coote, who was unequalled among his compeers in ability, and experience in war, and who had frequently fought with the French of Phoolcheri, (Pondicherry) in the Karnatic, and by his military knowledge and talents had as often gained the victory over them, had lately returned to England: but at that time the country of Bengal being a new conquest, and requiring regulation and settlement, he was ordered from England,g that he might himself carry the necessary arrangements into effect. Hearing, however, of the march of the Nawaub’s army to the conquest of the Karnatic, the taking of Arkat, and most of the other forts, and the defeat of the English troops, through the pride and insolence of young officers,h this commander postponed till a future time the regulation of affairs in Bengal, and with six hundred Europeans, and two battalions of Bengal Sipahees, embarked on swift sailing ships, and with all expedition arrived at Madras. On the following day, he visited Muhammad Alí Khan, Surájuddowla, who had left Turmul Ghurri, or Gurhi, and now resided in the Motial Peenth, and asked him “What have you done with your troops?” Muhammad Alí replied, “I have been deceived in putting too much reliance in the aid of your troops; and, in consequence, have fallen in rank and respectability. The reason of this is, that certain English gentlemen strongly asserted and insisted, that one European or man of their country was equal to twenty men of this country, that is, of my servants, as had been often seen, and why should money be thrown away in employing such useless men? Relying on deceiving words like these, I have disbanded my troops, and their monthly pay I hand over to you, and consequently I expect you to provide for my defence.” The General smiled at hearing this story, and said, “Some wag has told you this out of fun or in a joke; but it is necessary that princes should maintain forces and state,i to the extent of their means, otherwise they may soon expect to become beggars.”
In fine, Surájuddowla, repenting of what he had done, hid the face of shame in the hood of patience, and assembling two or three thousand musketeers, three hundred troop, or regular horse, and two hundred dismounted cavalry, the worthy or appropriatek force of his state, and taking the horses of his own stables, and the riding horses of his sons and relations, he handed them over to the General for service. The whole of the carriage oxen of the merchants, and citizens, were also borrowed to draw the guns, and two lakhs (200,000) of Hoons or pagodasl in specie, which he had in the treasury, were presented to pay for the carriage of the baggage of the army.
Determining to chastise the brave soldiers of the Nawaub, the General now, by prudent management, gradually restored the confidence of the before frightened, dismayed army, and encamped with them in the plain of Frengi Koh,m (the French rocks,) where he expended hundreds of thousands of poundsn from the (E. I.) Company’s treasury, and for three months occupied himself in disciplining his troops, enlisting recruits, and collecting provisions, (ships continually arriving from Bengal laden with corn), and procuring military stores, ammunition, and artillery. To convey his ammunition, tents, &c. he sent for bullocks from the Wankul and Neeloor districts, which had not yet been ravaged by the fury of the Kuzzaks, or trodden under the hoofs of the plundering cavalry. After he had thus completed all his arrangements, he marched forward by the route of Choongul Peeth (Chingleput), but with great care and caution. The Nawaub, on hearing this news despatched his horse in front, under the command of Sidi Hillal, and Gholaum Alí Khan, Bukhshi, to surround and harrass the army of the General, and himself followed from Arkat.
In this time, the General attacked the fort of Girgit Paleh, which was garrisoned by the Nawaub’s troops; and, surrounding it before day break, by the means of ropes and ladders, his men mounted the walls, and, with musketry and the bayonet, killed all those who manned the bastions. After the commandant had gallantly defended the fort for an hour, and had drank of the cup of martyrdom, the General, being the conqueror, divided the stores found in the fort among his own troops, and marched on, and that day encamped in the neighbourhood of Achurwakum. Roshun Khan, Dustadár, who was employed in the siege of Purmokul Gurh,o and Rustum Alí Khan Farooki, who also had afterwards been appointed to take that hill fort, having, notwithstanding their great exertions, failed to reduce the garrison, now left their batteries as they were, behind them, and joined the Nawaub’s army. The next day the English General marched, and, under cover of the hills and forests, arrived at Purmokul, where he conferred high honours on the brave officer who commanded there; and, taking him with the army, he left another officer in charge of that mountain fort. The next day the General proceeded on the road to Phoolcheri; (Pondicheri); but, although the victorious troops (Hydur’s,) surrounded and attacked on all sides the English army on its march, and considered whatever baggage remained in the rear as their own property, no field was found qualified for an open fight. Having reached Phoolcheri, the General obtained grain and provisions from the mercenary French merchants of that place, on paying for the same; and thence marched to Kootoor, where he arrived safe, and encamped before the castle or fort, and sent for his supplies of grain and warlike stores by sea from Madras, Mutchliputtun, (Musulipatam) &c.
For the distance of two fursungs round the fort, the Nawaub had raised batteries, and mounted cannon on them, and was prepared for action. As, however, the General, had taken up his position, he kept his own ground of encampment; and, pretending the sleep of the hare, appeared occupied with the internal regulation of his troops and as having no intention either to fight, or to make peace. Leaving, therefore, Meer Alí Ruza Khan with his force, Sidi Hilal with five thousand horse, and Ghazi Khan, with other officers, to make head against the General, he himself, with the whole of his troops and artillery, &c., marched towards Mahmood Bundur,p and the forts in that direction, and despatched the Prince Tippoo (Walakudr) with seven thousand horse, four thousand regular and irregular foot, and five guns, towards Tujawur and Nuthurnuggur.q With this force, the Prince Tippoo boldly advanced into the country of Tujawur. His soldiers, brave as Roostum, in obedience to his orders, plundered and destroyed the environs of that town, which in population and fertility, may be called equal to Kashmere: the whole of the waters of the rivers Kavari and Kaverum being employed for irrigationr in the same districts, and therefore not suffered to reach the sea. The habitations and idol temples of that country, which threw shame on the best paintings of China, and resembled the beauties of Paradise, they levelled with the ground, and, setting fire to most of the houses, shops, and bazaars, they laid waste the whole of the country. Verses. “They set the country in a blaze;”— “they took the lock or latch, and set fire to the door.”— “By the hoofs of the Islám horse,”— “plains and mountains were rendered undistinguishable.” Sacks upon sacks of corn, herd upon herd of cattle, flocks of sheep and goats, with other articles considered worthy the notice of Hydur were sent to him. The forts of Turkat Pilly and Shagota, attached or belonging to that Souba, were repaired and strengthened, and having appointed a body of troops to that quarter, the Prince now spurred the steed of his plans and projects towards Nuthurnuggur. Having appointed Amils, independent Killadárs, and large garrisons,to the forts of Alianoor and Dyar Paleh, he marched from that place by night, and plundered Seerung, and Jhumgiri, ancient temples, seated between the waters of the Kaveri and Kaverum held in great veneration by the Hindoos, and the gazes and delight of the world. Verses.— “The temples of sculptured stone, the images fair and lovely,” “the girls, loving and wanton, beauties deceiving the heart.”t The Kuzzaks here were allowed to keep all plunder; and the brave fellows therefore fearlessly plunged their horses into the river, as if they had been dying for a drop of cold water, and, crossing over the stream, put forth their hands to pillage, and a great quantity of gold, jewels and articles of value fell into their possession; as much, indeed, as they desired. The young men, fond of beauty and enjoyment, obtained lovely virgins and slave girls, of the Brahmun caste, and Bayaderes, beautiful as the moon, arrayed with ornaments of gold and jewels, to their hearts desire, and warmed themselves thoroughly in the arms of beauty. Of the whole of the plunder taken, one fourth was returned to the Sirkar. The next day, the Prince, worthy a crown,u crossed both the rivers, and marched towards Kalicote, which lies six fursungs to the eastward of the fort of Trichinopoly; the Nawaub himself with his whole army, and artillery, also marched in the same direction. On the road thither, therefore, the Prince met his father, and, having kissed the border of his carpet, presented him with a list of the plundered property, and, having deposited the articles in the treasury, received great commendation.
With the intention to reduce as many of the Purgunas, and towns, of that country under his own authority as he possibly could, the Nawaub marched to Trichinopoly, and despatched his horse in front. Surrounding the fort early in the morning, the Kuzzaks, or predatory horse, advanced to the ditch, and made prisoners of many of the women and children of the poor people, and, after killing some few men, they returned. At this time, an officer, named Mr. Hall,v who was exercising recruits opposite the gate followed the Nawaub’s horse with six hundred fine young men, and two light guns (gallopers), and, firing as they moved on, drove the horse before him and his party. This body of men was accompanied by thousands of spectators from the town. The horse, retiring step by step, and waiting for a favourable opportutunity to charge, took the road to Churgul Paleh, which lies to the eastward of the fort, at the distance of about one measured fursung, (near four miles); the Nawaub himself, however, before this time, had arrived and halted there, with the whole of his matchlock men and the artillery. When the officer before-mentioned, therefore, saw the horse running away from him, he still followed; and, advancing, approached and halted within the distance of a cannon shot. At this time, the Kuzzaks came quickly to the right about,w and with swords drawn, and their lances quivering, gallopped on to charge the body of infantry; and the officer, still deceived, keeping his guns in front, and firing as he advanced, moved on to meet them. No sooner, however, had they arrived at the plain of the Paleh above-mentioned, and halted there, on a rising ground, when, according to the Nawaub’s orders, on one side the Ihshám, (irregular infantry), blood-drinkers, and the Risalas (regiments) of musketeers, assailed them, and, with arrows and musketry, swept away these rash men from the field of existence. On the other side, the cavalry gallopingx forward, charged them; and, although the officer kept his men in the best position and order, yet, from the shouting and noise of the foolish spectators, who had crept into his ranks, he had no room to fire a volley, so that, in despair, he struck the hand of his rashness on the ground of desperation, and the recruits, smitten with terror, threw away their arms, and plunged into a marsh covered by crops of rice,y where they stuck fast. In a short time, therefore, the horse with swords and arrows, the foot with javelins and maces, and the musketeers with their bayonets, slew them every one; and the plain was more stained with the blood of their enemies than is the many coloured face of the heavens. It happened that the officer who commanded the detachment put his horse to its speed, that he might not fall into the hands of Hydur’s (Gházies) brave soldiers; but one of the Nawaub’s horsemen, whose name was Alí Nowaz, taking the lead of the rest, made a cut at his head with his sword. By chance, the sweep of the sword only reached his hair, which was cut off, but his head remained uninjured, and he escaped into the fort of Trichinopoly.
A few of the men, spared by the sword, were made prisoners; and those, with the arms and artillery taken, were presented to the Nawaub, who, ordering the heads of the slain to be cut off, and packed in twenty large baskets, sent them into the fort to frighten the garrison, with a message, directing them to give up the fort to his officers immediately, otherwise he would soon cut off their heads in the same manner. Considering this town of Paleh as a place of victory, or good fortune, he pitched his tents and displayed his victorious standards there. The Prince, with the troops belonging to Monsieur Lalli, was appointed to the western side of the fort (of Trichinopoly); and, after the labour of two or three days, the materials for the batteries and the assault, such as ladders, fascines, and bundles of straw, to fill up the ditch, were collected.
Colonel Lickson, (Nixon), Shadi Khan, the Collector of the Revenue there, and Mr. Hall, however, were almost without resource, for want of troops, as they had not more than two or three hundred men with them; but to supply this deficiency, they gathered together all the people of the city, Hindoo and Mussulman, took them into daily and monthly pay, and appointed the blacksmiths and goldsmiths to the duties of the artillery, and placed them in great numbers, for show, in the towers and bastions. The Poligar of Turwur Paleh, also, with two hundred foot, having strengthened the gates of the fort, remained in readiness to defend them.
When the Nawaub had obtained the materials for the siege, and assault, by the road of Churgul Paleh, and had piled them up in heaps near the gate; and the Prince, also, from the Waroor Paleh side, had collected and piled up materials to a great amount, near the Durgah or tomb, of Nuthur Wulli,z Surmusti Kinaani, and, had resolved at night to attempt the capture of the fort; letters to the presence unexpectedly arrived, from Meer Alí Ruza Khan, and other officers, stating, that General Coote, with a well appointed force, had left Kodaloor, (Cuddalore), and was marching to Mahmood Bundur, (Porto Novo), and that, if the Nawaub would march that way with his valiant army, he might soon and easily do away with his enemies. The Nawaub, on hearing this, decamped without a moment’s delay, and made a forced march with the whole of his army and artillery; and the Prince, after setting fire to the materials for forming the batteries, followed as quickly as he was able.
When the General, (Coote), left his encampment and his advanced guard, which, in the technical language of the English, is called picquet,a had arrived in the neighbourhood of Bagoor, Sidi Hillal, the Bukhshi, charged that body with his cavalry, and, they actively employing their bows, spears, and swords, a severe action followed; and, on both sides, many of the bravest men were slain. Fate decided, also, that the Bukhshi, Sidi Hillal, should be sent to Paradise, by a shot from a musket and a bayonet wound. On the same day, Lal Khan the Kayim Khani, deviated from the road of honour, and followed the path of treachery and ingratitude; that is to say, he deserted with his Risala of horse, and joined the General’s army. General Coote marched straight from this place to Mahmood Bundur, and that day encamped there. At night, he made an attack on Selimbur, (commonly called Chillambrum.) The Killadár, or officer commanding in that fort, whose name was Yousuf Khan, was, however, a brave soldier, and, with three hundred men, defended the fort gallantly; and, by a continual shower of musket balls, rockets and shells, he so effectually beat off the assailants, that between two and three hundred of the English army lost their lives, without any advantage gained. The General, therefore, submitting to the exigencies of the time, returned to Mahmood Bundur, without effecting his purpose; and scarcely had he returned when, behold! the Nawaub arrived, treading on his heels, and took possession of the head of the route, shutting up on all sides the paths of safety.b To that end, also, he posted his guns on the sand hills, which lie scattered on the sea shore, like little mountains, and gave orders to open their fire. The General, meanwhile, in order to ascertain the Nawaub’s plans, ranged his troops and guns in lines on the beach, placing the whole of his followers and baggage near the waves of the sea; and, keeping the eye of hope on what the agents of fate might bring forth from the womb of time, waited for opportunities to commence the action. The Nawaub, also, under cover of the sand hills, sat in his golden chair, like the world-conquering sun, alone, (without an equal,) and closely watched the movements, of both armies. Meer Alí Ruza Khan was appointed to act on the rear of the English army, and the Prince and Monsieur Lalli, with a very large body of troops, were stationed to block up their retreat or passage. The Risalas or regiments of the gallant Commandant, Syud Humeed, Shaikh Oonsur, Shaikh Omr, &c. formed the advanced guard, and now received strict orders to attack and destroy their enemies. The matchlock and artillery men, without pity,c by their fire, burned the heads and breasts of those who were advancing, or taking up their ground. The rocketeers, according to the orders they had received, each man taking post behind the Kewra (Spikenard) trees, of which many grew in the neighbourhood, fired their rockets among the followers and baggage of the English; and the poor people, frightened, were thrown into the utmost confusion. The flames of war thus blazed high, until mid-day, and on every side lay heaps of dead.
The General had borne, with much patience, the loss of a great many of his soldiers and followers, when twod ships arrived from Kodaloor, and anchored opposite his army. He now therefore arose, forthwith, and, with his troops formed in excellent order, marched straight to the spot where the Nawaub himself had taken his station; and, notwithstanding the horse and foot, and the Risalas of regular infantry, strove to impede, and arrest his advance, they could not withstand the vigour of his charge, but fled before him, and, by the constant discharge of English shot, most of their bravest men were killed and wounded. On becoming acquainted with the intrepidity of his enemies, and the useless destruction of God’s creatures being contrary to his principles, the Nawaub gave orders that the guns should be withdrawn to the rear, and that the troops should occupy the plain, in as wide or open an order as possible, and they anxious to preserve their fame, did as they were ordered. At this moment Meer Alí Ruza Khan was galloping, at the head of his cavalry, along the beach, intending by an attack on the troops and followers of the English army to throw them into confusion, when, of a sudden, a shot from a cannon on board of one of the ships struck him and broke the arm of his valour, and threw him off his horse. His astonished attendants, with cries of grief and consternation, assembled round their master, and, placing him in a Palkee, carried him to the presence. The Nawaub, on seeing his condition, was struck with grief and compassion; but, in respect to the exigencies of the time, he bore his loss with patience and constancy, and did not even bend his eyebrow at the sight, but lifting up the curtain of the Palkee, with his own hand, he saw that the eagle of his (Alí Ruza’s) soul, at one flight,e had winged its way to the gardens of Paradise. They, therefore, immediately put him into a coffin,f and sent it off to Gurum Koonda. The whole of the troops of Meer Alí Ruza, his treasure and valuables, horses and elephants, according to the inventories, were handed over by the Nawaub to the Prince Tippoo, (Walukudr), who was his own sister’s son. Kumr-ud-dín Khan, the son of Meer Alí Ruza Khan, who had arrived at years of discretion, and, although the son of a ladyg of his Hurum, was a very worthy young man, and endowed with the best qualities of an officer, was sent for to the presence; and Hydur, passing his hand over his head, presented him with a dress of mourning, and renewed to him the honours and distinctions of his father, as kettle-drums, elephants, the umari, &c. and that he might be well educated, or brought up, put his hand into the hand of the Prince.
On that day, therefore, on which occurred a great defeat and dispersion of the victorious troops, Hydur, seeing no advantage in continuing the action, turned his line of march towards Vinkuta Peenth, and the bodies of the slain of his army were consigned to the earth, and the wounded, placed in Doolies and on cots,h were sent to Arkat. Syud Sáhib was despatched from the same ground of encampment, with his own Dusta and a party of foot soldiers, to conquer the country of Tanjore, (or as it is written, Tujawur), and Nuthurnuggur.
The General, having conquered in this battle, again returned to Phoolcheri, (Pondicheri), and from that place, by the route of Purmokul Gurh, and Chungul Peenth,i entered his station at the French Mountains;j but at no place did he halt more than one or two days. The sanguinary Kuzzaks, however, in the mean time, attacked and harassed the English army on all sides, and by their exploits effaced the memory of those of Roostum and Isfendiar. The Nawaub now also left his encampment, and, marching by the route of Turwadi and Beelpoor, encamped at Tondivellum. It happened that some of the Nawaub’s stable horse, going near Purmokul Gurh, for grass and wood, entered a garden about one fursung from the fort, and began collecting forage there. The officer, who commanded in the fort, espying them from the top of the mountain, despatched a Jamadár, with a party of infantry, to attack them, and the Jamadár advancing to the garden, under cover of the tank, belonging to the town, arrived there and commenced a fire to disperse them. Being surprised and unprepared, at the sound of the discharge, the horse fell into confusion; some left their horses and escaped, and some, without obtaining any thing, lost their lives. The aforesaid Jamadár, therefore, seized the horses of the Nawaub’s men, and returned to the mountain.
The Chiefk or staff-officers of the army apprised the Nawaub of this occurrence, stating that in that neighbourhood was a Hill fort, which had not yet been reduced by his troops, and that the officer commanding there attacked unnecessarily both the peasantry and the soldiers of the army, and that, on that day, he had seized several horses of the Paigah, after killing their riders. On hearing this, the fire of Hydur’s rage burned furiously, and he immediately ordered his army to assault and take the fort. He himself, left his encampment, and took his station on the ground formerly occupied by Roshun Khan. His brave officers now crowded round from all parts, and enclosed the Hill fort, like a dot in the centre of a circle; the Prince and Monsieur Lalli, ran trenches or the sapl from the rear of the mountain, and the artillery were placed in battery to breach the fort. The foot soldiers, in the mean time, notwithstanding the shot showered fast upon them, and a number of lives were sacrificed, ascended the hill, under cover of the rocks, and established themselves at the foot of the walls. Although the fort was garrisoned by three hundred men, with abundant stores and provisions, yet the Commandant, smitten with the beauty of one of the courtezans of the town, was in all matters desirous to avoid giving her pain or uneasiness; but, when he saw her readiness and importunity to make peace, or give up the fort, he the first day renounced her love, and determined to plant his foot in the field of manhood, and defend his charge. After that, however, her obstinacy exceeding all bounds, the woman wantonly placing the hand of pertinacity on the garment of his love, and shedding tears, said, “If you are determined to fight, first kill me.” Some other persons, also, being in league with her in this plan, and the disposition of the officer being mild, he consented to surrender. The Soubadárm of the garrison, however, whose name was Abdul Kadur, took the command of the fort on his own responsibility, and defended it six days; but, being killed by a musket shot on the seventh day, the walls of the fort being much shattered and beat down, courage deserted the garrison, and the commanding officer submitted to the Nawaub, and surrendered the place to his agents. The Nawaub immediately placed it in charge of his most faithful servants, and, giving them orders to repair the works, marched towards Wandiwash.
It is proper to mention here, that the General, hearing of the siege of Purmokul Gurh, despatched two Risalas or battalions of infantry, with a convoy of provisions and ammunition, to reinforce the garrison. This body of troops had arrived in the vicinity of Achur Wakum, when they became aware of the conquest of Purmokul, and, stealing a march by night, they entered the fort of Wandiwash,n and, strengthening the fort, remained there. But, although the circuit of the fort was previously blockaded, or in a state of siege, and the Nawaub himself, for three or four days, had formed his plans to reduce it, and several fearful assaults had been already made, still, as certain state affairs of the utmost importance pressed on his mind, the Nawaub, after he had well tried and ascertained that the Commandant of the fort had a stout heart, and, was a man of great skill and experience, appointed Monsieur Lalli, Syud Humeed, and Shaikh Oonsur, to take the fort, and he himself proceeded to Arkat. The Frenchmen and other officers having raised their batteries on all sides, and mounted guns in them, began to batter the walls of the fort, so that, in a short time, they were beaten down, and many furious assaults were made; but, in spite of all their exertions, the officer commanding in the fort did not allow his heart to fail him, and fought valiantly, being uniformly successful in beating off his assailants.
In this state of affairs, Monsieur Lalli seeing that the siege had been protracted to a considerable length, and that no success had followed their attacks, and also that the officer defending the fort was a man of consummate experience, consulted with the other officers, and determined on the following plan:— viz. that a body of their troops should be arrayed as English soldiers, and separated from their army, and at night sent to the distance of one stage, by the route of Girgut Paleh and Choongul Peenth;o and that a French officer, who understood the English language, and could read and write English perfectly well, should be appointed with these troops. This plan was carried into effect, and Lalli himself enjoined the officer to do his best in deceiving the Commandant of the fort, and then sent him and his detachment off in the manner above described. In pursuance of this scheme, the French officer wrote a letter to the Killadár or Commandant of the fort, purporting that he was appointed, with a large force from Madras, to convey supplies to the garrison, and to aid them against Hydur; that he would be there soon, and that the Killadár should be on the alert, for that on the morrow, at about eight o’clock in the morning, he would enter the fort, and attack the enemy. When the letter, which was taken by a pair of Hurkaras, (letter carriers,) was received by the commanding officer, although the receipt of the letter gave him pleasure, and the reading of its contents made him smile, still, the name or signature appended to it surprised and threw him into doubt and suspicion; for he knew that the officer named had been deputed to Sikakole (Chicacole) and Gunjam, to collect grain and gun-bullocks. This was well known to the Commander of the fort, and, therefore, after much consideration, he surmised— for “good sense is half a miracle”p— that this most likely was a ruse or deception of Monsieur Lalli’s. Nevertheless, he was still undecided what to think, when, the next day a sharp fire of musketry and the roar of artillery were heard from the road indicated by the despatch of the day before. The Killadár or officer, hearing this, took up his telescope, and looking out sharply, saw two bodies of troops close together, firing at each other; but, with all their firing, no signs of wounded men, could be descried by the telescope; on the contrary, it appeared merely the sound of powder without ball. This cleared away the officer’s doubts, and the beautiful image of truthq unveiled her radiant face to him, and he became certain that treachery was intended. He, therefore, collected the garrison on the same side of the fort, loaded all his guns with grapeshot, and kept them in readiness. By this time the false reinforcement had arrived near at hand, and the officer in command of them sent a message, by a Hurkaru, that, thank God, he had arrived safe, and that he requested the gate of the fort might be thrown open, that he and his men might enter, and that they might converse with each other, and dine together.— The Killadár, in reply, intimated that it would be advisable for him to halt his men for an hour or two on the Glacis, that is, outside the ditch, until the gate could be opened; for, that a strong wall had been built behind it, which it would take some time to break down, and therefore, in the meanwhile, they had better rest themselves. When the false reinforcement reached and halted on the brink of the ditch, the Commandant of the fort mounted a bastion, and having carefully examined the movements of the new comers, the cut of their beards and moustaches, &c., immediately gave orders to his artillery men and musketeers to open their fire. This cannonade soon beat the vapour of folly and the affectation of valour out of their empty heads!— A terrible blow thus fell on the officer and his men, who, not finding time to take up their arms and baggage, escaped to camp with their lives only. In fine, the officer in the fort, with great penetration, saw and avoided the snare laid for him, and thus gained a victory. When the Nawaub heard of the bad management of the siege, and of the defeat of his troops, he was exceedingly angry, and immediately ordered the Frenchman to the presence; the other officers also were recalled with their troops, but the fort still continued to be surrounded or blockaded by the cavalry.
An account of the arrival of Troops from Bengal at the Port of Madras, and a description of the Battle in the vicinity of Sool Nuggur. Also, the relief of the Fort of Rai Vellore, by General Coote, with great difficulty; the Battle of Arnee; and the attack and overthrow of a body of English troops, by the Prince Tippoo, in the neighbourhood of Puna Nelloor, a dependency of the Souba of Tujavur (Tanjore;) with other events of the year 1196, Hijri.— A. D. 1781-2.
WHEN General Coote, after the battle of Mahmood Bundur, (Porto Novo,) returned to Madras, a Colonel, that is, an officer of high rank, arrived from Bengal, with five battalions of regular infantry, and two regiments of Europeans, with military stores, bullocks to draw the artillery, treasure, and sixty or seventy vessels, laden with grain. The General, at the arrival of these reinforcements, showed himself well pleased, and in congratulation saluted them with his guns. In about two months, therefore, his army was restored to condition, and taking one of the sons of Muhammad Alí Khan, Suráj-ud-dowla, named Syfe ul Moolk, with him, he moved towards Turvaloor-i-Tahir Khaní, like a tiger looking out for his prey, with the intention of re-victualling the garrison of the fort of Rai Vellore. The Nawaub’s scouts informed him of the march of the General, while he was encamped at Dysoor and Walpundul, and he, therefore, marched with his troops and artillery, by the route of Gundapoor, otherwise called Kauveri Pauk, to that quarter. The General, however, before he met the Nawaub’s army, made night marches, from Trivalore to the vicinity of Sool Nuggur, a town on the road of the hilly country of Naglapoor; and about the same distance as Arkat to the northward, and there he encamped. No sooner had he done this, than he found his camp surrounded by the Nawaub’s horse, and a sharp skirmish ensued.
The next day, when the lion of the heavens at one leap or bound had scatteredr the starry host, like a flock of sheep; and had risen from the plains of the east, with his jaws and claws stained with blood, the General left his ground, and advanced to an extensive plain. He had scarcely reached it, before the Nawaub’s cavalry with horses as swift as the wind, attacked him on all sides, and, giving up all consideration either of their lives, or those of others, surrounded the General’s troops in close combat— and to what extent did they not exert their valour! The Nawaub himself, with his artillery, took up a position on a high ground on the General’s route, and lighted up the fire of war in his front. On the right flank, the Prince determined to imitate in his attack the Battles of the last day, and a total dispersion of the troops, followers, and baggage, of the rear guard,t ensued; and, at one charge, thousands of men and women passed under the edge of the sword, perished by the arrow, and musket ball; or were put to flight. The officers of the musketeers, and Ahshám, or irregular foot, with the breath of the musket, and rocket, lit up the fire of battle and slaughter, and many were uselessly burned, and many drowned in a river of their own blood. In fact, a great multitude of officers and men, on both sides, slept on the field of death. The army of the General in this action received a severe blow; a cannon ball from one of the Nawaub’s guns having broken the leg of Colonel Stuart, and thereby caused the commander a deep affliction; but, more than this, another shot also struck the horse of Syfe ul Moolk, by which he Syfe ul Moolk was thrown on the ground, and his braveu heart split in twain. In short, it went very near that the stone of defeat and dispersion would fall among the troops of the General, when gloomy night suddenly arrived, and cast a veil of darkness over the world, and closed the contest of the two fierce lions.
The General brought that night to an end with a hundred anxieties and sorrows, and, in the morning marchedv in good order from that ground, and without halting or delay in any place, returned to the neighbourhood of Trivalore. Syfe ul Moolk, an effeminate young man, and inexperienced in war, and who was struck with terror by the concussion of the cannon ball, was seized with fever and ague, and was sent home safe to his father. The Poligars of Kalistri and Vinkut Giri, who had submitted, and were tributary to the Nawaub, and were in attendance on him, now, seeing the expedition likely to be attended with an unfavorable issue, and that the war between the two parties was not likely to come to an early conclusion, quitted the Nawaub, with their troops, and joined the General, taking no account of the Nizám, the lord of their possessions.w The Nawaub, after the General had arrived at Trivalore, left his ground, and encamped near Kinchi, where there was plenty of water and forage. At this time, also, the Nawaub’s spies gave him an account of the arrival of the French fleet, bringing with them Monsieur Bussy, the commander of the French troops. Accounts likewise came of the English army, which had been collected from Trichinopoly and Tanjore, and had marched to Naug Puttun.x
It must not be concealed here, that, some time before, when the Nawaub with his army was on their march towards Tanjore, the Hollanders of Naug Puttun immediately deputed a person to wait on him, and he, having arranged and confirmed the relations of peace and friendship between them, they professed obedience, and became tributary to the Nawaub. The Nawaub, therefore, after the preliminary details of the treaty, entertained the agent with kindness; and, at a fair price, purchased from him warlike stores, that is to say, guns and muskets, with boxes on boxes of their equipments and other necessary articles, such as glass ware, &c. He also, attached a body of two thousand irregular foot to the Hollander, for his aid and protection.
When the General proceeded to Madras, and the Nawaub leaving his brave troops in the forts of Turkat Pilly, Shahgota, and the Ghaut of Muniar Koodi, followed the army of the General, and marched to this quarter,y the chief English officer at Trichinopoly and Tanjore, according to the orders given by the Governor of Madras, after proof of the insincerity of the Hollanders in furnishing warlike stores to the Nawaub, collected five or six thousand troops, and some large guns, and marched and besieged the said fort of Naug Puttun, and exerted himself to the utmost to effect its capture. But, though he professed a wish to prevent fighting, and advised the surrender of the fort, his advice was without avail, and the result was, that, giving up all care for his life, the commandant of the fort, with his own troops, and the foot soldiers sent by the Nawaub, defended himself with the greatest manliness and bravery. At that time General Monro, who, since the period of his turning aside the reins of perseverance from the neighbourhood of Ginjee,z after the defeat of the troops under Colonel Baillie, had not been employed by the East India Company in their service, but had remained at his own house, now, according to the advice and recommendation of the General, (Coote,) was put on board-ship with two hundred Europeans and proceeded to that quarter, (Negapatam); and, in the course of about ten days, after the destruction of thousands of men, on both sides, he took the fort, and with his prisoners again returned to Madras by sea,— Syud Sáhib, although he laboured with great ardour to assist and relieve the Hollanders, was unsuccessful.
Soon after this event, Colonel Burgford (intended for Brathwaite,) with four thousand regular infantry, seven guns, and some regular cavalry, left Naug Puttun, having made his own arrangements for the security of the fort; and, seeing the plain clear of Hydur’s prowling lions, he marched to Karical and Tulingawari. But the Prince, the destroyer of his enemies, having been commissioned with his invincible troops to the conquest of that country, like an arrow parting swiftly from the bow to the butt, arrived there; and encamped in the neighbourhood of those towns. There being at this time a report prevalent, that a fleet of French ships had arrived, the Colonel beforementioned came to Tanjore; and with a design to cover Kuddalore, in case the French should land there, marched on to the vicinity of Puna Nelore, (which lies to the eastward of the district of Gomkurn, and is situated on the bank of the river Kauverum,)a and encamped in a cocoa nut grove there. He had, however, no sooner arrived there, than spies carried the intelligence to the Prince, and that lion of the field of battle immediately marched, following his footsteps; and overtaking him, at night, posted his artillery round the cocoa nut grove, and remained on the alert. In the morning, when the Colonel’s drums beat the générale for the march, the Prince ordered his artillery to open their fire; and the men, in obeying, fired with such precision, that, before the Colonel’s troops had time to fall in, half their number were killed, or wounded, by the fall of the cocoa nut trees, cut down and broken by the shot. To be concise,— after the Colonel’s troops were formed, they, with their guns, came out to the plain, and, for an hour, or two, displayed much bravery; but, as there were a hundred difficulties and dangers opposed on all sides to their passage, the Colonel repented of his movement; and was plunged into the sea of anxiety and indecision, and, taking possession of an old temple, or pagoda, which was on the plain, he made that his quarters and halted there. A gentleman of the name of Sampson,b however, a cavalry officer charged the Nawaub’s Kushoon, (a brigade of Infantry,) in flank, and cut his way through them, and took the road to Tanjore. The brave horse of the Paigah,c however, followed him, and took and brought back several of his men, with their horses, and arms; Syud Ghuffar, Soubadár, was taken on that very day.— But to return, the Prince by the constant fire of his artillery knocked down the walls of the old temple, and devoted the whole of those who sought refuge in it to the sword;d not leaving one alive. Then, taking possession of their baggage and stores, he marched by Lal Peenth to Kuddalore, and had scarcely encamped in front of the fort, when a number of French ships arrived, and anchored in the roads.
The chief officer of the French now despatched a summons to the English Commandant of the fort, to surrender; and the Commandant, not being of opinion he could resist, returned to the French general a detailed statement of the stores, &c. in the fort, and, taking his receipt, evacuated the fort, and proceeded by sea in boats to Sudrung Puttun, (called by the English Sadras), a fort garrisoned by the Dutch, where they disembarked. At that time, also, two hundred men, with two guns and stores, had arrived from Choongul Peenth at that fort to besiege it; and both these detachments, therefore, formed a junction. After some negociation, the Commandant, who had no intention to fight, joined them, and they destroyed the fort, and returned to Choongul Peenth.
The French Commander-in-Chief, with his army, consisting of four or five thousand troops, all Europeans, now disembarked at Kuddalore, and the Prince, after the lapse of two days, visited him, and having renewed and strengthened the foundations of worldly friendship, said, “It is now necessary that you with your gallant army,e without fear or delay, should turn to our aid, and help us to destroy and root out our enemies, and, when that is done, each of us will then return to his own country.”— The French general, however, pleaded the discomfort and length of the sea voyage, and the want of preparation in his military equipments, as reasons for a short delay.— The Nawaub, also, hearing of the arrival of the French at Kuddalore, according to agreement, their meeting with the Prince, and his endeavour to excite them to do away with the seditious and rebellious people, (the English,) marched towards Beelpoor, when the Prince met him there, and detailed to him the delay required by the French, and other matters. The Nawaub, therefore, sent them some bullocks, to draw their guns, and some other articles of necessity, and then returned towards Arkat. In the course of the march, however, the scouts and spies from the outposts which surrounded the English army, came in, and reported that General Coote, with a very large force, exceedingly well equipped, was again marching towards Rai Vellore, under cover of the forest of Naglapoor, and the confines of the territory of Bomraj the Poligar. The Nawaub, therefore, instantly put the whole of his army in motion, for that quarter. Syud Humeed, Shaikh Oonsur, and Monsieur Lalli, with their divisions of troops, were sent to defend Arkat; while Kureem Sáhib, with four thousand horse, and two thousand foot, was despatched towards Madras, that he might shut up the road against all reinforcements and convoys proceeding to join the English army. The Nawaub himself then marched on, and, leaving the Prince in the plain near Arnee, encamped near Dhoby Gurh. During this time, the General, traversing by forced marches, high and difficult mountains and arid plains, arrived from the environs of Kulkeri at Rai Vellore, and halted there.
It is not to be omitted here, that, after the battle of Sool Nuggur, the brave Commandant, (Muhammad Alí), notwithstanding that worthy servant had committed no fault deserving punishment, was nevertheless, accused of having wilfully neglected his duty in opportunities of defeating the English. He was displaced, therefore, from his Risala, and remained in the suite of the Nawaub, with only one horse for his own riding. About this time a number of Bunjaras,f belonging to the victorious army, having with them about four or five thousand bullocks, laden with grain, were proceeding by the road of Arnee to Arkat. The English General hearing of this, despatched a body of troops across the Ghaut of Kunumbari, to follow and way lay the Bunjaras. The officer commanding this force made a forced night march, and took the whole of the bullocks and grain; the unfortunate Bunjaras being dispersed at the first volley. As soon as the Prince heard of this, he followed the captors of the grain, with a select body of horse, and recovered two or three thousand of the bullocks, by making desultory attacks on them; and, after this, having posted matchlock men, and archers, to shut up the road of the Ghauts against future incursions, he, according to the Nawaub’s orders, encamped in the neighbourhood of Chunbargurh. Still, however, he made excursionsg every day in the direction of Kylas, and Vellore,h and sought all opportunities to defeat and destroy his enemies. It happened one day, while he was thus on the watch, that, from the vicinity of Wanumbari and Amboor Gurh, supplies of provisions were advancing to the Prince’s army by the road of Pulligundah and Balinjpoor;i and the General, becoming acquainted with the advance of this convoy, detached four hundred musketeers to intercept it. When, however, this detachment had advanced two or three fursungs, tracing the route of the supplies, they had arrived safely in camp. The outlying picquets hearing of the detachment, and informing the Prince of its approach, he, like a hungry lion, sprang after them, and by his courage and by casting the terror of his sword and bow over them, took them all prisoners; and, having cut off the hands and noses of the greater part, he dismissed them.
The General now, after enjoying a month of leisure and ease, having put his troops in good condition, advanced by the route of Chunbar Gurh straight towards Dhobyj Gurh. The Nawaub, also, got his troops in readiness, and gave the command of the right and left wings, and the main body of his army, to the most honorable and faithful of his servants; and, separating his baggage and followers from his army, with a selectk body of men, strong and brave as Roostum,l and his artillery burning his enemies, remained formed for action.m
It happened, at this time, that the Nawaub was seated on his Koorsi, or chair, in a garden beneath a banyan tree, and was viewing the various evolutions of the troops, when the disgraced Commandant, who was standing among the Nawaub’s body guard, immediately climbed up the tree like a rope dancer,n and hid himself among the branches and leaves, in such a way that the Nawaub should know nothing of the matter. It chanced, at that very moment, that the fortune of the battle turned,o or was reversed, for the breeze of victory began to blow on the standards of the General; so much, indeed, that at one charge he drove all the advanced parties before him, and, rushed on straight to the garden, like a whirlwind, or hurricane, pouring forth the storm of his fury. The Nawaub, on seeing this attack, ordered his officers and the Bukhshees to draw the artillery from under the cover of the garden, and bring the guns to bear on the rearp of the General’s army; and the musketeers and archers to keep up a well directed fire and discharge from both flanks; and these orders were immediately put in execution. At this time the Nawaub sent for his horse, (a bit of lightning), to stand near him, when the Commandant called out aloud, from the top of the tree, “this is the moment for a man to show his manhood.”q The Nawaub, looking up to the top of the tree, smiled, and put off his mounting on horseback. The cavalry of the body guard and the cuirassiersr were now put in requisition, to arrest the progress of the enemy. The mighty elephants, also, armed in all ways, were drawn up along the front as a wall, while, like lions, the conquering troops plying their swords, bows, and spears, despatched a great multitude to eternity. But, in spite of this, the English troops, perfectly steady and unshaken, withstood all attacks, and with their muskets, bayonets, galloper guns, and howitzers,s raining fire, kept open the gates of death before the faces of their opponents, and made the battle-field like a rose-garden with the blood of the faithful. In this state of the contest, the Prince Tippoo, and other officers, however forcibly they represented, that this was not a place in which the Nawaub could remain; that, the English with matchless bravery, had arrived near, and that the Nawaub’s troops, after fighting hard to stop their progress were mostly killed and wounded; that, the plain was soaked with the blood of the slain on both sides; and that they now hoped the fire of Hydur’s anger, would be extinguished by the pure water of mercy; still the Nawaub, notwithstanding their entreaties and arguments, would not stir from the place, but ordered another line of musketeers, archers, and rockett or riflemen to cover the front of his position, and there he remained. The faithful servants of the Nawaub, being now without resource, thronged under the tree, and having, by signs and threats, disturbed and alarmed the brave Commandant, they induced him to come down from the tree, and with his hands tied, to fall at the feet of the Nawaub, whom he thus addressed. “Huzrut, mount your horse, this is a dangerous place, and not proper for you to remain in. Leave this deserted garden to the crows and owls,u and to-day plant your victorious standards, exalted as the sun and moon, in the plain of Arnee. Please God, to-morrow we will give our enemies such a defeat, that no one shall be able to find out what has become of them till the day of Judgment. The Nawaub after this mounted his horse and rode towards Arnee.
The truth is, that to bear the infirmities of temper of the brave man, and to allow him every encouragement, is indispensable to all kings and princes. In short, the commandant alone, from that place putting his horse to speed, charged like lightning straight into the ranks of the English troops; and, in spite of the showers of balls falling around him, he with his sharp sword having cut down a drummer and a standard bearer, notwithstanding he himself was wounded by a ball in the forehead, and had received a bayonet wound in his side, brought off the English flag, and returned to the presence, where he presented it to the servants of the Nawaub, and, in his honest plain spoken manner said, “this is a proof of what cowards can do.” As a reward for his bravery he received a thousand praises and acknowledgments, with the honours of a valuable gorget, a dress with an embroidered vest, pearl necklace, the Nawaub’s own shawls, &c. and he also raised the head of dignity, by being restored to his rankv and command in the army.
But, to return— when the Nawaub proceeded towards Arnee, and encamped there, the General encamped at Dhoby Gurh, and on the second day he marched to Alíabad. The troops of the Nawaub, however, still vigorously attacked the General’s army on all sides; and, by suddenly charging them, and plying them with rockets, they carried away strength and stability from the feet of the infidels. After the General had encamped at Alíabad, the Nawaub thought he perceived that his views lay towards the Ghaut of Chungum, and the Barh Mahl; or, that he was preparing to march to Trichinopoly, under cover of the hills and forests. He, therefore, marched from Arnee towards Bagmar Peenth, where he displayed his victorious standards, and intimated to his Kuzzaks, and rocket-men, that they should have free liberty to plunder as much as they pleased; and eager for the spoil of their enemies, they came upon the heads of the English, like a black thunder cloud, and rained a perfect storm of musketry and rockets on every side of their army. Many of the men and women from Bengal, and the Sameris,w (a low tribe from the Karnatic), with loaded camels and bullocks, were taken prisoners and made slaves. The English army was, in consequence, thrown into confusion, and sought the cover of the river Anumungalum, where they halted till the evening. In the course of the night they marched on to the front of Hydur’s outposts;x for, in the way of protection, several Risalas of Musketeers, and four or five pieces of cannon, had been posted near Arnee, to command the road. Night, however, had drawn the veil of sleep and forgetfulness over the heads and faces of their courage, when, all at once, the English made an attack, and two of the guns were taken. The battalion of Hydur Alí Beg, Risaldár, who was then advancing, met and mixed with the troops of the enemy and a furious battle followed, in which a great number of men were killed and wounded, and the remainder drew themselves off to one side from the contest. The General, therefore, pressed on and surrounded the fort of Arnee; and determined to take that fort; and, certainly, several regiments of the British exerted themselves nobly; for, keeping up a continual fire, they advanced even to the gate. Nevertheless, the Killadár, whose name was Sidi Imám, behaved like a hero, in repelling his enemies; and, by a continual fire of cannon, musketry, rockets, hand-grenades, and stones, he beat back his assailants. Indeed, he himself, with a few good swordsmen, leaving the fort by a postern gate, fought with so much intrepidity, that the stories of the prowess of Roostum and Isfendiar were thrown into the shade by his actions, and a river of blood flowed from the field of battle. But, to return— Even the General himself, for the sake of justice, was compelled to bestow a thousand praises on the bravery and devotion of the garrison; and, suddenly retiring from the fort, he forthwith proceeded on the road to Wandiwash. The Nawaub although he quickly followed him, could find no opportunity to attack him to advantage; he, therefore, encamped on the plain of Turwatoor, and the General, after halting two days at Wandiwash, marched towards Madras. The Nawaub then moved towards Timri, where he cantoned his troops for the rainy season.
About this time, spies reported that in consequence of the oppressions of the magistrates and petty officers of Trichinopoly and Tanjore, all the towns and villages of Koimbetore, Dindigul, and Paulghaut, were deserted and left with a lamp,y i. e. an inhabitant; that the Peasantry had been ruined, and the idolatorsz had set fire to the mosques and houses of the people of Islám, and had raised the standard of rebellion in those provinces, far and near; that, promptly seizing the opportunity, the Naimars of Kalikote had also trodden the path of deviation, or irregularity, had raised the head of pride and insolence, and had filled the country with terror; and that they had sent for a body of English troops, from Mudhura, and with their aid continued to plunder, and spill the blood of God’s people.
When this news reached the Nawaub, he despatched the Prince, (Tippoo), with a large force and artillery, to reduce that country to order; that is to say, Koimbetore, Paulghat, &c. and four thousand horse, under the command of Lala Chubeela Ram, with the Risala of Sultan Singh Silladár, were sent to ravage the district of Nelloor, and to collect grain and bullocks. Maha Mirza Khan Bukhshi, and Noor-ulabsar Khan, with two or three thousand horse, were sent to take possession of the districts of Kalistri, Vinkut Giri, and Bimraj, &c., the territory of the refractory Poligars. A Firman also, in the name of Mukhdoom Sáhib, who was Governor of the country south of Puttun,a and other officers of the frontier, was issued to the effect, that the Nawaub had heard that the infidel Naimars had withdrawn their heads from the collar of obedience and service, and did not consider themselves restrained, or held back, from plundering their own country, and it was therefore necessary they, (the officers), should, in future, to the utmost of their ability, prevent those pagans from doing any injury to the peasantry or the poor inhabitants. When this Firman was received by Mukhdoom Sáhib, he assembled his troops, and, with the officers of revenue, and pioneers,b marched to that quarter.
The victorious Prince, after quitting his father’s presence, had proceeded by forced marches to Oontatoor, by the route of Tyag Gurh, when spies arrived with news, that a body of troops from Trichinopoly and Tujawur, (or Tanjore), had joined, with an intention to reduce the forts of Turkat Pilli, Shah Gota, and the Ghaut of Munniar Koodi; that, although Syud Sáhib had exerted himself to the extent of his power to repel these troops, he had been unsuccessful; for, from want of experience, the officer commanding the troops with him, had frequently been shamefully defeated by the Kullursc of Tondiman, and the regular cavalry of Tanjore; and was so cowed or disheartened, that it was probable all that part of the country had by this time been overrun and conquered.
Immediately on receiving this information, the Prince galloped his horsed towards that quarter, and arrived there, swift and sudden as the stroke of fate, but, before the period at which the Prince could arrive there, a circumstance accidentally occurred, which doubtless may be considered as very surprising. It appears, that one night a party of English troops marched from Trichinopoly to assault the fort of Turkat Pilli, and that a detachment, (also English), marched at the same time from Tanjore, for the same purpose; and that, without the knowledge of each other, both these parties at the same time, arrived and raised ladders, and at one assault scaled the walls and towers of that fort. The garrison not being able to oppose their assailants, escaped by a postern and hid themselves in some place near the fort. On one side, one of the parties having mounted the wall, fired a volley; the party on the opposite side, conceiving the fire proceeded from the resistance of the garrison, and that they were approaching, also advanced keeping up a continual fire. In this way, these parties fought, without knowing each other, for more than ten minutes, and displayed their courage among themselves, until near six or seven hundred men on both sides were killed or wounded. At this time, one of the officers called out to his men, in the English language, “forward, and charge your enemies.” The officer on the other side, hearing his own language, called out aloud, “Hold your hands, we are Englishmen,” and (the firing being therefore discontinued), the two officers, advancing, shook hands with each other, and felt ashamed of their bad look out, and want of caution. Then, taking whatever stores were in the fort, they marched towards Shahgota. The next morning the infantry of the garrison returned into the fort and remained there until the Prince arrived, who, when he heard the adventure of the night before, smiled like the dawn of the morning. He, however, withdrew the garrison, and left the fort empty.
When the English battalions left this place, they joined some of the Kullers of Tondiman with their force, and surrounded and assaulted the fort of Shahgota. The officer who commanded in the fort was a Soubadár, of the name of Shaikh Humeed, and he, with a garrison of about two hundred men, manned the walls and towers;— and, not suffering himself to be frightened by his enemies, defended himself with great spirit, pouring such a heavy fire of musketry, with all kinds of fireworks or missiles, from the top of the walls, that the assailants could not stand it, but fled in confusion. Having collected and reformed their men, the defeated officers were about to try a second assault, when, all at once, the sound of the kettle-drums, and trumpets of the Prince’s army, reached their ears, and they became aware that a reinforcement had arrived. They, therefore, made haste to retire, under cover of the hills and jungle, to Sheo Gunga. The Prince that day encamped before the fort; and, after bestowing on the Soubadár a thousand commendations in reward for his gallant conduct, made him a present of a pair of gold armlets, a puduk, or gorget, and a jowmala,e or a string of pearls, and took him on with his army.
In this state of things, news arrived from the Pass or fort of Munniar Koodi, that one night a party of English troops attacked that fort, the garrison being absent on a night expedition to collect cattle and grain, in the towns depending on Sheo Gunga; and that the Náík of the fort, with twenty soldiers, and a few women, belonging to the soldiers and residing in the fort, when they became aware of the arrival of the enemy, not knowing they were English troops, and supposing them Kullurs of that neighbourhood, shut the gate, and prepared to receive them. All the women therefore assembled, and mixing cow-dung and water, heated pots and kettles full of this mixture over the fire, until the assailants had placed ladders against the wall and mounted, when the women, all at once raising a great shout, discharged the pots full of this boiling hot water on the heads of the storming party; while large pieces of stone, which had been laid in order on the wall, were also without ceremony cast over on them. On the other side, the little garrison gallantly pressed forward to repel the enemy, and pierced the breasts and heads of many of the assailants with balls and arrows, so that they all at once took to flight. Hearing the report of muskets from the fort, the foot soldiers of the garrison, who had gone forth to forage, or make a night attack, now hastened to return, and for the honour of the Hyduri state, fell briskly upon the enemy’s rear. The storming party, being therefore hopeless of success, retreated.
The Prince was highly pleased at this exploit, but withdrew the garrison; and, having sent for them, he gave to each of the foot soldiers, as a reward for their bravery, a silver bracelet, or armlet, and to the Náík, a pair of gold armlets, and then marched towards Turwur Paleh. On the road, intelligence reached him, that the Poligar of Turwur Paleh, with his own troops, two hundred English soldiers, and the servants of Itebar Khan, the Collector of revenue, had marched from Trichinopoly to his own district; and, having collected much grain and cattle there, were returning again to Trichinopoly. On hearing this, the Prince immediately made a forced march in that direction, and came upon the heads of this detachment like a thick cloud, just as their officers were preparing to cross a deep river, and were sending over their baggage in boats, and baskets. The Prince instantly gave orders to attack and plunder them; and the victorious troops rained upon them on all sides such a storm of arrows, rockets, musket balls, &c. that the officers of the enemy only, with the greatest difficulty, rowing hard in their boats, reached the opposite bank in safety. The soldiers threw themselves upon the rushing waters, like bubbles, and strove hard to escape, by striking out their hands, and feet, and, while they were in that condition, some of Hydur’s brave troops, who could swim, cast themselves into this death-like torrent, shouting like thunder, and in their rage drowned some, but the greater part they drew forth like fishes, and cast them on the shore. The stores of grain, &c. were then placed on the heads of the prisoners, and despatched to the presence.
But, to return— The victorious Prince placed a strong garrison in Turwur Paleh, under the command of an officer named Mihi-ud-dín Khan, Mehmun, and he himself marched straight to reduce Koimbetore, &c. The English army, which had left a garrison in the small fort of Kurroor, and had arrived in the vicinity of Dharapoor, on hearing of the rapid advance of the Prince, abandoned the whole of the heavy stores they had collected, and the same night entered Kurroor. From that place, however, they again marched at night, rashly intending to make a night attack on the Prince’s army. It happened that, on the road, a spark of fire from a Hooka,f which some one was smoking, was carried by the wind to a box of ammunition, laden on a bullock; and that exploding, blew up all the rest of the boxes of ammunition, and nearly a thousand soldiers were blown into the air, like kites and crows, and burned to death. The picquets of the Prince’s army were first apprized of this, by the concussion, and the column of smoke, which arose; and they immediately marched and attacked the English on all sides, and killed the greater part of that force.— A few men, however, with a thousand difficulties, and disgraces, escaped from this place of slaughter and destruction to Trichinopoly.
Mukhdoom Sáhib, who was sent with a large force to punish certain rebellious Naimars, marched on to their districts,g and, at all places wherever he marched or halted, he seized the property and violated the women of the rebellious infidels, and left no vestiges of their habitations; and, despatching troops of soldiers, with instructions to root out the rebels, he utterly destroyed the Talookas or districts of the idolators. In the meanwhile, he took up his residence in a small fort.
At length, one day, a party of these pagans, with a body of English troops, which had arrived from Mudhura, marched together, attacked this fort, and opened a fire of arrows and musketry on it. Mukhdoom, whose life was drawing near its close, with two hundred brave fellows, made a sortieh from the fort, and the enemy, according to an agreement previously made among them, surrounded him, and sought to take him prisoner. But that hero, not entertaining the slightest fear of the mob of his assailants, and the pride of Islám seizing him by the skirt of his honour and station, he with his brave soldiers charged them, like a falcon in the midst of a flight of pigeons, and a river of blood soon flowed from the wounds of their enemies, inflicted by their spears and swords; but he himself drank the cup of martyrdom.
An account of the Nawaub’s last expedition, that is to say, his departure for his eternal abode in Paradise: and some account of the goodness of his disposition, his habits, his abilities, and the rules of conduct he prescribed to himself; with other matters. Also, the death of General Coote, which occurred before the death of the Nawaub, in the same year, Hijri, 1196.— A. D. 1781-2.
THE Nawaub, after the battle of Arnee, retreatedi and encamped in the plain of Trivatoor. In the month of Zikad, 1196, Hijri, after an accidental scratch on his shoulders, the support of the world, a deadly boil or abscess made its appearance, and when this was shown to an able physician, he having examined it, conceived it to arise from a disordered stomach, and endeavoured to remedy it by depletion and purgative medicines. No relief, however, followed this practice; and, the abscess becoming larger daily, the pain broke down Hydur’s strong frame, and the physician, having afterwards ascertained the distinctive signs of the disease, stated in private to the Nawaub, that it was a disease called Surtan,j and that its best remedy was the application of a sheep’s liver; and that stimulating medicines, by dispelling the vapours of the body, and cleansing the blood, were the most likely to cure it.
As soon, however, as the Nawaub heard that the name of the disease was Surtan, he became certain that his last hour had arrived. He, however, did not allow fear or apprehension to assume a place in his mind, but remained absorbed in the order and regulation of his army and kingdom. About this time, spies brought intelligence, that that able officer General Coote had left this transitory world. On hearing this, the Nawaub sighed deeply, and said, “he was a wise and an able man, that he should by his experience have kept on equal terms with us.”k But, to return— In this state he remained a short time on the plain of Timri, and in the environs of Rani Peenth, and again some time at Mahimundul Gurh; and from that he proceeded, by easy stages, to Poona, a town, two Kose north of Arkat, where he pitched his tents. Here, however, of a sudden, the disease assumed great malignity, and completely prostrated his strength and spirits; and he was at length obliged to take to his bed. Yet, notwithstanding his ministers frequently represented the necessity of sending for his son Tippoo,— for that the Prince, had long desired to pay his duty to his father,l— he in reply merely said “Why do you trouble me in this manner?” At length, however, he sent for his Moonshi, (secretary), to the presence, and ordered him to write to the Prince, to the following purport, “that he was to make all necessary arrangements in that quarter, (where he was stationed) as quickly as possible, and then return; that he was deeply to consider the result of all the necessary relations, and connexionsm of the government small and great; and that, if troops were necessary to his aid, he should send for them; for that, in matters of state, he had given him power to act at discretion or as he pleased; and that he was not to neglect or forget his duties to the government for a moment.” The next day the Nawaub threw open the doors of his treasury, and gave all the soldiers of his army every Kutcheri or regiment separately, the amount of one month’s pay as a gift. On the last day of Mohurrum il Huram, he asked his attendants what was the date of the month, they replied, “this is the last day of the month Zi Huj, and to-night is the first of Mohurrum.”n He then directed that water might be made ready for him to bathe, and, although the physician objected to his bathing, they turned him out of the tent, and the Nawaub bathed. Then, having put on clean clothes, he repeated some prayer or invocation on his finger, rubbing his face; and at the same time despatched two thousand horse to plunder and ravage the country of the Poligars north of Arkat, and five thousand horse towards Madras, for the same purpose, and to alarm the people there. He next sent for some of his officers, and gave them strict orders for the regulation of their departments, and afterwards swallowed a little broth, and laid down to rest. The same night his ever victorious spirit, took its flight to Paradise.— Verses.o “Be he a beggar or a conquering king,”— “both must depart from this pleasant abode (the world)”— “When death follows any one,”— “He allows not a moment’s delay,”— “In this chapter all are powerless; lovers and friends,”— “Wife and children,”— “The body, which has been nurtured in wealth and luxury,”— “must at last sleep in the cold grave.”— “The soldiers of death fear no armies;”— “They do not fear the warrior,”— “A revolution of this round empty world.”— “And at once Hydur, and what belonged to Hydur, passed away.”
Although a detail of the (excellent) disposition, and the powerful abilities of that pardoned great man, (Hydur), is far beyond the reach of either tongue or pen, still according to usage, one (good quality) for a thousand is here presented.
In penetration, and in store of practical wisdom, the deceased Nawaub took the lead from all the State Ministers, Princes, and Kings of former days. In grandeur of display, and in abundance of the elements or principles of opulence and greatness, he had no equal.p He was the friend and protector of the soldier, and was altogether full of kindness and generosity. His court was magnificent; but, except himself, few dared to speak therein. Whatever he desired to be done, he himself ordered, and the rest of the assembly had no choice but to give their assent. He did not like great talkers, (or makers of long speeches;) the subject of conversation in his assemblies was generally relative to the order and regulation of kingdoms and empires, or to swords, muskets, jewels, horses, elephants, or invigorating medicines. His understanding was wonderful. He entertained, to a boundless extent, the pride of rank and station, and the noble desire to attempt great things; but of foolish pride, or vain glory, he had none; he had expelled them from his mind. In all the cities and towns of his territory, besides newswriters, he appointed, separately, secret writers, and spies, to patrol the streets at night; and from them he received his intelligence. From morning till night, he never remained a moment idle. He was a slave to the regulation of his working establishments,q or manufactories, and, if any one of the officers or overseers of the works was indolent, or neglectful, he sent for him, and punished him according to his offence; telling him, at the same time, “We gave charge to you of this work, relying on your honesty and fidelity, why have you spoiled it?” When he sat down to table, he ate of all the dishes present; he, however, showed most fondness for salt and sour dishes. He finished his dinner with rice and peas.r He was not fond of sweet dishes. In his journeys or marches, he mostly subsisted on parched gram, (Cicer arietinum,) almonds, and dry bread, made of rice, or jowar, (Holcus spicatus,) and Khush-khush Soorkh, or as at is called in this country, Raggi, (Cynosurus coracanus,) with which he appeared well contented. In his dress, he was very fond of red, and na furmani, or purple, and the chintz of Boorhanpoor; the latter he wore continually. The turban he wore on his fortunate head was red or purple, one hundred hands, or cubits, in length. When he took his seat on the Musnud, he laid before him a shining short sword,s or dagger, with a hilt studded with diamonds.
All the operations or measures undertaken by
Hydur’s government, small or great, were superintended
by himself in person; in so much, that
even leather, the lining of bullock-bags, or tent-walls,
and strands of rope, all passed under his
inspection, and were then deposited in his stores.
He kept all merchants, traders, and bankers,
pleased with him, by making them kingly presents;
and he also bought up their goods, with
the greatest avidity, and at high prices. To horse
dealers he gave presents of gold and raiment,
besides the value of the horses he purchased; and
so liberal was he, that if, on the road through his
territories, any horse by chance died, he paid half
the price of the horse, after the arrival of the tail
and mane, with a certificate from the civil officers
of the district. His loans, and advances of money
were scattered like sand over the face of the earth.
His estimate of the value of the brave and experienced
soldier, of whatever tribe or caste he might
be, was very high; and any man, who had distinguished
himself by his bravery, he heartily cherished
and protected, and used his endeavours to promote
and exalt him. Any experienced person, acquainted
with business, he appointed Amil,t
Foujdár, or
Ameen. He was, however, the enemy, of the indolent
and luxurious; and the backs and sides of
his negligent and extortionate servants were frequently
softened by stripes of the whip. A man
that had been removed from his place, after proof
of neglect or mal-administration of his duties to
government, or of extortion, extravagance, or oppression
of God’s people, and whose delinquencies
were attested by official persons, was never restored
to his office. He placed all offices of responsibility
in the hands of wise and honorable persons. In all
his departments, territorial and fiscal, present or
absent, he maintained a newswriter, certain Hurkaras,
and a secret writer; each of whom, without
being acquainted with the others, acquired a knowledge
of every action of his servants good or bad.
Sometimes by night, secretly, and covered with a
Gileem or blanket, he went out, alone, into the
streets and lanes of the city, to ascertain the condition
of the inhabitants, the poor, and strangers;
and in camp he usually did the same. His months
and years were generally spent in marches and expeditions;
and, in fact, he considered his life, and
the success of his measures, as dependent on his
continual movements about the country. The delight
given by new scenery, or a new ground of encampment,
fresh springs, and the grateful shade of
the tent, in no circumstances did he ever forego. For
he did even as God in the Koran has commanded,
“Go walk forth in the earth,”u
which passage
plainly indicates the necessity for travel. In the
training and education of his sons he took great
pains, although he himself was apparently entirely
illiterate, and had never learned to read or write.
However, in the weight of his judgment, (delighting
in difficulties,) given him by God, he surpassed all
the learned and wise of his time; and, although
sparing of speech, yet, when he did speak, his
language was extremely pleasing and appropriate.
To enable him to sign public documents, a qualification
indispensable to rulers of kingdoms, he with
much labour copied, until he could write, the form
of one letter; the letter
Whenever, the Sáhibzada, (Wala Kudr) Tippoo, was commissioned to repel enemies, or to attack forts, to whatever quarter he might be sent, he was first summoned to the presence, and the Nawaub with his own lips told him, that he had selected him for this service, because he found him worthy in all matters to be employed; that he committed a force of so many horse and foot, so many guns, and a treasury of so much money to his orders; and that he must take great care no neglect occurred, and, using great prudence and caution, return successful. He then dismissed him. The officers and men, who were placed under Tippoo on this occasion, were also sent for, and strictly enjoined that, as the Prince was young, they should never allow him to be separate from them, or peril himself by inconsiderate rashness; but, on the contrary, consider his safety at all times, as placed at their responsibility by their faith and agreement. When, fortunate and victorious, the Prince returned to the presence from his expedition, he was again placed under surveillance, as above related. In truth the well-bred and those who have acquired the sentiments and manners of the exalted,v never allow their children to associate or play with the loww or vulgar, and thereby fall, and be degraded from their station and rank.— Verse. “To avoid the friendship of bad men is profitable:” “the company of Assafœtidax will spoil the finest musk.”y It is very frequently seen, that the children of great men, by reason of too great liberty, the exceeding indulgence of the Father, and the society of low people, have so far sunk from the footing of nobility, and rank, that, they have never again raised the head of respectability. But, to continue— The young Princes had permission to sleep in their Zunanas, or women’s apartments, only every fourth night.
On most occasions, Hydur used patiently to bear with the petulance and coarseness of the brave men in his service. As, for instance, one day, in the Nawaub’s Court, or assembly,z some recollections of the battle of Churkoli were introduced. The Nawauba said, that on that day his whole army, had followed the path of cowardice; that, they had run away before his face; that no one with his sword in his hand had exerted himself faithfully; and, that they, (the officers,) to save their own lives, had sacrificed those of their men. Among those who were present there, was Yaseen Khan Wunti Koodri, who had followed the path of faith and honour in that battle, and who had there devoted, as a charitable donationb to the sword and spear, the whole of his body, and one eye; and he said, in answer, “Yes, Sir, (Bulli Huzrut,) what you say is true; for such occurrences arise from fate, and depend on the will and power of no man. Yet, this eye of mine, for what was it put out?— and for what man, (using a term of low abuse), did I lose the blessings of sight, the pleasure of beholding the lights and shadesc of this many coloured world, the object and delight of life!”— The Nawaub smiled at this, and said,— “I did not mean you.”
One day, also, he gave the Commandant Muhammad Alí, some orders relative to a military movement; and the Commandant, to complete his charge, required a sum of money, or a military chest. The Nawaub, at this request, became very angry, and said “By this account thou takest monthly a large sum in gold, as much as thy mother’s dower, or marriage present,d and spendest it in all manner of ways, and now, the time having arrived when there is something to do, thou demandest more money from me. Every piece of gold thou hast received up to the present day, I will recover from thee, and, after putting thee in irons,e thou shalt be added to the chain of thieves, or felons, deserving death, for thou hast spent much of the public money in worthless matters, and now, in time of need, thou wishest to reduce me to poverty.” The hard featured and impudentf Commandant, at this, turning his face from the Nawaub towards the Clerks of the Treasury, and, while speaking to them, alluding to the Nawaub, said “The depth of the Sirkar’s (Nawaub’s) understanding is evident! The old man is merely giving himself airs on his penetration and knowledge. In this matter money is indispensable, and, if not given, the measures of the government will be ruined.” This impudent address was heard by the Nawaub; but he, with the indifference of a great man, and the indulgence he was accustomed to allow his servants, took no notice of the impertinence of his insolent though faithful officer, and merely told the people of the Treasury to give that vulgar, greedy fellow, what he wanted. Occurrences similar to these happened frequently.
In the sciences of palmistry and physiognomyg he was unequalled in his time or age. One of the keen glances of his exalted understanding did an immense deal of work. As, for instance, it decided without difficulty the enlistment of recruits, the merits of horses about to be purchased, and their price, the appreciation of valuable articles, (as the knowledge of the kinds and worth of precious stones), and the selection of them. It was equally available when he was listening to the subjects of despatches, territorial and revenue, individualh applications, newspapers, (Ukhbar), and in issuing immediate replies, to every suitor, and to every one of these various and conflicting details. His profound knowledge also of the quality and value of arms, and instruments of war, occasioned him no trouble, but came to him as it were instinctively. To his strength of memory thousands of praises are justly due; for, although former great and mighty kings, and rulers, had the advantage of learning on their side, yet God, the true preserver,i never endowed any of them with the clear intellect and memory of Hydur.— Verses. “Every man is made for his work;” “the ability to perform his part being implanted by nature in his mind.”
One day, a religious quarrel took place between the Shiahs and the Soonnis, and the dispute had advanced, from the tongue and words, to hands and daggers, when the Jasoos, or spies, of the government reported the whole to Hydur. The Nawaub ordered both parties to be brought before him, and then said to them, “What foolish dispute is this; and why do you bark like dogs at each other?” The Soonni here replied, “Protector of the World, this spiteful man was presumptuous, in speaking of the successors of the last of the prophets, Muhammad, (on whom, and on his family and companions, be peace); the stars of the firmament of religion; and he even went so far as to use abusive language towards them, and your slave, at hearing him, felt as though a thorn had been broken in his heart.” The Shiah was next asked, in the same way, and he, according to the tenets of his false religion, said “Abubukr Sideek, the first Khálif, did so and so to Moortuza Alí, and Omr, the second Khálifah, did so and so, in regard to the lovely Fatima, and frequently ill-treated her. Knowing this, therefore, why are the descendents of the sons of Hussein to speak respectfully of such men.” The Nawaub, in his wisdom, not wishing to hurt the religious feelings of either party, asked the Shiah, “Are those persons whom you reproach, alive?” The Shiah answered, “No.” The Nawaub then, with the anger natural to his disposition, said to him, “He is a man who declares his opinion of the good, or evil, of another before his face, not behind his back. Do you not know that back-biting is unlawful? And I should think that, as you act in this manner, you must also be base born.j If you ever again waste and destroy your time and that of the Sirkar in such an irreverent, wicked dispute, you may rely on it a camel bagk and a mallet will be ready for you.”l
One day, in Hydur’s court or assembly, people of both these sects, (Soonnis and Shiahs,) were present; and one of the Soonnut Jumaut related an anecdote of a traveller, who was proceeding on a journey on horseback. It happened, that the road was very miry, and, all at once, the hoofs of the horse sunk in a quagmire, and he stuck fast. The horseman, therefore, dismounted, and seizing the bridle, began to pull him out; saying, “Come forth, by the truth of the Sideek Abubukr!” The horse, however, did not move. He then said, “By the established justice of Huzrutm (Omr,) Farook, come forth!” But the horse made no movement. He then said, “By the strength of the understanding of Huzrut Osman, step forward.” The horse, however, still remained stock still. At length, he exclaimed, “By the might and valour of the great Moortuzvi, or Moortuza, (Alí), step on!” The moment he said this, the horse, plunging, came out of the mud. The horseman, now drawing his sword, said, “O horse, thou art become a heretic! (Rafizi), thou art of no use to me;” and with one stroke of his sword he cut off his legs. On hearing this story, the Nawaubn smiled, and said, “A wonderful fool this man must have been! Did he not know that he who was the strongest brought the horse out of the mire!”
Sometimes he was fond of sporting his wit,o or of joking, with his associates or companions, particularly with Alí Zumán Khan. At the time the Souba of Sura was conquered, the Nawaub, one day mounted his horse to look at the city, and rode through the streets and lanes. Now it is the fashion of the city, that there are many tombs in front of the doors of the houses, and also in the streets or roads. The Nawaub, therefore, asked those who were with him, how these tombs became placed in the middle of the town. Those persons replied, that, apparently, the whole space had been formerly waste land; but now, men seeing that God’s people were protected, and the peasantry encouraged, by His Highness, they had assembled from all parts and had built the city. The Nawaub said, “A truce to your compliments! Do you not know, that these men and women died fighting for their houses.”p
The word Lowndika, which means the son of a slave girl, a term much in use among the Dukkanees, was also continually on the tongue of the Nawaub, and, if he was angry with any one, he called him by this name; but, it was also used as an endearing, fond, appellation, to which was attached great favour; until, one day, Alí Zumán Khan, by inferences and hints represented to him that the word was low, discreditable, and not fit for the use of men of knowledge, and rank. The Nawaub smiled, and said, “O friend, you and I are both the sons of slave women, and the two Husseins only, on whom be good wishesq and Paradise, (or acceptance with God,) are the sons of a Bibi, or lady.” These words highly pleased those who were present, and they fully agreed with him, for this reason, that the title of the illustrious motherr of those great men is the lady or Queen of both worlds.s
Whenever he despatched a body of troops to perform any particular service, he was never free from anxiety respecting that force; constantly supplying them with all things necessary, as money, military stores, and grain for men and cattle. In the repairs of the forts which he took, and the construction of new walls or defences, he expended hundreds of thousands of pounds; as, indeed, the state of most of the strong hill forts in the Payanghaut and Balaghaut will afford sufficient testimony.
The name of cut purse,t thief, or highway robber, was erased from the records of the cities, towns, and villages, of his dominions; and if, by accident, any highway robbery, &c. was committed, the Kawuligur, or guard, of that part was impaled without delay, and another person appointed to his office; one who feared God, and had a tender heart. He kept his troops always in good humour, by gifts and favours, and his peasantry highly pleased, by (favourable) assurances and agreements.
During the whole of his reign, the only innovations
he made were in the impression of the Hoon,
or Pagoda, on one side of which was the letter
Every Monday night, whether marching, or halting, he had a set of dancingw girls, with foreheads like Venus, and countenances like the moon, to dance before him. In the time of the Dussera, the Eed or festival of the Mahrattas, although this was a custom of the Infidels, to follow which he in his heart was averse, still, with a view to please and gain the affections of the Mysoreans, that is, the descendants of Jugx Kishen Raj Oodere, and his ministers; for to the deceased Nawaub every heart was dear; and, also, because the service or agency of infidels is not infidelity; he held a banquet of ten days, and the sons of Kishen Raj, and also of Nundiraj, were admitted to the presence; and, for two or three hours, the Nawaub amused himself, by seeing fire works, the fighting of stags, the fierce attacks of buffaloes, and the charges of elephants, like mountains, on each other, and the boxing and wrestling of strong prize fighters, who in the Dukkun are called Jetti. A Ghirbal,y or circular enclosure, having been formed, in front of the Jetti Mahl, or theatre for prize-fighting, and a chained tiger placed therein, asses, to which strong spirits had been given instead of water, were let loose on the tiger; and, on seeing the bounds or leaps of the tiger, and kicking and braying of the asses, the Nawaub was accustomed to laugh, and be much amused. Abyssinians, also, dressed in woollen armour,z with staves of sandal wood, were set to fight with bears. Some of the Nawaub’s bravest servants, at their own request, were also selected and placed in the circle against a fierce lion or tiger. In firing at a mark, with a musket or matchlock, there was not in the world the Nawaub’s equal; for, in the midst of the circle was fixed a plantain tree, and the man who was fighting with the lion was ordered to attack him round or under cover of the tree. If in the event the brave man conquered, and slew the lion or tiger, he, with presents of gold, dresses, and increase of pay, was rendered independent of all worldly want; but, on the contrary, if the tiger was conqueror, and had cast the man on the ground, the Nawaub took up his matchlock, and fired with such unerring precision that the ball passed through the tiger’s head, and the man rose up uninjured.
At the commencement and end of his government, to terrify his adversaries, he was accustomed to order the ears and noses of the Mahratta and other prisoners to be cut off; and in the expedition to Arkat, at the suggestion of some of his villainous eunuchs, many of the loveliest maidens there, of any tribe, either with the consent of their parents or relations, or by force, were sent for, and compelled to submit to his embraces. Beautiful Slave girls, not arrived at womanhood, whom he had acquired by the same means, were also sent by him to the Natuk Sala,a in the women’s apartments, (for instruction in singing and dancing.) The Nawaub was accustomed to shave his beard, moustaches, eyebrows, and eyelashes. He was very dark, and strong bodied, but of middle size.
The impression on his seal was the following verse:
“Futteh Hydur was manifested, or born, to conquer the world. There is no man equal to Alí and no sword like his.”
His pocket seal bore the words
In fine, from the beginning of the rise of his fortune, to his death, his conduct was distinguished by vigilance, experience, and wisdom.
Some person found the date of his decease in the following sentence,
“Ah! the Lion hearted man is dead.”
And another has found the date in these words,
“The life or soul of the Balaghaut is gone.”
The numerical value of these letters gives the date 1196 Hijri.
THE following character of Hydur Alí, is translated from a Persian work called Ahwali Hydur Náík, No. 1845,— in the East India Company’s Library. The author appears to have been a certain Mirza Ikbal.
This book which is written with apparent candour, certainly with no partiality to Hydur, after premising that there are many different accounts of Hydur’s origin, states that he himself was accustomed to assert that he was derived from the Kings of Bejapoor; and that when their Government ended, and Sultan Sikundur, the last King of Bejapoor was killed, he left a son eight years of age, who was saved from his enemies and with a few jewels, taken secretly by his mother to Kirpa,c where he remained unknown until he died, leaving a son who entered the service of the Afghans of Kirpa, as did his son also.
The last mentioned, left two sons, who served the Afghans of Kirpa and Kurnole in the lowest grade of military rank, that of Náík, or corporal of regular infantry.d
The son of one of these men (whose name is not mentioned,) was named Muhammad Náík. His son was Alí Náík, and his son Futteh Náík. Futteh Náík had two sons, Hydur Náík and Shahbaz Náík. Hydur it is said, was born at Sura.
When Hydur’s fortunes first rose, on the ruins of those of the Raja of Mysore, his humble and agreeable manners attracted from all parts many adventurers to his service; and it appears that, in his Durbars, or levees, he assumed no distinction between himself and one of his private troopers, nor were any deductions made from the pay of his soldiery.
When, however, the Raja of Mysore was deposed, Hydur began to raise the head of pride. By degrees, he became strange, and forgetful, asking the names of his former friends, and requiring from them sundry obeisances, and respectful observances; and, when his territory and army increased, he gave his troops only a month’s pay in six weeks, and this, also, with the deduction or difference of Shumsi and Kumri, or solar and lunar months. For instance, if a man was engaged in the service, nominally at five hundred rupees a month, he was paid for a period of six weeks, (called there a month), by Puttie, or Order, three hundred rupees only; so that, in fact, he received but two hundred rupees a month, and so with the rest, in proportion.
As his troops gradually became quiet and orderly, so in the same degree did he become vicious, and they were exposed to abuse and the whip, or heavy headed cudgel,e and the stick or rattan.f Towards the end of his reign he abandoned all consideration for any persons, however respectable; these persons, too, having been attracted to his service by delusive promises and dissimulation. He gave them, notwithstanding, the vilest abuse, and for the least fault put them to death. In his Durbars or levees no one dared converse, or even whisper. If any one had a wedding in his house, he could not invite any friends, except through the Nawaub, and the agency of his servants; and, even then, he gave his Wordi Hurkarasg orders to go and see and hear what was said and done. These men, therefore, were in general bribed not to tell the truth; but he believed all they told him. If he had advanced any one of his servants money, the third part of his pay was stopped until the amount was refunded; and if any one paid the debt on demand, he was accustomed to demand interest, under the pretence that he had borrowed the money from a banker for him. But, when he had obtained the interest, he said “this man is rich, why did he borrow money from me? seize his goods,” and, accordingly, his property was sometimes confiscated, or stolen by thieves set on by Hydur’s authority.
When he was on the field of battle, contrary to his former custom, when all he required was done by the influence of kindness and friendship, now, he looked stedfastly at the enemy, and said to his own horsemen,— “Do you see that man, standing yonder with his soldiers?” That man is your Fatherh— you must kill him, or be killed; for, if you come back without killing him, I will certainly put you to death myself in this very place;” as, indeed, to inspire terror, he had before often done. And when stimulated and forced on by the abuse he gave them, the horse had charged the enemy he sent for the Sauises (grooms or horsekeepers) of the cavalry, and, giving them bamboos and shoes, he placed them in line, himself taking post in the rear of the whole, and giving orders to them to strike and beat any one who retreated. The poor horsemen, forced on by the disgrace of the stick, and the torrent of abuse following them, gave themselves up to death uselessly. He never, however, took the pains to bury them after they were slain. As an instance of this neglect; one day, that a great battle had been fought between him and the English General Coote, the General, after the battle was over, despatched a message to Hydur, stating that his (Hydur’s) horsemen had done their duty, and fulfilled the conditions of their contract with him, by sacrificing their lives in his service, and that it was now time he should perform his duty, as their master, and direct some one to bury their bodies. Stung by the sharp reproof conveyed in this message, he immediately sent for Meer Muhammad Sadik Khan, his Dewaun or Minister, and ordered him to bury them. In reply, however, to General Coote, he merely said, that he did not want any of his advice.
If any one was sent in command of an expedition, and was delayed or unsuccessful, he was on his return sent for to the presence, and severely reproached by Hydur himself. If, on the contrary, he did his work soon and was successful, still, on his return, he was abused for having, (as Hydur said), sacrificed the lives of his best men in rash, and profitless attacks. In fact, in his life he was never known to praise any one. In all his measures he availed himself of the aid of threats and violence, to instil fear into men’s minds.
He was accustomed to have a party of Bayaderes, dancing women, early every night at his tents. If the woman, who danced was a Hindu, she was required to wear a white dress;— if she was a Mussulman woman, a dress embroidered with gold. In her dancing, however, she was not permitted to laugh or smile, or display any wanton steps or gestures; she was required to dance and sing slowly. Let there be ever so many men present, the attention and eyes of all were to be fully occupied, and absorbed, in the beauty of the Nawaub himself alone. If any of the men present cast his eyes towards the dancing girls, God preserve us! the Nawaub would immediately call out “Look! look well! for your mother, (meaning the dancing girl), has left her house, and is occupied in dancing in the midst of her husbands.” If it was any one of his friends, however, he was more civil.
During his government, his recruiting for the army was carried to that extent, that he even enlisted blind men. The reason of this was, that, as he was riding out one day, a blind man asked him for alms, and he desired his Chobedár, (silver stick), to ask the beggar if he would take service with him. The beggar consented, and Hydur sent him off to the arsenal, and directed that he might be employed in blowing the bellows of the blacksmith’s forge, and also that he should be allowed every year two cotton cloths, and a falam or five annas, (about seven pence), a day; and when the artillery marched, he was to be placed on one of the artillery tumbrils and brought along with them. He also directed the Darogha of his artillery to enlist as many blind men as he could find.
In the taking of towns, it was his custom, after the plunder of the inhabitants, to allow them to remain in peace. After a short time, however, he was used to assemble the Dullalah, [women who beat the Dohul, (a small drum), at marriages;] and, as they are free to enter all houses, he required them to point out where the handsomest maidens resided. To those houses he sent, and seized the girls, and had them brought to him; and among them those who were remarkable for their bloom and delicacy, elegance of form, length of hair, and complexion, he placed among his own women; and, in general, these women were most in requesti by him. They had also salaries, or establishments, and were placed under the Jamautdár of the women, one of his senior wives; as for the rest, he never sent for them again, but either returned them to their parents, or partitioned them amongst his followers. In this way he collected a great number of women, but his old wives were the chiefs of all the new ones.
On the day that was fixed for the Nawaub to visit the Mahl, or women’s apartments, every Chief lady had her division of women, dressed in a different colour, and standing apart; the red party, the green, the violet, the yellow. Some wore rose-coloured dresses, others orange, the Nafurmani or purple, the spotted, white, gold, sandal, and Mokyyush. On these occasions they sat down near him, but he seldom spoke to them; nor did they speak, except his first wife, the sister of Meer Alí Ruza Khan, the mother of Tippoo. He was always very fond of her, and compelled the rest of his women to to pay their respects to her every morning. Sometimes, however, she and Hydur used to quarrel. On these occasions, he bore the violence of the lady’s tongue with great resignation and patience; until, at length, rising up, he would say, “It is from fear of your tongue that I have given up entering the women’s apartments.”
When he came out and sat down in his private room, he was accustomed to tell his friends, such as Ghoolaum Alí Khan, Bahadúr, and Alí Zumán Khan, that Tippoo’s mother had treated him very harshly indeed; that, he had not the courage to answer, or argue with her; that, when she complained, he had no choice but to leave the apartment; but that still he was fond of her, because she undertook, in her own person, the management of every thing in his house, and laboured for his welfare; but that she had a long tonguej and a high sounding voice, and that he was afraid to listen to her. However, that she should do as she pleased.
Every time he entered the women’s apartments she was the first person he called; desiring her to come to him. She in reply, would say, “What do you want with me?” But he never entered the Mahl without taking some valuable presents to her.
His eating and sleeping was always outside the Mahl, but every night two or three of the ladies of his family were in attendance on him.
He was very stedfast in his word to his Talookdárs, (or revenue officers), and merchants; and with these two classes of men he was never known to break his faith.k And this was the mode of his agreements. If any of his revenue agents farmed a district from him, although he strove to raise the amount to be paid as high as possible, yet, if any profit was derived beyond the government money, he never took more than the precise sum stipulated; indeed, many persons have offered him the surplus: but he, in reply, said, “If the amount contracted for with government, had been short, I should have exacted the deficiency; and, therefore, if the farmer gets more, I have no right to interfere between him and his good fortune.” If he confided to any one the charge of a district, God protect him if he took to the value of a blade of grass, besides the dues assigned to him by Hydur! he was sure to be flayed alive. Whenever information arrived, that so much money was due from the farmer of the revenue, he first sent for him and demanded the money, and, if it was not paid, he prepared to compel him by oppressive and cruel means, of which an account will be given hereafter.
His management with merchants, generally, was so excellent as to be beyond all praise; but more particularly his kindness to horse dealers. He, however, expected, while he extended his favour to them, that they also should conform to his pleasure, and that the horses they brought should not be sold until he had seen them; and if any horse died after it entered his boundaries, and the tail and good evidence of the fact were produced, he paid half the price of the horse. He always saw the horses himself, and, having seen them, fixed their prices. After four days had elapsed, he sent for the merchants, and having paid them separately, for as many horses as he had approved, he presented them with an order for the discharge of the Rah-dari or customs, and told them they must consider themselves his guests the next day, and after that depart. When the morning arrived, he sent them a number of measures of rice, some sheep, butter, and other materials for a feast. The result of his liberality was, that horses were brought to him from all quarters; but, if any horse dealer sold a horse before Hydur saw it, and his Hurkaras became acquainted with the circumstance, he would neither buy any of the horses himself, nor allow any one else to buy them. For this reason, no other person could get a good horse; and, if they bought any of the horses rejected by Hydur, they were generally dear and good for nothing.
As he never gave his servants leave to return to their own countries, they, pining to visit their homes, clothed themselves like religious beggars, and ran away secretly with these horse dealers.
Notwithstanding the great riches which God from his hidden treasures had granted to him, he was at times so avaricious that even the pen is ashamed to write an account of his meanness. Sometimes, however, on the reverse, he became very generous; but, in fact, amassing wealth appeared to him as the renovation of his faculties.l Indeed, many men followed him to the field, and lost their lives there, to whom or to whose children or relations, he never gave a single farthing. He never gave his dancing girls, who every day danced before him, any thing beyond their yearly allowance, except, perhaps, a trifle on very rare occasions. On those days, when before the balcony (of the palace) a lion net was suspended, and a man and a lion were placed in the area, to fight together, if the lion killed the man, nothing was given; but if the man killed the lion, he received the present of a golden chain, or necklace. In general, however, he was so good a marksman with his matchlock, that he did not suffer the lion to kill the man.
During the Dussura of the Hindus, he was comparatively liberal to his friends, the prize fighters, wrestlers, &c. but, after all he never gave much. He never allowed any reduction of the allowances of the Hindu temples.
His memory was excellent; to that extent that he would recollect a word for years. Any one whom he had seen twenty years before, in the dress of people of the world, he would recognize, after that period, in the patched garment of a mendicant.m It is related of him, that, one day, he told the Darogha of his stable to bring an old saddle, which had been laid by and neglected for a long time. When it was brought and examined, he said, “there is another saddle missing; it is a Mahratta saddle, with a housing of yellow broad cloth, moth-eaten, and I desired it might be wrapped up in a cloth, and taken care of.” This also, on search was found, and he had given the orders he mentioned eleven years before.
As soon as morning appeared, he sat down on his chair,n and washed his face. During this, all his Hurkaras (spies and messengers) stood about him, on all sides, repeating the news and intelligence of the day before. His memory and his hearing were equally wonderful, for he could readily distinguish and comprehend the different voices, and details; this was really astonishing. The people of Mysore would not give credit to what was said of him; but, on trying repeatedly, it was found that they were wrong, and this is the way in which it was proved. When the Hurkaras began repeating their news, whatever did not require inquiry was passed over in silence by Hydur; but, any news which required examination, or was important, after listening to it, he stopped all further talking, and entered seriously into the investigation of its truth.
Hydur Alí was a plain man, and free from vanity or self sufficiency. He was not fond of delicacies, nor particular in what he ate. He gave no orders about his table, but ate whatever they placed before him. His mode of living was, however, not like that of a man of rank, but rather like that of a private soldier. At his table twice a day some of his most intimate friends used to attend, but the shares, and food, of all were alike.
In his dress, also, he was not very particular. He did not wear his Jamah (tunic or coat) often; but a vest, open in front, made of a broad kind of white cloth which is called in India, Doria, that the width of the cloth might allow of its being broad at the breast.
On his head he wore a red turban, of a hundred hands in length, or a yellow turban of Boorhanpoor manufacture. His trowsers were made of Masulipatam chintz; and he was fond of chintz, the ground of which was white, strewedo with flowers. He wore diamond clasps on his wrists, and two or three diamond rings on his fingers. He slept on a small silken carpet; and this, and two or three pillows, were all he required for his bed.
He was not fond of the throne, or state display, unless on the festival of the Eed; when, if some of his friends reminded him of it, he ordered his throne to be spread or arranged in form.
On Tuesdays and Fridays, from the morning to mid-day, no one could enter his presence; for on that day he was shaved. First of all his head was shaved; after that, two barbers sat down, one on each side of him, and pulled out the hair of his beard, whiskers,p and eyebrows, with a pair of tweezers. As an instance of his plainness approaching to folly, it is related, that there was in his service a one-eyed man,q named Yasín Khan, whose nickname was Wunti Koodri; Wunti, in the Canarese language, signifying one, and Koodri a horse, or the master of one horse. This man always served singly; and, notwithstanding he was asked to accept a Risaldári, (the command of a regiment,) he constantly refused, and for that reason assumed or acquired this name. Between him and Hydur there was frequently a great deal of wit bandied about, in the public Durbar, until, sometimes, it degenerated into abuse. This man at first shaved his beard and whiskers like those of the Nawaub Bahadúr; but, when he became old, he allowed his beard to grow very long. One day, using an indecent expression, the Nawaub asked him— why he allowed his beard to grow so long. In reply, he said, “Men call those eunuchs who shave their beards and moustaches.” This was in allusion to Hydur’s custom of shaving his beard, and also to the cause of Yasín Khan’s following his example, by shaving his.
In the battle fought between the Nawaub and Trimuk Mama, the army of the Nawaub was totally defeated, and his baggage plundered. After the battle, the Mahrattas searched about every where, that they might take Hydur prisoner; and they were all impressed with an opinion, that any man who had his beard and moustaches shaved must be Hydur Náík. In these circumstances, Yasín Khan Wunti Koodri, keeping his eye on the faith and gratitude he owed his master, immediately shaved off his beard and whiskers, and folding a turban round his head, after the manner of Hydur Alí, mounted a large horse, and with three or four horsemen ranged over the field, as if they were men of rank seeking to escape. As soon, therefore, as the Mahrattas saw them, they made sure that Yasín was no other than Hydur Alí Khan himself; and they seized him and carried him to their officer. In the mean time, however, Hydur Alí by stripping off his clothes,r had escaped, and had reached Seringaputtun, the distance being about three Kose (four miles and a half). When the Mahrattas found that Hydur Alí Khan had escaped, and that the man they had taken was Yasín Khan, they released him from confinement, and, from that day, he used in jest to say, that he was the true, or original, Hydur Alí Khan.
It is well known that, from the commencement of his good fortune to his death, Hydur was very fearful of treachery; and, if any ambassador came to him from a foreign State, he took every precaution for his own security. For instance— when the late Nawaub Syud Futteh Alí Khan, and Alí Nowaz Khan, who were sent by Wala Jah with a message to Hydur, first arrived, they were placed in a Hindu temple, the same which he had converted into a fort, while contending with the Raja of Mysore; and, as it was on the bank of the river, the Nawaub Syud Futteh Khan, from the dampness of the air, was seized with an old complaint, a difficulty of breathing. Of necessity, Hydur was compelled then to send for them to the fort, where he gave them the house of Khundi Rao; but he stationed fifty Hurkaras, (spies), at the gate of their house, that every thing that was said or done might be reported to him daily.
But, leaving alone cases of this kind, his old servants, and the people of the towns in his territory, dared not speak a word to each other in the street. If they were mixed in a crowd, or friendly to each other, the spies seized, and dragged them off to the Durbar, (hall of audience), that they might be punished. In like manner, no one dared to speak privately with another in his assemblies,s for fear of his displeasure.
Whoever entered his dominions, had no longer any power or controul over himself; nor had he liberty to return as he came, until he received a pass or permit from Hydur’s Government. By his power mankind were held in fear and trembling; and, from his severity, God’s creatures, day and night, were thrown into apprehension and terror. Cutting off the nose and ears of any person in his territories, was the commonest thing imaginable; and the killing a man there, was thought no more of than the treading on an ant. No person of respectability ever left his house with an expectation to return safe to it.
If any one arrived in that country, (Mysore), who, from seeing the oppression there exercised, or from other impediments, did not ask for service, he was seized and examined, and was then forced to accept service, or was turned out of the town. If Hydur gave charge of a district on the faitht of any one, he had no power to take a farthing from the revenue beyond his own allowance. But if he took any, and it was found out, the money was demanded, and, if paid, well; but if it were not, he was seized and tied with ropes, like a horse, before and behind, and, having been stripped naked, an order was given to flog him with a whip, and a number of Jowal Doze,u beat him cruelly over the back and loins, after which salt was thrown upon his wounds. If he complained, he was beaten on the mouth with a shoe; and if he cried, red pepper, dried and pounded, was thrown in his eyes; and he was tortured in this way every day for a month, if he did not agree to pay the money. Besides this, every two or three days, iron spits or rods were made red hot, and he was burned or branded all over with them.v This was in addition to imprisonment, starvation, and chains. As soon, however, as the delinquent had paid the money, Hydur’s rage was softened, and he presented him with shawls, and golden chains, and again offered the same office to the poor man who had just escaped from death. But, if he refused to take it, the fire of Hydur’s wrath was rekindled. His cruelty, however, was still greater, when exerted in extorting money from the Hindoos.
The author of the above character says that, for six weeks after Hydur was dead, no one in camp, except a very few of his chief officersw knew of his decease. They had heard, indeed, that he was dangerously ill, but no more was known until Tippoo arrived in the camp; the duty in all the departments being carried on with the same regularity as before.
A statement of the number of troops in the service of Hydur Alí Khan, the chief of Seringaputtun, some few years since, added to a memoir of Hydur, by Mirza Ikbal, for Mr. Richard Johnson of Madras.
| Hydur Alí’s stable horse | 5,000 |
| Bede or Pindara horse | 4,500 |
| Sillahdárs or men enlisted with their horses and arms. | 7,000 |
| Workmen, as masons, bricklayers, &c. | 14,000 |
| Bár, or regular infantry | 20,000 |
| Attending the Presence or body guard | 4,000 |
| Garrisons, and detachments in different parts of the country: exceeding | 100,000 |
| Africans from Habsh and Zung Bar | 1,400 |
| Hurkaras, runners, spies | 1,700 |
| Pioneers | 1,000 |
| Servants of the household, tent Lascars, Chobedárs, &c. | 700 |
| Blacksmiths and carpenters in the arsenals at Chundur Nuggur, Seringaputtun, Bangalore, &c. | 3,200 |
| 162,500 |
A sweet smelling wood much used in India.
↩
A custom in India on hearing good news.
↩Cuddupah.
↩Meer Alí Ruza Khan.
↩The first chapter of the Koran.
↩Gulistan.
↩Syud is a name given to the descendents of the Prophet.— Shaikh signifies a chief or an elder.
↩
From Hydur’s character, there appears but little doubt that their departure was hastened by his kind offices.
↩The Lady’s name it appears was Kennie Sahibeh.
↩This work is rather remarkable for the length of its parentheses and digressions.
↩Venus.
↩Ambassadors or Agents.
↩Nephew.
↩Perhaps alluding to the defeat of the English detachment at Tulligaum.
↩Tulligaum.
↩Meaning the British troops.
↩Alluding to the game of Chess, the Knight.
↩Masulipatam and Porto Novo.
↩Independent horsemen, who are engaged horse and man.
↩Written also Kalispauk.
↩Chittapet.
↩Quarters of the town.
↩The Bohras are a tribe of newly converted Mussulmans, residing mostly in the N. western Provinces of India; they are chiefly merchants and traders.
↩The usurper Raghoonauth.
↩The Balaghaut extends according to the map, from Guntoor to Nundidroog, or thereabouts. The Payanghaut, which signifies the foot, or below the Ghauts, or mountains, is apparently the Eastern Coast of India, from Vellore to Namkool.
↩Hydur is almost always described as a Lion, which his name also signifies.
↩Gallopers, apparently. The number of regular cavalry with General Monro, is said, in one MS. to have been five hundred only.
↩The manuscript appears rather defective at this part, to us the most interesting in the book.
↩About the number of Baillie’s detachment.
↩By the female side.
↩In this part there is some slight difference in the MSS.— but I have followed that belonging to Her Majesty’s Library.
↩Meer Alí Ruza Khan.
↩
A pun on the name apparently.
↩Pay or service.
↩
Meer Alí Ruza Khan.
↩Kalistri, Vinkut Giri, &c.
↩Permacoil.
↩Some words are left out here in all the MSS. apparently; as is common in this work, the order and its result are crowded together in the same sentence.
↩The epithets Julleel Ulkudr Walakudr, &c. vary every time which makes it doubtful sometimes who is meant.
↩
Without truth or sincerity.
↩The Author does not say what became of him.
↩Trichinopoly.
↩Referring to Baillie’s defeat.
↩A Pagoda is worth about seven shillings.
↩St. Thomas’ Mount.
↩Permacoil of the English.
↩Porto Novo.
↩Tanjore and Trichinopoly.
↩
This alludes to the women of the Pagodas seemingly.
↩ A pun on the name of the province,
Shaul is also a tree, the wood of which is used in ship-building, teak.
↩The name of a Peer or Saint.
↩He caught a Tartar.
↩This will bear a different interpretation, but I believe this is what is meant.
↩Perhaps a two decked ship.
↩
Litters and small bedsteads.
↩Chingleput.
↩The Mount.
↩
A Native Captain of a Native regiment.
↩Peenth, a suburb, is the word which the English write Pettah.
↩Devoured.
↩The fight with the Dujjál or Antichrist.
↩Ironically.
↩The author of this work passes over the relief of Vellore, in silence.— The march of the General here mentioned was to Vellore I believe.
↩Sumustan.
↩Negapatam.
↩Madras or Arkat.
↩Sometimes written Kinchi.
↩This river in one copy is called Goldum.
↩Simpson, perhaps
↩Apparently household troops.
↩Made a charitable donation of them to the sword.
↩
A tribe of Hindoos who carry grain about on bullocks for sale.
↩Dylore.
↩Hydur’s encampment being at Dhoby Gurh. The description of this action is I think designedly obscure.
↩The commencement of the action is not described.
↩Intimating, I believe, that Hydur should remain where he was.
↩
Meaning the English army, apparently.
↩These people are called Dares in Hindostan.
↩Seringaputtun. The word Puttun signifies a city and it is therefore common to many cities in India.
↩These are called in the language of the country Muniwar and Kawuligur.
↩Shubdez— The horse of the Princess Shirin.
↩A string of small pearls probably, as Jowmala signifies a string of barley.
↩A kind of tobacco pipe.
↩The names of the districts are not mentioned, except that they belonged to the country South of Puttun, Kalistri, Vinkut Giri, &c.
↩A Cancer seemingly.
↩MSS. of the Royal Asiatic Society.
↩
The months of the Muhammadans are as is well known Lunar.
↩In the original, the sense is repeated in other words, as in other Oriental writings.
↩
Governor of a district, or town, and Collector of Revenue.
↩
Seemingly alluding to some kind of punishment.
↩Term of respect.
↩This story shews that Hydur Alí, although he trimmed between the two parties, like most uneducated Mussulmen in India, was a Shiah.
↩Alluding perhaps to the quarrelsome character of the Dukkanees.
↩Fatima.
↩The veneration of the Shiahs for Fatima, approaches nearly to the devotion, or worship, offered to the Virgin Mary by the Catholics.
↩See an account of the Hindoo Princes of Mysore in Col. Wilks’s History of that country.
↩The theatre of the Hindus.
↩A sword taken by Muhammad from an Arab at the battle of Budr, which descended to Alí.
↩Cuddapah.
↩
The insinuation intended to be conveyed by these words is not to be expressed.
↩“From morn till night the shrill alarum rung.”
↩He never kept his faith with any one else.
↩Chowki, a kind of low stool or chair.
↩Sewers of leathern bags, &c.
↩Of Hydur’s cruelty there are abundant testimonies.
↩Meer Muhammad Sadik Khan, Dewaun Gholaum Alí Khan, Bukhshi, Kureem Sáhib, his youngest son, and Kumr-ud-dín Khan, the son of Meer Alí Ruza Khan.
↩