Nawab Jafar Khān returning triumphant caused the music of victory to be struck up, entered the Fort, and ordered that a minaret should be raised entombing the heads of the slain on the highway leading towards Hindustan, so that it might serve as a warning to others. The prisoners of Rashid Khān’s army said that on the advance of Jafar Khān green-dressed soldiers with drawn swords descended from the clouds, attacked the force of Rashid Khān, and afterwards vanished. Sultān Farrukh-sir who had not yet finished settling his accounts with Sultān M‘azu-d-din, on the way receiving news of Jafar Khān’s victory and Rashid Khān’s defeat was depressed. In short, when near Akbarābād (Agra) a battle1 ensued between Farrukh-sir and Sultān M‘azu-d-din Jahāndār Shāh, the Syeds of Barha,2 on the side of Muḥammad Farrukh-sir, displaying self-sacrifice, exhibited heroic valour. On the side of M‘azu-d-din, Khān Jahān Bahadur Kokaltash Khān, who was the Pay-Master General of the Army, was killed, owing to the carelessness of the Amīru-l-Umara Ẕu-l-fuqār Khān.3 And M’azu-d-din’s other noblemen, especially the Mughal noblemen, being in conspiracy with the noblemen of Farrukh-sir, exhibited treachery during the battle. In consequence, great confusion arose in the army of M‘azu-d-din Jahāndār Shāh. Becoming depressed by observing the fate of Khān Jahān Bahādur, Jahāndār Shah fled straight to Shāhjahānābad to the house of ‘Aṣad Khān Āṣifu-d-daulah,1 the Chief Minister of the Empire. Immediately after, Amīru-l-Umarā, son of Āsifu-d-daulah, presented himself before his father, and counselled the latter to shelter the Emperor. The father, not considering it expedient to throw in his lot with Jahāndār Shāh, kept the latter under surveillance. Then Sultān Muhammad Farrukh-sir, without encountering any further opposition, ascended the Imperial throne at Akbarābād (Agra), towards the end of the year 1124 A. H. From Akbarābād (Agra), Farrukh-sir swiftly marched to Shāhjahānābād (Delhi), where he slew Jahāndār Shāh and the Amiru-l-Umarā.2
On hearing of the accession of Emperor Farrukh-sir, Nawāb Jafar Khān sent presents and tribute, and remitted the entire balance of the Imperial revenue. In return, the Nawab received patents confirming him in the united offices3 of the Nizāmat and Dewani of the three Ṣubahs of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa. The Nāwab was also recipient of a rich Khilat. The Nawāb’s representations to the new Emperor continued to receive attentive consideration, as during former regimes. The Nawāb became an object of envy to his contemporaries and peers. For instance, on Jafar Khān’s representation to the Emperor, Nagar Set’s uncle and agent, Fateḥ Chand Sahu, whose services had won the good graces of the Khān, was invested with the title of Jagat Set, and appointed to the office of Treasurer-General of Bengal. Syed Ḥusain ‘Ali Khān, the Paymaster-General, who was a brother of Qutb-ul-Mulk ‘Abdullāh Khān Vazir, aspired after the title of Naṣirjang, which title Jafar Khān held. As it was not consonant with the Imperial regulations that two persons should simultaneously hold one title, an Imperial mandate was issued to Jafar Khān, suggesting an exchange of titles. Although the Syed brothers were personages of immense influence and power, Jafar Khān resented their impudence, declined to exchange his title, and sent the following manly reply to the Emperor: “This old servant has no hankering after names or titles; but the title which it pleased the late Emperor ‘Alamgir (Aurangzeb) to confer on him, he declines to barter.” When Syed Razī Khān died, at the desire of Jafar Khān, Emperor Farrukh-sir conferred the Diwānī of the Ṣubah of Bengal on Mirza Asadu-l-lāh, son of Shujā‘u-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān, Nazim of Orissa, by the daughter of Jafar Khān, bestowing at the same time on the Mirzā the title of Sarfarāz Khān. As Jafar Khān had no son, and Sarfarāz Khān was his maternal grandson, shewing foresight, he purchased from the income of his personal jagīr the zamindāri of Qismat Chunahkhalī in Parganah Kholharbah in the district of Murshidābād from Muḥammad Amān, the Taluqdar of the aforesaid Qismat, in the name of Mirzā Asadu-l-lāh Sarfarāz Khān, named the said zamindari Asadnagar, and caused it to be entered in the Imperial and Provincial Qānungo’s registers. This estate came to be known as Khāṣ Taluq, so that after his death it might afford subsistence to his descendants, and after the payment of revenue from its income its surplus might be at their disposal. And in the same year, the Deputy Governorship of Jahāngirnagar (Dacca) was bestowed on Mirzā Lutfu-l-lāh, a son-in-law of Shuja‘u-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān. The Mirzā at the same time received the title of Murshid Quli Khān. In that on the 9th Rabiu-l-Ṣani 1131 A.H. the Emperor Farrukh-sir was slain,1 through the treachery of ‘Abdullāh Khān the Vizir and Ḥusain ‘Ali Khān, the Paymaster-General, the Syeds of Barha raised Sultān Rafi‘u-d-darajāt,1 son of Prince Rafi‘u-sh-shān, son of Bahādur Shāh, to the throne. For four or five months, ruling nominally, this Emperor died of consumption. After this, Rafi‘u-d-darajāt’s second brother, named Sultān Rafi‘u-d-daulāh,2 was brought out from captivity, and placed on the throne, and was styled Shāh Jahān the Second. The latter also, like his elder brother, for five or six months sat nominally on the throne. At the time when the Imperial army was engaged in repelling Sultān Neko Sīr, son of Sultān Akbar, and grandson of Emperor Alamgir, who had invaded Akbarābād (Agra), Shāh Jahān the Second also died. And the Syeds of Barha and other Imperial noblemen, at the end of the year 1131 A.H., bringing out Sultān Raushan Akhtar, son of Jahān Shāh, from the citadel of Shāhjahānābād (Delhi), and marching with him day and night, reached Akbarābād (Agra), and in the beginning of 1132 A.H. they placed him on the Imperial throne, and styled him Abu-l-Fattāḥ Naṣiru-d-dīn Muḥammad Shāh Ghazī.3 A poet has said:—
Nawāb Jafar Khān, hearing of the accession of Muḥammad Shāh to the Imperial throne, sent presents and tribute, and received in return patents confirming him in his former offices, and adding thereto the Ṣubahdāri of Orissa. In short, owing to the undue influence exercised over the administration by Syeds Ḥusain ‘Ali Khān and ‘Abdu-l-lāh Khān from the reign of Farrukh-sir till that period, the affairs of the Empire had suffered much in eclat, and owing to constant changes in Emperors the administration of the country had fallen into chaos. The people of Bengal were, however, free from the troubles incidental to revolutions in the kingly office, as Jafar Khān ruled over that Province with great vigour. In his time no harm ensued to Bengal at the hands of the Mahrattas. The Christian Danes who had no factory in Bengal, and carried on commercial transactions through the agency of the French, with the advice of the latter, offering nazar, applied for permission to erect a factory at Bangibāzār.1 Obtaining sanad from Nawāb Jafar Khān, they erected mud-walled houses, established themselves there, and laid the foundation of a factory with strong towers, surrounded by a deep and broad moat, into which the river water flowed, and wherein sloops could move about. Working day and night, and spending much money, they set about building the same. Placing obliquely the cap of vanity on the head of pride, they gave themselves airs at the expense of other Christian nationalities, and bragged they would sell woollen-stuffs, velvet, and silk-stuffs2 at the rate of gunny-cloth.3 The English and Dutch Christians, seeing the loss in their own markets, conspired to have the former’s factory closed, intrigued with the Mughal merchants, and undertook to pay themselves their nazars. Relating to Ahsānu-l-lāh Khān, Faujdār of the Port of Hooghly, tales of their bloodshed and oppression in Europe and also exaggerated accounts of their having erected forts and towers with moats at Bangibāzār, and of their past misdeeds in the Emperor’s dominions, they induced Ahsanu-l-lah Khān to write to Nawāb Jafar Khān, and themselves petitioned the latter to issue mandates in the name of the above Faujdār to close the factory of the Danes. Although Ahsānu-l-lāh Khān sent agents to close the factory, the Danes not relying on their message, failed to close their factory; at length the Faujdār deputed his own Deputy, named Mīr Jafar, to the Danes. The Chief of the Danes, who was styled a General, mounted cannons on the heights of the ramparts, and prepared to fight. The aforesaid Mīr, erecting entrenchments facing the ramparts, commenced fighting with cannons, rockets, arrows, and muskets. But the soldiers of the Mīr could not approach the factory, owing to constant shower of cannon-balls and rockets. And the ways for the ingress and egress of the vessels of merchants in the river became closed The Christian French secretly leagued with the Danes and assisted the latter with supplies of shot, powder, and armaments. The Danes captured, with the secret help of the French, Khwājab Muḥammad Kamil, eldest son of Khwājah Muḥammad Fazal, who happened to pass and repass the river by boat. Owing to this, all the Mughal, Armenian, and other merchants made great exertions to effect his release, and fearing lest he might be slain, for two or three days a truce was arranged. The aforesaid Khwājah, agreeing to pay a large ransom, and also promising to bring about peace, was released from the custody of the Danes. Then the Christian French, dreading the resentment of the Faujdār, deserted the Danes. Mīr Jafar, advancing his entrenchments, with volleys of cannon-balls, rockets, arrows, and musket-balls, reduced the garrison to straits, and cut off all supplies both by land and by water. When the garrison were reduced to starvation, their Indian servants all fled, and the General alone with thirteen Danes remained in the factory. Though reduced to such straits and numbers, they with their own hands kept up a perpetual shower of cannon-balls and rockets, and allowed no opportunity to the attacking force to lift up their heads, and far less to advance out of their entrenchments or to assault the factory. For some time the fighting continued in this wise. By chance, a cannon-ball discharged from Mīr Jafar’s entrenchment hit the Danish General on the right arm, and broke it, and his hand became in consequence useless. The General1 was obliged, in consequence, at dead of night, to scuttle out of the factory, and, embarking on board a vessel, he set sail for his own native country. Next morning, the factory was captured; but save and except some cannon-balls, nothing of value was found. Mīr Jafar, rasing the gateway and the tower of the factory, returned victorious and triumphant. About that time, news arrived that the Afghans, Shuj‘āit Khān and Nijāt Khān, zamindars of Tonkī Sarūbpūr,2 in the Sarkar of Maḥmūdābād, who were notorious for their lawlessness, had plundered the revenue of Maḥmūdābād amounting to sixty thousand rupees, whilst on its way to Murshidābād. Nawāb Jafar Khān, who thirsted for the blood of thieves and robbers, hearing this news, appointed a Superintendent of Dacoity with spies under him, and after ascertaining the reality and origin of this affair, he issued an order to Aḥsānu-l-lāh Khān, Faujdār of the Chaklāh of Hughli, directing their arrest. The aforesaid Khān, ostensibly marching out on a hunting expedition, like a sudden calamity, surprised their stronghold, arrested and captured all the brigands, put them in chains and fetters, mutilated their hands and feet, tied them strongly and securely with pieces of stirrup-leather, and sent them to Nawāb Jafar Khān. The Nawāb imprisoned them for life, and confiscated their treasures. After they were thus banished and extirpated,3 the Nawab settled their aforesaid zamīndārī with Rām Jivan. Levying indemnity equal to the plundered revenue from the landholders of the neighbourhood, the Nawab credited it to the Imperial treasury. During the Nawāb’s administration, the names of free-booters, night-marauders, and assassins were blotted out from the annals of the Bengal Satrapy, and the dwellers, both of towns and villages, lived in perfect peace and comfort. The Thanahs of Katwah and Murshidganj, on the highway leading to Bardwān, were established by the Nawāb, in the early part of his Nizāmat, whilst he held the title of Murshid Quli Khān. He established these Thanahs for guarding the above highway, and their control and administration was entrusted by the Nawāb to his special disciple, Muhammad Jān. In that, in the environs of Fanachor, which is on the highway leading from Nadiā to Hughli, in the plantain groves thefts took place in broad daylight, Muhammad Jān established an outpost at Pūpthal, subordinate to the Thanah of Katwah. Capturing the thieves and robbers, and chopping them into bits, Muhammad Jān hanged them on the trees of the highway, to serve as warnings to others. As in his retinue, hatchet-men used to go ahead, he became known as Muhammad Jān Kolharāh. Thieves and robbers used to tremble on hearing of his name. As a propagator of Muhammadan religion, as a strict observer of the religious injunctions, as a friend of scions of good family, as a reliever of the distressed, and as an exterminator of oppressors, Nawāb Jafar Khān was a second Amīra-l-Umarā Shāista Khān. He was strict in the enforcement of his orders, and faithful in the fulfilment of his engagements. He never neglected saying his daily prayers five times, and fasted for three months in the year, and used to completely recite the Qorān. On the 12th and 13th of the lunar months, he used to fast, and on Thursday nights he was vigilant in his prayers. Many nights he used to pass in reciting certain select portions of the Qorān, and he slept little. From morning to midday, he devoted himself daily to transcribing the Qorān. And he used to send, every year, copies of the Qorān transcribed by his hand, together with votive offerings and gifts, through the headmen of the pilgrims and other caravans bound for pilgrimage, to Mecca, Medinah, Najaf, Karballa, Baghdād, Khorāsān, Jidāh, Baṣrah, and other holy places, like Ajmir, Panduah, &c. For each of these places, he allotted votive offerings, endowments, and reciters of the Qorān. The humble author of this History has seen a torn copy of the Qorān, every chapter of which was detached, in the shrine of Hazrat Makhdum Akhi Siraju-d-din, at S‘adu-l-lahpur,1 written in large characters in the handwriting of Nawāb Jafar Khān. The Nawāb had in his employ 2,500 reciters of the Qorān, who completely recited the Qorān daily, and corrected what the Nawāb transcribed from the Qorān; and their meals were supplied twice daily from the Nawāb’s own kitchen, and comprised game, birds, and other animals. He shewed a great predilection for the company of Syeds, Shaikhs, the scholarly, and the pious, and he deemed it meritorious to serve them. And from the 1st to the 12th of the month of Rabi’u-l-Awwal, which is the anniversary of the death of the Prophet Muḥammad (Peace be on him!), daily he used to feed the excellent and the venerable Shaikhs, the Ulama, the pious saints, and inviting them from the environs of Murshidābād, he used to receive them with great respect at his banquets, and till they finished their dinners, he used to stand before them in a respectful posture, and to serve them. And every night during that period, from Māhinagar to Lālbāgh, on the banks of the river, he used to arrange illuminations with chirāghs, in an elegant fashion, so that from the brightness of the illumination, the altars of the mosques and the pulpits, with the inscriptions of the Qorān engraved thereon, could be read from the other side of the river by spectators, to their great amazement. It is said that he employed more than one lak of labourers to light the chirāghs under the supervision of Nāzir Aḥmad. After sunset, as soon as the gun was fired to signal that the illumination should commence, all the chirāghs were simultaneously lit up in one instant, producing an illusion as if a sheet of light had been unrolled, or as if the earth had become a sky studded with stars. And he constantly consecrated his life to seek the approbation of his Creator and to seek the well-being of his subjects, and to redress the grievances of the oppressed. He used to sign his name with the Shangarfi pen. He exerted himself to render the prices of food-grains cheap, and did not allow rich people to hoard up stocks of grains. Every week, he had the price-current reports of food-grains prepared, and compared them with the prices actually paid by the poor people. If these latter were charged one dām over the prices stated in the price-current reports, he had the dealers, mahaldārs, and weighmen punished in various forms, and had them patrolled through the city, placed upon asses. During his administration, the ruling price of rice was 5 or 6 maunds (of the standard market weight) per rupee, and other articles were similarly cheap, so much so that by spending one rupee in a month, people ate polāo and qaliah daily.1 Owing to this cheapness, the poor lived in ease and comfort. And the captains of ships were not permitted to export on their vessels food-grains beyond those needed for actual consumption by those on board the ships. At the period of disembarkation of ships, the Faujdār of the port of Hughli deputed to the harbour a Preventive Officer for the inspection and attachment of the food-grains, in order that no food-grains beyond what were needed for actual consumption on board the ships might be exported. And the Nawab had so much reverence for the Imperial authority, that he never travelled on any of the Imperial flotilla of boats. In the rainy seasons, when the Imperial war-vessels came for review from Jahāngirnagar (Dacca) he used to go up to receive them, and turning his face towards the Imperial Capital he used to offer his salute and presents. And in obedience of the Sacred Law he never indulged in intoxicating liquors, and eschewed things prohibited by the sacred law, neither he saw dancings nor heard singings. In his whole lifetime, besides his one wedded wife, he kept no mistress, and never bestowed his attention on any other woman. Owing to his extremely nice sense of honour, he did not allow eunuchs and women who cannot be lawfully seen to enter his ḥarem. If a female slave went out of his ḥarem once, he did not allow her access to the ḥarem again. In every branch of learning, art, and science he had great proficiency. He abstained from delicious and luxurious dishes; nor did he taste anything of luxury except ice-water and ice-preserves. And Khizr Khān, Deputy of Nāzir Muḥammad, was deputed for four months in winter to the mountains of Akbarnagar for storing ice. The Nawab had stores of ice full for twelve months, used ice daily and received his supplies of ice from Akbarnagar. Similarly, in the season of mango-fruit, which is the best of the fruits2 of Bengal, the Superintendent of mango-supplies was posted in the Chaklah of Akbarnagar, and he, counting the mangoes of the Khāṣ trees, entered them in the accounts, and shewed their collection and disposal, and the watchmen and carriers, levying the expenses of carriage from the zamindars, sent the sweet and delicious mangoes from Maldāh, Katwāh, Ḥusainpur, Akbarnagar, and other places. And the zamīndārs had no power to cut down the Khas mango-trees; on the contrary, the mangoes of all the gardens of the aforesaid Chaklah were attached. And this practice was more rigorously observed in the times of previous Nāzims of Bengal. Even at present,1 when the administration of Bengal is virtually in the hands of the Christian English, and only the nominal Nizāmat rests with Nawāb Mubāraku-d-daulah, son of Nawāb J‘āfar Alī Khān,2 in the mango-season the Superintendent of the Khāṣ mangoes proceeds to Māldāh on behalf of the aforesaid Nawāb Mubāraku-d-daulah, attaches the mangoes of the Khāṣ trees, and sends them to the Nawāb, and the zamindārs do not go near the Khaṣ mango-trees. But the Superintendent no longer obtains the carriage expense from the Zamindars, nor does he enjoy his former prestige and respect. The roots of oppression were so thoroughly extirpated in the time of Nawāb J‘afar Khān, that the agents of zamindars used to loiter about— from the Naqār Khānah to the Chehal satun,3 in quest of the oppressed and of complainants. Wherever they came across an oppressed man or a complainant, they amicably settled matters with him, and did not leave him to complain to the Nawab. And if the officers of the Courts of justice shewed partiality towards the oppressors, and if the oppressed carried their complaints to the Nawab, the latter instantly redressed their grievances. In administering justice, he did not allow consideration and partiality to be shewn to anyone; he weighed the high and the low evenly in the scale of justice. For instance, it is well known that to avenge the death of an oppressed man, he executed his own son,4 and obtained the title of “‘Adālat Gastar” (or Justice-Strewer). He used to dispense justice, basing his orders on the injunction of the Qorān, and on the expounding of the law by Qāzi Muhammad Shārf, who had been appointed to the office of Qāzi by Emperor Aurangzeb, and who was an upright judge and a great scholar, free from hypocrisy. It is related that a mendicant at Chunākhalī begged for alms from Bindraban, the Talqudar. The latter got annoyed, and turned him out from his house. The mendicant on his (Bindraban’s) route of passage collected some bricks, laid them one over the other like the foundation of a wall, and named it a mosque, and shouted out the call to prayer, and whenever the palanquin of Bindraban passed that way, he shouted out still more loudly the call to prayer. Bindraban, becoming annoyed by this, threw down some brickbats from that foundation, and abusing the mendicant drove the latter from that place. The mendicant lodged a complaint at the Court of justice of Nawāb J‘afar Khān. Qāzi Muhammad Sharf, with the concurrence of other Ulama, acting on the injunction of the sacred Law, ordered the execution of Bindraban. J‘afar Khān, not acquiescing in the sentence of execution, enquired thus from the Qāzi as to whether he could be let off: ‘Can in any way this Hindu be saved from the death-sentence?’ The Qāzi replied: “Only so much interval may be allowed in the execution of his death-sentence as may be taken up in the execution of his interceder; after that, he must be executed.”1 Prince ‘Azimu-sh-shān also interceded for Bindrāban; but that, too, was of no avail. The Qāzi killed him by shooting him with an arrow with his own hand. Azimu-sh-shān wrote to Emperor Aurangzeb as follows: “Qāzi Muḥammad Shārf has turned mad; for nothing he has killed Bindrāban with his own hand.” The Emperor remarked on the report of the Prince thus: “This is a gross2 calumny; the Qāzi is on the side of God.” Till the close of the reign of Emperor Aurangzeb, Qāzi Sharf continued to hold the office of Qāzi. On the death of the Emperor, the Qāzi resigned his office; though J‘afar Khān pressed him to continue, he did not. And during the reign of Emperor Aurangzeb and during the Nizāmat of J‘afar Khān, only the nobility, the scholars, the learned, and the excellent who passed examinations were appointed to the office of Qāzi, which was never bestowed on the illiterate or the low. No changes or transfers in the offices of the pious and hereditary Qāzis existed, nor was any tax levied from them; in fact, they were subordinates to no superiors, nor answerable to any.1 For instance, Aḥsanu-l-lāh Khān, Faujdār of the port of Hughli, grandson of Bāqir Khān, the Senior (after whom a kind of Indian bread has acquired the name of Bāqir Khāni), was a protegè of Nawāb J‘afar Khān, and he possessed great influence with the Nawāb. During his administration, Imamu-d-dīn, Kotwāl (Police Superintendent) of the port of Hughli, who had acquired a high position and much influence, enticed away the daughter of a Mughal from the latter’s house. The aforesaid Aḥsanu-l-lāh Khān, conniving at this offence, shewed partiality towards his Kotwāl, and stood surety for his future good behaviour. The Mughals carried their complaint to Nawāb J‘afar Khān. The Nawab, according to the injunctions of the Holy Book, had the Kotwāl stoned to death, and did not listen to the intercession of Aḥsanu-l-lāh Khān for the offender. Towards the close of his career, on the eastern plain of the city of Murshidābād, on the grounds of his Khas T‘aluq, the Nawab erected a Treasury, a Katrah, a Cathedral mosque, a monument, a Reservoir, and also sank a large well, and under the staircase of the mosque, he located his own tomb, so that it might be safe from damage, and might also, owing to the proximity of the mosque, be blessed with perpetual benedictions for his soul. When his life drew to its close, finding that he had no son, he proclaimed Sarfarāz Khān, who was his maternal grandson, and who had been brought up by him, as his heir and successor, and he entrusted to him charge of the treasures and effects and the control of both the Nizāmat and the Imperial offices. In 1139 A.H. he died. From the following Miṣr‘a, the date of his death is obtained:—
(Translation) From the Imperial Capital, the rampart has fallen.
When the numerical value of the word
When Nawāb J‘afar Khān passed to the regions of eternity, Sarfaraz Khān3 following the Nawāb’s dying wish, laid the former in the tomb under the staircase of the Katrah mosque, and himself ascended the masnad of Nizamat as his successor. And conciliating the Nizamat and Imperial officials, like Nawab J‘afar Khān he administered fiscal and administrative affairs. Save and except the Public Funds and Imperial treasures, he removed to his private residence the private treasures and effects of J‘afar Khān. He reported J‘afar Khān’s death to Emperor Muḥammad Shāh and to Qamru-d-dīn Husain Khān Bahadur.1 He also communicated the intelligence to his father, Shuja‘u-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān, who was Naẓim of Orissa. The latter on hearing the news said:—
Since Shuja‘u-d-dīn was very anxious to obtain the Niẓamat of Bengal with its honours, treasures, and privileges, he shelved all paternal and filial attachments, and left his son, Muḥammad Taqi Khān, who was matchless in bravery and liberality, in charge of the Niẓamat of Orissa in the City of Katak.
END OF FASC. 3.
FASC. IV.
Shujāu-d-dīn marched with a large army towards Bengal. In order to obtain the Imperial Sanad of the Nizāmat of Bengal, and in order to secure the support of the Imperial Ministers, he sent a message to Rai Balkishan, agent of Nawab Ja‘far Khān, at the Imperial Court, who enjoyed more confidence and eminence than Ja‘far Khān’s other agents. He also sent messages to other agents of his own.
Emperor Muḥammad Shāh,1 on receiving news of Nawab Ja‘far Khān’s death, had conferred the Ṣūbahdārī of Bengal on Amīru-l-Umarā Ṣamṣāmu-d-daulah Khān-i-Daurān2 Khān Bahādur, Chief Pay-Master-General of the Army. The latter was Emperor’s loyal friend and intimate associate both in social gaieties as well as in State deliberations, and was his comrade, companion, and councillor in matters pertaining to feasts, as well as to wars. The Amīru-l-Umarā misled by the intrigues of the aforesaid agent, sent the patent and Khila‘t of the Deputy Nizāmat of Bengal in the name of Shujāu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān. Shujāu-d-dīn Khān had reached this side of Mednipūr, when the patent addressed to his name arrived, and viewing this event as a good omen, he named that place “Mubarak-Manzil” or “the Auspicious place,” and ordered a Katrāh (a Tower) and a masonry-built Caravanserai to be erected there. When news of the approach of his father reached Sarfarāz Khān, owing to recklessness of youth, the latter intended marching to Katwah, in order to oppose his father’s advance. The Dowager Begam of Nawāb Ja‘far Khān, who was a very wise and sagacious lady, and who regarded Sarfarāz Khān as dearer than her own life, dissuaded the latter, and with soft and sweet words of counsel set his mind at ease. She said to Sarfarāz Khān: “Your father is old; after him, the Ṣubahdārī as well as the country with its treasures would devolve on you. To fight against one’s own father, is cause of loss both in this world and in the next, as well as of ignominy. It is meet that till the lifetime of your father, you should remain contented with the Diwānī of Bengal.” Sarfarāz Khān, who never acted against the advice of his grand-mother, acquiesced in her counsel. Advancing, he received Shujāu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān, and escorted him to Murshidābād. Making over to his father the Fort and the offices of the Nizāmat, Sarfarāz Khān retired to his private residence at Nakṭākhalī. From there he used to attend daily on his father, and spend his time according to the latter’s wishes. Retaining in his own service the Qorān-readers, hymn-reciters, and scholars belonging to Nawab Ja‘far Khān’s household, Sarfarāz Khān employed them on devotions and on recitations of the Qorān, as was the practice under Nawab Ja‘far Khān. He further consecrated his life to winning the hearts of people, and also sought for help and blessings from saints and hermits.
Shujāu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān,1 who in point of bravery and courage was unique in his day, and who in point of liberality and generosity was matchless in his time, was born at Burhānpūr.1 As he ascended the masnad of the Nizāmat of Bengal in his old age, he felt compassion for the condition of the Bengal Zamindars, who being in duress from the time of Nawāb Ja‘far Khān had never, even in dreams, beheld the faces of their wives and children. He set them at large, and permitted them to return to their homes, after levying from them Nazars over and above the amounts of revenue assessed by Nawāb Ja‘far Khān. By this stroke of policy, over and above the profits of Jāgīrs and fees on ware-houses and factories, he easily raised one kror and fifty laks of rupees, which he remitted to the Imperial Treasury through the Banking Agency of Jagat Seṭh Fatiḥ Chānd. And selling off at fancy prices to Zamindars the jaded horses, cattle, and other live-stock, as well as damaged carpets and curtains belonging to the private estate of Nawab Ja‘far Khān, he sent another forty laks of rupees, besides elephants, to Emperor Muḥammad Shāh. And after the Abstract Balance-sheet of the Annual Accounts was prepared, he remitted to the Imperial Capital the stipulated annual tribute of the Nizāmat, besides the Imperial Revenue, according to the established usage. And sending to the Emperor, at their proper seasons, elephants, Tāngan horses, special cotton-fabrics,2 and qūshkhana3 and other manufactures, he attested thereby his loyalty to the Imperial throne, and was in consequence invested with the titles of Mautamanu-l-Mulk, Shuja‘u-d-daulah, Shujā‘u-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān Bahādur Asad Jang. He also received the personal Manṣab of a Haft Hazārī, with seven thousand troopers, besides a fringed Pālkī, together with the insignia of the Māhī Order, and a khila‘t consisting of six pieces of robes, precious stones, a jewel-mounted sword, and a Royal elephant with a horse. He was further confirmed in the office of Nāzim of Bengal. He surpassed his predecessors in office in paraphernalia of royalty and armaments, and though his prime of life had passed, he did not scorn life’s pleasures. Dismantling the public buildings erected by Nawab Ja‘far Khān, as they seemed too small according to his lofty ideals, he built instead a grand and spacious Palace, an Arsenal, a lofty Gateway, a Revenue Court,1 a Public Audience-Hall,2 a Private Office,3 a Boudoir for Ladies, a Reception-Hall,4 a Court of Chancery5 and a Court of Justice.6 He lived in magnificent splendour, and used to ride out in right regal state. He attended constantly to the well-being of his Army, and to the happiness of his subjects. On his officers, he lavished largesses amounting to no less than one thousand or five hundred rupees in each case. Constantly animated by a scrupulous regard for justice, and always inspired by fear of God, he uprooted from his realm the foundations of oppressions and tyrannies. Executing Nāzir Aḥmad and Murād Farrāsh, the employés of Nawab Ja‘far Khān, who were notorious for their highhandedness, he confiscated their effects. Nāzir Aḥmad had laid the foundation of a Mosque with a garden at Dehpara on the banks of the river Bhāgiratī. Shujā‘u-d-daulah, after executing him, finished the mosque and garden, and named them after himself. And he tastefully embellished the garden by building therein grand palaces with reservoirs, canals and numerous fountains. It was a splendid garden, compared with which the spring-houses of Kashmīr paled like withering autumn-gardens; nay, the garden of Iram1 itself seemed to draw its inspiration of freshness and sweetness from it. Shujā‘u-d-daulah used frequently to resort for promenades and picnics to that paradise-like garden, and held there pleasure-parties and other entertainments. Every year in that beautiful garden, he used to give a State Banquet to the educated section2 of his State Officers. It is said that owing to the superb charmfulness of that garden, Fairies used to come down there for picnics and walks, and to bathe in its tanks. The guards on getting scent of this, informed Shujā‘u-d-daulah. Dreading mischief from the genii, the Nawab filled up the tanks with earth, and discontinued his picnics in that garden.
Being fond of ease and pleasures, Nawab Shujā‘u-d-daulah entrusted the duties of the Nizāmat to a Council,3 composed of Ḥājī Ahmad, Rāi Ā‘lamchānd Dīwān, and Jagat-Set Fateḥchānd, whilst the Nawab himself indulged in pleasures.1 Rāi Ā‘lamchānd Mukhtār,2 in the period of Shujā‘u-d-daulah’s Nizāmat of Orissa, was a Muḥrar attached to the latter’s household. At this time, he was invested with the Deputy Diwānī of the Ṣūbah of Bengal, and being appointed Superintendent-General of the Affairs of the Nizāmat and the Diwānī, he effected considerable retrenchments in the public expenditure, and received the personal Manṣab of a Hazārī with the title of Rāi Rāiān— a title which until that time no officer of the Bengal Nizāmat or Diwānī had enjoyed. And Hājī Aḥmad1 and Mirzā Bandī were sons of Mirzā Muḥammad, who was a cup-bearer of Ā‘zzam Shāh, a son of Emperor Aurangzeb Ā‘lamgīr. Hājī Āḥmad, on the death of his father, was appointed Cup-bearer and Superintendent of the jewellery-stores of Sultān Muḥammad Ā‘zzam Shāh. As Ā‘zzam Shāh2 fell in the struggle for the Empire, at the time of this Revolution, the two brothers leaving the Imperial Capital proceeded to the Dakhin and thence to Odīsa (Orissa), and entered there the service of Shujā‘u-d-daulah. Adopting a policy of tact and prudence which “is a friend, and like water, takes to every hue,” these two brothers got into the good graces of Shujā‘u-d-daulah. When Shujā‘u-d-daulah acquired the Nizāmat of the Ṣūbah of Bengal, Ḥājī Āḥmad became his intimate associate and councillor in all affairs of the Nizāmat; whilst Mirzā Bandī was invested with the Manṣab and title of Ā‘lī Vardī Khān, and appointed Faujdār of the Chaklah of Akbarnagar1 (Rājmahal). Similarly, the Hājī’s eldest son, named Muḥammad Riẓā,2 received the office of Dāroghah or Superintendent of the Bajūtrah of Murshidābād; his second son, Agā Muḥammad Sa‘īd, was appointed Deputy Faujdār of Rangpūr; whilst his youngest son, Mirẓā Muḥammad Hāshim, was invested with the Manṣab and title of Hashim Ā‘lī Khān. Pīr Khān, who during Shujā‘u-d-daulah’s stay at Burhānpūr had rendered faithful services, and who from his youth to old age had passed his days in his company, was at this time invested with the Manṣab and title of Shuja‘ Qulī Khān, and given the Faujdārī of the Port of Hūglī, on the transfer of Aḥsanul-lah Khān.
The new Faujdār of Huglī commenced exactions and oppressions. The Port of Hūglī from his rapacity was ruined; and he commenced quarrelling with the European merchants. On the pretext of collecting the customs-duties of the Imperial Customs-House, he requisitioned troops from the Emperor, commenced hostility with the English, Dutch, and French, and levied Nazars and taxes. It is said that once unloading from English vessels bales of silk and cotton-stuffs, and placing these below the fort, he confiscated them. The English troops advancing from Calcutta, arrived near the fort. Shujā‘ Quli Khān finding himself an unequal match for them climbed down, when the English troops carried off their goods. The aforesaid Khān writing to Nawāb Shujā‘u-d-daulah requisitioned troops to attack the English, and by cutting off supplies of Qāsimbāzār and Calcutta, he reduced them to straits. The Chief of the English Factory at Qāsimbāzār was compelled in consequence to arrange terms of peace, by agreeing to pay three laks of rupees as nazar to Shujā‘u-d-daulah. The Chief of the English Factory in Calcutta, borrowing the nazarana money from the Calcutta bankers, remitted it to Shujā‘u-d-daulah.
In short, as the good services of Shujā‘u-d-daulah came to the notice of the Emperor through the medium of Khān Daurān Khān, in recognition thereof, the Nizāmat of the Ṣūbah of Behar1 on the transfer of Fakhru-d-daulah, brother of Raushanu-d-daulah Turābbāz Khān, was also conferred by the Emperor on Nawāb Shujā‘u-d-daulah. The aforesaid Nawāb considering Muḥammad Ā‘lī Vardī Khān to be a person of capacity and tact, appointed him to be his Deputy Governor of Behar, and sent him to ‘Azīmābād (Patna) with five thousand cavalry and infantry. Ā‘li Vardī Khān, arriving in the Ṣubah of Behar, associated with himself, in the administration, General Abdul Karīm Khān,1 Chief of the Afghāns of Dārbhanga, and raised a levy of efficient troops. Entrusting the reins of authority over administrative and revenue affairs to the hands of Abdul Karīm Khān, Ā‘li Vardī Khan sent the former on an expedition against the Banjarah tribe, who were a class of marauders and murderers, and who in the guise of traders and travellers used to plunder the imperial domains and treasures. Abdul Karīm Khān, subduing the Banjarah tribe, gained a large booty. Muḥammad Ā‘lī Vardī, by chastising the Banjarah2 tribe, achieved a high reputation. And being aided by the Āfghāns, Ā‘li Vardī advanced with his forces against the tracts of the Rājahs of Bītīah and Bhawārah,3 who were refractory and turbulent. Their regions had never previously been trod by the feet of the armies of former Nāzims, nor had their proud heads ever bended before to any of the former Ṣūbahdārs. Indeed, they had never before paid the imperial revenues and taxes. After fighting with them incessantly, Ā‘lī Vardi Khān became victorious and triumphant. Raiding and pillaging their tracts, Ā‘li Vardī Khān carried off a large booty, amounting to several laks, in specie and other effects. And settling with the Rājahs the amounts of tribute, presents and the imperial revenue, he raised an immense sum. The soldiery also were enriched by the booty, and the strength of Ali Vardī’s administration increased. And drawing his forces against the Chakwar tribe, who had acquired a world-wide notoriety for their marauding propensities, Alī Vardī also extirpated them. Invading the tracts of the refractory and turbulent Zamindar of Bhojpūr,4 and of Rājah Sundar Singh, Zamindar of Tikarī, and of Nāmdār Khān Muīn,5 who, sheltered by dense forests and rocks, had not cared for former Nāzims, and had neglected to discharge loyal duties, and without coercion had never paid the Imperial revenue, Alī Vardī set about chastising every one of them, subdued their tracts thoroughly, levied the revenues from them to the fullest extent, and reduced them to thorough subjection. And similarly punishing other insolent rebels, Ali Vardī Khān placed the ring of submission on their ears. And in a short period becoming master of immense treasures and a large army, Ali Vardī’s power and prestige grew enormously. As ‘Abdul Karīm Khān held control over all the State affairs, he exercised absolute sway, and ignored Muḥammad Ali Vardī Khān. Hence the latter becoming suspicious of the former, inveigled him by some device into his own house, and slaying him raised the standard of triumph. And through the agency of Muḥammad Ishāq Khān,1 Dīwān of the Imperial Khaliṣāh, Ali Vardī Khān opened negociations with Qamru-d-dīn Khān,2 the Imperial Vizier, and also with other Imperial Ministers, and succeeded in obtaining directly from the Emperor the title of Mahabat Jang3 Bahadur, without Shuju‘ā-d-daulah’s recommendation. Shujā‘u-d-daulah, who reposed full confidence in Hājī Aḥmad and Ali Vardī Khān, viewed without misgivings this elevation of Ali Vardī’s rank; but his son, Sarfarāz Khān, felt misgivings about it. On account of this difference in views, between the father and the son a coolness set in. Another son of Shujā‘u-d-daulah by a different wife was Muḥammad Taqī Khān. He was Deputy Nāzim of Orissa, and was not only brave and bold but was also popular with the Army. Hājī Aḥmad and Ali Vardī Khān basing their intrigue on his rivalry contrived to bring about a rupture, advantageous to themselves, between the two brothers. When the plan of this intrigue was matured, Hājī Aḥmad secured the adhesion of Rāi Rāiān ‘Ālam Chānd and Jagatset Fateh Chānd; and the Triumvirate now waited for the development of their conspiracy. Shujā‘u-d-daulah, by the advice of the Triumvirate, was induced not to entrust the control of any affair to Sarfarāz Khān. When the fibres of mistrust thus sown took root in the soil of the hearts of the son and the father, as well as of the two brothers, and these were about to germinate, Muḥammad Taqī Khān, ascertaining the real origin of this misunderstanding, proceeded from Orissa to Bengal, to personally interview his father and brother. The Councillors of Shujā‘u-d-daulah, finding the odds of the times evenly balanced, fanned strifes and fomented jealousies between the two brothers, so much so that both the latter prepared to fight. Muḥammad Taqī Khān with his army rode out, and arrayed his force on a sandy plain, opposite to the Murshidabad Fort, on the other side of the river Bhāgiratī. Thence he advanced to interview his father, but did not plunder the City. And the army of Sarfarāz Khān was arranged in battle-array from Naktakhālī to Shāhnagar, and was ready to kindle the fire of war and slaughter. Secretly tempting by offers of bribe the commanders and officers of Muḥammad Taqī’s army, Sarfarāz Khān won them over to his side, and sending messages for Muḥammad Taqī’s capture, waited for the enemy, in the hope that when the two contending hosts would face each other in battle-array, his own officers would capture Muḥammad Taqī and bring him in. Muḥammad Taqī Khān, who in bravery was the Rustam1 of his day, did not care for the enemy. The negociations for peace and war passed and repassed between the two brothers. When Nawāb Shujā‘u-d-daulah saw that affairs had taken a grave turn, he intervened, reconciled the brothers, and prevented their fighting. And out of regard for the feelings of Sarfarāz Khān and the Begams, rebuking several times Muḥammad Taqī Khān, Shujā‘u-d-daulah prohibited the latter from coming to see and salute him. At length, at the intercession of Sarfarāz Khān’s mother, he pardoned Muḥammad Taqī Khān, and permitted him to go back to the Ṣūbah of Orissa. But on arrival in Orissa, in the year 1147 A.Ḥ., owing to the witchcraft of the enemy, he2 died. On this, Murshid Qulī Khān, surnamed Majbur,3 who was a son-in-law of Shujā‘u-d-daulah and was already Deputy Nāzim of Jahāngirnagar (Dacca), and was a son of a merchant of the Port of Sūrat, and who in his writings and compositions, and in his poetical productions and caligraphy, enjoyed great excellence, was appointed Deputy Nāzim of the Ṣubah of Orissa.
During the Viceroyalty of Nawāb Ja‘far Khān, whilst the abovementioned Murshīd Qulī Khān1 stayed at Murshīdābād, a person named Mīr Ḥābīb, a native of Shīrāz, spoke Persian very fluently, though he was not read in that language. By chance, Mīr Ḥabīb arrived in the Port of Hūglī, where he earned his livelihood by retailing the wares of Mughal merchants. Owing to his kindred mercantile pursuits, and also owing to his conversational powers, Mīr Ḥabīb quickly ingratiated himself with Murshīd Qulī Khān, and entered the latter’s service. When Nawāb Ja‘far Khān conferred the Governorship of Jahāngīr-nagar (Dacca) on Murshīd Qulī Khān, Mīr Ḥabīb also went in the latter’s company to Jahāngīr-nagar (Dacca), and was attached to the latter as his Deputy. By personally attending to minute details, and by adopting a policy of economy, Mīr Ḥabīb curtailed the State expenditure on account of the Nawarah (war-vessels), the artillery, and the army, and thus rendered good services, and in consequence, shortly after, his official rank was raised. Finding the tract of Jahāngīr-nagar (Dacca) to be fertile, profit-yielding, and suited for trading business, he revived the system of Ṣauda-i-khaṣ current during the Viceroyalty of Prince Āzīmu-sh-Shān, and by means of other exactions, both he and his Chief amassed wealth. On the pretext of collecting the Imperial revenue, he induced Nūru-l-lah, Zamindar of Parganah Jālālpūr,2 who was the leading Zamindar, together with other Zamindars, to attend his Kachiri (Court). Adroitly dismissing the other Zamindars, one after another, Mīr Ḥabīb kept Nūru-l-lah under duress. At midnight, he permitted him to return home, escorted by a number of Afghāns. The latter, at the instigation of Mīr Ḥabīb, slew Nūru-l-lah, in a narrow and dark alley. Next morning, Mīr Ḥabīb announced that Nūru-l-lah had fled, sent a detachment to his house, confiscated his treasures and jewelleries and effects and silk-stuffs, amounting in value to several laks, as well as his Abyssinian male and female slaves. Mīr Ḥabīb possessed himself of the above, and thus acquired aristocratic paraphernalia.
Subsequently leaguing with Āqā Ṣadīq, Zamīndār of Patpasār,1 who in artfulness and cunning was his match, Mīr Ḥabīb sent him on an expedition against Tiprah. By chance the Āqā met the nephew of the Rājah of Tiprah, who having escaped from the control of his uncle was wandering away from his native country, and who at this time happened to stay within the Imperial dominions. The aforesaid Āqā considering his company very lucky kept him in his company, promising to instal him in the Zamīndārī. The Rājah’s nephew, according to the saying,—
guided the Āqā through the rocky defiles and river-fords, and led him to the country of Tiprah. The Rājah of Tiprah, who was careless and was unaware of the incursion of the Imperial army, was paralysed by this sudden on-rush of the Imperialists, and not having the capacity to fight fled to the summit of the hills. The tract of Tiprah, without any difficulty, fell into the hands of Mīr Ḥabīb, who by fightings stormed the fort of Chandīgadah, which was the residence1 of the Rājah. Capturing numerous booty, Mīr Ḥabīb brought the tract of Tiprah within the Imperial domains. After completing the settlement of this tract, Mīr Ḥabīb2 appointed Āqā Ṣadīq as Faujdār of Tiprah, and the Rājah’s nephew as the Rājah,1 whilst he himself returned to Jahāngīrnagar (Dacca) with treasures, valuables and elephants. Murshid Qulī Khān sent to Nawāb Shujā‘u-d-daulah an account of the conquest of Tiprah, together with the best specimens of the wares and silk-stuffs of that tract. The Nawāb named that tract (of Tiprah) Raushanābād,2 and invested Murshid Qulī Khān with the title of ‘Bahādur,’ and conferred on Mīr Ḥabīb the title of ‘Khān.’
In short, when the Deputy-Nizamat of the Ṣūbah of Odisah (Orissa) was bestowed on Murshid Qulī Khān, the latter, on the recommendation of Nawāb Shujā‘u-d-daulah, was given by the Emperor the title of Rustam-Jang. Observing the old age of his father, and fearing lest after the latter’s death Rustam-Jang might fight against him, Sarfarāz Khān3 detained at Murshidābād as hostages Rustam-Jang’s son, named Yahyā Khān, and his wife, named Durdanah Begam. Although this incident caused some bitterness of feeling to Murshid Qulī Khān, the latter had no alternative but to endure it in silence. Murshid Qulī Khān with his army arrived in the Ṣūbah of Orissa, and appointed Mīr Ḥabību-l-lah Khān to be his Deputy there, in the same way as the latter had been his Deputy at Jahāngīrnagar. By use of diplomacy, and by dint of statesmanship and energy, Mīr Ḥabīb succeeded in chastising and reducing to order all refractory Zamīndārs of Orissa. He neglected no step towards the perfect organisation and settlement of Orissa, and effected a surplus in its revenue. During the commotion in Muḥammad Taqī Khān’s time, the Rājah of Parsutam4 had removed Jagannath, the Hindu God, from the limits of the Ṣūbah of Odisah (Orissa), and had guarded it on the summit of a hill across the Chilka lake. In consequence of the removal of the idol, there was a falling-off to the tune of nine laks of rupees in the Imperial revenue, accruing from pilgrims. Establishing friendly relations with Mīr Ḥabību-l-lah Khān, and paying nazar to the Nazim of the time, Rājah Dand Deo brought back Jagannath the Hindu God to Parsūtam (Puri), and re-established the worship of Jagannāth at Puri. An account of the worship of Jaganuāth has been already given in the text of this History.
When the Deputy-Nizamat of Odīsah (Orissa) was conferred on Murshid Qulī Khān Rustam-Jang, the Deputy-Nizamat of the Chaklah of Jahāngīrnagar (Dacca) was bestowed on Sarfaraz Khān.1 The latter appointed as his Deputy-Governor Ghālib Ali Khān who was a scion of the Royal family of Persia, and deputed Ghalib Ali Khān to Dacca. Sarfaraz Khān also appointed Jasunat Rāi, the late Nawāb Jafar Khān’s2 Secretary, and his own tutor-guardian, to be the Dīwān and Minister of that place, and sent him to Dacca, in company of Ghalib Ali Khān. And out of regard for Nafīsah Bēgam, his sister, he bestowed the office of Superintendent of the Nawarah (war-vessels) on Murād A‘lī Khān,1 son of Syed Raẓī Khān. The control over Fiscal and Home affairs, and the management of Crown-lands, Jāgīrs, war-vessels, artillery, Accounts and Customs-house were all entrusted to Munshī Jasūnat Rāi. In that the aforesaid Munshī had been trained up by Nawāb Ja‘far Khān, by dint of honesty and integrity, by thorough attention to details and by ripe wisdom, he effected not only an increase in the State Revenue, but secured the happiness of the people. He completely abolished the system of Saudā-i-khas, and banished the exactions and innovations introduced by Mīr Ḥabib, during the regime of Murshid Qulī Khān.2 Putting forth laudable efforts to keep down the selling-rates of food-grains, and effecting cheapness in their prices, he threw open the western gate of the Fort of Jahangirnagar (or Dacca), which Nawāb Āmīru-l-Umarā Shāistah Khān had closed, inscribing on it a prohibition to the effect that no one should open it, until he succeeded in reducing the price of food-grains to one seer of the Bāzār weight per Dirham,1 as was current in the Nawab’s time. From that time until now, no one else had been able to effect such cheapness in the rate of food-grains. He rendered the tract of Jahangirnagar (Dacca) fertile, like the garden of Iram2, by sprinkling on it the waters of liberality, equity and justice; and in consequence, Sarfarāz Khān won a good name amongst all classes of his subjects. At the desire of Nafīsah Bēgam3, Murād Ālī Khān was married to a daughter of Sarfarāz Khān, and was appointed Deputy-Governor of Jahangirnagar (Dacca) in the place of Ghālib Ā‘lī Khān. Murad Ālī Khān now promoted Rāj Balab, a clerk attached to the Admiralty, to the office of Pēshkār thereof, and commenced oppressions.4 Munshī Jasūnat Rāi, who had acquired a good name amongst the people, apprehending that his reputation might be tarnished, resigned his office of Dīwān, and the Province of Jahangirnagar or Dacca turned to desolation through the tyranny of the new oppressive Deputy Nāzim.
Mīrzā Muḥammad Sa‘īd, the second son of Ḥājī Aḥmad, who was on behalf of Sarfarāz Khān Faujdār of the Chaklah of Ghorāghāt and Rangpūr and Kuch Behār, desolated the Mahals of Raugpūr by his exactions and oppressions, and acquiring the treasures of those whom he oppressed, he mobilised an army. Requisitioning troops from the Emperor, he marched with his troops against the Rājahs of Kuch Behār and Dīnājpūr. Those Rajas fancying they were masters of large armies, and also fancying that they were sheltered by numerous forests and rivers, had hitherto paid little heed to the authority of the Nāzim. By dint of diplomacy and by use of force, and by wars and battles, Mīrzā Muḥammad Sa‘īd conquered those tracts, and acquired possession of the treasures, buried hoards, jewelleries and effects of those Rājahs. Owing to the immense treasure— indeed the treasure of a Crœsus— that thus fell into his hands, he acquired much power. After the conquest of Kuch Bihār, by humouring Ḥājī Aḥmad, on the recommendation of Nawāb Shujā‘u-d-daulah and Sarfarāz Khān, Mīrzā Muḥammad Sa‘īd received the titles of ‘Khān’ and ‘Bahādur.’
Nawāb Shujā’u-d-daulah, on the advice of his Triumvirate Council, deputed Sarfarāz Khān to chastise Badī‘u-z-zamān, zamīndār of Bīrbhūm. Sheltered by rocks and forests and supported by numerous Afghāns, this zamīndār did not bend his head in submission to the Nāzim, and failed to pay the revenue beyond the stipulated tribute. He had also diverted to dancing-parties and pleasures fourteen laks of revenue derived from the measured and cultivated lands, that had been endowed for the express purpose of helping the poor and the scholarly. The zamīndār himself was plunged in dissipations and frivolities. On the ridges of Khubra Kandī and Lakra Khondah and of other hills and narrow rocky defiles, he had mounted strong guards, and cut off all ingress and egress of the Imperial troops and scouts, and he fancied the forest flanked by the hills to be a secure recess, in that no one could enter that tract without his passport. He had appointed his brother, Azam Khān, to administer his State, and his son, A‘lī Qulī Khān, to command his army, and Naubat Khān to be his Dīwān and Minister. Badi‘u-z-zamān himself did no work, but wasted his time on flute-playing and on carousals. Sarfarāz Khān sent him a message, containing promises and rewards in the event of his submission to Nawāb Shujā‘u-d-daulah, and embodying also threats and punishments in the event of his recalcitrance and disloyalty. Subsequently, Sarfarāz Khān despatched via Bardwān his special confidantes, Khwajah Basant and Mīr Sharfu-d-dīn, the second Paymaster-General, with a large army. Badī‘u-z-zamān now prudently woke up from the slumber of vanity, and tendered his homage and submission. Inducing the aforesaid Mīr and the above Khwājah to become his interceders, he sent through the latter a petition expressive of submission and loyalty, and subsequently in the company of the former he set out for Murshidabad. And after waiting on Sarfarāz Khān, through the introduction of Mīr Sharfu-d-din, Badī‘u-z-zamān was granted an audience by Nawāb Shujā‘u-d-daulah, who not only pardoned his past misdemeanour, but generously bestowed on him khila‘ts. Badī‘u-z-zaman agreed to pay three laks of rupees annually on account of the Imperial revenue, consented to abide by the ordinary procedures for payment of land-revenue and for execution of orders, and furnished as his surety Karatchānd,1 zamīndār of Bardwān. He was then allowed to return to Birbhum.
Towards the close of the year 1151 A.H., when Nādir Shah invaded2 the Imperial Capital, and Ṣamṣāmu-d-daulah Khān-daurān fell in the battle3 against Nādir Shah, Nawāb Shujā‘u-d-daulah being ill and confined to bed permitted Yahyā Khān and Durdānah Begam (son and wife respectively of Murshid Qulī Khān) to go to Orissa, and proclaimed Sarfarāz Khān as his heir. Earnestly exhorting the latter to confide in Ḥājī Aḥmad, the Rāi Rāiān4 and Jagatset, and always to respect their feelings, and entrusting to him control over the offices of the Nizāmat, Nawāb Shujā‘u-d-dīn Khān died on the 13th Zilḥaj of the aforesaid year. After laying to rest Shujā‘u-d-daulah’s5 corpse in the sepulchre which he (Shujā‘u-d-daulah) had in his lifetime erected at Dehpara, opposite to the Fort and the City of Murshidābād, Sarfarāz Khān mounted the masnad of the Nizāmat in the place of his father.
When Nawāb Sarfarāz Khān mounted the masnad of the Nizāmat of Bengal, agreeably to the dying instructions of his father, he appointed Ḥājī Aḥmad, the Rāi Rāiān and Jagatset to be his Councillors in respect of Revenue and Administrative affairs. But these meddling more than before in State affairs ignored the old officers of Sarfarāz Khān who expected promotions and manṣabs, and further intrigued to bring about their disgrace and overthrow. Although Nawāb Sarfarāz Khān and the Begams were anxious to promote their old officers, owing to the opposition of the Triumvirate Council, they could not do so. The Triumvirate Council, after secret vows and stipulations, plotted to call in Alī Vardī Khān with his army from ‘Azimabad (Patna) under pretext of visiting the Nāzim, and then to instal him on the masnad of the Nizāmat in supercession of Sarfarāz Khān.1 And in deliberations over this plot they passed days and nights, but failed to mature any plan. At this time, Nādir Shāh,2 the king of Persia, had defeated Muḥammad Shāh, captured Nizāmu-l-Mulk, Burhānu-l-Mulk, Qamru-d-dīn Khān, and Muḥammad Khān Bangash, &c., who were the pillars of the Mughal Empire,3 and entering Shāh-jahānābād (Delhi)1 with his Persian troops had plundered the palaces of both the Emperor and his nobles. In consequence, the whole Empire was shaken to its foundation.2 The Triumvirate Council persuaded Sarfarāz Khān to introduce in Bengal the coins and the Khutbah3 of Nādir Shāh, and about the same time they remitted the confiscated treasures of Shujā‘u-d-daulah and the Bengal tribute in charge of Murīd Khān, who had arrived in Murshidābād on behalf of Qamru-d-dīn Khān4 long before Nādir Shāh’s invasion. Ḥājī Aḥmad and Alī Vardī Khān intrigued with Murīd Khān, and won him over to their side. On the withdrawal of Nādir Shāh, they carried tales of the introduction of the Nādir Shāhī coin and Khutbah to Nawāb Qamru-d-dīn Khān and to Nizāmu-l-Mulk, and laid various other charges against Sarfarāz Khān. Aided by the machinations of the Imperial ministers,5 they secured a royal patent granting to them the Nizāmat of Bengal, and authorising the execution of Sarfarāz Khān,6 on account of his treason in introducing the coin and Khutbah of Nādir Shāh. When the arrow of their efforts reached the butt of their aim, the Triumvirate Council represented to Sarfarāz Khān that the resources of the State were limited, whilst its expenditure was heavy, and thereby persuaded the Nawāb to reduce the strength of his Army. They at the same time secretly sent instructions to Alī Vardī Khān to mobilise troops and collect arms, in view of the invasion of Bengal. Whoever was cashiered from the army of Sarfarāz Khān was straightway enlisted by Ḥājī Aḥmad in the service of Alī Vardī Khān, and sent off to Azīmābād (Patna). Nearly one-half of Sarfarāz Khān’s troops were in this way disbanded. Alī Vardī Khān, having completed preparations for war and mobilised a large army consisting of Afghāns, Rohīlahs, and Bhalias, set out for Bengal; whilst Ḥājī Aḥmad sent his and his sons’ hoarded treasures amounting to several laks of rupees for the expenses of Alī Vardī’s army. When Sarfarāz Khān, from the despatches of his Political Agents at the Court of the Emperor, and from informations of emissaries, came to be apprised of the machinations of the treacherous enemy, deeming it prudent to adopt remedy for the affair before it came to pass, he set himself to overthrow the traitors, and decided to bestow the Deputy-Governorship1 of Azīmābād (Patna) on his son-in-law, Syed Muḥammad Ḥasan, in supercession of Alī Vardī Khān, and the Faujdārī of Ākbarnagar (Rājmahal) together with the command of Sakrīgalī and Tēliāgaḍhī passes on Mīr Sharfu-d-dīn Bakhshī, in supercession of A‘tāu-l-lah Khān, son-in-law of Ḥājī Aḥmad. Sarfarāz Khān also determined to appoint Munshī Jasunat Rāi as Diwan in the place of the Rāi Rāiān. But as yet this decision had not been put in force, when the members of the Triumvirate Council adroitly submitting a representation about their long services, the heavy outstandings of the Imperial Revenue, and their losses, persuaded Sarfarāz Khān to postpone their supercession and the installation of others in their places till their preparation of the Annual Balance-sheet, which fell due after three months.2 Sarfarāz Khān, who owing to guilessness of his nature had already been victimised by the duplicity of the Triumvirate Council, once again suffered himself to be duped by their wiles. A‘lī Vardī Khān, utilising this short respite, secured the adhesion of Muṣtafā Khān, Shamshēr Khān, Sardār Khān, U‘mar Khān, Raḥīm Khān, Karam Khān, Sirāndāz Khān, Shaikh Ma‘ṣūm, Shaikh Jahāngir Khān, Muḥammad Ẕūlfuqār Khān, Chīdan Hazārī (Bakhshī of the Bhalīahs), Bakhtāwar Singh, and other Generals and officers of the Army. Under the false pretext of waiting on Sarfarāz Khān, A‘lī Vardi Khān marched swiftly, crossed the passes of Tilīagaḍhī and Sakrīgalī, and reached the frontiers of Bengal. At the instigation of Ḥājī Aḥmad, Ataullah Khān, Faujdār of Akbarnagar (Rajmahal), had taken steps to prevent all movements of messengers and spies, and to interdict all intercourse through news-letters between A‘zīmābād (Patna) and Bengal viâ the passes of Tilīagadhī and Sakrīgali, until A‘lī Vardī Khān had crossed through those passes. In consequence, no news of A‘lī Vardī Khān’s movements had reached Sarfarāz Khān. It was only when the vanguard of A‘lī Vardī Khān’s army had actually reached Akbarnagar (Rajmahal), that all of a sudden the news of Alī Vardī Khān’s movement reached Sarfarāz Khān. This news threw both the City of Murshidabad and its Bazaar into commotion. Perplexed by this news, Sarfarāz Khān instantly imprisoned Ḥājī Aḥmad. Although the Rāi Rāiān treacherously explained that A‘lī Vardi’s arrival was for the purpose of waiting on Sarfarāz Khān, this explanation had no reassuring effect. Detailing Ghaus Khān and Mīr Sharfu-d-dīn, who were his old officers, to lead the vanguard, and leaving his son, Ḥāfizu-l-lah surnamed Mīrzā Āmānī, together with Yāsīn Khān Faujdār, to guard the Fort and the City, Nawab Sarfarāz Khān together with Ghazanfar Ḥusain Khān and a son of Muḥammad Taqī Khān, (both of whom were his sons-in-law), and with Mīr Muḥammad Bāqir Khān, Mīrza Muḥammad Īraj Khān, Mīr Kāmil, Mīr Gadāī, Mīr Ḥaidar Shāh, Mīr Diler Shāh, Bajī Sīngh, Rājah Ghandarab Sīngh, Shamshir Khān Qurishī, (Faujdār of Silhat), Shujā Qulī Khān, (Faujdār of the port of Hūglī), Mīr Ḥabīb, Murshid Qulī Khān Faujdār, Mardān A‘lī Khān (the late Shuj‘ā Khān’s Bakhshī) and other Generals and Mansabdars and Zamindars of Bengal, marched out from the City with a large army and fire-pouring artillery, and encamped at Bahmaniah, which is two Karoh distant from Murshidābād. Marching on the second day, the Nawab reached Sarāi Dīwān, and marching on the third day, he encamped at Khamrah, where he mustered his army and reviewed its strength and armaments. In that the officers of Shuj‘ā Khān’s regime were in league with Ḥājī Aḥmad, brick-bats instead of shells were discovered in the arsenal, and rubbish was found inside guns. Consequently, cashiering Shahriar Khān, the Ḥājī’s brother, who was General Superintendent of the Artillery, and making him over to the custody of his retainers, Nawab Sarfarāz Khān appointed in his place Pancho, son of Antony the Portuguese, to be General Superintendent of the Artillery. The forces of Mahābat Jang were arranged in the form of a circle from Aurangābād, at the mouth of the Sūtī (where the shrine of Shāh Murtaẓā’ Hindī exists) to the plain of Balkatah.
On the fourth day, when the silvery-crowned King (i.e., the Sun) pranced on to the plain of the sky from his camp in the East darting forth daggers of radial lines, and the dusky Moon with thousands of its forces (i.e., stars), not finding itself a match for that unique Cavalier, hid itself behind the hills, Nawab Sarfarāz Khān, selecting an auspicious moment according to astrologers, advanced to assault the enemy. By one single assault, the troops of Mahābat Jang were thrown into panic and confusion, were set a-reeling, and were nearly routed. The Rāi Rāiān,1 finding that the table was being turned, at this moment treacherously represented to Nawāb Sarfarāz Khān that the Sun had moved right vertical to the head, and that at that sultry hour if fighting were continued, both horses and soldiers would perish, owing to excessive heat and thirst, and that therefore if that day further fightings were postponed, next morning the bitter-palated enemy could be treated to a similar bitter soup (of death)—
Although astrologers descanted on the auspiciousness of that hour for fighting, and adduced arguments in proof of the incoming victory, and although his Generals insisted on continuing the battle, Sarfarāz Khān was unmoved, and forbade by use of threats further fightings that day. Then Sarfarāz Khān encamped on the banks of the Gerīah river. Meanwhile, a letter from Mahābat Jang came avowing his loyalty, and explaining that he had come simply to pay his respects to Sarfarāz Khān. Sarfarāz Khān, who was quite inexperienced, on perusal of the letter, became reassured, dispensed with all precautions, foolishly released Ḥājī Aḥmad, who was the root of all the disturbance, and sent him to A‘lī Vardī Khān Mahābat Jang, in order to reassure the latter and to bring him over. He also sent in the Haji’s company Shujā Qulī Khān and Khwājah Basant, his two special confidantes, with a view to ascertain exactly the prospects of peace and war, to guage correctly the dispositions of A‘lī Vardī’s Army, and then to apprise him accurately. The imprisonment of the Hājī with his other relatives had plunged Mahabat Jang into a whirlpool of confusion. He had apprehended that they would be slain, and had, therefore, hesitated to offer battle. Viewing the release of the Ḥājī to be auspicious, nay as the first augury of victory, Mahabat Jang (A‘lī Vardi) enclosed in a casket a brick, giving out it contained the Holy Qoran, held it in his hand, and swore by it that next morning he would with folded hands present himself before Nawāb Sarfarāz Khān, and would sue for pardon for his misconduct. At the same time he presented two hundred gold coins to Khwājah Basant. These idiots (Shuj‘a Qulī Khān and Khwājah Basant), not fathoming the water under the grass, returned happy and jolly, and describing to Nawāb Sarfarāz Khān the loyal disposition of A‘lī Vardī Khān cooled the fire of his wrath. Nawāb Sarfarāz Khān then ordered his butler to prepare dainty dishes for a banquet, sat re-assured on the bed of comfort, nay slumbered the sleep of insecurity on the bed of sleep (which is akin to death); and his soldiers, intoxicated by the inebriation of the wine-cup of peace, let go from their hands the reins of watch and alertness.
After the withdrawal of Sarfarāz Khān’s emissaries, A‘lī Vardī Khān soothed and won over his officers by promising them two months’ pay in the event of his victory, and also by promising them the booty that might be captured. He thus incited and instigated them to fight, and distributed shells, gunpowder and armaments. The Generals of Sarfarāz Khān’s army who from before were in league with A‘lī Vardī Khān, were all ready for treachery and regicide. The only exceptions were Muḥammad Ghaus Khān and Mīr Sharfu-d-dīn, Commanders of the vanguard of Sarfarāz Khān’s army, who were posted at the ford of the river Gerīah. Ascertaining through messengers and spies the secret plot of teachery that was hatching, both the above Generals at midnight hastened to Sarfarāz Khān, apprised the latter of the fire of treachery that was fanning under a straw-covering, and offered by way of precaution to remove him that night to their own camp, and there to guard him, and next morning to sacrifice their lives by fighting gallantly round him. In that in matters of destiny, efforts are helpless, and the knot of Fate cannot be untied with the nail of Efforts, the will of Providence cast the quicksilver of heedlessness into the ear of Sarfarāz Khān. Placing no reliance on their loyal representation, Sarfarāz Khān treated those two Generals in a rude and threatening manner, and by way of censure added: “You opening a shop of self-aggrandisement desire that I should be involved in war against Mahābat Jang, who is my well-wisher.” Those two Generals got up blushing with shame and humiliation, and returned to their own camps. Arming themselves, along with their forces, they passed the night in alertness; whilst Sarfarāz Khān, in the slumber of heedlessness, lay intoxicated with the wine of sleep. At the instigation of Hajī Aḥmad, in the dead of night, under the pretext of visiting relations and friends, the officers and soldiers of Mahābat Jang’s army, with their light baggages, by ones and twos, mingled with the army of Sarfarāz Khān, and forming rings round the Royal tent looked out for an opportunity to strike.
The officers of Shuj‘ā Khān’s regime, upon whom Sarfarāz Khān placed great reliance, from the very beginning were in intrigue with the Ḥājī, and seeing and knowing all connived at and concealed the conspiracy; whilst the loyal adherents of Sarfarāz Khān held their tongue from fear of being snubbed. Whilst one hour of the night yet remained, A‘lī Vardī Khān and Ḥājī Aḥmad divided their forces into two divisions. They detailed one division under the command of Nandlāl Jama‘dār, together with the standard and the kettle-drum, and flags and elephants, to attack Ghaus Khān and Mīr Sharfu-d-dīn, whilst with another division, consisting of Afghān and Bhalīah troops, in the darkness of the night, under the guidance of the men of the Zamīndārī of Ramakant, Zamīndār of Rājshāhī, they themselves marched to deliver a night-attack against Sarfarāz Khān. And towards the day-break, whilst yet the darkness of the night continued, and friends could not be distinguished from foes, they suddenly, like death, attacked Sarfarāz Khān’s troops who were inebriated with the wine of sleep, (which is akin to death), and fired their guns. The old proteges awoke Sarfarāz Khān from his slumber of neglect, and apprised him of the aspect of affairs. As fortune, however, had averted its face from him, even now Sarfarāz Khān refused to listen to them with the ear of credence, snubbed them, and again insisted on the quick preparation of viands for a banquet. Sarfarāz Khān1 added, “A‘lī Vardī Khān is coming to visit me.” At this moment, another cannon-shell fell; and by the time of the sunrise, the troops of Mahābat Jang exhibited themselves in battle-array. Guns and rockets, arrows and muskets flashing lightning, and showering destruction poured in. The troops of Sarfarāz Khān who were intoxicated by the wine of the morning sleep, harum-scarum sprang up from their beds of slumber, and girding up their loins fled; whilst others, not commanding the nerve to gird up their loins or to arm themselves, were butchered. Sarfarāz Khān’s army was panic-stricken.
Only one solitary column consisting mostly of Sarfarāz Khān’s old officers, impelled by sentiments of honour, and animated by a sense of loyalty, arrayed themselves on the battle-field, gallantly resolved to sacrifice their lives, and firmly stood their ground. Nawāb Sarfarāz Khān, after finishing his morning-prayer, also armed himself, seized the Holy Qoran with one hand, and mounted a swift elephant. Then letting loose the royal elephant in front of himself, he flung himself into the thick of the fight, and commenced shooting arrows. The Afghān generals of Mahābat Jang’s army, covered by a squadron of Bhalīah infantry, charged Sarfarāz Khān’s army.
In this sword-charge, wherein the boisterous wind of Death threw down on the plain of annihilation corpses like leaves of trees, and the flood of blood raged tumultuously on every side, Mardān A‘lī Khān, the Bakhshi of Shuj‘ā Khān’s regime, who was now the generalissimo of Sarfarāz Khān’s army, and commanded the van, feeling himself incapable of continuing the contest any longer, fled. At the sight of this flight, Sarfarāz Khān’s army was demoralised, and a general stampede ensued in its ranks.
Save and except his Georgian and Abyssinian slaves and a few of his old comrades, not one out of the numerous mock-heroes remained to cover Sarfarāz Khān’s elephant. The elephant-driver perceiving that victory had declared itself for the enemy, said to Sarfarāz Khān:— “If it be your Highness’s pleasure, I shall carry you to Bīrbhūm to the Zamīndār, Badī‘u-z-zamān.” Sarfarāz Khān, striking the elephant-driver a blow on the neck, retorted: “Tie the chain round the feet of the elephant, as I will not retreat before these dogs.”1 The elephant-driver was obliged to drive on his elephant. The Barqāndāzes and the Bhalīahs of the enemy’s Army, who had from before ranged themselves like a ring round Sarfarāz Khān’s tent, discharged from all sides cannon-shells on his elephant; and over and above, rockets and cannon-balls, arrows and muskets were showered incessantly by the hostile army. Mīr Gadāī, who was a special favourite of Sarfarāz Khān, was shot down by a rocket. MīrKāmil, brother of Mīr Muhammad Bāqir surnamed Bāqir A‘lī Khān (nephew of Shujā‘u-d-daulah), and a young unmarried boy of Mīrzā Muḥammad Irāj Khān Bakhshi, and other personal attendants, including Bahrām, Sa‘īd and other slaves, who had not fled from the battle-field, were hit by rockets, cannon-shells and bullets, and fell right in front of Sarfarāz Khān’s elephant. Mīrzā Irāj Khān was also mortally wounded. Mīr Diler A‘lī gallantly attacked the Afghan column of A‘lī Vardī Khān, exhibited feats of prowess and bravery, but receiving sword-cuts gallantly fell with a number of his comrades.
At this moment, Sarfarāz Khān himself was hit on the forehead by the bullet of a gun shot by a traitor from his own camp, and was felled on his elephant-litter,2 and the bird of his soul flew to Heaven. As soon as they saw this mishap, Mīr Habīb, Murshid Qulī Khān, Shamshir Khān Qurāishī (Faujdār of Silhaṭ) and Rājah Ghandrab Sīngh, who with their forces stood aloof at a distance from the battle, and were silent spectators of the scene, took to their heels. Mīr Haidar Shāh and Khwājah Basant who clung to each other, and were hiding themselves in a Rath,3 fled without even casting a glance at the corpse of their master.
In the cover of the darkness of the night, and deceived by the ruse of the Royal Standard and the Elephant being displayed by the Division under Nandlāl Jama‘dār, Ghaus Khān and Mīr Sharfuddin mistook the latter for Mahābatjang, and commenced fighting. By means of Rustam-like onslaughts and brave assaults, they killed Nandlāl, and cut him up with their swords. Routing those who escaped the sword, they captured the Standard, kettle-drum, elephants, camels, horses and armaments, and then they marched swiftly to enquire about Sarfarāz Khān. Though Sarfarāz Khān had fallen, on seeing those two brave Generals, Mahābat Jang did not stir from the field, but with his force which was more numerous than ants and locusts remained stationary and motionless on the battle-field. Those two Generals had yet received no tidings of the fall of Sarfarāz Khān, and, therefore, with a small force of veteran heroes comprising their sons, brothers, kinsmen and companions, they bravely spurred on their chargers, fiercely assaulted Alī Vardī Khān’s army, broke through its ranks, and heroically dashed up to its centre. The army of Mahābat Jang was about to reel from the blows of those lions of the forest of warfare, when Ghaus Khān received on the breast mortal wounds from the bullets of Chidan Hazārī’s musketeers, and fell. Ghaus Khān’s two sons, Qutb and Babar, who were veritable tigers of the forest of bravery, and who on hunting-grounds were wont to slay lions with swords, unsheathed their swords, and killed a large number of Afghāns and Bhalīahs.1
Chīdan Hazārī also received sword-cuts at their hands. After much slaughter and daring, being hit by the bullets of muskets, Qutb and Babar fell like brave martyrs, and joined their gallant father in his journey to Eternity. Mīr Sharfu-d-dīn with seven brave cavaliers galloped right up to Mahābat Jang, and with great agility shot at the latter’s breast a heart-piercing arrow, which, however, grazed against the bow of Mahābat Jang, and piercing through lodged itself in the latter’s side-ribs. Mīr Sharfu-d-dīn had pulled another arrow towards the bow-string, when Shāikh Jahān Yār and Muḥammad Ẕulfuqār, Mahābat Jang’s Generals, who were old friends of the Mīr, came forward and said: “Nawāb Safarāz Khān has fallen, what can you gain now by continuing the contest and sacrificing your life”? The Mīr bravely replied: “Hitherto I fought from a sense of loyalty for the salt1 I had eaten, and from a sense of comradeship, but now I fight to maintain my honour.” These two Generals stood sureties for the security of his honour, and pulled him back. Then the Mīr with his followers set out for Bīrbhūm. Notwithstanding that his gunners had run away, Pancho Ferengi,2 Superintendent of Sarfarāz Khān’s artillery, served his guns and bravely stuck to them, and kept up an incessant cannonade. After Mīr Sharfu-d-dīn’s withdrawal, the Afghāns in large numbers attacked Pancho, and killed him. Bājī Singh, a Rajput General, who with the rear-guard was at Khamrah, on receiving news of his master’s fall, felt his sense of honour aroused. Alone spurring on his horse and placing his spear on his horse’s right ear, by brave onslaughts, he dashed through the enemy’s force to a point where Mahābat Jang stood. With one stroke of his sharp spear, Bājī Singh attempted to hurl the latter down from his elephant-saddle and to despatch him to the next world, to be a companion there of his fallen master. Mahābat Jang made him out on seeing his heroism and agility, and ordered Daur Qulī Khān, superintendent of the artillery, to quickly oppose him. Daur Qulī Khān encountering him shot a bullet through his breast, and Bājī Singh being mortally wounded fell on the ground.3 Zālim Singh, Bājī Singh’s son, aged nine years, with that inherent bravery which is characteristic of the Rājpūt race, unsheathed his sword from the scabbard, and stood up to guard his father. People from all sides surrounded him like a ring. Nawāb Mahābat Jang, on seeing the daring of that boy, applauded him, and forbade the people from killing him, and ordered them not to oppose the removal of his father’s corpse. The artillery-men helped in the removal of Bājī Singh’s corpse, and carried along with it Zālim Singh on their shoulders. During the fightings of Ghaus Khān, Mīr Sharfu-d-dīn, Bājī Singh and Pancho Ferengī, both the sons-in-law of Sarfarāz Khān, named Ghazanfar Ḥusain and Ḥasan Muḥammad, together with other Manṣabdārs and vanquished soldiers, had fled from the battle-field, and had in one day marched back to Murshidabād. And the Rāi Rāiān Alamchand, by way of retribution for his treachery, received an arrow-shot on the hand from a cross-bow, plunged into the river, and half-dead reached his house. Repenting of his disloyal treachery, he committed suicide1 by swallowing diamond-filings. In short, when Sarfarāz Khān was felled on his elephant-litter, the elephant-driver carried his corpse swiftly to Murshidābād. Yāsīn Khān, Faujdār of Murshidābād, who together with Ḥāfizu-l-lah Khān, son of Sarfarāz Khān, had been left to guard the City, the Citadel and the Nawāb’s family, buried at midnight the corpse of Nawāb Sarfarāz Khān at Naktākhalī. Ḥāfizu-l-lah and Ghazanfar Ḥusain hurriedly threw up entrenchments, and prepared to fight. They, however, received no encouragement from the vanquished troops, and therefore abandoned their plan of fighting, and tendered their submission to Alī Vardī Khān. This Revolution in the Government threw the City, as well as the Army and the people of Bengal, into a general and deep convulsion. Ḥājī Aḥmad first2 entering the city of Murshidābād, proclaimed peace and security on behalf of Alī Vardī Khān. Yāsin Khān Faujdār, under the order of the Ḥājī, set guards on Sarfarāz Khān’s treasury and family, officers and servants, as well as on his Seraglio, so that none could escape. This battle1 of Gheria took place in 1153 A.H.
After obtaining victory, Alī Vardī Khān Mahābat Jang, in order to overlook the sacking of the City and the loot of Sarfarāz Khān’s treasures at the hands of Afghāns and Bhalīahs,2 for three days encamped outside the City, on the banks of the river Gobrah. On the fourth day, with a sense of perfect security entering the Citadel, he seated himself with extended thighs on the masnad of the Nizāmat of Bengal, and confiscated without any trouble Sarfarāz Khān’s treasures which the past Nāzims with considerable self-denial had hoarded. In that Nawāb Mahābat Jang avoided the company of strange women, and did not care for this sort of pleasure, during his life he had only one wedded wife, and in fact, he often plumed himself on this circumstance. Ḥājī Aḥmad and his sons and relations possessed themselves of Sarfarāz Khān’s fifteen hundred pretty female dependants and slaves. Mahābat Jang banished to Jahāngīrnagar (Dacca) the wedded Begams of Sarfarāz Khān with their children,3 and fixed small allowances for them from the income of the Khāṣ Ta‘luqah. And Nafīsah Begam, Sarfarāz Khān’s sister, who had adopted as her child Āqā Bābā Kūchak who was her nephew, entered service as a governess in the Seraglio of Nawazish Aḥmad Khān,1 the eldest son of Ḥājī Aḥmad, and in this way supported her nephew.
When news of the fall of Sarfarāz Khān and of the succession of Alī Vardī Khān to the Masnad of the Nizāmat of Bengal reached Emperor Nāsiru-d-dīn Muḥammad Shāh, the latter wept and said: “Owing to Nādir Shāh, the whole of my Empire is convulsed and shattered.”2 But to mend the state of affairs was difficult, and so the Emperor kept quiet. Mahābat Jang, through Murād Khān,3 who was one of the associates of the Prime Minister, Nawāb Qamru-d-dīn Khān (about whom mention has been made before), intrigued with the Prime Minister and other Ministers. He remitted to the Emperor forty laks of rupees on account of Sarfarāz Khān’s confiscated treasures and fourteen laks on account of tribute, over and above the usual fixed revenue. He also gave three laks of rupees to Qamru-d-dīn4 Khān Vazīr, and one lak of rupees to Aṣaf Jāh Nizāmu-l-Mulk. He similarly conciliated and bribed other Imperial Officers according to their ranks. Intriguing with Rājah Jugal Kishor, agent of Sarfarāz Khān, Mahābat Jang obtained in his own name the patent of the Nizāmat of all the three Sūbahs of Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa, according to the usual practice. He then exacted double the usual amount of revenue, presents and tribute from the Zamīndārs of Bengal.
For the purpose of overthrowing Murshid Qulī Khān,1 and for conquering the Sūbah of Odīsah (Orissa), Mahābat Jang now girded up his loins, mobilised troops and collected armaments, and bestowed the office of Generalissimo on Mīr Ja‘far Khān Bahādur, who was Mahābat Jang’s brother-in-law, and who in the war with Sarfarāz Khān had rendered Mahābat Jang good services. Mahābat Jang bestowed on Mīr Ja‘far a corps of bodyguard, together with a mansab, a title, and a peerage. He bestowed the office of Dīwān with the title of Rāi Rāiān on Chīn Rāi,2 who was a clerk in charge of the Jāgīrs of Ja‘far Khān, and who was a person of probity and honesty. And he bestowed on Muḥammed Rizā Khān, the eldest son of Ḥājī Aḥmad, who had married Ghasītī Khānam, daughter of Mahābat Jang, the title of Nāsiru-l-Mulk Iḥtishāmu-d-daulah Nawāzish Muḥammed Khān Bahādur Shahāmat Jang, together with the nominal office of Dīwān of Bengal, and the Deputy Nizāmat of Jahāngirnagar (Dacca), including Chittagong, Raushanabād (Tipperah), and Silhat. And he bestowed on Hāshim Alī Khān, the youngest son of Ḥājī Aḥmad, who had married the younger daughter of Mahābat Jang, named Amanah Khānam, the title of Zainu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān Haibat Jang, together with the Deputy Nizāmat of the Province of Bihār and Azimābād (Patna). And he advanced to ranks, titles, and Jagirs his other relations1 and connexions, according to their ranks and aspirations. But the Afghāns and the Bhaliahs, who owing to their large numbers were haughty, meddled so much in all the affairs, that they did not care for Mahābat Jang, and deviated from the usual forms of etiquette. Shelving the canons of justice on the shelf of forgetfulness, they looted treasures, and killed and slaughtered the people, together with their women and children. And the conduct of ingratitude, which had subsisted in the times of the early Musalman Independent Kings of Bengal, reasserted itself afresh from the time of Mahābat Jang.2
Towards the commencement of the insurrection of Alī Vardi Khān Mahābat Jang, Nawāb Sarfarāz Khān had asked for help from Murshīd Qulī Khān, the Governor of Odīsah (Orissa), who was his brother-in-law; but the latter, owing to personal spite which has been referred to before, had delayed to march to his help. Whilst Murshīd Qulī was occupied with despatching a body of troops in the shape of an auxiliary force, he suddenly received news of Sarfarāz Khān’s fall and of Alī Vardī Khān’s mastery over the Ṣūbah of Bengal. It was then that Murshīd Qulī Khān woke up from slumber, and was plunged into shame and sorrow.
In short, from fear of Alī Vardī Khān, Murshīd Qulī Khān made preparations in self-defence, and exerted himself strenuously towards the mobilisation of an army, and deputed to Murshidābād Mukhāliṣ Alī Khān, son-in-law of Ḥājī Aḥmad, who from before was in his company, in order to arrange the basis of a treaty of peace. After the latter’s arrival, Alī Vardī Khān and Ḥājī Aḥmad sending a reassuring and diplomatic message to Murshīd Qulī Khān, set him at ease,2 and sent back Mukhāliṣ Khān, in order to sow treason secretly amongst the Officers of Murshīd Qulī Khān’s army. Mukhāliṣ Khān presenting himself before Murshīd Qulī Khān outwardly tried to humour and reassure him, but covertly by offer of allurements and temptations sowed sedition in Murshīd Qulī’s army, and sent an account of his success in this direction to Alī Vardī Khān Mahābat Jang. The latter, with a large army and an immense artillery, instantly marched towards the Province of Orissa. On receipt of this news, leaving his wife, Durdānah Begam, and his son, Yaḥyā Khān, with his treasures in the fort of Barahbātī,1 Murshīd Qulī Khān with an efficient force and requisite war-paraphernalia, together with his two sons-in-law, named Mīrzā Muḥammad Bāqir2 Khān, a Prince of Persia, and Alāu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān, marched out from Katak (Cuttack) in order to fight, and advanced to the port of Balisār (Balasor). At the ferry of Phulwār, from the rock of Tilgaḍhī3 to the river Jon,4 he threw up an entrenchment, and remained behind it waiting for the enemy.5 Unfortunately, Murshīd Qulī Khān was ignorant of the wiles of the traitor in his own camp in the person of Mukhāliṣ Alī Khān, and had, therefore, failed to take any precautionary steps against that double-faced scoundrel, and had thus ignored the saying of Shaikh Sa‘dī6:—
Advancing from Bengal by forced marches with a large army, which numbered more than one lak cavalry and infantry, Alī Vārdi Khān reached Mednīpūr, secured the adhesion of the Zamīndārs of that district by bestowing on them Khila‘ts and gifts, and encamped at Jalisar (Jalasore), which was an Imperial outpost. On the banks of the river Sabaurikha,1 at the ferry of Rājghāt, Rājah Jagardhar Bhanj, Zamīndār of Morbhanj,2 had established a garrison of his Chawārs and Khandaits, and had erected entrenchments. To cross, therefore, at the ferry of Rājghāt which was protected by dense jungles and thorny trees, was found to be a difficult operation, and therefore, Alī Vardī Khān had to ask for help from the Rājah. The Rājah, however, was haughty owing to his command of a large army, and did not care for Alī Vardī Khān. He refused to side with the latter, or to permit him to cross at the Rājghāt ferry. Alī Vardī Khān placing his artillery-waggons in front of the Rājghāt ferry, commenced bombarding it. The Rājah’s army were unable to hold the ground in their entrenchment, and fled to the jungles. Alī Vardī Khān with troops and artillery crossed over at Rājghāt, and encamped at Rāmchandarpur which was at a distance of one and a half karoh from Murshīd Qulī Khān’s encampment. Emissaries and envoys were busy for some days moving to and fro with messages of peace and war, and this sort of diplomatic parley lasted for one month. All this time Murshīd Qulī Khān3 did not advance across the ferry of Phulwār. Having regard to the wasteful expenditure on account of a huge army thus locked up, and viewing the dearth of provisions, and apprehending the approach of the rainy season as well as the raids of Mahratta freebooters, Alī Vardī Khān thought it expedient to patch up peace, and return. But Muṣtafā Khān, generalissimo of Alī Vardī’s Afghān contingent, not acquiescing in peace, suggested entrenchments being thrown up during the rains. After a Council of War, it was decided after much deliberation to send a soothing message to Murshīd Qulī Khān through a trustworthy envoy, who was instructed to get back a reply in the following form:— “I shall not allow you authority or possession over the Ṣūbah of Odīsah,” and then with this document to return to Bengal, and after the rainy season, again mobilising troops, to re-attempt Murshīd Qulī Khān’s subjugation. Although ‘Ābīd Khān and other Afghān Generals, owing to the sedition sown amongst them by Mukhāliṣ Alī Khān, treacherously advised Mīrzā Bāqir Khān, who commanded the vanguard of Murshīd Qulī Khān’s army, to give battle by advancing out of the entrenchment, Murshīd Qulī Khān remained on the defensive, and dissuaded Mirza Bāqir from attempting a sally. But as the period of stay within entrenchments was tediously protracted, Mīrzā Bāqir, carried by his youthful impulsiveness, sallied out with his contingent composed of Syeds of Barha, and arrayed himself in battle-rank. Murshīd Qulī was, therefore, obliged to array his troops in front of Alī Vardī Khān’s army. On both sides, the battle opened with a cannonade, which was soon abandoned for a sword and spear-charge at close quarters. Murshīd Qulī Khān’s generalissimo, Mir Abdu-l-‘Azīz, who commanded the van, and his devoted contingent of three hundred knights consisting of Syeds of Barha spurred on their chargers, exhibited feats of heroism and hereditary gallantry, and with the flashing of their lightning swords ignited the life-harvests of all whose moment for death had arrived. Before this gallant charge, Alī Vardī Khān’s soldiers, who had hitherto fancied themselves lions of the forest of bravery, fled like sheep from the battle-field, and met with a crushing defeat. The elephant on which Alī Vardī Khān with his Begam1 was mounted, was withdrawn half a farsakh away from the battle-field. At this crisis, Mukhāliṣ Alī Khān and Ābid Khān surnamed Farzand Alī Khān, upon whose loyalty Murshīd Qulī Khān reposed implicit confidence, together with Muqarrab Khān and other Afghan generals, exhibiting treachery which is the characteristic of the Afghan race, effaced from the tablets of their hearts all the alphabets of obligations that had been engraved thereon by many years of shelter and salt-eating, deserted the side of Murshīd Qulī Khān, and retired from the battle-field. At this juncture, Mānikchand,2 Peshkār of the Rājah of Bardwān, who had arrived with an appropriate auxiliary force to serve under Alī Vardī Khān, reflecting that results of war were dubious, and speculating about the future, covertly humoured Murshīd Qulī Khān, and asked for the latter’s flag of truce, in order to join him and exhibit self-sacrifice and loyalty. From a side of the forest, towards the direction whence the force of Mīrzā Bāqir Khān was marching in pursuit of Alī Vardī Khān, Mānikchand shewed himself, and displayed Murshīd Qulī Khān’s flag. Inasmuch as the aforesaid Mīrzā was unaware of his aim, he opposed his progress. Mānikchand was obliged to fight. Mīrzā Bāqir’s efficient soldiers were already exhausted by warfare, so they fought in broken lines, and by the viccisitudes of times, the corps of Mīrzā Bāqir was defeated. Alī Vardī Khān, on being apprised of this, hurriedly collected his vanquished troops by use of persuasions, and a second time engaged in fighting. Mīr Abdu-l-‘Azīz and his corps, consisting of three hundred Syed knights, dismounting from their horses, and girding up their loins of bravery, marched to the battle-field, and one by one, all of them fell, being shot down by bullets fired by the Bhalīah corps. Murshīd Qulī Khān being thus defeated retired1 to the Port of Balisar (Balasore), and there embarking on a sloop which had been kept ready from before, he sailed for the Dakhīn, and presented himself before Nawāb Āṣaf Jāh.2 A providential victory thus fell to the good fortune of Alī Vardī Khān Mahābat Jang. The latter pursued the vanquished army up to the Port of Balasore. From there, he detached Mīrzā Khairu-l-lah Beg, Faqīru-l-lah Beg, and Nūru-l-lah Beg to capture Yahyā Khān1 and Murshīd Qulī’s Begam, and also to seize his treasures and chattels. Alī Vardī instructed them to proceed by forced marches, whilst he himself followed them on horse-back. When news of this affair and of Murshīd Qulī Khān’s retreat to the Dakhīn reached Katak (Cuttack), Mūrad Khān, the generalissimo of the Rājah2 of Parsūtam (Puri), who had been detailed for guarding Yahyā Khān and the Begam in the Fort of Barahbātī, planned to send instantly the Begam and Yahyā Khān together with all their chattels and treasures to the Dakhīn, by way of Sikākūl.3 Baggages and equipages were kept ready, and jewelleries, gold coins, treasures, and other precious things were loaded on elephants, camels, and waggons, when all of a sudden the army of Alī Vardī Khān made its appearance. The elephant and camel-drivers, &c., leaving behind the loaded treasures and chattels with their baggages, fled, and all those treasures fell into the hands of the aforesaid Mīrzās, who divided the precious jewelleries, treasures, and other valuable wares amongst themselves.1 Since Alī Vardī Khān also followed up subsequently, he captured the remaining treasures, and also confiscated other treasures of the adherents of Murshīd Qulī Khān. Issuing proclamations of peace and security, and employing reassurances and persuasions, Alī Vardī Khān won over to his side the Collectors, Zamīndārs and Officers of Orissa, and set about making settlement of the revenue, nazar, and tribute, as well as of the Jāgīrs. And in the course of one month, having finished the organisation and settlement of the Sūbah of Orissa, he entrusted the charge of that Province to Saīd Ahmad Khān, his nephew, who had previously served as the Faujdār of Rangpūr, procuring for him from the Emperor the title of Naṣīru-l-Mulk Saīd Ahmad Khān Bahādur Ṣaulat Jang. Alī Vardī Khān also left Gujar Khān, a Rohilla general, together with a contingent of three thousand cavalry and four thousand infantry, to be in attendance on Saīd Ahmad Khān at Katak (Cuttack). Alī Vardī Khān then returned, triumphant and victorious, to Bengal.
Ṣaulat Jang was of a churlish disposition and regulated himself by avarice. For effecting retrenchment in the military expenditure, he took into his service Salīm Khān, Darvēsh Khān, Nia‘mat Khān, Mīr A‘zīzu-l-lah and other generals, and sent back Gujar Khān2 to Murshidābād, on the plea of smallness of the revenue of Katak. The aforesaid generals who were anxious to avenge the fall of their old master, Murshīd Qulī Khān, finding now an opportunity, broke out into revolt. Ṣaulat Jang sent to them Qāsim Bēg, Superintendent of the Artillery, and Shaikh Hidāitu-l-lah, Faujdār (Magistrate) of Katak, for effecting the basis of a reconciliation. The Generals, who were seeking for an opportunity, finding the above two emissaries unescorted, slew Qāsim Bēg, whilst Hidāitu-l-lah, after receiving some wounds, made his escape. The citizens and soldiers en masse broke out into revolt, and under cover of the darkness of night they besieged Ṣaulat Jang, took him prisoner along with his followers and relations, and looted his treasures and effects. Then inviting over Mirza Baqir Khān, son-in-law of Murshīd Qulī Khān, from Sīkakūl across the Chilkah lake, they placed him on the masnad of the Nizāmat of Orissa, and advancing with their forces they conquered Mednīpūr and Hījlī.
The news of the approach of the Katak army threw Bengal into commotion. Alī Vardī Khān, on the occurrence of this disaster, mobilised an immense army equipped with a battering artillery, and then set out for Katak, in order to relieve Ṣaulat Jang and re-conquer Orissa. By forced marches, scouring through Bardwān, he encamped on the outskirts of Mednīpūr. On receiving news of the approach of Mahābat Jang, the Katak army,1 which was spread at Hijli and Mednīpūr, concentrated at Mednīpūr and Jalisar, next crossed over at the ferries of Rājghāt and Phulwar, and then encamped2 at the Port of Balasore. The soldiers of Mirza Baqir, who had previously received arrow-shots at the hands of the Bhalīahs, suddenly lost heart, and sending all their baggages to Sikākul remained unencumbered. When Mirza Baqir came to know of the disloyalty and cowardice of his soldiers, ostensibly he gave out that he contemplated advancing against the enemy, but in reality he planned to withdraw to the Dakhin. Whilst completing his arrangements for withdrawal to the Dakhin, he detached a force to Chaprah1 ghat, which is the ferry of the river Mahāndi and is situate midway the town of Katak. And he himself with Ṣaulat Jang, &c., and a number of other captives together with tents, &c., crossed the river Katjurī. Mahābat Jang was encamped on the banks of the river Kamharīah,2 at a distance of forty Karoh from Katak, and there at midnight messengers bought him news of Mirza Baqir’s flight. Immediately summoning Mīr Muḥammad Ja‘far the generalissimo, Muṣtafā Khān, Shamshir Khān, Sardār Khān, ‘Umar Khān, Buland Khān, Sirāndāz Khān, Balisar Khān and other Afghān generals, and holding a Council of War, Alī Vardī that very night with their concurrence despatched them expeditiously under the command of Mīr Ja‘far Khān to pursue Mirza Baqir Khān. Soon after, Alī Vardī Khān himself with the remainder of his army set out. When the aforesaid generals with their army arrived five karoh from Katak, Mīrza Baqir Khān being apprised placed Ṣaulat Jang in a fringed Rath, placed in it Ḥājī Muḥammad Amīn, brother of Murshid Qulī Khān, with a drawn dagger, to be his companion and attendant, and also set two armed horsemen on two sides of the Rath, with instructions that should the army of Mahābat Jang overtake them, they should instantly hack up Ṣaulat Jang with daggers and spears and on no account should let the latter escape. And Mirza Baqir himself mounted a horse, and along with the Rath containing Ṣaulat Jang he left the La‘l Bāgh1 Palace situate in the city of Katak, and arrived at Malīsār.2 At this time, Balisar Khān with fifteen horsemen, who were his comrades, came up. The flags carried by the cavalry were visible in the forest. By chance, at that time, from the excessive heat of summer, Ṣaulat Jang changing his seat inside the Rath sat in the place where Ḥājī Muḥammad Amīn had hitherto sat, and gave his own seat to the Ḥājī. At the very sight of the flags of Balisar Khān’s cavalry, the two armed horsemen who rode alongside the Rath tḥrust their spears through the Rath— screen, wounded Hājī Muḥammad Amin whom they mistook for Ṣaulat Jang, and fled. As fate would have it, as soon as the spear-thrust pierced the Hājī’s hand and shoulder, the Hajī’s dagger fell from his hand, and shouting out, “you have killed me; you have killed me,” the Hājī3 tumbled down inside the Rath. Ṣaulat Jang, the cup of whose life was not yet full to the brim, remained unscathed. When the Afghān troops were busy looting the vanquished, Mīr Muḥammad Ja‘far Khān Bahādur and Muḥammad Amīn4 Khān Bahādur, with a few men fell in with the runaways, and moved in every direction in quest of Sa‘īd Aḥmad Khān Bahādur Ṣaulat Jang; but Ṣaulat Jang fearing lest some enemy might be searching for him, held his breath quietly. When Muḥammad Amīn Khān came up quite close, Ṣaulat Jang, recognising his voice, answered him. The aforesaid Khān, on hearing the response, immediately tearing the screen of the Rath, and cutting up the tent-ropes brought out Ṣaulat Jang, and dismounting from his horse embraced him. And Mīr Muḥammad Ja‘far Khān also coming up, they embraced each other, and after offering thanks to Providence for the safety of Ṣaulat Jang’s life, they indulged in jubilations. At the time when they were busy with embracings and hand-shakings, Ḥājī Muḥammad Āmīn, finding an opportunity, nimbly got out of the Rath, and mounting the horse of Muḥammad Amīn Khān fled to the jungle, and vanished. When after enquiries into the condition of Ṣaulat Jang they mounted their own horses, Muḥammad Amīn Khān was confounded at the disappearance of his own horse. On subsequently ascertaining the secret, they were all sorry.1 When the Afghān soldiery, after finishing their work of plunder and sack, rallied round Mīr Muḥammad Ja‘far Khān, they sent Ṣaulat Jang to Mahābat Jang, whilst they themselves set out in pursuit of Mīrzā Muḥammad Bāqir. Finding the chance of his escape to be slender, the Mīrzā bcame desperate, and opened the battle by shooting rockets and arrows and firing muskets. When the fighting was about to turn to a charge with spears and swords, Murād Khān, the generalissimo of the Rajah of Puri,2 who with a large contingent of troops supported Mīrzā Bāqir, seizing the rein of the Mīrzā’s horse, and by use of great persuasion, pulled him back from the battle-field. Becoming his guide, Murād Khān led the Mīrzā by a route across the forest towards the Dakhin. Alī Vardī Khān, after holding a thanksgiving service for meeting Ṣaulat Jang and obtaining victory, allowed Ṣaulat Jang to retire to the city of Katak for rest, whilst he himself, after resting some time and being freed from all anxiety on account of the enemy, entered Katak triumphantly. And after chastising fully the adherents and friends of Mīrzā Bāqir, Alī Vardī confiscated all the branded3 horses of Mīrzā Bāqir, appointed Shaikh Ma‘ṣum,1 who was an able General, to the office of Deputy Nāzim of the Ṣūbah of Oḍīsah (Orissa), and after finishing the administrative arrangements of that Province returned to Bengal.
Inasmuch as Jagat Isar, Rājah of Morbhanj, had taken sides with Mirzā Bāqir, and had not submitted to the authority of Mahābat Jang, the latter was in anxiety owing to his insolence. Therefore, on arrival at the port of Balasore, he girded up his loins in order to chastise the Rājah. The latter was at Harīharpūr which contained his mansion, and was at the time plunged in pleasures and amusements. His knowledge of the denseness of the forests that surrounded him, coupled with his command of numerous hordes of Chawars2 and Khandaits, made him feel insolent, and so he did not pull out the cotton of heedlessness from the ear of sense, nor cared for the army of Alī Vardī Khān. Alī Vardī Khān’s army stretching the hand of slaughter and rapine, set about looting and sacking the populations, swept the Rājah’s dominion with the broom of spoliation, captured the women and children of the Khandatīs and Chawars, and sowed dissensions amongst them. The Rājah, seeing the superiority of Alī Vardī Khān’s army, with his effects, followers and dependants, fled to the top of a hill, and hid himself in a secret fastness, beyond the ken of discovery. Alī Vardī Khān then subjugated the tract of Morbhanj, shewed no quarter, and mercilessly carried fire and sword through its limits.
Mīr Ḥabīb,3 the Generalissimo of Murshīd Qulī Khān, after the latter’s defeat, had gone to Raghojī Bhoslah, and persuaded the latter to undertake the conquest of Bengal. At this time, Raghojī Bhoslah, nephew of the Rājah of the Dakhin, was Governor of the Ṣūbah of Berar. Taking advantage of the circumstance that Mahābat Jang was occupied with the affairs of Orissa, and finding that the whole extent of Bengal was denuded of troops, Raghojī Bhoslah detached his generalissimo, Diwan Bhāskar Paṇḍit, and Alī Qarawāl, who was an able general, with a contingent of sixty thousand Mahratta cavalry from Nāgpūr, in the company of Mīr Ḥabīb, by the route across the forest, in order to invade and pillage Bengal. On receiving news of the approach of Mahratta freebooters, Mahābat Jang abandoned the pursuit of the Morbhanj Rājah, and withdrew towards Bengal.
As yet Alī Vardī Khān had not passed through the forests of Morbhanj, when the army of Mahratta freebooters swooped down from the direction of the chaklah of Bardwān.1 Mahābat Jang, with the celerity of lightning and wind, marching swiftly by night and day, reached the inn of Ujalan adjoining to Bardwān. The armies of Mahratta freebooters, concentrating from different directions, commenced looting baggages and tents. The Bengal army, which was ignorant of the tactics of Mahratta freebooters, but which had heard tales about their barbarity and ravages, stood motionless from fear like an army of statues, and were hemmed in and attacked by the freebooters. Their baggages were looted, and their food-supplies were cutoff. Horses, elephants, and camels of the Bengal army were captured, and carried off by the freebooters. The army of Mahābat Jang, being tired out by the devastating onslaughts and sieges of the freebooters, broke in disorder. The Mahrattas at once hemming in attacked the elephant Landāh on which Mahābat Jang’s Begam1 was mounted, and capturing the elephant dragged it towards their own camp. Muṣāḥib Khān Mohmand,2 son of U‘mar Khān the General, having his Hindustānī courage aroused in him, attacked the freebooters, and advancing his feet of valour and gallantry, by means of valorous onslaughts and Rustam-like onsets, rescued the elephant together with its fair rider from the clutches of the freebooters. In consequence, however, of numerous mortal and ghastly wounds that they received, Muṣāḥib Khān and a large number of his comrades and kinsmen drew the red paint of martyrdom on the face, and on that very spot of slaughter were buried. And when the freebooters from impudence and insolence made onslaughts from all sides, Mahābat Jang, of necessity, opened leathern bags of coins, and scattered them on the field.3 Thus diverting the freebooters with the work of picking up coins, Mahābat Jang seized this respite, and with the celerity of lightning and wind riding out at full gallop arrived at Bardwān. The hungry troops, who for three days and nights had not seen the face of food-stuffs, quenched the fire of their hunger with the stores of Bardwān. The army of Mahratta freebooters followed up in pursuit. Sacking villages and towns of the surrounding tracts, and engaging in slaughters and captures, they set fire to granaries, and spared no vestige of fertility. And when the stores and granaries of Bardwān were exhausted, and the supply of imported grains was also completely cut off, to avert death by starvation, human beings ate plantain-roots, whilst animals were fed on the leaves of trees. Even these gradually ceased to be available. For breakfasts and suppers, nothing except the discs of the sun and the moon feasted their eyes. And for nights and days together, being constantly mounted on their high saddles, they did not even dream of sleep. The Afghān and Bhalīah troops becoming desperate, determined to die hard. Mahābat Jang, seeing signs of defeat, owing to the exhausted condition of his soldiery, held a Council of War. It was at last decided to place the artillery round the army, and to put baggages in the centre, and in this form to march out expeditiously from Bardwān to Katwāh, where food and fodder would be either procurable, or could be imported by waterways or highways from the environs of Murshidābād, to relieve the distressed soldiery. In short, in pursuance of this plan, setting out at night from Bardwān, Mahābat Jang’s army marched towards Katwāh, and in a short interval by forced marches reached Katwāh. The light Mahratta cavalry, however, covered forty karoh a day, and thus before Mahābat Jang’s arrival at Katwāh, they had already burnt down its fields, farms, and granaries, and reduced them to ashes. The army of Mahābat Jang now being in a state of utter despair, sent up to the skies wails, similar to the following:—
However, Ḥājī Aḥmad collecting the bakers of Murshidābād got breads prepared, and sent these together with other eatables and food-stuffs on boats to Katwāh. Other provisions and food-grains were also similarly conveyed gradually and in large quantities. At last, Mahābat Jang’s army were saved from starvation, and their cattle also received a grateful supply of fodder and grass. Mahābat Jang’s soldiers, whose houses were in Murshidābād, felt home-sick, and gradually drifted away towards their homes.
As Mīr Sharīf, brother of Mīr Ḥabīb, together with the family treasures, dependants and children, was at Murshidābad, Mīr Ḥabīb with seven hundred Mahratta cavalry swooped down on Murshidābād, in order to relieve his brother. Marching expeditiously, night and day, early at day-break, Mīr Ḥabīb reached Dihpārah and Ganj Muḥammad Khān,1 to which he set fire. And opposite to the Citadel, crossing the river Bhāgiratī, Mīr Ḥabīb reached his residence, and taking out Mīr Sharīf, together with his treasures, effects, followers, and dependants, he kept them in his company. Sweeping clean the houses of numerous residents of the City with the broom of plunder, and looting as much gold and silver coins as he could from the houses of Jagat Set, and capturing Murād Alī Khān,2 a son-in-law of Sarfarāz Khān, and Rājah Dūlabh Rām3 and Mīr Shujāu-d-din, Superintendent of the Bājutarah Sair duties, he encamped at Tīratkonah, which was to the west of the City, at a distance of one farsakh. Ḥājī Aḥmad, Nawāzish Aḥmad Khān and Ḥusain Qulī Khān, who were in the City, at the very sight of the Mahratta cavalry, firing their guns once or twice, and closing the avenues to the City as well as the gates of the Citadel, entrenched themselves, but found it impossible to fight and disperse the enemy, or to defend the City. On the next day, Mahābat Jang, with his army marching night and day, entered Murshidābād. Then the Mahrattas abandoned the idea of assaulting the City, and after desolating the surrounding tracts across the river returned to Katwāh. The rainy season now set in. In view of the tumultuousness of the river, the Mahrattas now suspended their fighting, established their quarters at Katwāh, and from there commenced making administrative arrangements. Giving Mīr Ḥabīb a free hand in all affairs, Bhaskar Paṇḍit himself remained at Katwāh, and sent out detachments in all directions for raid and plunder. Similarly, Mahābat Jang, in view of giving rest to his army, did not move out of the City.
As in his earlier years, Mīr Ḥabīb had lived at Hugli, the latter place still abounded with many of his kinsmen and friends. Their headman, Mīr Abu-l-Ḥasan Sarkhīl, now laid plans to surprise Hugli. He won over many of the Mughals to his side, and held secret correspondence with Mīr Ḥabïb. Mīr Muḥammad Riẓā, the Deputy Faujdār of Hugli,1 used to treat Mir Abū-l-Ḥasan as his right-hand in all affairs.
In blissful ignorance of the fact that he had a traitor in his camp, the Deputy Faujdār passed nights and days in carousals. At length, at the instigation of Mīr Abū-l-Ḥasan, Mīr Ḥabīb with a detachment of two thousand cavalry commanded by Sis Rāo advanced to Hugli, and at midnight arriving at the gate of its Fort announced his arrival to Mīr Abū-l-Ḥasan. Whilst Muḥammad Riẓā, arranging a feast of revelry, was quite absorbed in watching the dancing of some pretty women, Mīr Abū-l-Ḥasan said to the former: “Mīr Ḥabīb has come alone to visit you, and is waiting at the gate of the fort.” Under the influence of liquor, the Deputy Faujdār unhesitatingly ordered the gate of the Fort to be thrown open and to admit Mīr Ḥabīb. Entering the Fort, Mīr Ḥabīb with the concurrence of Mīr Abū-l-Ḥasan placed Muḥammad Riẓā and Mīrzā Pīran under surveillance, established himself inside the Fort, and posted his own guards at its gate. The noblemen and residents of the town that very night fled to Chūchrah (Chinsurah) and other places, and took refuge in the houses of the Dutch and French. Next morning, Sis Rāo with his detachment of cavalry entered the Fort. Many of the Mughal residents who were Mīr Ḥabīb’s acquaintances were introduced to Sis Rāo by Mīr Ḥabīb. The Rāo treated them courteously and deferentially, reassured every one of them, and issuing proclamations of peace and security forbade the Mahrattas from looting or sacking the town. He persuaded the Zamīndārs to assess and collect the revenue, and appointing as usual Qāẓīs, Muhtasibs and other officers to administer justice, he bestowed the office of Faujdār on Mīr Abū-l-Ḥasan. Mīr Ḥabīb, carrying off some guns and ammunitions together with a flotilla of sloops from Hugli, rejoined Bhāskar Paṇḍit at Katwāh.
As it was the rainy season, Mīr Ḥabīb deputed Mīr Mihdī with a detachment of musketeers on boats for collecting revenue from the mahals across the Ganges. But Mīr Mihdī, from fear of Mahābat Jang, did not land. The agents of the Zamīndārs proceeded to Mīr Ḥabīb, and paying him large sums obtained guards for the immunity of their tracts from the ravages and loot of Mahratta freebooters. The wealthy nobility and gentry, to save their family honour, quitted their homes, and migrated across the Ganges.1 The whole tract from Akbarnagar (Rajmahal) to Mednīpūr and Jalisār (Jalasore) came into the possession of the Mahrattas. Those murderous freebooters drowned in the rivers a large number of the people, after cutting off their ears, noses and hands. Tying sacks of dirt to the mouths of others, they mangled and burnt them with indescribable tortures. Thus they desolated and dishonoured the family and children of a whole world. Mahābat Jang, making strenuous efforts towards the chastisement and expulsion of the insolent enemy, set about collecting troops and armaments. Requisitioning to Murshidābād a large flotilla of boats from the neighbourhood of Jahāngīrnagar (Dacca), from the Jilengī, from Māldah, and Akbarnagar (Rajmahal), &c., he constructed a road leading to Katwāh. From the eastern bank of the Bhagirati he detached for bridge-making twelve thousand pioneers and sappers on boats, and attended to the comforts of the army. Collecting paraphernalia, horses, elephants, and swords, and winning the hearts of his soldiery by bestowing on them gifts and increments in pay, he encouraged and incited them to fight. Finding the enemy absorbed in political affairs relating to Zamīndārs, Revenue-Collectors and Administrators, Mahābat Jang seized this opportunity, and held a Council of War with his Afghān and Bhalīah Generals in view of delivering a night-attack. In pursuance of this plan, Mahābat Jang marched expeditiously with a large and efficient army, and by forced marches, at midnight, reached a place just opposite to Katwāh. In the cover of the night’s darkness, he instantly floated a bridge of boats that had been kept ready from before, and with a large army commenced crossing the river. Whilst he with the officers and some veteran soldiers had crossed the river, the bridge suddenly gave way under the heavy weight of a large army. Some of the boats sank, whilst a large number of Afghāns and Bhalīahs were drowned in the river. Mahābat Jang, on learning about this mishap, was engulphed in a sea of confusion. His mind was racked with anxiety. He realised that the entire army from the eastern bank of the river had been unable to cross over, and that he alone with a handful of troops was on the western bank face to face with the enemy. In consequence, he apprehended that in the event of the enemy getting scent of his movement, he would meet with a terrible disaster. He, therefore, put out the torches, and gave directions for immediately repairing the broken portions of the bridge. After the bridge was repaired, he ordered the whole army to cross over and join him. As the enemy was heedless and negligent, everything ended well. Kishwar Khān, the Deputy Faujdār, and Mānkant, the commandant of the pioneers and sappers, quickly rendered the damaged boats water-tight by plastering their cracks and rends with mud and bits of wood, and thus displayed Luqmān-like skill. An army, waving like the sea, swiftly crossed the bridge, rallied round Mahābat Jang and his Generals, and quickly unsheathing their swords, in a solid and clamorous phalanx, like some heavenly disaster, swooped down on the enemy. Shouts rose up on every side.
Overwhelmed with disaster, and unable to stand their ground, Mīr Ḥabīb and Bhāskar Paṇḍit with other Mahratta officers fled from the battle-field, leaving their army to their fate, just as a cow is left to the tender mercies of a butcher. A crushing defeat1 was inflicted on the Mahratta army, which was triumphantly chased to some distance Bhāskar and other Mahratta Generals fell back to Rāmgadh, from where with common consent they marched with celerity across jungles, to invade and ravage the Ṣūbah of Orissa.
Shaikh Muḥammad Ma‘ṣūm, the Deputy Nazim of Orissa, in order to resist the enemy, advanced from Katak, and opposed the enemy’s march. When the two armies encountered each other, the fire of conflict flared up once again. Although the Zamīndārs had deserted his side, with a small band numbering five thousand cavalry and infantry, Shaikh Muḥammad Ma‘ṣūm stood his ground dauntlessly on the field. The Mahratta army, which was more numerous than ants and locusts, surrounded Shaikh Ma‘ṣūm from all sides like a circle, and slaughtered him together with his comrades. The Ṣubāh of Oḍīsah (Orissa), together with the Fort of Barabātī and the citadel of the City of Katak, fell once again into the hands of the enemy.
Nawāb Mahābat Jang, on hearing of the above disaster, marched swiftly to Bardwān. He paid to each soldier two months’ pay and also other gifts on account of the victory of Katwāh, advanced to Katak, and repeatedly assaulting the Mahratta troops drove them from Katak, and victoriously entered its citadel. Leaving General Abdu-r-Rasūl Khān, who was a second Muṣtafā Khān, and who was also the latter’s nephew, as the Deputy Nazim of Orissa, together with a contingent of six thousand cavalry and infantry, Mahābat Jang returned to the Ṣūbah of Bengal.
On receiving news of the defeat of Bhāskar Pandit, Sis Rāo evacuating the fort of Hugli retreated to Bishanpūr. Other Mahratta officers, who were posted at different places for the collection of revenue, also fled. The Collectors and Faujdārs of Mahābat Jang entered the ravaged tracts, and again set about to re-settle them.
But Bhāskar Paṇḍit, after his defeat, sent Bairagi dacoits towards Akbarnagar (Rajmahal), Bhāgalpūr, and Behār. Mahābat Jang, who had not yet breathed freely, again set out from Bengal for those places. He had not yet reached the Ṣūbah of Behār, when the Bairagis retreating from those parts swooped down on Murshidābād. Mahābat Jang fell back from Behar, and pursued them. These Bairagi freebooters were busy with looting Balūchar, when the music of the drum and tambourine of Mahābat Jang’s vanguard rang in the ears of those maniacs. Losing all courage, and leaving behind bags of booty, they fled from Balūchar. Mahābat Jang chased them up to Rāmgadh, from where he returned.
In short, this sort of guerilla warfare lasted three years. Victories on both sides were mingled with defeats, and it was hard to decide which side eventually came off the best. Nawāb Mahābat Jang, following the saying that “war is made up of fraud,” diplomatically established friendly relations with Alī Qarawāl, who was one of the Mahratta leaders that had embraced the Muḥammadan faith, and was surnamed Alī Bhāi. From considerations of expediency, Mahābat Jang invited him over. Receiving him kindly and courteously, using dissimulation and artfulness, and professing friendship and benignity, he made him consent to arrange an interview between himself and Bhāskar Pandit with other Mahratta Generals. Heedless of the duplicity of the times, that simpleton was taken in, and arrived at Dīknagar. He induced Bhāskar and other Mahratta Generals to meet Mahābat Jang, by conveying to them the assurances and avowals of Mahābat Jang with reference to the settlement of the Chauth and the establishment of friendly relations. And these, in accordance with the saying;— “One perceiveth according to the length1 of his sight,” placing the finger of acceptance on their blind eyes, summoned to their presence Rājah Jānakī Rām and Muṣtafā Khān for fixing the basis of a treaty, and for ratifying it by protestations and oaths. These going over to Bhāskar made vows and oaths, according to the forms of their respective religions and creeds. Muṣtafā Khān had with him, under a cover, a brick instead of the Qoran, and holding it he repeated oaths. Falling into the trap laid by Mahābat Jang, and reiterating the vows of peace, Alī Bhāi and Bhāskar with other Mahratta Generals promised to meet Mahābat Jang at a place called Mankarah,1 and permitted Muṣtafā Khān and Rājah Jānakī Rām to return. These going to Mahābat Jang assured him of the success of their mission, and related the mutual promises and vows that had taken place. Expressing his satisfaction, Mahābat Jang ostensibly set about collecting valuable khillats and jewelleries, together with elephants, horses, and other rare and precious presents for presentation to the aforesaid Mahratta Generals. Announcing to the general public news of the approaching peace, Mahābat Jang covertly laid a plot of treachery, and took into confidence his own Generals towards its development. He picked out veteran and brave soldiers from his army, and caused long and wide tents, capable of holding large detachments with horses and elephants, to be pitched at Mankarah. Himself going into one of the tents, he arranged a grand party of friends and comrades. He secreted in battle-array inside the tents a battalion of picked men, and sent a message to Alī Bhāi to bring over Bhāskar with all the Mahratta Generals. In short, Bhāskar, leaving all his troops in camp, came to Alī Vardī’s tent, together with Alī Bhāi and twenty-one other Mahratta Generals. The tent-pitchers following the signal dropped down the screens of the pavilion, tied them strongly with tent-ropes, and cut off the ingress and egress of friends and foes. Mahābat Jang, at the very sight of Bhāskar, said to his comrades who were waiting for the signal: “Kill these heathen sinṅers.”2 Instantly, swords sprang up from every side on the Mahrattas.
Bhāskar and twenty-one other Mahratta Generals were butchered. In the midst of this carnage, Mahābat Jang mounting an elephant ordered the music of victory to be struck up, and ordered his select battalion to charge the Mahratta army with their swords. On seeing this, one1 of the Mahratta Generals, who was posted outside the pavilion with ten thousand cavalry, fled together with his force. Mahābat Jang’s soldiers pouncing like fighting lions on this flock of sheep fiercely attacked the Mahratta troops, and slaughtered them, right and left, raising human shambles, and captured those who escaped the sword. On hearing of this disaster, other Mahratta detachments which were encamped at Bardwān and Diknagar,2 &c., or patrolled the tracts between Mednīpūr and Akbarnagar (Rājmahal) fled to Nāgpūr.
When news of this disaster reached the ear of Raghojī Bhoslah,
After the rainy season was over, Raghojī Bhoslah3 mobilised a large force, and marched towards Bengal, to avenge the slaughter of Bhāskar and other Mahratta Generals, and engaging on massacres, captures, and plunders, tortured many of his captives. Alī Vardī Khān with a large army again advanced to encounter the enemy. At this juncture, Balājī Rāo,1 son of Bājī Rāo Paṇḍit, Peshwā and generalissimo of Rājah Sāhū, who was young, and had enmity with Raghojī, under orders of Emperor Muḥammad Shāh, came from the Imperial Capital (Dihlī) to Bengal with sixty thousand Mahratta cavalry, to re-inforce Alī Vardī Khān. Mahābat Jang, finding floods of disaster approaching Bengal from two sides, shewed firmness and foresight. He deputed experienced envoys with presents to Balājī Rāo, won him over to his side by display of courtesy and sincerity, met him at Birbhūm, established friendly relations with him, and both unitedly resolved to drive out Raghojī Bhoslah. Raghojī finding it impracticable to accomplish the object of his mission withdrew to his own country, without gaining his end. Being somewhat relieved of his anxiety by the withdrawal of Raghojī Bhoslah, Mahābat Jang presented a large amount of cash to Balāji Rāo, and thus sent him out of Bengal in a contented and thankful mood, whilst he himself returned to Bengal. Being inwardly in anxiety as to the demand of Raghojī for Chauth, Mahābat Jang set about mobilising troops.
At this moment, a rupture occurred between Alī Vardī Khān and Muṣtafā Khān, the Afghān General, and it was so far accentuated that all the Afghāns combining with the latter, broke out into revolt, and set out with a large force for Azīmābād (Patna), in order to storm that City, and to capture Ḥājī Aḥmad and Zainu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān. On reaching Mungīr (Monghyr), Muṣtafā Khān besieged the Fort of Monghyr. The Commandant of the Fort prepared to fight. Abdu-r-rasūl Khān,1 a cousin of Muṣtafā Khān, advancing in the inebriation of the wine of valour and daring, wanted to storm the Fort, by battering down its gate. The guards of the Fort hurled down a huge stone on his head. From the blow of that heavy stone, his head was smashed to atoms. Muṣtafā Khān, viewing this disaster to be a bad omen, abandoned the siege of Monghyr, marched with celerity to Azīmābād, (Patna), engaged in besieging the latter City, and commenced fighting with Zainu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān. Most of the detachments of Zainu-d-dīn Khān, not being able to stand their ground in the face of the onslaughts of the Afghāns, retreated to the citadel, but Zainu-d-dīn Khān himself with a small squadron of cavalry, artillery, and Bhalīah musketeers remained out in the open to encounter the enemy. At this moment, the Afghāns fell to plundering and pillaging the tents of Zainu-d-dīn’s troops who had retreated. Seeing Muṣtafā Khān now left with a small force, Zainu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān formed a van-guard of artillerymen and Bhālīah musketeers, and commenced an assault.2 The shells of guns and bullets of muskets now commenced showering like hail. Most of Muṣtafā Khān’s comrades tasted the bitter potion of death; whilst one bullet, hitting Muṣtafā Khān on the socket, blinded one of his eyes. Then Zainu-d-dīn’s other troops who had retreated to the citadel also rushed out, attacked the Afghans, and put them to the sword. Muṣtafā Khān on being defeated retreated to Jagdīshpūr.3 Becoming victorious and triumphant, Zainu-d-dīn Khān struck up the band of victory, made his State entry into the Fort, and next engaged on chasing the enemy. Muṣṭafā Khān now sent a message to Raghojī Bhoslah,4 and asked for help. Raghojī, who was waiting for such an opportunity, was delighted, and prepared to despatch reinforcements. But Mahābat Jang, on being apprised of this news, swiftly marched to Azīmābād (Patna). The Bengal and Azīmābād (Patna) armies forming a junction combined to attack Muṣtafā Khān. After much fighting, Muṣtafā Khān, finding it impossible to hold his own, retreated in a hapless condition across the frontier of Azīmābad to Ghāzīpūr; whilst Mahābat Jang becoming victorious and triumphant returned to Murshidābād. Muṣtafā Khān again collected a large force of cavalry and infantry, and again invaded Azīmābād. Zainu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān, according to the adage “One who is beaten once can be beaten twice,” with his victorious troops encountered him, and after much efforts and countless exertions, and after much slaughters and fightings, became victorious, whilst Muṣtafā Khān, as a retribution for his disloyalty, was slain on the battle-field. Zainu-d-dīn Khān cutting off the head of that wretch from his body tied his corpse to the feet of an elephant which was patrolled round the city to serve as a warning, and also suspended his head at the City Gate.
At this juncture, Raghojī Bhoslah despatched to Bengal a Mahratta army under the command of his son Rājah Jānojī, his adopted son, Mohan Singh, and the miscreant Mīr Ḥabīb, in order to demand the Chauth.1 A large number of Muṣtafā Khān’s Afghan adherents also joined them, and the market of fight and slaughter once again became warm in the conflict between Mahābat Jang and the Marhattas. The Ṣūbah of Orissa fell into the hands of Janojī, whilst weakness set in in the Province of Bengal. Mīr Ḥabīb opened negotiations for the settlement of the Chauth of Bengal. Nawāzish Ahmad Khān, Aḥsan Qulī Khān,1 Jagat Set, and the Raī-Rāiān2 exerted themselves strenuously on the side of peace. But Mahābat Jang, considering the acceptance of Chauth to be humiliating, refused to conclude peace, and with his army prepared to fight and drive out the Mahrattas. Mahābat Jang suspected treachery from Sham Sher Khān, Sardār Khān, Murād Sher Khān, Ḥaiāt Khān, and other Afghan Generals of Dārbhāngā, who, during the late insurrection, had sided with Muṣtafā Khān. And, as a matter of fact, these Afghan Generals had opened at this time treasonable correspondence with Mīr Ḥabīb and his Mahrattas. These Afghan Generals, following the example of Muṣtafā Khān, now broke out into open revolt on the pretext of demand of pay. Mahābat Jang, having lost all confidence in them, paid them up, and disbanded them. These reaching Darbhāngā, after a short time, leagued amongst themselves in pursuance of designs of treachery, and made offers of service to Zainu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān. As Zainu-d-dīn Khān was a friend of soldiers, he conciliated them, accepted their offers of service with the approval of Nawāb Mahābat Jang, and invited them to a Darbar. Sham Sher Khān and Murād Sher Khān with a corps of Afghans arrived at Ḥājīpūr, and encamped on the banks of the river. According to the order of Zainu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān, they left behind all their soldiers, and crossing the river came to Azīmābād (Patna) attended only by three hundred cavalry, consisting of kinsmen and comrades who were all of one heart for the purpose of waiting on Zainu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān. On obtaining an audience, they observed all the points of etiquette, and sat in the Chihil satūn Palace, ranged on the right and left of Zainu-d-dīn. Zainu-d-din Aḥmad Khān reclining against pillows on a Masnad, made polite enquiries regarding each. Murād Sher Khān, nephew of Sham Sher Khān, finding Zainu-d-dīn off his guard, pulled out a dagger from his waist, hit the latter so hard with it on the stomach, that his intestines came out. By that single blow, Zainu-d-dīn was killed.1 The traitors, lifting up their swords, cut down Zainu-d-dīn’s companions, looted all his treasures and effects, captured the Begam1 with her daughter and also Ḥājī Aḥmad. They suspended the Ḥājī2 to a tripod with his head downwards, and by torturing him made him give up large treasures, and slew him. They carried off the ladies of the Harem together with numerous treasures as booty. And similarly, they swept the houses of other nobles of the City with the broom of rapine. These Rohīlah Afghans sacked the City and its suburbs, looted treasures, dishonoured women and children, and desolated a whole world.3 A great consternation seized those regions. “Protect me, O Lord, from the wickedness of infidels and from the wrath of Thine.” Sham Sher Khān collecting one hundred thousand cavalry and infantry was not contented with the subjugation of Azīmābād, and he further cherished visions of conquering Bengal. Mahābat Jang, who was at this time encamped at Amānīganj4 on some important business connected with the Mahratta freebooters, suddenly received the terrible intelligence of the slaughter of Zainu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān and Ḥājī Aḥmad, and of the hostile advance of the Afghans. In consequence, an indescribable agony seized him, and his family and kindred. From excessive depression and agony, he wanted to isolate himself from all intercourse with the world, and to abandon the City with its Bāzār to the Mahratta freebooters. His generals employing various consolations and assurances recited passages inculcating fortitude, and tied the girdle of courage in pursuit of revenge in the waist of their hearts. But when for accomplishing this avenging mission, they applied for the payment of the soldiers, Mahābat Jang pleaded he had no money. Then Nawāzish Muḥammad Khān Shahāmat Jang, standing surety for the expenses of the soldiery, paid to the soldiers eighty laks of rupees in cash from his own treasury, and made them agree to undertake the avenging expedition. Mahābat Jang, being somewhat now relieved from anxiety, left Nawāzish Muḥammad Khān Shahāmat Jang at Murshidābād, and himself marched to Azīmābād with a large army.1 Mīr Ḥabīb, at the instigation of Sham Sher Khān, with hordes of Mahratta freebooters, pursued Mahābat Jang from the rear, tracking jungles and setting fire, right and left, to the villages, with their granaries. Mīr Ḥabīb looted Mahābat Jang’s baggages and tents, and did not allow Mahābat Jang’s army a breathing interval either for sleep or for food, nor suffered a single day to pass without skirmishes with swords and spears, till they passed beyond Bārh. At Baikantpūr1 an engagement took place with the army of Sham Sher Khān. Rājah Sundar Singh, Zamīndār of Tikarī, with a powerful corps, joined Alī Vardī. And when on both sides, the fire of slaughter flared up, the army of Mahratta freebooters, who, like the shadow, always followed Mahābat Jang’s army, attacked its rear. Afghan troops from front and Mahratta freebooters from the rear attacked and hemmed in the army of Mahābat Jang. The heroes of Mahābat Jang’s army, perceiving the approaching inrush of calamity towards them from both sides, prepared to die hard, and fought desperately. In that victory lies with God, by a stroke of good luck, Sham Sher Khān, Sardār Khān, Murād Sher Khān, and other Afghan Generals were hit by bullets of guns, in retribution for their disloyalty, and were killed, whilst other Afghan troops cowardly fled. The soldiers of Mahābat Jang, by brave onslaughts, routed the enemy’s army, charging them with swords, spears, arrows, muskets and rockets, killed those wretches, and raised hecatombs of the slain. The Mahratta army, on seeing Alī Vardī’s glorious victory, retreated, and dispersed like the constellation of the bear. Mahābat Jang after prostrating himself in thanksgiving to God, triumphantly entered Azīmābād, and rescuing the family and children of Zainu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān and Ḥājī Aḥmad from the rack of those outragers of honour, captured the wives and daughters of those treacherous wretches.
Nawab Mahābat Jang, shewing considerateness,2 paid travelling expenses to the Afghan ladies, and allowed them to depart honourably to Dārbhāngā, and followed the adage “Turn Evil by Good.” Appointing Sirāju-d-daulah, son of Zainu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān, to be Ṣūbadār of Azīmābād, in succession to his father, and leaving Rājah Janakī Rām as Sirāju-d-daulah’s Deputy there, and finishing the administrative arrangements of that Ṣūbah, Mahābat Jang returned to Bengal, in order to drive out the Mahratta freebooters.
About this time, the office of Faujdār of the tract of Purnīah was vacant, owing to the flight to the Imperial Capital of the Khān Bahādur,1 son of Nawāb Saif Khān. Alī Vardī Khān conferred the above Faujdārship on Saīd Aḥmad Khān Ṣaulat Jang, in whose heart ambition for the Nizāmat of Bengal lurked, and in whose head visions of ruling over Bengal existed. At the time when Mahābat Jang was engaged in fighting with Sham Sher Khān, Sirāju-d-daulah shewed his temper to Nawāb Izazu-d-daulah Atāu-l-lah Khān Sābit Jang, a son-in-law of Ḥājī Aḥmad, who held the office of Faujdār of Akbarnagar (Rajmahal). Knowing Atāu-l-lah Khān2 to be brave and popular with the army, and ambitious and sound-headed, Sirāju-d-daulah set to work his ruin, and plying Alī Vardī Khān with his suspicions gained over the latter, and induced him to send a message to Atāu-l-lah to quit the country, or else to prepare for death. The aforesaid Khān, after fighting some time in self-defence, set out at length for the Imperial Capital, remained in the company of Nawab Vazīru-l-mulk Ṣafdar Jang,1 and then joining Rājah Nul Rāi2 in the Rohilla Afghan war was killed at Farrukhābād.
As in consequence of the insurrection at Azīmābād, the Mahratta freebooters had taken possession of the Ṣūbah of Orissa, Mahābat Jang, not halting in Bengal, set out for that Ṣūbah. Expelling the Mahratta freebooters from that Ṣūbah, Mahābat Jang put to death Syēd Nūr, Sarāndāz Khān, and other officers, who were adherents of the Mahratta freebooters, and who were entrenched in the fort of Barahbātī, by drawing them out of their entrenched position by use of diplomatic assurances.3 And capturing the horses and armaments of their comrades, and expelling them all from Katak, Mahābat Jang returned to Bengal.
As Mīr Ḥabīb was the root of all the mischiefs and troubles, Mahābat Jang hatched a plan for his destruction. He sent to his name a letter, purporting falsely to be a reply to his message, to the following effect: “The letter sent by you has been received; what you have written in respect of your plan to extirpate the Mahratta freebooters, has met with my approval. It is a very good idea: you from that side, and I from this side, will be on the alert and wait. By every means possible, try and induce them to come this side, and then what is now in the minds of us both will come to pass.” Mahābat Jang sent this message through a courier, instructing the latter to proceed by such a route, that he might be intercepted by the Mahrattas and the letter might fall into their hands. This ruse proved a complete success, and the Mahrattas suspecting Mīr Ḥabīb slew him.1
To sum up, for twelve long years the fires of war and slaughter kindled between the Mahrattas and Mahābat Jang, and the Mahrattas did not retire without levying the Chauth. And owing to Ḥājī Aḥmad and Zainu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān having fallen, the power of Mahābat Jang was weakened, whilst old age and infirmity told on his physical vigour. Of necessity, in view of expediency, and in compliance with the entreaties of Nawāzish Muḥammad Khān Shahāmat Jang, Mahābat Jang at last concluded a peace with the Mahratta freebooters, agreeing to pay the latter Chauth for the three Ṣūbahs, and through the medium of Maṣliḥn-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān, nephew of Mīr Ḥabīb, and Ṣadru-l-Ḥaq Khān, fixed the basis for the terms of peace and the settlement of the Chauth. In lieu of the payment of the Chauth, he assigned the revenue of Ṣūbah of Orissa to the Mahrattas, and appointed Ṣadru-l-Ḥaq to be its Administrator and Governor.2 After settling this important affair with the Mahrattas, Mahābat Jang regained peace of mind, and took to travelling and hunting. After ruling for sixteen years, he died of dropsy on Saturday, 9th Rajab, 1169 A.H., corresponding to the second year of the accession of Emperor Alamgīr II, and was buried in the Khush Bāgh.1 Sirāju-d-daulah, who was his heir, then mounted the masnad of Nizāmat.
When Nawāb Alī Vardī Khān Mahābat Jang passed to the regions of eternity, Nawāb Sirāju-d-daulah, son of Zainu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān Haibat Jang, and maternal grandson of Alī Vardī, who from before had been declared heir-apparent by Alī Vardī Khān, and whom Alī Vardī Khān had in his life-time placed on the cushion of the Nizāmat, and to whom Alī Vardī with all the grandees of the court had paid homage and offered presents— ascended the masnad of the rulership over Bengal, Behār, and Orissa Sirāju-d-daulah exhibited insolence and arrogance, which are the worst of attributes, and are displeasing to God. At that time, owing to certain reasons, Ghasitī Begam, widow of Nawāzish Aḥmad Khān Shahāmat Jang, who resided at Mutījhīl, resolving to oppose Sirāju-d-daulah, appointed Mīr Nazar Alī, who was her servant and was bound to her by ties of various favours and obligations, to be the commander of her vanguard, and Nawāb Baīrām Khān to be generalissimo of her army. Then the Bēgam of Mahābat Jang, and Jagat Set, as an emissary of Sirāju-d-daulah, went to Ghasitī Begam and gave her assurances; and so the latter refrained from hostility, whilst Nazar Alī fled, and Bairām Khān taking refuge with one of the generals fell into disgrace. Sirāju-d-daulah’s army arriving captured Ghasitī Begam, together with all her effects. The Begam saw what she had never seen, and heard what she had never heard. Sirāju-d-daulah’s army rased to the ground her buildings and her palace, and unearthing her buried treasures carried them to Mansūrganj. Owing to Sirāju-d-daulah’s harshness of temper and indulgence in violent language, fear and terror had settled on the hearts of everyone to such an extent, that no one amongst the generals of the army or the noblemen of the City was free from anxiety. Amongst his officers, whoever went to wait on Sirāju-d-daulah despaired of life and honour, and whoever returned without being disgraced and ill-treated offered thanks to God. Sirāju-d-daulah treated all the noblemen and generals of Mahābat Jang with ridicule and drollery, and bestowed on each some contemptuous nick-name that ill-suited any of them.1 And whatever harsh expressions and abusive epithets came to his lips, Sirāju-d-daulah uttered them unhesitatingly in the face of everyone, and no one had the boldness to breathe freely in his presence. Appointing a Kyeth, named Mohanlal, to be the minister and controller of all affairs, Sirāju-d-daulah bestowed on him the title of Mahārajah Mohanlal1 Bahādur, gave him a large bodyguard of cavalry and infantry, and ordered all his generals and nobles to pay respect to him. All did so, except Mīr Muḥammad Jāfar Khān, a brother-in-law of Nawāb Mahābat Jang, and the generalissimo of the army, who refused to pay respect to Mohanlal, and for some time ceased to pay respect even to Sirāju-d-daulah. But Rājah Mohanlal, coiling himself round the brain and skin of Sirāju-d-daulah, forgot himself so far that he fancied nobody else existed, appointed his own kith and kin to posts connected with the Crown-Domains and also to other revenue offices, and dismissed the old officers. For instance, Rājah Mohanlal sent a message to Nawāb Ghulām Husain Khān Bahādur2 that if he accepted a pay of Rs. 200 a month, he might stay on, otherwise he should quit the country. The latter, of necessity, on the plea of visiting the Kabah, set out for Hūglī.
Inasmuch as before Mahābat Jang’s death, in the beginning of that year, on the 13th of Rabīn-l-Awāl, Nawāb Nawāzish Aḥmmad Khān Shahāmat Jang,3 who held the office of Dīwān of Bengal, had died, Sirāju-d-daulah arrested Rājah Rājballab, Pēshkār of Shahāmat Jang, on the plea that he should render up his accounts. Although Rājballab tried hard to pay up some cash and to compromise the demands, Sirāju-d-daulah did not consent, and kept him under surveillance.1 Rājballab sent his family and children to Calcutta, to take shelter with the English. Sirāju-d-daulah desired to arrest Rājballab’s family also, and ordered Rājah Rām, head of his spies, to proceed to Calcutta, arrest Rājballab’s family, and bring them over. Mahābat Jang, whilst on sickbed, had dissuaded Sirāju-d-daulah, and directed him to postpone the matter, and urged that after recovery he (Mahābat Jang) would himself summon them. At this time, Sirāju-d-daulah ordered Rājah Rām, head of his spies, to proceed to Calcutta and arrest and bring over Rājballab’s family and children, and himself in the month of Shābān, on the plea of touring, proceeded towards Akbarnagar (Rājmahal). Whilst Siraju-d-daulah reaching Dūnahpūr had encamped on the bank of the river Kālāpānī, he received news that the English Chiefs in Calcutta had offered opposition, and prevented the arrest of Rājballab’s family and children. On the very receipt of this news, the fire of Sirāju-d-daulah’s rage kindled, and he summoned the officers of his army, and said: “I intend proceeding on an expedition against Calcutta. It is necessary that none of you should go back to Murshidābād, but that all should proceed straight from here to Chunakhalī and encamp there.” Next morning, setting out, Sirāju-d-daulah reached Chunakhalī, and from there proceeding by forced marches invaded Calcutta. In the month of Ramẓān, fighting with the English, Sirāju-d-daulah became victorious and triumphant, and the English Chief1 embarking on a boat fled. Sweeping the town of Calcutta with the broom of plunder2, and naming it Alinagar, Sirāju-d-daulah left Rājah Manikchand with a large detachment as Governor of Calcutta. Posting strong garrisons at Makhūah and Bajbajīa (Budge-Budge) and other fords for the crossing and passage of English ships, Sirāju-d-dualah at the end of the above month returned to Murshidābād.
Ṣaulat Jang, Faujdār of Purnīah, that year, previous to Mahābat Jang’s death, in the month of Jamādi-l-Awāl, had died, and his son, Shaukāt Jang, who was a cousin of Sirāju-d-daulah, had succeeded his father. At this time, Sirāju-d-daulah desiring to displace Shaukāt Jang demanded the revenue of Purnīah.1 Shaukāt Jang replied: “You are lord of three Ṣūbahs (Provinces), whilst I am fallen in this corner, and am content with a bit of bread. Now it does not become your high aspiration to set the teeth of your avarice on this bit of bread.” Sirāju-d-daulah, on receipt of this reply, which did not satisfy his designs, despatched Dīwān Mohanlal, together with other Generals such as Dost Muḥammad Khān, Shaikh Dīn Muḥammad, Mīr Muḥammad, and Jafar Khān, &c., with a large army, to fight with Shaukāt Jang; and he also wrote to Rāmnarāin, the Ṣūbahdār of Aẓīmābād, to march quickly to Purnīah. From the other side, Shaukāt Jang detailed for fighting Shaikh Jahān Yār and Kārguẕār Khān, the generalissimo, and Mīr Murād Alī and others, and subsequently he himself set out and assaulting and sacking and burning Haiātpūrgolah returned to Purnīah. On arrival at Manihari, Sirāju-d-daulah’s army encamped, whilst Shaukāt Jang’s army at a distance of one Karoh at Nawābganj entrenched itself. On the next day, Shaukāt Jang also arrived and joined his army; and on the same day, Rājah Rāmnarāin, the Ṣūbahdār of Azīmābād, with his contingent of troops, joined Sirāju-d-daulah’s army. On the morning of the following day, Rājah Mohanlal advanced with his force in order to fight, and unfurled his flag carrying the ensignia of the Māhī Order which he held. Shaukāt Jang, on seeing the ensignia of the Māhī Order, fancied that Sirāju-d-daulah himself had joined his army, and was marching up for fight, and so Shaukāt Jang advanced also with his army. Shaikh Jahān Yār dissuaded Shaukat Jang, saying:— “To-day the moment for fighting is not auspicious, if it pleases God, to-morrow early in the morning we shall fight, and whatever is decreed by Providence shall take place.” Shaukāt Jang, paying no heed to this dissuasion, marched up to the battle-field. Shaikh Jahān Yār was also obliged to advance with his corps, and whilst fighting bravely he received a gun-shot. Shaikh Abdu-r Rashīd, his brother, and Shaikh Qudratu-l-lah, his son-in-law, together with Shaikh Jhahan Yār, his nephew, as well as his other kinsmen were slain on the battle-field, and earned present and future glory. At this time of strife, a sword fell on the neck of the horse of Shaikh Jahān Yār, and cut asunder its rein, and the horse furiously gallopped away with its rider from the field. As he had already received several mortal wounds, by the time of his arrival at Bīrnagar, he expired. At that crisis, Shaukāt Jang, himself joining in the fight, advanced, discharging arrows, and came in front of Dost Muḥammad Khān. The aforesaid Khān said, “Come on my elephant, as you will find security then.” Shaukāt Jang not consenting fixed a sharp arrow in his teeth, and shattered his front-tooth. At this time, besides two horsemen, one of whom was Ḥabīb Bēg, no one else was with Shaukāt Jang. Ḥabīb Bēg dismounting from his horse stood in front of his elephant on the field. As decreed by fate, a bullet from the gun of a servant of Dost Muḥammad Khān hit Shaukāt Jang on the forehead, and the bird of his soul flew away, and nestled on the branches of annihilation. And Kārguẕār Khān, the generalissimo Shaikh Bahādur Narnuti, Abū Turāb Khān, Murād Sher Khān, nephew of Shaikh Jahān Yār, Shaikh Murād Ali, disciple of Nawāb Saif Khān, Mīr Sultān Khalīl, the archer, Lohā Sīngh Hāzārī, and Mīr Jafaru-l-jo, &c., displayed gallant bravery, and tasted the potion of death on the battle-field. Sirāju-d-daulah had advanced to Akbarnagar (Rājmahal), when the tidings of victory arrived; and he ordered the music of victory to strike up. He also caused the adherents of Shaukāt Jang, such | as were captured, to be punished in various forms. Rājah Mohanlal confiscating fifty-one elephants, and horses, and camels, and other treasures of Shaukāt Jang, and leaving his own son as Deputy Governor of the Faujdārī of Purnīah, returned.
When Sirāju-d-daulah, after the fall of his cousin, arrived in Murshidābād, the chess-board of time presented a new game. Of the English, who had been routed by Sirāju-d-daulah in Calcutta, and whose treasures worth several laks had been plundered, some escaped and fled to an island.1 Thence they sent messages to England and other ports, and in a short time obtained reinforcements. After some months, the English chiefs, under the command of Sābit Jang (Clive), with thirty thousand men, arrived on ships of war, obliged the garrisons of the Nawab’s outposts to take to their heels, and fought with Rājah Mānikchānd. The Rājah suffered a heavy defeat. The English advancing to Hūglī, rased its fortifications with the cannonade of their artillery, and the Faujdār of that Fort fled. Sirāju-d-daulah, on getting news of the English victory, set out for Calcutta from Murshidābād, and encamped in the garden of Karhatī, in the suburbs of Calcutta. The English made a night-attack. The next day, Sirāju-d-daulah not having the boldness to advance, and outwardly proclaiming the conclusion of peace, marched back anxiously to Murshidābād. After arrival in Murshidābād, Sirāju-d-daulah found that all the Nobles and Generals were disaffected. Foremost amongst them was Mīr Muḥammad Jafar Khān Bahādur, from whom the office of generalissimo had been transferred to Khwājah Hādī Alī Khān, and who had shut himself up in his house. Sirāju-d-daulah placing large batteries in front of Mīr Jafar’s palace was ready to blow him up, and ordered him to quit the City. Mīr Jafar tendering excuses and apologies, secretly set about making warlike preparations in self-defence, and tampering with the Bhalīah Generals and Commanders and with Jagat Set.1 Ratifying their conspiracy by mutual oaths and promises, Mīr Jafar sent secretly Amīr Bēg, who was one of his confidential adherents, with letters to Calcutta, asking the English troops to be sent. Amīr Bēg,1 by indulging in various assurances, induced the English Chiefs to set out from Calcutta and to march to Palāsī (Plassey). When the moment for action had passed, Sirāju-d-daulah on hearing the news of the advance of the English troops, marched out of the City. Now taking out the cotton of recklessness from the ear, he displayed towards the aforesaid Khān (Mīr Jafar) flattery and endearment, and sending the Begam of Mahābat Jang to Mīr Jafar opened the gates of apology for his past shortcomings. Mīr Jafar did not listen to them, as he had no reliance on Sirāju-d-daulah’s assurances and actions. After this, when Sirāju-d-daulah advanced from Chunahkhalī, the aforesaid Khān (Mīr Jafar) also marching encamped at a distance of half a farsakh from the army of Sirāju-d-daulah. Mīr Madan, Superintendent of the Artillery, told Sirāju-d-daulah that the English were coming at the instigation of Mīr Muḥammad Jafar, and that it was, therefore, expedient to finish first Mīr Muḥammad Jafar, and that after the latter was killed, the English would not have the daring to approach this side. In that the arrow of Fate cannot be parried by the shield of Effort, and in that God’s decree had already been passed another way,
When next day, Sirāju-d-daulah reached Dāūdpūr, tidings came to the effect that the English had set fire to Katwāh. At that time Mohanlal reproached Sirāju-d-daulah, and said: “You have ruined me, and rendered my children orphans. If you had not removed Mīr Muḥammad Jafar Khān and Dullab Ram from the Katwāh outpost, things would not have taken this turn.” In short, on the morning following that day, which was 5th Shawāl of the 3rd year of the reign of Emperor Alamgīr II, the English army from Palāsī (Plassey) on one side, and Sirāju-d-daulah from Dāūdpūr on the other encountered each other, and opened the battle with a cannonade. Mīr Muḥammad Jafar Khān, with his detachment, stood at a distance towards the left from the main army; and although Sirāju-d-daulah summoned him to his side, Mīr Jafar did not move from his position. In the thick of the fighting, and in the heat of the work of carnage, whilst victory and triumph were visible on the side of the army of Sirāju-d-daulah, all of a sudden Mīr Madan, commander of the Artillery, fell on being hit with a cannon-ball. At the sight of this, the aspect of Sirāju-d-daulah’s army changed, and the artillerymen with the corpse of Mīr Madan moved into tents. It was now midday, when the people of the tents fled. As yet Nawāb Sirāju-d-daulah was busy fighting and slaughtering, when the camp-followers decamping from Dāūdpūr went the other side, and gradually the soldiers also took to their heels. Two hours before sun-set, flight occurred in Sirāju-d-daulah’s army, and Sirāju-d-daulah also being unable to stand his ground any longer fled. On arrival at Manṣūrganj, which had been founded by him, he opened the Treasury gates and distributed money to the army. But owing to grave anxieties, being unable to halt there, the Nawāb abandoning his treasures and effects, at nightfall, with his wives and children, got into a boat, carrying with himself a lot of precious jewelleries and gold coins, and sailed towards Purnīah and Azīmābād. After Sirāju-d-daulah’s defeat, Mīr Muḥammad Jafar entered his camp, in the night held a conference with the English Chiefs, and early next morning marched in pursuit of Sirāju-d-daulah, and arrived in Murshidābād. Finding the sky propitious towards his views, Mīr Jafar entered the citadel, struck up the music announcing his accession to the masnad of Bengal, issued proclamations of peace and security in the City, and unfurled the standard of Ṣūbahdāri. Mīr Jafar then detailed his son-in-law, Mīr Muḥammad Qāsim with a corps to capture Sirāju-d-daulah, and quartered the Engish army at Babnīah.1 But Sirāju-d-daulah, travelling in the night, had sailed swiftly from below Māldah, and reached Babiāl. When news reached him that the mouth of Nāzirpūr was unnavigable and boats could not pass by that way, he was obliged to disembark, and went to the house of Dān Shāh Pīrzādah, whose house was at that place. Dān Shāh who previous to this had suffered some injury at the hands of Sirāju-d-daulah, finding the latter in his power, and seeing the times favourable, by giving assurances and consolations, detained Sirāju-d-daulah in his house, and ostensibly engaging on preparing food, sent information to Mīr Dāūd Alī Khān, Faujdār of Akbārnāgar (Rājmahal), who was brother of Mīr Muḥammad Jafar Khān. The spies of Dāūd Alī Khān who were searching for Sirāju-d-daulah, fancying it to be a grand victory, swiftly arrived, and capturing Sirāju-d-daulah carried him from the house of Dān Shāh2 to Akbārnāgar, from whence the spies of Dāūd Alī Khān and Mīr Muḥammad Qāsim Khān carried him in their company to Murshidābād. Mīr Muḥammad Jafar Khān threw Sirāju-d-daulah into prison that day. On the next day, with the advice of the English Chiefs, and on the importunity and insistance of Jagat Set, he slew him, and suspending the corpse of that victim of oppression to a howdah on an elephant’s back, sent it round the City, and then buried it in Khosh Bāgh in the Mausoleum of Nawāb Mahabat Jang. After some days, Mīr Jafar killed also Mīrzā Mihdī Alī Khān, the younger brother of Sirāju-d-daulah, by stretching him on an instrument of torture, and buried his body by the side of his brother’s grave. The Nizāmat of Nawāb Sirāju-d-daulah3 lasted one year and four months, and he was slain at the end of the month of Shawāl 1170 A.H.
When Jafar Alī Khān ascended1 the masnad of the Nizāmat of Bengal, Bihār, and Orissa, he set himself to the conciliation of the army and the nobility, who had joined him in his conspiracy to destroy Sirāju-d-daulah. He appointed his nephew, Khādim Ḥusain Khān,1 to the office of Faujdār of Purnīah, and conferred on Rāmnarāin a robe of honour, confirming him in the Deputy-Governorship of the Ṣūbah of Azīmābād (Patna).2
At this time Shāh Ālam3 invaded the Ṣūbah of Azīmābād. Raḥīm Khān and Qādirdād Khān, &c., sons of Umar Khān, and Ghulām Shāh and other commanders and generals in the service of Sirāju-d-daulah, whom Jafar Alī Khān had previously from policy shifted to the province of Bihār, now joined the Imperial Army. At Fatūhah, a battle took place between the Imperialists and Rāmnarāin. Rāmnarāin was wounded, and fled to the fort, and the Imperial troops laid siege to the fort. Nawāb Jafar Alī Khān, on getting this news, despatched to Bihār his son, Nawāb Naṣīru-l-Mulk Ṣadīq Alī Khān Shahāmat Jang, surnamed Mīran, with a detachment of English troops. On the banks of the river Adhūah, adjoining Bārh, a battle ensued with the Imperialists. On the side of the Imperialists, Qādirdād Khān and Kāmgār Khān displayed feats of bravery. Muḥammad Amīn Khān was wounded, whilst Rājballab fell back, and both contemplated flight. Qādirdād Khān, with others, by brave onslaughts, attacked the lines of artillery. A heavy gun, which required to be drawn by 400 bullocks, happened to lie in front of these. Those men got entangled amidst the bullocks, and failed to cut through as the bullocks hemmed them on all sides. At this juncture, the elephant-driver of Qādirdād Khān was shot by a bullet. Qādirdād Khān spurred on his elephant with his feet, and shot arrows. Nawāb Ṣadīq Alī Khān received a wound, being hit by an arrow. At this moment, a big cannon-ball hit Qādirdād Khān on the left side of the chest, and finished him up. On seeing this mishap, Kāmgār Khān and others reining back their horses fell back to their own lines. The army of Ṣadīq Alī Khān, on ascertaining this, made a fresh onslaught, attacked the Imperialists, and struck up the music of victory. The Imperialists were defeated. Rahīm Khān and Zainu-l-Abidīn Khān, who had made a detour towards the rear of Ṣadīq Alī Khān’s army, on hearing the music of victory, made a flank movement towards the right wing, and attacked it. But owing to the cannonade of the English artillery, they were unable to stand their ground, and were defeated. After defeat, the Imperialists retired towards Bardwān, and Ṣadīq Alī Khān, pursuing them, followed them up to Bardwān viâ Chakaī,1 Khautī,2 and Bīrbhūm. From this side, Jafar Alī Khān also marched expeditiously to Bardwān, and on the banks of the river3 below the town of Bardwān, a battle commenced with a cannonade. The Imperialists not being able to hold their own there, marched back to Azīmābād.
Jafar Alī Khān and Ṣadīq Alī Khān now set themselves to confiscate the treasures and effects of Nawāb Sirāju-d-daulah and the Begams of Mahābat Jang, &c. Rendering the latter hard up for even a night’s sustenance, they had already sent to Jahāngīrnagar (Dacca), the Begam of Mahābat Jang with her two daughters, one named Āmanah Begam,4 mother of Sirāju-d-daulah, and the other named Ghasitī Begam, widow of Shahāmat Jang, together with other ladies of Mahābat Jang’s harem. Jafar Alī Khān and Ṣadīq Alī Khān now sent Bāqir Khān, the General, to Jahāngīrnagar (Dacca) with a corps of one hundred cavalry, and wrote to Jasārat Khān, Faujdar of Jahāngīrnagar, peremptorily directing the latter to capture and make over Ghasitī Begam and Aminah Begam to Bāqir Khān, as soon as the latter arrived. On the arrival of Bāqir Khān at Jahāngīrnagar, Jasārat Khān1 was obliged to pass the necessary orders. The Begams were placed on a boat, which was taken out some karoh from Jahāngīrnagar and there sunk in the river. It is said that when the Begams were taken out to the boat, and became aware of their fate, they repeated their prayers, held the Holy Qorān in their armpits, embraced each other, and then plunged into the river. O, Gracious God, what inhuman barbarity was this! But at length, Ṣadīq Alī Khān also suffered retribution for it in his own life-time.2
At this time a misunderstanding had set in between Ṣadīq Alī Khān and Khādim Husain Khān, on account of levy of revenue and also of other matters. Ṣadīq Alī Khān, resolving to expel and extinguish Khādim Husain Khān, planned an expedition to Purniah. Khādim Husain Khān advancing with his troops from Purniah, entrenched himself at Gandahgolah (Caragola) for fighting. Then, all of a sudden, news arrived that the Imperialists had besieged the fort of Azīmābād (Patna), and were fighting with Rāmnarāin. Consequently, Ṣadīq Alī Khān, abandoning his contemplated expedition to Purniah, set out for Azīmābād. Khādim Husain Khān, not considering himself a match for him, set out for the Imperial Capital. From this (i.e., the southern) side of the Ganges, the army of Ṣadīq Alī Khān, and from that (i.e., the northern) side of the Ganges, Khādim Husain Khān marched up. And when news of the approach of Ṣadīq Alī Khān spread at Azīmābād, the Imperialists raising the siege of the fort of Patna retired by the highway towards Munīr. Ṣadīq Alī Khān, thus finding himself at leisure, crossed the river, and marched in pursuit of Khādim Husain Khān. Khādim Husain Khān marched forward with the swiftness of lightning and wind, whilst Ṣadīq Alī Khān hotly pursued him from behind, making forced marches. At this juncture, a storm of wind and rain came on and disabled both the horsemen and the horses from action. Khādim Husain Khān reached the bank of a river,1 to ford which was difficult, and to cross which without a ferry boat was impossible. The army of Khādim Husain Khān, like the Israelites of old, finding the river in front and the enemy in the rear, despaired of life. Finding all ways of escape cut off, Khādim Husain Khān of necessity flung his treasures and heavy baggages amongst his soldiers, and placing his trust in his God and looking up to the Infallible Artist, looked out for supernatural help. The army of Ṣadīq Alī Khān, having had to march through mud and clay and being drenched through by a heavy shower of rain, were rendered unfit for fighting, and halted that day at a distance of 2 karoh from Khādim Husain Khān. In that the cup of the life of Khādim Husain Khān and his companions was yet not full to the brim, at midnight a lightning fell on Ṣadīq Alī Khān, and killed him and his personal attendant. This mishap occurred in 1173 A.H. Khādim Husain Khān, thus getting providentially rescued from the claws of certain death, marched away with the speed of lightning and wind, and went to the Ṣūbah of Auḍh (Oudh). Rājballab2 and other comrades of Ṣadīq Alī Khān rubbed the ashes of sorrow and anguish on their heads, and together with the English army retired to Azīmābād. There they directed their attention towards the Imperial army, including the Emperor’s Mahratta Contingent, who were encamped at Hilsah, and commenced warfare. The Imperialists were again defeated, and the French General3 who was in the company of the Emperor was captured, whilst Rājballab followed up to Bihār. When the Imperialists marched towards Gya-Manpūr and Kāmgār Khān fled to the hills, Rājballab thought of returning. But at this moment, news arrived to the effect that Nawāb Jafar Alī Khān was a prisoner, and that Nawab Qāsim Alī Khān1 had acquired the Ṣūbah of Bengal, as will be related hereafter. The period of the Nizāmat of Nawab Mīr Muḥammad Jafar Alī Khān lasted about three years.
Nāwab Jafar Alī Khān had sent to Calcutta his kinsman, Mīr Muḥammad Qāsim,2 who was a son of Nawab Imtiāz Khān, surnamed Khāliṣ, to represent him at the Conference regarding the Administration and settlement of the apportionment of 10 annas of the revenue to Jafar Alī Khān and six annas to the English, and regarding the enjoyment of the office of Dīwān by Jafar Alī Khān. On the death of Ṣadīq Alī Khān, the Army demanding their pay which had fallen into arrear for some years mutinied in a body, besieged the Nawāb in the Chihil Satūn Palace, and cut off supplies of food and water. In consequence, the Nawāb wrote to Mīr Muḥammad Qāsim Khān to the effect that the army had reduced him to straits for demand of arrear pay. Mīr Muḥammad Qāsim Khān, in concert with Jagat Set, conspired with the English Chiefs, and induced the latter to write to Nawāb Jafar Alī Khān to the effect that the mutiny of the army for demand of pay was a very serious matter, and that it was advisable that the Nawāb abandoning the Fort should come down to Calcutta, entrusting the Fort and the Ṣūbah to Mīr Muḥammad Qāsim Khān.1 Mīr Muḥammad Qāsim with full self-confidence, on attaining his aim, returned to Murshidābād. The English Chiefs leaguing with Mīr Muḥammad Qāsim Khān brought out Nawāb Jafar Khān from the Fort, placed him on a boat, and sent him down to Calcutta. Mīr Qāsim Khān entered the Fort, mounted the masnad of Nizāmat, and issued proclamations of peace and security in his own name. He sent a message to Rājballab2 to bring back the Emperor to Azīmābād, whilst he himself afterwards set out for Azīmābad, in order to wait on the Emperor, after attending to and reassuring his army, and making some settlement in regard to their arrears of pay. Leaving his uncle, Mīr Turāb Alī Khān, as Deputy Nāzim in Murshidābād, Mīr Qāsim carried with himself all his effects, requisites, elephants, horses, and treasures comprising cash and jewelleries of the harem, and even gold and silver decorations of the Imāmbāra, amounting to several laks in value, and bade farewell to the country of Bengal. After arriving at Monghyr, and attending to the work of strengthening its fortifications,3 he marched to Azīmābād (Patna), in order to wait on the Emperor. Before Mīr Qāsim’s arrival at Azīmābād, the Emperor had returned to that place, and the English going forward to receive him had accommodated His Majesty in their own Factory.1 Subsequently, Qāsim Alī Khān also arrived, had the honour of an audience with the Emperor, and received from the latter the title of Nawāb Alī Jāh Naṣiru-l-mulk Imtiāzu-d-daulah Qāsim Alī Khān Naṣrat Jang. But the officers of the Emperor marking some change in the conduct of Qāsim Alī Khān marched back with the Emperor to Banāras, without giving any intimation thereof to the aforesaid Khān.2 Nawāb Qāsim Alī Khān followed them up to the confines of Baksār and Jagadishpūr, and after pillaging those places returned to Azīmābād, halted at the residence of Rāmnarāin, and set himself to the work of administration of the affairs of that place.1
When Qāsim Alī Khān demanded from the English duties on their trade-goods, the latter refused to pay the same, and carried on their trade duty-free.2 Nawāb Qāsim Alī Khān remitted thereupon the duties leviable from all the traders of Bengal and Behār, and declared that so long as he failed to levy duties from the rich, he would hold back his hand from doing so, in the case of the poor. Owing to this cause, and owing to some other matters, a misunderstanding set in between him and the English chiefs. The Nawāb now hatched plans for exterminating them.1 At length, he formed the resolution of putting them all to the sword on one day. In pursuance of this plan, he sent despatches to his Deputies and Faujdārs in Bengal to the effect that on a certain fixed date everywhere, they should by means of treachery or violence massacre all the English residents. And after personally giving peremptory injunctions to the Generals of his army to kill and capture and pillage and plunder the English, he returned to Monghyr. And when on the day fixed, the army of Qāsim Alī Khān prepared to discharge their commissioned task, a battle ensued with the English army1. At length after successive onslaughts, Nawab Qāsim Alī Khān’s army triumphed,2 and engaging in capturing and killing slew all the English, and plundered their factories. But Ṣadru-l-Ḥaq Khān, Faujdār of Dinājpūr, and the Rājah of Bardwān held back their hands from this wretched work.
When Nawab Qāsim Alī Khān made his entry into Monghyr, he summoned to his presence all the officers of the Nizāmat of Bengal, and set himself to the work of administering the several Provinces. And summoning to Monghyr, one by one, the Rāi Rāiān Umid Rāi, his son, Kalī Parshād, Rāmkishor, Rājballab, Jagat Set Mahtāb Rāi, Rājah Sarūp Chānd (Jagat Set’s brother), the Zamindars of Dinājpūr, Nadīah, Khirahpūr,1 Bīrbhūm, and Rājshāhī, &c., and Dulāl Rāi, Dīwān of Bhujpūr, Fatih Singh, the Rājah of Tikarī, son of Rājah Sundar, and Rāmnarāin, Deputy Governor of the Ṣūbah of Azīmābād, Muḥammad Maṣūm, and Munshī Jagat Rāī and others, the Nawāb threw them into prison. And after strengthening the Fort of Monghyr, the Nawāb sent a large army to Bengal. In the vicinity of Rājmahal, on the banks of the river Adhūah, he reviewed his army, and sent despatches to the Faujdārs and the Deputy Nāzim of Bengal, directing and instructing them peremptorily to fight with the English. Amongst them, Shaikh Hidāyitu-l-lah,2 Deputy Faujdār of Nadīah, with a large army, Jafar Khān, and Ālam Khān, Commandant of the Turkish bodyguard of the Nawāb, swiftly advanced to Katwāh, to fight. From the other side, the English army proclaiming Nawāb Jafar Alī Khān as Ṣubadar of Bengal, and taking him in their company advanced to fight, and at a distance of two karoh entrenched itself at Dainhāt.3 On the 3rd of the month of Muharram, both the armies arraying themselves for battle kindled the fire of warfare. The army of Qāsim Alī Khān, after the fall of a number of men whose moment for death had arrived, being defeated, fled to Palāsī (Plassey) to Muḥammad Taqī Khān, Faujdār of Bīrbhūm. After two or three days, when the army of Bengal had collected together, the English Generals arrived pursuing them. Muḥammad Taqī Khān, with a large army, advanced to fight, but fell on being wounded with a gun-shot. His army being defeated, retired to Murshidābād. Syed Muḥammad Khān, who held the office of Deputy Nāzim of Bengal after the departure of Mīr Turab Alī Khān for Monghyr, came out of the City of Murshidābād with the troops at hand, and entrenched himself at Chuna-Khālī. But when the news of the approach of the English army arrived, his troops (many of whom had already received wounds in their fightings with the English) without engaging in battle and without firing their guns and muskets abandoned their entrenchments, and fled to Sūtī. The army of Qāsim Alī Khān arrived at Sūtī, where Sumroo the Frenchman, with other Generals and troops, was already from before. But the English not abandoning their pursuit followed them up, and a great battle ensued at Sūtī. In that the star of Nawab Qāsim Alī Khān’s luck was waning, and the fortune of the English was in the ascendant, after severe fighting, in this battle also the English triumphed. The army of Nawab Qāsim Alī Khān, unable to stand the cannonade of the English artillery, were defeated, and retired to the banks of the Adhūah nalla, which was their camping ground from before. There all the troops of the Nawāb collected together, and renewed fighting. At length, many of the Generals of Nawab Qāsim Alī Khān’s army, including Gurgīn Khān, Commander of the Nawāb’s Artillery corps, as well as others, conspired with the English. The English, thus freed from anxiety, made a night-attack, and broke the Nawāb’s army, which fled. A severe defeat was thus sustained by the Nawāb. The defeated army in a worsted condition retreated to Monghyr. Nawab Qāsim Ali Khān, on receiving news of this defeat, lost heart, and was thrown into consternation. In view of the disloyalty and treachery of the traitors who had eaten his salt, the Nawāb felt himself unequal for a contest, and abandoning all ideas of warfare he set out in an anxious mood for Azīmābād. The Nawab now killed Gurgīn Khān on account of his treachery, and also slew Jagat Set and his brother, who were the plotters of this treacherous conspiracy, and who had sent out secret messages inviting Jafar Alī Khān and the Christian English, and whose treasonable correspondence had been intercepted. The Nawāb also killed other Zamindars, &c., who from before were in prison, and each of whom was unrivalled in his day for hatching plots and intrigues. After arrival at Azīmābād, there, too, not finding himself secure, the Nawab sent his Begams to the Fort of Rohtas, whilst he himself proceeded to the Sūbah of Oudh to the Vazīrul-Mulk Nawāb Shujāu-d-daulah Bahādur. There also he fell out with the Nawāb-Vizier, who confiscated much of his treasures. From thence departing, the Nawab retired to the hills, and in those tracts he lingered some years in various mishaps, and at length died.1
After Qāsim Alī Khān’s defeat, the English Chiefs again placed Nawāb Jafar Alī Khān on the masnad of the Nizāmat of Bengal. Ten annas of the revenue of the Provinces were allotted to the English for their service as Dīwān, whilst six annas of the same were held by Nawāb Jafar Alī Khān. This time also for a period of three years, after displaying great feebleness in his Nizāmat, in the year 1178 A.H., Nawāb Jafar Alī Khān died. The English Chiefs placed on the masnad of Nizāmat his son, Najmu-d-daulah,2 and appointed Nawāb Muḥammad Rizā Khän Bahādur Muzaffar Jang to the office of Nāib Nāzim (Deputy Nāzim). Najmu-d-daulah, after sitting on the masnad of Nizāmat for two years, passed to the regions of eternity. After Najmu-d-daulah’s death, his younger brother, Saifu-d-daulah3 succeeded to the masnad of Nizāmat, whilst Nawāb Muzaffar Jang continued to hold the office of Nāib Nāzim. Saifu-d-daulah after holding the Nizāmat for two years died of small-pox; and another brother of his, Mubāriku-d-daulah, succeeded to the masnad of Nizāmat. The English Chiefs removing Nawāb Muḥammad Rizā Khān Muzaffar Jang from the office of Deputy Nāzim, have fixed sixteen laks4 of rupees as an annual allowance for the Nāzim. This amount the English pay each year. The English have now acquired domination over the three Ṣubahs, and have appointed Ẓilādārs1 (District Officers) at various places. They have established in Calcutta the Khāliṣah Kacharī (the Court for Crown-lands), make assessments and collections of revenue, administer justice, appoint and dismiss Amils (Collectors of revenue), and also perform other functions of the Nizāmat. And up to the date of the completion of this History, namely 12022 A.H., corresponding to the thirty-first year of the reign of Emperor Shāh Ālam, the sway and authority of the English prevail over all the three Ṣubahs of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa.
This dua or prayer, meaning literally the “prayer of the sword” is said to have been uttered by the Prophet at the battle of Badr, when it is related angels descended to fight in his ranks, and turned disaster into victory.
↩See description of the battle in December 1712 in Seir-ul-Mutakherin, Vol. II, p. 392.
↩The Syed brothers of Barha were Syed Husain Ali Khān, Nazim of the Ṣubah of Patna and Syed Abdullah Khān, Nazim of the Ṣubah of Allahabad. The Seir-ul-Mutakherin (Vol. II, pp. 387, 388, 391, 392), gives a detailed account as to how these Syed brothers helped Farrukh-sir in the war of succession. These Syed brothers subsequently fell out with Farrukh-sir, and imprisoned him and had him killed (Seir, Vol. II, p. 419). For a life of Syed Husain Ali Khān, see Maasir-ul-Umara, Vol. I, p. 321.
↩He was a son of Asad Khān, the Prime Minister of Aurangzeb. His name was Muhammad Ismail, and his titles were ‘Ẕu-l-fuqār Khān Amir-ul-Umara Naṣrat Jang.’ See Massir-ul-Umara, p. 93, Vol. II, for his life.
↩His name was Muhammad Ibrahim, and his titles were Āṣifu-d-daulah Jumlatul-Mulk Asad Khān. He was related by marriage to Eminu-d-daulah Asaf Khān, and became Prime Minister under Emperor Aurangzeb. (See his life in Maasir-ul-Umara, Vol. I, p. 310, and in Seir, Vol. II, p. 406.) He was a statesman of eminence and sagacity. On his son, Zulfuqqar Khān’s assassination, he composed the following pathetic epitaph:—
See Seir-ul Mutakherin, Vol. II, p. 395 (Pers. text). The corpse of Jahandar Shāh was placed on an elephant, and the corpse of Zulfuqqar Khān was tied to its tail.
↩This was a very unwise departure from the old Mughal policy of keeping the two offices distinct, in that it encouraged later on the growth of disloyal intrigues against the Central Authority in Delhi.
↩Between Farrukh-sir and the Syed brothers, ill-feeling broke out through the instigation of one Mir Jumla (who possessed great influence over Farrukh-sir, having been Qazi of Dacca, when Farrukh-sir was there as Deputy Nazim). This ill-feeling was fanned by Ratan Chand, the crafty Diwan of the Vazir Qutb-ul-Mulk Syed Abdullah, brother of Syed Husain Ali Khān. This ill-feeling which not only paralysed the Administration, but undermined for ever the prestige of the old illustrious Timuride House is detailed in the Seir-ul-Mutakherin, Vol. II, pp. 407, 409, 415, 416, 418, 419, and 420. The Syed brothers, to the detriment of the State and to their own lasting dishonour, made the Imperial Mughal throne of Delhi, at this time, a football for their own selfish aims and personal ambitions. (See extracts from Khafi Khān’s history at p. 420, Vol II, Seir).
↩In Seir-ul-Mutakherin, Vol. II, p. 419, it is related the Syed brothers raised to the throne Shamsu-d-din Abul Barkat Rafi‘u-d-darajāt, son of Rafiu-l-Qadr, and grandson of Bahadur Shāh, at the age of twenty, in 1131 A.H.
↩See Seir-ul-Mutakherin, Vol. II, p. 421. The ambitious Syed brothers now virtually ruled over the Mughal Empire in India.
↩See Seir, Vol. II, pp. 422, 423. At this time Ratan Chand was the evil genius of Qutb-ul-Mulk Syed Abdullah the Vazir, and had the impudence of nominating persons to even the Qaziships, for which he was once snubbed by his master.
↩This place is marked between Ichapur and Chank, on the map in Wilson’s Annals, Vol. I, p. 130.
↩
Richardson’s Dictionary does not seem to give the word
The Danish Chief’s name appears to be Mr. Attrup (See Wilson’s Annals, Vol. II, p. 200). This happened in 1714.
↩This is a place about five miles from Jessore head-quarters.
↩There is still a Pathan family in Sarubpur, though impoverished.
↩I do not know if that copy is still there. See also note ante.
↩This would indicate wonderful economic and agricultural prosperity in Bengal during the Viceroyalty of Mur Shid Qulī Khān. Polāo and Qaliah are rich Hīndustani dishes. See Āīn-i-Akbari (Bloch’s Tr., Vol. I, pp. 59 and 62) for a list of Hindustani menu, and also for statistics of prices of certain articles in Akbar’s time.
↩For a detailed description of the Fruitery in India, in Akbar’s time, see Āīn-i-Akbari (Bloch’s Tr., p. 64.)
↩i.e., when this history was written (1788.)
↩i.e., Mir Jafar Ali Khan.
↩The Chīhel Satun was a Public Audience Hall built by Murshed Quli Khan, at Murshidabad.
↩This incident of stern and blind justice recalls to memory the glorious career of another Musalman sovereign in the far West— that is, of Abdur Rahman, the Khalifa of Spain. (See Amir Ali’s History of the Saracens, p. 510).
↩A wonderfully upright and fearless Judge Qazi Muḥammad Sharf must have been.
↩Mark the pun on the word “Azim” in the text. “Azim” means ‘great’ as well as it may refer to the name ‘Azimushshau’. So it may mean “it is a great or gross calumny” and also “it is a calumny on the part of Azim (Azimushan).” Aurangzeb, even whilst angry, was not free from flashes of wit (often sarcastic wit) in his epistles. As I am afraid, in this English garb, the reader may miss the relish of the original, I give the original in Aurangzeb’s language:—
Emperor Aurangzeb, though rather a bigot in some points, had scrupulous regard for the majesty of the Shará or Law, and took considerable pains to improve the administration of Justice. The Qāzis, or Magistrates and Judges, were exclusively recruited from the ranks of eminent scholars, and they were not subordinate to any except the Law itself, and their offices carried great prestige.
↩These beautiful lines, I suspect, are borrowed from Saadi, the great Persian Moralist and Poet of Shiraz.
↩He was called “Mirza Dakni,” and he hailed from Burhanpur. His father’s name was Nuru-d-din, who came originally from Khorasan. He was son-in-law of Murshed Quli Khan, and was Nazīm of Orissa, when Murshed Quli Khan became Subādar of Bengal. He received the title of Mutaman-ul-Mulk, Shujau-d-daulah Asad Khan (See Maāsīr, Vol. 3, p. 953, and Seir-ul-Mutakherin, Vol. 2, p. 469).
↩His name was Mirza Asadu-d-din, and his titles were Alau-d-daulah Sarfaraz Khan Haidar Jang’. He was a son of Shujau-d-din Khan, and a maternal grandson of Murshed Quli Khan. (See Maasir-ul- Umara, Vol. 3, p. 754, and Seir-ul-Mutakherin, Vol. 2, p. 408).
↩His name was Mir Muhammad Fazil, and his title was Itamadu-d-daulah Qamruddin Khan Bahadur. He was a son of Itamadu-d-daulah Muhammad Amin Khan. On Nizam-ul-Mulk Asaf Jah resigning the office of Vazir, Qamruddin Khan became Vazīr of Emperor Muhammad Shah in 1137 A.H. He was liberal, affable, and polished. (See Maasir-ul-Umara, Vol. 1, p. 358, and Seir-ul-Mutakherin, Vol. 2, p. 457).
↩Emperor Muḥammad Shāh was raised to the Imperial throne of Delhi by the Syed brothers in 1131 A.H. See Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Vol. II, p. 422.
↩His name was Khwajah Āṣam. His ancestors had come from Badakhshan to India, and settled at Agra. He held a small Manṣab in the beginning under Prince Azimu-sh-Shan, and was in the latter’s company in Bengal at Dacca. When the Prince in obedience to the summons of his father, Muḥammad Muazzam (afterwards Emperor Bahadur Shāh), on the death of Emperor Aurangzeb, left Bengal to join his father at Agra, he left Khwajah Āṣam in the company of his son Farrukh Sir, who remained in Bengal on behalf of his father. He soon made himself a persona grata to Prince Farrukh Sir, and exercised considerable influence over his conduct and policy. Farrukh Sir conferred on him the title of ‘Ashraf Khān,’ and on ascension to the throne conferred on him the further titles of “Ṣamṣamu-d-daulah Khān Dauran,” and created him a Haft hazarī, and second Bakhshi. In the reign of Muḥammad Shāh, on the fall of Syed Husain Ali Khān, he received the title of ‘Amiru-l-Umara’ and also became the Supreme Bakhshi or Generalissimo, or Paymaster-General of the Army. He fell during the war against Nadir Shāh who had invaded India in 1151 A H. See Maasiru-l-Umara, Vol. I, p. 819.
↩The author of the Seiru-l-Mutakherin also pays a glowing tribute to the memory of Nawab Shujāu-d-dīn Khān, and styles him a second Naushirvan in justice and liberality. He treated all his officers, high and low, including soldiers and household servants, with affability and considerateness, and at the time of his death, begged their forgiveness, and gave them all two months’ pay in advance. In the administration of justice, he was very impartial and made no difference between his own son and his humblest subject. He appreciated talent, and during his administration, people possessed of the east talent flocked into Bengal from all parts of Hindustan, and found a ready friend and helper in him. Bengal which enjoyed the title of ‘Jinnatu-l-Bilad’ or ‘Paradise of Provinces,’ now literally became so, under Shujāu-d-dīn Khān’s wise and beneficent administration. His charities were unostentatious and catholic, and his liberality was unstinted. His subjects, during his administration, enjoyed perfect peace and happiness. See Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Vol. II, pp. 472 and 488 (Pers. text).
By the way, the general immunity from civil wars and disturbances enjoyed by Bengal during the vigorous régimes of Murshid Qulī Khān and his successor, Shujāu-d-dīn Khān (whilst the whole of Upper India was convulsed and torn by fratricidal wars and foreign invasions which converted those fair regions into human shambles), would in a large measure account for the existence of a comparatively large Musalman population in Bengal, contrasted with that in Upper India, without having recourse to theories of a more or less fanciful character, for which there appears little or no historical warrant.
↩Burhānpūr is described in the Āīn (see Vol. II, p. 223) as “a large city, three kos distant from the Tapti, in Subah Dandes or Khandes. It was embellished with many gardens, inhabited by people of all countries, and handicraftsmen plied a thriving trade.”
↩Khaṣah is mentioned in the list of cotton-fabrics manufactured in India. See Āīn, Vol. I, p. 94, for a list of cotton, silk and woollen manufactures of India, in Akbar’s time. Emperor Akbar took great pains to improve all indigenous manufactures. “Skilful masters and workmen were settled in India to teach people an improved system of manufacture. The Imperial workshops, the towns of Lahore, Agra, Fathpur, Ahmadabad, Gujrat, turn out many master-pieces of workmanship; and the figures and patterns and knots, and variety of fashions which now prevail, astonish experienced travellers. His Majesty himself acquired a theoretical and practical knowledge of the whole trade, and on account of the care bestowed on them, the intelligent workmen of this country soon improved. All kinds of hair-weaving and silk-spinning were brought to perfection, and the Imperial workshops furnish all those stuffs which are made in other countries….” See Āīn-i-Akbari, Blochmann’s translation, Vol. I, pp. 87, 88.
↩
‘The Diwan Khana’ is a building containing the office of Dīwan or Finance Minister.
↩A ‘Chihel Satun’ means literally ‘forty-pillared.’ It was a large building, intended as a Public Audience-Hall.
↩‘Khilwat Khhana’ means a ‘Private Chamber.’
↩‘Jalus-Khana’ means “Office-room or building.”
↩Khalisah Kacheri means the “Court of Exchequer,” or the Revenue Court or Revenue Board in respect of Crown-land Affairs.
↩Farmanbari means a ‘Court of Justice.’
↩ ‘Iram’ or
It is significant that even in those declining years of the Mughal regime, towards the first quarter of the eighteenth century, scholarship and intellectual attainments had not ceased to command esteem amongst the Mughal Pro-Consuls.
↩See slightly varied account in the ‘Seirul-Mutakherin,’ which shews that Mirza Alī Vardī Khān was the leading spirit in Shujau-d-din’s Council or Cabinet. See Seirul-Mutakherin, Vol. II, p. 473 Pers. text. On ascending the gadi of Nizamat, Shujāu-d-dīn Khān constituted a Cabinet of Advisers or Council of State, consisting of (1) Mirza Muḥammad Alī Vardī Khān alias Mirza Bandi, (2) Hajī Ahmad, brother of No. 1, (3) Rai Raiān ‘Alam Chand (formerly Shujāu-d-dīn’s Diwan in Orissa), (4) Jagatset Fateh Chand, the banker. In all important matters, he used to consult them before passing orders. His first measure was to release the Bengal Zamindars who had been imprisoned by Ja‘far Khān. This measure brought him not only popularity but also an increase to the revenue (as Nazar was levied), and at the same time contributed to the fertility of Bengal, the Jinnatu-l-Bilad. (See Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Vol. II, p. 473). For purposes of administration, he maintained his son Sarfaraz Khan as the nominal Diwan of Bengal, conferred the Subahdarī of Orissa on his son (by another wife), named Muḥammad Taqī Khān, the Deputy Nizamat of Jahangirnagar or Dacca on his son-in-law, Murshid Quli Khān II, the Faujdarship of Rangpur on Sayīd Ahmad Khān (nephew of Alī Vardī Khān), the Faujdarī of Rajmahal or Akbarnagar on Zainu-d-dīn Ahmad (another nephew and son-in-law of Alī Vardī Khān); Nawazish Mḥd. Khān (another nephew of Alī Vardi) was created Generalissimo of the Army. See Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Vol. II, p. 472.
↩This preference of personal pleasures to the performance of public duties by the later Mughal pro-consuls and sovereigns of the 18th century, marks a sad moral collapse, and was one of the causes that hastened the downfall of the Great Mughal Empire in India. Preferring their own personal ease and pleasures, these later Moslem Satraps and Emperors delegated the unchecked control of their State concerns into the hands of ministers, who often proved unscrupulous, venal and treacherous, and scrupled not to barter them to intriguers for the sake of what they deemed to be their individual and personal self-aggrandisement. It was a failing which stood out in jarring contrast to the noble traditions and examples of a Babar, a Sher Shah, an Akbar, and an Aurangzeb, each of whom ‘scorned delights and lived laborious days.’ As bearing on the same point, I may also quote from Bernier’s Travels pp. 129-130 the weighty words of Aurangzeb, whilst admonishing one of his Omarah who had ventured to express his fears lest the Emperor’s incessant occupations might be productive of injury to his health. Thus burst forth the Great Monarch in the following noble strain:— “There can surely be but one opinion among you learned men as to the obligations imposed upon a sovereign, in seasons of difficulty and danger, to hazard his life, and, if necessary, to die sword in hand in defence of the people committed to his charge. And yet this good and considerate man would fain persuade me that the public weal ought to cause me no solicitude; that in devising means to promote it, I should never pass a sleepless night, nor spare a single day from the pursuit of some low and sensual gratification. According to him, I am to be swayed by considerations of my own bodily health, and chiefly to study what may best minister to my personal ease and enjoyment. No doubt, he would have me abandon the government of this vast kingdom to some Vizier: he seems not to consider that, being born the son of a king, and placed on a throne, I was sent into the world by Providence to live and labour, not for myself, but for others; that it is my duty not to think of my own happiness, except so far as it is inseparably connected with the happiness of my people. It is the repose and prosperity of my subjects that it behoves me to consult; nor are these to be sacrificed to anything besides the demands of justice, the maintenance of the royal authority, and the security of the State. This man cannot penetrate into the consequence of the inertness he recommends, and he is ignorant of the evils that attend upon delegated power. It was not without reason that our great Saadi emphatically exclaimed:— ‘Cease to be kings; Oh, cease to be kings; or determine that your dominions shall be governed only by yourselves….’ Alas! we are sufficiently disposed by nature to seek ease and indulgence; we need no such officious counsellors. Our wives too, are sure to assist us in treading the flowery path of rest and luxury.” What a noble ideal of kingly duty!, and what a sad falling-off in later Moslem times!
↩The Seirul-Mutakherin describes Alamchand as having formerly held the office of Diwan under Shuja‘u-d-din Khān, when the latter held the office of Nāzim of Orissa. Seir, Vol. II, p. 473, Pers. text. It is worthy of note that in Kattak (Cuttack) town, there is still a quarter or Mahalla known as ‘Alamchand Bazar.’
↩In Seirul-Mutakherin and Stewart’s History of Bengal, it is stated that Mirzā Muḥammad’s eldest son was Hājī Aḥmad, and his second son was Mirzā Muḥammad Ālī (the latter received the title of Muḥammad Ā‘lī Vardī Khān, through the favour of Shujā‘u-d-din Khān, whilst the latter was Nazim of Orissa). See Seir, Vol. II, p. 470.
↩A‘zzam Shāh, surnamed Prince Muḥammad A‘zzam, was the second son of Emperor Aurangzeb, his eldest brother being Prince Muḥammad Muazzam, afterwards surnamed Emperor Bahadur Shāh. On Emperor Aurangzeb’s death, there was a fratricidal struggle for the Empire between the above two brothers, with the result that at the sanguinary battle of Jajo, near Agra, in 1119 A.H., A‘zzam Shāh, or Prince Muḥammad A‘zzam, was killed, and Bahadur Shāh became victorious. See description of this sanguinary battle with the slaughter of several Princes Royal in the Seirul-Mutakherin, Vol. II, p. 377. Emperor Aurangzeb’s third son, Prince Kam Bakhsh, similarly fell shortly after in 1120 A.H., near Haidarabad, in a similar fratricidal struggle with Bahadur Shāh. See Seir, Vol. II, p. 379. It ought to be noted that these fratricidal struggles did more to weaken the great Timuride Dynasty, than the ravages of Mahratta freebooters or the incursions of Nadir Shah and Ahmad Shah Durrani.
↩‘Mirzā Bandi’ was another surname of Mirzā Muḥammad Ā’lī (subsequently styled Muḥammad Ā‘lī Vardī Khān). In Seir it is stated that he formed the leading spirit in the Council or Cabinet of advisers of Nawāb Shujā‘u-d-din Khān, and that the Faujdārship of Akbarnagar or Rajmahal was bestowed by Shujā‘u-d-din Khān on Ā‘lī Vardī Khān’s nephew and son-in-law named Zain-udd-in Ahmad. See Seir, Vol. II, p. 472.
↩During the Nizāmat of Ā‘lī Vardī Khān, Muḥammad Riza received the title of ‘Nawazish Muḥammad Khān,’ and was advanced to the office of Diwan of Bengal. I do not quite understand what the word ‘Bajutrah’ in the text means. It probably signifies “Miscellaneous Revenue.”
↩Fakhru-d-daulah was Ṣūbadar of Behar from 1140 A.H. for about five years. He was given to ease and pleasures, and ill-treated not only his minister, Shaikh Abdullah, who enjoyed the confidence of the public, but also insulted Khwajab Mu’taṣṣam (brother of Amiru-l-Umara Ṣamṣamu-d-daulah Khān Dauran Khwajah Aṣam). The latter in consequence left Patna, went to Delhi, and complained to his brother, who held great influence at the court of the Emperor, Muḥammad Shāh-Fakhru-d-daulah was at once recalled, and Behar was added to the Bengal satrapy under Nawāb Shuj‘au-d-din Khān. The latter appointed Muḥammad A‘lī Vardī Khān as his Deputy in the Nizamat of Behar, conferring on him (with the sanction of the Emperor) the title of Mahabat Jang, and promoting him to the rank of a Panjhazari. Ā‘lī Vardī ruled over Behar vigorously. See Seirul-Mutakherin, Vol. II, pp. 469, 472. For Raushan-u-d-daulah see page 462, Vol. II, Seir.
↩Abdul Karīm Khān was a Rohilla Afghan; he was very brave and powerful, and had a large Afghan following. See Seir Vol. II, p. 473.
↩Banjarah is described as a zemindari with 100 horse and 1000 foot, under Ṣubah Berar in the Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. II, p. 230. The tribe of Banjarah were Rajputs in caste.
↩Bhaurah or Bhawarah is mentioned as a Mahal under Sarkar Tirhut, in Ṣubah Behar. See Ain, Vol. II, p. 156. Stewart inaccurately calls it Phulwarah. Phulwari is a Mahal under Sarkar Behar.
↩Bhōjpūr, a parganna in Sarkar Rohtas, Bihar, west of Arrah and north of Sasseram. The Rājahs of Bhōjpūr called themselves Ujjinniah Rājahs, as they claimed descent from the ancient Rajāhs of Ujjain in Malwah. See Āīn Bloch. tr., Vol. I, p. 513 n.
↩I cannot trace of which place in Bihar he was a local chieftain.
↩For Ishaq Khān, see Seir, Vol. II, p. 489. He enjoyed Emperor Muhammad Shāh’s confidence.
↩When Nizamu-l-Mulk Aṣaf Jah resigned the Imperial Vizarat, I’tamu-d-daulah Qamru-d-dīn Khān, son of Muḥammad Amin Khān, succeeded him as Imperial Vazir of Emperor Muḥammad Shāh. See Vol. II, p. 457, Seiru-l-Mutakherin. Pers. text.
↩The Seiru-l-Mutakherin, however, (see n. ante) states that Shujā‘u-d-dīn Khān secured from Emperor Muḥammad Shāh the title of ‘Mahabat Jang’ for his favourite and protege, Ali Vardī Khān.
↩The Persian Hercules. His dauntless bravery and splendid heroism has been immortalised in the Shahnamah of Ferdausi, the Persian Homer.
↩In Maasiru-l-Umara, Vol. II, p. 844, “Makhmur,” which seems to be correct.
↩ Muḥammad Taqī Khān, the Nāzim of Orissa and a son of Nawāb Shujā‘u-d-dīn
Khān, lies buried in the Qadam Rasul building at Cuttack, which had
been erected by Nawāb Shujā‘u-d-dīn Khān, when the latter was Nāzim of
Orissa. The tomb of Muḥammad Taqī Khān is now in a dilapidated condition.
On it I found still the following inscription:
The reader must not confound this Murshid Quli Khān (son-in-law of Shujā‘u-d-daulah whose real name was Mirza Lutfullah) with Nawab Ja‘far Khān, who had formerly held the title of ‘Murshid Quli Khān.’ On reference to the account of Ja‘far Khān in the text, it would appear that ‘Ja‘far Khān received several titles in succession; first he received the title of ‘Kartalab Khān,’ next that of ‘Murshid Quli Khān,’ and lastly that of ‘Mutaman-ul-Mulk Alau-d-daulah Jafir Khān Nasir Jang,” his original name having been Mirza Hadi.
↩I fail to find Patpasar in the Ain-i-Akbari. I have not been able to trace where it is, nor know if any descendants of this family survive. I may, however, add here that local traditions prevalent in Tiprah mention that the Diwans of Horishpur (another old family of Musalman Zamindars, now in an impoverished condition) had something to do with the old Tiprah Rājahs, and with their conquest by the Mughals. I am not sure if Aqa or Aga Sadiq of the text was connected with the above family.
↩On reference to the Āin-i-Akbari (Vol. II, pp. 132-133), I find two parganahs with the name of ‘Jallapur,’ one being Sawail (apparently, Sarail), commonly called Jallapur (revenue, 1,857,230 dams) under Sarkar Fathabad, another being Dahlat Jallapur (revenue, 1,200 dams) under Sarkar Mahmūdābād. The first Jallapur or Sarail is situated in the Brahmanbaria Sub-Division of the present Tiprah district, and when I was in charge of that sub-division in 1896, I found the head of the Musalman family there (who was still called a Diwan) in an impoverished condition. The second Jallalpur parganah is now in the modern Faridpur district, and is owned, I believe, by the present Musalman Zamindars of Habibganj in that district. It may be that ‘Habibganj’ owes its name to Mir Habib; specially as there was formerly a “Chaklah Habibganj.”
↩The present residence of the Rājah of Hill Tiprah is at Agartala. I do not know where Chandigadah lies. It could not have been far away from Agartala. Tiprah or Commilla does not appear in Akbar’s rent-roll of Bengal.
↩A full account of Mīr Ḥabīb is given in the Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Vol. II, Pers. text, pp. 593, 591, 590, &c. (also see Maasiru-l-Umara, Vol. II, p. 844). He subsequently joined the Mahrattas, and induced the latter to invade Orissa and Bengal in order to have his revenge against Ali Vardi Khān for supplanting from the Governorship of Orissa his old master and benefactor, Murshīd Qulī Khān (son-in-law of Shujā‘u-d-dīn Khān). He appears to have been a man of wonderful resourcefulness, bravery and tact, and gave no end of trouble to Ali Vardi, who at length had to patch up a peace with Mīr Ḥabīb and the Mahrattas, by appointing Mīr Ḥabīb as his Deputy Nazim in Orissa, the arrangement being that Mīr Ḥabīb was to pay the Mahratta army of occupation from the revenue of Orissa, besides receiving from Ali Vardi an annual subsidy of twelve laks. Mīr Ḥabīb’s signal services to the Mahrattas in the end were most churlishly requited by the latter, for Janoji, son of the Mahratta Raghoji Bhonsla, treacherously murdered him at Katak (see Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Vol. II, p. 592, Pers. text), after having invited him to a feast. But throughout their rise, treachery was their great weapon of offence and defence, and the Mahratta freebooters could not lay it down, even in the treatment of one, who, though distinct from them in race and religion, had given them the virtual mastery over the Province of Orissa.
↩Evidently, the Rājah was no longer an independent Rājah, but was left more or less as a feudatory prince.
↩When I was at Brahmanbaria in 1896, I found the Court peons’ badges still bearing the word “Chaklah Raushanabad.” I do not know if they have been since changed.
↩Murshid Qulī Khān II Rustam-Jang was a son-in-law of Nawāb Shujā‘u-d-dīn Khān, having married Durdana Begam, step-sister of Sarfarāz Khān. Syed Razī Khān was another son-in-law of Shujā‘u-d-dīn Khān, having married Nafisah Begam, uterine sister of Sarfarāz Khān.
↩He was hitherto only ‘Mīr Ḥabīb.’ His name was changed to ‘Mīr Ḥabību-l-lah Khān,’ on his receiving the title of ‘Khān’ from Emperor Muḥammad Shāh, in recognition of his services in connection with the conquest of Tiprah. See note ante in regard to the title ‘Khān’ and its significance, under Musalman Emperors of India.
↩‘Parsutam’ is another name for Puri. See Hunter’s ‘Orissa.’
↩It may be noted here there was a radical change in the administrative machinery of Bengal, during the latter part of Emperor Aurangzeb’s reign. The offices of Nazim and Diwan had been hitherto kept quite distinct, but a retrograde step towards their eventual amalgamation was taken by Aurangzeb, when the latter appointed his favourite officer Murshīd Qulī Khān I. (afterwards Nawāb Ja‘far Khān) to the dual offices of Diwan of Bengal and Orissa and Deputy Nazim of Bengal and Orissa. Murshīd Qulī Khān I. could not personally perform the functions of these dual offices, and whilst himself personally holding the portfolio of Deputy Nizamat of Bengal (the Chief Nazim being still Prince Azimu-sh-Shan), he delegated the office of Diwan in Bengal to Syed Akram Khān and, on the latter’s death, to Syed Razi Khān, (son-in-law of Shujau-d-din Khān,) and that of Deputy Nazim and Diwan of Orissa to Shuja‘u-d-dīn Khān (his son-in-law). Emperor Farrukh Sir, on his accession to the throne of Delhi, further confirmed and accentuated the above administrative change by uniting in the person of Nawāb Ja‘far Khān the offices of Nazim of Bengal and Orissa, and of Diwan of those Provinces. This union of the two offices, whilst weakening the Imperial hold thereon, greatly added to the prestige of the Bengal Satrap, and gave him almost a semi-regal aspect. This regal aspect was further broadened by Emperor Muḥammad Shāh adding Behar to the Bengal Satrapy, whilst Nawāb Shujā‘u-d-dīn was the Bengal Viceroy. For purposes of administration, Shuja‘u-d-dīn appointed a State Council of three members to help him in the administration, and divided his entire Satrapy, consisting of three Provinces of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, into four Political or Administrative Divisions, viz.: (1) Bengal Proper, comprising Western, Central, and a portion of Northern Bengal, (2) Jahangir-nagar or Dacca Division comprising Eastern and Southern Bengal, and a small portion of Northern Bengal, and including Sylhet and Chittagong, (3) Behar Division, (4) Orissa Division. Shujā‘u-d-dīn Khān directly administered the first Division, and appointed a Deputy Nazim or Deputy-Governor to hold charge of each of the other three Administrative Divisions, under his general control and supervision.
↩Murād A‘lī Khān was a son of Nafīsah Begam, uterine sister of Sarfarāz Khān. Nafīsah Bēgam was a daughter of Shujā‘u-d-din Khān, and was married to Syed Raẓi Khān, who was Dīwān of Bengal, on the death of Syed Akram Khān, during the regime of Nawāb Ja‘far Khān. On Syed Raẓi Khān’s death, during the reign of Emperor Farrukh Sir, on the nomination of Nawāb Ja‘far Khān (his maternal grandfather), Mīrzā Asadu-l-lah received the title of Sarfarāz Khān and was appointed Dīwān of Bengal. Sarfarāz Khān continued to be the nominal Dīwān of Bengal, whilst his father Shuja‘u-d-din Khān succeeded Nawāb Ja‘far Khān as Nāzim of Bengal, being deprived, however, of all real power, which was transferred to the State Council, consisting of Ḥāji Aḥmad (brother of Ā‘lī Vardī Khān), Dīwān Alamchand, and Fatihchand Jagat Set.
↩Mīrzā Lutfullah, surnamed Murshid Qulī Khān II, son-in-law of Shuja‘u-d-din Khān. He was first Deputy-Governor of Jahangirnagar (Dacca), and was subsequently transferred in the same capacity to Orissa. He should not be confounded with Nawāb Ja‘far Khān who also held the title of Murshid Qulī Khān.
↩See n. ante and the text with reference to Nawāb Shaista Khān.
↩See n. ante.
↩Nafīsah Bēgam was a sister of Sarfarāz Khān, and Murād A‘lī Khān was a son of Nafīsah Bēgam, by Syed Raẓi Khān, Sarfarāz Khān’s predecessor in the office of Dīwān of Bengal. Thus, Murad A‘lī Khān was a nephew of Sarfarāz Khān. He, hitherto, held the office of Suparintendent of the Nawarah (war-vessels) at Dacca, and on his marriage with Sarfarāz Khān’s daughter, was promoted to the office of Deputy-Governor of Jahangirnagar (Dacca), in supercession of Ghalib A‘lī Khān. It may be interesting to note that there is a place called Murādnagar, near Daudkandi, in Commillah, which is associated with some former Nawābs of Dacca, and where some landed property is still, I believe, owned by the Bhiknapahari Nawabs of Patna, said to be descended from an extinct old Nawāb family of Dacca. I fancy, therefore, Muradnagar owes its name and origin to this Murād A‘lī Khān.
↩Rajballab’s son, Kishan Ballab, in the time of Nawab Siraju-d-daulah, fled from Dacca to Calcutta, and by his intrigues brought about a rupture between Siraju-d-daulah and the English. See Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Vol. II, Pers. text, p. 621. Rajballab was the evil genius of Murād Ā‘lī Khān, as Alamchand was the evil genius of Shuja‘ud-din Khān, and Ratanchand that of the Syed brothers. See note ante. Rajballab subsequently ingratiated himself with the infamous Miran, son of Mīr Ja‘far.
↩Badī‘u-z-zamān Khān of Birbhum, and Karatchand of Bardwan, appear to have been the two principal zamīndārs in Western Bengal at the time. I understand the descendants of Badī‘u-z-zamān still survive at Birbhum, but are in an impoverished condition.
↩A full description of Nādir Shah’s invasion will be found in all Indian histories, and also in Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Vol. II, p. 482.
↩This battle took place at Karnal, 4 stages (manzal) distant from Shahjahanabad or Delhi, in 1151 A.H. See Seir, Vol. II, p. 482.
↩That is, Rai Alamchand, Shujā‘u-d-dīn Khān’s de facto Diwan. He received the title of ‘Rā‘i Rāiān’ from the Emperor, on the recommendation of his master, Nawāb Shujā‘u-d-dīn Khān. See Seir, Vol. II, p. 471.
↩It should be noted that both “Shujā‘u-d-dīn Khān” and “Shujā‘u-d-daulah” signify one and the same person. These were his titles. This ‘Shujā‘u-d-daulah,’ better known as ‘Shujā‘u-d-dīn Khān” must not be confounded with the Nawāb Vizier Shujā‘u-d-daulah of later history.
↩The author of the Maaseru-l-Umara states that Sarfarāz Khān rendered himself unpopular by adopting a policy of rigid economy and retrenchment, and by reducing his army, and that this gave an opportunity to Alī Vardī Khān to intrigue, in concert with the latter’s brother, Ḥājī Aḥmad, who was Sarfarāz Khān’s chief councillor. See p. 844, Maaseru-l-Umara, Vol. II, p. 844. It should, however, be added in justice to Sarfarāz Khān’s memory that this policy was inspired by the faithless Triumvirate Councillors, whom Sarfarāz Khān trusted owing to the dying exhortations of his father, and that it formed a part of the despicable trap they were cunningly laying to ruin and overthrow their benefactor’s son. One feels sick to dwell on such tales of vile treachery, for Sarfarāz Khān from all accounts appears to have been an ideally noble and mild prince.
↩Nādir Shāh was a soldier of fortune. After capturing Shāh Tahmasp, King of Persia, he held a Council of State, and got himself elected as King of Persia. See his life in Namai Khusruan (p. 153), which also gives his portrait.
↩For details, see Seiru-l-Mutakherin, p. 482 (Pers. text). It would appear, even at this crisis in the fate of the Empire, the venal Ministers of Emperor Muḥammad Shāh could not put aside personal feelings and clannish jealousies— the great bane of all Moslem races and the grave of so many Musalman Empires,— nor could combine loyally in one common and sacred cause to repel the enemy’s invasion of India. Burhanu-l-Mulk was the greatest delinquent in this respect. Only Nizamu-l-Mulk and Qamru-d-dīn Khān appear in better light, and seem to have worthily maintained the high traditions of their great offices. For Nizamu-l-Mulk Asif Jah, and Qamru-d-dīn Khān, see Maaseru-l-Umara, Vol. III, p. 837, and Vol. I, p. 358.
↩For some gruesome details of the sack of Delhi and the general massacre of its population, see Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Vol. II, p. 485.
↩Nādir Shāh’s invasion was one of the great external calamities that overtook the Mughal Empire and hastened its ruin.
↩Khutba was also recited after Nādir Shāh’s name in all the mosques of Delhi on his entry there. See Seir.
↩He was at the time Chief Vizier or Prime Minister of Emperor Muḥammad Shāh.
↩The principal Imperial Minister who sided with Ḥājī Aḥmad and Alī Vardī Khān in their intrigue, was Mutamu-d-daulah Ishaq Khān. The latter exercised at the time great influence over Emperor Muḥammad Shāh. See p. 489, Seiru-l-Mutakherin.
↩The Triumvirate Councillors were themselves responsible for this treason, which was a part of their adroitly-laid plot to overthrow Sarfarāz Khān, by subsequently denouncing the latter before the Emperor Muḥammad Shāh. It is a pity Sarfarāz Khān the Good, owing to his guilelessness and lack of insight, could not see through their despicable game of villainy.
↩See slightly varied accounts in the Seiru-l-Mutakherin (p. 489), which states that Sarfarāz Khān transferred the office of Diwan from Ḥājī Aḥmad to Mir Murtaza, and contemplated transferring the Faujdari of Rajmahal from Atau-l-lah Khān to his son-in-law, Hasan Muḥammad Khān.
↩This is the old story of gaining time. Sarfarāz Khān exhibited a lamentable lack of judgment in accepting this false representation of his faithless Councillors. His credulity, indecision, and generous impulsiveness cost him his throne and his life, and sounded the first faint but certain death-knell of the ancient Moslem Satrapy in Bengal, which became shorn of its semi-regal prestige with his fall.
↩This Rai Raian Dīwān Alamchand, the protege and favourite of Sarfarāz Khān’s father, under the false mask of loyalty, did more damage te Sarfarāz Khān’s cause, than even A‘lī Vardī Khān and his brother Ḥājī Aḥmad. But it is due to Dīwān Alamchand’s memory to add that he was only one of the faithless out of a faithless herd.
↩Sarfarāz Khān possessed a most guileless soul, and his guilelessness and his confidence in A‘lī Vardī cost him his throne. Sarfarāz Khān lacked insight into human character, which is one of the essential attributes of a wise ruler. Whilst noting this failing in Sarfarāz Khān, it must be added there is nothing to condone or extenuate the black ingratitude and treachery of A‘lī Vardī and the Triumvirate Councillors, Dewan Alamchand, Hajī Aḥmad and Jagat-set, who were all proteges of Sarfarāz Khān’s father.
↩Though exceptionally humane and forbearing in disposition, it is refreshing to note Sarfarāz Khān could fight and fall bravely like a hero.
↩ The word used is
A four-wheeled carriage; whilst Chakrah is a two-wheeled carriage.
↩It would seem the race of heroes was not yet extinct in Moslem Bengal.
↩Such instances of isolated loyalty and heroism relieve, to some extent, the darkness of the picture of faithlessness and treachery that these events portray.
↩“The ravenous hordes thus let loose on India made the race-name of Christian (Ferengi) a word of terror, until the strong rule of the Mughal Empire turned it into one of contempt.”— Sir W. Hunter’s History of British India, Vol. I, p. 184. The name ‘Ferengi’ was, however, more especially applied to the Portuguese settlers in India, whilst the term ‘Nasara’ (or Nazarene) was a generic term for all Christians.
↩It is an eloquent testimony to the goodness of Sarfarāz Khān, that even in those treacherous times, and in such a trying crisis, he could command the undying devotion and homage of his brave Rajput officers. This is another incident which relieves, in some measure, the darkness of the picture presented by these scenes.
↩The Rai Raian Alamchand (the protége and creature of Sarfarāz Khān’s father Shujā‘u-d-dīn Khān) was after all a penitent sinner, and, therefore his character stands out in a less hideous light, than that of Ḥājī Aḥmad and Jagat Set, who do not appear to have been similarly disturbed by qualms of conscience for their black ingratitude and treachery.
↩Alī Vardī Khān himself entered the city of Murshidabad on the third day after his victory. He was a Machiavellian diplomatist, and therefore, the first step he took on his entry into the city, was to sue for pardon for his treachery from Nafisah Begam, a daughter of Shujā‘u-d-dīn Khān, and sister of Sarfarāz Khān. He next held a Darbar in the Chehel Satun palace of Shujā‘u-d-dīn Khān, and though at first he was detested by the people and the officers for his black ingratitude and treachery, he soon managed to conciliate them by bestowing on them rich largesses. (See Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Pers. text, p. 494). He appointed in his place as Naib Nazim of Patna (Azimabad) his son-in-law, Zainu-d-dīn Khān Haibat Jang. (See p. 499, Seiru-l-Mutakherin).
↩Compare the description of this battle with that given in the Seiru-l-Mutakherin, pp. 492-493. The author of the Seir, though a strong partisan of Alī Vardī, and though anxious to gloss over his treachery and ingratitude, is forced to pay a glowing tribute to the bravery and devoted courage displayed by several officers of Sarfarāz Khān at this battle. Riyaz’s account of this important battle seems much richer in details, as well as more graphic and more exact than that of the Seir. This important battle took place about 11 months after Nadīr Shāh’s return to Persia after the sack of Delhi, and about 14 months after Shujā‘u-d-dīn Khān’s death.
↩This fact which redounds to the discredit of Alī Vardī Khān is suppressed by the author of the Seiru-l-Mutakhorin, whose father was employed in a high capacity under Alī Vardī’s son-in-law, Zainu-d-dīn Khān, at Patna. The author of the Riyaz, not being a partisan, does not suppress it.
↩It may be interesting to enquire if any descendants of these still survive in the alleys of Dacca.
↩He was then Deputy Nazim of Jahangīrnagar or Dacca.
↩Emperor Muḥammad Shāh was not quite fair to Nadir Shāh in his political diagnosis. He ought to have added, the glorious Timuride Empire in India had been shattered and undermined by the luxury and love of ease, and fatricidal jealousies and strifes of himself and his immediate predecessors, and principally by the venality and corruption, joined to clannish jealousies and personal ambitions that had seized the later Mughal ministers and pro-consuls. A moral paralysis had seized the heart of the Empire at Delhi, and it quickly extended to and affected its distant limbs in outlying Provinces. The Musalmans in India had lost their Islamic virtues first, and next their Empire; whilst Nadir Shāh’s terrible invasion operated only as an accelerating force towards its eventual dissolution.
↩He had been deputed by the Emperor to bring the attached treasures of Sarfarāz Khān, and the revenue of Bengal. See Seir, p. 496.
↩It is humiliating to observe that even ministers of the calibre and position of Qamru-d-dīn Khān and Nizāmu-l-Mulk Asaf Jah were, at this dark period of Indo-Moslem History, not above corruption.
↩He was a son-in-law of Shujā‘u-d-dīn Khān, and had been appointed by the latter Deputy Nazim of Orissa, on the death of Muḥammad Taqi Khān (a son of Shujā‘u-d-dīn Khān). Alī Vardī and his unholy Ḥājī brother were resolved to spare no one amongst the capable male representatives of their late master and benefactor. A reign ushered in by such treachery and characterised by such viudictive posthumous courtesies was bound, under an Avenging Providence, to terminate ignominiously. The unholy Ḥājī brother quickly met with his proper deserts, by being tortured and butchered, along with his son Zainu-d-dīn Khān, by the Afghan rabble who sacked Patna. Alī Vardī himself was continually distracted and harassed by Mahratta freebooters, who swooped down again and again on his fair provinces like armies of locusts, and harried and devastated them, and Alī Vardī’s energy, courage, and prowess were of no avail against this visitation of God’s curse. He at length had to conclude an inglorious peace with the Mahrattas, and to practically cede to the latter the Province of Orissa. And not many months had rolled away since he had closed his eyes, when his favourite grandson, Siraju-d-daulah, was tortured to death, and Alī Vardī’s ill-gotten Satrapy dissolved for ever, and was transferred to other hands. Verily, Divine retribution was not slow in overtaking Alī Vardī Khān.
↩Chin Rai was the Peshkar under the Diwan Alam Chand. Mahābat Jang, on Alam Chand’s death, appointed Chin Rai as his Diwan. (See Seir, p. 495). Chin Rai proved very honest, and was held in high esteem by Mahābat Jang. (See Seir, p. 575).
↩The following details of the administrative arrangements made by Alī Vardī Khān on his usurpation of the Nizāmat of Bengal, are summarized briefly from the Seiru-l-Mutakherin, p. 495. Zainu-d-din Aḥmad Khān, Alī Vardī’s youngest son-in-law, was appointed Subadar of Behar and Patna. The Deputy Nizāmat of Jahangīrnagar, including the Faujdari of Silhat, Chittagong, and Tipperah, was given to his eldest son-in-law, Nawazish Muḥammad Khān. The Deputy Nizāmat of Orissa was bestowed on his second son-in-law, Saīd Aḥmad Khān (after Murshid Qulī Khān was defeated). The Superintendentship of the Nawarah or Imperial Fleet at Jahangīrnagar (Dacca) was bestowed on his grandson, Mirza Muḥammad (son of Zainu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān) surnamed Siraju-d-daulah Shāh Qulī Khān Bahadur. Siraju-d-daulah’s brother was adopted as a son by Nawazish Muḥammad Khān, and surnamed “Ikramu-d-daulah Padshah Qulī Khān Bahadur” with nominal command of the Jahangīrnagar or Dacca army. Atau-l-lah Khān, a son-in-law of Ḥājī Aḥmad (Alī Vardī’s brother) was appointed Faujdār of Rajmahal (Akbarnagar) and Bhagalpur. Alah Yar Khān (step-brother of Alī Vardī), Mir Jafar Khān (brother-in-law of Alī Vardī), and his other connexions like Faqiru-l-lah Beg Khān, Nural-lah Beg Khān and Mustafa Khān were given mansabs and peerages with titles and body-guards. Chin Rai (Peshkar under Diwan Alamchand) received the title of ‘Rai Raian,’ and was appointed Deputy Diwan of Bengal. Rajah Janaki Ram, who was the old household Diwan of Mahābat Jang, was appointed Diwan of Miscellaneous departments. The Seir’s author’s maternal uncle or Khaloo, Abdul Alī Khān (who was also a connexion of Alī Vardī), received a mansab, together with the parganahs of Narhat Samai and Behar.
↩For its revival, Alī Vardī Khān Mahābat Jang was himself responsible. He re-inaugurated an era of force and fraud, and he and his successors were paid back in the same coin by others. He taught the lesson of ingratitude by his own treacherous conduct, and so others took their cue from him.
↩Alī Vardī and his worthy Ḥājī brother could never lay down their favourite weapon of treachery, and well were they, through their children, repaid in the same coin by Mīr Ja‘far and others.
↩“The construction of Fort Barabati has been assigned to various monarchs with various dates. Sterling thinks it was built by Rājah Anang Bhem Deva in the fourteenth century. The stonework has been taken by the Public Works Department to build lighthouses and hospitals, and to pave roads. The ditch of the fort, however, still remains, and so does the gate, which is still approached by a causeway … Rājah Mukund Deo built a palace here with nine courts … The palace was in time abandoned by the Musalman Governors who preferred to live in the Lalbagh, on the south side of the city, (now Commissioner’s Residence”)— Wilson’s Early Annals of the English in Bengal, Vol. I, p. 4, f. n.
↩There is still a mahalla or quarter in Katak, called ‘Bakrabad,’ named so, probably, after Bāqir Khān.
↩Tilgadhi in the text is apparently a mistake for the hill ‘Tahirmunda’ marked on the maps of Orissa, near Balasore.
↩‘Jon’ in the text is also obviously a mistake; I do not find any river of that name near Balasore or in Orissa. It is a mistake probably for the river near Balasore, called ‘Nuniajuri,’ Balasore itself being situated on the Burabalung river.
↩In Seiru-l-Mutakherin (p. 497), it is stated Murshīd Qulī Khān passed through Balasore port, and encamped on the banks of its river, in the Mouza of Bhalwar. The encampment is described in the Seir as being flanked by dense forests on one side, and by deep rivulets on another. A ring with artillery was formed round this encampment. Alī Vardī Khān passing through Mednipur and Jalasore, took up a position on the north banks of the Burabalung river. The position taken up by Murshīd Qulī Khān is described as very impregnable, and he might not have been dislodged from it, but for the rash sally of his son-in-law, Mīrza Baqir Alī Khān, and the treachery of his Afghān General, ‘Abid Khān, who deserted Murshīd Qulī Khān, his old master and benefactor, and joined with his Afghān coutingent Mustafa Khān, the Afghān General of Alī Vardī Khān. The crafty Alī Vardī Khān had by means of bribes sown treason amongst the Afghān troops of Murshīd Qulī Khān (497 Seir).
↩The well-known Persian poet and moralist.
↩This is an error in the text, or a misprint for ‘Subarnarika’ river, on which Jalesar or Jalasore is situated.
↩This forms now one of the Tributary Mahals under the Commissioner of Orissa.
↩As another interesting and remarkable illustration of the potent influence in politics and society exercised by Musalman ladies in Bengal, even towards the middle of the eighteenth century, it may be noted that Murshīd Qulī Khān himself was averse to fight with Alī Vardī Khān, owing to a sense of feebleness, but that his brave wife, Durdanah Begam, encouraged and inspired him to fight, in order to avenge her brother Sarfarāz Khān’s fall, and threatened that in case her husband failed to do so, she would supplant him from the Government of Orissa, and raise to the gadi her son-in-law, Mirza Bāqir Alī Khān, in his place. Thereon, Murshīd Qulī gave way to his wife’s influence, and resolved to fight with Alī Vardī. (See Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Pers. text, p 496).
↩This is a remarkable incident illustrating that Musalman ladies in India had not yet all taken to the existing form of seclusion, nor ceased to take an active share in their husbands’ burdens, both in peace and war. Indeed, it is interesting to note that Alī Vardī’s Begam played the rôle of Supreme Political Officer, whilst her husband fought the battles with the Mahrattas. It is stated in the Seiru-l-Mutakherin (Pers. text, p. 550), that one day Alī Vardī at Patna after fighting with the Mahrattas under Raghoji Bhosla, entered the Begam’s boudoir with an anxious look. The Begam enquired what the matter was, when Alī Vardī replied that this time he feared treachery from his own soldiers and officers. Thereon, the Begam on her own initiative and her own responsibility organised a political mission, and sent it to Raghoji’s camp, to arrange for a treaty of peace. Raghoji fell in with the proposal, but his Chief Adviser, Mir Habib, dissuaded him, and advised him to make a dash for Murshidabad, holding out the prospect of loot. The Begam must have been a lady of keen judgment and uncommon sagacity to have been relied upon at such a crisis by her shrewd husband.
↩Mānikchand who was afterwards left as Governor of Calcutta, when Siraju-d-daulah conquered it, was a shrewd and time-serving man, and regulated his loyalty by prudential considerations. He was a prototype of Nubokishen of later times, of whose loyal assistance to the English so much has of late been made by a recent writer, but who only followed Mānikchand in his loyal tactics, feeling his way cautiously, and keenly watching which way the tide of success turned, in order to adjust his individual position with an eye to self-aggrandisement. The Seir makes no mention of Mānikchand having taken any part in the battle, and ascribes Murshīd Qulī Khān’s disaster to the treachery of his Afghan general ‘Abid Khān, and to the rash sally of his son-in-law, Mirzā Bāqir Alī Khān. At this battle near Balasore, the Syeds of Barha fought bravely on the side of Murshīd Qulī Khān, and several of them, such as Mir Alī Akbār and Mir Mujtaha Alī fell, whilst Mirzā Bāqir Alī Khā himself was severely wounded. (See Seir, p. 497.)
↩It is stated in the Seir that after his defeat at the battle of Balasore, Murshid Qulī Khān together with his son-in-law, Mīrzā Bāqir Alī Khān, withdrew to the town of Balasore, with two or three thousand troops. Apprehending treachery from the latter, he gave out that he would entrench himself in the town, told them off to some distance to guard the roads leading to the town, whilst he himself with Mīrzā Bāqir Alī moved towards the sea-shore. At this time it so happened that a friend of his, Ḥājī Mohsin, a merchant of Surat, had his mercantile ship in the port, and also a pinnace. Murshīd Qulī Khān got into the pinnace along with Mīrzā Bāqir Alī and Ḥājī Mohsin and some servants, embarked on board the ship, which sailed down to Masulipatam. From Masulipatam, Murshīd Qulī Khān sent Mīrzā Bāqir Alī towards Sikakul and Ganjam, to bring away Durdanah Begam and her daughter from Katak (Cuttack).
↩Nizamu-l-Mulk Aṣaf Jah was Viceroy of the Dakhīn under Emperor Muḥammad Shāh, at this time. He had made himself semi-independent there, owing to the feebleness of the Central Government at Delhi. See note ante.
↩Murshīd Qulī Khān had left his wife Durdanah Begām and his son Yahya Khān, together with his treasures, in the Fort of Barahbati at Katak, whilst advancing to Balasore.
↩The Rajah was Hafiz Qadīr, a Muḥammadan. See n. 3 below and Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Pers. text, p. 498.
↩Sekakul or Chicacole is a place in the Ganjam district, over 100 miles south-west of Puri. The land-route from Orissa to the Dakhīn lay in olden days viâ Sekakul or Chicacole across the Chilka lake. It is stated in the Seir that after arrival at Masulipatam, Murshīd Qulī Khān sent his son-in-law, Mīrzā Bāqir Alī Khān, towards Sekakul and Ganjam, to proceed to the relief of Durdanah Begam and her daughter. In the meantime, on hearing of Murshīd Qulī Khān’s defeat, Murshīd Qulī’s friend, Hafiz Qadīr, Rajah of Ratipur, Khurdāh, who was Superintendent of the temple of Jagannath, (Note by Translator.— This is an interesting and remarkable fact shewing that a Musalman was once at the head of this Hindu Temple. See Seir, Pers. text, p. 498) of his own motion had sent his general, Muḥammad Murad, with a force to guard and relieve Durdanah Begum and her daughter. Murād succeeded in bringing away the Begam and her daughter with their treasures and effects to Inchapur, which is in the Ganjam district. Anwaru-d-dīn Khān, Governor of Inchapur, treated the Begams very hospitably. At this time, Mīrzā Bāqir Alī Khān reached Inchapur, and proceeded from there with the Begams and their treasures to Masulipatam, whence Murshīd Qulī Khān, Mīrzā Bāqir Alī Khān and the Begams, together with the treasures and effects, proceeded to the Dakhīn and took shelter with Asif Jah, its ruler. (See Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Pers. text, p. 498).
↩It would appear the account in the Seiru-l-Mutakherin, as regards the fate of the Begams and their treasure is somewhat different from that in the Riyaz, which states that the Begams’ treasures and effects were captured by Alī Vardī Khān’s officers. The Riyaz is, however, strangely silent as to the fate of the Begams who were with the treasures. Obviously, the account in the Riyaz is incomplete and halting, whilst that of the Seir is more consistent and comprehensive and, therefore, more acceptable.
↩The account in the Seir is somewhat different from that in the Riyaz. In the Seir, it is stated, in pursuance of a policy of economy, Ṣaulāt Jang wanted to reduce the pay of his soldiers. This reduction in pay was resented by the Murshidabad troops and officers who in consequence were disbanded, whilst the soldiers and officers domiciled in Orissa accepted this reduced pay, and in consequence were enlisted in the army in large numbers. Ṣaulāt Jang subsequently, at the instigation of one Shah Yahea indulged in debaucheries and ill-treated the men and women of Katak, who all in consequence were disgusted with him. This state of affairs at Katak came to the notice of Mirza Baqir Alī, who was in the Dakhin. The latter asked Murshid Qulī Khān to invade Orissa, but Murshid Qulī demurred. Thereon, Mirza Baqir Alī himself invaded Orissa, first persuading the soldiers and residents of Katak to break out into revolt. The latter revolted, killed Gujar Khān, the general, when Baqir Ali marched swiftly to Katak, imprisoned Ṣaulat Jang, together with his wife and children in the Fort of Barahbati, and installed himself on the gadī of Orissa. (See Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Pers. text, p. 502.)
↩ The Editor of the printed Persian text has inserted
See the account in the Seir (Pers. text pp. 503-505) of Alī Vardī’s expedition to Katak, to relieve Ṣaulat Jang. It is stated in the Seir that Alī Vardī Khān apprehending that Mirza Baqir Alī Khān was being helped by Asif Jah from the Dakhin, marched to Katak with a huge army, consisting of twenty thousand soldiers, led by picked generals and officers, such as Muṣtafa Khān, Shamshir Khān, Umar Khān, Atau-l-lah Khān, Haidar Alī Khān, Faqiru-l-lah Beg Khān, Mīr Jafar, Mīr Sharfu-d-dīn, Shaikh Muhammad M‘asūm Amanat Khān, Mīr Kazim Khān, Bahadur Alī Khān. Alī Vardī reached with his army the northern banks of the Mahanadi river opposite to Katak town, whilst Mirza Baqir Alī was encamped with his troops on the southern banks of the same river. Seeing Alī Vardī’s huge army, Mirza Baqir Alī’s soldiers fled, and dispersed in all directicns, whilst Alī Vardī’s troops plunged into the river, quickly crossed over to Katak town (at the Jobra Ghat, as would appear from the Riyaz), and rescued Ṣaulat Jang who was encaged in a Rath (a four-wheeled carriage) covered over with a white sheet tied round it with white strings. Ṣaulat Jang’s escape from certain death was almost miraculous.
↩“Chaprah” of the text is known locally as ‘Jobrah’ ghat. It is situate midway the town of Katak, alongside the Mahanadi river. Close to the ghat, there is an old mausoleum.
↩“Kamhariah” river of the text is probably a misprint or misreading for “Dhumra” river, down Jajpur, which would be about 40 Kroh from Katak.
↩Lal Bagh, on the banks of the Katjuri, now forms the residence of the Commissioner of the Orissa Division. It was built by Musalman Governors of Orissa for their residence, in preference to Fort Barabati on the banks of the Mahanadi.
↩Malisar is apparently a mistake for Mukamasar, a place across the Katjuri, about 2 miles distant from the Lal Bagh, on the Puri road.
↩As the sequence of the story would indicate, the Hāji was to some extent shamming death, and was a sly fox, for quickly after he got up, and nimbly scampered off, mounting another man’s horse.
↩Mīr Muḥammad Amin was a step-brother of Alī Vardi Khān, surnamed Mahabat Jang, and brother-in-law of Mir Jafar, the latter having married an uterine sister of Mīr Muḥammad Amin. Neither Alī Vardī nor his father was a Syed; they were Mirzas; and therefore, Muḥammad Amin (Alī Vardī’s step-brother) could not have been a Syed or Mir from his father’s side, he was so probably from his mother’s side. It is common amongst Muhammadans (and the usage has the sanction of authority) to call themselves Syeds, if their mothers are Syedas.
↩If Mīr Ja‘far and his friends were capable of appreciating a practical joke, instead of being sorry, they might have enjoyed a hearty laugh.
↩This was Hafiz Qadīr, Rājah of Ratipur, Khurdah, and master or Superintendent of the Jagannath Temple. (See Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Pers. text, p. 498, and note ante.)
↩That is, the horses which were supplied to, or had to be kept by military commanders for military purposes after being branded. See Āin-i-Akbari, Vol. I., p. 255, Blochmann’s translation for the Dagh or branding regulations.
↩The Seir states that his name was “Shaikh Muḥammad Maṣūm, Pani Pati.” He was appointed Deputy Governor of Orissa, in the place of Ṣaulat Jang, on the recommendation of Alī Vardī’s Afghān general, Mustafa Khān, who now got the upper hand in all political affairs. The Shaikh is described as a veteran and brave general. (See Seir, Pers. text, p. 505).
↩I am told ‘Chawars’ is a mistake for “Chowans” who are Khetris by caste. ‘Khandaits’ are also mixed Khetris; they are to be found in large numbers throughout Orissa.
↩This story shews that one of the most prominent Musalman leaders and pillars of the State in Bengal, towards the middle of the eighteenth century, in order to avenge Alī Vardī’s overthrow of his master Murshīd Qulī Khān from the Orissa Government, and to gratify personal vindictiveness, ignored ties of religious obligations and national interest, and joined hands with Mahratta freebooters, in order to place the Moslem Satrapy in Bengal under Mahratta heels. The story is an object-lesson, and illustrates the intellectual and moral desolation that had seized Musalmans in Bengal at the time.
↩It is related in the Seiru-l-Mutakherin (Pers. text, p. 507), whose author’s father, Syed Hedait Alī Khān, was at the time employed as Faujdar of Magha in Behar, and was on an expedition to the hill-passes of Ramgarh, that the Mahratta cavalry numbering 40,000 led by Bhaskar Paṇḍit, general of Raghojī Bhoslah, swooped down through the above passes, cut through Pachit and Morbhanj, and appeared near the outskirts of Mednīpūr. Raghojī Bhoslah (miscalled in the Pers. printed text of the Riyaz, Raghojī Ghoslah) was a nephew of Rajah Saho and Makasdar (probably Governor or Chief) of the Ṣubah of Berar, and his capital was at Nagpur in the Central Provinces.
↩It is interesting to note that we saw Alī Vardī Khān’s Begam moving beside her husband on an elephant at the battle of Balasore, and we find her again by the side of her husband at this battle with the Mahrattas, near Bardwān. She must have been a lady not only of nerve, but of wisdom, to have been retained by his side as a companion by Alī Vardī at such critical junctures. We saw also that that iron-man Alī Vardī in his usurpation of the Bengal Nizamat, bended himself before Nafisah Khānam and sued for pardon from her. From such incidents, the inference is not without warrant that Musalman ladies in Bengal even towards the middle of the eighteenth century occupied a different position from what they occupy now, took an active part in the wider concerns of their husbands, and exercised a powerful and beneficent influence both in the domains of politics and Society.
↩His name would indicate he was an Afghān belonging to the Mohmand tribe.
↩The Seiru-l-Mutakherin (Pers. text, pp. 507-513) gives a very graphic description of this first Mahratta invasion of Bengal (1155 A.H.), and of the causes which rendered it possible. The first cause was the instigation of Asif Jah (of Mīr Ḥabīb, according to the Riyaz which seems more probable; for Asif Jah was too high-minded to set loose Mahratta freebooters on a Musalman satrapy); the second cause was the discontent of Alī Vardī Khān’s Afghān troops and officers, notably of Muṣtafa Khān, as Alī Vardī Khān had disbanded many Afghān levies after the Katāk expedition to rescue Ṣaulat Jang; the third cause was the treacherous assassination by Alī Vardī of the Rājah of Morbhanj, whose cause was espoused by Muṣtafa Khān. The Seir further states that when Bhaskar Paṇḍit reached near Bardwān viâ Pachit with 25,000 cavalry (given out as 40,000 cavalry), Alī Vardī Khān was on his way back from Orissa at Midnapur, with only 4 or 5,000 cavalry and 4 or 5,000 infantry, the latter having ordered back all his other troops to Murshidābād with Ṣaulat Jang. Alī Vardī reached Bardwān with this small army. Bhaskar Paṇḍit having heard of Alī Vardī’s bravery, proposed to the latter to give him ten laks of rupees by way of his entertainment expense, in which case he would return to his own country. Alī Vardī received this suggestion with disdain. For some time he was hard-pressed by the Mahrattas, especially owing to the defection of his Afghān officers and troops. Alī Vardī then with Sirāju-d-daulah waited on his Afghān General-in-Chief, Muṣtafa Khān, told him to kill him with his grand-son, or else to give him his support, in order to oppose this Mahratta invasion. Muṣtafa Khān, together with other Afghān officers now fought bravely against heavy odds with the Mahrattas, and Alī Vardī succeeded in retiring to Katwāh, where provisions with a reinforcement came up under Ṣaulat Jang from Murshidābād. At Katwāh, Muṣtafa Khān inflicted a severe defeat on Bhaskar Paṇḍit, who now seriously thought of returning to his own country viâ Birbhum; but his chief adviser, Mīr Ḥabīb, dissuaded him and brought him back from Birbhum to Katwāh, holding out prospects of loot, and making himself responsible for the Mahratta conquest of Bengal.
↩These would seem to have been suburbs of Murshidābād.
↩He was a son of Nafisah Begam, sister of Sarfarāz Khān, and subsequently became the latter’s son-in-law, and in Sarfarāz Khān’s time held the office of Deputy Governor of Jahangirnagar. See n. ante.
↩Dulāb Rām was a son of Rājah Janokiram Peshkar, and was appointed by Mahābat Jang Ṣubadar of Orissa, in place of Abdul Rasul Khān who was recalled. Dulāb Rām had been before Peshkar in Orissa. Dulāb Rām exhibited great cowardice when the Mahrattas invaded Orissa. The Mahrattas captured him, and he was released on payment of a heavy ransom after a year. He was very superstitious, and spent his time mostly in the company of Sanyasis, who turned out to be Mahratta spies. See Seiru-l-Mutakherin, p. 545 (Pers. text).
↩In the Seiru-l-Mutakherin (Pers. text, p. 514) it is stated that Muḥammad Yar Khān, a step-brother of Alī Vardī Khān, was at the time Governor of the Port of Hugli, and that Mīr Abū-l-Ḥassan and Mīr Abu-l-Qasim, who were intimate with the above Governor, conspired with Mīr Ḥabīb, and induced the Governor by their treacherous assurances to admit Mīr Ḥabīb into the Fort of Hugli. After thus treacherously seizing Hugli, Mīr Ḥabīb installed as its Governor Sis Rāo, a Mahratta, whilst he himself played the rôle of the Chief Administrator of Mahratta affairs in Bengal, and divided his residence between Hugli and Katwāh.
↩That is to say, there was a general exodus of the Musalman nobility and gentry from the western side of the Ganges (that is, from Southern and Western Bengal) to its Eastern and Northern sides (that is, Eastern and Northern Bengal) which were immune from Mahratta raids. Those who are at pains to account for the comparatively large Musalman population in Eastern and Northern Bengal and are ready to put forward more or less fanciful theories, might perhaps take into consideration the above circumstance, and also the following facts which I summarise from the Seiru-l-Mutakherin (a contemporary account). The Seir states that in this wave of Mahratta invasion of Bengal, the whole of the Chaklahs of Bardwān, Mednīpūr, Balasore, Katāk, Birbhum, some pargannahs of Rajshahi (probably those on the south side of the river) Akbarnagar (Rajmahal) were overwhelmed, whilst only Murshidābād and the countries on the other side (that is, Eastern and Northern sides) of the Ganges remained peacefully in possession of Alī Vardī Khān, that in the rainy season, even the populations of Murshidābād, apprehending Mahratta raids, migrated en masse on boats to the other sides (that is, Eastern and Northern sides) of the Ganges, such as Jahangirnagar or Dacca, Maldah, Rampore Beauliah, &c., and that even Nawab Shahamat Jang (Alī Vardī’s son-in-law) with his family and children moved across the river to Godagari, a place close to Rampore Beauliah, on the north bank of the Ganges or Poda. These historical facts occurring as they did only in the middle of the eighteenth century, would sufficiently explain why the Musalman populations in Western Bengal and even near Murshidābād (the latest Musalman capital in Bengal) are numerically much less than those in Eastern or Northern Bengal (See Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Pers. text, pp. 564 and 514).
↩This defeat of the Mahrattas at Katwāh took place in 1155 A.H. The Seir states that after his defeat at Katwāh, Bhāskar Paṇḍit, the Mahratta General, fled through the hill-passes of Pachit into a forest, but losing his way, and not succeeding in making his retreat to his own country (Nagpur), under the guidance of Mīr Ḥabīb, came back to the jungles of Bishanpur, passed through them to the jungles of Chandrakonah, emerged at Midnapur, and made for Katak, fought with and killed Shaikh Ma‘ṣūm, Ṣubādar of Orissa. Mahābat Jang hotly chased Bhāskar Paṇḍit up to the confines of the Chilka Lake, but Bhāskar succeeded in effecting his retreat into the Dakhin. Then Mahābat Jang returned to Katak, where he installed Abdul Nabi Khān (nephew of Shaikh Ma‘ṣūm) as Ṣubādar of Orissa, and left Dulab Ram (son of Rajāh Janaki Ram) as Peshkar under the latter, and then returned to Murshidabad (p. 519, Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Pers. text).
There is a village called Masūmpur about 11 miles north from Katak. It is a colony of respectable Muhammadans, and is probably named so after the above Shaikh Ma‘ṣūm Panipati. Six miles from Masūmpur, is another colony of respectable Musalmans at Salihpur.
↩In Seir (p. 529) Mankara is described as lying on the banks of the Bhagirati. How the wily Alī Vardī Khān treacherously inveigled Bhāskar Paṇḍit and other Mahratta Generals into his tent, is lucidly described in the Seiru-l-Mutakherin (p 529). In this game of treachery, Alī Vardī Khān’s principal coadjutors were Muṣtafā Khān and Rājah Janaki Ram, the Peshkar. It must, however, be added that the Mahrattas were well paid back in their own coin.
↩The expression given in the Seir (p. 530) is: “Kill this enemy.”
↩His name was Ragho Gaekwar. (See Seir, p. 531). Muṣtafā Khān tried hard to inveigle him also into Alī Vardī’s tent, but this Mahratta General appears to have been an uncommonly shrewd man, and said he would wait on Alī Vardī Khān on the following day, after Bhaskar Paṇḍit and Alī Bhai had returned from their interview with Alī Vardī.
↩In the printed Pers. text ‘Diknagar,’ which place I cannot locate.
↩The Seiru-l-Mutakherin (Pers. text, pp. 545-548) gives a very lucid account of this second Mahratta invasion of Bengal by Raghojī Bhoslah. It appears that important affairs transpired in the meantime in the Bengal Satrapy, which made for this second Mahratta invasion. In the first place, Muṣtafā Khān, the Afghān General-in-Chief and the chief pillar of the State of Alī Vardī Khān, fell out with the latter, and was locked up in fighting against Alī Vardī’s son-in-law, Zain-d-dīn Khān, Ṣubādar of Azimabad (Patna). Whilst hardpressed by the well-formed battalions of Zain-d-dīn Khān, Muṣtafā Khān, like Mīr Ḥabīb, took the unusual step to invite over to Bengal Raghojī Bhoslah, who seized the invitation with avidity and marched with Mīr Habīb (the implacable foe of Alī Vardī and the inspiring genius of the Mahrattas), towards Katak. At this time at Katak, a cowardly person ruled as Alī Vardī’s Ṣubādar in Orissn. His name was Dulab Ram, and he was a son of Rajah Janoki Ram, Alī Vardī’s Peshkar. Alī Vardī had appointed Dulab Ram as Ṣubādar, in the place of Abdul Rasul Khān (son of Abdul Nabi Khān) who had resigned his office and joined Muṣtafā at Patna. Dulab Ram was not only cowardly, but superstitious, and most probably, also treacherous (as his subsequent conduct towards Alī Vardī’s grandson indicates). He associated at Katak with the Sanyasis, most of whom were spies in the employ of Raghojī Bhoslah. As soon as Dulab Ram heard of the approach of the Mahrattas, he attempted to run away; but was soon after captured by the Mahrattas. At this time, a small band of Syeds, under the command of Mīr Abdul Aziz, bravely held out for over a month in the Fort of Barabati. The heroio stand against heavy odds made by this small beleaguered garrison and its unflinching loyalty, once more relieves the darkness of the moral chaos that had seized the times. When cajoled and threatened by Raghojī Bhoslah’s friend, Mīr Habīb, and entreated by Dulab Ram and by his own brother to join Raghojī’s side, Mīr Abdul Aziz returned the following gallant and loyal answer: “I own no brother nor any other master; I acknowledge only one master, namely, Mahābat Jang; true, some cowards have joined you; but from regard for the salt I have eaten, I will, by God, stand by this Fort, so long as there is breath in my life.” (Seir, p. 546). As however, no reinforcements came up, though over a month had elapsed, and as all provisions had run out, this noble band of beleaguered garrison had at length to capitulate on honourable terms to Raghojī Bhoslah, who made himself master of the Fort Barabati and also of the whole of Orissa province, as well as of Mednīpūr, Hughli and Bardwān. Alī Vardī was occupied at this time in Patna in crushing out the Afghān revolt under Muṣtafā Khān. When Muṣtafā Khān was slain and the Afghān revolt was crushed, Alī Vardī hastened back to Bengal. At this time, Raghojī was encamped at Birbhum. Meanwhile the Afghān comrades of the late Muṣtafā Khān, who lay in a death-trap in the Jungles of Tikari asked Raghojī to help them, and promised him their adhesion. Raghoji marched to Tikari to their rescue viâ the jungles of Birbhum and Kharakpur, looting en route the villages of Shaikpura and Tikari, &c. Mahābat Jang followed quickly in their heels and moved to Patna. From Patna, Raghojī (on the advice of Mīr Habīb, who was the inspiring genius of the Mahrattas, also in this second Marhatta invasion) turned towards Murshidābād, pursued closely by Alī Vardī, whose pursuit was hot and unslacking. At Katwāh, another battle was fought, in which the Mahrattas were worsted. Finding that victory was out of the question, and hearing of some troubles in his own country, Raghojī now prudently withdrew to his own country at Nagpur, leaving in Bengal his friend, guide, and philosopher, Mīr Hābīb, with 3,000 Mahratta and 7,000 Afghan troops. (See Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Pers. text, p. 551). It would seem a despicable moral chaos had at this time seized the country, in which neither religious ties nor national sentiments were held of any account. One finds now Musalman Afghans (at the instigation of two Musalman leaders, Mīr Hābīb and Muṣtafā Khān), fighting the battles of Hindu Mahratta freebooters against a Musalman power in Bengal. The event is a dark land-mark in Moslem history of Bengal, and marks the sad disintegration and moral paralysis that had now seized the Musalman race in Bengal or, for the matter of that, in India. (See Seir, Pers. text, pp. 556-566).
↩Balaji Rao (the generalissimo of the Imperial Army in the Dakhin) and Ṣafdar Jang, son-in-law of Burhanu-l-Mulk, the Ṣubādar of Oudh, were orderd by Emperor Muḥammad Shāh, to help Alī Vardī against the Mahrattas under Raghojī. Whilst seeking Imperial assistance, Alī Vardī wrote the following pregnant and prophetic words to the Emperor:— “Should Bengal which is the financial mainstay of the Empire fall, your Majesty’s Empire will be shorn of all lustre.” (See Seir, p. 516, Pers. text). These words had reference to the fact that Bengal had ever been the best milch-cow of the Empire. Ṣafdār Jang did not pull on with Alī Vardī, and so was recalled by the Emperor, whilst Balaji Rao (whose designs were also suspected by the shrewd Alī Vardī) who had come to Mankar by way of Patna, was courteously shewn out of Bengal by the latter. (See Seir, pp. 522 and 524). In this connection, the Seir (p. 524) gives the story of a Musalman amazon in the person of the widow of the late Muḥammad Ghaus Khān who resided at Bhagalpur, and who held out bravely against Balaji Rao.
↩He was Ṣubādar of Orissa before Dulab Ram. See note ante.
↩The whole thing would seem to have been a well-planned tactical move on the part of Zainu-d-dīn Khān, who was a good General, strong in tactics.
↩The printed Persian text of the Riyaz has throughout “Raghojī Ghoslah.” ‘Ghoslah’ is obviously a misreading or misprint for ‘Bhoslah.’
↩‘Jagdishpūr’ or ‘Jagdispur, is mentioned in the Aīn-i-Akbarī (Vol I pp. 400 and 498, Blochmann’s Tr.) It was the “stronghold in Akbar’s time of Rajah ‘Gajpate’ or ‘Kachite,’ who was the greatest Zamindar in Behar at the time.” In the 16th year of Akbar’s reign, Akbar’s General, Shahbaz Khān-i-Kambu, operated against this Rajah who fled, and Shahbaz then conquered Jagdispūr, when the whole family of the Rajah was captured. Shahbaz then conquered Shergadh, which was held by Sri Ram, Gajpati’s son, and about the same time took possession of Rohtas.
↩This third Mahratta invasion of Bengal under Janojī, son of Raghoji Bhoslah (with him being of course the inevitable Mīr Ḥabīb as the Chief Adviser and as guide, friend and philosopher of the Mahrattas), is also lucidly narrated in the Seiru-l-Mutakherin (Pers. text, pp. 555-592). Janojī came to Katak, whilst Alī Vardī’s newly-nominated Deputy Ṣubadar of Orissa, Mīr Jafar, was still at Mednipūr, on his way to Katak. On hearing of the Mahratta incursion, Mīr Jafar (who secretly was conspiring against Alī Vardī) retired to Bardwan. The Mahrattas then advanced to Bardwan. After some indecisive skirmishing, Janojī made for Murshidābād, and after doing some looting in its neighbourhood retreated to Mednipūr, pursued by Alī Vardī Khān. In the meantime, Janojī’s principal adviser, Mīr Ḥabīb, had opened treacherous negotiations with the late Muṣtafā Khān’s Afghan adherents in Darbhanga and its neighbourhood, and these had effected a sanguinary revolution by treacherously killing at a Darbar Zainu-d-dīn Khān, Ṣubādār of Patna. Now Janojī moved to Patna (with him being Mīr Ḥabīb), and Alī Vardī also proceeded to Patna. Alī Vardī now rose to the height of his generalship, and succeeded in crushing and routing his united Afghan and Marhatta foes in a great battle near Barh. (See the spirited description of this battle in the Seir, p. 566). Janojī, now receiving news of his mother’s death, retreated to Nagpūr, leaving Mīr Ḥabīb towards Katak and Mednipūr with some Mahratta and Afghan troops (Seir, p. 576). Shortly after, Raghoji sent to Mīr Ḥabīb another Mahratta reinforcement under Manaji, younger brother of Janojī [Mohan Singh of the text is obviously a mistake or misprint for Manaji] Alī Vardī marched out with his army from Murshīdābad and passed through Katwah, Bardwan, Mednipūr, Bhadrak, and Jajpur; whilst Mīr Ḥabīb with his Mahratta and Afghan troops fell back from Mednipūr towards Katak. Alī Vardī triumphantly entered once more the City of Katak, and recaptured the Fort of Barabati, after killing its commandants, Serandaz Khān, Syed Nur, and Dharam Dass (p. 578, Seir), Pers. text. This re-conquest, however, proved abortive, for whilst Alī Vardī was still at Balasore on his way towards Murshidabād, Mīr Ḥabīb with his light Mahratta and Afghan cavalry swooped down on Katak, and killed Shaikh Abdus Subhan, who had been left there as Deputy Governor by Alī Vardī. (See pp. 579-580 of the Seir, which also gives a good description of the Katak City). The Mahrattas, it would seem, always moved with light and mobile cavalry, whilst Alī Vardī’s army was not equally light or mobile. Alī Vardī had, therefore (despite the fact that next to Asafjab, he was the first General of the time in India) to encounter the same difficulties in encountering Mahratta troops, that the British had in encountering the Boers in the late South African War. In the end, it is true, Alī Vardī triumphed, but the price that he had to pay for his apparent victory was too much, nor did he survive it long enough to reap its benefit.
↩In a former part of the text, he is named “Husain Qulī Khān,” which appears to be correct. (See Seir, Vol. II, Pers. text, p. 495). Husain Qulī Khān was Naib or Deputy of Nawazish Muḥammad Khan, son-in-law of Alī Vardī Khān, and Governor of Chakla Jahangirnagar (Dacca), including Silhat and Chittagong.
↩Nawazish Muḥammad Khān was Governor of Jahangirnagar, and also held the portfolio of Supreme Diwan of Bengal under Alī Vardī Khān, the Deputy Diwanship being held by Chin Rai (who had been Peshkar under Alamchand, Deputy Diwan of Shujau-d-dīn Khān). (See Seir, Vol. II, Pers. text, p. 495). See also note ante. Chin Rai, on death, was succeeded in his office by Bhirun Dutt, who again was followed by Kiratchand (son of Alamchand) and by Umed Rai (See Seir).
↩It would appear from the account given in the Seiru-l-Mutakherin (p. 566), alluded to before, that the Afghan adherents of the late Muṣtāfā Khān were in secret conspiracy with Mīr Ḥabīb, the inspiring genius, and the guide, friend and philosopher of the Mahrattas, and that in consequence of Mīr Ḥabīb’s instigation, they had enacted this cruel tragedy at Patna.
A very lucid account of this tragedy is given in the Seiru-l-Mutakherin (Pers. text, p. 559). Zainu-d-dīn (son-in-law of Alī Vardī Khān and Ṣubādār at Patna), was holding a Darbar for the reception of the Darbhānga Afghan Generals who were adherents and connexions of the late Muṣtāfā Khān. The Darbar function was nearly over, and Zainu-d-dīn Khān was handing betels with his own hand to the Chief Afghan Generals, when one of these, Abdur Rashid Khān, whilst receiving a betel, treacherously gave Zainu-d-dīn Khān a dagger-thrust in the abdomen. This thrust, however, was not quite effective, as Abdur Rashid’s hand faltered. Then another cowardly assassin, Murad Sher Khān, quickly gave another sword-out to Zainu-d-dīn Khān, and instantly killed him. The Afghans shewed ferocious barbarities in their conduct towards the ladies and children of Zainu-d-dīn’s household. The Seir (p. 561), notes commencement of Aḥmad Shāh Abdali’s invasions of India at this time.
↩Her name was Amena Begam. She was a daughter of Alī Vardī, and wife of Zainu-d-dīn Khān.
↩The Ḥājī after all met with his desert, for his black ingratitude to his benefactor’s (Shujau-d-dīn Khān’s) memory, and for his dark treachery towards his benefactor’s son, Nawab Sarfaraz Khān.
↩See description of this loot and carnage in the Seir (pp. 560-561).
Happening as it did towards the middle of the 18th century, this fact would explain in a great measure the smallness of Musalman population in Behar, compared with that in Northern Bengal and Eastern Bengal, which in modern times were never or seldom the scenes of such carnage, which were immune from Mahratta raids, and which would, therefore, naturally afford an asylum for Musalman refugees not only from the disturbed parts of Western and Southern Bengal, but also from Behar.
↩The Seir (Pers. text, p. 563) states that at this time, which was towards the month of winter, Alī Vardī Khān was encamped at Amaniganj, in order to march out against the Mahrattas under Mīr Ḥabīb and Janoji. There in camp, Alī Vardī received this terrible news of the slaughter of his son-in-law, and of the imprisonment of his brother and daughter and grand-children. He summoned his officers to a Darbar, and broke to them the news of the great calamity in the following solemn strain:— “Gentlemen, a stone has fallen on me, and that, too, a heavy one; my son-in-law has been killed, and my brother and children are in the disgrace of capture. Life is now a trash to me; I have resolved to kill and to be killed. What is your intention, gentlemen? Who amongst you, my comrades and friends, shall join me in my avenging expedition?” All who were present cheerfully responded to Alī Vardī Khān’s appeal, and resolved to fight and fall with him.
↩The account in the Seir (p. 565), shews that Mīr Ḥabīb with his Mahratta friends opposed ineffectually Alī Vardī’s march on the banks of the Champanagar stream, and then dispersed to the jungles, whilst Alī Vardī moved on to the Monghyr Fort, where he halted some days. Then Rājah Sundar Singh, Zamīndār of Tīkarī, and Kamgar Khān Muīn, Zamīndār of Tīrhut, came to pay homage to Alī Vardī. A saint, Maulana Mīr Muḥammad Alī, also visited Alī Vardī at this time at Monghyr.
↩The Seir (p. 567), which gives a very lucid account of this battle, states that Alī Vardī who in generalship was next only to Asaf Jah, took up a position on an isle, in front of Barh, having on one side the river Ganges and on another the old bed of the same river. This place is called in the Seir “Sarai Rani,” 4 kroh to the west of Barh, on the side of the river Ganges.
It would also appear from the Seir (p. 566), that Mīr Ḥabīb and the Mahrattas held a conference with the Afghan rebels, Sham Sher Khān and Sardar Khān, in order to concert measures for attacking Alī Vardī Khān. The Afghans and Mahrattas under Mīr Ḥabīb now made a common cause against Alī Vardī who, however, crushingly defeated both, owing to his superior generalship (See Seir p. 568).
↩It reflects credit on Alī Vardī that he treated honourably the women and children of Sham Sher Khān and other Afghans. He not only generously forgave them, and set them at liberty, but bestowed properties at Darbhāngā for their maintenance. (See p. 570, Seir). He never addressed the Afghan ladies except as ‘Madams’ or ‘Bibis.’ He studiously maintained the sanctity of their seclusion, and this, too, after the gross provocation he had received at the hands of Sham Sher Khān and other Afghans. Alī Vardī’s chivalry towards women seems to have been remarkable, and his forbearance after victory is also commendable. A vaulting ambition that faltered not to break all ties of gratitude, nor scrupled to use all weapons of treachery in the realisation of that ambition— casts a dark and sombre hue on his otherwise great and remarkable personality.
↩His name was Fakhru-d-dïn Husain Khān. He succeeded his father, Nawab Saif Khān, in the Faujdārship of Purnīah. Alī Vardī Khān got him dismissed, and kept him under surveillance for some time at Murshidābād. Through the help of Mīr Ḥabīb and his Mahrattas, Fakhru-d-dīn managed to make good his escape to Delhi, where he died after a short time. (See Seir, Vol. II, p. 582, Pers. text).
↩He was a son-in-law of Ḥajī Aḥmad, brother of Alī Vardī Khān. He was Faujdar of Rajmahal or Akbarnagar during Alī Vardī’s regime.
↩Ṣafdar Jang was appointed Ṣubādār of Oude by Emperor Muḥammad Shāh, and in the reign of Emperor Aḥmad Shāh became Chief Vizier of the Empire, on the death of Qamru-d-din Khān. At this time, Aḥmad Shāh Abdali invaded India several times, and the Rohilla Afghans of Farrukhābād and Moradābād became a power in the land. Ṣafdar Jang appointed as his Deputy in Oude a Kyet, named Rājah Nul Rai. (See Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Vol. II, Pers. text, pp. 874-875).
↩Rājah Nul Rai was a Kyesth. At first he was an obscure servant of Nawab-Vizier Ṣafdar Jang, but subsequently rose to the office of Deputy Ṣubadar of Oude under the latter. He resided at Kanauj, twenty kroh from Farrukhābād, the Rohilla stronghold. Nul Rai ill-treated the Rohillas of Farrukhābād, who combined and attacked Nul Rai who was killed. Atau-l-lah Khān (son-in-law of Ḥājī Aḥmad) who fought in this war on the side of Nul Rai, was also killed. The reinforcements sent by Nawab-Vizier Ṣafdar Jang to support his Deputy in Oude, Nul Rai, were also routed by the Rohillas. (See Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Vol. II, p. 876, Pers. text).
↩See the account of the capture of the Fort of Barabati in Seir, Vol. II, p. 578, Pers. text.
↩Mīr Ḥabīb, the inspiring genius of the Mahrattas, and their ‘guide, friend, and philosopher’ for over a decade,— was at last butchered by Janoji, son of Raghoji Bhosla. But after all, however blameless his initial motive might be, it cannot be denied that he met with his desert for his narrow-minded imprudence in fraternising with the Mahratta freebooters, regardless of all religious and national ties. The account as to how Mīr Ḥabīb was inveigled into a house by Janoji, and there treacherously murdered in 1166 A.H., is detailed in the Seir, Vol. II, p. 593, Pers. text. The Seir (p. 592), also states that after a treaty of peace was concluded between Mahābat Jang and the Mahrattas, Mīr Ḥabīb ruled over Orissa as Governor, on behalf of Mahābat Jang, whilst a Mahratta contingent of troops under a Mahratta officer was stationed at Katak. Mīr Ḥabīb was succeeded in the office of Governor by Maslihu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān, who, however, enjoyed less prestige, and regarded himself as a servant of the Mahrattas (Seir, p. 593, Vol. II, Pers. text.
↩There is some difference between the account here and the account in the Seir. From Seir’s account (p. 592), it would appear Mīr Ḥabīb was the first person who held the office that is assigned to Ṣadra-l-Ḥaq in the text, after the conclusion of the peace. The details of this treaty of peace in 1165 A.H. are given in the Seir (pp. 590-591). The Seir states that overtures for peace came from the side of the Mahrattas (represented by Mīr Ḥabīb) who had first been defeated again in 1164 A.H. at Mednipūr. As Mahābat Jang was now 75 years old, and physical ailment and infirmity had seized him, and as the war between him and Mahrattas had been protracted to ten years, and as the chief Afghan pillars of his State had revolted against him, and as the people had suffered indescribable miseries during this long struggle, Mahābat Jang accepted the overtures of peace, which was concluded through the intervention of Mirza Ṣalih (on behalf of Mīr Ḥabīb and the Mahrattas) and Mīr Jāfar (on behalf of Mahābat Jang). The terms of peace were: (1). Mīr Ḥabīb becoming a servant of Mahābat Jang should on behalf of the latter rule as Deputy Governor over Orissa. (2). The revenue of Orissa should be assigned by Mīr Ḥabīb for the pay of Raghoji Bhosla’s Mahratta army of occupation. (3). That over and above the revenues of Orissa, twelve laks of rupees should be annually paid by Mīr Ḥabīb to Raghoji Bhoslah (presumably from the revenues of other provinces), on condition that Raghoji’s troops should not raid the dominions of Mahābat Jang. (4). The river Sunamukhia (or Subarnarikha) near Jalisar (Jalasore), was to form the demarcation-line of the boundaries of Orissa and Bengal; Meduipūr at this time being separated from Orissa and annexed to Bengal.
↩The author of the Seir (who was a connexion of Mahābat Jang) praises up the memory of Mahābat Jang. (See Seir, Vol. II, pp. 609-611). He states that Mahābat Jang abstained from pleasures, was regular in his prayers, abstemious in habits, and methodic in business. He slept little, and passed most of his time in attending to State affairs, or in the company of scholars and savants whom he held in high esteem. He had only one wife, to whom he was greatly devoted. He was a splendid general and a far-sighted statesman. When Muṣtāfā Khān, his Afghan General, and his relatives, Shahamat Jang and Ṣaulat Jang used to press Mahābat Jang to fight and drive out the English from Calcutta, Mahābat Jang used to reply: “Muṣtafā Khān is a military man, and therefore he is always eager for war, that I may be constantly in need of his services. What evil have the English done to me, that I should wish evil to them? The (Mahratta) fire on land is not yet extinguished; and if the fire is extended to the sea, who will quench it?” (Seir, p. 611, Vol. II, Pers. text). Despite the Seir’s panegyric, it seems to me that Alī Vardī must forfeit his claim to be regarded as a far-sighted statesman, in view of the fact that his treacherous and violent conduct towards his past masters and benefactors inaugurated in Bengal an era of violent treachery and serious disintegration, and that his example quickly reacted on others who paid him and his grandson back in the same coin. In this connection, one may read an interesting old little work in Persian, called Ibrat-i-Arbab Baṣr (meaning ‘a Moral for people with eyes’) each sentence of which contains letters which added give 1170! (the date of Sirāju-d-daulah’s murder by Mīr Jāfar and his son Miran). The Ibrat seems to have been written by some adherent of Nawab Sarfaraz Khan.
↩The Seir (Vol. II, p. 621), mentions that Sirāju-d-daulah, on accession, appointed a Kyeth named Mohanlal as his Supreme Diwan. This elevation of an obscure Hindu to the highest civil appointment naturally caused great offence to the old nobility, and especially to Mīr Jāfar, who conspired with other officers of the late Mahābat Jang in order to bring about a Revolution to destroy Sirāju-d-daulah’s power, and to place himself on the masnad of Bengal.
↩The Seir, the Ibrat-i-Arbab-i-Baṣr, and the Riyaz all condemn Sirāju-d-daulah for appointing this obscure and insolent Hindu, Mohanlal, as his Supreme Minister, and mention the disgust it caused amongst the old nobility, who chafed under this indignity, and were therefore anxious to throw off Sirāju-d-daulah’s yoke. (See Ibrat-i-Arbab-i-Baṣr, p. 26, Seiru-i-Mutakherin p. 621, Vol. II.)
↩He was author of the splendid Persian History of India entitled Seiru-l-Mutakherin. He was a partisan of Mīr Jafar and the English East India Company. Sirāju-d-daulah had ordered his banishment from the country.
↩He held the office of Deputy Governor of Jahangirnagar (Dacca) under Alī Vardī Khān, whose son-in-law he was. He also held nominally the office of Diwan of Bengal, though the practical work of Diwan was actually performed by Hindu Deputy Diwans. Shahāmat Jang had also at Jahangirnagar a Deputy Diwan in the person of Rājballab, in respect of the Chakla of Jahangirnagar or Dacca, of which he (Shahāmat Jang) was Deputy Governor.
↩The Seir, the Ibrat-i-Arbab-i-Baṣr and the Riyaz mention that the new Nawab, Sirāju-d-daulah, inaugurated his regime by (1) the plunder of Ghasiti Begam, (2) the dismissal of Mīr Jafar and the appointment of a Hindu, Mohanlal, as the Supreme Minister, &c., (3) imprisonment of Rājballab, (4) the conquest of Calcutta, and (5) conquest of Purnīah. When dispassionately viewed, the particular measures noted above (excepting one, namely the appointment of Mohanlal) do not appear to have been unjustified, though they were impolitic. Ghasiti Begam had no right to take away and appropriate the State treasures held in trust by her late husband, Shahāmat Jang, Alī Vardī’s Diwan, and Sirāju-d-daulah who had lawfully succeeded Alī Vardī was, therefore, justified in recovering them from her. Mīr Jafar had proved unfaithful and treacherous even in the lifetime of Alī Vardī Khān in the struggle with the Mahrattas (See the Seir); and Sirāju-d-daulah was, therefore, not unjustified in suspecting him and dismissing him from the responsible office of generalissimo of the army. Rājballab’s surveillance was a necessary political measure, as this crafty man, the Deputy Diwan or Peshkār of Jahangirnagar or Dacca under the late Shahāmat Jang (Deputy Governor of Dacca) had failed to render his accounts, and as Sirāju-d-daulah had reasons to believe he (Rājballab) had misappropriated a large part of the Public Funds in his charge. And when Rājballab’s son, Kishan Das, fled with the State treasures to Calcutta, the Nawāb was obliged to advance against Calcutta, to recover the State treasures and chastise his rebel subject, Kishan Das, though had Sirāju-d-dualah been less impulsive and more prudent, it is possible he might have effected his object by opening diplomatic correspondence with the English. But it must be remembered the Nawāb was yet quite a boy, and had no good or reliable advisers about him. As for the conquest of Purnīah, it was a necessary political measure in self-defence, as Shaukāt Jang, at Mīr Jafar’s instigation, had publicly avowed his pretensions to the gadi of Bengal. The only unwise measure was the elevation of an obscure Hīndu, named Mohanlal, to the highest civil State office. This measure cansed great disgust to the old nobility, who chafed under the insolence of this upstart.
↩Both the Seir and the Ibrat-i-Arbab-i-Baṣr give his name as Mr. Drake.
↩That Sirāju-d-daulah plundered Calcutta, is also mentioned in the Ibrat-i-Arbab-i-Baṣr, (p. 29), as well as in the Seir (p. 622, Vol. II); but none of these more or less contemporary Musalman accounts make any mention of the ‘Black Hole’ incident, generally associated with Siraju-d-daulah’s conquest of Calcutta.
The Seir states that Mr. Drake, the English Chief in Calcutta, with a small number of English officers fled on a ship, whilst other English resīdents remained behind in Calcutta, and fought to the last, so long as their powder and shot were not exhausted.’ Many of the English fell in this fight, whilst a number of their comrades were captured. In this connection, the Seir also mentions the fact that some English ladies who were captured in this fight were well-treated by a Muhammadan nobleman, Mirza Amīr Beg, who escorted them honourably to Mr. Drake’s ship and received Mr. Drake’s and other English officers’ thanks for his humane and chivalrous conduct. (See Seir, Vol. II, p. 622, Pers. text).
↩The account in the Seir (Pers. text, Vol. II, pp. 624-632), is quite different, and is more reliable, as its author was attached at the time as a Chief Adviser to Shaukāt Jang. It would appear from the Seir that Mīr Jafar, in pursuance of his conspiracy to effect a Revolution, had written a letter to Shaukāt Jang requesting the latter to place himself at the head of the revolutionary party in view of the prospect of succeeding to the Nawabi of Bengal. Shaukāt Jang was a vain fool, and on receipt of Mīr Jafar’s letter he openly talked in Darbar of his wild ambition to extend his empire to Ghazni and Kandahar, and to conquer Bengal. Sirāju-d-daulah hearing of the disloyalty that was brewing in the Purnīah Court, deputed Rai Ras Behary (a son of Rājah Janoki Ram and brother of Dulab Ram) to Purnīah, with a letter to Shaukāt Jang, calling upon the latter to make over the Jagirs of Gondwarah and Birnagar (which pertained to the Bengal Nizamat) to Rai Ras Behary. When this letter was received, the anthor of the Seir (who was then Shaukāt Jang’s principal adviser) being consulted advised Shaukāt Jang to temporise, to treat Rai Ras Behary with outward courtesy, to mobilise troops, and to pass in this wise till the rainy season was over, when it was expected by the author of the Seir (who appears to have been in the confidence of the English) the English would also fight against Sirāju-d-daulah and that then Shaukāt Jang’s turn would come to join the winning party. However that may be, Shaukāt did not adopt the above advice, and sent an insolent reply to Sirāju-d-daulah, adding that he (Shaukāt Jang) had received sanad of the Subādārī of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, that Sirāju-d-daulah had forfeited his head by his disloyalty, but that as an act of grace he would be permitted to settle down quietly in some corner of Jahangirnāgār or Dacca. Sirāju-d-daulah answered the above insolent reply by at once advancing with his army to Manihari, together with his Diwan Mohanlal. Ramnarain from Patna was also ordered to join Sirāju-d-daulah with the Patna army. In this battle which took place between Manihari and Nawabganj, Shaukāt Jang was killed, through his folly in leaving his entrenched position and marching through marshy swamps. Sirāju-d-daulah appointed Mohanlal to the office of Faujdar of Purnīah, and the latter left his son as Deputy Faujdar there.
I have given the above details from the Seir, in order to shew that the war with Shaukāt Jang was not of Sirāju-d-daulah’s seeking, that it formed a part of the conspiracy hatched by Mīr Jafar, in order to bring about a revolution to destroy Sirāju-d-daulah’s authority, and that Sirāju-d-daulah liad no alternative but to fight in self-defence.
↩The Seir (Vol. II, p. 6331, Pers. text), states that after his flight, Mr. Drake, the Chief of the English factory in Calcutta, together with a number of other English officers, proceeded to Madras, in Arcot Province of the Dakhin. Then Clive had just retired after fighting against the French on behalf of Salabāt Jang (son of the late Asīf Jah), Nazim of the Dakhin, who had bestowed on him many favours and also the title of Ṣabat Jang. Then Mr. Drake, with other Englishmen, who had fled from Calcutta held a conference with the Englishmen in Madras factory, and it was decided that Clive, together with the English refugees from Bengal, “should proceed to Calcutta and by every means that they thought desirable, should try to renew the foundation of the Factory in Calcutta. If by negociations and by payment of money this object could be attained, well and good; if not, force might be resorted to. Then Clive, together with other Englishmen, embarked on a ship from Madras, and reached at the mouth of the river Hūglī. As the English Chiefs were very wise, brave, well-informed, and experienced, they made overtures of peace to Sirāju-d-daulah, begged that Mr. Drake’s offence might be pardoned by the Nawab, and offered to pay the Nawab several laks of rupees, in case the latter granted them permission to re-build their Factory as before in Calcutta. Sirāju-d-daulah who was very foolish, and whose courtiers were still more foolish, was unaware of the bravery and wisdom of the English race; so that no one from fear of incurring the Nawab’s displeasure, communicated to the Nawab the English message containing overtures of peace. Matters being thus delayed, and being in the meantime apprised of the discontent amongst the Bengal nobles, Clive resolved to fight, and fought against Manikchand, Nawab’s Governor of Calcutta, who fled.”
↩Besides Mīr Jafar who was the soul of this conspiracy, some other prominent persons, like Dulab Ram (son of Janoki Ram) Jagat Set and Ghasiti Begam (widow of Nawazish Muḥammad Khān, son-in-law of Alī Vardī Khān), were active colleagues of Mīr Jafar in this conspiracy. Ghasiti Begam helped Mīr Jafar with the State treasures that she had secreted. One may understand the resentment of Mīr Jafar (who had been disgraced and dismissed from the office of generalissimo) and of Ghasiti Begam (who had been obliged to disgorge a portion of the State treasures that she had hidden), but the disloyal conduct of Dulab Ram. Jagat Set, Ram Narain, Rajabllab and other Hindus seems to be a riddle, in view of the fact that in the distribution of State Patronage, Sirāju-d-daulah had adopted an extremely pro-Hindu policy, and that it, was Sirāju-d-daulah’s elevation of an obscure Hindu, named Mohanlal, to the highest civil State office that to a great extent alienated from the Nawab the sympathies of his Musalman adherents, who would have perhaps other wise stood by him in this crisis. (See Ibrat-i-Arbab-i-Baṣr, p. 26.)
↩This Amīr Beg is mentioned in the Seir as having conducted some English ladies honourably to Mr. Drake’s ship, after Sirājn-d-daulah’s capture of Calcutta. Amīr Beg, in consequence, enjoyed the confidence of the English. See note ante. On Mons. Las’s departure, Mīr Jafar worked more vigorously in pursuance of his conspiracy, and induced the English to give Mīr Jafar their support, and to fight on his side. To instigate the English to join his conspiracy, Mīr Jafar sent to Calcutta to Clive his agent, Mirza Amīr Beg. Mīr Jafar also sent to Clive through the above Mirza a Manifesto, purporting to bear the seals of some noblemen and officers of Bengal, recounting their grievances, real or fancied, against Sirāju-d-daulah, and inviting the English to deliver them from the Nawab Jaget Set instruoted his Calcutta Agent, Amin (known popularly as Omichand), to work in the same direction, whilst Dulab Ram also instructed his agent to influence the English in the same direction. Mīr Jafar wrote to Clive that the latter had only to make a move with his English troops, when all the fighting would be done by Mīr Jafar and his fellow-conspirators, whilst three crores of rupees would be presented to Clive for this service. Clive yielded to Mīr Jafar’s importunities and advanced towards Palāsī (Plassey). (See Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Vol. II, p. 637). In regard to these events, Tarikh-i-Mansuri may also be referred to. Professor Blochmann gives some notes from the Tarikh-i-Mansuri in Journal of the Asiatic Society, Part I, No. II, of 1867. These notes mention that “Chandernagore fell into the hands of Clive and Watson through the treachery of a French officer, named Tarraneau, who harboured a grudge against the French Governor of Chanderuagore, named M. Renault (p. 88, J.A.S. referred to above) and that after the fall of Chandernagore, Mons. Las, a French officer, became an attendant at the Court of the Nawab Sirāju-d-daulah, for whom he fitted out a detachment by the name of Telinga. To this the English objected, saying that according to the recent treaty of peace, the friends and enemies of the English were to be regarded as friends and enemies of the Nawab, and the friends and enemies of the Nawab were to be regarded as friends and enemies of the English. After some correspondence, the Nawab sent away from Murshidābād Mons. Las to humour Clive. At this time (1757), Clive built the present Fort William and a Mint in Calcutta, without waiting for permission of the Nawab. A few letters written by Sirāju-d-daulah to M. Bussy, in the Dakhin, had been intercepted by the English, and Sirāju-d-daulah was accused of breach of faith. The wrath of the Nawab at the crooked dealings and slow but steady advance of these foreigners inoreased daily. Mr. Watts, the English Resident at Murshidābād, was threatened. The Nawab went so far as to tear up a letter which Col. Clive had written to him. Soon after, however, from fear of his false courtiers and want of confidence in his own army, he tried to pacify Mr. Watts by a Khilat, and wrote an excuse to Clive. But Clive had already flung himself into the conspiracy headed by Mīr Jafar, to dethrone Sirāju-d-daulah. According to the Tarikh-i-Mansuri, the conspiracy was planned by Mīr Muḥammad Jafar, Aminchand Raura (generally called Omichand) and Khwajah Vizier, but according to the Seiru-l-Mutakherin, by Mīr Muḥammad Jafar, Rajah Dulab Ram and Jagat Set, who had each their agents in Calcutta. (See quotation from Seir given by me already in this note). Clive treated with the conspirators through Mr. Watts. The author then gives a description of Clive’s double dealings with Aminchand (Omichand) as given in all histories of Bengal.”
“Early in June 1757, Clive left Calcutta, reached on the 17th the small town of Katwah, south of Plassey, and took possession of the fort of that place.
On the 21st June, 4 P.M., Clive left Katwah, crossed the Hugli, and pitched his tents on the morning of the 23rd, in the fields of Plassey. The Nawab’s army was now in sight. A cannonade commenced. The English attacked the tents of Sirāju-d-daulah, but were vigorously opposed by Mīr Madan (called Moodum Khān in Thornton, Vol. I, p. 240), one of the Nawab’s faithful amirs. About 12 o’clook Mīr Madan was struck by a cannon-ball and carried to Sirāju-d-daulah’s tent, where he died. The fighting was, however, continued, Mohanlal having taken Mīr Madan’s place. But nothing decisive was done. Afraid of a conspiracy Sirāju-d-daulah sent for Mīr Jafar, who had taken no part in the fight. After most earnest solicitations on the part of the Nawab, Mīr Jafar promised to fight the next day, on condition that Mohanlal should be at once ordered to withdraw from the fight. Sirāju-d-daulah agreed, and Mohanlal returned to his tents. But no sooner did the troops see their General had left the field than they became hopeless and began to flee. Before evening, the army of the Nawab had dispersed. This is the battle in which India was lost for Islam.” See Blochmann’s notes from the Tarikh-i-Mansuri referred to above.
The Seiru-l-Mutakherin’s explanation regarding (p. 637, Vol. II), Clive’s breach of the treaty with Sirāju-d-daulah is apologetic in tone. The Seir states that the English had joined Mīr Jafar’s conspiracy, but as this wise race do not, without some substantial reason, engage in hostilities, or break treaties, they must have entered into some correspondence with the Nawab, and advanced some good reason (of which the author was not aware) for breaking the treaty of peace. Possibly the reason was found in the delay in the payment of the Nawab’s indemnity on account of the losses sustained by the English during the capture of Calcutta by Sirāju-d-daulah.
I will now summarise the description of the battle of Plassey from the Seiru-l-Mutakherin (Vol. II, p. 638). On hearing of Clive’s movement, Sirāju-d-daulah tried to conciliate his disaffected officers, who outwardly professed loyalty to him, but inwardly plotted his ruin. Sirāju-d-daulah sent Rajah Dulab Ram (the traitor) ahead to Plassey, to supervise the construction of redoubts and entrenchments, and shortly after moved up there himself, with his faithful officers, Mīr Madan and Mohanlal and with the traitor, Mīr Jafar. Clive also moved to Plassey with a small number of English Telengi troops, numbering about 2,000 in all. Clive commenced the battle with a brisk cannonade, whilst Mīr Jafar stood by at a distance and watched the game. Mīr Madan fought bravely till about 3 P.M., and steadily advanced with Mohanlal close to Clive’s position. Seeing Mīr Madan’s gallantry, Clive, it is said, was dispirited and reproached Omichand for having falsely assured him that everyone was disaffected against the Nawab, and that no one would fight for the latter. As luck would however have it, at this time Mīr Madan was hit by a cannon-ball and was removed to Sirāju-d-daulah’s tent, where he died. Sirāju-d-daulah now becoming anxious sent for Mīr Jafar, beseeched the latter to fight on his behalf, and even placed his turban before the latter, and addressed this arch-traitor as follows: “I now repent of my deeds, and in the name of relationship that you bear to me, and in the name of the bounties that you received from my grandfather, Mahābat Jang, I entreat you to defend my life and honour.” The pathetic appeal did not move the heart of this arch-traitor who still harboured his treacherous designs under the mask of friend, ship and who returned the following false answer: “To-day is at its close, and the time for further fighting to-day is over. To-day, order the battle to cease; to-morrow I will fight for you with the whole army.” Sirāju-d-daulah fell into Mīr Jafar’s trap, and sent a message to his Diwan, Mohanlal, who was continuing the fight after Mīr Madan’s fall, to return. Mohanlal said there was no time to return now, as he was in the thick of the fight, which would finally decide the fate. Sirāju-d-daulah consulted Mīr Jafar, who cunningly repeated his former treacherous advice, and in consequence Mohanlal was summoned back. Mohanlal’s return had a disastrous effect on Sirāju-d-daulah’s army, who dispersed in all directions. Sirāju-d-daulah then returned swiftly to Murshidābād, halted for some time at Mansurganj, but found he was surrounded on all sides by false courtiers and traitors. So he left with his Begams and gold for Bhagwangolah, whence on boats he sailed for Azimabad sending at the same time a letter to Mons. Las to join him. Before Las’s arrival, Sirāju-d-daulah was on his way to Patna. Owing to his Begams and children having had no food for some days, Sirāju-d-daulah, whom misfortune was dogging, landed at Rājmahal, went to the house of a fakeer named Dana Shah, who undertook ostensibly to prepare Khichri for him, but who inwardly harboured resentment against the Nawab, owing to previous ill-treatment. This fakeer promptly sent news of Sirāju-d-daulah’s arrival to Mīr Dāūd (brother of Mīr Jafar), who was at Rājmahal. Mīr Dāūd and Mīr Qasim Khān (son-in-law of Mīr Jafar), came and captured Sirāju-d-daulah, carried him to Murshidābād where he was murdered by Mīr Jafar and his son Mīran. Sirāju-d-daulah’s corpse was placed on an elephant and paraded. The Seir winds up its account of this tragic murder of Sirāju-d-daulah with the following pathetic lines:—
I have already quoted the moral which the author of the Ibrat-i-Arbab-i-Baṣr draws from this tragic event. See n. ante.
This account compiled from Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Riyazu-s-Salatin, Ibrat-i-Arbab-i-Baṣr, and Professor Blochmann’s notes from Tarikh-i-Mansuri may profitably be compared with the accounts in Orme’s History of the Military Transactions of the English, Mill’s British India, and Thornton’s British India (as suggested by Professor Blochmann in J.A.S., Part I, No. 2, 1867, p. 86).
↩I am not sure if this word is correctly printed in the Pers. text.
↩In Seir, Dāna Shāh.
↩I have noticed in a previous note the principal measures of Sirāju-d-daulah’s administration.
The Ibrat-i-Arbab-i-Baṣr (p. 26) characterises Sirāju-d-daulah as ‘lighthearted, unsparing, self-willed, petulant, short-tempered and sharp-tongued.’ The Seiru-l-Mutakherin (vol. II, p. 621) states in condemnation of Sirāju-d-daulah that Sirāju-d-daulah’s ‘harsh and uncouth utterances, his derision and jesting in respect of the officers of his Government caused resentment in their hearts.’ If this be what constituted the head and front of his offending,— if this be what exhausts the catalogue of his sins, then one has to materially modify the generally current view of Sirāju-d-daulah.
The explanation accounting for the tragic fate of Sirāju-d-daulah is, however, attempted by the author of the Ibrat-i-Arbab-i-Baṣr (p. 32). This author states, in effect, that Sirāju-d-daulah was a victim of intrigues and misfortunes left as a legacy by his grandfather, Alī Vardī Khān, who had inaugurated in Bengal an era of violent intrigues and dark treachery, by killing his own master, Nawab Sarfarāz Khān (son of Alī Vardī’s benefactor, Nawab Shujau-d-dīn Khān), and who was, therefore, now punished by an Avenging Providence in the person of his grandson Sirāju-d-daulah, whom Alī Vardī had regarded as dearer than his own life. That Sirāju-d-daulah did not bring on the misfortunes on himself by his own incapacity, is proved by what the Seiru-l-Mutakherin (Vol. II, p. 633), states, namely, that ‘Sirāju-d-daulah had attained the zenith of power and opulence, and that, therefore, a declension was inevitable according to the laws of nature.’
This Revolution in the history of Bengal which in effect supplanted Moslem Rule and made the English virtually supreme in this couutry, may also be viewed in another aspect as a wise Dispensation of Providence for the ultimate good of the people. At the time, it is abundantly clear, the people in Bengal were sunk in the abyss of moral debasement, and the cankers of dark ingratitude and treachery, untruthfulness and venality had crept deep into the vitals of their hearts. In the pursuit of the phantoms of individual self-aggrandisement and of personal ambitions, they had taken advantage of the youthful failings of their sovereign and of the internecine jealousies that distracted his family, forgotten and forsaken all sentiments of gratitude and honour, and yielded to their instinct of intrigue by fraternising with the Nawab’s disloyal relation, Mīr Jafar. These, therefore, verily needed a Chastener— a Moses— to save them from further moral dissolution; and so Providence in His inscrutable wisdom sent to them One from across the seas in the person of the English, to scourge the vices of the land, to chasten the people, to purify and re-form them, and to once more, if possible, to rescue them from the sea of moral annihilation.
↩See the account in the Seir (Vol. II, p. 640). After the battle of Plassey, Mīr Jafar and Clive had a conference on the battlefield, and they together entered Murshidābad. Mīr Jafar occupied the palace of Manṣurganj, which was the residence of Sirāju-d-daulah, and then visited the Nizamat Treasury, in order to distribute the treasures between himself, Dulab Ram, and Clive, as had been agreed to mutually. Dulab Ram now became Mīr Jafar’s most influential colleague in the administration. Their friendship, however, did not last long, and shortly after Dulab Ram contemplated placing Sirāju-d-daulah’s brother, Mīrzā Mahdi, on the masnad. See Seir, Vol. II, Pers. text, p. 644).
↩See Seir (Vol. II, p. 645), for an account of Khadem Husain Khān. Khadem Husain Khān’s father, Syed Khadem Alī Khān, was husband of Mīr Jafar’s sister, but Khadem Husain was not from this sister, but born of another wife of Khadem. Khadem Husain was a boon companion of Mīr Jafar, who was fond of pleasures and carousals (p. 645, Vol. II, Seir).
↩Mīr Jafar was quite incompetent for the office of Ṣubadar of Bengal. As soon as he ascended the masnad of the Nīzamat, he flung himself into pleasures, neglected State affairs, and left them in the hands of his son, Miran, and others. Jahangir Nagar or Dacca fell into the hands of Rājballab, Diwan of Miran; this Rājballab in the time of the late Shahamat Jang was peshkar of Shahamat Jang’s Diwan, Husain Quli Khān. Bardwān and some other districts were ceded to the English, in lieu of cash payment of a part of the Bengal revenue. Hugli was assigned to Mīr Beg Khān, who had rendered good services to the English. Rajāh Rāmnarāin became supreme administrator of Bihār, whilst Purniah was bestowed on Khadem Husain Khān. (See Seir, Vol. II, p. 651). It is stated in the Seir that shortly after Mīr Jafar’s accession, people got tired of him and his son Miran, and sighed back for the old days of Sirāju-d-daulah, whom they regarded now as better in all respects than Mīr Jafar (Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Vol. II, p. 656).
↩A detailed account of this will be found in the Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Vol. II, p. 656. It appears that many of the noblemen in Bihār and Bengal soon got into thorough disgust with Mīr Jafar and his son, Miran, and opened correspondence with Muḥammad Quli Khān, Ṣubadar of Allahabad (a cousin of Shujau-d-daulah, and a nephew of Safdar Jang). Muḥammad Quli Khān took counsel with his cousin, Shujau-d-daulah, Ṣubadar of Oudh, who inwardly harboured ill-feeling towards his cousin and aimed at his ruin, gave him false advice, and encourged him to invade Bihār and to carry with him Prince Alī Gauhar, surnamed Shāh Ālam (who was heir of Emperor Alamgir II). Alī Gauhar was harassed at this time by Imadu-l-Mulk, and was staying with Najibu-d-daulah Najib Khān Afghan at Miranpur, Ghaturah. At first Rāmnarāin, Deputy-Governor of Bihār, took counsel with Mr. Amytt, the Chief of the English Factory at Patna, enquired what course of action he should adopt, and suggested that the English should help him in opposing Prince Alī Gauhar’s invasion. Mr. Amytt said he could give no decisive answer. Finding that no help was coming from the Nazim of Bengal, Mīr Jafar, nor from the English, Rāmnarāin became anxious, opened political courtesies with Prince Gauhar and Muḥammad Quli Khān, waited on them in Darbar, and professed allegiance to the Prince. Both the Prince and Muḥammad Quli Khān being thus re-assured, let Rāmnarāin return to the fort of Azimābād. Shortly after, on getting news of the approach of Miran and the English, Rāmnarāin threw off his mask of loyalty to the Prince and Muḥammad Quli Khān. The latter pressed the siege of Patna, assaulted the Fort, and Rāmnarāin being hardpressed was about to surrender and run away. Then news arriving that Shujau-d-daulah by a foul trick had made himself master of the Fort of Allahabad, which was held by his cousin Muḥammad Quli Khān, the latter together with Prince Alī Gauhar abandoned the siege of Patna, and withdrew towards Allahabād. (See p. 669, Seir, Vol. II). At this time, Mons. Las met the Prince, persuaded the latter to attack again Patna, but the latter acknowledged his inability to do so, owing to want of funds. If, at this time, Shujau-d-daulah, instead of being meanly treacherous to his cousin, had supported him, the fate of Bihar might have been different. See Mons. Las’s observations on the point quoted in the Seir (Vol. II, p. 670). At Benares, Muḥammad Quli Khān’s march was opposed under orders of Shujau-d-daulah, whilst Prince Alī Gauhar with Mons. Las was allowed to pass on viâ Mirzapur to Chattarpur towards Bundelkund. Muḥammad Quli Khān was carried to Shujau-d-daulah who had the meanness to imprison him. In the meantime, Miran with Col. Clive came to Patna, and Rāmnarāin waited on them, whilst apparently amicable relations were opened between them and Prince Alī Gauhar, through the diplomatic correspondence of Ghulam Husain Khān, author of the Seir. (See Seir, Vol. II, p. 674).
Shortly after, on the invitation of Diler Khān and Kamgar Khān, Zamindar of Tirhut Samai, Prince Alī Gauhar again invaded Patna. At this time, the English army under Captain Cockrane supported Rāmnarāin. Mr. Amytt was still the Chief of the English Factory at Patna, whilst Dr. Fullerton was attached to the Factory as the medical officer. The author of the Seir (Ghulam Husain Khān) was a friend of Dr. Fullerton, and was the latter’s guest at the time. (See Seir, Vol. II, p. 676). At this time Emperor Alamgir II was treacherously murdered under orders of Imadu-l-Mulk (See Seir, Vol. II, p. 676), and Alī Gauhar consulted Ghulam Husam Khān’s father, who resided at the time in Husainabad in Bihār Province and proclaimed himself Emperor under the title of Shāh Alam in 1173, A.H., appointed Shujau-d-daulah as his Vizier, and Najibu-d-daulah as his General. Then Kamgar Khān Muin and Aṣalat Khān and Diler Khān met the Emperor, and induced the latter to invade Bihār. At this time, Rāmnarāin was encamped on the banks of the river Dhanah. At this battle, Shāh Alam defeated Rāmnarāin, who was wounded. The English army who supported Rāmnarāin and were led by Captain Cockrane and Mr. Barwal, were also defeated and dispersed; and Patna fell into the hands of the Emperor. (See Seir, Vol. II, p. 678). At this battle, Diler Khān and Aṣalat Khān, sons of Umar Khān, fought and fell heroically on the side of the Emperor. Shortly after, Miran, with the English troops under Colonel Clive arrived. On the side of the Emperor, Kamgar Khān, Qadirdad Khān, Ghulam Shāh were the Generals. Qadirdad Khān made a bold movement to the rear of Miran, heroically fought, killed Muḥammad Amīn Khān (maternal uncle of Miran), wounded Miran, and worked havoc in Miran’s army. Miran fled. Then the English opened a brisk cannonade, and one cannon-ball hit Qadirdad Khān who was killed. Then the tide of victory turned in favour of Miran, whilst Kamgar Khān, with the Emperor, proceeded towards Bihār. (Seir, Vol. II, p. 680). Now Kamgar Khān, with the Emperor, contemplated surprising Murshidabad, and proceeded to Bardwān. Mīr Jafar, with the English army and his own troops, proceeded to Bardwān. Kamgar Khān with the Emperor now turned back towards Azimabad, while Mons. Las also arrived. (Seir, Vol. II, p. 680). At this time Khadim Hasain Khān and Dulab Ram (who had got sick of his old fellow-conspirator, Mīr Jafar) sent help secretly to the Emperor. The Emperor and Kamgar Khān with Mons. Las and Zainu-d-dīn Khān now assaulted the fort of Patna. The assaults were vigorously repeated, and the fort was about to fall, when a company of English troops under Captain Knox brought timely reinforcement, and raised the siege. The Emperor with Kamgar Khān now went some distance from Patna, and was busy collecting revenue. In the meantime, Khadim Husain, who bore an old grudge to Miran, moved to Hajipur with a large number of troops to attack Patna, but was defeated by Captain Knox who was supported by Shitab Rai (Seir, Vol. II, p. 685). Shortly after Miran, with Colonel Clive and another English army, arrived, and pursued Khadim Husain Khān, who felt himself too weak to oppose their united forces, and retired towards Bitiah, where of a night Miran was killed by lightning, whilst sleeping in his tent. (See Seir, Vol. II, p. 688).
↩In the printed Persian text ‘Jakai,’ which would apparently seem to be a misreading or misprint for Chakai, in Monghyr district, which would be on the line of route.
↩‘Khanti’ or Contai is in Midnapur district. I think this must be a misprint or misreading in the Pers. printed text, as Khanti does not appear to lie on the line of route from Bihār to Bardwān; probably Kandi is meant.
↩That is to say, Damudar river.
↩In Seiru-l-Mutakherin, ‘Amanah Begam.’
↩To the credit of Jasārat Khān, Faujdar of Dacca or Jahāngīrnagar, it is related in the Seir that he had declined to be a party to such a diabolical murder, and had offered to resign his post. It appears from the Seir Mīr Jafar subsequently hoaxed Jasārat Khān, and induced the latter to make over to Bāqir Khān the two Begams, on the plea that they would be safely lodged at Murshidābād, now that Miran had left that place for Bihār.
↩That Mīr Jafar and his son, Miran, were despicable tyrants, is sufficiently attested by this diabolical murder. There is nothing to match such inhuman barbarity in the record of the much-abused Sirāju-d-daulah. See Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Vol. II, p. 689. It appears Aminah Begam, before plunging into the river, prayed to God that Miran might meet with retribution and be killed by lightning for his barbarous inhumanity in causing her and her sister’s death. It is further stated in the Seir that Miran was killed by lightning in his tent the same night that Ghasitī Begam and Aminah Begam (daughters of Alī Vardī Khān Mahābat Jang, and wives of Shahamat Jang and Haibat Jang respectively) met with a watery grave in the river below Dacca.
↩This was the river Gandak, as would appear from the description in the Seir.
↩Rājballab, a native of Dacca, was Peshkar of Husain Quli Khān, whilst the latter was Dīwān of Shahamat Jang in Dacca. After Husain Quli Khān’s death, Rājballab rose to be Dīwān of Shahamat Jang. He was continued in the same office under Miran.
↩This was Mons. Las, as would appear from the Seir.
↩Mīr Qāsim was a son-in-law of Mīr Jafar, who had conferred on the former the Faujdari of Purniah in addition to that of Rangpur. Mīr Qāsim went on some State business to Calcutta, and there made an impression on Mr. Vansittart, who had now succeeded Clive as Governor of Calcutta. At this time, the pay of the army being in arrear, the latter besieged Mīr Jafar in his palace. With the help of the English Council in Calcutta, Mīr Qāsim now became Nazim of Bengal, Bīhār, and Orissa, in supercession of Mīr Jafar, who had proved himself an incapable ruler. (See Seir, Vol. II, p. 695). Mīr Qāsim owed his installation chiefly to Mr. Vansittart, the Governor of Calcutta, and his colleague in the Council, Mr. Hastings, both of whom went for the purpose to Murshidābād. Mīr Jafar came to Calcutta and remained there under surveillance.
↩In the Seir, it is stated Mīr Qāsim was a son of Syed Murtaza, who was a son of Imtīaz Khān, surnamed Khaliṣ.
↩Mīr Jafar proved himself thoroughly incapable. In whatever light his character is viewed, he appears to have been much worse than the much-abused Sirāju-d-daulah. Though much older than the latter, Mīr Jafar was unquestionably inferior to the latter in qualities both of head and heart, As a general or an administrator, Sirāju-d-daulah was superior to him, whilst as a man, Sirāju-d-daulah was much better than Mīr Jafar or his infamous son, Miran. The Seir states that shortly after the Revolution, even Mīr Jafar’s old adherents sighed back for the days of Sirāju-d-daulah. Mīr Jafar was even incapable of retaining the friendships or attachments of his fellow-conspirators, Dulab Ram and Jagat Set. After ascending the masnad of Nizamat, Mīr Jafar gave himself up to pleasures and debaucheries, though he was an elderly man, and neglected State affairs which fell into confusion. Mr. Vansittart and Mr. Hastings contemplated at first that Mīr Jafar should be allowed to retain his titles and privileges as the Nazim of Bengal, whilst Mīr Qāsim should act as Administrator-General or Regent on his behalf. In this arrangement, Mīr Jafar refused to acquiesce, and so he was brought down a prisoner to Calcutta, whilst Mīr Qāsim was proclaimed Nawāb Nazim of Bengal, Bīhār, and Orissa. (See Seir, Vol. II, p. 695.)
↩Rājballab was at this time in Patna in charge of Miran’s army, as Miran had been killed by lightning.
↩From the Seir, Vol. II, Pers. text, p. 711, it appears that Mīr Qāsim went to Monghyr and resided there in 1175 A.H., after having finished his expeditions to Tirhut, Shahābad, and Azimābād, and after having left Rājah Naubat Rai as Deputy Ṣubadar of Patna, in place of Rāmnarāin and Rājballab who were imprisoned. (See Seir, Vol. II, p. 711). Two days every week, the Nawāb dispensed justice, attended personally to every State affair, and listened patiently to the complaints and grievances of everyone, however humble his position, and did not permit corruption or bribery to thwart the course of justice. He paid assiduous attention to the happiness of his people and to the comfort of his army, which he placed in a highly efficient state. He was, however, a terror to enemies and wrong-doers, and his vigorous personality pervaded all affairs of the State. Friends and foes alike respected him, and even the English regarded him as a real power in the land, and not as a shadow like Mīr Jafar. He respected learning and the learned, and appreciated the company of scholars, savants, and saints. The one fatal mistake that he made was that he trusted implicitly the Armenian cut-throat, Gurgan Khān, who was the generalissimo of his Army and who was secretly bent on ruining him, and this one fatal mistake which embroiled him in a quarrel with the English subsequently proved disastrous to his power. See Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Vol. II, p. 712.
↩It appears the English General, Major Carnac, concluded a truce with the Emperor, established amicable relations with him, and induced the latter to come to Patna. At this time, the moves of the pawns on the political chess-board of India were quick and strange and inconsistent. Everyone was after his game of self-interest, regardless of traditions and of sentiments. (See Seir, Vol. II, pp. 700, 703-704). At this time Ahmad Shah Abdali had again invaded India, defeated the Mahrattas, and instructed Shujau-d-daulah, Najibu-d-daulah and other Afghans to show allegiance to Emperor Shāh Alam who was his brother-in-law. (See Seir, Vol. II, p 706).
↩There does not appear to be any authority for this statement. It would appear that agreeably to the instruction left by Ahmad Shāh Abdali who had inflicted a crushing defeat on the Mahrattas, Shujau-d-daulah, Ṣubadar of Oudh, had come at the time to the borders of Oudh, to receive the Emperor Shāh Alam and to escort him to Delhi, to instal him on his ancestral throne. See Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Vol. II, pp. 705-706.
↩Important administrative changes transpired at this time. Nawāb Mīr Qāsim called for accounts from Rāmnarāin, who was Deputy Ṣubadar of Behar. Finding that Rāmuarāin had been guilty of malversation in respect of large amounts of the public revenues, the Nawāb dismissed him from office and threw him into prison, at the same time confiscating all his treasures. Shitab Rai, who was Rāmnarāin’s colleague, was also suspected, and dismissed by the Nawāb, who took into his own hands the direct administration of Behar, retaining, however, Rājballab as his Deputy there. See Seir, Vol. II, p. 707. Subsequently Rājballab was thrown into prison, his office being given to Rājah Naubat Rai, who was replaced shortly after by Mīr Mehdi Khān. Gurgan Khān, an Armenian, was placed at the head of the Artillery, and the Nawāb placed implicit confidence in him. But as later events would shew, this Armenian proved a traitor. The Nawāb employed a large number of spies, and thus kept himself well informed of everything that transpired. He also appointed Mīr Mehdi Khān as Faujdar of Tirhut, and Muḥammad Taqi Khān as Faujdar of Birbhum.
↩This was the beginning and ostensible cause of the rupture between Nawāb Qāsim Alī and the English. The Seir (Vol. II, p. 715), details these important events. In 1176 A.H., Mr. Henry Vansittart, then acting as Governor of the English East India Company in Calcutta, visited the Nawāb at Monghyr, and held a conference with him on various matters. The Nawāb then told Mr. Vansittart that much trade passed through the country duty-free, as it was given out that it was on behalf of the English, that in consequence the State suffered a heavy loss, and that it was proper that duty should be levied on all such goods, except those particularly belonging to the English East India Company. Mr. Vansittart informed the Nawāb not to do anything in the matter in haste, but to wait till his return to Calcutta, when proper orders on the subject would be passed by him and communicated to the Nawáb. The Nawāb on the strength of this felt sanguine that his request would be complied with, and in the meantime wrote to his Collectors (Amils), directing them to be vigilant in regard to permitting goods to pass duty-free, and adding that full orders would be communicated to them hereafter. These Amils in some cases exceeded their authority by stopping goods, with the result that several of them were imprisoned by Mr. Ellison, of the Patna Factory, and by Mr. Batteson, of the Dacca Factory, and sent to Calcutta. The Nawāb, on hearing this, directed reprisals, and ordered the arrest of the gomashtas of the English, and remitted duties on all goods, explaining that when the goods of richer traders were to be exempt from duties, it would be inequitable to levy duties on goods of poorer traders who contributed only a fraction to the State revenue. The Council in Calcutta sent Mr. Amytt as their envoy to the Nawāb to Monghyr to settle matters (p. 720, Seir, Vol. II). Mr. Vansittart also sent a friendly letter to the Nawāb requesting the latter to concede the demand of the Council. The Nawāb consulted his general, the Armenian Gurgan Khān, who advised the Nawāb not to listen to Mr. Vansittart’s advice (p. 760, Seir, Vol. II). In the meantime, Gurgan Khān had caused the flower of the Nawāb’s Army to perish in a fruitless expedition for the conquest of Nepal (p. 717, Vol. II, Seir.) The Nawāb now solicited aid from Nawāb Vizier Shujau-d-daulah and the Emperor, in order to repel the encroachments of the English (p. 718, Seir, Vol. II). The Nawāb also wrote to his capable and loyal Faujdar of Birbhum, Muḥammad Taqi Khān, to send Jagat Set Mahtab Rai and his brother, Maharaja Surupchand, grandsons of Jagat Set Fatehchand, from Murshidābād to Monghyr under proper escort, and Muḥammad Taqi Khān accordingly sent them to Monghyr, where they were ordered to reside under surveillance (p. 721, Seir, Vol. II). On hearing that Mr. Amytt was coming to Monghyr, the Nawāb sent Mīr Abdullah and Ghulam Husain Khān (author of the Seir), who were intimate with Mr. Amytt, to go and receive him, and to enquire into the object of his mission. (See Seir, Vol. II, p. 712). Mr. Amytt’s mission proved a failure (See Seir, Vol. II, p. 742).
↩The Riyaz’s account is not quite accurate. What actually happened is detailed in the Seir, the author of which was an actor in these scenes. (See Seir, Vol. II, p. 725). It appears that before the Council in Calcutta had decided anything, on Mr. Amytt’s return, Mr. Amytt on his own responsibility had written from Monghyr to Mr. Ellison, Chief of the Patna Factory, to prepare for war, and the latter, without waiting for any declaration of war by the Council, quietly concentrated all the available English regiments in his Factory, and suddenly attacked the Fort at Patna. The Nawāb’s garrison who were quite unprepared for such an attack, were surprised, and the Fort fell partially into the hands of the English, whose troops plundered the houses in the Fort. (See Seir, Vol. II, p. 726). From Monghyr, reinforcements were hurried up by the Nawāb, and with these reinforcements Mīr Mehdi Khān, Nawāb’s Deputy Ṣubadar of Patna, vigorously assaulted the Fort, recaptured it, also captured the English Factory, when Mr. Ellison with Dr. Fullerton and other Englishmen and their troops fled to Chapra and thence to the Sarju, when they were taken prisoners by the Bengalee Ram Nidhi, Faujdar of Saran, and Sumroo the Frenchman, and brought to Monghyr, where they were thrown into prison. It was then (See Seir, Vol. II, p. 727), that the Nawāb sent despatches to all his Faujdars and generals, apprising them of the outbreak of hostilities between him and the English, and directing them to put to the sword the English, wherever found. Mr. Amytt was killed at Murshidābād, in pursuance of the above order (See Seir, Vol. II, p. 727). The Riyaz’s statement that the Nawāb fixed a ‘particular day’ for the massacre of the English, or that he instructed his officers to kill Englishmen by treachery— does not accord with the Seir’s version, which is more authentic and reliable.
↩It is not clear to which battle the Rīyaz refers here. As would appear from the note ante, the first battle in which the Nawāb’s army triumphed was fought, in order to re-capture the Fort of Patna after the English had suddenly surprised it. It does not appear from the Seir’s account that on this victory, the Nawāb slew “all the Englishmen,” but what he did was that he apprised his officers of the outbreak of hostilities between him and the English, and directed the former to put the English to the sword wherever found. (See Seir, Vol. II, p. 727). In pursuance of the above general order, Mr. Amytt was put to the sword at Murshidābād, and the Qasimbazar factory was looted. (See Seir, Vol. II, pp. 727-728). Then the English Council assembled in Calcutta, and decided on war against the Nawāb, and also proclaimed Mīr Jafar (who was in surveillance in Calcutta) as the Nawāb Nazim of Bengal (See Seir, Vol. II, pp. 768-769). In the meantime, the Nawāb had directed his Faujdar of Birbhum (Muḥammad Taqi Khān) to prepare for fighting with the English, and had sent his officers, Jafar Khān, Alam Khān and Shaikh Haibatu-l-lah with others to re-inforce Muḥammad Taqi Khān. The above three officers proceeded to Murshidabad, took ammunitions and armaments from Syed Muḥammad Khān, who was Deputy Nazim of Murshidabad at the time, and encamped at Plassey and Katwah, whilst Muḥammad Taqi Khān, with his army, proceeded from Birbhum to Katwah. (See Seir, Vol. II, p. 728).
↩The only real victory that Mīr Qāsim appears to have achieved over the English, was in his re-capture of the Fort of Patna. The Riyaz’s account of these events is neither so detailed nor so lucid as that of the Seiru-l-Mutakherin, whose author Ghulam Husain Khān was an actor in, or actual spectator of, most of these scenes. From the Seir, it appears that after the re-capture of Patna, the next battle between the English and the Nawāb’s troops was fought at Katwah. The Nawāb’s Faujdar of Birbhum, Muḥammad Taqi Khān, fought at this battle most gallantly, but his gallantry was of no avail, as Syed Muḥammad Khān, Deputy Nazim of Murshidābād, failed, owing to jealousy that he bore, to support him, and prevented Jafar Khān, Alam Khān, and Shaikh Haibatu-l-lah also from re-inforcing him. (See Seir, Vol. II, pp. 729 to 731). After this, the English with Mīr Jafar entered Murshidābād (Seir, Vol. II, p. 731). The news of the fall of his brave officer, Muḥammad Taqi Khān, disconcerted the Nawāb, who hurried up re-inforcements under Sumroo, Malkar Armenian, and Asadullah, and directed them to concentrate at Suti with the vanquished troops of Katwah. Major Adams commanded the English army. At the battle of Suti, the Nawāb’s troops were defeated, and the English won the victory (See Seir, Vol. II, pp. 732-733).
On hearing of the defeat at Suti, the Nawāb sent his Begams and children to the fort of Rohtas, whilst he himself set out with his general, the Armenian Gurgin Khān, to re-inforce his army that was now concentrated on the banks of the Adhua nalla, a stream taking its rise from the hills north of Rajmahal and flowing to the Ganges. This position was considered to be of strategic importance and impregnable, as it was accessible by only one secret passage. (See Seir, Vol. II, p. 734). On 24th Muharram in 1177 A.H., in the night, the Nawāb marched out from the Monghyr Fort. Suspecting treachery from his officers as well as from his prisoners, and his suspicion being fanned by the Armenian Gurgin Khān, the Nawāb before leaving Monghyr killed his prisoners, namely, Rājah Rāmnārain, the quondam Naib Ṣubadar of Behar, Rājah Rājballab, the quondam Dīwan of Nawāb Shahamat Jang, Rai Raian Umed Ram, Rājah Fateh Singh, Rājah Buniad Singh (zamindar of Tīkari), Shaikh Abdullah, as well as others. The Nawāb caused Rāmnārain to be thrown into the river below Monghyr fort with a pitcher filled with sand tied to his neck. Gurgin Khān, not satisfied with this work of butchery, incited the Nawāb to kill also his English prisoners, consisting of Mr. Elison and Dr. Fullerton and others of the Patna Factory. The Nawāb, however, refused to kill them and placed extra guard on them. Kamgar Khān Muin also joined the Nawāb, who was encamped at the Champanagar nalla, but was sent away to Birbhum by the traitor, Gurgin Khān. (Seir, Vol. II, p. 735). At this time, Mīr Ruju-d-din, son of the late Nawāb Saif Khān of Purniah, deserted Mīr Qāsim’s army, proceeded to Purniah, and made himself its master, and opened correspondence with Mīr Jafar Khān and the English (Seir, Vol. II, p. 736). At Adhua, the Nawāb’s troops were wont for some time to sally out in the night by the secret passage, and to do havoc amongst English troops. Once they went so far as to attack Mīr Jafar Khān’s Camp, Mīr Jafar Khān having come to Adhua with the English army. Mīr Jafar was about to run away, when the English army re-inforced him. The English were thrown into consternation by these destructive night-attacks, and were at a loss to find out the passage by which the Nawāb’s troops approached the English entrenchments. At this time, an English soldier who had long ago left the English army and taken service under the Nawāb, informed the English army of the secret passage (Seir, Vol. II, p. 737), and undertook to guide them to the Nawāb’s entrenchments at Adhua. With the help of this man, Colonel Goddard, with an English regiment, moved to the Nawāb’s entrenchment in the night. The Nawāb’s army were in a false sense of security, faucying the position impregnable, and thinking that the secret passage to it was unknown to the English. The Nawāb’s army under Asadullah Khān, the Frenchman Sumroo, the Armenians, Malkar and Antony, were surprised by this night-attack of the English and defeated (Seir, Vol. II, p. 738), and dispersed on 26th Ṣafar, 1177 A.H. On the second or third day, the news of this disaster reached the Nawāb, who now moved to the Monghyr Fort. After halting there two or three days, he left that place with Gurgin Khān and others, placing the Fort in charge of one Arab Alī Khān, a protege and creature of Gurgin Khān, and reached the Rohua nalla. At this time, a leading nobleman named Alī Ibrahim Khān counselled the Nawāb to release the English prisoners, named Messrs. Elison, Jee, and Lushington and others, or at least to send their wives by boat to Major Adams. The Nawāb referred Alī Ibrahim Khān to Gurgin Khān, the Armenian evil genius of the Nawāb. The Armenian said no boats were available, and refused to listen to the humane counsel of Alī Ibrahim Khān. On the way, Gurgin Khān was hacked to pieces with the sword by some horseman, whose pay was in arrear. The Nawāb moved from Rohua nalla to Barh, where Jagat Set and his brother Sarupchand were put to the sword under Nawāb’s orders. From there the Nawāb moved to Patna, where he received news that Arab Alī Khān, commandant of the Monghyr Fort, and a creature of Gurgin Khān, had accepted a bribe from the English, and treacherously made over the Fort to the latter. (Seir, Vol. II, p. 741). The Nawāb was exasperated; he was filled with suspicion, and his annoyance knew no bounds. He ordered the Frenchman, Sumroo, to kill the English prisoners. This Sumroo, though of one religion with the English prisoners, willingly accepted this murderous errand, and on the night of the last day of Rabi-al-Awal, 1177 A.H., he shot down the English prisoners, who were lodged at the time in the house of the late Ḥājī Ahmad, brother of Mahabat Jang. That house has since become the English burial-ground in Patna, (See Seir, Vol. II, p. 739). None escaped except Dr. Fullerton (Seir, Vol. II, p. 740). The Nawāb accused Dr. Fullerton of treachery, which the latter disavowed. The Nawāb then spared his life. Dr. Fullerton subsequently escaped to Hajipur and joined the English army there (Seir, Vol. II, p. 741). The English next invaded Patna, and stormed the fort there (Seir, Vol. II, p. 742). The Nawāb now crossed the Karamnassa river, and entered the territory of Nawāb-Vizier Shujau-d-daulah. (Seir, p. 743). The Nawāb (Mīr Qāsim) now met the Nawāb-Vizier Shujau-d-daulah and the Emperor near Allahabad, and induced them to help him in driving out the English from the Ṣubahs of Behar and Bengal (Seir, Vol. II, p. 745). The Emperor, the Nawāb-Vizier and the Nawāb now marched to Benares where they encamped for some time, in order to invade Behar (p. 746 Seir). Dreading the approach of the Nawāb-Vizier Shujau-d-daulah, the English with Mīr Jafar, who had gone in pursuit of Mīr Qāsim, now retired from Baksar towards Patna. Shujau-d-daulah with his huge army and with Mīr Qāsim now overtook the English near Phulwari (p. 749, Seir, Vol. II). There were skirmishes, followed by a battle in which the English army reeled, but the result was indecisive, owing to absence of concerted action between Mīr Qāsim and Shujau-d-daulah (pp. 749-750, Seir, Vol. II). At the same time, Mīr Mehdi Khān, who had before fought so bravely for Mīr Qāsim and re-captured the Patna Fort from the English, now deserted his old master, Mīr Qāsim, and joined the English (p. 750, Seir, Vol. II).
The Nawāb-Vizier with Mīr Qāsim now retired to Baksar (Seir pp. 751). At this time, from the English side, Dr. Fullerton used Ghulam Husain Khān, the author of the Seir, as a spy, and wrote to him to induce the Emperor to give his support to the English, and to withhold his support of the Nawāb-Vizier (p. 751, Seir, Vol. II). Ghulam Husain Khān and his father Hedait Alī Khān, who held jagirs at Husainabad in Monghyr district, held a peculiar position at the time. They professed friendship both for Dr. Fullerton and the English, and also for Mīr Qāsim and the Nawāb-Vizier. They were all things to all men, and enjoyed friendship and influence amongst both the hostile parties. They opened secret correspondence with the Emperor, and induced the latter to give his moral support to the English (p. 751, Seir, Vol. II). A conference was now held between Ghulam Husain Khān who now played the role of an English spy and between Major Carnac, Dr. Fullerton and Mīr Jafar, and a reply was sent through Ghulam Hosain Khān and other spies to the Emperor. In the meantime, Shujau-d-daulah fell out with Mīr Qāsim (p. 752). Mīr Qāsim now assumed the garb of a faqir, but was shortly after induced to give it up, at the entreaties of Shujau-d-daulah who found his honour was at stake. Shortly after, Mīr Qāsim’s French officer, Sumroo, the infamous perpetrator of the Patna massacre, mutinied against Mīr Qāsim, and was paid up and discharged by the latter. Then this infamous Frenchman took service under Shujau-d-daulah with all the guns and ammunition of his old master, Mīr Qāsim (p. 755, Vol. II, Seir). The Nawāb-Vizier shamelessly imprisoned his refugee Mīr Qāsim; all people deserted the latter, except his one old brave and loyal officer, Alī Ibrahim Khān, who clung to his old master with a fidelity uncommon in those treacherous days. When Shujau-d-daulah spoke ill of Mīr Qāsim, and wondered why Alī Ibrahim Khān clung to Mīr Qāsim, in spite of the latter speaking ill of Alī Ibrahim, the latter returned a manly and dignified answer which brought tears even to the eyes of the mean Nawāb-Vizier. Alī Ibrahim said: ‘To my knowledge, I have not been guilty of any dereliction in duty to my master (Mīr Qāsim), except that after the events at Patna, whilst his other officers counselled him to go to the Dakhin, and secure support of the Mahrattas, I alone insisted on Mīr Qāsim to seek shelter with you, the Nawāb-Vizier, and with the Emperor!” (p. 757, Vol. II, Seir.) At this time, Major Munro, commander of the English army in Patna, wrote through Dr. Fullerton to Ghulam Husain Khān, the author of the Seir, to use his influence in acquiring the Fort of Rohtas for the English. Ghulam Husain Khān tampered with Mīr Qāsim’s commandant Rājah Sahmel, and induced the latter to make over the Fort of Rohtas to Captain Goddard of the English army (p. 758, Seir, Vol. II). Mīr Jafar now returned to Murshidābād, where he died (Seir, Vol. II, pp. 758 759), on 14th Shaban, 1178. Mīr Jafar before setting out for Calcutta had left his brother, Mīr Muḥammad Kazim Khān, as Deputy Nazim of Patna, with Dhiraj Narain (Rāmnarāin’s brother) as Diwan under the latter. Mīr Jafar appointed Nando Kumar as his Diwan (p. 759, Seir, Vol. II), and imprisoned Muḥammad Rīza Khān, Deputy Nazim of Dacca (Jahangirnagar), who was son-in-law of Rabia Begam and Ataullah Khān Sabat Jang. From fear of the prestige and power of Shujau-d-daulah and from fear of the odium they would incur by engaging in a war with the Emperor, both Mīr Jafar and the English seriously contemplated patching up a peace with the Nawāb-Vizier and the Emperor, leaving to them the Behar Provinces, and stipulating to pay them a fixed revenue for Bengal (p. 760, Vol. II, Seir). This was, however, not to be, owing to the Nawāb-Vizier’s ambition which would accept of no compromise, but aimed at an exclusive domination over the whole Empire. Whilst Mīr Jafar was yet alive in Calcutta, Major Munro succeeded Major Carnac in the command of the English army, and was ordered in Ṣafar 1178 A.H., to proceed to Baksar to fight with the Nawāb-Vizier Shujau-d-daulah, who was offensive in his correspondence with the English Council in Calcutta.
The Nawāb-Vizier and his army were in a sense of false security and were immersed in pleasures, frivolities and amusements, as if they had come for a picnic. On Major Munro’s arrival, the Nawāb-Vizier with his army hurriedly took up a position on the north-west of a jhil or marshy sheet of water. The English army rested on the south-east of the jhil. The Nawāb-Vizier posted Sumroo and Madak with eight guns and eight regiments of Mīr Qāsim to cover his front. The Nawāb-Vizier’s army was composed of three wings. The right wing was commanded by the Nawāb-Vizier himself, his centre was commanded by Shuja Quli Khān with six thousand Mughal troops, and his left wing was under the command of Rājah Beni Bahadur, Nawāb-Vizier’s Deputy Ṣubadar in Oudh and Allahabad. The left flank of the left wing rested on the banks of the Ganges. The battle opened with a cannonade, which was briskly kept up on both sides, and which did its destructive work on both sides. Then the Nawāb-Vizier with his Mughal and Duranian troops made a flanking sally from towards the right of his own artillery, assaulted Major Munro’s cavalry and camp, and worked havoc in the English army. From the brisk cannonade kept up by Madak and Sumroo, and from the repeated assaults of the Nawāb-Vizier, the English army was hard-pressed. Major Munro grasping the crisis and finding a frontal attack impossible, owing to the muddy jhil lying in front of him, quickly detached a corps under Captain Nan to make a flanking movement from the side of the river, in order to attack the Nawāb-Vizier’s left wing, commanded by Rājah Beni Bahadur. This corps approached slowly, and reached the plain of the ruins amidst which Rājah Beni Bahadur’s troops lay. Shaikh Ghulam Qadir and other Shaikh Zadas of Lucknow who formed the van of Rājah Beni Bahadur’s army, stood with guns behind a wall amidst those ruins. The English regiments slowly and circumspectly, without disclosing themselves, crept up to the summit of the wall, and it was only when they rolled down stones on the heads of the Rājah’s troops that rested behind the wall at its foot, that these woke up from their slumber. It was only then that Shaikh Ghulam Qadir and his kinsmen and followers came to know of the arrival of the English regiment, and rose up to fight. Before, however, these Shaikhs could arrange their force in fighting array, the English regiment commenced firing their muskets, and killed Ghulam Qadir and his kinsmen, whilst others fled. At this time, Rājah Beni Bahadur asked Ghalib Khān, a notable of Delhi, what course he was to follow. Ghalib Khān answered that if the Rājah cared for his honour, he must die fighting, or else must run away. Then for a time the Rājah engaged in fighting, but shortly after changing his mind, and preferring not to die, ran away. In the meantime, hearing the booming of cannons by the English regiment on the heads of Shaikh Ghulam Qadir and Rājah Beni Bahadur, Shuja Quli Khān’s jealousy was aroused, and fancying that the booming proceeded from the Rājah’s army, and that the Rājah would soon achieve the honour of a victory, without stopping to enquire into the matter, he forthwith sallied out of his position, advanced across Sumroo and Madak, who in consequence had to suspend their cannonade, and waded across the jhil full of mud. The English artillery from front now quickend their cannonade, and Shuja Quli Khān and his soldiers uselessly sacrificed their lives, having lost the cover of their own artillery. The British regiment now penetrated through the entrenchments of Rājah Beni Bahadur who had fled, and attacked the wing of the Nawāb-Vizier, as the ground between was already cleared by the foolish and disastrous forward movement of Shuja Quli Khān. Then the Nawab-Vizier’s army reeled and broke, the Nawab-Vizier himself stood the ground for some time, but seeing himself deserted by his troops, retreated to Allahabad, whilst his Mughal and Duranian troops as well as English troops, commenced plundering his tents. Mīr Qāsim who was a prisoner in the hands of the Nawāb-Vizier had been released one day before this battle, and after the battle fled to Benares. (See Seir, Vol. II, pp. 761-763).
This decisive victory at Baksar in 1764 (more than the battle of Plassey) gave the English a firm foothold in Bengal, as a Ruling Power. It was soon followed by the Emperor Shāh Alam’s grant of the Diwani of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa to the English in 1765. (See Seir, Vol. II, p. 773).
The English stipulated to pay annually twenty-four lakhs to the Emperor on account of the Revenue of the above three Subahs.
In this note, I have thought fit to summarise the events as narrated in the Seiru-l-Mutakherin, a contemporary record, the author whereof was either an actor in, or a spectator of, the many scenes enacted in those times. The note is long, but I have thought fit to give it, in order to follow the development of the many important and stirring events that at length culminated in the transfer of the Ruling Power in Bengal from Moslem into English hands.
↩Probably a misreading or misprint in the printed Persian text for Kharakpur.
↩In the Seir, his name is mentioned as Shaikh Haibatu-l-lah. (See Seir, Vol. II, p. 728, and n. ante).
↩This must be the name of a market-place in Katwah itself.
↩For some time, Mīr Qāsim stayed in the Rohilla country, subsequently left Uterchanaidi (the Afghan tract) and proceeded to the country of the Rana Gahad; thence he proceeded to Rājputana, whence again he moved to the tract between Agra and Delhi, where he died in distress. See Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Vol. III, p. 933.
↩See Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Vol. II, p. 771.
↩See Seiru-l-Mutakherin, Vol. II, p. 775.
↩In the Seir, “twenty-four lakhs,” Seir Vol. II, p. 781.
↩The English divided the country into six Zillahs, viz.: (1) Zillah Calcutta; (2) Zillah Bardwan; (3) Zillah Rajshahye-Murshidabād; (4) Zillah Jahangirnagar (or Dacca); (5) Zillah Dinajpur; (6) Zillah Azimabad (or Patna); and appointed English Zillahdars to each Zillah with a Council. See Seir, Vol. II, pp. 782-783.
↩That is, 1788 A.C.
↩