Riyāż al-salāṭīn - The Riyazu-s-Salatin

This has reference to the Muhammadan belief that the Nūr or light of Muhammad was the first thing created by God, and that all else followed, though the Prophet in bodily form was ushered into existence after all other prophets.

This has reference to the tragic martyrdom of Ḥusain and other members of the Fatimite family, who were all innocent, and whose ancestor the Prophet was.

Every Muhammadan book begins with the praise of God. This praise is called ḥamd in Arabic, and is followed by Na‘t, or praise of the Arabian Prophet.

Ghulām Ḥusain Salīm Zaidpūrī is the author of the present historical work entitled the Riyaẓu-s-Salātīn, or History of Bengal. Ilaḥī Bakhsh in his history “Khurshid Jahān Numā” of which Mr. Beveridge has published lately an Analysis in the Journals of the Asiatic Society, has some notice of Ghulām Ḥusain. He states that Ghulām Ḥusain was of Zaidpūr in Oudh, migrated to Māldah in Bengal, and held the office of Dāk Munshī or Post Master there, under Mr. George Udny. Noticing the Charitable Dispensary at Māldah, Ilahī Bakhsh observes that here used to be the house of Ghulām Ḥusaīn, and that in the quarter known as Cak Qurbān Alī is the tomb of Ghulām Ḥusain who died in 1233 A.H. or 1817 A.C. The chronogram composed in honour of his memory by his pupil, Abdul Karīm, is which yields 1233. Mr. Udny appears to have been at the time Commercial Resident of the East India Company’s factory at Māldah.

Ḥatīm was a Prince of Yemen, in Arabia. His generous hospitality is a by-word in the East.

Naushīrwān was a King of Irān or old Persia. He flourished in the sixth century, and belonged to the Sassanian dynasty. His wazīr was the famous Buzurchemeher or Bouzour, author of the Zafarnāmah. Naushīrwan’s justice is proverbial in the world.

Dīnār, a gold coin weighing one misqal, i.e., 13/7 dirhams. For details see Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I (Blochmann’s Trans., p. 36).

Our author calls Bengal “Jinnat-ul-bilād,” or ‘Paradise of Provinces.’ I am not sure if there is any historical basis for this expression, as there is for the expression “Jinnat-ābād” which latter epithet was bestowed by Emperor Humayun on Gaur in Bengal (see Tabaqat-i-Akbarī, Elliot’s History of India, Vol. V, p. 201, Ain-i-Akbarī, Vol. II, p. 123, and Badaoni, Vol. I, p. 349). However that may be, Bengal well deserved to be styled “Jinnat-ul-bilād” or ‘Paradise of Provinces,’ owing to the fertility of its soil, the richness of its produce, and the vastness of its natural resources. During Musalmān rule, the Province of Bengal yielded the largest revenue to the Delhi Emperors, and in consequence its Viceroyalty was always coveted by Princes Royal of Delhi, from so remote a period as the times of Emperors Shamsuddin Altamsh and Ghiasuddin Balban— whose sons in succession ruled over Bengal, not to speak of later Mughal Princes Royal of Delhi. Under British rule also, Bengal Proper, including Assam, Behar and Orissa and Chutia Nagpur, forms the largest Administrative Division of India, contains one-third of the total population of British India, and yields a gross revenue of 17 or 18 millions sterling, or one-third of the actual revenues of the Indian Empire. It is worthy of note that the above expression is also used in Mughal Imperial (official) documents, vide J.A.S.B. for 1901, Vol. LXX, Part I, No. 1, pp. 21-22.

“Riyaẓu-s-Salātīn” is a chronogram yielding date 1202 A.H., corresponding to 1788 A.C., the year in which this historical work was completed. ‘Rauẓah’ in Persian means a ‘garden,’ its plural being ‘Riyāẓ’ meaning, ‘gardens.’ “Salātīn” means “Kings”; therefore, ‘Riyāẓu-s-Salātīn’ means “gardens of Kings.” It is a pity the author does not specify all the sources of his history, but there is internal evidence to indicate that, besides consulting standard historical works, such as Tabaqāt-Naṣiri by Minhāj-u-Sirāj, Tarīkh-i-Fīruz Shahī by Ziauddin Barnī and by Sirāj Afīf (which contain references to the history of Bengal only for the period between 1198 to 1338 A.C.) and Tabaqat-i-Akbarī by Nizamuddin Ahmad (which contains an account of Bengal for the period 1338 to 1538), the Badaonī and Akbarnāmah by Abul Faẓl (for the period under Akbar) and other similar standard historical works on India such as the Tuzuk, the Iqbālnamah, the Pādshāhnāmah, the Alamgīrnāmāh, and the Maasir-i-Alamgīrī. Salīm had recourse also to other less known historical treatises relating to Bengal which are not perhaps now extant, and perhaps lay only in MSS. Our author now and then says ‘I have seen in a little book,’ and he also cites a historical compilation by one Hajī Muhammad of Qandahar, of which no copy seems now to exist. Our author appears also to have taken considerable pains in deciphering old inscriptions on monuments, mosques, and shrines in Gaur and Panduah— old Musalmān capitals of Bengal. This feature considerably enhances the value of his history, and gives it a superiority over other similar works, and places our author in the forefront of Bengal antiquarians and researchers. Indeed, Ghulām Ḥusain is pre-eminently the Historian of Muhammadan Bengal, because other Muhammadan historians before or after him dealt only with certain periods of Bengal history, whilst our author’s narrative comprises the history of Bengal from the earliest mythological period to the dawn of British rule, with a more detailed account of Muhammadan Rulers of Bengal. Stewart’s History of Bengal is to a great extent based on the ‘Riyāẓ’ though Stewart very often has preferred the less accurate account of the Dakhīn historian, Firishta, who flourished in the seventeenth century. The great Oriental scholar and antiquarian, Professor Blochmann, in his ‘Contributions to the History and Geography of Bengal’ says: “The Riyāẓ is much prized as being the fullest account in Persian of the Muhammadan History of Bengal.” Professor Blochmann further observes “for the early portions, Ghulām Ḥusain Salīm has used books which are unknown at present; yet he gives valuable dates which are often confirmed by collateral evidence. Salīm has also made a fair use of the antiquities of the Gaur District.”

The Khutbah is a Musalmān prayer-book recited on Fridays, ‘Id days, and other special days and occasions. The recital of the Khutbah after one’s name and the minting of coins, was regarded by Musalmān sovereigns as emblems of sovereignty.

Nāzims—

The Nāzims were functionaries created by the Mughal Government or by Sher Shah (Badaonī, Vol. I, p. 365). To each Province or Ṣūbah, the Mughal Emperors appointed two Principal Heads of administration, one being the Nāzim and the other being the Dīwān. The Nāzim was the Governor or Viceroy of the Province, he was the Executive and Military Head of the Province, and administered Criminal Justice; whilst the Dīwān, though independent of the former and directly subordinate to the Delhi Emperor, held portfolio of the Finance, and was responsible for the revenue administration of the Province, and also occasionally administered Civil Justice. Thus there were two independent wheels in the machinery of Provincial administration. Under the Nāzims, there was a chain of subordinate officials, called Naib Nāzims, Serlashkars, Faujdars, Kotwāls and Thanadars on the executive side, and under Dīwāns on the judicial side, were Qazi-ul-Qazzāt (Chief Justice), Qazīs, Muftīs, Mīr Adls, Sadrs presided over by Sadr-i-Sadūr, and on the revenue side were Naib or local Dīwāns, Amils, Shīqdars, Karkuns, Qanungos, and Patwarīs. The Judiciary, both Civil and Criminal, were often, however, independent of both Nāzims and Dīwāns, and subordinate only to the Imperial Ṣadr-i-Ṣadūr or Ṣadr-i-Kul or Ṣadr-i-Jahān (or Minister of Justice) at Delhi, who was responsible for good conduct to the Mughal Emperor himself. (See Ain, Vol. II, p. p. 37-49, and do. Vol. I, p. 268.)

Caghtai Khān was a son of Cangīz Khān. Emperor Bābar, the founder of the Mughal dynasty in India, was descended on the mother’s side from a nobler stock, that is, from Caghtai Khān; hence the Mughal Emperors of India commonly styled themselves as Caghtāi Emperors in preference to ‘Mughal’ Emperors, the term ‘Mughal’ not being so honourable, in accordance with an accepted usage and principle amongst Moslems to refer back their lineage to the nobler side, whether paternal or maternal.

The name of Ṣūbah originated from the time of Emperor Akbar, who designated the fiscal areas as follows from the time of the ten-years’ settlement:— A Ṣūbah was an aggregate of Sarkars, a Sarkār or Division was an aggregate of Dastūrs, a Dastūr (which Sir Henry Elliot in his Glossary explains as an abbreviation of Dastūru-l-Aml, corresponding to a district under a Sarkār) was an aggregate of Parganas or Mahals (used as equivalent expressions), and a Pargana or Mahal meant a fiscal division, the fiscal unit, coinciding with the dominions of a native chief under the Mughal dynasty. The words used before Akbar’s time to denote fiscal divisions or tracts of country larger than the Pargana, were Shaq, Khattah, ‘Arṣāh, Diyār, Vilayet, Iqta, Bilād and Mamlakat. Thus in the earlier Musalmān histories before the end of the fourteenth century, we come across Shaq-i-Sama, Khattah-i-Oudh, ‘Arṣah-i-Gorakpūr, Diyār-i or Vilayet-i-Lakhnautī, Vilayet-i-Mean Doab, Iqta’-i-Kara, Bilād Bang, Mamlakat Lakhnautī. See Elliot’s Glossary, and Ain, Vol. II, p. 115, and Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, pp. 148 and 262.

The Musalmān astronomers and geographers divided the world into seven parts, to each of which they gave the name of Iqlīm or climate.— See Āīn-i-Akbarī Jarrett’s Trans., Vol. III, p. 43.

Islāmābād or Chittagong. The district was first conquered by the Independent Musalmān Kings of Bengal. In 1350 A.C., about which year Ibn Batutah was in Chittagong, it belonged to King Fakhruddin of Sunargaon. It was re-conquered in 1665 by the Mughals under Umid Khān who changed the name of the place to Islāmābād during the rule of Nawab Shaista Khān, Viceroy of Bengal.— See Blochmann’s contributions to History and Geography of Bengal and the Alamgīr-Namah, p. 940, and the Ain, Vol. II, p. 125.

Teliagadhī on Teliagarhī is a pass lying between Rajmahal on the south, and the Ganges on the north; formerly of strategic importance, as commanding the approaches to Bengal Proper. The ruins of a large stone fort still exist, through which the E.I. Railway passes. See Hunt. Imp. Gazetteer, Vol. XIII, p. 236 and Ain, Vol. II, p. 116.

Karoh or Kos— Āīn 16 says:— The Kos was fixed at 100 tanabs, each consisting of 50 Ilahī gaz or 400 poles (bans), each pole of 12½ gaz. Sher Shāh fixed the Kos at 60 jaribs, each of 60 Sikandrī gaz. A farsakh is equal to three Kos.— See Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. II, p. 414.

Sarkār Madaran extended “in a semi-circle from Nagor in western Birbhūm over Raniganj along the Damūdar to above Bardwān, and from there over Khandghosh, Jahanabad, Chandrakona (western Hughlī district) to Mandalghat, at the mouth of the Rupnarayan river, and consisted of 16 mahals with a revenue of Rs. 235,085.”— See Blochmann’s Contributions to the History and Geography of Bengal and the Ain-i-Akbarī, Vol. II, p. 141.

Kālāpahār is the famous general of the Afghān King of Bengal, Sulaimān Kararāni, and the renowned conqueror of the temple of Jagannath in Purī in south Orissa. Kālāpahār was killed by a gun-shot in one of the fights between Masūm and Qutlu of Orissa and ‘Azīz Kokah, which in 990 A.H., took place between Colgong and Gadhī. A detailed description of Kālāpahār’s conquest of Orissa is given in the Makhzan-ī-Afghanī.— See Ain, Vol. I, p. 370 and Vol. II, p. 128.

‘Isa Khān Afghān flourished in ‘Bhatī’ in the reign of Daūd, the last Afghān King of Bengal, and continued as ‘over-lord’ or ‘Marzbān-i-Bhatī,’ as Abul Faẓl in the Āīn styles him, with twelve great Zemindars or princelings (known in those days as Bārā Bhuiyās) under him, after annexation of Bengal by Emperor Akbar to the Mughal Empire. ‘Isa’s gadi was known as Masnad-i-Alī, the existing Dīwān families of Haibatnagar and Jangalbarī in Mymensingh district claim descent from ‘Isa. “Bhati” according to Abul Faẓl extended 400 Kos from east to west, and 300 Kos from north to the ocean to the south; it thus included the Sundarban and the tracts along the Megna. Grant defines “Bhati” as including the Sundarban and all the neighbouring lowlands (even Hijely) overflooded by the tides. The Musalmān historians never use the term Sundarban, but give the sea-board from Hijely to the Megna one name of ‘Bhati,’ which signifies lowlands overflooded by tides.— See Ain-i-Akbarī, Vol. I, p. 342, and J.A.S. No. 3, 1874, and No. 2, 1875 and Ain, Vol. II, p. 117.

In the Āīn, the Ṣūbah of Bengal is stated to have consisted of 24 Sarkārs including 787 mahals, and the revenue is stated to have been 59 Krors 84 lakhs 59 thousand and 19 dāms, equivalent to Rs. 14,961,482-15-7. Its standing army, according to the Āīn, consisted of 23,330 cavalry, 801,150 infantry, 1,170 elephants, 4,260 guns, 4,400 boats. Remembering that the army was not generally paid in coin, but by bestowal of fiefs or military jagirs, even at this distance of time, it is not difficult to imagine how Bengal was overrun by colonies of Musalmān feudal barons.— See Ain-i-Akbarī, Vol. II, p. 129 and Vol. I, p. 370.

The text as well as the Akbarnamah and the Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīrī state that Bengal was bounded on the south by the sea, on the north by hills (that is, those south of Nepaul, Sikkim, and Bhutan), on the east by hills (that is, those of Chittagong and Arakan), on the west by the Ṣūbah of Behar. During the reigns, however, of the Independent Musalmān Kings (such as Ilyas Shīah, and Alauddīn Husain Shāh in 1502 and his son and successor Naṣrat Shāh), the Musalmān Kingdom of Bengal was more extensive than its geographical limits, and included northern portions of Orissa or Jājnagar, Kuch Behar, Kamrūp or Western Assam with portions of Eastern Assam, and the whole of Upper Behar (a Governor to represent the Bengal Musalmān King being posted at Hājīpūr opposite to Patna), and the eastern portions of South Behar including Sarkars Monghyr and Behar.— (See J.A.S. No. 3, 1873, pp. 221-222). The whole of Orissa was conquered and annexed to the Bengal Musalmān Kingdom in the reign of Sulaimaṇ Kararānī, the last but one independent Musalmān Afghān King in Bengal.

When Bakhtiār Khīljī conquered Bengal, he ruled (ostensibly as Viceroy of the Musalmān Emperor of Delhi, Kutbuddin Aibak) over portions of Dīnājepūr, Māldah, Rangpūr, Nadiah, Bīrbhūm, and Bardwan comprising what was then called Diyār-i-Lakhnautī, and also he held Behar (Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, p. 156). This state of things continued during the rule of his two immediate successors, when we find Husamuddīn Iwaz (a contemporary of Sultān Shamsuddīn Altamsh) extending the frontier eastward to the Brahmapūtra and southward to the sea-board, and reigning as an independent king under the title of Sultan Ghiasuddin (Tabaqat-i-Naṣirī, p. 163). The Tarīkh Fīruz Shahī, p. 87 mentions that Emperor Balban in his pursuit of Mughīsuddīn Tughral, had to go so far eastward as Sunargaon, which would appear to have been within the limits also of Tughral’s Bengal Kingdom. Again, in 1350 A.C. when Ibn-i-Batūtah was in Chittagong, we find this important seaport was in the hands of King Fakhruddīn of Sūnargaon. As Mr. Thomas in his learned discussions on old coins of Bengal Musalmān Kings has suggested, it would seem that so early as the twelfth century there was free commercial intercourse between the south-eastern sea-board of Bengal and the Arab seaports of Baghdād and Basorah; and it would seem it was this commercial Musalmān activity combined with superior martial and moral qualities that paved the way for Musalmān domination throughout Bengal.

Subsequently in the reign of Ghiasuddīn Tughlak Shāh, we find the Bengal Musalmān Kingdom has grown so extensive and unwieldy, that we find him separating Behar from Bengal, and placing it under an independent Governor, whilst Bengal itself for purposes of convenient administration was divided into three different sections, viz.: (1) Diyār-i-Sunargaon, comprising Eastern Bengal, (2) Diyār-i-Sātgaon, comprising Western Bengal, and (3) Diyār-i-Lakhnautī, comprising Northern and Central Bengal. A Governor was appointed to each of the above three administrative Sections or Divisions, the Governor of Lakhnautī being the Supreme Governor or Viceroy, whilst the two other Governors were placed generally in subordination to him (Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahī, p. 451). But this state of things did not last long; for in the reign of Muhammad Shāh Tughlak (Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahī, p. 480) Bengal again rose as an Independent Musalmān Kingdom, and as has been mentioned above, the whole of Upper Behar with eastern portions of Southern Behar was again annexed to the Bengal Kingdom, whilst Orissa also was subsequently added to it. This state of things continued until Akbar came to the throne, when Bengal, with Behar and Orissa, was annexed to the Mughal Empire of Delhi. See Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, Tarikh-i-Firu-Shahī, Akbarnamah, Ibn-i-Batutah’s Travels and Mr. Thomas’s “Initial Coinage of Bengal,” J.A.S.B., No. 1, 1867 and No. IV, 1873 pp. 221-222 and 343.

The same in Ain-i-Akbarī, Vol. 2, p. 117.

For identification of these places see J.A.S., 1872, p. 49.

For identification of these places see J.A.S., 1872, p. 49.

For identification of these places see J.A.S., 1872, p. 49.

For identification of these places see J.A.S., 1872, p. 49.

In Tabaqat-i-Naṣīrī, p. 156, “Mech” and “Koch.” See J.A.S. for 1872, p. 49. Alamgīrnamah, p. 683. Akbarnamah, p. 207. Tuzuk p. 147, and Padshahnamah, p. 64, Vol. II.

Kamrūp (in Tabaqat-i-Naṣīrī, p. 163, Kamrūd) included the Western portion of Assam together with the Bengal Districts of Rangpūr, Rangmati (now in Goalpara District) and Sylhet. It was first conquered by Musalmāns in the reign of Hussamuddin Iwaz alias Sultan Ghiasuddin, an immediate successor of Bakhṭīyar Khīljī, in the early part of the thirteenth century. (Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, p. 163). At the close of the fifteenth century, its Rājah Nelambhar was overthrown by Husain Shāh, King of Bengal. In ancient days, Kamrūp was noted for its sorcery and the beauty of its women. Rangpūr is stated to have been founded by Bakhtiyar Khiljī, during his expedition into Tibet.— See also J.A.S. for 1872, p. 49; Alamgirnamah, p.p. 678 and 730, makes it equivalent for Hajo (Koch Hajo) Gauhati and dependencies.

“Tangīstan” is the general name for that assemblage of mountains which constitute the territory of Bhutan, “tangs” meaning ‘defiles.’ Abul Faẓl also mentions these ‘Tanghan’ horses. He states: “In the lower parts of Bengal near to Kuch, a species of horse is produced called Tanghan.” The tangan pony is usually 13 hands high and short bodied, deep in the chest, and very active.

Tribes of Marī, Majmī, Daphla, and Vilandah and Nag.— Vilandah or Landah tribe has been identified with the Akas tribe.

All these tribes belong to the Non-Aryan Tibet-Burman stock, which have clung to the skirts of the Himalayas, they crossed into India by the north-eastern passes, and in pre-historic times they had dwelt in Central Asia, side by side with the ancestors of the Mongolians and the Chinese. The principal types of the Tibeto-Burman stock are the following:— (1) Cacharis, (2) Garos, (3) Tipuras or Mrungs, (4) Bhutiyas, (5) Gurungs, (6) Marmis, (7) Newars, (8) Lepchas, (9) Mirīs, (10) Akas, (11) Mīshmis, (12) Nagas, (13) Daphlas.— See J.A.S. for 1872, p. 76, Col. Dalton’s “Ethnology of Bengal” and also description of Assam and the Assamese in Alamgirnamah, p. 722.

This seems to be a copyist’s mistake for “Goneser hills” (see J.A.S. 1872, p. 761). The Alamgirnamah has Srinagar! p. 722.

“Naktīranī” or “Naktīranī” has been identified with Deshranī, a pergana of Kamrup.— See J.A.S. for 1872, p. 76.

“The account of the burial of Ahom magnates is confirmed by recent disclosures of desecrated graves.”— See J.A.S. for 1872, p. 82, footnote.

China was long known to Asiatics under the name of Khutai or Khata or Khata and Machīn.

Khan Baligh is the name given to Pekin; it means the Court of the Great Khan. See D’Herbelot and Yule’s Marcopolo.

Arracan or the Magh country included Chittagong till a late period; it formed a great Buddhist Kingdom, whilst adjoining it on the north was the Hindu Kingdom of Tipperah.— See Alamgirnamah, p. 940, wherein Arracan is called “Rakhang,” and its inhabitants are called “Maghs.”

Pegu is now a division of British Burmah comprising the districts of Rangūn, Bassein, &c.

The Maghs and Arracanese were one race, their conntry being Arracan or Arkhang. They made constant raids in fleets of armed boats up the rivers of South-Eastern Bengal. During the Viceroyalty of the Mughul Viceroy of Bengal at Dacca, Nawab Shaista Khān, these raids were considerably checked, and several of the Magh fleets were captured at the mouth of the Megna River, and the fort of Chittagong was also re-stormed. The Maghs were also expelled from the island of Sandip. A large number of Magh settlers are to be found still in Chittagong, Bakarganj, Noakhali and Tipperah. Though originally Buddhists, they have now intermixed with the people, and have become Hinduised or semi-Hinduised.— See Alamgirnamah, p. 940.

The first Muhammadan incursions into Jajnagar or Northern Orissa appear to have taken place about 1204 A.C. under Mahammad Shiran, an officer of Bakhtiyar Khiljī, and subsequently under Hussamudin Iwaz, Tughan Khān, and Tughral (see Tabaqat-i-Naṣirī, pp. 157, 163, 244, 262). Under Husain Shāh, Ismail Ghazi invaded also Jajnagar or Orissa, sacked the capital Cuttack and successfully stormed the holy city, Puri (see J.A.S. 1874, p. 215 and do. 1872, p. 335). The complete defeat of the Hindus took place in 1567-68 A.C., when Sulaiman Kararani, King of Bengal, with a large army under his famous General Kālāpahār advanced into Orissa and defeated the last independent Rajah Makand Deo under the walls of Jājpūr and Katak. When subsequently in Akbar’s time the Afghan Kingdom of Bengal was supplanted by the Mughuls, the Afghans in large numbers migrated into Orissa. In 1575 A.C., a great battle took place between Mughuls and Afghans (at Bajhaura, Badaoni p. 193) at Mughalmari, near Jaleswar in Balasore, in which Daud, the last Afghan king, was defeated, and Orissa practically shortly after (1592 A.C.) became a Mughul Province, administered by the Mughul Viceroy of Bengal. In the Āīn, Abul Faẓl mentions that the Hindu rulers of Orissa had the title of Gajpati, or Lord of the Elephant. In the time of Nawab Ali Vardi Khān, Mughul Viceroy of Bengal, Orissa became the hunting-ground of Mahratta free-booters. The struggles between Ali Vardi and the Mahrattas are graphically described in the Sēīrul Mūtakhērin. See Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, Tarikh-i-Fīruz Shāhī, Akbarnamah and Makhzan-i-Afghani. Jajnagar is mentioned by Badaoni I, p. 233, as having been subdued by Ulugh Khān in 1323 A.C. or 723 A.H., in Ghiasuddīn Tughlak’s reign, and is mentioned as having been subdued in 1360 A.C., by Firuz Shah Tughlak, Badaoni I, 248 and Tarikh Fīruz Shahī by Shams Seraj, p. 115. Seraj mentions that the idol of Jagannath was carried off to Delhi by Firuz Shah (p. 119).

In the Sēīrul-Mūtakhērin it is called Bārāhbaṭī. The fort of Bārāhbaṭī is on the south bank of the Mahanadi river, opposite to the city of Cuttack; it is now in ruins. The following description of it is translated and summarised by me from the Seir:— “The fort Bārāhbaṭī with the city of Cuttack is situate on the strip of land lying between the rivers Mahanada and Kathajuri… The fort is on the bank of the Mahanada, and the circumference of its enclosing rampart is about three Kroh. The rampart is built of stone, brick, lime and cement, and a wide moat runs round the rampart. The city of Cuttack is situate on the banks of the Kathajuri river, and the distance between the fort and the city is about two Kroh.…”

This was Rajah Mukund Deva, Haricandara, who reigned from 1560 to 1568. Mukund Deva was a Telugu by birth. In 1564-65 A.C. a treaty was concluded between Emperor Akbar and the Rajah, preceded by mutual despatch of ambassadors on both sides (see Badaonī p. 76, wherein it is stated that Hasan Khan Khazanchī and Mahāputēr were sent by Akbar as ambassadors to the Rajah of Orissa). As mutual jealousies prevailed between Mughuls and Afghans, this political measure was adopted by Akbar, in order to serve as a counterpoise to the ambition of the Musalman Afghan King of Bengal, Sulaiman Karrarām, who had planned to extend his Bengal Kingdom by annexing Orissa and also to prevent the latter from helping Akbar’s rebellious Governor of Jaunpur, named Khan Zaman. Finding shortly after Akbar engaged in wars in the west, Sulaiman Kararani, the King of Bengal, attacked the Orissa Rajah, who had come close to the Ganges; the Rajah fled to Fort Kotsama. The Bengal King detached a force under Kālāpahār, his general, to Orissa across Mayurbhanja and thence southward by the Kaoabasa river. Kālāpahār ravaged Orissa, defeated the Rajah’s deputy, and shortly after the Rajah himself was killed, and Muhammadans finally conquered Orissa in 1568 A.C. After conquering Orissa, Sulaiman Karrarani (who reigned from A.C. 1563 to A.C. 1572) left his Vazīr, Khan Jahan Lodi, as Viceroy of Orissa with headquarters at Cuttack, and Qūtlū as Governor at Purī. (Badaonī II, 174).

This is not strictly correct. See note 7, p, 3 ante.

Professor Blochmann has surmised that Kālāpahār was originally a Hindu who embraced Islam, from the circumstance that his proper name was Raju. Mr. Beveridge in his Analysis of Khurshid Jahan Numa has followed in Professor Blochmann’s wake. I see no warrant for this surmise. The Makhzan-i-Afghani and the Akbarnamah, contemporary records, would not have failed to notice this fact, if it were so; for it would have been a matter of additional exultation to the Musalman historians. The text describes him as one of the “Omrah of Babar”; and Babar never dreamt of the policy of his grandson, Akbar, to employ Hindus in high military capacities or to make them his “Omra.” Furthermore, the name Rajū is current amongst Musalmans. (See Blochmann’s Āīn, Vol. I, which mentions one Syed Rajū of Barha and Badaonī, p. 323, Vol. 2, and Āīn, Vol. 2, p. 371): Badinī, too, in the Muntakhibu-l-Tawarikh (p. 42, Vol. 1), mentions Kalapahar as a brother of Sikandar Shāh (alias Ahmad Khān Sūr of Sher Shāh’s family) who occupied Bihar as tuyul under Akbar. (The Makhzan-i-Afghanī gives a full description of Kalapahar’s conquest. He was killed in 1582 A.C. in a fight with Aziz Kokah between Colgeng and Rajmahal.

Shaik Kabīr flourished about the beginning of the 15th century during the rule of Independent Musalman Kings in Bengal. He was the leader of a great theistic movement, the object in view being to harmonise Musalman and Hindu religions, and to teach votaries of both the great religions of India that they were after all children and worshippers of one God, that the Allah of Musalmans is the Parmeshur of the Hindus, that they ought to be tolerant of each others creeds, and to regard each others as fellow-brethren The labours of Kabīr may be placed between 1380 and 1420 A.C., and reflect not only credit on him, but illustrate what ethical and spiritual progress took place amongst the people of India under the impact of Islām. It may be added that on Kabīr’s death, both Hindus and Musalmans claimed his body; so catholic and liberal was he in his views. This great theistic movement set on foot by Kabīr, received expansion in the following century by the labours of Chaitanya, the Nuddea leader of Vishnuism, in Bengal who flourished in the reign of Sultan Alau-d-dīn Husain Shāh, King of Bengal.

Abul Faẓl similarly in the Āīn-i-Akbarī explains the origin of the term Bangalah. (See Jar. Tr., p. 115, Vol. 11). In the Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, the expression “Bang” is invariably used. In the Tarīkh-i-Firuz Shāhī, the expression “Bangalah” or “Bengal” is used.

The Persian Calendar consists of twelve solar months, named (1) Farwardīn (March), (2) Ardibihasht (April), (3) Khurdad (May), (4) Tīr (June) (5) Murdad (July), (6) Shahriwar (August), (7) Mihr (September), (8) Abān (October), (9) Adār (November), (10) Dī (December), (11) Bahman (January), (12) Sepandarmaz (February). See Richardson’s Pars. Dict. and also Ameer Ali’s History of Sarcens, p. 316.

Graphic descriptions of famines in India in past times will be found in the Tarīkh-i-Firuz Shahī, Badaonī, and the Maasir-i-Alamgiri.

Abūl Faẓl in the Āīn says:— “The harvests are always abundant, measurement is not insisted upon, and the revenue demands are determined by estimate of the crop. His Majesty Emperor Akbar in his goodness has confirmed this practice.” (See Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. 2, pp. 121-122).

“Muhrir” is a clerk.

‘Patwari’ = Village Accountant.— This functionary flourishes even now.

“Karkun” was a supervisor over village patwaris,— he was an Imperial officer in charge of the accounts of a parganah. The “Karkuns” were in turn supervised by ‘Amils’ in charge of an aggregate of parganahs or a district. Here we get a glimpse of the old fiscal system in regard to its account-branch. In the collection-branch of the Musalman fiscal system, Shiqdars (corrupted into Hindu family names Sikdars) presided over Mahals, Majmuahdars (corrupted into Hindu family names of Mozumdars) presided over a group or circle of Mahals or a Turf, and over an aggregate of Mahals or Turfs, corresponding to a modern District, an Amil presided, and over an aggregate of Districts or a Division, the Districts, there was a local Diwan. The last two functionaries were generally Musalmans, whilst the first two subordinate functionaries were almost invariably Hindus.

“Singhasan” of our author corresponds to Abūl Faẓl’s “Sukhasan” in tthe Āīn. (See Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. 2, p. 126).

Qazīhata mentioned by Abul Faẓl in the Āīn and quoted by our author appears to be Hajrahatti, on the left bank of the Podda, now also a ferry place, near the entrance of the Bural river, below Rampūr Boalia.

Dastan was the title of Rustam, the Persian Hercules— otherwise called Rustam Zal.

“Jharkand” was the name by which, what we now call, “Chutia Nagpur” was known in Muhammadan times; whilst “Bharkundah” denoted “Sonthal Parganas including Birbbūm.”

I think “Gondwārah” in the text here is a copyist’s mistake for “Gondwanah” which has been identified with the “Central Provinces,” of which the capital is Garha-Katanga (Jabalpūr).

It is worthy of note that there is a town called Sūraj-garh (or fort of Sūraj) in Monghyr district, on the southern banks of the Ganges, and close to Maulanagar, where there is also an old Muhammadan Khanqah founded by Mahabat Jang.

In Firishta, ‘Shangal.’ In the list of Hindu kings given in the Āīn-i-Akbarī, I do not find this name.

The authentic history of the city begins with its conquest in 1198 A.C. (594 A.H.) by the Muhammadans, who made it (their first capital in Bengal. (See Tabaqat-i-Naṣirī, p. 151, Pers. Text). This was the period when were erected numerous mosques and other Muhammadan buildings. (See Hunt. Imp. Gazetteer, Vol. III, p. 333, also Ravenshaw’s and Creighton’s “Ruins of Gaur”). When the Musulman kings of Bengal established their independence, they transferred the seat of government to Sunargaon and Panduah. Panduah was soon after deserted, and the royal residence re-transferred to Gaur, whilst Sunargaon continued as capital of East Bengal. Minhajus Siraj visited the city in 641 H. or 1245 A.C., and gives an account of it in his Tabaqāt-i-Nasirī. (p. 162, Pers. Text) Abūl Faẓl in the Āīn notices it (see p. 123, Vol. 2, Āīn, Jar. Tr.), and states that the city was known in his time both as Lakhnautī and Gaur, and that the latter epithet was changed to “Jinnatabad” by Emperor Humāyun. Badaini (p. 58, Vol. 1, Pers. Text) states that Bakhtiyar Ghorī founded a city and named it after himself ‘Gour.’ The capital was shifted in Sulaiman Kararanī’s time further westward to Tandāh. During the conquest of Bengal by the Mughuls under the Emperor Akbar, Gaur again became the headquarters of the Mughul Government, and the Mughul Imperialists under Munaim Khan, Khan-i-Khanan, the first Mughul Viceroy of Bengal, occupied it. A pestilence, however, broke out, in course of which Munaim died— and also thousands of troops and people daily (see pp. 318 and 376, Āīn, Vol. 1, Bloch’s Tr. and Badaonī, Vol. 2, p. 217), and the Mughul metropolis of Bengal was removed to Tandāh, and thence shortly after to Rajmahal or Akbarnagar, which remained the capital of Bengal, until it was removed to Dacca or Jahangīrnagar, and lastly to Murshidabad. Dr. Buchanan-Hamilton places the inhabited area of Gaur at 20 square miles, containing over 600,000 souls. The author of Khurshed Jahannuma notes the following principal buildings as still existing:—

1. The Qadam-Rasul, a square, one-domed building in the enclosure of the Fort, erected by Sultan Naṣrat Shāh, son of Sultan Allaudīn Husain Shāh in 937 A.H. (1530 A.C.).

2. The Minar, north-east of the Qadam-Rasul, built by Sultān Fīruz Shāh The height of the Minar is about 50 cubits, and its circumference about 5. cubits. Fīruz reigned in 893 A.H. (1487 A.C.).

When I visited Gaur from Maldah in 1887 I found also portions of the rampart, the gateway, and the Qadam-Rasul building yet extant.

The embanked road or bridge is described in Tabaqat-i-Nasirī (p. 162). It connected Lakhnauti with Lakhnur in Rar on the western side, and Lakhnauti with Deocote in Barind on the eastern side, and was constructed by Hussamuddin Iwuz alias Sultan Ghiasuddin.

Murshidābād was the latest Muhammadan Capital of Bengal, its immediate predecessor for over 100 years being Dacca or Jahāngīrnagar, in Eastern Bengal. In 1704 A.C., Murshid Qulī Khān also known as Jāfar Khān (then the Mughul Dīwan) falling out with Prince Azīm-us-shān, the Mughul Viceroy or Nawab at Dacca, transferred the seat of government from Dacca to the little town of Makhsūsābād, and named the place after himself “Murshidābād.” After the battle of Plassey in 1757 A.C., Clive on entering Murshidābād describes it thus: “This city is as extensive, populous, and rich as the city of London … The inhabitants, if inclined to destroy the Europeans, might have done so with sticks and stones.” Even after the battle of Plassey, Murshidābād remained for some years the seat of administration. The result of the battle of Plassey was at the time appreciated both by Clive and the people, for the reason that it ended the misrule of Sirajudaula, who had rendered himself obnoxious both to the people and the English by his youthful pranks and vagaries; it was not regarded at the time as interfering with Musulman sovereignty: it merely affected the substitution of a new Nawab (Mīr Jāfar) for Sirajudaula. In 1765, the East India Company received the grant of Dīwanī or financial administration of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa from the Mughul Emperor of Delhi, Shāh Alām, and in the following year Lord Clive, as the Emperor’s Dīwan, presided in person at the Puniya, or annual collection and settlement of revenues. On this occasion, the young Nawāb Nazim (as administrative and military representative of the Mughul Emperor of Delhi) sat on the masnad, with the Dīwan (Lord Clive) on his right hand. The work of administration still remained in the hands of Muhammadan officials. In 1772, Warren Hastings removed the Supreme, Civil, and Criminal Courts from Murshidābād to Calcutta, but after three years the Criminal court (Nizāmat Adalat) was re-transferred to Murshidābād, and it was only in 1790, under Lord Cornwallis, that the entire revenue, civil, and criminal staff were posted in Calcutta. The Murshidābād Mint, the recognized emblem of metropolitan supremacy, was abolished in 1799. Thenceforth, Murshidābād has been left only as the residence of the Nawāb, a descendant of Mir Jāfar, and now it has ceased to be of importance.

It may be of interest to note here that the following mint towns existed in Bengal during the earlier Muhammadan kings: (1) Lakhnautī, (2) Firuzābād (Pandūah), (3) Sātgāon, (4) Shahr-i-Nau (not identified), (5) Ghiyaspūr, (6) Sunargāon, (7) Muazzamābād (i.e., Sylhet or Mymensingh), (8) Fathābād (Farīdpūr town), (9) Khalīfatābād (Bagerhat town in Jessore), and (10) Husainabad (probably close to Gaur) (See Thomas’ “Initial Coinage” and Blochmann’s Contributions).

Urfī was a famous Persian poet of Shirāz, attached to the Court of Emperor Jahangīr. He possessed poetical genius of a high order, and was much appreciated by the Emperor. I published an English translation of some of his “Odes” or “Qasaid,” many years ago.

The palace of Mutījhīl was for several years, after the installation of Nawab Mīr Jāfar, the residence of the British Political Resident attached to the Court of the Nawāb Nāzims of Bengal.

Sātgaon, the ancient royal port or “Ganges Regia” of Bengal. It lay at the point of junction of the Hūghlī and the holy Saraswātī. The river Saraswātī silted up during the first-half of the sixteenth century, and the Portuguese merchants found that the harbour of Sātgāon was no longer practicable, and accordingly fixed their port at Gholaghāt in 1537, a few miles lower down on the same east bank of the river. Gholaghāt soon became the chief emporium, and took the name of the river, that is, Hūghlī town or part. Sātgāon is now become a petty village, though when I visited it from Hūghlī in 1888, I found traces of a ruined mosque. The first mention of Sātgāon that I find in Muhammadan history is in the reign of Sultan Ghiasuddin Tughluk Shāh who invaded Bengal to chastise Bahadur Shāh, King of Sunargaon. (See pp 45-46 Tarikh-i-Firuzshāhi).

Ajam. The Arabs divided the races of the world into the Arabīs and the Ajamīs or non-Arabs. Persia Proper was called Irak-i-Ajam.

In 1596 A.C., it is mentioned in the Āīn-i-Akbarī as a rent-paying village named “Kalīkatta” under Sarkār Sātgāon. (See Āīn, p. 141, Vol. 2, Jar. Tr.) In 1686, in consequence of a rupture with the Musulmān authorities at Hūghlī port, the English merchants, led by their Chief, Job Charnock, were obliged to quit their factory there and to retreat to Sūtanātī (now a northern quarter of Calcutta). Their new settlement soon extended itself southwards first over the village of “Kalīkatta” (between the present Customs-House and the Mint) and subsequently over the village of Gobīndpūr (which existed to the south of the present site of Fort William). In 1689, it became the head-quarters of the servants of the East India Company employed in Bengal factories. In 1696, the original Fort William was built, being replaced by a new one in 1742, the above three villages being purchased in 1700 from Prince Azam, son of Emperor Aurangzeb. In 1756, the town was sacked and Fort William captured by Nawāb Sirāju-d-daulah, who changed its name to Alīnagar. In Jannary 1757 it was re-taken by the English under Admirals Watson and Clive. A new fort, the present Fort William, was commenced by Clive, but it was finished in 1773, when the maidan was also opened out. In this connection, it may be added, that the author of the “Seirul Mutakherin,” though hostile to Siraju-d-daulah, and though a contemporary historian, does not say a word about the “Black Hole” affair!

Until 1707, when Calcutta was first declared a Presidency, it had been dependent on the older English settlement at Madras. From 1707 to 1773 it was on an equal footing with presidencies at Madras and Bombay. In 1773, an Act of Parliament was passed, under which it was declared that the Presidency of Calcutta should exercise a sort of general control over other possessions of the English East India Company, that the Chief of the Presidency of Calcutta should be called Governor-General. In 1772, Warren Hastings had given into the hands of the servants of the East India Company the general administration of Bengal which had hitherto been in the hands of Muhammadan Niẓamat officials, and had removed the Treasury from Murshidabad to Calcutta. The latter town thus became both the capital of Bengal and the seat of Supreme Government. In 1834, the Governor-General of Bengal was created Governor-General of India, and was allowed to appoint a Deputy-Governor of Bengal to manage the affairs of Bengal in his absence. In 1854, a separate Lieutenant-Governor was appointed for Bengal, Behar, and Orissa.

(See Wilson’s Early Annals of the “English in Bengal,” Buckland’s “Bengal under Lieutenant-Governors.”)

Chandanagore, founded as a small French settlement in 1673, rose to mercantile importance under Dupleix in the middle of the eighteenth century.

In the seventeenth century, the Dutch merchants who had hitherto resided at Sātgāon and Hūghlī ports, founded their factory and port at Chinsurāh, a little below Hūghlī town.

The Danes in the seventeenth century founded their factory and port at Serampūr, about eight miles south of Chandanagore.

In the thirteenth century, Purnīah fell into the hands of the Muhammadans. Sarkar of Purniah is described in the Āīn-i-Akbarī, as containing nine mahals, with revenue 6,408,775 dams (See Jarrett’s Trans. of Āīn, Vol. 2, p. 134). Under its administrator, Nawab Saif Khan, a contemporary of Nawab Jāfar Khān, the Viceroy of Bengal, it attained the height of its prosperity. Its manufacture in bider works, once so famons, was found by me to have nearly died out when I was at Purnīah in 1898.

The tract of country between the northern limits of Purnīah district and the foot of Nepal Proper is locally known as the Mūrang.

Ruins of the fort still stand. It is now in the zemindary of Mr. Forbes of Purnīah, a few miles to the north of Purnīah railway station.

The Maasīr-ul-Umara (Vol. 1, Fasc. III, pp. 677-687) gives a detailed biographical sketch of Amīr Khān. It mentions Saif Khān, Faujdar of Purniah, as one of the sons of Amīr Khān. The Maasir calls Amīr Khān, “Amīr Khān Mīr-ī-Mīran.” Amīr Khān’s mother, Ḥamīda Banū Begam. was a grand-daughter of Eminu-d-daulah Açaf Khān.

Biruagar is now a circle under the Sub-Manager of the Durbhanga Raj at Purnīah.

At present each of these forms a police circle.

Several Durjan Singhs are mentioned in the Alamgīrnamah. One Bir Singh, Zemindar of Srīnagar, is also mentioned in it.

It did not appear to me so when I was at Purnīah in 1898. The old town or city appeared to me to have got into complete ruin, and very little trace of its former opulence and prosperity existed.

No traces of these could be found by me, when I was at Purnīah in 1898..

No traces of these could be found by me, when I was at Purnīah in 1898..

A fair is still held annually at Caragola, and is largely attended by Nepaulese, Bhutias and other hill-tribes, though not to the same extent as before.

Three routes to Kuch Behar and Assam are described in the Alamgirnamah (p. 683).

Dacca or Jahāngīrnagar was the Musalmān Viceregal Capital of Bengal during Mughul rule in India for a century, before it was shifted to Murshidabad by Murshid Qulī Khān in 1704 A.C. In 1610 A.C., Islām Khān, the Mughul Viceroy of Bengal, shifted the Viceregal Capital from Rajmahal, or Akbarnagar, to Dacca. This transfer of capital appears to have been decided upon, because the Musalmān dominions in Bengal had considerably extended eastward, and Rajmahal ceased to occupy a central position, and also because Magh and Arracanese incursions from Arrakan had become frequent. To effectually guard against the latter, a powerful fleet was constructed and maintained at Dacca and on the rivers Padda and Megna; and colonies of Musalmān feudal barons (most of whom have now died out or sunk into ploughmen) were planted throughout Eastern Bengal, especially at places of strategic importance, in order to hold in check all disloyal Afghān elements, and to prevent their intriguing with the Magh raiders. Except for about sixteen years, when Prince Shah Shuja re-transferred the Viceregal Capital to Rajmahal, Dacca remained the Viceregal Capital of Bengal throughout the seventeenth centary under three illustrious Mughul Emperors, viz., Jahāngīr, Shāh Jahān, and Aurangzeb. The most notable amongst the Mughul Viceroys of Dacca were Islam Khān, Mīr Jumla, the General of Aurangzeb, and Shasata Khān (nephew of Empress Nūr Jahan). The latter two Nawābs are still remembered for their encouragement of architecture, and for their construction of great public works conducive to the material improvement of the people. Whilst the great achievement of the first was the brenking of the last neck of Afghan opposition. The suburb of Dacca, it is related, extended northwards for a distance of 15 miles, now covered with dense jungles. The muslin manufacture of Dacca, once so famous, has now nearly died out. The old fort. erected in the reign of Emperor Jahāngīr, has disappeared. The only old public buildings now remaining are the Katra, built by Shāh Shujā in 1645, and the palace of Lal Bāgh, both of these also being in ruins. (See Taylor’s Topography of Dacca and Dr. Wise’s History of Dacca). Dacca, or Dhakka, occurs in the Akbarnāmāh as an Imperial Thana in 1584 the mahal to which it belonged is named “Dhakka Bazu;” it pertained in those early days to Sarkar Bazūha. (See Āīn-i-Akbarī Jarrett’s Trans., Vol. 2, Fasc. II, p. 138). Dacca, though it has lost its former Viceregal magnificence and opulence, has not yet sunk into an ordinary Bengal town, by reason of its being the residence of the present liberal and public-spirited ‘Nawābs of Dacca.’

Sunargaon City, close to Dacca to the south-east, was long an ancient Musalmān Capital of Bengal. To this place in 1281 A.C. (see p. 87 Tarikh-i-Fīruz Shahī by Barnī) Emperor Balban from Delhi came, and pursued Tughral, who had proclaimed himself Sultān Mughisuddin in 1279 A.C.; and about 610 A.H. (1214 A.C.) it was together with Bang (East Bengal) subdued (Tabaqat-i-Nasirī, Pers: text, p. 163) by Sultān Ghiasuddīn, one of the immediate successors of Bakhtīar Khīljī. Sunargaon is a place of melancholy historical interest, for it was here that the line of Balbani kings of Bengal (1282 to 1331 A.C.) ended, and it was also here that the last Balbani sovereign of Bengal, Bahadur Shāh, in 1331 A.C., under the order of Emperor Muhammad Shāh Tughlak, was captured, put to death, and his skin stuffed and paraded throughout the Emperor’s dominions. Subsequently, in 1338 A.C., the first Independent Mussalmān king of Bengal, named Fakhruddīn Abūl Muzaffar Mubarak Shāh, proclaimed his independence at Sunargaon, where he resided and minted coins Thomas’ “Initial Coinage” and Tarikh-i-Firuz-Shahi, p. 480). Mubarak Shāh’s son, Ghazī Shāh (third Independent king), also resided at Sunargaon, and minted coins there. In 1352 A.C., Hajī Ilyas or Sultān Shamsuddīn Abul Muzaffar Ilyas Shāh (fourth Independent king) established himself at Sunargaon (Thomas’ “Initial Coinage”) and there founded a new dynasty of Independent Bengal kings, who (with an interruption only of about forty years) continued to rule over Bengal for over a century (1352 to 1495 A.C.), and divided their residence between Gaur and Sunargaon. It was to Sunargaon that the illustrious poet of Shīraz, Hāfiz, sent his famous ghazl to Sultān Ghiasuddīn (son of Sikandar Shāh and grandson of Ilyas Shāh), when the latter invited the poet to his Royal Court at Sunargaon. Sunargaon has now become an insignificant village, without a single trace of its former regal splendour. (See also Dr. Wise’s note on Sunargaon, J.A.S., 1874, p. 82).

Chittagong was found to be in the hands of King Fakhruddīn of Sunargaon about 1350 A.C., when Ibn-i-Batutah visited it. It was re-subdued by King Nasrat Shāh, son of Husain Shāh, in the beginning of the sixteenth century. In Todar Mal’s rent-roll, it is assessed at Rs. 285,607, and the Sarkar is shown as including seven mahals. During the struggle for supremacy in Bengal between Afghans and Mughuls in the seventeenth century, it temporarily slipped out of Moslem hands, and had to be re-conquered in 1664 A.C. by Nawāb Shaista Khān, Emperor Aurangzeb’s Viceroy at Dacca, who named it Islāmābād (See the charming description of the re-conquest of Chittagong, in the Alamgirnamah, pp. 940-956.) Chittagong was, from very early times, an important place of trade, and the early Portuguese traders called it “Porto Grando.”

Sirkar Bogla or Bakla in Abul Faẓl’s Āīn is stated to have contained four mahals, and its revenue was Rs. 178,756. It comprised portions of the Backergunj and Sundarban districts and the southernmost portions of the Dacca district. The author of the Seiral Mutakherin calls it Sarkār Hugla.

Sarkar Ghoraghāt comprised portions of Dinajpur, Rangpūr, and Bogra districts. Being the northern frontier district skirting Koch-Behar, numerous colonies of Afghān and Mughal chiefs were planted there under the fendal system, with large jāgir lands under each. Many of the mahals bear purely Muhammadan names, such as Bazū Zafar Shāhī, Bazū Faulad Shāhi, Nasratābād, Bayizidpūr, Taaluk Husain, Taaluk Ahmad Khān, Kabnl, Masjd Husain Shahi. The Sarkar prodnced much raw silk. Eighty-four mahals; revenue, Rs. 202,077. The old Musalmān military outpost of Deocote near Gangarampur was in this Sarkar. It was established in the time of Bakhtīar Khīljī (see Blochmann’s Contr., J.A.S., 1873, p. 215, Tabaqat-i-Naṣirī, p. 156, Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. II, p. 135 and Vol. I, p. 370). After the battle of Patna, 982 A.H., when Daud retired to Orissa, (Badaoni, p. 184, Vol. II), his generals Kalapahar and Baba Mankli proceeded to Ghoraghat, (Badaoni, p. 192). Akbar’s general, Majnun Khan, died at Ghoraghat.

Sarkār Mahmūdābād, named after one of the Sultān Mahmūd Shāhs of Bengal, comprised north-eastern Nadiya, north-eastern Jessore, and western Farīdpūr. Eighty-eight mahals; revenue Rs. 290,256. Its principal mahals were Santor, Naldī, Mahmūdshāhī, and Nasratshāhī. When Akbar’s army in 1574 under Munim Khan-i-Khanan invaded Bengal, Murad Khān, another Imperialist-General, invaded South-Eastern Bengal. He conquered, says the Akbarnamah, Sarkars Bakla and Fathabad (Farīdpūr) and settled and died there. It is remarkable that close to Farīdpūr there is a village (now a railway station) called Khan-Khanānpūr, which probably was the residence of Murad Khān, and which again is close to a place called Rājbarī (probably the seat of the old Rajahs). His sons were treacherously murdered at a feast to which they were invited by Mukund, the Rajah of Bhusna and Fatahabad. (See Āīn-i-Akbarī, p. 374, Bloch. Trans.) During the reigns of Jahangīr and Shāh Jahān, Satrujīt, son of Mukund, gave trouble, and at length in Shāh Jahāu’s reign was captured and executed at Dhaka (1636 A.C.) Nawāb Jāfar Khān about 1772 broke up this Sarkar, and annexed part of it to Rajshahi and part to the new Chaklah of Bhusna. Bhusna lies near Bonmaldih and Dakhinbarī, ancient Moslem colonies, and it is curious that west of it, on the Nabaganga, we find Satrujītpur close to an ancient Moslem colony, at Alūkdih; whilst opposite to Farīdpūr we find Mukund-chor, which is again close to “Khan-Khanānpūr” station, referred to above. Satrujīt’s descendant or successor, the notorious Raja Sitaram Rai, had his head-quarters at Mahmūdpur town, at the confluence of the Barasia and Madhumati rivers, in Jessore. Quite close to Mahmūdpūr, is an old Musalman colony at Shirgaon. (See Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. II, p. 132, and Blochmann’s Contr., J.A.S., 1873, p. 217).

Sarkār Barbakābād, so named after Barbak Shāh, King of Bengal. It extended from Sarkar Lakhnautī, or Gaur, along the Padda to Bagūra, and comprised portions of Maldah, Dinajpūr, Rajshāhī, and Bogra Its clothes were well known, especially the stuffs called khacah. Thirty-eight mahals; revenue Rs 436,288. (See Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. II, p. 137, and Blochmaun’s Contr., J.A.S., 1873, p. 215.)

Sarkār Bazūha extended from the limits of Sarkar Barbakābād, and included portions of Rājshāhī, Bogra, Pabna, and Maimansingh, and reached in the south a little beyond the town of Dacca. Thirty-two mahals; revenue Rs. 987,921. (See Āīn, Vol. II, p. 137).

Sarkār Silhat adjoining to Sarkar Bazūha, chiefly extended east of the Surma river. The country was conquered by Musalmans led by a warrior-saint called Shāh Jallāl in the end of the fourteenth century, when the Afghan King Shamsuddin ruled over Bengal with his capital at Gaur. Shāh Jallāl’s shrine in Silhat town still exists. Silhat supplied India with eunuchs, and Jahangir issued an edict forbidding people of Silhat from castrating boys. Eight mahals; revenue Rs. 167,032 (Āīn, Vol. II, p. 139, Blochmann’s Contr., J.A.S., 1873, pp. 216, 235, 278).

Sarkār Sharīfābād comprised south-eastern portions of Birbhūm and a large portion of Burdwan, including Burdwan town. Twenty-six mahals; revenue Rs. 562,218. (Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. II, p. 139).

Sarkar Madāran extended from Nagor in Western Birbhūm over Raniganj, along the Damūdar to above Burdwan, and thence from there over Khand Ghosh, Jahānābād, Chandrakona (western Hughlī district) to Mandalghāt, at the mouth of the Rūpnarain river. Sixteen mahals; revenue Rs. 235,085 (See Āīn, Vol. II, p. 141).

Sher Shāh had already made plans to shift the seat of Government of Bengal from Tandah to Āgmahal, but this was carried out by Rājah Mān Sīngh, Akbar’s Governor of Bengal, who named the place Rājmahal, and subsequently Akbarnāgar, after Emperor Akbar. Before Mān Singh, Daūd, the last Afghan King of Bengal, had fortified Āgmahal (984 A.H.) in his last stand against Mughuls under Khān Jahan, Akbar’s general (Badaoni, Vol. II, p. 229). Subsequently, in the time of Jahangir, Rajmahal was the scene of a sanguinary battle between Prince Shah Jahan and Jahangir’s Viceroy of Bengal, Ibrahim Khān Fateh Jang, who was killed (Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangirī, p. 221). It was for about twenty years the Viceregal Capital of Bengal, under Prince Shāh Shuja, who adorned the city with beautiful marble-palaces, no trace of which, however, now exists.— (See Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. II, p. 340).

As early as 1686 A.C., the English East India Company, with permission of Emperor Aurangzeb, established a silk factory here, and in 1770 A.C., English bazar, close to Māldah, was fixed upon as the Commercial residency. Māldah is mentioned in the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri: “When I (Jahangir) was prince, I had made a promise to Mir Ziyaudin of Tazwīn, a Saifi Syed, who has since received the title of Mustafa Khan, to give him and his children Pargana Māldah, a well-known Pargana in Bengal. This promise was now performed (1617 A.C.)”— See J.A.S., 1873, p. 215n.

Panduah, like Gaur, is situate in the district of Māldah. ‘Alī Mubarak had his capital at Panduah, and the third independent Musalman Afghan King of Bengal, named Shamsuddin Llyas Shāh, fortified the place, and permanently removed the headquarters there about 1353 A.C. Panduah for over 50 years remained the Capital of Bengal, during the reigns of seven Afghan independent Kings of Bengal, after which the capital was in 1446 A.C. during the reign of Nasiruddin Mahmud Shāh re-transferred to Gaur, which was retained by Muhammadans for about three centuries as their capital. The principal buildings at Panduah are the mausoleums of Makhdūm Shāh Jallāl and his grandson Qutb Shāh, the Golden Mosque (1585 A.C.) with wall of granite, and ten domes of brick, the Eklakhi Mosque containing the grave of Ghiasuddin II, the fifth Musalman independent King of Bengal, the Adīna Mosque (fourteenth century) characterised by Mr. Fergusson as the most remarkable example of Pathan architecture, and the Satargarh (seventy towered) palace. Panduah was once famous for its manufacture of indigenous paper, but this industry has now died out. Dr. Buchanan Hamilton gives a detailed description of the ruins of Panduah, and the Khurshid Jahānnumah (an analysis of which Mr. Beveridge has published) supplements it.

Shaikh Jalaluddīn Tabrizī was a disciple of Said Tabrizī, a vicegerent of Shahabuddin Shurawardi, and a friend of Khwājah Qutbuddīn and Shaikh Bahauddīn Zakarīah. Shaikh Najmuddīn, Shaikh-ul-Islam at Delhi, bore him enmity; so the saint went to Bengal. His tomb is in the port of Dev Mahal (or Maldiveisle).— See Aīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. II, p. 366.

Shaikh Nur Qutbu-l-‘Alam was son and vicegerent of Shaikh Alau-l-Huq (the latter having been vicegerent of Shaikh Akhi Siraj). He was a mystic of eminence, and died in A.H. 808 (A.C. 1405) and was buried at Panduah.— See Āīn, Vol. II, p. 371.

Note on Sarkars of Bengal (principally compiled from Blochmann’s Contributions, Tabaqat-i-Naṣirī, Tarīkh-i-Fīruz Shahī, Āīn-i-Akbarī, Badoanī, Thomas’s Initial coinage, Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, Badshahnamah, and Alamgirnamah.)

Before proceeding to the next section, it may be noted here that our author has not described all the Sarkars or old Musalman administrative divisions or districts of Bengal.

Bengal before Muhammadan conquest in 1198 A.C. consisted of five Divisions, namely (1) Radha, the tract south of the Ganges and west of the Hughlī; (2) Bagdi, the deltaic tract of the Ganges; (3) Banga, the tract to the east and beyond the delta; (4) Barendra, the tracts to the north of the Padda and between the Karatya and Mahananda rivers, and (5) Mithīla, the country west of the Mahananda (See Hamilton’s “Hindustan”). These Divisions appear to have been under different Hindu Rajas or petty chieftains, who had no cohesion amongst them, and were under no allegiance to any central authority, and whose form of government was patriarchal. When Bakhtiar Khilji with eighteen troopers stormed Nadia, then the Hindu capital of Bengal, and conquered Bengal, in 1198 A.C. (594 A.H.) he appears to have conquered Mithila, Barendra, Radha, and the north-western portion of Bagdi. This tract was named Vilayet-i-Lakhnautī after its capital, Lakhnauti city. Its extent is roughly described in 1245 A. C. (641 A.H.) in the Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, p. 162, when its author Minhāju-s-Siraj, visited Lakhnauti. Minhaj says that the Vilayet-i-Lakhnauti lies to both sides of the Ganges, and consists of two wings, the eastern one is called Barendra, to which Deokot belongs, and the western called Rāl (Radha) to which Lakhnauti belongs, that on one side the town of Lakhnauti is connected with Deokot, and on the other side with Lakhnor by a causeway or embanked road, ten days’ distance. Deokot has been identified with an old fort, now known simply as Damdamah, on the left branch of the Purnababa, south of Dinajpur, and close to Gangarampur. Bang or East Bengal appears to have been subdued in 1214 A. C. (610 A.H.) by Sultān Ghiasuddin, an immediate successor of Bakhtiar Khilji (Tabaqat, p. 163). During the rule of the Independent Musalman Kings of Bengal (1338 to 1538 A.C.), the extent of the kingdom of Bangala or Bengal was much more apparently than what is described in the Āīn-i-Akbarī, and in the rent-roll of Bengall prepared by Akbar’s Finance Ministers, Khwajah Muzaffar Ali and Todar Mall in 1582 A.C.— (See J.A.S., 1873, p. 254, Tabaqat-i-Naṣirī and Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi, Thomas’s ‘Initial Coinage’). In Akbar’s rent-roll, the following 19, Sarkars are mentioned as composing the kingdom of Bengal Proper:—

1. Sarkār Lakhnautī or Jennatabad extending from Teliagadhi (near Colgong), including a few mahals now belonging to Bhagalpur and Purneah districts, and the whole of Maldah district. Sixty-six mahals; khalsa revenue, Rs. 4,71,174.

2. Sarkār Purneah, comprising a great portion of the present district of Purneah, as far as the Mahananda. Nine mahals; revenue Rs. 1,60,219.

3. Sarkār Tajpur, extending over eastern Purneah, east of the Mahananda and western Dinajpur. Twenty-nine mahals; revenue Rs. 1,62,096.

4. Sarkār Panjrāh, north-east of the town of Dinajpur, comprising a large part of Dinajpur district. Twenty-one mahals; revenue Rs. 1,45,081.

5. Sarkār Ghoraghāt, comprising portions of Dinajpur, Rangpur, and Bogra districts, as far as the Brahmaputrā. Eighty-four mahals; revenue Rs. 2,02,077.

6. Sarkār Barbakābād, comprising portions of Maldah, Dinajpur and large portions of Rajshahi and Bogra. Thirty-eight mahals; revenue Rs. 4,36,288.

7. Sarkār Bazūha comprising portions of Rajshahī, Bogra, Pabna, Maimansingh, and reaching a little beyond the town of Dacca in the south. Thiry-two mahals; revenue Rs. 9,87,921.

8. Sirkār Silhat. Eight mahals; revenue Rs. 1,67,032.

9. Sarkār Sunargaon, extending to both sides of the Megna and the Brahmaputrā, including portions of western Tipperah, eastern Dacca, Maimansingh and Noakhali. Fifty-two mahals; revenue Rs. 2,58,283.— (See also Dr. Wise’s ‘note on Sunargaon,’ J.A.S., 1874, No. 1, p. 82).

10. Sarkār Chatgam. Seven mahals; revenue, Rs. 2,85,607.

11. Sarkār Sātgaon comprised a small portion to the west of the Hughli, whilst a large portion comprised the modern districts of the 24-Parganas to the Kabadak river, western Nadia, south-western Murshidabād, and extended in the south to Hatiagarh below Diamond Harbour. To this Sarkar belonged mahal Kalkatta (Calcutta) which together with 2 other mahals paid in 1582 a land revenue of Rs. 23,405. Fifty-three mahals; revenue Rs. 4,18,118.— See also J.A.S., 1870, p. 280.

12. Sarkār Mahmūdabād, so called after Mahmūd Shah, King of Bengal (846 A.H.), comprising north-eastern Nadia, north-eastern Jessore, and western Faridpur. Eighty-eight mahals; revenue, Rs. 2,90,256.

13. Sarkār Khalifatābād, comprising southern Jessore and western Baqirganj (Backergunge). The Sarkar is so named after the haveli perganah Khalifatābād (or ‘clearance of Khalīfah’ Khān Jahān) near Bagerhat. The largest mahal of this Sarkar was Jesar (Jessore) or Rasulpūr. Thirty-five mahals; revenue, Rs. 135,053. In this Sarkar is also Alaipūr, which Professor Blochmann surmises to have been the residence of Sultān Alauddin Husain Shāh, before the latter became King of Bengal.

14. Sarkār Fathabād, so called after Fath Shah, King of Bengal (886 A.H.) comprising a small portion of Jessore, a large part of Farīdpur, northern Baqirganj, a portion of Dhaka district, the island of Dakhin Shahbāzpūr, and Sondip, at the mouth of the Megna. The town of Farīdpūr lies in the haveli pergana of Fathabād. 31 mahals; revenue Rs. 1,99,239.

15. Sarkār Bakla or Bogla, south-east of the preceding, comprised portions of Baqirganj and Dhaka districts. Four mahals; revenue Rs. 1,78,756.

16. Sarkar Udner, or Tandah, comprising the greater portion of Murshidabād district, with portion of Birbhum. Fifty-two mahals; revenue Rs. 6,01,985. Sulaiman Shāh Kararāni, the last but one of the Afghan Kings of Bengal, moved the seat of Government to Tandah from Gaur in 1564 A.C., that is, 11 years before the ruin of the latter.— (Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. II, p. 130n.)

17. Sarkar Sharīfabād, south of the preceding, comprising remaining portions of Birbhum, and a large portion of Burdwan districts, including the town of Burdwan. Twenty-six mahals; revenue Rs. 5,62,218.

18. Sarkar Sulaimānabād, so called after Sulaiman Shah, King of Bengal, comprising a few southern parganas in the modern distriots of Nadia, Burdwan and the whole north of Hughli district. Panduah on the E. I. R. belonged to this Sarkar. The chief town of the Sarkar called Sulaimānabād (afterwards changed to Salīmabād) was on the left bank of the Damūdar, south-east of the town of Burdwan. Thirty-one mahals; revenue Rs. 4,40,749.

19. Sarkār Madaran, extended in a semicircle from Nagor in western Birbhum, over Raniganj along the Damudar to above Burdwan, and from there over Khand Ghosh, Jahauabād, Chandrakona (western Hughli district) to Mandalghat at the mouth of the Rupnarain river. Sixteen mahals; revenue Rs. 2,35,085.

The above 19 Sarkārs which made up Bengal Proper in 1582, paid a revenue on khalsa lands (crown lands) inclusive of a few duties on salt, hats, and fisheries, of Rs. 6,3,37,052. According to Grant the value of jagir lands was fixed at Rs. 4,348,892, so that in 1582 A.C. and from before it, Rs. 10,685,944 was the total revenue of Bengal.— (See J.A.S, 1873, p. 219). This was levied from ryats in specie, as the equivalent of the sixth share of the entire produce of the land, claimed by the sovereign as his share.— (See Āīn-i-Akbarī), pp. 55 and 63, Vol. 2. This rent-roll remained in force during the reign of Jahāngir. Under Shāh Jahān, the boundaries of Bengal were extended on the south-west, Mednipur and Hijli having been annexed to Bengal, and in the east and north-east by conquests in Tipperah and Koch Hajo; and when Prince Shuja was made Governor of Bengal he made about 1658 A.C., a new rent-roll which shewed 34 Sarkars and 1,350 mahals, and a total revenue, in khalsa and jagir lands, of Rs. 1,31,15,907.— (See J.A.S., 1873, p. 219). Shuja’s rent-roll remained in force till 1722 A.C., an addition having been made after the re-conquest of Chittagong, and conquest of Assam and Koch Behar in Aurangzeb’s time. In that year, Nawāb Jafar Khān (Murshid Quli Khān) prepared his ‘Kāmil Jama’ Tumarī’ or ‘perfect rent-roll,’ in which Bengal was divided into 34 Sarkars, forming 13 chaklahs, and subdivided into 1,660 perganas, with a revenue of Rs. 1,42,88,186. After the rule of Nawab Jafar Khān, Abwab revenue (imposts as fees, &c.), appeared in the books. In the time of Shuja Khan, Nawab Jafar’s successor, the Abwabs (see Blochmann’s Contributions and Grant’s report) amounted to Rs. 21,72,952, and they rapidly increased under Nawabs Ali Vardī Khan and Kasim Khan, so that when the E.I. Company in 1765 acquired the Dewani from Emperor Shāh Alam, the net amount of all revenue collected in Bengal Proper was (see Grant’s report) Rs. 2,56,24,223.

I respectfully differ, however, from Professor Blochmann’s conclusions on one point. He would seem to suggest that the above extent of territory with the above Revenue, as gathered from Todar Mal’s rent-roll prepared in 1582 and also from the Āīn-i-Akbarī, Iqbalnamah, Padshahnamah and Alamgirnamah, might be taken to represent the territorial and fiscal strength of the Musalman Bengal kingdom of pre-Mughal times— (J.A.S., 1873, p. 214). This inference is vitiated, in view of the fact that the Musalman Bengal kingdom in pre-Mughal times included for the most part the whole of north Behar, and, under several Musalman Bengal rulers, also south Behar as far westward as Sarkars Mungher and Behar, besides Orissa. This consideration would indicate that the territorial and financial strength of the Musalman Bengal kingdom in pre-Mughal times was greater than what is arrived at in Professor Blochmann’s conclusions. In the Āīn-i-Akbarī, Orissa is included in the Ṣūbah of Bengal, Orissa consisting of 5 Sarkars. Thus, the Sūbah of Bengal is described as consisting of 24 Sarkars (that is, including 5 Sarkars of Orissa), and 787 mahals, and the revenue is stated to be Rs. 1,49,61,482-15-7.— (See Āin, Vol. II, p. 129). Mutamad Khan who was attached to Emperor Jahangir’s Court, in his account of the seventh year of Jahangir’s reign, states that the revenue of Bengal was one Kror and fifty laks in rupees.— (Vide Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, p. 60).

Rājāh Bhagīrath or Bhagdat, son of Narak, had his Capital at the city of Pragjatespur (identified with the modern Gauhatī), is described in the Mahābhārat as espousing the cause of Darjūdhan, and as being slain by the victorious Arjūn. According to the Aīn-i-Akbarī, p. 144, Vol. 2, Bhagīrat or Bhagdat had twenty-three successors in his dynasty.

According to the Āīn, p. 147, Jarjūdhan.

This is the period during which his dynasty ruled. In the Āīn, p. 144, 2418 years.

In the Ain, p. 145, “Bhoj Gauriah.”

In the Ain, p. 145, “520 years.”

In the Ain, “Adsur.”

In the Ain, p. 146, “106 years.”

In the Ain, “45 44” years.

In the Ain, “Sukh Sin.” He is not described as a Boido.

In the Ain, “Naugah.”

In Ferishta “Lakhmanah”; in Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri “Lakhmaniah.”

In Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, “Naudiah” or “new isle.” According to current legends, it was founded in 1063 A.C. by Lakhman Sēn, son of Ballāl Sen, who resided partly at Gaur, and principally at Bikrampur, in Dacca district. Muhammad Bakhtiār Khīlji in 594 A.H. or 1198 A.C. stormed the fort of Nadiah, and conquered Bengal with eighteen troopers— a sad commentary on the feebleness of the Hiudu Rajah!

This account is repeated in several Musalman histories, such as Tabaqat-i-Naiṣri, Ferishta, Āīn-i-Akbarī. The Tabaqat, p. 151, being the nearest contemporary record, may be specially referred to, especially as its author, Minhaju-s-Siraj, shortly after, in 641 A.H. visited Lakhnauti. One lak cowrie is meant.

Minhaju-s-Siraj in the Tabaqat, pp. 150 and 151, pays a high eulogium to this Rājāh, and extols his virtues and liberality, and winds up by saying: “May God lessen his punishment in the next world!” Verily, Minhāj was himself liberal in his views!

In Ferishta (Per. text), Vol. 1, p. 121, Bahdaj, father of Sūraj, is described as descended from Noah. It is worthy of note, that in the district of Monghyr, on the southern bank of the Ganges, near Maulanagar, there is a town called “Sūrajgarh,” or “fort of Sūraj.” Might not this place have been the birthplace or seat of government of Rājāh Sūraj in the text? The locality is one which would facilitate his excursion into the Dakhin through the defiles of the Vindhya range, of which the text speaks.

This is apparently a mistake in the text for “Rai Bahdaj,” who is mentioned in Ferishta as the father of Rai Sūraj, and as a descendant of Noah.

We meet with the name of “Jharkand” in the “Akbarnamah”; it was the Musalman appellation of “Chutia Nagpur” just as Bharkund was the Musalman appellation of “Sonthal Parganna.”

The Aryans must have fallen very low in the scale of spiritualism, to have needed lessons in religion from a preceptor hailing from Chutia Nagpūr, who was apparently a Dravidian or Sonthali Brahman.

This impringement of “spiritual light” from the defiles of Chutia Nagpūr tract, in the time of Rājāh Sūraj, strengthens my surmise that Sūrajgarh, which is not far from Chutia Nagpūr, was the home or residence of Rājāh Sūraj. It may also be noted that the Sonthalese worship images of their ancestors, which worship is referred to in the text.

Zaidasht or Zartasht or |Zardahasht is the name of a person descended from Manūchahar, and a disciple of Tythagorai. During the reign of Emperor Gashtasp of Persia he claimed to be a prophet, and introduced fire-worship. The Magians regard him as a prophet, and say that his name was Ibrahim, and consider his book the Zend (or Zendavarta), as a revealed book. He is supposed to have been the Zoroaster of the Greeks.

Gashtasp or Keshtab was the Darins Hystaspus of the Greeks, and belonged to the Kainian dynasty; his son, Isfandiar, was the Xerxes of the Greeks, and his grandson, Bahman, was the Artaxerxes Longimanus of the Greeks. (See Namah-i-Khusruan, p. 59).

In Ferishta, “Shangaldip” is called “Shangal,” and so in the text in another place. In Ferishta (Persian text), Vol. 2, p. 233, the following account of Shangaldip or Shangal appears: “Shangal, towards the close of the reign of Rājāh Kedār Brahman, emerging from the environs of Koch (Koch Behar) won a victory over Kedar, and founded the City of Lakhnauti, which is otherwise known as Gaur. Shangal mobilized a force of four thousand elephants, one lak cavalry, and five lak infantry, and stopped paying tribute to Afrasiab, the King of Tūran or Tartary or Scythia. Becoming enraged, Afrasiāb deputed his generalissimo, Pīran-Vīsah, with fifty thousand cavalry, to chastise Shangal.” The rest of the account of Ferishta tallies with that in the text.

Kuch Behar used to be known in early days as the tract of the “Koch tribe” or simply as “Koch.”

“Iran” or Persia here in the text is evidently a mistake for “Tūran” or Tartary or Scythia, of which Afrāsiāb was monarch. This indicates the subjection of India (like Persia) to the Scythians at a remote period.

Afrāsiāb (conqueror of Persia) was an ancient king of Tūran or Tartary or Scythia. He was a Mongol by birth. He conquered Persia, killed Nazar with his own hand, and reigned there for about twelve years, about seven centuries before the Christian era, but was subsequently driven beyond the Oxus by a famous chief called Zalzar. Afrāsiāb again overran Persia, but was at last defeated and slain in Arzibījān by Zalzar and his celebrated son, Rustam, the Persian Hercules. Afrāsiāyab appears, however, to have been a family surname, like the Pharaoahs, the Ptolemys, the Cæsars.

The capital of China used to be called in those days “Khanbaligh,” or “City of the Great Khān.”

Rustam, the Persian Hercules. He was a successful general under the first kings of the Kaianian dynasty, in their wars of defence against the incursions into Persia of the Turanian or Scythian monarchs. For a graphic account of those stirring warfares between the Scythians or Turanians or Mongolians and Iranians or Persians, see “Shahnāmah” of Firdausī, the Homer of the East. It is worthy of note that Firdansi, in his immortal Persian epic, gives also the name of an Indian prince as Shangal, in connection with the adventures of Bahram Gaur, a Persian monarch of the Sassanian dynasty, who reigned in the middle of the fourth century. Perhaps, this later Shangal was a descendant of the original Shangal taken captive by Afrāsiāb, the Scythian monarch. In this connection, it may also be noted for grasping chronological relations referred to in the text, that there were the following four dynasties of old Persian kings: (1) Peshdadians, including the Kaimuras, the Jamshids, and the Faridūns; (2) the Kaianians, founded by Kaikubad about 600 B.C., including Khusrau or Kai Khusrau, Bahman, and Darah or Darius &c. (3) Ashkanins, including Hormuz, &c., &c. (4) the Sassanians, founded in 202 A.C. by Ardisher Babegan, including Bahram Gaur and Naushirvan, &c. (See Namai-Khusruan, a short Persian History of Persia by Mirza Muhammad).

At the time when Sultān Muizuddīn Muhammad Sam alias Shahābudīn Ghorī, made incursions into Hindustān, Rājāh Jaichand Rathor ruled at Kanauj and Benares, and Rājāh Pethaura Tonwar ruled at Delhi. Tabaqat, p. 120.

But it must be noted that there is in the text (probably owing to mistake of the copyist of the original manuscript text) a confusion in the sequence of events related.

In the neighbourhood of the Panjab, Alexander gave battle to the Hindū prince, Porus, who had advanced from Kanauj, and put him to rout.

Abūl Faẓl in the Āīn says: “ A part of the northern mountains of the Subah of Delhī is called Kumayun. Here are mines of gold, silver, lead, iron, copper, and borax. Here are also found the musk-deer and the Kūlās cow and silkworms” Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. 2, p. 280.

In Ferishta, “Ramdeo Rathor.”

Most of these legends and traditions regarding Bengal and India of pre-Moslem times have been borrowed by our author from Ferishta. For the most part, they consist of a huge mass of mythological fictions, to extract a few grains of sober historical truth wherefrom, I must leave to more competent hands. Yet it is worthy of note (as our author’s narrative indicates) that India and Bengal in very early times had political connection of some sort with Scythia and (through the latter) with Persia. It is probable that ethnologically, these Scythian incursions resulted to a great extent in an admixture of Scythian and Aryan races in India, which admixture was further complicated by the subsequent Dravidian incursions from the south.

This period extended from 1198 A.C. to 1338 A.C.

This is not quite accurate. Bengal was conquered by Bakhtiār Khilj-al-Ghazī (Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, p. 146), in 594 A.H. or 1198 A.C. (for the discussion of the date, see Tabaqat, p. 150, and Blochmann’s contribution to history of Bengal), whilst Emperor Shahabuddin Ghori alias Muizuddin Muhammad Sam was yet alive, and whilst Qutbuddin Aibak ruled at Delhi, as the latter’s Indian Viceroy, that is, only 7 years after the Musalman occupation of Delhi, which took place in 587 A.H. or 1191 A.C. (Tabaqat, pp. 139, 140 and 128). He was called “Aibak,” because his little finger was feeble or paralyzed (Tabaqat, p. 138), whilst according to another account, “Aibak” signified the “brilliant chief.” His name is preserved in his Capital by the Qutb mosque and by the Qutb Minar, though these were erected to commemorate other more or less forgotten worthies. Bakhtiār Khiljī in the first instance conquered Bengal on his own initiative, though he acknowledged the nominal suzerainty of Shahabuddin and subsequently of Qutbuddin, when the latter mounted the throne of Delhi (Tabaqat, p. 140). That this was so, appears from the circumstance that in the list of Malūks and Sultāns under Shahabuddin alias Muizu-d-dīn contained in Tabaqat (pp. 146 and 137), Bakhtiār is assigned a co-ordinate position with Qutbuddin. In this connection, it is worth noting that owing to a popular and common fallacy, these early pre-Mughul Moslem rulers of India have been described as ‘Pathan rulers of India.’ As pointed out by Major Raverty in his translation of Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, neither the Ghoris, nor their slaves, “the Slave-kings of Delhi,” nor the Tughluks, nor the Khiljīs were Afghans or ‘Pathans,’ but that they were all Turkish tribes. (See also Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, p. 150, where the expression “Turkān” or ‘Turks’ is constantly employed, with reference to the first Musalman conquerors of Behar and Bengal). According to the ‘Masalik-ul-Mumalik,’ says Major Raverty in an article in A.S.J. for 1875, No. 1, p. 37, “the Khalj are a tribe of Turks which in former times settled in Garmsīr, between Sijistan and the region of Hind. They are in appearance and dress like Turks, and observe the customs of that race, and all speak the Turkish language.” The Khaljs or Khiljis have been by several writers erroneously confounded with the Afghan tribe of “Ghalzis” or “Ghiljis.” The first Afghan or ‘Pathan’ who sat on the throne of Delhi was Sultān Bahlul of the Lodi tribe, the thirtieth Musalman ruler of India, counting from Qutbuddin Aibak.

It is worthy of note that in the times of Bakhtiār Khiljī and his immediate successors, South Behar was included in the Bengal or Lakhnaut, Viceroyalty. South Behar was separated from the Bengal Viceroyalty in 622 H. by Emperor Altamsh who placed it under a distinct governor, named Alauddin Janī. On withdrawal of the Emperor, Behar was again annexed by the Bengal ruler, Ghiasuddin (see Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, p. 163). It continued to be a part of the Bengal Kingdom till 1320, when Emperor Ghiasuddin Tughlak again separated it. Behar belonged to the Sharqī Kingdom of Jaunpur from 1397 A.C.; again under Ibrahim, Bahadur Khan, son of Governor Darya Khān, assumed independence in Behar, with the title of Shāh Muhammad, and about 1498 A.C. or about 903 A.H. South Behar again became more or less subject to the Musalman Kings of Gaur, Husain Shāh and Naṣrat Shāh. Under the early Mughul Emperors, Behar was again formed into a distinct Ṣūbah, but under the later Mughuls, it again became incorporated along with Orissa in the great Bengal Viceroyalty. North Behar appears to have been generally included in the Musalmān Kingdom of Bengal (see Tarikh-i-Firuz Shāhī, pp. 451 and 586).

Abūl Fazl places ‘Ghor’ to the north of Kandahar, and ‘Garmsir’ to the west of Kandahar. In ‘Garmsir’ lay the city of Ferozkoh, the capital of the Ghorīan Sultāns.

Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, (Pers. text, p. 146) which is the nearest contemporary account, describes Bakhtiār Khiljī as “active, agile, brave, bold, learned and intelligent.” It says that he went to Ghaznī to seek service under Sultān Muizuddin, but owing to his slender appearance was rejected by the Sultān’s War Minister. Disappointed, Bakhtiār came to Delhi, where also he was rejected by the War Minister (Dewan-i-‘Arz).

In Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri p. 147, which is the most reliable account, ‘Badaon.’ The Tabaqat mentions the name of the feudatory of Badaon to be Sipasalar Hazbaru-d-dīn Hasan Arnab.

Major Raverty identifies Bakhtiār Khiljī’s jagir lands with the parganahs of ‘Bhagwat and Bhoili,’ south of Benaras, and east of Chūnargarh. Professor Blochmann considers this identification satisfactory. (See Raverty’s translation of Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri and Blochmann’s contr. to history and Geography of Bengal).

This account does not accord strictly with what is contained in the Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, (Pers. text, p. 147), the nearest contemporary account for the period. In Tabaqat, it is stated that after being rejected by War Ministers both at Ghaznī and at Delhī, owing to his slender appearance, Bakhtiār Khilji proceeded to Badaon, presented himself before its feudal baron, general Hazbaru-d-din Hassan Arnab, who allotted him a fixed pay, that thence Bakhtiār proceeded to Oudh and presented himself before its feudal baron, Malik Hassamuddin Ughalbak, who conferred on him fiefs of Sahlat and Sahli (identified with Bhagwat and Bhoeli), and finding him brave and bold sent him (apparently on reconnoitering expeditions) towards Munir near Patna, and Behar town. In these reconnoitering expeditions for one or two years, Bakhtiār gathered a large booty, when the Delhi Viceroy (Qutbuddin) recognized tardily Bakhtiār’s merits. It would thus appear that but for Bakhtiar’s own tenacity, the stupidity of the War ministers of Ghaznīn and Delhi would have robbed the Indo-Moslem Empire of a valuable recruit, and perhaps postponed indefinitely its rapid expansion towards Behar and Bengal!

In Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, pp. 147 and 148 it is stated that Bakhtiār presented himself before the gate of the fort of Behar with two hundred horse-girths and armours covered with fur-cloth (), and stormed the fort, and that Bakhtiār had with him at the time two wise brothers, named Nizamud-dīn and Samsamuddīn (of Farghana).

The second year after his conquest of Behar, Bakhtiār Khiljī set out for Bengal, stormed Nadia, and conquered Bengal. Therefore, the conquest of Behar took place in 592 A.H. or 1196 A.C.

The text is not strictly in accord with the account given in the Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri which is the most reliable and the nearest contemporary account for the period. Whilst in the service of the feudatory of Oudh (Tabaqat, Pers. text, p. 147), Bakhtiār reconnoitered Behar for one or two years, and carried off much plunder. Qutb-u-dīn, the Delhi Viceroy, then called Bakhtiār to Lahore tardily recognized his merits, and loaded him with presents. Bakhtiār returned to Behar, and conquered it, and carrying off again a large booty, presented himself to Qutb-u-dīn at Delhi, where he had to undergo a gladiatorial ordeal at the White Castle (Qasr-i-Sufed of Delhi), and then receiving presents from Qutb-u-dīn, returned to Behar, and the second year after his conquest of Behar, he invaded and conquered Bengal, storming and sacking Nadia, and establishing himself at the village or mouza of Lakhnauti (Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, p. 151). This would indicate that Lakhnauti was founded by him, and was distinct from Gaur, though possibly close to it.

The Tabaqat (Pers. text, p. 151) states that the Rājah (Lakhmanīa) was then sitting in his inner apartments, with his food set before him in gold and silver plates, when the sudden inrush of Bakhtiār Khiljī with eighteen troopers, struck terror, and the Rājah ran out bare-foot by a back-door, and fled to Sanknat and Bang, his treasures, harem, slaves and servants and women and elephants all falling into Bakhtiār’s hands.

Some copies of the Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri have ‘Saknat’ and also ‘Sankanat.’ Tabaqat-i-Akbari has “Jagannath.”

According to other and more reliable accounts, the Rājah fled from Nadiah to Bikrampur, south-east of Dacca. I think therefore “ in the printed text of the Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri is a copyist’s mistake for “,” meaning the Rājah’s “Bengal Residence” which was at Bikrampur from before.

Kamrūd (or Kamrūp) as well as Sanknat and Bang is mentioned in the Tabaqat (Pers. text, p. 150), in connection with the previous flight from Nadiah of Brahmans and Sahas who hearing of Bakhtiār’s prowess and of his conquest of Behar, anticipated Bakhtiār’s invasion of Bengal, and had advised the Rājah to shift with all his troops and people from Nadiah to his residence in East Bengal (at Bikrampur). The astrologers had also prepared the Rājah for Bakhtiār’s conquest. But the Rājah was deaf to all advice, whilst the Brahmans and Sahas had fled. It is opposed to the probablities of the case that the subsequent defeat of the Rājah by eighteen troopers of Bakhtiār was brought about by any foul play or stratagem from one side or the other; because the Rājah was a good, noble and generous prince, and the idol of his people, and even the Musalman historian (author of the Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri) pays him a glowing tribute. (See Tabaqat, p. 149).

Muhammad Bakhtiār Khiljī was not a military marauder or a religious fanatic. He was, no doubt, a champion of Islam, but at the same time combined in himself all the qualities of a great general and a wise statesman. We read in the Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri (Pers. text, p. 151), that both in Behar and Bengal, just after their conquest, he established Mosques, Colleges, Khanqahs or Charitable establishments consisting of Students’ Hostels and travellers’ Guest-houses, founded cities, and established military outposts at strategic points, and introduced the coinage of money (see Tabaqat, pp. 151 and 149). He laid down embankments, constructed roads and bridges connecting his northern military outposts at Deokot and his southern military outpost at Laknor (perhaps Nagor in Birbhum) with his newly-founded capital at Lakhnauti.

i.e., 594 A.H. or 1198 A.C. This subordination (during Bakhtiār Khiljī and at least two of his immediate successors) was nominal, as Bakhtiār conquered Bengal and Behar on his own account, though he outwardly acknowledged the suzerainty of Delhi.

A town and a celebrated hill-fort in Banda district.

In the text ‘Mahma,’ which is evidently a mistake of the copyist. Mahaba is a town about 15 miles from Lucknow city.

A town in Jalaun district, North-Western Provinces, on the right bank of the Jamna.

On the banks of the river Sot, North-Western Provinces, first conquered by Sayad Sabar Masūd Ghazi, nephew of Sultān Mahmūd of Ghaznī, in 1028 A.C., and re-conquered by Qutbu-d-dīn in 1196 A.C.

In Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, p. 152, “Tibbet and Turkistan.”

One can easily imagine what an immense Musalman army Bakhtiār Khiljī must have subsequently poured into Bengal from the Upper Western Provinces, to have enabled him to detach 10,000 cavalry for an expedition into Tibbat, without weakening his garrison in the newly conquered Provinces of Bengal and Behar, especially as we read in the Tabaqat (p. 157), that at the same time he sent a detachment under Muhammad Shīrān to invade Jajnagar (Orissa). Those who are given to amazement at the present numerical strength of Musalman population in Bengal, and are at pains to evolve theories to account for it, might as well bear in mind these elementary facts of history.

In Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri p. 152 “Mardhan-Kote” and “Bardhan-Kote;” in Badaoni, p. 58, Vol. I, “Brahman.” The ruins of ‘Bardhan-Kote’ lie north of Bogra close to Gobindgunje, on the Karatya river, not far from Ghoraghat, and this is the place meant according to Professor Blochmann.

A King of Tūrān or Turkistan or Tartary or Scythiā; but in Namah-i-Khusruan, p. 7, he is described as the last sovereign of the Peshdadian dynasty of Persia. In Feri shtā it is stated that when Garshasp made an incursion into Hindustān from Turkistān, he founded the city of Bardhan.”

In Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri p. 152, ‘Bagmatī’ and ‘Bakmadī’; in Badaoni, p. 58, Vol. I, “Brahmanputr” and “Brahmkadi.” The river referred to has been identified by Professor Blochmann to be the Karatya, which formed for a long time the boundary between ancient Muhammadan Bengal and Kamrūp.

This ten days’ march extended northward along the banks of the Karatya and the Teesta, which latter before 1784 flowed west of the Karatya, joined the Atraī, and fell into the Padma, and of all Bengal rivers extended furthest into Tibbat. This march then was along the frontier between ancient Musalman Bengal and the territory of the Rājah of Kāmrūp. Bakhtiār’s Tibbatan expedition must have commenced in the latter part of 605 A.H. (1209 A.C.) or beginning of 606 A.H. (1210 A.C.)

This bridge must have been in the neighbourhood of Darzheling (or Darjecling) which in those days appears to have been the boundary separating the Meches from the hill-tribes. The author of the Tabaqāt-i-Naṣiri (Pers. text, p. 152), in this connection mentions the following three tribes as then inhabiting Northern Bengal, viz., (1) Koch, (2) Mech, and (3) Tharo; vide also Dalton’s Ethnology of Bengal.

In the Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri (Pers. text, p. 153), this march is thus related: “After leaving a Turkish officer and a Khiljī officer with a large body of troops to guard the bridge……Muhammad Bakhtiār Khīljī with his army for fifteen days marched across high hills and low defiles, and on the sixteenth day (from his march from the bridge) descended into the open plain of Tibbat, and passed many populous villages,……and after some eight hours’ hard fighting, entrenched himself in a fort there.”

The Tabaqāt-i-Naṣiri names the city Karmbatan. Bakhtiār Khiljī’s march from the bridge was northward for sixteen days.

The fair at Nik-mardan, 40 miles north-west of Dinajpūr, attracts every year a large number of hill-ponies, which go thence to other places in Bengal and elsewhere.

In 15 days Bakhtiār Khiljī retreated from the hills of Tibbat into the plains ?? Kamrūp. According to Major Raverty, from the hills of Darjeeling, Bakhtiār Khiljī had advanced through Sikkim into Tibbat towards the Sangpa.

Very likely, the temple of Mahumanī in Kāmrūp district.

It would appear that the Rājah of Kāmrūp who had offered his services to Bakhtiār Khiljī, in the end turned out treacherous.

For a discussion of the route of Bakhtiār Khiljī’s expedition into Tibbat, and of his retreat therefrom, see Raverty’s notes in his translation of Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, and Blochmann’s Contributions to History and Geography of Bengal, J.A.S. for 1875, No. 3, Part I, p. 283.

Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri (Pers. printed text, p. 156) states that Bakhtiār Khiljī successfully swam across the river with only one hundred troopers, whilst all the rest of his army were drowned.

Deokot or Damdamah, near Gangarampur, south of Dinajpur, was the northern Musalman Military outpost in the time of Bakhtīar Khīljī, who had set out for Tibbat either from Deokot or Lakhnauti.

Ali Mardān assassinated Muhammad Bakhtīar Khīljī in 606 A.H. (1210 A.C.) at Deokot. This date is arrived at if Bengal was conquered in 594 A.H. or 1198 A.C. by Bakhtiār Khīljī, as the best accounts would indicate, and also if he reigned for 12 years over Bengal. Professor Blochmann mentions 602 A.H. as the date of Bakhtiār’s assassination, but he accepts 594 A.H. as the date of the Bengal conquest— which involves chronological contradiction.

Mr. Thomas in his “Initial Coinage of Bengal” states that Ali Mardān assumed independence under the title of Alauddin when Qutbuddin Aibak died in Lahore in 607 A.H. Thus allowing 8 months for Malik Azuddin’s rule, Bakhtiar Khīljī appears to have been assassinated about the middle of 606 A.H.— the date previously arrived at by me.

In Badaoni, it is stated that Muhammad Bakhtiār Khīljī returned to Deokot from Tibbat with only some three hundred troopers, the rest of his expeditionary force having perished, and fell ill from vexation, and was attacked with hectic fever, and used to say “no doubt Sultān Muhammad Muizuddin has met with an accident, that fortune has gone so against me.” And when he became weak from illness, Ali Murdan, one of Muhammad Bakhtiar’s principal officers, arrived at Deokot, and finding him bed-ridden, pulled down the sheet from his face, and despatched him with one blow of a dagger. The above account is rendered thus by the Tabaqat-i-Niṣiri, the nearest contemporary account, (Pers. text, 1 p. 156):— When Bakhtiār Khījī with about one hundred troopers only made good his escape across the river, ‘Ali Mich with his relatives rendered good services, and conducted Bakhtiār Khīljī towards Deokot. On arrival at Deokot, from excessive humiliation Bakhtiār fell ill and shut himself up, and did not ride out in the streets, for whenever he did so, widows and orphans of the soldiers and officers that had fallen, used to curse and abuse him from the terraces and the streets. Bakhtiār would say “Some mishap must have befallen Suḷṭan Muizuddin, for the tide of fortune to have thus turned against me.” And it was a fact, for at that time Sultān Muizuddin had fallen at the hands of an assassin (a Ghakkar). From excessive humiliation, Muhammad Bakhtiar Khīljī fell ill and was confined to his bed, and at length died. And according to another account, one of his officers ‘Alī Mardān Khīljī who was bold and ferocious, and held the fief of Deokot, on hearing the news of Bakhtiār’s illness, came to Deokot, found him lying in bed, threw aside the sheet from his face, and slew him.”

His name was Malik ‘Azuddin Muhammad Shīrān Khīljī (Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, Pers. text p. 157). The following account of him is summarised from Tabaqāt, the nearest contemporary account: “Muhammad Shīran and Ahmad Iran were two brothers, both being Khilj noblemen, and in the service of Bakhtiār. When Bakhtiār led his expedition towards Tibbat, he sent the above two brothers with an army towards Lakhnautī and Jajnagar (Orissa). When these heard the news of Bakhtiār’s assassination, they returned to Deokot, and after performing funeral ceremonies, proceeded towards Narkoti (not identified, but must have lain not far from Deokot) which was held in fief by ‘Ali Mardān Khīljī. They captured the latter, and placed him in charge of the Kotwal (the police commissioner) of that place, named Baba Kotwal Ispahanī, and returned to Deokot. Muhammad Shīran was an energetic man endowed with noble qualities. At the conquest of Nudeah, he had rendered good service by capturing elephants. As he was head of the Khīljī oligarchy, all the Khiljī nobles acknowledged him as their chief and paid homage to him. In the meantime, Alī Mardān Khiljī made good his escape, proceeded to Delhi, and persuaded Sultān Qutbuddīn to depute from Oudh Qaimaz Rūmī to Lakhnauti, in order to put down the Khīljī oligarchy in Bengal. Hussamuddin Iwaz who held the fief of Kanktorī (Kangor, near Deokot) from Bakhtiār Khīljī, went ahead to receive Qaimaz Rūmī, and in the latter’s company proceeded to Deokot, and on the initiative of Qaimaz, received the fief of Deokot. When Qaimaz was returning from Deokot, Muhammad Shīrān and other Khīljī nobles collected together, and attempted to re-take Deokot. Qaimaz came back, fought with the Khilji nobility and Muhammad Shīrān, who being defeated, dispersed, quarrelled amongst themselves near Makidah (Masīdah, a perganah south-east of Deokot) and Mantosh (Santosh, a perganah south-east of Deokot), and Muhammad Shīrān was slain. He lies buried at Santosh (on the banks of the Atrāi river).

‘Ali Mardan Khīljī, assassin of Bakhtiār Khīljī and Azuddin Khīlji, ruled from 607 A.H. to 609 or 610 A.H. and assumed independence and title of Sultān ‘Alauddin, on the death of Qutbu-d-dīn Aibak. In Tabaqāt-i-Naṣiri it is stated that he recited the Khutbah; but Badaoni states that he minted also coins in his own name. [I have not yet seen any of his coins. Mr. Thomas in his ‘Initial Coinage of Bengal” notices the coins of Abauddin’s successor, Ghiasuddin, struck in A.H. 616, see J.A.S., p. 354, p. 1, Vol. XLII for 1873]. It is also stated in Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri (Pers. text, p. 159), that from excessive insolence, he divided the country of Irān and Tūrān amongst his adherents, and no one dared to suggest that those dominions did not pertain to him. One person complained of poverty to Alauddin, who enquired whence he came. On learning he came from Ispahan, he ordered his ministers to write out a document assigning lands in Ispahan to him!

It is stated in Tabaqāt, that on escape from the custody of the Kotwal of Narkoti, Ali Mardān went to Sultān Qutbu-d-dīn, and received the Viceroyalty of Lakhnauti. When he crossed the Kosi river, Hussamuddin from Deokot received him, conducted him to Deokot, where Ali Mardān was formally installed in power. He was cruel and ferocious, killed many Khīljī nobles, and the native chieftains trembled under him. The subjects as well as the soldiers were in disgust with him.

His real name was Hussamuddin Iwaz-bin Al-Husain. He was a noble of Khilji and Garmsir, and on joining Bakhtiār Khilji was first appointed to fief of Kangor, (which lay south-east of Deokot) and next promoted to charge of the important northern military outpost of Deokot. On the appointment of Ali Mardan Khilji to the rule of Bengal, he advanced to receive the new Viceroy on the banks of the Kosi river, and helped in the latter’s installation at Deokot. On the assassination by the Khilji nobles of Ali Mardan, who had since the death of Emperor Qutbuddin Aibak assumed independence, Hussamuddin was elected chief of the Khilji oligarchy in Bengal in 609 or 610 A.H. Seeing the feebleness of Qutbuddin’s successor, Aram Shāh, Hussamu-d-din assumed independence, made Lakhnạuti his capital, and assumed the title of Sultān Ghiāsu-d-dīn about 612 A.H., and minted coins in his own name. Mr. Thomas in his “Initial Coinage of Bengal” notices several coins of Sultān Ghiasu-d-dīn struck at Gaur or Lakhnauti between 614 and 620 A.H. An examination of these coins indicates the interesting and curious fact that Ghiāsu-d-dīn had put himself in communication with the Khalifa of Baghdad so far back as 620 A.H. (that is, earlier than Emperor Altamsh of Delhi who obtained similar honour in 626 A.H.) and obtained a pontificial patent, recognizing the sovereign of Bengal amongst the Moslem hierarchy of the world. This circumstance, as suggested by Mr. Thomas, would also indicate that in those days there was freer sea and ocean-intercourse between the Musalmans along the shores of Bengal and the Arabs of the sea-ports of Basrah and Baghdad, than between Musalmans of more inland places in India and the Arabs of the aforesaid sea-ports.

In 622 A.H., Emperor Altamsh from Delhi invaded Bengal, and on Sultān Ghiasuddīn paying him tribute, peace was concluded. In 624 A.H. Sultān Nāṣiruddīn, eldest son of Emperor Altamsh, invaded Lakhnauti, whilst Ghiāsuddīn was engaged at Kamrup and Bang (East Bengal), and fought a battle with Sultān Ghiāsuddīn, on the latter’s return, and killed the latter, and succeeded to the rule over Bengal in a semi-sovereign capacity, with the approval of his father, Emperor Altamsh. It is stated that Sultān Ghiāsuddīn extended and consolidated the Moslem sovereignty in Bengal, and extended his empire over Jajnagar (Orissa), Bang (East Bengal), Kamrud (or Kamrup, Western Assam), and Tirhut (see Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, Pers. text, p. 163.) Minhajus-Siraj, Author of Tabaqat-i-Naṣirī who visited Lakhnauti shortly after in 641 A.H. and appreciated the material improvements effected by Ghiāṣuddīn, pays him a high tribute (Pers. text, p. 161), a tribute which in 627 A H. Emperor Altamsh had also paid to the memory of this good and great sovereign, by decreeing that Ghiāsuddīn should in his grave be styled as a Sultān. Amongst his public works, Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri mentions that he founded the Fort of Baskot (Basankot near Gaur), established mosques, and Public Halls, &c.

His body was brought to Delhi, and enshrined by the loving father in a beautiful mausoleum (known as the mausoleum of Sultān Ghāzī), about three miles west of the celebrated Quṭb Minar. In the inscription on the mausoleum, Nāṣiruddīn is entitled “Emperor of the East,” or “Malik-ul-Maluk-ul-Sharq.” Emperor Altamsh so much loved the memory of his eldest son (the King of Bengal) that he bestowed his name (i.e., Nāṣiruddīn) on his (Emperor’s) younger son who afterwards mounted the throne of Delhi, after whom Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri is named.

In Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, “Balka Malik Khīljī.” The correct name appears to be Malik Ikhtiaruddin Balka, who assumed the title of Doulat Shāh, and minted coins. Mr. Thomas in his “Initial Coinage of Bengal” notices a coin of Doulat Shāh struck in 627 A.H. To put down Doulat Shāh, Emperor Altamsh personally invaded Bengal for the second time in 627 A. H., defeated Doulat Shāh or Ikhtiaruddin Balka, and entrusted the government of Bengal to Alauddin Khān or Alauddīn Jānī. (Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, Pers. text, p. 174).

In Badoni, “Malik Alauddin Khafi,” in Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri “Alauddīn Jani.” After his first invasion of Bengal, in 622 A.H., Sultān Shamsuddin Altamsh separated Behar from Bengal, which was under Sultān Ghiasuddin, and left Alauddin Jani as its Governor. On Altamsh’s withdrawal, Sultān Ghiasuddin wrested Behar again from Alauddin Jānī, and hence the second invasion of Bengal by Emperor Altamsh’s son.

The following account of him is abridged by me from Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, the nearest contemporary account (Pers. text, p. 238):— “Malik Saifuddin Aibak Ighantat was a Turk of Khata; he was a noble Malik, and was endowed with excellent qualities. Sultān Nāṣiruddin Mahmud, King of Bengal, (son of Emperor Altamsh), purchased him, and kept him in his company, first appointing him as Amir-ul-Majlis (Lord Chamberlain) and then conferring on him the fief of Sarsati. Subsequently, for his good services, he was appointed Governor of Behar, and next promoted to the Viceroyalty of Bengal (Lakhnauti), when Alauddin Jani, the Bengal Viceroy, was recalled. He captured several elephants in Vilayet-i-Bang (East Bengal), sent them as presents to the Delhi Emperor (Shamsuddin Altamsh) and received the title of Ighantat.

The following account of him is summarised by me from Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, the nearest contemporary account (Pers. text, p. 242);— Malik Tughan Khān Turki was comely in appearance, and noble in heart. He hailed from Khata. He was liberal and generous, endowed with noble qualities; in liberality and generosity, and in conciliating and winning over people, he had no match in the army. When the Sultān (Emperor Altamsh) purchased him, he first became the Royal cup-bearer, next he was appointed Secretary and Keeper of the Imperial Seal (Dawat Dar). He lost the Imperial jewelled ink-pot, and was degraded to the office of Chashnigir (a taster to a prince), and after a long time, was appointed Superintendent of the Imperial stables (Amir-i-Akhur); and after some time, was appointed feudatory of Badaon, and next appointed Governor of Behar, when Lakhnauti (Bengal) was conferred on Ighantat Saifuddin Aibak. At length when Saifuddin died, Tughan Khān was appointed to the vacant Bengal (Lakhnauti) Viceroyalty. After the death of Sultān Nāṣiruddin Mahmūd (son of Emperor Altamsh, and Viceroy of Bengal), between Tughan Khān and the feudatory of Lakhnauti named Lakor Aibak, who enjoyed the title of Aur Khān, ill-feeling broke out. Tughan Khān fought with Lakor Aibak before the fort of Basankot, close to Lakhnauti, defeated and killed the latter, and subdued both wings of Lakhnauti, one being in Radh on the side of Lakor (probably Nagor) and the other being in Barand, on the side of Deokot. At this time, Empress Raziah ascended the Imperial throne of Delhi, and Tughan Khān sent envoys with presents to Delhi, and received in return Imperial presents sent in charge of Qazi Jallaluddin. Tughan proceeded from Lakhnauti to Tirhut district, and acquired much booty and treasure. When Sultān Muizuddin Bahram Shāh ascended the Imperial throne of Delhi, Tughan Khān sent the former also presents. When Sultān Alauddin succeeded Bahram Shāh, Bahauddin Hullal Sudani invaded Oudh, Manikpur, and Karah and cast eyes on the eastern provinces, and so Tughan Khān went to Karah and Manikpur, (to conciliate Bahauddin and to turn him back), and in Oudh met Minhaju-s-Siraj, (author of Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri), and with the latter went back to Lakhnauti in 641 A.H. At this time the Rajah of Jajnagar (Orissa) committed depredations in Lakhnauti. Tughan Khān that year, by way of reprisal, invaded Jajnagar (Minhaju-s-Siraj accompanying him) and reached and stormed the fort of Baktasan, which is on the Orissa frontier. Fighting ensued, and the Musalmans were defeated. Tughan Khān returned to Lakhnauti, sent Sharfu-l-mulk Ashari to the Emperor of Delhi, to seek for help. Under Emperor’s order, a large army led by Tamar Khān Qamruddin Qiran, feudatory of Oudh, was sent to Lakhnauti, in order to repel and chastise the infidels of Jajnagar (Orissa) The Rajah of Jajnagar invaded Lakhnauti, owing to Musalmans in the previous expedition having demolished the Orissa fort of Katasan (or Baktasan). The Orissans first took Lakor (probably Nagor), and slaughtered a large body of Musalmans including the Commandant of Lakor, named Fakhrul Mulk Karimuddin, and then approached the gate of Lakhnauti, but after fighting retreated. Then between Tughan Khān and Tamar Khān ill-feeling ensued, and they fought against each other, and on both sides many were killed. By the intercession of Mínhaju-s-Siraj (author of Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri) peace was brought about between the two, on condition that Lakhnauti would be left to Tamar Khān, and Tughan Khān with his treasures and elephants and effects would retire to Delhi. Tughan did so (in his company being Minhaju-s-Siraj); the Emperor loaded him with presents, bestowed on him the Governorship of Oudh, whilst Tamar Khān held the Bengal Viceroyalty. On the same night, both died, Tamar Khān at Lakhnauti, and Tughan in Oudh!”

It would appear from the above that the invasion of Bengal by Mughals under Changiz Khān referred to in the text, is a myth and a mistake for the invasion of Lakhnauti by the Hindus of Jājnagar (Orissa). The mistake is repeated in many histories, but Tabaqat’s account is the most reliable, as its author was an eye-witness of the affair.

The daughter of Emperor Altamsh. named Raziah, ascended the throne of Delhi in accordance with her father’s wishes in 634 A.H. (1236 A.C.) The sight of an unveiled Moslem Empress seated on the Imperial throne of Delhi, struck all Indo-Moslem eyes in those days as a curious phenomenon, and hence our author’s expression, “Juggling sky.” She reigned for three years from 1236 A.C. to 1239 A.C. According to Badaoni, the Empress was endowed with excellent qualities, and was brave, generous and intelligent. She followed the path of equity and the principles of justice, and set in order the affairs which had remained in confusion during the brief reign of her step-brother Sultān Ruknuddin Fīruz Shāh. She set before her the pursuit of beneficence as the object of her ambition, and made Nizamul Junaidi, Chief Vizier. The Empress came out of the curtain, wore masculine garments, such as a tunic and a Kullah, and sat on the throne. According to Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, she was put to death by the Hindus. She was learned in the Qoran, industrious in public business, firm and energetic in every crisis. Indeed, she was a great woman and a great Queen.

Malik Qurābēg Tamar Khān or Qamru-d-dīn Qiran Tamar Khān was Governor of Bengal from 642 A.H. to 644 A.H., when he died.

An account of his career in Bengal already appears in a previous note His previous career may, however, be noticed here. I summarise it from Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri (Pers. text, p. 247), which is a contemporary account:— “Mallik Tamar Khān Turk was virtuous and polished in manners, very energetic and generous and active and brave. He had a handsome appearance. Sultān Shamsu-d-dīn Altamsh purchased him for 50,000 chital, appointed him Deputy Superintendent of the Royal Stables, whilst Tughan Khan was the Chief Superintendent. In the reign of Empress Raziah, he became feudatory of Kanauj, and fought in the expedition against Kahwar and Malwah, and rendered good services. He received fief of Karah, and also did good service there. On the death of Nasiru-d-dīn, he was appointed Governor of Oudh. Whilst at Oudh, he invaded all the eastern tracts including Tirhut, and carried off immense booty. He was thence sent to Lakhnauti to help Tughan Khān in repelling the Ooriya invasion, and after that settled down in Bengal as its Viceroy.

After him the Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri is named; it is a general history of India from the commencement of Musalman Rule down to 658 A.H. (1260 A.C.) Sultān Nasiru-d-dīn succeeded Sultān Alau-d-dīn to the throne of Delhi in 1246 A.C. His Vizier was Ghiasu-d-dīn Balban (afterwards Emperor Balban). Of the six years which intervened between 658 A.H. and 664 A.H. (the date of assumption of sovereignty by Emperor Balban) there is no known historical work. The Tarikh Firuz Shahī of Ziau-d-dīn Barni only began from Ghiasu-d-dīn Balban’s reign. Emperor Balban reigned from 1265 to 1287 A.C.

Jalaluddin Masūd, Malik Janī Khiljī Khan, became Governor of Bengal in 656 A.H.

I do not find any detailed account of him given in the Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri.

Izzu-d-dīn Balban was Governor of Bengal in 657 A.H., in which year he was attacked by Taju-d-dīn Arsalan Khān Sanjar-i-Khwarizmi, who was subsequently captured or killed at Lakhnauti by Izzu-d-dīn. Hence Taju-d-dīn Arsalan Khān cannot count amongst Governors of Bengal (see Blochmann’s Contr. to Hist. and Geog. of Bengal, and Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri, Pers. text, p. 267).

Muhammad Arsalan Tātār Khān, son of Arsalan Khān Sanjar, had been for some time Governor of Bengal, when the Emperor Balban ascended the throne (664 A.H.) (See Tarikh Firuz Shahi, by Ziau-d-dīn Barni, Pers. text, pp. 53 and 66.) He was generous, liberal and brave. After a few years he was succeeded by Tughral, who proclaimed himself king, under the title of Sultān Mughisu-d-dīn.

This account differs slightly from Professor Blochmann’s conclusions derived from inscriptions and the evidence of coins, as set forth in his Contributions to the History and Geography of Bengal. Professor Blochmann holds that on the death of Muhammed Tātār Khān, which took place shortly after Balban’s accession, Sher Khān was appointed Imperial Governor of Lakhnauti; that Sher Khān was succeeded in the office by Amin Khān, whose Deputy or Naib was Tughral. Tughral heard of Balban’s illness, attacked and defeated Amin Khān, and proclaimed himself king of Bengal under the title of Sultān Mughisu-d-dīn (A.C. 1279). Balban recovered from his illness shortly after, invaded Bengal in person, defeated Tughral, at some place near Sunargaon, where Danuj Rai was the zemindar (Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi, p. 87), and in 681 H. (A.C. 1282) before leaving Bengal conferred the throne of Bengal on his (the Emperor Balban’s) son, Bughra Khān, who assumed the title of Sultān Nasiru-d-dīn. Nāṣiru-d-dīn appears to have died in 691 H. (1292 A.C.), that is about five years after the death of his illustrious father Emperor Balban. For a full account of Tughral styled Sultān Mughisu-d-dīn, see Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri (Pers. text, p. 261), and also Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahī (Pers. text, pp. 81 to 94), by Ziau-d-dīn Barni. Before becoming Governor of Bengal, he held the following offices: Chashnigīr (Taster to a prince) under Shamsu-d-dīn Altamsh; Amir-ul Majlis or Lord Chamberlain under Emperor Ruknu-d-dīn, Superintendent of Elephants, next Superintendent of Stables under Empress Raziah, feudatory of Tabarhind under Sultān Alau-d-dīn, next feudatory of Kanauj and Governor of Oudh, and next Viceroy of Bengal. He invaded Jajnagar (Orissa), Oudh and Kamrup (Western Assam) successfully, and then proclaimed his independence. Tughral was active and energetic, bold and courageous, liberal and generous. It is worthy of note that in this connection, the author of Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (p. 93), for the first time uses expressions like these, “Iqlīm-i-Lakhnauti,” “Iqlīm-i-Sunargaon,” “Arṣah-i-Bangalah,”— indicating that Tughral had considerably extended his Bengal Satrapy.

In Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi, “Qutlugh Khān Shamsi,”

From the manner of description given here, the Jājnagar here referred to would seem not to be in Orissa, but some place in East Bengal (probably Tipperah). For an exhaustive and interesting discussion on “Jājnagar,” see Blochmann’s “Contributions to History and Geography of Bengal.”

In Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahī, “Danuj Rai,” (p. 87).

Probably the river Brahmaputra or Megna is meant. Sunargāon is situate on the banks of the Brahmaputra, 13 miles S.-E. of Dacca. For a contemporary and graphic description of Emperor Ghiasu-d-dīn Balban’s expedition to Bengal, see Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahī (pp. 85-94 Pers. text.)

In Ferishta, “Barbaq Barlas,” in Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahī “Barik Begtaras.”

In Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahī. (“Malik Muhammad Sherandāz,” p. 88).

Koel is a tehsil in Aligarh District.

From the description given, Tughral alias Sultān Mughisu-d-dīn would appear to have pitched his tent at the time on the western banks of the Brahmaputra not very far from Sunargaon. Or, one might imagine him at this point of time having shifted his tent further eastward to the western bank of the Megna, opposite perhaps to the old ferry of Manicknagar across the river, or somewhere close to the modern Bhoyrab Bazar ferry, seriously planning to cross over on boats from the Dacca side to the Tipperah tract (which has been identified here with Jājnagar), with the old and powerful Emperor of Delhī (Ghiasu-d-dīn Balban) shadowing him. This Jājnagar, therefore, in Bengal, is different from Jājnagar in Orissa.

These verses, with slight variations, have been borrowed very probably from Amir Khusrau, the poet-laureate of Emperor Ghiasu-d-dīn Balban.

In Tarikh Firuz Shāhī (p. 88.) Malik Barbak Bektars.

In Tarikh Firuz Shāhī (p. 88) Malik Muhammad Shirandaz.

From Tarikh Firuz Shahī (pp. 88, 90 and 91) Malik Muqqadar and Tughral-kush would seem to be two different individuals.

The author of Tarikh Firuz Shāhī remarks that on both sides of the principal bazaar of Lakhnautī that was more than one karoh long, scaffolds were set up, and men, women and children were hanged. Such cruelty, sorrowfully remarks Ziau-d-dīn Barni, had never before been perpetrated by Musalman sovereigns of Delhī. (See pp. 91-92 Tarikh Firuz Shāhī).

Bughra Khān, younger son of Emperor Balban, assumed the royal title of Sultān Nāṣiru-d-dīn at his elevation to the throne of Bengal. He was the first of a succession of Balbani Kings who ruled over Bengal, from 1282 A.C. to 1331 A.C. (or 681 A.H. to 731 A.H.) and had mostly their court at Sunargaon near Dacca. Nāṣiru-d-dīn Bughra Khan, son of Emperor Balban, reigned over Bengal from 681 H. to 691 (1282 A.C. to 1292 A.C.) and was succeeded by his son Ruknu-d-din who assumed the title of Sultān Kai-Kaus. From inscriptions found at Gangarampur and Khagol, near Lakhisarai, he appears to have been alive in 697 H. (A.C. 1297). Mr. Thomas has published coins of this King bearing the dates 691, 693, 694, 695 A.H. He appears to have been succeeded by his brother who reigned under the name of Shamsu-d-dīn Firuz Shāh. Firuz Shāh had several sons, namely, Bughra Khān, Nāṣiru-d-dīn, Ghīasu-d-dīn or Bahadur Khān, Qutlu Khān, and Hatim Khān. The third son, Ghiasu-d-dīn, made conquests in Eastern Bengal, established himself at Sunargaon near Dacca, and struck coins from 1311 A.C. under the name of Bahadur Shāh. The fifth son Hatim Khān was in 1309 and 1315 A.C. Governor of Oudh. Firuz Shāh died in 718 H. (1318 A.C.) Quarrels then broke out between the several sons of Firuz Shāh, who was succeeded by his eldest son who took the title of Shahabu-d-dīn Bughra Shāh who ruled at Lakhnauti in 1318-19. Soon after his accession, Bughra Shāh was defeated by his brother Bahadur Shāh who reigned at Sunargaon. Bughra Shāh and his brother Nāṣiru-d-dīn took refuge with Emperor Tughluk Shāh who in 1320 had mounted the throne of Delhī. Qutlu Khān, another brother, was killed by Bahadur Shāh who was now supreme King over Bengal and Behar, and held a magnificent Court at Sunargaon.

At the instigation of Bughra Shāh and Nāṣiru-d-dīn, the fugitives (says Ibn Batutah), Emperor Tughlak Shāh invaded Bengal. When the Imperial army left Delhī, Bahadur Shāh retīred to Sunargaon, whilst Nāṣiru-d-dīn joining the Emperor at Tirhut came with the latter to Lakhnautī, when the Emperor confirmed Nāṣiru-d-dīn as Governor of Lakhnautī. The Emperor sent his adopted son Tatar Khān, Governor of Zafarabad (near Jaunpur) with an army to operateagainst Sultān Bahadur Shāh, who was captured and sent to Delhī with a chain round his neck. At this time, also, two additional distinct Provinces in Bengal were constituted, viz., Sunargaon and Satgaon, each being placed under a Military Governor; whilst Behar was separated from Bengal. Sunargaon was placed under Tatar Khān.

With the accidental death of Emperor Tughlak Shāh and the accession of his successor Emperor Muhammad Shāh Tughlak, other changes took place in the administration of Bengal. The new Emperor released Bahadur Shāh, allowed him to return to Sunargaon, on condition that the Bengal coinage was to bear the joint names of Bahadur Shāh and the Emperor Muhammad Tughlak, and also that in the Khutbah the names of both were to be recited. Tatar Khān who was hitherto Military Governor of Sunargaon, received the title of Bahram Khān, and was stationed at Sunargaon at the Court of Bahadur Shāh, as a sort of Imperial Resident. Nāṣiru-d-dīn was continued as Subordinate Governor of Lakhuautī.

In 726 A.H. (1326 A.C.), Nāṣiru-d-dīn died, and Muhammad Shāh appointed Malik Bidar Khiljī as Governor of Lakhnautī with the title of Qadr Khān. Bahadur Shāh, the king, at Sunargaon, attempted soon after to throw off all outward signs of allegiance to the Emperor, who sent an army to Bahram’s assistance. Bahadur Shāh, the last Bengal Balbani sovereign, and the last royal representative of the house of Emperor Ghiasu-d-dīn Balban, was defeated and put to death about 731 A.H. or 1331 A.C. Bengal remained Imperialist till the death of Bahram Khān in 1338 A.C., when Fakhru-d-dīn successfully revolted, killed Qadr Khān and established the independence of Bengal. (See Blochmann’s contribution to History of Bengal, Thomas’ Initial coinage, Ibn-i-Batutah, Tarikh Firuz Shāhī, pp. 92, 181, 254, 450, 451, 461, 480).

The pieces of solemn advice given by Emperor Balban to his son Bughra Khān, at the time of former’s departure from Bengal, are set forth in detail in the Tarikh-i-Firuz Shāhī (pp. 95 to 106), and will repay perusal. They contain golden rules for the conduct of sovereigns, and indicate that this Musalmān Emperor cherished a noble and exalted ideal of kingly duties and responsibilities.

In Tarikh Firuz Shāhī (p. 107), “after three years.”

Sultān Muhammad, eldest son of Emperor Ghiasu-d-dīn Balban, was Imperial Viceroy of Multān Province or Vilāyet at this time. This Prince was brave, gallant and accomplished, and he fell gallantly fighting between Lahore and Dibalpur against the Mughul hordes under Tamar from Central Asia who were harrying at this time the North-Western frontier of India. Hence the Prince is styled “Khān-i-Shahid” or “Martyred Prince or Chief.” His death was a great shock to the aged Emperor. (See Tarikh-i-Firuz Shāhī, pp. 109-10). The Prince was a patron of learning, and to his court at Multān were attached the celebrated poets, Amir Khusrau and Amir Hasan, for whose biographical sketch, see Badaoni, Vol. 1, pp. 200-201.

Ziauddin Barni, author of Tarikh-i-Firuz Shāhī (p. 121) states that shortly before his death in 686 A.H. (1287 A.C.), the aged and venerable Emperor Ghiasu-d-dīn Balban summoned to his presence in his palace in Delhī, Malik-ul-Umara Fakhru-d-dīn Kotwal (or police commissioner) of Delhī, Khwajah Hussain Baṣri, the Vizier or Prime Minister, and some others, and instructed them to place Kai Khusrau, son of Sultān Muhammad, on the throne. After the Emperor’s death, however, the Kotwal and his party placed Kaiqubad, son of Sultān Nāṣiru-d-dīn Bughra Khān (King of Bengal, and second son of the Emperor) on the throne. The personnel of Sultān Muizu-d-dīn Kaiqubād’s administration consisted of (1) Malik-ul-Umara Kotwal of Delhī, (2) Nizamu-d-dīn, nephew of Malik-ul-Umara, who became Dadbig or Chief Justice, and subsequently Wazir or Prime Minister, (3) Malik Quamu-d-dīn who became Wakildar or Administrator-General. Emperor Kaiqubad, who was a boy of seventeen years, was addicted to pleasures, and spent most of his time in the charming pleasure-villa of Kilukhari, in the suburbs of Delhī. Nizamu-d-dīn the Wazir who now assumed the title of Nizamu-l-Mulk, set about devising means to destroy the house of Balban (see Tarikh-i-Firuz Shāhī, p. 132).

The text here is rather confused. In Ferishta, the rendering is as follows: “When Sultān Muizu-d-dīn Kaiqubād heard of the intention of his father (Sultān Nāṣiru-d-dīn Bughra Khān, King of Bengal) and of the latter’s arrival in Behar, he (Emperor Kaiqubād), too, arrayed his forces, and in the hottest part of the year reached the banks of the Ghagar river, and halted. And Sultān Nāṣiru-d-dīn, on hearing of the news, advanced from Behar, reached the banks of the river Sro, and halted.” The meeting between Sultān Nāsiru-d-dīn Bughra Khān and his son the Emperor Kaiqubad is immortalized in the pages of “Qiranu-s-Sadain” by Amir Khusrau, the celebrated poet of Delhī. The camp of the father was on the bank of the river Sro or Sarū or Sarju, the old river boundary-line between the Musalman Kingdom of Bengal (which included Behar in those days) and the Empire of Delhī, and the camp of the son was on the opposite banks of the Sro. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shāhī, p. 141. The Qiranu-s-Sadaīn fixes the meeting-place at Ajudheya on the banks of the Ghagar.

It is stated that on the day of departure, Sultān Naṣiru-d-dīn Bughra Khān exhorted his son, Emperor Kaiqubad, to attend to prayer and to observe the fast of Ramzan, taught him certain regulations and fixed rules of sovereignty, warned him against excesses in wine and neglect of State matters, rebuked him for killing Kai Khusrau and other noted Amirs and Malnks of Ghiasu-d-dīn Balban, and advised him to dismiss Nizamu-d-dīn alias Nizamul Mulk, the Wazir. (See Tarikh-i-Firuz-Shāhī, pp. 144 to 156).

See Tarikh-i-Firuz Shāhī, p. 173. According to other accounts Emperor Kaiqubad was poisoned at the instigation of the Amir-ul-Umara who was in league with Jallalu-d-dīn Khiljī. With him (Kaiqubad) ended the Balbani dynasty in Delhī, but, as will be observed in these pages, it lingered for a longer period in the Bengal Kingdom in the persons of the Balbani Kings of Bengal.

Sultān Jallalu-d-din Khiljī is said to have been descended from Qalej Khān, son-in-law of Changīz Khān. He was Governor of Samanah and held the office of State Secretary (Arzi Mamalik) in the Cabinet of Emperor Kaiqubad. Jallalu-d-din ascended the Delhī throne in 1290 A.C. or 689 A.H. and wíth him commenced the Khiljī dynasty which continued to reign over India till 1320 A.C. During his reign, Muhammadan conquests were extended into Southern India through the prowess of his nephew, Alan-d-dīn Khiljī. See Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi pp. 170-174, Badaoni, p. 167, vol. 1. Badaoni states that “ Qalij” and “Khilj” were different, and that “Khilj” was one of the children of Yafus, son of Noah.

Sultān Qutbu-d-dīn Khiljī was son of Sultān Alau-d-dīn Khiljī. See Tarīkh-ī-Firuz Shahi p. 408 and 381.

In respect of the weak rule in Bengal of Sultān Nasiru-d-dīn Bughra Shāh (son of Emperor Balban), Zīau-d-din Barni (p. 189) relates that Emperor Jalalu-d-dīn’s favourite mode of disposing of dacoits captured in the Delhī territory, was to send them in shiploads to Bengal, where they were let loose.

On the defeat of Khusran Khān, (Tarikh-i-Fīruz Shahi, pp. 420 and 421) the nobles placed Ghazī-ul-Mulk on the throne of Delhī. Ghazī-ul-Mulk then assumed the title of Ghiasu-d-dīn Tughlak Shāh. His father was a Turkish slave, named Malik, of Sultān Ghiasu-d-dīn Balban, and his mother was of a Punjab family. Brave, noble, and maguanimous, he was the founder of the Tughlak dynasty which reigned for ninety-four years at Delhī (1320-1414 A.C.). He founded the city of Tughlakabad, about 4 miles east of Delhī. He reigned from 1320 to 1324 A.C. In order to put down the assumption of entire independence by Bahadur Shāh at Sunargaon in Bengal, Ghiasu-d-dīn Tughlak marched to Sunargaon, fought a decisive engagement, took Bahadur Shāh a prisoner, and marched back with the latter towards Delhī, storming the fort of Tirhut, and leaving Naṣiru-d-dīn as Governor of Vilayet-i-Lakhnautī. Ghiasu-d-dīn divided Bengal into three provinces, namely (1) Vilayet-i-Lakhnautī, (2) Vilayet-i-Sātgāon. (3) Vilayet-i-Sunargāon, placing each under a distinct Governor, and placing a Viceroy (stationed at Sunargāon) over all the Governors. Tarikh-i-Firuz-Shāhī p. 451.

This Nāṣiru-d-dīn was a grandson of Sultān Nāṣiru-d-dīn Bughra Shāh, son of Emperor Balban. He was Governor of Lakhnautī, but had been ousted by his brother Bahadur Shāh, king of Bengal, who held his court at Sunargaon. This Nāṣiru-d-dīn and another brother Bughra Khān had taken refuge at the time with the Emperor of Delhī (Tughlak Shāh) who at their instigation invaded Bengal to chastise their brother, Bahadur Shāh (king of Bengal). The text, however, is misleading, and would incorrectly indicate that the Nāsiru-d-dīn here referred to is Sultān Nāṣiru-d-dīn Bughra Shāh, king of Beugal (son of Emperor Balban). See, however, Blochmann’s “Contributions to History and Geography of Bengal” and Tarikh-i-Fīruz Shahi, pp. 450-451.

This text is not quite accurate on all points. See note ante, regarding the fortunes of the Balbani dynasty in Bengal.

Ulagh Khān or Alagh Khān alias Fakhru-d-dīn Juna, nephew and son-in-law of Emperor Ghiasu-d-dīn Tughlak Shāh, on the death of the latter by the accidental fall of the roof of a newly erected pavilion, ascended the throne of Delhī under the title of Sultān Muhammad Shāh Tughlak in 725 A.H. An accomplished scholar, a general of the first order, a man of consummate ability, his eccentricity and visionary schemes marred his success as a sovereign. His great ambition was to extend his empire over the world, and to be a second Alexander. He fruitlessly threw away the pick of his splendid army for the invasion of Persia and the conquest of China. Though the fertility of his genius evolved and organised a revenue system, his financial eccentricity in establishing a fixed currency of copper coins completely disorganised it. He received an embassy from the Khalifa of Egypt, who sent out to him the investiture of Royalty. In his reign a severe famine broke out in Delhi, and in consequence there was a general exodus of its population to Bengal. He restored Bahadur Shāh to the kingdom ofSunargaon on certain conditions, but subsequently dethroned him. In his reign, Bengal became independent under Fakhru-d-din. (See Tarikh-i-Firuz Shāhī, pp. 428, 452, 457 to 461, 473, 475, 478, 480, 492.)

The period of the Independent Musalman Kings of Bengal lasted from 1338 to 1538 A.C., and began with Fakhru-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Mubarak Shāh, who was Silahdar or armour-bearer to Bahram Khān, the Governor of Sunārgāon. On his master’s death in 739 H. or 1338 A.C., Fakhra killed Qadr Khān, Governor of Lakhnauti, and subdued provinces of Lakhnauti, Satgaon and Sunargaon, and assumed independence under the title of Fakhruddin (Tarikh-i-Firuz, Shāhī, p. 480). His coins minted at Sunārgāon, (published in Thomas’s “Initial Coinage”, would indicate that he reigned for ten years and some months. Ibn-i-Batutah mentions that he was an eminent man, and very generous His capital appears to have been at Sunārgāon. His son-in-law, Zafar Khān fled from Sunārgāon to Firuz Shāh in Delhī, who at his request (Tarikh-i-Firuz Shāhī by Shams-i-Siraj, pp. 105-114) invaded Bengal a second time during Sekandar Shāh’s reign. Bengal attained great prosperity during the rule of these Independent Musalman Kings. Forts and public buildings were erected, Mosques, Colleges, Students’ Hostels and Travellers’ Guest-houses and Khanqahs were established in all parts of the Kingdom, tanks excavated, and roads laid down. Two great Royal Houses— one of Haji Ilyas and another of Alau-d-dīn Husain Shāh (with a brief break of about forty years, during which Rajah Kans and his successors usurped the Bengal Kingdom) reigned during this period. The Kingdom of Bengal received terrītorīal expansion during this period. Western Assam (or Kamrūp), portions of Koch-Behar, and portions of Jajnagar (or Orissa), the whole of North Behar, (Tarikh-i-Fīruz Shahi. p. 586) and eastern portions of South Behar up to generally the town of Behar, were subject to the Bengal Kingdom. Musalman arms were carried far to the east across the Megna, which had hitherto proved a great barrier to Musalman extension, right up to Silhat and the western portions of Tiperah and Noakhali districts, including Chittagong. Great theistic movements having for their object the conciliation of the two races, sprang up. Kabir and Chaitanya, the great spiritual leaders who preached catholic doctrines, flourished in this period.

This was in 1338 A.C.

The account in Badaoni (vol. I, p. 230 Pers. (text) gives a different version. Badaoni states as follows:— On the death of Bahram Khān, Governor of Sunargaon, in 739 A. H, Malik Fakhruddin who was his Silahdar or Quarter-master General, revolted, assumed the title of Fakhruddin, and fought against Qadr Khān, Governor of Lákhnauti, and was defeated. A second time, Fakhruddin fought against Qadr Khān, and defeated the latter (Qadr Khān’s own soldiers killing Qadr Khān), established his rule over Sunargaon Province, and detached his officer Mukhalis to operate against Lakhnauti. Ali Mubarik, Adjutant General (Ariz-i-Lashkar) of the Army of Qadr Khān killed Mukhaliṣ, established his own independence (in Lakhnauti), and sent out letters to the Emperor Muhammad Shah Tughlak, who sent out Malik-Yusaf, who died on his way to Bengal. After this, the Emperor being engaged with other affairs, did not send out any others to Bengal. For State reasons (observing the hostility of Fakhruddin of Sunargaon) Ali Mubarik in Lakhnauti assumed regal honours and the title of Sulṭān Alau-d-din. Malik Ilyas Haji, who was a tribal chief and a military commander, after some days, in collusion with certain Omara and Maliks of Lakhnauti, killed Alau-d-din, and himself assumed the title of Shamsu-d-din. In 741 A. H., the Emperor Muhammad Shāh Tughlak marched to Sunargaon, captured Fakhruddin, brought him to Lakhnauti, and killed him, and then retired to Delhī. Thenceforth Shamsuddin Ilyas Haji ruled independently over Bengal.

His name appears from his coins (published in Thomas’s “Initial Coinage), to be Alau-d-din Ābul Muzaffar ‘Ali Shāh. His capital appears to have been at Pandūah, from the circumstance that his coins appear all to have been minted at Firuzabad (i.e., Pandūah). Indeed, Pandūah is known as ‘Ali Shāh’s capital.’

Shaikh Jalaluddin Tabrizi was a disciple of Shaikh Said Tabrizi. After travelling for some time, he joined Shaikh Shahabuddin and became the latter’s Khalifa or chief disciple. He was a great friend of Khwajah Qutbuddin and Shaikh Bahauddin. Shaikh Najmuddin the junior who was at the time Shaikh-ul-Islam of Delhi, bore ill-feeling towards him, and made false accusations against his piety and character, and so Jalaluddin retired to Bengal. He is buried at the port of Deomahal (Maldive) See Seir, Vol. I, p. 231 and Ain.

Pandūah is situate 12 miles north of English Bazar in Maldah district. From the beginning of the reign of Shamsūddīn Ilyās to the end of the reign of Rājah Kans, six kings ruled there for a period of 52 years, from 743 to 795 A.H. But perhaps ‘Alī Mubārik should also be included amongst the kings who ruled at Pandūāh. His reign appears to have commenced in 741 A.H. (1340 A.C.) Professor Blochmann calls Pandūāh ‘Ali Shāh’s capital (J.A.S.B., XLII, 254) and Professor Blochmann’s statement seems to be supported by the narrative of our author, viz., the statement about ‘Alī Mubārik building a shrine of the saint Jallālūddīn at Pandūāh, and also about Shamsūddīn Īlyā’s arrival at Pandūāh. In 795 A.H. (1392), king Jallālūddīn (son of Rājah Kans) who became a Muhammadan, removed the capital back again to Gaur or Lakhnauti.

Hājī Ilyās first appears to have in 746 A.H. made himself master of Western Bengal, whilst at that time Ikhtiaruddin Abul Muzaffar Ghazi Shāh (son of Mubarak Shāh) still reigned at Sunargaon in Eastern Bengal. Hājī Ilyās shortly after (753 A.H.) subdued Eastern Bengal also, and established himself at Sunargaon, and founded a dynasty which continued (with a brief break) to reign over Bengal till 896 A.H. or nearly a century and a half. He extended his western boundaries as far as Benares, founded Hajipur, and though Firuz Shāh Tughlak the Emperor led an expedition into Bengal to punish him, he had to return unsuccessful. For Ilyās Shāh’s coinage, see Thomas’s Initial Coinage of Bengal, J.A.S., 1867, pp. 57, 58.

The nearest contemporary account of this King will be found in Tarikh-i-Firuz Shāhī p. 586 by Ziauddin Barui and Siraj Afif p. 77.

Sultān Fīruz Shāh Tughlak alias Malik Fīruz Bārbak was a son of an uncle of Muhammad Shah Tughlak, and a nephew of Ghiasu-d-dīn Tughlak Shāh. His father was Rajab Sālār who abandoning all worldly affairs, became a saint. When fifty years old, in 755 A.H., he was crowned as Emperor of Hindustan. He was a wise, noble and enlightened sovereign, He paid special attention to improvement of agriculture and of the economical condition of the country. He reformed the administration of justice, put down oppressions and corruption, lightly assessed land-revenue, and regulated its assessment according to the produce of the lands assessed and also according to the capacity of the tenantry to bear the assessment, and abolished octroi duties. He established thirty colleges, founded five hospitals and dispensaries, erected forty cathedral mosques and two hundred caravanserais, twenty monasteries, one hundred palaces and villas, and one hundred and fifty-two baths, and numerous gardens, and bridges. In the environs of Hansī, he erected a fort called Hisar-ī-Fīruz, and joined it by means of a canal with the river Jumna. His greatest work was the old Jumna canal; this canal drew its water from the Jumna, near a point where it leaves the mountains, and connected that river with the Ghaggar and the Sutlej by means of irrigation channels, spreading fertility all around. He caused the translation of several Sanskrit works into Persian, and encouraged learning and the learned. He was the recipient of a Royal investiture from Abūl Fatah Khalīf of Egypt. He reigned from 1351 to 88 A.C. The Tughlak dynasty ended in 1414 A.C., the Empire being shattered by the invasion of Timūr in 1398 A.C., during the reign of Mahmūd Shāh Tughlak, the last real Tughlak king. (See Tarīkh-i-Fīruz Shāhī pp. 548 570 by Ziauddīn Barni, and by Shams-i-Seraj).

Firuzabadpur is a mistake here for Fīruzabad, close to Pandūah.

Mr. Westmacott places Ekdalah near Dinajpur, whilst Mr. Beveridge places it near Dacca. For a discussion on the site of the fort of Ekdalah, also see Blochmann’s Contributions to History and Geography of Bengal, J.A.S., 1873, p. 213 and also Mr. Beveridge’s Analysis of “Khurshid Jahan Numa.”

In Tarikh-i-Fīruz Shāhī by Zia ’Barnī, Ekdalah is described as follows (Pers. text, p. 588): “Ekdalah is the name of a mouza close to Panduah; on one side of it is a river, and on another a jungle.” Zia ’Barnī is a contemporary historian for the period; therefore, this description given by him fixes the site of the Fort of Ekdalah near Panduah, and sets at rest all the speculations to the contrary raised by Mr. Beveridge (in his Analysis of Khurshid Jahān Numa) who fixes it near the Bhowal jungle in Dacca district, and also by Mr. Westmacott who would place it towards Dinajpur. Professor Blochmann is inclined to treat ‘Ekdalah’ as a generic name, referring to several places. See J.A.S.B. for 1873, pp. 212-213. Rennel gives another Ekdalah north of Dacca “map of Hindustan.” Shams-i-Siraj in his Tarikh-Firuz Shāhi (Pers. text p. 79) calls it the “isles of Ekdalah.”

The first expedition of Emperor Fīruz Shāh Tughlak into Bengal (in 754 A.H. = 1353 A.C.) is fully and humourously described by Zia ’Barnī, a contemporary historian, in the Tarikh-i-Fīruz Shāhī (Pers. text, p. 586), who closes his history with a narrative of this expedition and of the events up to the sixth year of Fīruz Shāh’s reign. The object of the expedition was to punish Sultān Shamsu-d-din Hajī Īlyās who had invaded and ravaged Tirhut and harried the frontier (then the Sro river) between the Bengal Kingdom and the Delhi Empire. The Emperor set out from Delhi on 10th Shawal 754 A.H., reached Oudh, crossed the Sro river, when Īlyās Shāh withdrew to Tirhut. The Emperor crossing the Sro, marched through Arsa-i-Kharosah (not identified) and Gorakpūr, the Rajahs whereof paid him homage and enlisted themselves on his side. Īlyās Shāh then returned from Tirhut to Pandūah, the Emperor following him towards Lakhnauti and Panduah, after traversing Jagat or Jakat (not identified) and Tirhut (the Rajahs whereof also paid homage to the Emperor). Īlyās Shāh, on approach of the Emperor to Panduah, retired to Fort Ekdalah, where he entrenched himself. The Emperor did not plunder Panduah, but left its population unmolested, crossed the river in front of the fort Ekdalah, and laid siege to it for several days. He had scruples about destroying promiscuously the garrison of the Fort, so he made a feint retreating movement back across the river, which resulted in drawing out Īlyās Shāh from the Fort. A battle was fought, the Bengal army in which elephauts formed a prominent feature was defeated, and the Imperialists captured forty-four Bengal elephants, &c., &c. On finding that the rainy season was approaching, the Emperor by forced marches (after appointing Collectors in Tirhut district) returned to Delhi, which was reached on 12th Shāban 755 A.H. or 1354 A.C.

This first expedition is also narrated by Shams Siraj Afif, another nearly contemporary historian, who continued Barni’s Tarikh-i-Fīruz Shāhī. (See Pers. MSS., text p. 76). From this account, the following additional interesting facts are gleaned:—

1. That Fīruz Shāh sailed to Bengal in one thousand flotilla of war-vessels, and his route lay across the Sro, the Ganges and the Kosī rivers, that his expeditionary force consisted of 70,000 Khanāns and Malūks, two laks infantry, 60,000 cavalry, besides an elephant-corps.

2. That when Fīruz Shāh crossed the Kosī river, Īlyās Shāh, king of Bengal, retired from Pandūah to Ekdalah, which is called here the “Isles of Ekdalah.”

3. That Fīruz Shāh laid siege to the fort of Ekdalah for several days, and nothing decisive occurring, made a feint retreating movement westward seven karoh or Kos from Ekdalah, when Īlyās Shāh thinking Fīruz Shāh was retreating, came out of the fort Ekdalah, advanced, and attacked the Imperialists, who defeated and killed one lak of the Beugal army, and captured 50 Bengal elephants.

4. That then Īlyās Shāh escaped again to the Fort of Ekdalah, which was about to be stormed by the Imperialists, when the females of the garrison uncovering their heads, exhibited themselves, and raised loud lamentations, which softened the heart of Fīruz Shāh, who abandoned the work of destruction.

5. That before marching back towards Delhi, Fīruz Shāh halted for some days at Panduah, named it “Fīruzabad,” introduced there the Khutbah after his own name, and also named “Ekdalah” “Azādpur.”

6. That Fīruz Shāh’s expedition lasted eleven months.

He died in 1353 A.C. (754 A.H.) when Emperor Fīruz Shāh besieged Sultān Shamsu-d-dīn Hajī Īlyās in Ekdalah Fort.

Regarding coinage of Īlyās Shāh, see Thomas’s Initial Coinage of Bengal, J.A.S., 1867, pp. 57-58.

“Having in 746 become master of Western Bengal, Īlyās Shāh in 753 A.H. established himself at Sunargaon, near Dacca, and thus founded a dynasty which with an exception of about forty years in the beginning of the ninth century of the Hijrah, continued to rule over Bengal till 886 A.H.” (Blochmann’s Contribution, J.A.S., 1873, p. 254).

His coins (see p. 58, J.A.S. for 1867), disclose the interesting fact that several of them were minted at Sunargaon (which is termed on the coins Hazrat Jallal Sunargaon or the Illustrious Royal Residence of Sunargaon), bearing dates A.H. 753, 754, 755, 756, 757, 758. His name on the coins is “Shamsu-d-dīn Abūl Muzzaffar Īlyās Shāh.”

The object of this second expedition of Emperor Fīruz Shāh into Bengal in 760 A.H. (1359 A.C.) was to reinstate Zafar Khān (son-in-law of Sultān Fakhru-d-dīn Mubarak Shāh, king of Sunargaon) on the throne of Sunargaon. See details in Tarikh-i-Fīruz Shāhī by Shams Sirāj Afīf (Pers. MS. text, p. 97). From it, it appears that the Musalman throne of Sunargaon was more ancient than the Musalman throne of Panduah, that on Firuz Shah’s return from Bengal after his first expedition (this would necessitate a slight modification of Professor Blochmaun’s date in n: 1 ante p. 103) Shamsuddin Ilyas Shah sailed and reached Snnargaon in a few days. At that time (755 A.H. or 1354 A.C.) Sultan Fakhru-d-din was reigning in security at Sunargaon. Shamsuddin took him by surprise, captured and slew him, and usurped the Sunargaon Kingdom, in addition to his Kingdom of Lakhnautī and Pandūah. At that time Zafar Khan, son-in-law of Fakhruddin who was touring out in the interior of Sunargaon, to collect revenue and to locally enquire into the conduct of collectors of revenue, heard the above news, sailed on a ship from Sunargaon by the ocean-route to Thatah and thence proceeded to Delhi, and sought help from Firuz Shāh. Peace was concluded with Sikandar Shāh, on the latter agreeing to reinstate Zafar Khān in the kingdom of Sunargaon— which however did not come to pass, as Zafar Khān preferred to go back to Delhi. Like Īlyās Shāh, Sikandar took refuge in the Fort of Ekdalah. From Bengal, Fīruz Shāh invaded Jajnagar (Orissa), defeated the Rajah who made his submission, carried off the idol of Jaganath to Delhi, (p. 119) and captured many elephants. The Emperor’s stay in Bengal and Jajnagar during this expedition covered 2 years and 7 months (p. 121). In this connection, an interesting description of Jajnagar is given by Shams Siraj Afīf (Tarikh-i-Fīruz Shāhī, Pers. MS. text, p. 115, and in Muntakhibal Tawarikh (Pers. text, p. 247, Vol. I, Fasc. III,). Bearing in mind what Zia ’Barnī states regarding Jajnagar in connection with Emperor Balban’s expedition to Sunargaon, I am inclined to agree with Professor Blochmann that there were two Jajnagars: one in Orissa, and another towards Tipperah. The account in Muntakhiba Tawarikh referred to above, is slightly different from that in Tarikh-i-Fīruz Shāhī by Shams Seraj Afīf. Badaoni in Muntakhib states that Fīruz Shāh after completing his second expedition into Bengal (760 A.H.) returned from Panduah by forced marches to Jaunpur (p. 247, Muntakhib Pers. text, Vol. I, Fasc. III), where he spent the rainy season, and that at the end of this year, by way of Behar, he marched into Jajnagar (Orissa), passing through Sāthīghira, Barānasī, and crossing the Mahandri river (the Rajah of Barānas fleeing to Telinga and the Rājah of Sathghīra fleeing into a distant corner) marched into the territory of Rajah Prīhan Deo, who sent to the Emperor as tribute 32 elephants, besides other valuable presents, and thence the Emperor marched on hunting expeditions into the forests of Padmāvatī and Piremtola which contained powerful and big elephants, bagged three live elephants, and killed two elephants, and in 762 A.H. returned to Delhi victorious.

The account in Tarīkh-i-Firuz Shahi by Shams-i-Siraj is more reliable, as Siraj’s father was with Firuz Shah during the expedition (p. 115)— Siraj correctly mentions ‘Banaresi’ (which means evidently ‘Katak Banares’, therefore, Badaonis ‘Baranasi’ appears to be an error), also names ‘Adabah’ as Rai of Jajnagar, also “Rai Shanied,” also ‘Rai Thud.’ The Rajah of Jajnagar owned ships, elephants, and lofty palaces constructed of stone, and laid out with gardens, (p. 116).

Zafarabad lies on the right bank of the Gumtī, a little below Jaunpur, which lies on the left bank. The maps give instead “Jaffarabad,” which is a corruption of “Zaffarabad.” Zaffarabad is mentioned in the Āīn-i-Akbarī as a pergunah in Sarkar Jaunpur under the Subah of Ilahabad (Allahabad)— Jarrett’s Tr., Ain., Vol. II, p. 164.

This beautiful mosque is at Pandūah. Its inscription has been published in J.A.S.B., 1873, p. 257. The inscription was written in 770 A.H. (1369 A.C.)

Not identified, but it must have been close to Sunargaon.

Identified by Professor Blochmann to be a village quite close to Panduah, S.-W. of it (J.A.S., 1873, p. 256). But Dr. Wise in his interesting “Notes on Sunargaon” (J. A. S. for 1874, p. 85) correctly places it near Jafargunje in Dhaka district, and nearly opposite to the junction of the Ganges and the Jabuna. “Eight years ago,” says Dr. Wise, “Sikandar Shah’s tomb was pointed out in the above neighbourhood.”

For his coinage see Thomas’s Initial Coinage (J.A.S., 1867, pt. II). His name from coins (see pp. 65-67 J.A.S., 1867), appears to be “Abul Majahid Sīkandar Shāh.” Some of his coins are of Sunargaon mint.

Shaikh ’Alauddīn Alaul Haq died on the 1st Rajab, 800 A.H. or 20th March, 1398, and his tomb is at Panduah. A short biographical sketch of this saint is given by Professor Blochmann in J.A.S.B., p. 262 for 1873. His son and successor was Shaikh Nuruddīn Nūr Qutb Alam who died in 851 A.H. or 1447 A.C., and lies buried at Panduah. Nūr Qutb Alam was succeeded by his sons Rafiuddīn and Shaikh Anwar.

On the coins, he is called “Ghiasuddīn Abūl Muzaffar Azam Shāh.” (See Thomas’s Initial Coinage of Bengal, J.A.S. for 1867, pp. 68-69). His early coins were minted at Muazzamabad in Eastern Bengal, and he held court at Sunargaon, during the lifetime of his father, Sikandar Shāh, against whom he rebelled. His court was an asylum for the learned and the cultured, and he was himself a just and righteous sovereign, and a man of light and sweetness. He invited the illustrious Persian poet Hafiz to his court. His tomb is at Sunargaon (See pl. 8 in J.A.S. 1874, p. 85.)

Hafiz the renowned Persian poet of Shīraz died in 791 A.H.

Translation of first two lines by Jarret (See Ain p. 148 Vol. 2.)

Commutation or compounding of certain offences is permitted by the Muhammadan Law, as is also permitted (though to a more limited extent) by the present English Criminal Procedure Law of India.

This story speaks volumes in favour of the purity of the administration of justice that must have prevailed in the latter part of the fourteenth century under the Musalman régime in Bengal. History fails to furnish an instance that can surpass this, in exemplifying the honesty and sense of duty of a humble peon, the judicial fearlessness and integrity of a judge, and the law-abiding nature of a king.

Shaikh Hamīd of Nagor belonged to Nagor in Jodhpūr.

For Coinage of this King, see Thomas’s Initial Coinage, J.A.S.B., 1867, pp. 68-70.

From the circumstance that his early coins were struck at the mint-town of Muazzamabad (territory whereof has been identified to have extended from the Megna to north-eastern Maimansingh and the right bank of the Surma), it would appear that he first acquired power in Eastern Bengal, and reigned first at Sunargaon, from which place according to the Riyaz he marched out to fight against his father, Sikandar Shāh, who reigned at Panduah. Sultān Ghiāsu-d-dīn must have invited Hafiz to his court at Sunargaon, (as Hafiz died in 791 A.H.,) when, according to Sikandar Shāh’s coins noticed by Mr. Thomas, Sikandar Shāh yet ruled at Panduah. (See also J.A.S. for 1873, p. 258).

On the coins he is called Saifu-d-dīn Abul Majahid Hamzah Shāh, son of Azam Shāh (see J.A.S. for 1873, p. 259). Ferishta says: “The Rajahs of the country did not draw their heads out of the yoke of obedience, and did not neglect or delay in paying revenue to him.” According to the Tabaqat, he reigned 10 years. The coins discovered of him, were struck at Firuzabad (or Panduah).

Ferishta says, that as the king was young and weak in intellect, an infidel named Rajah Kāns, who was attached to the court, usurped the executive and collection of taxes. The Tabaqat says that the king died after a quiet and peaceful reign of three years and a few months.

Professor Blochmann identifies this king (whose coins have not been discovered) with king Shahabu-d-dīn Abūl Muzaffar Bayazīd Shāh, whose coins are noticed by Professor Blochmann in J.A.S., p. 263, for 1873. Bayazīd Shāh, according to Professor Blochmann’s theory, was “a puppet king— a benami transaction,” whilst Rajah Kāns ruled over Bengal.

Professor Blochmann says (J.A.S.B., p. 263 for 1873):—

“The name of Bhaturiah does not occur in the Ain, nor have I seen it before the time of Rennel’s Atlas (1778) in which the name of Bhaturiah is given to a large district east of Maldah, bounded in the west by the Mahananda river and the Purnabhaba, its tributary, in the south by the left bank of the Ganges, in the east by the Karataya, and in the north by Dinajpur and Ghoraghat. Bhaturiah therefore is the district to both sides of the Atrai river.” Professor Blochmann (J.A.S.B. for 1875, p. 287), identifies “Bhaturiah” as part of old Barendra, in Rajshahi proper, between Amrūl and Bagura, and signifying Northern Rajshahi Proper including Tahirpur. Professor Blochmann also considers, that the name “Rajshahi” is connected with Rajah Kāns, who was a Rajah-Shāh, that is, a Hindu Rajah who ascended a Musalman throne.

The Tabaqat-i-Akbari merely notices Kāns’s usurption. Ferishta says that though not a Musalman, Kāns was a friend (Sic.) of Musalmans. The Riyaz gives the best account, based perhaps on local traditions. Mr. Westmacott inaccurately identifies “Rajah Kāns” of Bhathuriah with Rajah Ganesh of Dinajpur.” Professor Blochmann (I think correctly) identifies “Rajah Kāns” with “Rajah Kāns Narayan” of Tahirpur which latter is included in Bhathuriah. (See J.A.S.B., p. 287 for 1875).

Rajah Kāns does not appear to have issued coins in his own name, but during his régime, posthumous coins of Azam Shāh (noticed by Hon’ble Sir E. C. Bayley in J.A.S., 1874, p. 294n.) and coins in the name of Shahabudin Bayazīd Shāh, a puppet king or a benami king (noticed by Professor Blochmann in J.A.S.B. for 1873, p. 263), were issued.

Rajah Kāns from the testimony of coins appears to have reigned from 810 A.H. to 817 A.H. or 1407 to 1414 A.C. but he appears to have actually usurped the government earlier in 808 A.H.

Shamsu-d-dīn Ibrahīm Shāh Sharqī, king of Jaunpur, reigned from 804 to 845 A.H. (1401-1441 A.C.) The Sharqī kingdom was created in 795 A.H. by Sultān Mahmūd, son of Sultan Alauddin Sikandar Shāh, son of Sultān Muhammad, son of Sultān Firuz Shāh Tughluk, owing to the increasing feebleness of the Delhī Empire. The Sharqī kingdom, extended from Qanuj to Behar. Mahmud first bestowed the title of Sultān-us-Sharqī on Malik Sarwar, a eunuch who already held the title of Khajah-Jahan. The following table will be useful:—

The last took refuge in the court of Alau-d-din Husain Shāh, king of Bengal about 900 A.-H. or 1497 B.-C. Jaunpur continued to be governed by the Lodi dynasty till the defeat and death of Ibrāhim, grandson of Bahlol at Paniput by Babar in 1526 A.C. A local kingdom was for a short time established under Bahadur Khān, governor of Behar; it was recovered by Humayun, passed again into the hands of Sher Shāh and his son Salīm Shāh. Jaunpur continued under the Afghans until Akbar in the 4th year of his reign took possession of it through Ali Qulī Khan. In 1575, the Viceregal court was removed to Allahabad, and Jaunpur was thenceforth governed by a Nazim.— See Jarrett’s Tr. of Āīn, Vol. II, pp. 169-170, and also Badaoni, Vol. I, pp. 264, 272, 273, 316, 307, Pers. text.

“Qāzī Shahābu-d-dīn, a sage of Hindustan, flourished in the time (of Ibrahim Shāh). He was born at Delhī and in that city acquired a comprehensive knowledge of the inductive sciences and traditional lore, and at the time of the arrival of Timur, he set out for Jaunpur in the company of his master Maulana Khwajigi who was the successor of Nasiru-d-dīn Cherāgh of Delhī, and then continued his progress and became the envy of his time.”— Āīn-i-Akbarī (Jarrett’s Tr., Vol. II, pp. 169-170).

i.e., Panduah.

He is described in coins (see J.A.S.B., p. 267, for 1873), as Jalālu-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Muhammad Shāh. His reign probably lasted from 817 to 834 A.H. (1413 to 1430 A.C.) Some of his coins were struck at the mint-town of Sunargaon. He resided at Panduah, but in 822 A.H. built a Palace at Gaur, and shifted his residence to the latter place. Panduah also became very populous in his time.

The date is a mistake for 822 A.H.

His name as appearing on his coins is Shamsu-d-dīn Abūl Mujahid Ahmad Shāh. He reigned for 16 years from 834 to 850 A.H. (that is 1430-1446 A.C.)

The Tabaqat states that he reigned for sixteen years, and died in 830 A.H. Stewart says he reigned for eighteen years. Ferishta says he was a good and generous king, whilst Riyaz states he was a tyrant. With Ahmad Shāh ended the dynasty of Rajah Kāns, and commenced the restoration of the Īlyās Shāhī dynasty. (See J.A.S.B. for 1873, p. 268).

His name, as appearing on his coins, is Nāṣiru-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Mahmūd Shāh. With him commenced the restoration of the Īlyās Shāhī dynasty in Bengal. He reigned for thirty-two years in peace (this peace being probably due to the wars that then prevailed between Jaunpur and Delhi), and according to another account for ‘not more than twenty-seven years,’ and died in A.H. 862. In the histories, he is simply called Nāṣir Shāh. Dates of his reign, as ascertained from coins and inscriptions, are 846; 861; 863; whilst the earliest dates ascertained for the reign of Barbak Shāh, Mahmūd Shāh’s successor, is 865. Mahmūd Shāh therefore must have reigned till the beginning of 864 A.H. If his reign lasted twenty-seven years, this would put back the commencement of his reign to 836 (the year in which Marsden’s Ahmad Shāhī’s coin was struck), and render Mahmūd Shāh an opposition king during 14 years of Ahmad Shāh’s reign which is doubtful. Inscriptions of this king from Satgaon, Dacca, and Gaur have been published. (See J.A.S. for 1873, pp. 269, 271 and for 1872, p. 108).

The coins do not give his full name, which however appears from inscriptions (J.A.S.B. for 1873, p. 272), to have been Ruknu-d-dīn Abul Mujahid Barbak Shāh. His reign commenced in 864 A.H., and as appears from the Tribeni inscriptions (published by Professor Blochmann in J.A.S.B. for 1870, p. 290), before that, he ruled as Governor of South-Western Bengal in 860 A.H. The Dinajpur inscription (published by Mr. Westmacott in J.A.S. for 1873, p. 272), proves that Barbak Shāh undoubtedly reigned as king in Bengal in 865 A.H. (1460 A.C.)

His name from inscriptions (published in J.A.S.B. for 1873, p. 275) appears to be Shamsu-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Yūsuf Shāh. He appears to have reigned from 879 to 886 A.H., when he died. From his inscriptions found at Panduah, Hazrat Panduah, and Gaur, the following dates of his reign have been ascertained, namely, A.H. 882, 884, 885 (that is 1477, 1479, 1480 A.C.)

Ferishta says he was a scholar who charged the Ulema to see the law of the Prophet duly observed. “No one dared to drink wine” (Blochmann’s Contr. J.A.S. for 1873, p. 275).

Stewart calls him a “youth of the royal family”; other histories say nothing about his relationship. The Āīn-i-Akbarī gives him half a day; the Tabaqat gives him two and a half days; Ferishta gives no period, and Stewart gives him two months (J.A.S. for 1873, p. 281).

His name from coins and inscriptions (J.A.S. for 1873, p. 281), appears to be Jalālu d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Fatḥ Shāh. He appears from histories to have reigned from 887 to 896 A.H.; but inscriptions and coins shew that he reigned in 886 A.H. Some of his coins were struck at Fathabad (Farīdpūr town) in 886 and 892 A.H. These together with the inscriptions on Baba Salih’s mosque at Bandar, near Dacca (dated 886 A.H. or 1482 A.C.), of Bikrampūr (Dacca District) on Adam Shahīd’s mosque (dated 888 A.H. or 1483), of Sunargaon on Muqqarabud-daulah-dīn’s mosque (dated 889 or 1484 A.C.) are published in J.A.S.B. for 1873, pp. 282-285), and fix the dates of his reign. Fathabad (or Faridpur town) is named after him.

This affords another instance to illustrate the great influence exercised by Musalman ladies in the past, and the chivalrous deference paid to their wishes by Musalmans.

“The pretorian band of Abyssinians, which Barbak Shāh had introduced into Bengal, became from the protectors of the dynasty the masters of the kingdom, and eunuchs were the actual rulers of the country. … What royalty at that time was in Bengal is well described by Abul Fazl, who says that after the murder of Fath Shāh, low hirelings flourished; and Ferishta sarcastically remarks that the people would obey him who had killed a king and usurped the throne.” Blochmann’s Contr. (J.A.S. for 1873, p. 286).

With Sultān Shāhzādā begins a succession of Habshī or Abyssinian kings, which terminated only with the rise of the Husaini dynasty of Bengal.

His name, as appearing on his coins (J.A.S.B. for 1873, p. 288), is Saifu-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Fīruz Shāh. He was an Abyssinian or Habshī, and reigned from 893 to 895 A.H. (according to the testimony of coins); whilst histories give (incorrectly) the year of his death to be 899. He was (according to Riyaz) the premier nobleman and a generalissimo under Fath Shāh. He proved a wise king.

For a humourous description of the cowardice of the Bengal Paiks (an Infantry corps of Bengal) in the time of Sultān Īlyās Shāh (1353 A.C.), see Tarikh-i-Fīruz Shāhī by Zia’ Barnī (Pers. text, Fasc. 7, p. 593), from which the following is translated: “And the well-known Bengal Paiks who for years dubbed themselves “Abu Bangal,” and gave themselves martial airs, and proclaimed their readiness to sacrifice their lives for Īlyās Shāh the Bhang-eater, and used to attend that maniac of a monarch, in the company of the dusky-looking Bengali Rajahs— at the time of actual warefare, put from fear their fingers into their mouths, ceased to be on the alert, threw down their swords and arrows, rubbed their foreheads on the ground, and were all put to the sword (by the army of Emperor Firūz Shāh Tughlak).”

His name from coins and inscriptions (see J.A.S. for 1873, p. 289), appears to be Nasiru-d-dīn Abūl Mujahid Mahmūd Shāh. Though the histories generally call him a son of Fīruz Shāh, the account of Haji Muhammad Qandahari referred to in the text, namely, that Mahmūd Shāh was a son of Fath Shāh, appears to be more reliable. Mahmūd Shāh reigned in 896 A.H.

“Jashn Khān” in the text is evidently a copyist’s mistake for “Habsh Khān,” an eunuch-slave of Barbag Shāh, who according to Haji Muhammad Qandaharī, was entrusted by Fīrūz Shāh with the bringing up of Mahmūd Shāh, who was only two years old, when his father Fath Shāh died, and Malik Andīl Fīrūz Shāh ascended the throne, with the consent of Fath Shāh’s queen.

This sanguinary civil war in Bengal, about the end of the fifteenth century, between the Royalists on one side and the people on the other, headed by the nobles, reminds one of a similar war between king John and his barons in England, and illustrates that the people in Bengal were not “dumb, driven cattle,” but that they had sufficient political life and strength and powers of organization to control the monarchy, when its acts exceeded all constitutional bounds, as set by the Shara’ or Muhammadan law. Indeed, Moslem monarchies, wherever established, (barring individual aberrations) have been constitutional in the strict sense of the word, from the time, when, in the seventh century, the first Khalīfate was established in Arabia (see Sir W. Muir’s “Annals of the Early Calīphate”).

His name on inscriptions and coins (published in J.A.S.B. for 1873, pp. 289-290), appears to be Shamsu-d-dīn Abu-Nasr Muzaffar Shāh. His inscriptions and coins shew that he reigned from 896 to 899 A.H. (that is, from 1491 A.C. to 1494 A.C.) Histories allot to his reign three years and five months. He was an Abyssinian, and his original name was Sīdī Badr.

Nizāmū-d-dīn Ahmad was Bakhshī under Akbar, and was a patron of the historian Badaonī. Nizāmū-d-dīn completed his history called Tabaqāt-i-Akbarī in 1590 A.C.; he is the first writer who gives a concise connected account of the Independent Musalman kings of Bengal from 1338 A.C. to 1538 A.C.

His name on coins and inscriptions (vide J.A.S.B. for 1873, pp. 292-293), is “Alau-d-dīn Abūl Muzzafar Husain Shāh, son of Syed Ashraf-al-Husainī.” Nowhere on coins and inscriptions is he called “Sharif Maki,” as in the text. The Tabaqat-i-Akbarī simply calls him “Alauddin”; Ferishta erroneously calls him “Syed Sharif Makī”; whilst Stewart īncorrectly calls him “Sharif Mecca.” He reigned from 899 to 927 A.H. (according to coins and inscriptions). The Riyaz states that Alauddīn, after arriving as an adventurer in Bengal, settled at a place called Chandpur in Radha district (Western Bengal), but Professor Blochmann (J.A.S.B. for 1873, p. 228n.) is inclined to identify the Chandpur in question near ‘Alaipur or ‘Alau-d-dīn’s town,’ on the Bhariab, east of Khulna, in Jessore district, as the place where the Husain dynasty of Bengal independent kings had its adopted home, because Husain Shāh first obtained power in the adjacent district of Farīdpur or Fathāhābad (which latter at the time was included in, or rather included portions of, Jessore), where his first coins were struck in 899 A.H. (Marsden’s pl. XXXVIII, No. DCCLXXIX), and also because Husain Shāh’s son, Nasrat Shāh, erected a mint at the neighbouring place of Khalīfatābad (or Bagerhat, formerly in Jessore district) and minted there coins in the lifetime of his father in 922 A.H. (see p. 297, J.A.S.B. for 1873 and pl. IX, No. 10). Anothor circumstance which also supports the above theory of Professor Blochmann about the locale of Alau-ddīn Hussain Shāh’s adopted home, appears to be this, that the names of Husain Shāh, his brother Yusuf Shāh, and his sons Nasrat Shāh, and Mahmūd Shāh, are found in connection with several parganas of Jessore (Jasar) district (as formerly constituted, before its being split up into Pabna, Khulna and Faridpur districts), such as parganas Nasratshāhī and Mahmūdshāhī and Yusuf-Shāhī, and Mahmūdabad (a whole Sirkar including Northern Jessore or Jasar and Bosnah). In regard to Alauddīn Husain Shāh, Professor Blochmann observes (J.A.S. for 1873, p. 291) that “of the reign of no king of Bengal— perhaps of all Upper India before the middle of the 10th century— do we possess so many inscriptions. Whilst the names of other Bengal kings scarcely ever occur in legends, and remain even unrecognized in the geographical names of the country, the name of ‘Husain Shāh the Good’ is still remembered from the frontiers of Orissa to the Brahmaputra.” This great and good king extended his empire into Orissa, into Assam, into Chittagong, and reigned over all north Behar, and all south Behar up to the western limits of Sarkar Monghyr, where his son Danyal erected a vault over the shrine of Peer Nafa. (See Tabaqat-i-Akbarī and also Badaoni, Vol. I, p. 371). A cathedral mosque amongst his other edifices was erected by this king, in 907 A.H. at Machain, opposite to Faridpur in Dhakah; the inscription of this mosque appears in J.A.S. for 1873, p. 293. The Husain Shāhī dynasty consisted of four sovereigns: (1) Alauddīn Husain Shāh who reigned from 899 to 929 A.H. (2) Alau-d-dīn’s son, Naṣīru-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Naṣrat Shāh (929 to 939). (3) Alau-d-dīn Fīruz Shāh (939), a son of No. 2, and (4) Ghiasu-d-dīn Mahmūd Shāh, (940-945 A.H.) the last Independent king of Bengal, who was defeated by Sher Shāh’s army at Gaur under Jalal Khān and Khwaṣ Khān in 944 A.H. or 1538 A.D. That is, for forty-four years, this Husainī dynasty consisting of four kings, reigned over Bengal. (See J.A.S.B. for 1872, p. 332). The Tabaqat-i-Akbari’s notice of Bengal closes with an account of the reign of Naṣrat Shāh, the second king of the above Husainī dynasty. The fourth king of the Husainī dynasty, it may be of interest to remark, is the “El Ray Mamud de Bengala” of the Portuguese, who described Gaur, the capital at the time, as being “three leagues in length, well-fortified and with wide and straight roads, along which rows of trees were planted to shade the people.” This Mahmūd Shāh died in 945 A.H. at Colgong (Kāhalgaon), where he lies buried.

The Tabaqat-i-Akbarī and Badaoni (p. 317 vol. 1) simply call him Alanddīn (which however was obvionsly the Jalūs name), Ferishta erroneously calls him “Sayid Sharif Maki,” whilst Stewart incorrectly calls him “Shīref Mecca,” erroneously led no donbt by the remark of the ‘Riyaz’ whose author thinks that Husain’s father or one of his ancestors might perhaps have been a Sherīf of Mecca. The Alamgirnamah (p. 730) calls him Husain Shah.

The inscription dated 937 A.H. on the Qadam Rasūl building at Gaur is published in J.A.S.B. for 1872, p. 338; in it Naṣrat Shāh is described as son of Husain Shāh, son of Syed Ashrafal Husainī.

A town in Turkestan.

That is, the Western Bengal tract. See however, note 13 to p. 48, where Professor Blochmann identifics Chandpur, near Alaipur on the Bhairab, in Jessore district.

This was Prince Danyal (incorrectly known as Dulal Ghazī). This invasion of Assam took place in 1498 A.C. See J.A.S. for 1872, p. 335. Particulars of this invasion of Assam in 1498 A.C. or 903-4 A.H. are given in the Alamgīrnamah pp. 730 and 731 and the Assam Buranji (J.A.S., for 1874, p. 281). Husain Shāh’s conquest of Kamrūp and Kamta (western Assam) is also chronicled in a contemporaneous inscription of 907 A.H. (1501 A.C.) in a Madrasah or College founded by Husain Shāh at Gaur. This inscription is also published in J.A.S., for 1874, p. 303. Husain Shāh’s first Governor of Western Assam or Kamrup was his son, Prince Danyal,— the same prince who erected the vault over the shrine of Pir Nafa in Monghyr fort in 903 A.C., whilst returning from a mission on behalf of his father to meet Sultān Sikandar Lodi in Behar, and immediatly before setting out on this Assam expedition (Badaoni, p. 317 Vol. I). He was followed as Governor of Assam by Musunder Ghazi, who was succeeded by Sultān Ghiasu-d-dīn who introduced a colony of Muhammadans into Assam.

Stewart has ‘Bateah,’ and says it is the name of a stream, which also bears the name of Gandak. I do not know how far Stewart is correct.

He also founded Madrasahs or Colleges for the advancement of learning, as is evidenced by the testimony of the contemporaneous inscription of 907 A.H. published in J.A.S.B., for 1874, p. 303. This inscription opens with the remarkable saying of the Prophet, “Search after knowledge even as far as China.”

See note p. 46.

See Badaoni, p. 316, Vol. I.

His name, as appearing on his coins and inscriptions, is Nāṣiru-d-dīn Abul Muzzafar Naṣrat Shāh. (See J.A.S.B. for 1873, pp. 296 and 297). Historians call him also Nasīb Shāh, (Badaoni, p. 348), but perhaps whilst as a prince, he held the name of Nasīb Khān. He appears to have reconquered Chittagong Tract (see Tarikh-i-Hamidī and J.A.S. for 1872, p. 336), and to have subdued Tirhūt and Hajīpur tracts in North Behar— and to have also held temporary sway over Azimgarh in the N.-W. Provinces (see Sikandarpūr Azimgarh inscription published in J.A.S. for 1873, p. 296). Kharīd mentioned in this inscription is on the right bank of the Ghagra river.

Naṣrat Shāh reigned from 929 to 939 A.H. (J.A.S. for 1872, p. 332).

Hajīpur was long the head-quarters of the Bengal Governors of Behar from the time of Haji Ilyās, and was founded by Haji Īlyās alias Shamsu-d-dīn Īlyās, king of Bengal. It sank in importance with the transfer of the head-quarters to Patna, on the establishment of Mughal rule under Emperor Akbar.

Ibrāhim Lodī, son of Sikandar Lodī and grandson of Bahlol Lodī, was defeated and killed by Babar at the decisive battle of Panipat in 1526 A.C. or 932 A.H. See the graphic description of this decisive battle in Badaoni (Pers. text, Vol. I, pp. 334-336.) By this great battle, the sovereignty of India was transferred from Afghan hands to those of the Mughals. Strange enough to add, this revolution was effected by the intrigues of Afghan officers and Omara of Ibrāhīm who had joined Babar, and invited the latter to India. (Badaoni, Pers. text, p. 331, Vol. I). No doubt, it was a penalty paid by Sultān Ibrāhīm for his ill-treatment of his brothers, officers and noblemen, whom he constantly distrusted and disgraced.

Sultān Maḥmūd was a son of Sultān Sikandar Lodī. He was set up as a King by Ḥasan Khan Mewati and Rana Sanka, and induced to fight with Babar who defeated him. After defeat, he lived at Chitor, whence he was brought by Afghans to Behar, and proclaimed its King. Sher Khan joined him, but subsequently deserted him in favour of Mughals, who defeated him. From Patna, he fled to Orissa, where he died in 949 A.H. (See Badaoni, pp. 361 and 338, Vol. I).

Sarkar Bharaich is included in the Subah of Oudh, and is mentioned in the Āīn-i-Akbarī (Jarrett’s Tr., Vol. II, p. 93).

This was the furthest western incursion made by the Musalman kings of Bengal (barring of course Sher Shāh, who from king of Bengal rose to be Emperor of all India).

See p. 139 Bloch. Tr., Ain, Vol. I. From Badaoni’s account (p. 338, Vol. I), the conquest of Jaunpur appears to have been made by Humayun, during Babar’s lifetime. In Badaoni (p. 344, Vol. I), Md. Zaman Mirza.

He reigned in Gujarat from 1526 A.C. to 1536 A.C.— see Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. II, p. 261, and Badaoni, pp. 344 to 347, Vol. I.

He foolishly engaged in a war with Humayun and was defeated, (Vol. II, p. 266, and Badaoni, p. 346, Vol. I).

This building was in fair order when I visited Gaūr in 1887. It is a square one-domed building in the enclosure of the Fort. Its length from east to west is 24 cubits, and its breadth is the same. The Bhagirati flows to the west of it, about a distance of 30 rasīs. This building was erected by Naṣrat Shāh in 937 A.H. (1530 A.D). Inside the mosque under the dome, there is a foot-print of the Arabian prophet on a piece of stone, which is said to have been formerly at Panduah in the Chillakhana of the Saīnt Jallalu-d-dīn Tabrīzi, who is supposed to have brought it from Arabia.

The inscription on the building is published in J.A.S.B. for 1872, p. 338.

The date on the inscription is however, 937 A.H. (See J.A.S.B. for 1872, p. 338).

See Ravenshaw’s and Creighton’s “Ruins of Gaūr.”

He was a Saint of Gaūr. He came as a boy to Nizamu-d-dīn Aulīah of Delhi and in course of time acquired great learning. He was then sent to Bengal, where he died in 758 A.H. or 1357 A.C. After Nizamu-d-dīn’s death (according to the Haft I qlim), he went to Lakhnauti— (See J.A.S. for 1873 p. 260).

Naṣrat Shāh could not have laid the foundation of the Saint’s shrine; he could have only repaired and improved it, for the inscription on the shrine (see J.A.S. for 1873, p. 294), shews that its door was built by Naṣrat Shāh’s father, Sultān ‘Alau-d-dīn Ḥusain Shāh, in 916 A.H. (A.C. 1510).

Akhī’s pupil was the Saint Alau-l-Huq, father of the Saint Nūr Qutb ‘Alam of history.

Akhī was a contemporary of Shamsu-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Ilyās Shāh, King of Bengal.

His name appears to be ‘Alau-d-dīn Abul Muzzafar Firuz Shāh, both on his coins and his inscriptions (See J.A.S.B. for 1873, p. 297). He reigned for only one year (939 A.H.) when he was slain by his uncle Mahmūd Shāh the next King. This would also put back the date of Naṣrat Shāh’s murder to end of 938 or beginning of 939 A.H.; but Badaoni’s account (p. 348, Vol. I), renders it doubtful.

“Three years,” is evidently a copyist’s mistake, for Stewart who bases his history on the Riyaz, mentions “three months” which he must have found in his copy of the MS. of the Riyaz, and which appears otherwise more consistent, chronologically.

The name of this King as appearing on his coins and inscriptions is Ghiāsu-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Mahmūd Shāh (See J.A.S. for 1872, p. 339, and for 1873 p. 298). He was the last Independent King of Bengal, and reigned from 940 to 944 A.H. He is the “El Rey Mamud de Bangala,” with whom the Portuguese Alfonso de Mello made a treaty. At this time, Sher Khān and his brother Adil Khān had deserted the Mughal cause, and gone over to the side of the King of Bengal. But subsequently Sher Khān on the pretext of avenging the murder of Firuz Shāh, made war on Maḥmūd Shāh, besieged him at Gaūr, and Maḥmūd Shāh fled to Colgong (Kahalgaon), where he died in 945 A.H. (1538 A.C.) of injuries received on the battle-field. (See Badaoni, p. 348, Vol. I).

The town of Behar is meant. It appears that at this time both Sarkar Monghyr in South Behar and the whole of North Behar were subject to the Bengal kings, and Hajīpur was the head-quarters from a long time of the Bengal Governor of North Behar. West of Sarkar Monghyr in South Behar, which was subject to the Sharqī kingdom of Jaunpur, on the decay of the latter kingdom, fell into the hands of semi-independent Afghan chiefs, including Daria Khān, his son Bahadur Khān (who proclaimed himself Sultān Muhammad), Sultān Maḥmūd, and Sher Khān. At this time, as the text shews, Makhdūm ‘Alam, Maḥmūd Shāh’s brother-in-law, who was his Governor of North Behar, and had his head-quarters at Hajīpur, also rebelled against his sovereign, and intrigued with Sher Khān (afterwards Sher Shāh). (See Badaoni, pp. 360, 358, 361, Vol. I).

How Sher Shāh acquired the Delhi Empire, is related in Tarikh-i-Sher Shāhī, and also in Badaonī, and the Akbarnamah.

These passes are close to Colgong, and are now traversed by the E.I. Railway line. They were in those days considered the ‘key’ to Bengal. They were fortified under Sher Shāh’s order by Qutb Khān, son of Sher Khān and Khawas Khān, slave of Sher Khān. (See Badaonī, p. 349, Vol. I).

In the Āīn-i-Akbarī, under the Sūbah of Allahabad, Chuuar is described “as a stone-fort in the summit of a hill, scarcely equalled for its loftiness and strength.” The river Ganges flows at its foot— Āīn-i-Akbarī (Jarrett’s Tr., Vol. 2, p. 159).

It is stated that its siege by Emperor Humāyun commenced on 8th January, 1538 A.C. As its siege lasted six months, and as it was stormed before Gaūr fell (on 6th April, 1538 A.C.) into the hands of Sher Shāh’s general, Khawas Khān, the siege of Chunar must have commenced in October 1537 A.C. (See Tarikh-i-Sher Shāhī), or it may be that the fall of Gaūr took place in July 1538 A.C. (See Badaoni, pp. 348 and 349, Vol. I).

See p. 441 Blochmann’s Trans. of Āīn, Vol. I, p. 441, and Badaoni, p. 348, Vol. I. Chunar was captured by Humāyun in 943 A.H.

This corresponds to 6th April, 1538 A.C.

See note ante.

This was a quarter of Gaūr. The inscription on this mosque is published in J.A.S.B. for 1872, p. 339.

The fate of Maḥmūd Shāh is fully described in the Tarīkh-i-Sher Shāhī, of which the Hon’ble Sir Edward Clive Bayley has published a translation in Dowson’s edition of Elliot’s History of India, IV, pp. 360-364.

I have not identified this place; but it must have been close to Chunar.

In Badaoni (p. 348, Vol. I), it is stated that when the King of Bengal (named erroneously Nasib Shāh, which should be Maḥmūd Shāh) getting wounded in the war against Sher Shāh, came and met the Emperor (Humāyun), and invoked his help, the latter left Mir Hindu Beg Quchīn in charge of Jaunpur province, and marched (from Chunar) towards Bengal, forcing the pass of Telīagadhī, which was fortified and held by Qutb Khān and Khawas Khan (son and servant respectively of Sher Shāh).

i.e., 1538 A.C.

Sher Khān or Sher Shāh was at this time at Gaūr and had made himself master of it. (See Badaoni, pp. 348 and 349, Vol. I). Mughal historians, to please the Mughal Emperors, invariably belittle Sher Shāh by calling him “Sher Khān.” Sher Shāh finally defeated Humāyun (Jarrett’s Tr., Ain, p. 421, and Badaoni, pp. 354 and 356, Vol. I) near Kanauj in A.H. 947 (A.C. 1540), when Humāyun fled to Sindh.

He is mentioned as Governor of Bengal under Humāyun (vide Blochmann’s Tr., Āīn-i-Akbarī, and also the text, Fasc. 1, p. 331, and also Badaoni, p. 352, Vol. I.)

This must have been near Colgong (Kahlgaon), at the time.

Maḥmūd Shāh, the last Independent Musalman king of Bengal, died at Colgong in 1538 A.C.

This was the name which Western Bengal bore under Hindu Rajas.

Chuta Nagpūr tract was so called during Moslem rule in India.

Humāyun captured Gaūr, about July 1538. Humāyun stayed at Gaūr for three months, that is, till September 1538 A.C., and named the place Jinnatabad. (See Badaoni, p. 349, Vol. I).

This important fort in South Behar was captured by Sher Shāh in 945 A.H. or about September 1538 A.C. by an ingenious stratagem. (See Badaoni, p. 349, Vol. I). Sher Khan induced the Rajah of Rohtās to give shelter to his family in the Fort, and then sent in there two thousand armed Afghans in mahfas or palanquins; these latter killed the Rajah and his soldiers, and easily captured the Fort for Sher Shāh.

In Firishta occurs the following: “At this time news was received that Mirza Hindal had raised the standard of rebellion in Agrah and Mewat, had caused the Khutba to be recited after his own name, and had killed Shaikh Bahlol” (Vol. I, p. 423, Pers. text). Delhi mentioned here therefore appears to be a mistake for Agra, as appears also from the text which follows. (See Badaoni, p. 350, Vol. I).

In Badaoni (p. 350, Vol. I). “Jahangīr Beg Mughal.”

His regal style was Faridu-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Sher Shāh. He reigned from 944 to 952 A.H or 1538 to 1545 A.C. He lies buried at Sahasrām (Sasseram) in Behar. His first Governor of Bengal, Khizr Khān, who married a daughter of Maḥmūd Shāh III, king of Bengal, was replaced by Qazī Fazīlat, of Agra. Those who care to know the life and career of this remarkable Sovereign, will find a full account in Badaoni (Vol. I, pp. 356 to 374). A man of learning and wonderful resources, a dashing soldier, a general of high order (always ready to avail himself of all stratagems and tactics in war), a politician of keen diplomacy, when he mounted the throne, he exhibited the highest qualities of a statesman and a beneficent sovereign. Moderate and scientific in his revenue-assessments, liberal in his gifts, Jageers and benefactions, generous in supporting learning and the learned, wise in his army-reforms (copied subsequently by Akbar) munificent in laying down trunk roads, planting trees, sinking wells, establishing caravanserais, building Mosques, Madrasahs and Khanqahs, and erecting bridges, few Indo-Moslem Kings come up to his level. He administered justice so vigorously that he impressed his personality on all, and established thorough peace, so that, says Badaoni (p. 363, Vol. I), no dacoit or robber would dare to touch a gold plate, though it might be left on the road by an old woman, during her sleep.

Sher Khān had encamped on the right bank of the river between Chausa and Baksar. The river here is called Thorā Nadī. The battle of Chausa was fought on 9th Safar 946 A.-H. or 26th June, 1539 A.C. (See Badaoni, pp. 351 and 352, Vol. I).

Rather the evertures for peace were made by Humāyun, who sent Mulla Muhammad Aziz for the purpose to Sher Khān, who was then at Chausa. At the time, Sher Khān with his sleeves stuck up and with a spade in hand, in grilling weather, was digging a trench, and fortifying the place On seeing the Mulla, he sat down on the bare ground, and in reply to the Mulla said: “Tell this one word on my behalf to the Emperor, that he seeks war, and not his soldiers, whilst I do not seek war, but my soldiers do.” Sher Shāh then sent to the Emperor his spiritual guide Shaikh Khalil, a descendant of Shaikh Farid Ganj Shakar. (See Badaoni, pp. 350 and 351, Vol. I).

After defeating Humāyun at Chausa on 26th June, 1539 A.C. (9th Safar, 946 A.H.) Sher Khān marched to Gaūr, slew Humāyun’s Governor, Jahangir Qulī Beg, and assumed the same year at Gaūr the royal title of Faridu-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Sher Shāh, and struck coins. Sher Shāh stayed till end of December 1539 A.C. at Gaūr, and then leaving Khizr Khān as his Governor of Bengal, he marched towards Agra. (Badaoni, pp. 352 and 364 Vol. I).

Corresponding to the year 1540 A.C. See description of battle of Qananj in Badaoni, p. 354, Vol. I.

He married a daughter of Maḥmūd Shāh III, the late king of Bengal, and gave himself royal airs, in consequence of which Sher Shāh promptly removed him, and appointed Qazī Fazīlat as Governor of Bengal in his place. (See Badaoni, p. 365, Vol. I).

In 948 A.H. Khizr Khān was deposed at Gaūr by Sher Shāh. Sher Shāh had political insight of a high order. The administrative arrangements that he introduced at this time in Bengal, viz., of placing different tribal chiefs to rule over different territorial divisions would indicate that he was fully alive to the policy “Divide and rule.” His installation of Qazī Fazīlat, a scholar of Agra, in a position of over-lordship over these tribal chiefs, further indicates that he set a high value on learning. Sher Shāh died on 12th Rabi I, 952 A.H. (3rd June, 1545); he lies buried at Sahsram, in South Behar, See Tarikh-i-Sher Shāhī for an interesting account of Sher Shāh’s career, and also Badaoni, p. 365, Vol. I, Firishta and Akbarnamah.

Sher Shāh was the first ruler who from a king of Bengal, became the Emperor of all India. His triumph was a triumph for Bengal, whose prosperity and welfare continued to receive his special attention, even after he became Emperor of India. Mughal historians generally (no doubt from their delicate position) have failed to appraise Sher Shāh’s qualities as a statesman and as a soldier at their proper worth. His reign was fruitful of military, fiscal, agricultural, economic, currency and revenue reforms in Bengal, and also of many public works of utility, such as roads, rest-houses, bridges, fortifications, Khanqas, colleges and wells, &c.

“Kalinjar is a stone fortress in Sūbah Allahabad, upon heaven-reaching hill.”— Ain. During its siege in 1545 A.C., a shell rebounded from the walls into the battery where Sher Shāh stood, and set fire to the gun-powder. He was severely burnt, and died next day. (Jarrett’s Tr., Ain., Vol. II, p. 1604). Ain simply says “he fell at the powder magazine when the fire opened in the fort.” (See Badaoni, p. 372, Vol. I).

Jallāl Khān assumed the royal title of Jallālu-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Islam Shāh in 1545 A.C. (or 952 A.H.) He reigned from 1545 to 1553 A.C. He appointed his relative Muḥammad Khān Sur as his Governor of Bengal, removing Qazī Fazīlat. Islam Shāh lies buried at Sassaram. He drew up a comprehensive Procedure Code, and followed the enlightened and statesman-like policy of his illustrions father. See Badaoni, Vol. I, p. 374.

“Jaunpur is a large city. Sultān Firuz Tughlak laid its foundation and named it after his cousin Fakhru-d-dīn Junai.”— Ain.

Kalpi is mentioned in the Ain under Sūbah Agra (Jarrett’s Tr., Vol. II, p. 184).

Mubariz Khān killed Firūz Khān, son of Islam Shāh, and assumed (in 960 A.H. or 1553 A.C.) the title of Muḥammad Shāh ’Adil. Owing to this unwarranted assassination, popularly he was known as ’Adil Shāh or simply as “Andhali” which means “the blind” in Hindustani.

In Firishta and Stewart, it is stated that Muḥammad Khān Sur ruled over Bengal and North Behar wisely and beneficently till the close of the reign of Salim Shāh; but when in 960 A.H. Muḥammad ’Adilī who was addicted to debauchery and pleasures, mounted the throne, after slaying Firuz Khān, Muḥammad Khān refused to pay him homage, viewing him as the assassin of his late master’s son.

Muḥammad Khān Sur was appointed in 952 A.H. (1545 A.C.) Governor of Bengal and North Behar by Islam Shāh, who had deposed Qazī Fazīlat, the nominee of Sher Shāh. Islam Shāh at the same time confirmed Miyan Sulaiman Karraranī to continue as Governor of South Behar.

Hemu the grocer was made a Superintendent of the Markets by Salīm Shāh, and raised to the office of Administrator-General of the Empire by Muḥammad Shāh ’Adil. He was defeated by Akbar’s General, Bairam Khān, in 1556 A.C. at Panipat.

Muḥammad Khān Sur, Islam Shāh’s Governor of Bengal, refused to acknowledge Muḥammad ‘Adlī Shāh, and himself assumed the royal title of Shāmsu-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Muḥammad Shāh, and invaded Jaunpur and Kalpi. The battle of Chapparghatta was fought between the two in 962 A.H. (1555 A.C.) Chapparghatta is east of Kalpi, on the Jamūna river. He ruled as Islam Shāh’s Governor of Bengal from 952 to 960 A.H. and reigned as king of Bengal from 960 A.H. to 962 A.H., that is from 1553 to 1555 A.C. (See Badaoni, p. 432, Vol. I).

Jhosī is on the left bank of the Ganges, opposite to Allahabad; there Khizr Khān, son of Muḥammad Shāh, who was killed in the battle of Chapparghatta, celebrated his julus, and assumed the royal title of Bahadur Shāh in 962 A.H. (1555 A.C.) (See Badaoni, p. 433, Vol. I).

Bahadur Shāh or Khizr Khān, son of Muḥammad Khān Sur alias Shamsu-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Muḥammad Shāh, was installed in power at Jhosī, where Muḥammad Shāh’s defeated grandees and officers rallied after the battle of Chapparghatta. He reigned over Bengal as king from 962 to 968 A.H. (or 1555 to 1561 A.C.) Badaonī calls him Muḥammad Bahadur. The most important event of his reign was his war with ‘Adlī Shāh, whom he defeated at the decisive battle of Surajgarha in Monghyr district, in 964 A.H. At this battle, Sulaimān Kararanī who held South Behar from Sher Shāh’s reign assisted Bahadur Shāh. (See Tarikh-i-Daudī and Badaoni, pp. 433-434, Vol. I).

Bahadur Shāh was king of Bengal and North Behar from 962 to 968 A.H. (that is 1555 to 1561 A.C.) During this period, South Behar continued under its old Governor, Mīyan Sulaimān Kararanī.

It may be noted here that Bahadur Shāh was a contemporary of Emperor Akbar who ascended the Imperial throne in 963 A.H. (or 1556 A.C.)

Jahangīrah village is close to Jamalpur railway station, in Monghyr district. Surajgaḍha or Surajgarha is a town close to Maulanagar, on the banks of the river Ganges, in Monghyr district.

At this battle in 964 A.H. (1557 A.C.) Bahadur Shāh was assisted by Sulaimān Kararani. According to Tarikh-i-Daudī, the decisive battle was fought at the “stream of Surajgarh, near Monghyr” (which is the Keol Nadī). Professor Blochmann locates the battle-field at Fathpur village, 4 miles west of Surajgarh and the Keol nadi. Tarikh-i-Daudī inaccurately places Surajgarha one kos, more or less, from Monghyr.

See Badaoni, p. 384, Vol. I.

His royal title was Ghiāsu-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Jallāl Shāh. He reigned over Bengal and North Behar from 968 to 971 A.H. (or 1561 A.C. to 1564 A.C.) During this period, Sulaimān Kararani continued as semi-independent Governor of South Behar, whilst Hajīpur which had risen in importance from the time of Naṣrat Shāh continued to be the head-quarters fo the Bengal Governor of North Behar. Patna became the seat of Behar Governors from the time of Emperor Akbar. Sher Shāh had built the Fort of Patna (see Bloch. Contr. J.A.S. for 1875, p. 302). Jallāl Shāh died at Gaūr in 971 A.H. With Jallāl Shāh and his son, ended the Sūr dynasty in Bengal. Badaoni (p. 430, Vol. I) states “that Muhammad Khān Sūr, ruler of Bengal, assumed the title of Sultān Jallalu-d-dīn, and extended the Bengal Kingdom up to Jaunpur.”

Sulaimān Khān Karani, Governor of South Behar in 971 A.H. (1564 A.C.) sent his elder brother Tāj Khān Kararani, to Gaūr, to put down the usurper, Ghiāsu-d-dīn. Tāj Khān killed the usurper, and established himself at Gaūr, in 971, and from 971 to 972 A.H. (1564 to 1565 A.C.) ruled as Governor of Bengal, on behalf of his brother Sulaimān Kararani (J.A.S. for 1875, p. 295, and Badaoni, pp. 409, 420 and 421, Vol. I). Badaoni describes Taj Khān as one of the most learned scholars of his time. He died in 972 A.H.

Sarkar Sambhal under the Sūbah of Delhi is mentioned in the Ain (Jarrett’s Tr., Vol. II, p. 104).

The Ain further states: “In the city of Sambhal is a temple called Hari Mandal (the temple of Vishnu) belonging to a Brahman, from whose descendants the tenth aratar will appear in this spot” (Jarrett’s Tr., Vol. II, p. 281).

Though a grocer or baqāl, Hemu rose to the officer of Vizier and generalissimo under Muhammad Shāh Adlī, and exhibited great personal courage at the battle of Panipat fought in 964 A.H. between him and Akbar. He assumed the title of Rajah Bikrammadit at Delhi. He ill-treated the Afghans, who at heart despised him, and who, therefore, for the most part threw in their lot with Akbar. (See Badaoni, Vol. II, pp. 13 to 16).

See Badaoni, Vol. I, pp. 422 to 428. During the chaos which arose during the latter part of the feeble reign of Muhammad Shāh Adlī, it was arranged between Ibrahim and Sikandar alias Ahmad Khān, that the former would rule over the Eastern Empire from Delhi to the easternmost portions of India, whilst the latter would be master of the Panjab, Multan and other western tracts.

According to the Akbarnamah, Badaonī and the Tabaqat-i-Akbarī, he died in 980 A.H. and reigned in Bengal from 971 to 980 A.H., or 1563 to 1572 A.C. He is sometimes called Kararani and sometimes Karani and also Krani. It is related of him that he held every morning a devotional meeting, in company with 150 Shāikhs and ’Ulamas, after which he used to transact business during fixed hours, (See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, p. 171, and Badaoni, Vol. II, pp. 76, 173, 174 and 200), and that this practice influenced Akbar’s conduct. His conquest of Orissa (in 975 A.H. or 1567 A.C.) mainly through the efforts of his distinguished general, Kalaphar, is detailed in a following section in the text, and also in Firishta, Akbarnamah, and Tarikh-i-Daudī. His principal nobleman and officer, Khān Jahan Lodī, held a conference with Akbar’s general, Munim Khān-i-Khānan, in the neighbourhood of Patna, and it was arranged to recite the Khutba and strike coins in Bengal after Akbar’s name (see p. 427, Bloch. Tran., Āīn, and Badaoni, p. 174). In 972 A.H., Sulaimān removed his capital from Gaūr to Tandah. Akbar sent an embassy to him (Badaoni, p. 76, Vol. II).

Tandah was on the west side of the Ganges, nearly opposite to Gaūr.

In 972 A.H. (1564 A.C.) Sulaimān Kararani, the Afghan king of Bengal, abandoned Gaūr on account of its bad climate, and shifted the capital westward to Tandah, which was also called Khwaspūr Tandah. In 983 A.H. (1575 A.C.) Munim Khān-i-Khanān, Akbar’s Sipasalar, re-occupied Gaūr, where a pestilence soon broke out, and he as well as many Mughal officers and soldiers died. (See Badaoni, pp. 216 and 217, Vol. II). About 1242 A.H. (1826 A.C.) Tandah was destroyed by floods, and disappeared into the river. Now-a-days it lies as a heap of dust about a mile from Lakhīpur. (See Beveridge’s Analysis of Khurshid Jahan Numa, J.A.S., 1895, p. 215).

Taking advantage of the dissensions between the Afghans under Sher Shāh and the Mughals under Emperor Humāyun, Kuch Behar which had previously been subdued by Alau-d-dīn Ḥusain Shāh, king of Bengal, and partially re-conquered by Sulaimān Kararani rose into semi-independence in 944 A.H. under Bisa, and became independent under Rajas Nara Narayan (962 A.H.) and Bal Gosain (980 A.H.) Subsequently it was reconquered.

From note ante, it would appear that he ceased to do so in Akbar’s time.

From note ante, it would appear that he ruled only for ten years over Bengal, whilst he held Behar from the time of Sher Shāh.

He reigned in 980 A.H. or 1572 A.C. (See extract from Badaonī and the Sawanih Akbarī regarding the death of Sulaimān, accession and assassination of his son Bayazīd, and the installation of Bayazīd’s brother Dāud, chiefly through the efforts of Lodī Khān, the premier nobleman of the Bengal kingdom (J.A.S. for 1875, pp. 304-305).

Badaonī who was a zealous Moslem remarks that ‘Sulaimān conquered the town of Katak-Benaras, the mine of unbelief,’ and made Jagannah (Puri) a dar-ul Islam, and ruled from Kamrūp to Orissa. Sulaiman’s first Viceroy of Orissa (including Katak) was Lodī Khān alias Khān Jahan Lodī, and his first Governor of Jagannath or Puri was Qutlu Khān (see Badaoni, p. 174, Vol. II).

It is related in the Sawanih Akbarī and Badaoni that Bayazīd ‘in his youthful folly read the Khutba in his own name, neglected all forms of courtesy, and also ill-treated the chief nobles of his father who consequently hated him. Hanso, the son of his uncle Imad (brother of Sulaimān), who was also his brother-in-law, then killed him. Lodī Khān then killed Hanso, installed Dāud. (See J.A.S. for 1875, pp. 304-305).

Dāud Khān became king of Bengal, Behar and Orissa in 980 A.H. (1572 A.C.) and reigned from 980 A.H. to 984 A.H. (1572 to 1576 A.C.), under the title of Abul Muzaffer Dāud Shāh. In 982 A.H. Akbar personally wrested Behar from him by storming Patna and Hajīpur forts, and Dāud fled to Orissa, where the battle of Mughulmari or Tukaroi north of Jalīsar, was fought in 1575 A.C. between him and the Imperialists, commanded by Munim Khān-i-Khanān. Dāud was defeated, and concluded the Peace of Katak, under which Bengal and Behar were ceded by him to Akbar, the latter recognising Dāud’s sovereignty over Orissa. In 983 A.H. Munim Khān-i-Khanān died of malaria at Gaūr, with a large part of his army, and Dāud Khān, encouraged by this circumstance, invaded Bengal, and on 15th Rabi II 948 A.H. (12th July, 1576 A.C.), was defeated by Akbar’s General, Husain Qulī Khān Jahān, at Akmahal or Rajmahal, captured and beheaded. (See Tarikh-i-Dāudi, Firishta, Badaonī and Akbarnamah). With Dāud Khān’s death (1576 A.C.), the Kararani dynasty ended in Bengal.

He was appointed to his jagirs in Jaunpur in the 12th year of Akbar’s reign, when he concluded peace with Sulaimān Kararani, king of Bengal, who promised to read the Khutba and strike coins in Akbar’s name. Munim in 982 A.H. was appointed Governor of Behar (after Akbar captured Hajīpur and Patna from Dāud) and ordered to follow Dāud into Bengal. Munim moved to Tandah, opposite to Gāur, on the right side of the Ganges, to settle political matters, and left the pursuit to Muḥammad Qulī Khān Barlas. The latter followed Dāud to Satgaon, whence however, Dāud withdrew to Orissa, and Muḥammad Qulī Khān Barlas from Satgaon invaded the district of Jasar (Jessore), where Sarmadi, a friend of Dāud, had rebelled, but the Imperialists, here too met with no success, and returned to Satgaon. Muḥammad Qulī soon after died at Midnīpur, and Munim Khān with Todar Mal invaded Orissa, defeated Dāud at the battle of Mughulmari or Tikaroi, when the Peace of Katak was concluded, under which Bengal and Behar were ceded by Dāud to Akbar. Munim died of malaria at Gāūr in 983 A.H. The great bridge of Jaunpur was built by him. It may also be of interest to note that another general, named Murad Khān, under Munim Khān-i-Khānān, about 982 A.H. invaded Fathabad (or Faridpur), and conquered it as well as Sarkar Bogla. This Murad Khān died at Fathabad (Faridpur) in 988 A.H., and Mukund, the zamindar of Fathabad and Bhosna, invited Murad’s sons to a feast and treacherously murdered them. See Bloch. Trans., Ain, Vol. I, p. 318 and Badaoni, pp. 178 and 180.

For a biographical account, see Blochmann’s Tr. of Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I, p. 82. He was a Khetri by caste, and attained the mansab of Chaharhazārī and also the office of Akbar’s Naib Dīwan or Deputy Finance Minister. He was very loyal to his sovereign, and Akbar held a high opinion of him. The rent-roll associated with his name and prepared under the direction of his sovereign, is well-known, and is given in the Āīn-i-Ākbarī. (See Āin-i-Akbarī, Vol. II, Jarrett’s Tr., p. 88, and also Vol. I, pp. 366 and 348 Blochmann’s Tr.) It would appear that this great rent-roll which has made Todar Mal so famous, was jointly prepared by him and his Chief, Muzaffar Khān, Akbar’s Chief Finance Minister or Dīwan. (See Badaonī).

His name was Chalmah Beg. He was Humāyun’s Safarchi or table-attendant. Humāyun sent him with Mirza Kamran to Mecca, and on the latter’s death, he returned to India, was graciously received by Akbar who conferred on him the title of Khān ‘Ālim. ‘When Akbar moved against Dāud Shāh in Patna, Khān ‘Ālim commanded a corps, and passing up the river on boats towards the mouth of the Gandak, effected a landing.’ (See Blochmann’s Tr. of Ain, Vol. I, pp. 378-379).

There is a Dariapūr about 2 miles south of Mokamah railway ghât station. This was probably the point up to which the Emperor Akbar advanced from Patna on boats in pursuit of Dāud Shāh, the king of Bengal. With the fall of the forts of Patna and Hajīpur, (See Badaoni, pp. 180-181, Vol. II), Behar was practically lost by Dāud Shāh, who under the Peace of Katak subsequently ceded Bengal also.

The route appears to have been through Bardwan across Madaran and Midnipur to parganah Chittua in Orissa, where Todar Mal was subsequently joined by Munim Khān. Dāud Khān at this time advanced to Haripur lying intermediate between Orissa and Bengal (see Akbarnamah).

At this time the Khān-i-Khānān was at Tandah, opposite to Gāur, settling political matters. On receiving Todar Mal’s appeal for help, the Khān-i-Khānān promptly left Tandah, and quickly advanced to Orissa across Bīrbhūm, Bardwan and Midnipur into parganah Chittua in Orissa, where Todar Mal was.

See Akbarnamah, Tabaqat-i-Akbarī, Badaonī, for full particulars of this battle. The Akbarnamah places the battle in a village called Takadhi or Takroī (two miles from the bank of the Soobanarika river and close to Jalesar). Professor Blochmann has traced also a village called Mughulmari (or Mughal’s Flight) close to this Takroi or Tookaroi. (See Blochmann’s Tr. of Ain, Vol. I, p. 375, and also Badaoni, p. 193, Vol. II.)

Todar Mal, says Professor Blochmann “moved from Bardwan over Madaran into the perguna of Chittua, where he was subsequently joined by Munim. Dāud had taken up a strong position at Harīpūr which lies between Bengal and Orissa. Battle took place on 3rd March, 1575 A.D. After the battle, Todar Mal leads the pursuit, and reaches the town of Bhadrak. Not long after he writes to Munim to come up and join him, as Dāud had collected his troops near Katak, and the whole Imperial army moves to Katak, where a peace is concluded.”

When Bayazīd was killed by Hanso, it is related in the Sawanih Akbarī that Gujra Khān attempted to raise in Behar Bayazīd’s son to the throne. It may be noted that a village called Gujarpur lies about 5 miles from Katak, and that there is a family there that claims Gujra Khān as its ancestor.

It appears from the Akbarnamah that after the battle of Takroī, Todar Mal pursued Dāud Khān up to Bhadrak, whilst Mun‘im Khān the Khān-i-Khanān owing to his wounds still lay behind. At this time Dāud Khān collected his troops at Katak, and so Todar Mal wrote to Mun‘im Khān to come up, and Mun‘im Khān in spite of his wounds, moved up with the whole Imperial army to Katak, when the Peace of Katak was concluded. Under it, Dāud Khān formally resigned the sovereignty of Behar and Bengal to Akbar, retaining only Orissa. The battle of Takroī (3rd March, 1 575 A.C.)— called by Badaonī ‘Bīchwā— was a most decisive battle, as it virtually ended Afghan supremacy in Bengal and Behar, and substituted Mughal rule in its place.

“Chin” is apparently a copyist’s mistake for the “Mahanadi” river. In shekista writing, the words ‘Chin’ and Mahanadi in Persian might resemble each other.

Under this treaty of Katak, Behar and Bengal were formally ceded by Dāud Shāh, the Afghan king of Bengal, to the Mughal Emperor (Akbar), Orissa being still retained by Dāud Shāh. Badaoni gives an interesting description of the Darbar held on the occasion by Mun‘im Khān Khān Khanan, across the Mahanadi river, opposite to the fort of Katak (Cuttack). Both Mun‘im and Dāud shewed refined chivalry and magnanimity towards each other, at this State function.

Corresponding to 1576 A.C.

Professor Blochmann, in his Tr. of Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I, p. 376, gives a list (compiled from the Akbarnamah) of 14 other principal Mughal officers who died at Gaūr of malaria at this time (983 A.H. or 1576 A.C.) Badaoni also gives the list.

He was appointed in 983 A.H. (1576 A.C.) by Akbar Military Governor of Bengal, on the death of Mun‘im Khān Khān-i-Khānān. His second-in-command was Rajah Todar Mal. He was a sister’s son of Bairam Khān Khān-i-Khānān. See his biographical sketch in Blochmann’s Tr. of Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I, p. 329, and also Maasir-ul-Umara.

At Bhagalpur, the Amirs of Bengal waited on Khān Jahān.

From this period the whole of Behar, including South and North Behar, was placed under a separate Mughal Governor, whilst Bengal was similarly governed by another separate Mughal Governor. The Governorship of Behar generally henceforth formed a sort of stepping-stone for the more responsible and lucrative office of Governor of Bengal (see the text).

“Tirhuti” is a copyist’s mistake in the text for “Turbati.” He was Akbar’s Governor of Behar, and held all Behar from Chausa to Telīagadhī. He was ordered by Akbar to assist Khān Jahān, Akbar’s Governor of Bengal, when the latter encountered opposition from the Afghāns under Dāud Khān, who had at this time entrenched himself in the fort of Akmahal (subsequently, Rajmahal or Akbarnagar). He was at one time Finance Minister or Dewan of Akbar, and had Todar Mal under him. He, together with his Deputy, Todar Mal, was the author of Akbar’s revenue-roll called “jam-i-hasil-i-hal,” which supplanted the former revenue-roll of the Emperor, called ‘Jami Raqmi,’ that had existed from Bairam’s time. He was previously Bairam’s Dewan also. The old Jam-i-Masjid (now in ruins) of Agra was erected by him. He was killed at Tandah by Masūm Khān, the rebel. (See his full biographical sketch in Blochmann’s Tr. of Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I, p. 348, and also Maasir-ul-Umara).

“Bahram” is a copyist’s mistake in the text for “Bairam.”

i.e., Rajmahal or Akbarnagar— Previous to Man Singh selecting it, Sher Shāh had selected its site.

“Khān Jahān” was a title next in importance to “Khān-i-Khānān.”

This was the decisive battle of Akmahal or Agmahal (subsequently called Rajmahal or Akbarnagar), on 15th Rabi II 984 A.H., corresponding to 12th July, 1576 A.C. It finally crushed Dāud Shāh or Dāud Khān, the last Afghan king of Bengal, Behar and Orissa, and laid firmly the foundation of Mughal supremacy over those provinces, reduced Bengal to a Sūbah of the Great Mughal Empire, and extinguished for ever Independent Moslem Royalty in Bengal.

See full account of this great battle in the Akbarnamah and Badaonī, which are contemporary accounts.

One cannot help noting the entire absence of chivalry on the part of this Mughal General, Khān Jahān. If he possessed one-quarter of the chivalry of his own predecessor in office, the Khān-i-Khānan, he could have never extended his hand to the perpetration of this brutality, which was as ferocious as it was ungallant. A worthy and heroic foe like Dāud Shāh deserved a better fate, and it is a pity that Khān Jahān’s master, the Great Akbar, should not have provided against such a misdeed, which must reflect adversely on the Emperor’s memory itself.

This renowned Fort in South Behar in 945 A.H. passed into the hands of Sher Shāh. (See Badaoni for a description of it, as it existed in Akbar’s time). During his reign and that of his son Salim Shāh, Fath Khān Batnī commanded the Fort. Subsequently, it came into the hands of Sulaimān Kararanī and Junaid Kararanī. The latter appointed Syed Muhammad Commandant of the Fort. The latter being hardpressed by Muzaffar Khān, Mughal Governor of Behar, fled to Shahbāz Khān (who had been deputed by Akbar to chastise Rajah Gajpati. See Āīn-i-Akbarī, Bloch. Tr., Vol. I, p. 399), and handed over the Fort to him (984 A.H.) In the same year, Akbar appointed Mahbub Alī Khān Rahtari Governor of Rohtas, and Shahbaz Khān made over the Fort to him. (See Bloch. Tr. of Āīn, Vol. I, p. 422).

He fought against Kālā Pāhār. See particulars of his career in Bloch. Tr. of Āīn, Vol. I, p 431 n. and also in Badaoni and Maasir-ul-Umara.

See p. 439, Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I.

After the battle of Akmahal or Rajmahal (1576 A.C.), in which the last independent Afghan king of Bengal, Behar and Orissa, named Dāud Shāh, was defeated and killed, Khān Jahān proceeded to Satgaon, where Dāud’s family lived at the time, defeated remnants of Dāud’s followers under Jamshid and Mitti, and re-annexed Satgaon to the Mughal Empire. Dāud’s mother came to Khān Jahān as a supplicant… With the defeat and death of Dāud, Bengal was by no means thoroughly conquered, as troubles broke out in Bhatī (Sundarbans including tracts along the Megna), where the Afghans had collected under Karim Dad, Ibrāhīm and ‘Isa Khān, whom Abul Fazl calls “Marzban-i-Bhati.” (See Āīn-i-Akbarī, Bloch. Tr., Vol. I, pp. 330 and 343).

He died at a town called Sihatpūr (the ‘Sanitarium’) which he had founded near Tandah.

In 988 A.H. Aziz was promoted by Akbar to command of Five Thousand, received the title of Azam Khān, and was in 988 A.H. detached with a large army to Bengal and Behar, to quell disturbances. In 990 A.H. he was again sent there, when he occupied Teliagadhi, the “key” to Bengal. He fought against the rebels Ma’ṣum-i-Kabuli and Majnun Khān, and also operated against the Afghan Qutlu, who had occupied Orissa and a portion of Bengal. He took ill, retired to Behar, leaving the command in Bengal to Shāhbāz Khān Kambū. Of him, Akbar used to say “Between me and Aziz is a river of milk which I cannot cross.” (See Blochmann’s Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 325 for details of his career and also Maasir-ul-Umara).

For interesting details of his career see Blochmann’s Tr., Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I, p. 399 and Maasir-ul-Umara. Ma’ṣūm Khān Kabulī rebelled, fled to Bhatī, and took refuge with the Marzban-i-Bhatī, ’Isa Khān. Shāhbāz Khān followed him to Bhatī, crossed the Ganges at Khizrpūr (near Naraīnganj) plundered Bakhtiarpur, ’Isa Khān’s residence, occupied Sunargaon and encamped on the banks of the Brahmaputra. ’Isā Khān made proposals of peace which were accepted: under it, an Imperial Resident was to stay at Sunargaon, Ma’ṣum was to go to Mecca, and Shāhbāz was to withdraw. But these terms were not carried out, as his officers shewed insubordination, and Shāhbāz had to retreat to Tandah.

i.e., Mughal Emperors. See note ante.

For the first time, we hear of the offices of Nazim and Dīwan. Hitherto we heard of Military Governors, called “Sipasalars” or “Sirlashkars” or “Hakims” appointed by the Mughal Emperor. It is obvious that, hitherto, Bengal under the Mughals was under a sort of Military Government, presided over by Military Governors. When the back-bone of Afghān opposition was broken, in the time of Emperor Jahangir, for the first time, under Mughal rule, Bengal was placed under Civil Government by the Mughal Emperors, who appointed two distinct functionaries, one being the Nazim (in charge of executive government) and the other, the Dīwan (in charge of Revenue and Finance). This system of Government, though actually enforced in Bengal in Jahangir’s time, must have been matured towards the end of Akbar’s reign.

He was a son of Bhagwan Das, and Akbar bestowed on him the title of “Farzand” or “Son,” and raised him to the Mansab of Haft Hazari. See full particulars of his career in Bloch. Tr. of Āīn, Vol. I, p. 340, and also in Maasir-ul-Umara, and Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri.

His name was Shaikh Khuba [Qutbu-d-dīn Khān-i-Chishtī] and his father was Shaikh Zada of Badaon, and his mother a daugher of Shaikh Salīm of Fathpur Sikrī. He was a foster-brother of Jahāngir, who whilst a Prince conferred upon Khuba the title of Qutbu-d-dīn Khān, and made him Sūbadar of Behar. On Jahāngir’s accession to the throne, Khuba was appointed Sūbadar of Bengal, (1015 A.H.) At that time Sher Afghan ‘Alī Qulī Istajlū was tuyuldar (or jagirdar) of Bardwan, and his wife Mehrunnissa (afterwards Empress Nūr Jahān) was coveted by Emperor Jahāngir. Qutbu-d-dīn had instructions to send Sher Afghan to court, but the latter refusing to go, Qutb went to Bardwan, where Sher Afghan came to meet him. On his approach, Qutbt lifted up his horse-whip. Sher Afghan thereon rushed with his sword against Qutb, and inflicted a cut on his abdomen. Qutb died, and one of his followers Ambah Khān, gave Sher Afghan a sword-cut on the head, when the latter was also killed. (Bloch. Tr., Ām, Vol. I, p. 496 and Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, p. 19).

He was safarchi or butler of Ismail II, king of Persia. After the latter’s death, he went to India, and met at Multan, Abdur Rahīm Khān-i-Khānān, and received a mansab, and on arrival at court, Akbar gave him in marriage to Mehrunuissa (the future Nūr Jahān), daughter of Mirza Ghiyās Tehranī. Prince Salīm fell in love with her, and brought about, on his accession to the throne, Sher Afghan’s death. Sher Afghan had received Bardwan district as tuyul or jagir, on Jahāngir’s accession. His body was buried in the shrine of the saint Bahram Saqqa at Bardwan. (See Iqbalnamah, p. 22).

Four tigers had been caught, and Nūr Jahān requested Jahangir (Tuznk, p. 186), to let her shoot them. She killed two with one bullet, and the other two with two bullets, and so one of the courtiers spoke out on the spur of the moment the verse given in the text. See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 524.

These were kings of Persia. See p 97, Namaīh-Khusruan.

These were kings of Persia. See p 97, Namaīh-Khusruan.

He was a sepahsalar or Commander-in-Chief under Akbar. His great military services were conquests of Sindh and Gnjrat. He was also an accomplished scholar, and translated into Persian Memoirs of Babar. See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 334 and Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangíri, p. 287.

His real name was Mirza Ghiyāsu-d-dīn Muḥammad, and his father was Khwajāh Muḥammad Sharīf, who was Vazir to Tatār Sultān and his son Qazaq Khān, and who was subsequently appointed, by Shāh Tahmasp, Vazir of Yazd. After his father’s death, Ghiyās Beg fled from Persia with two sons and one daughter. On the way at Qandahar, his wife gave birth to a daughter, named Mehrunnissa— the future world-renowned Nūr Jahān, consort of Emperor Jahāngir. On his arrival at Fathpur Sikri, Akbar appointed him Diwān of Kabul, and subsequently Diwān-i-Bayūtāt. In Jahāngir’s reign, he received the title of Itimadu-d-daulah. After the death of her first husband, Sher Afghan, at Bardwan in the fight with Qutbu-d-dīn Khān, Jahāngir’s Governor of Bengal, Mehrunnissa was brought to court, and married in 1020 A.H. by Jahāngir, who bestowed on her first the title of Nūr Mahāl and then that of Nūr Jahān, her father Ghiyās Beg being at the same time advanced to the office of Prime Minister or Vakil-i-Kul. See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 508 and Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, pp. 3, 54 and 55.

Udaipur is mentioned by Abul Fazl in Sarkar Chitor under the Sūbah of Ajmīr. (See Jarrett’s Tr of Āīn, Vol. II, p. 273). It is related that a daughter of Naushirvan, the Persian king, whose wife was a daughter of Maurice of Constantinople, was married into the Udaipur Royal family.

He was a stout man, and one can well imagine his pitiful posture at this moment.

He is called Pir Khān. also “Raibah Khān” and “Daibah Khān” in Iqbalnamah-i-Jahāngiri, p. 24.

What chivalry towards women was possible under Islām in olden days even in India, is eloquently testified to by the career of Nūr Jahān, the renowned Empress. Emperor Jahāngir, her Royal Consort, used to say of her, “Before I married her, I never knew what marriage meant. I have conferred the duties of Government on her; I shall be satisfied if I have a seer of wine and half a seer of meat per diem.” With the exception of the Khutba, she received all the privileges of royalty. She sat by the side of her Consort in administering State affairs, and her name appears side by side with that of Emperor Jahangir on the Imperial farmans and coins. She took particular care of orphan girls, led the fashions of the times, and displayed aesthetic art in adorning apartments and arranging feasts. She was also a poetess. She exhibited great resourcefulness and bravery in resouing Jahangir from Mahabet Khān’s hands. She lies buried at Lahore near her husband. On Jahangir’s coins, the following inscription was engraved.

Note the pun here. See Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, pp. 56 and 57.

See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 501, and Iqbalnamah-i-Jahāngiri, p. 24.

Islām Khān was married to a sister (named Ladlī Begam) of Abūl Faẓl, Akbar’s renowned Prime Minister. Islām Khān died as Governor of Bengal in 1022 A.H. (Tuzuk, p. 126). His name was Shaikh Alau-d-dīn Chishtī, and he was a grandson of Shaikh Salim, the Saint of Fathpūr Sikri. He received the title of Islām Khān, and was Governor of Bengal from 1015 to 1022 A.H. He shifted in 1015 A.H., the Mughal Viceregal Capital of Bengal from Tandah to Dacca. See Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, p. 33 and Maasir-ul-Umara.

Shaikh Abul Faẓl Allami, Akbar’s friend and Prime Minister, was born on 14th January, 1551 A.C., (6th Muharram, 958 A.H.) at Agrah, during the reign of Islām Shāh. He was a son of Shaikh Mubarik; held the office of Prime Minister under Akbar and actively co-operated with the latter in the enunciation of a liberal policy of toleration in the government of the mixed races subject to the Musalman Rule in India. He was a great scholar, and author of several works including the Akbarnamah and the Āīn-i-Akbarī. He was murdered by Bīr Singh, at the instigation of Prince Salim (afterwards Emperor Jahangir) on 12th August, 1602 A.C. See his life in Blochmann’s Tr. of Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I, and also in Maasir-ul-Umara.

Abdur Rahman, son of Abul Faẓl Allamī, received the title of Afẓal Khān, and was appointed by Emperor Jahangir, in the third year of his reign, Governor of Behar, vice Islām Khān who was appointed Governor of Bengal. Iqbalnamah, p. 33, and Maasir-ul-Umara.

At this time (1015 A.H.) the Capital of Bengal was transferred from Tandah to Dacca or Jahangirnagar (so called after Emperor Jahangir) by Jahangir’s Viceroy of Bengal, named Islām Khān. Dacca continued to remain henceforth the Mughal Viceregal Capital of Bengal for nearly a century (barring a few years when it was temporarily shifted to Rajmahal).

His name was Shaikh Kabīr Chishtī, and his titles were “Shujait Khān Rustam-i-Zaman.” In the printed Pers. text, is inserted by mistake between “Shaikh Kabīr” and “Shujait Khān,” thus misleading the reader to fancy that these were two individuals. See note post. He was a relation of Islām Khān-i-Chishtī, Governor of Bengal, and received first the title of Shujait Khān’ from Prince Salīm, who on ascending the throne, gave him the additional title of “Rustām-i-Zaman,” on account of his services in putting down the Afghans under ‘Osmān in Bengal. See p. 64, Iqbalnamah Jahangiri and Maasir-ul-Umara.

His title was ‘Kishwar Khān,’ in the text it is misprinted as “Kir Khān. His name was Shaikh Ibrahīm; he was a son of Shaikh Khuba (Qutbu-d-dīn Khān-i-Chishtī), Governor of Bengal. In 1015 A.H., he was a commander of 1,000 foot, 300 horse, and received the title of Kishwar Khān from the Emperor Jahangir. He was for some time Governor of Rohtas, and served in Bengal in 1021 A.H., under Shujait Khān (Shaikh Kabir Chishtī) against ‘Osmān Khān Lohanī, the Afghan. See Iqbalnamah, pp. 61 and 66 and Maasir-ul-Umara.

See n. 1, p. 169, ante.

Two sons of Ahmad Beg Kabuli (see Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, pp. 465-466) named Maqbullah Khān and Abdul Baqa held the title of ‘Iftikhar Khān’; either of them is meant.

He was a grandson of Syed Mahmūd of Barha, who served Akbar. Most of the Barhā Syeds received from the Mughal Emperors the honorific distinction of ‘Khān,’ which in those days was considered the highest title of Indo-Moslem peerage, next only in rank to Princes Royal and the “Khān-i-Khanān” and “Amiru-l-Umara.” (See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 392, and Alamgir- namah).

He was nephew of Shaikh Hassan or Hassu alias Muqqarab Khān who in 1027 A.H. was Governor of Behar. (See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, pp. 521 and 543).

Shaikh Bayazīd (Muazzam Khān) was a grandson of Shaikh Salīm Chishtī of Fathpur Sikri. He was made Subadar of Delhi by Jahangir. His son Mukkaram Khān was a son-in-law and nephew of Islām Khān, Viceroy of Bengal, and served under the latter, conquered Koch Hajo and Khurdah, became Governor of Orissa and subsequently of Bengal. See Maasir-ul-Umara.

The tract under ‘Osmān appears to have been ‘Bhati,’ that is the tract including the Sundarbans, the lands alongside the Brahmaputra and the Megna, in fact, the whole tract from Ghoraghat (or Rangpur) southward to the sea. His residence is mentioned in the histories (see Bloch., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 520) to have been at “Kohistan-i-Dacca,” the “Vilāyet-i-Dacca,” but his father ’Isa Khān’s residence (vide p. 343 of do.) is mentioned to have been at Baktarapur, close to Khizrpur. Khizrpur has been identified with a place about a mile north of modern Narainganj, close to which are ruins of the forts built by Mir Jumla, Mughal Viceroy at Dacca, in the 17th century. There is still there a Maqbarah, which is supposed to be the resting-place of one of Jahangir’s daughters Here was the chief naval fort of Muhammadan Government, it lay at the confluence of the Ganges, the Lakhiya and the Brahmaputra rivers. It is three miles west of Sunargaon, and nine miles from Dacca About thirty miles north of Khizrpur, are two villages within a mile of each other, called “Baktarpur” and “Issurpur,” but these contain no ruins. (See J.A.S. for 1874, pp. 211-213). “Bhatī” from its inaccessibility was elected as the last stronghold of the Afghans, who, sheltered amidst its jungles, cut up by numerous rivers and channels, long defied there the power of the Mughals. During the Mughal military revolt under Akbar, the chief robol, Masūm Khān Kabuli, who was a Turbati Syed and whose uncle had been Vazir under Humāyun, took refuge in “Bhatī,” where he fought against Muzāffar and Shahbaz, and at length died in 1007 A.H. (See Bloch Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 431).

Probably this was the small Lakhya river, on which modern Narainganj is situate, and close to which were Khizrpur and Baktarpur. Iqbalnamah, pp. 61 and 64.

The Tuzuk (p. 102) mentions that Kishwar Khān (son of Qutbu-d-dīn Khān, late Governor of Bengal), Iftikhar Khān, Syed Adam Barha, Shaikh Acha, brother’s son of Muqqarib Khān, Mu’tamid Khān, and Ihtim‘am Khān were under Shujait’s command in his fight with ‘Osmān. Syed Adam, Iftikhar, and Shaikh Acha were killed (the Tuzuk, p. 132). Later Abdus Salam Khān, a son of Muazzam Khān (a former Governor of Bengal) joined the Imperialists, and pursued ‘Osmān. See also Iqbalnamah, pp. 61 to 64.

The Tuzuk (p. 102) mentions that Kishwar Khān (son of Qutbu-d-dīn Khān, late Governor of Bengal), Iftikhar Khān, Syed Adam Barha, Shaikh Acha, brother’s son of Muqqarib Khān, Mu’tamid Khān, and Ihtim‘am Khān were under Shujait’s command in his fight with ‘Osmān. Syed Adam, Iftikhar, and Shaikh Acha were killed (the Tuzuk, p. 132). Later Abdus Salam Khān, a son of Muazzam Khān (a former Governor of Bengal) joined the Imperialists, and pursued ‘Osmān. See also Iqbalnamah, pp. 61 to 64.

The Tuzuk (p. 102) mentions that Kishwar Khān (son of Qutbu-d-dīn Khān, late Governor of Bengal), Iftikhar Khān, Syed Adam Barha, Shaikh Acha, brother’s son of Muqqarib Khān, Mu’tamid Khān, and Ihtim‘am Khān were under Shujait’s command in his fight with ‘Osmān. Syed Adam, Iftikhar, and Shaikh Acha were killed (the Tuzuk, p. 132). Later Abdus Salam Khān, a son of Muazzam Khān (a former Governor of Bengal) joined the Imperialists, and pursued ‘Osmān. See also Iqbalnamah, pp. 61 to 64.

The Tuzuk (p. 102) mentions that Kishwar Khān (son of Qutbu-d-dīn Khān, late Governor of Bengal), Iftikhar Khān, Syed Adam Barha, Shaikh Acha, brother’s son of Muqqarib Khān, Mu’tamid Khān, and Ihtim‘am Khān were under Shujait’s command in his fight with ‘Osmān. Syed Adam, Iftikhar, and Shaikh Acha were killed (the Tuzuk, p. 132). Later Abdus Salam Khān, a son of Muazzam Khān (a former Governor of Bengal) joined the Imperialists, and pursued ‘Osmān. See also Iqbalnamah, pp. 61 to 64.

The author’s remark is unjust and ungraceful. The Afghans under ‘Osmān were fighting for their homes and hearths, and did not deserve this opprobrious expression.

The Tuzuk calls the elephant “Gajpatī,” Iqbalnamah (p. 62) “Bakhtah.”

His name was Shaikh Kabir-i-Chishtī, and his title was Shaikh Shujāit Khān Rustam-i-Zaman. He was a relative of Islām Khān, Governor of Bengal and served under the latter in Bengal, and commanded the Imperialists in the fightings with ‘Osmān, the Lohanī Afghan. (See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p 520, and the Tuzuk, and the Maasir and Iqbalnamah, p. 64). He was subsequently appointed Governor of Behar.

Khwajah ‘Osmān, according to the Makhzan-i-Afghanī, was the second son of Mīyan ’Isa Khān Lohani, who after the death of Qutb Khān was the leader of the Afghans in Orissa and South Bengal. ‘Osmān succeeded his brother Sulaīman, who had ‘reigned’ for some time, had killed in a fight Himat Singh, son of Rajah Mān Singh, and had held lands near the Brahmaputra, and subdued the Rajahs of the adjacent countries. ‘Osmān succeeded him, and received from Mān Singh lands in Orissa and Satgaon and later in Eastern Bengal, with a revenue of 5 or 6 lacs per year. His residence is described to have been at “Kohistān Dacca,” the “Vilāyet-ī-Dacca” and Dacca itself. The battle between ‘Osmān and the Imperialist General, Shujāit, took place at a distance of 100 kos from Dacca on 9th Muḥarram, 1021 (or 2nd March, 1612 A.C.) Stewart places the battle on the banks of the Subarnarika in Orissa, which is improbable. ‘Osmān’s brother, Walī, on submission, received a title with a jagir, and was made a commander of one thousand. According to the Maasir he was murdered. See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 520, Makhzan-i-Afghani and Iqbalnamah, p. 61.

He was a Subadar of Delhī. See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 493.

He was Commandant of a Mughal out-post on the Assam frontier at Jamdhara, under Jahangir. (See Alamgirnamah, p. 680).

He was the youngest son of Mirza Ghiās Beg, and a brother of Empress Nūr Jahān. (See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 512).

See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 512. He was a son of Muḥammad Sharīf, eldest son of Ghiās Beg, father of Empress Nūr Jahān.

In the 15th year, when the Persians threatened Qandahar, Khān Jahān was appointed by Jāhangir Governor of Multan. In the 17th year, Shāh Akbar, king of Persia, took Qandahar, after a siege of forty days. Khān Jahān was called to court for consultation, and it was decided that Prince Khurrām (Shāh Jahān) should be placed at the head of the expeditionary force to re-conquer Qandahar. In the meantime, Shāh Jahān rebelled, and the expedition to Qandahar was not undertaken. See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, pp. 503-504.

They were a body of troops intermediate between the Regulars and non-Regulars and Auxiliaries. They were created under Akbar. See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 249, for a full description of Ahadī troops. Zainul-Abidin was a son of Asaf Khān (III). See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol, I, p. 412.

A town in the Dakhin; it was for some time the Mughal head-quarters, during the military operations in the Dakhin.

Mando is name of a Sirkar or district as well as the name of a city in Sirkar Mando, included in the Sūbaḥ of Malwah. (See Jarrett’s Tr. of Āīn, Vol. II, p. 206).

Dholpur lies 20 kos from Agra, near the left bank of the Chambal river. (Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 357).

Dariya Khān Rohilla was an officer of Shāh Jahān in the Dakhin. (See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, pp. 504-505).

Another name of the renowned Empress Nūr Jahān, consort of Emperor Jahangīr.

Sher Afghan was the first husband of Nūr Jahān; by him she had one daughter named Ladli Begum, to whom Prince Shahryar (fifth son of Jahangīr) was married. Shāh Jahān or Prince Khurram was Jahangīr’s third son. Nūr Jahān had no children by Jahangīr.

That is, Empress Nūr Jahān.

Mīrza Rustam Safavī was third son of Sulṭān Husain Mīrza, nephew of Shāh Tahmasp king of Persia (930-984 A.H.), and Governor of Qandahar under the latter in 965 A.H. Mīrza Rustam’s daughter was married to Prince Parviz, second son of Jahangir. He invaded Qandahar, but met with no success. In 1021, Jahangir appointed him Governor of Thatha, and afterwards Shīshhazarī and Governor of Allahahad, and in the 21st year, Governor of Behar. He died in 1051 at Agra. His third son Mīrza Hasan-i-Safavī was Governor of Koch under Jahangir and died in 1059 A.H., and his grandson (son of Mīrza Hasan) named Mīrza Safshekan was Faujdar of Jessore in Bengal. (See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, pp 314-315 and Maasir-ul-Umara). Mīrzanagar, a place close to Jessore town, probably was Mirza Safshekan’s Faujdarī head-quarters, and received its name from him. He died in 1073 A.H. Mīrza Safshekan’s son, Mīrza Saifu-d-dīn Safavi, accepted the titular distinction of Khān under Aurangzeb.

In the Āīn-i-Akbarī, Sarkar of Hissar (or Hissar Firuzah called after Emperor Firuz Shāh Tughlak who founded the city of Hissar about 1354 A.C.), is described as one of the Sarkars or districts included in the Ṣūbaḥ of Delhi. This Sarkar is described as containing 27 mahals, with revenue of 52,554,905 Dams. (Jarrett’s Tr. of Āīn, Vol II, p. 293).

Under the Ṣūbaḥ of Lahore (Jarrett’s Tr. of Āīn, Vol. II, p. 315), five Doab Sarkars are mentioned. These five Sarkars were: (1) Sarkar of Bet Jalandhar Doab, (2) Sarkar of Bari Doab, (3) Sarkar of Bechnan Doab, (4) Chenbat (Jech) Doab, (5) Sindh Sagur Doab.

See Aīn-i-Akbarī, Jarrett’s Tr., Vol. II, p. 238.

See Āīn, Jarrett’s Tr., Vol. II, p. 195.

He was Mīrza Abūl Husain Asaf Khān (IV) second son of Mīrza Ghiās Beg, and brother of Empress Nūr Jahān, and father of Shāh Jahān’s Queen, Mumtaz Mahal or Taj Bibi, whose mausoleum, the Taj, is at Agra. He received from Shāh Jahān the title of Yaminu-d-daulah and Khan-i-Khānān Sepahsalar, and was made a commander of 9,000. He died in 1051 A.H. and was buried at Lahore, north of Jahangīr’s tomb. He married a daughter of Mīrza Ghiāsu-dīn Ali Asaf Khān II. See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, pp. 511 and 368 and Maasir ul-Umara.

See p. 517, Vol. I, Bloch. Tr. of Āīn and Maasir-ul-Umara. He enjoyed the titles of Amir-ul-Umara and Vakil, and enjoyed the friendship of Jahangīr.

River Satlej is meant; Ludhiana town is situate on its banks. See Āīn-i-Akbarī, Jarrett’s Tr., Vol. II, p. 310.

Sarkar of Sirhind is mentioned by Abul Faẓl under Ṣūbaḥ Delhi in the Āīn (See Jarrett’s Tr., Vol. II, p. 105). Sirhind was long the western frontier of India, and hence the name.

He was a Barha Syed. The Barha Syeds alone had the privilege to fight in the vanguard (or harawil).

This was Khān-i-Khānān Mīrza Abdur Rahīm, son of Bairam Khān. See Bloch. Tr. of Āīn, Vol. I, p. 334 and Maasir-ul-Umara. When Shāh Jahān rebelled, he sided with the latter. His second son’s name was Darāb Khān, who fell into the hands of Prince Parviz and Maḥabet Khān, who killed him, wrapped his head in a table-cloth, and sent it as a present of a ‘melon’ to his father, Mīrza Abdur Rahīm.

His name was Rai Pati Das; he was a Khatri. Akbar conferred on him the title of Raja Bikramajit. He served Akbar as joint Diwan of Bengal, Diwan of Behar, and was made a commander of 5,000. Jahangīr on his accession created him Mīr Atash or Superintendent of Artillery. When disturbances broke out in Gujrat, he was sent to Ahmadabad to pacify the rebels. See Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I, p. 469, Bloch. Tr. and Maasir-ul-Umara.

The printer or editor of the text by mistake has put between Aṣaf Khān and Khwajah Abul Husain.

The title of “Lashkar Khān” was held by (1) Muḥammad Husain of Khurasan, under Akbar, (2) by Abul Hasan Mashadi under Jahāngīr, and (3) by Jan Nisar Khān Yudgar Beg under Shāh Jahān. The second is meant here.

Mīrza Rustām had the takhalluṣ of Fidaī. (See p. 314, Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I). I am not sure if he is meant here.

Sadullah, son of Said Khān, Governor of Bengal, held the title of Nawazish Khān (see Āīn, Bloch. Tr., Vol. I, pp. 363-331).

Abdullah Khāṇ Uzbak was made by Akbar a Panjhazarī, and was sent to Malwah with unlimited power. He ‘reigned in Mando like a king.’ See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 321 and Maasir-ul-Umara. I am not sure if he is meant here.

It is a place mentioned under Sūbaḥ Berar in the Āīn-i-Akbarī (Bloch Tr., Āīn, Vol. II, p. 230), near it is Manikdrug fort.

There is no such Vilāyet, in the strict sense of the term; but only a Sarkar of Mando in Ṣūbaḥ Malwah.

Rustam Khān-i-Dakhini is mentioned in the Āīn, as Jagīrdar of Samogarh. See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol I, p. 478.

“Schbastī” in the printed text seems to be a mistake or misprint for “Sihaspi.” (See Bloch. Āīn, Tr., Vol. I, p. 245, for a dīssertation on the constitution of the Mughal Army).

The following is extracted from Bloch. Tr., Āīn, as it briefly and at the same time lucidly describes Shāh Jahān’s movements:—

“Shāh Jahān rebelled, returned with Mīrza Abdur Rahim Khān-i-Khānān to Mando, and then moved to Burhanpūr. On the march thither, Shāh Jahān intercepted a letter which Mīrza Abdur Rahim had secretly written to Maḥabet Khān, whereupon he imprisoned him and his son Dārāb Khān, and sent them to Fort Asīr, but released them soon after on parole. Parviz and Maḥabet Khān had in the meantime arrived at the Narbadda to capture Shāh Jahān. Bairam Beg, an officer of Shāh Jahān, had for this reason removed all boats to the left side of the river, and successfully prevented the Imperialists from crossing. At Mīrza Abdur Rahim’s advice, Shāh Jahān proposed at this time an armistice. He made him swear on the Qoran, and sent him as ambassador to Prince Parviz. Maḥabet Khān, knowing that the fords would not now be so carefully watched as before, effected a crossing, and Mīrza Abdur Rahim, forgetful of his oath, joined Parviz and did not return to Shāh Jahān, who now fled from Burhanpur, marching through Talinganah to Orissa and Bengal. Maḥabet and Mīrza Abdur Rahim followed him up a short distance beyond the Tapti… Shāh Jahān then moved into Bengal and Behar, of which he made Dārāb Khān Governor.” Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 337.

In the Āīn, it is stated as below:— “Talinganah was subject to Qutbu-l-Mulk, but for some time past has been under the Ruler of Berar.” (See Jarrett’s Tr., Āīn, Vol. II, p. 230), Quli Qutb Shāh was the founder of the Qutb Shāhī dynasty in 1512, with Golkandah as his capital. It was conquered by Aurangzeb in 1688. (See p. 238 do.)

This is obviously a Printer’s mistake in the text for Pipli, south of Cuttack. Behli (or Pipli) is mentioned in Sarkar Jalesar in the Āīn. (See Jarrett’s Tr., Vol. II, p. 142).

The list of grandees in the Padshahnamah describes Muḥamad Shāh (or Sāleh Beg) as a son of Mīrza Shāhī, and nephew of Mīrza Jafar Beg Asaf Khān III. (See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, pp. 411-412). Asaf Khān Jafar Beg is described as a man of the greatest genius, an able financier, and a capital accountant. His intelligence was such that he could master the contents of a page by a glance; he was a great horticulturist, planting and lopping off branches with own hands in his gardens. He was also a great poet. He was Vakilu-l-Mulk and a Commander of Five Thousand, under Emperor Jahangīr. His son Mīrza Zainul-abīdin is mentioned in the Āīn as a commander of 1,500 with 500 horse.

He appears to have gone at this time temporarily from Dacca (then the Mughal Viceregal Capital of Bengal) to Rajmahal.

That is, South-Western Behar. ‘Tract of Magha’ or South-Western Behar should not be confounded with the ‘tract of Mags’, or Arrakan.

I must remark Ibrahim Khān was uncommonly loyal for his times which were full of traitors, as the text shews.

Mīrza Ghiās Beg’s third son was Ibrāhim Khān Fateh Jūng. He was a brother of the Empress Nūr Jahān, and through her influence, became Governor of Bengal and Behar, under Jahāngir. He was killed near his son’s tomb at Rajmahal, during Shāh Jahān’s rebellion. His son had died young, and was buried near Rajmahal, on the banks of the Ganges (Tuzuk, p. 383). His nephew, Ahmad Beg Khān, on Ibrāhim’s death, retreated to Dacca, where he handed over to Shāh Jahān 500 elephants, and 45 lacs of rupees (Tuzuk, p. 384). See also Padshahnamah 11,727 and Bloch. Tr., Āīn. Vol. I, p. 511. Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri and Maasir-ul-Umara.

Daria Khān was a Rohilla general under Shāh Jahān. In the beginning, he was employed under Shaikh Farid, and under Sharīfu-l-Mulk, distinguished himself in the battle of Dholpūr. After the battle of Benares, he deserted Shāh Jahān. (See Maasiru-l-Umara, p. 18, Vol. II).

When Rajab Partab, Rajah of Bhojpur or Ujjain (west of Arrah) revolted against the Emperor Shāh Jahān, in the 10th year of Shāh Jahān’s reign, Abdūllāh Khān Fīruz Jang besīeged and captured Bhojpūr (1046 A.H.) Partab surrendered, and was executed; his wife became a Muhammadan and was married to Abdūllāh’s grandson. (See Padshahnamah 1, b. pp. 271 to 274 and Maasiru-l-Umara, p. 777, Vol. II). Abdūllāh Khān, though he was thoroughly loyal to Prince Shāh Jahān at the battle of Benares, subsequently seceded from the Prince, and submitted to Jahangir through the intercession of Khān Jahan. (See p. 248, Fasc. 3, Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangirī).

One Mir Nūrullah is mentioned in the Āīn amongst the learned men of Akbar’s time. It is evident the Nūrullah in the text was a Syed of Barha; for the Syeds of Barha from Akbar’s time were enrolled in the Army, and claimed their place in battle in the van or haraol. Many of these Barha Syeds for their military or political services to the State, were honoured by the Mughal Emperors with the honorific distinction of “Khān,” which in course of time very often obliterated all traces of their being Syeds. For instance, Syed Alī Asghar, son of Syed Mahmūd of Barha, received the title of ‘Saif Khān’ under Jahangir, his nephew Syed Jafar received the title of ‘Shujait Khān’, Syed Jafar’s nephew, Syed Sultān, received the title of ‘Salabat Khān alias Ikhtiṣaṣ Khān,’ the latter’s cousin, Syed Muzaffar, received the title of ‘Himmat Khān.’ Again Syed Abdūl Wahhāb received the title of ‘Diler Khān,’ whilst Syed Khān Jahān-i-Shāhjahānī’s son, Syed Sher Zamān, received the title of ‘Muzaffar Khān,’ another son, Syed Munawar, received the title of ‘Lashkar Khān,’ whilst his grandson, Syed Fīruz, received the title of ‘Ikhtiṣaṣ Khān.’ Again, Syed Qasim flourished under the title of ‘Shahāmat Khān’ in Aurangzeb’s reign, whilst his nephew, Syed Nasrat, held the title of ‘Yār Khān’ under Muhammad Shāh. (See the Tuzuk, Padshahnamah, Maasiru-l-Umara, Alamgirnamah, Maasir-i-Alamgiri, and also Professor Blochmann’s interesting note on Barha Syeds on his Tr., of Āīn Akbarī, Vol. I, pp. 390-392). The Maasiru-l-Umara mentions also one Mīr Nürullah, as a son of Mir Khallilullah (p. 337, Vol. III, Maasir).

For a graphic contemporary account of this warfare, see Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri (Pers. text, Fasc. 3, pp. 218-221), and the Tuzuk (p. 383). Ibrahim Khān was killed near the tomb of his son at Rajmahal, on the banks of the Ganges. Our author appears to have borrowed his account (in an abridged form) from the Iqbalnamah, though there are slight variations. In the text we are told that Ibrahim Khān at the battle had with him “thousands of cavalry and infantry,” whilst in the “Iqbalnamah,” it is mentioned that Ibrahim Khān had with him only “one thousand cavalry.”

Ibrahim Khān Fatih Jang was a son of ’Itamd-u-daulah Mirza Ghiās. His real name was Mirza Ibrahim.

In the commencement of his career, he held the office of Bakhshī and Wagia-navīs at Ahmadabad in Gujrat. In the 9th year of Jahangir’s reign, he received the title of “Khān’” and the manṣab of hazar and panṣadi, and was promoted to the office of Imperial Bakhshī, and was gradually further advanced to the rank of Panjhazarī and to the office of Subadar (or Viceroy) of Bengal and Orissa, receiving at the same time the titles of “Ibrahim Khān Fatih Jang.” In the 19th year of Jahangir’s reign, Prince Shāh Jahān invaded Orissa and Bengal viâ Telīngana. On hearing of this news, Ibrahim Khān moved from Dacca (which was then the Viceregal Capital, and where his family and treasures were) to Akbarnagar or Rajmahal. Prince Shāh Jahān sent messengers to him, to win him over to his side, but he proved unflinching in his loyalty to the Emperor, and fell fighting heroically in the battle of Rajmahal, near the mausoleum of his son. Ibrahim Khān’s reply to Prince Shāh Jahān, is a model of dignified and firm protest couched in the best dīplomatīc form of the Persian language, and is worth quoting:—

(See Maasir-ul-Umara, Vol. I, p. 135).

At this time, the Musalman Viceregal Capital of Bengal continued (See Maasir, p. 135, Vol. I), to be at Dacca or Jahangīrnagar, which appears to have been so named during the Viceroyalty of Islām Khān I, owing to the decisive battle which was fought under its walls on 9th Muharram 1021 A.H. or 2nd March, 1612 A.C., in the seventh year of Emperor Jahangir’s accession, between the Afghans under Khwajah Osman Lohani, and the Mughal Imperialists under Shujait Khān Rustam-i-Zamān (Shaikh Kabīr-i-Chishtī),— a battle which finally crushed Afghan resistance in Bengal and Orissa, and firmly consolidated Mughal supremacy throughout these Provinces. (See pp. 60-64, Fasc. 1, Pers. printed text of Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, a contemporary record, and also Tuzuk for fascinating descriptions of this sanguinary and decisive battle near Dacca). Stewart wrongly places the battle “on the banks of the Subarnarika in Orissa.” Osman being stout, rode at the battle on a rogue elephant called Bakhta. Many Imperialist leaders, such as Syed Adam Barha, Shaikh Acha, Iftikhār Khān, Kīshwar Khān fell at the battle, which was half decided in favour of Osman, when a chance arrow-shot wounded Osman on the forehead, and, coupled with the arrival of Mughal reinforcement under Mu’taqqīd Khān and Abdūs Salām Khān, saved the Mughal disaster, and turned it into a victory.

It would appear that when in the 19th year of Jahangir’s reign corresponding to 1033 A.H. Prince Shāh Jahān rebelling against his father, invaded Bengal, the Mughal Bengal Viceroy, Ibrahim Khān Fateh Jang (a relation of Empress Nūr Jahān) had moved from his capital at Dacca or Jahangirnagar to Rajmahal or Akbarnagar. The Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangir (p. 218, Fasc. 3, printed text), a contemporary record, states that Ibrahim’s troops were scattered at the time on the borders of Magha, which signifies South Western Behar. Owing to paucity of troops (the Maasir explains otherwise), Ibrahīm did not think of fortifying the fort of Rajmahal which was large, but entrenched himself in the mausoleum of his son, situate within the Fort and close to the river Ganges. Shāh Jahān moved from Burhanpūr īn the Dakhin across Talingana into Orissa, overran it across Pipli and Katak, and moved to Bardwan across Sarkar Madaran, and after capturing Bardwan (where Salih was commandant) marched up to Rajmahal, where the great battle was fought, and after defeating Ibrahim Khān, proceeded to Dacca, whither Ahmad Beg Khān (nephew of Ibrahim and of Empress Nūr Jahān) had previously retreated after Ibrahim’s death. Ahmad Beg surrendered to Shāh Jahān at Dacca (according to the Tuzuk and Maasir) with forty-five lacs of treasure and 500 elephants. Shāh Jahān leaving Darāb Khān (a son of Mīrza Abdur Rahīm Khān Khanān) as Governor of Bengal, marched back westward across Bengal, Behar and Jaunpur to Benares, where he was opposed and checked by Mahabet Khān. (See Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, Fasc. 3, Pers. text, pp. 215, 216, 217, 222, 223, 228, 238, 239). Shāh Nawaz Khān was the eldest son of Abdūr Rahīm Khān-i-Khānān; his life also is given in the Maasir-ul-Umara.

Ahmad Beg Khān was a son of Muhammad Sharīf, and a nephew of Ibrahīm Khān Fateh Jang, the Bengal Viceroy, and of Empress Nūr Jahān. At the time of Prince Shāh Jahān’s incursion into Orissa and Bengal, he was Deputy Governor of Orissa. He was at the time engaged in an expedition against Khurda. On hearing of Shāh Jahān’s invasion, he withdrew to Pipli (his head-quarters), thence to Katak, and not feeling himself secure even there, marched first to Bardwan, whence he went to Rajmahal or Akbarnagar, and joined his uncle Ibrahim Khān. Being defeated in the battle there, Ahmad Beg moved to Dacca (which was then the Viceregal capital of Bengal, and where the family and treasures of Ibrahim Khān were), but was soon overtaken there by Prince Shāh Jahān, to whom he surrendered. On Shāh Jahān’s accession, he was appointed Faujdar of Sīwastan. (See Maasir-ul-Umara, p. 194, Vol. I).

In the text there is some mistake. When Darāb Khān (second sou of Mīrza Abdur Rahīm Khān-i-Khānān) was made Governor of Bengal, Shāh Jahān took his wife, a son and a daughter, and also a son of Shāh Nawāz Khān (eldest son of the Khān-i-Khānān) as hostages (see Maasir-ul-Umara). Shāh Nawāz was not taken as a hostage, as the text would imply. Darāb was subsequently killed by Mahabet Khān, at the instance of Jahangīr. The following chronogram is given in the Maasir-ul-Umara (p. 17, Vol. II), as yielding the date of Dārāb’s death (1034 A.H.):—

Rām Dās, the Kachwah Rajpūt, was at first attached as naib in the Financial Department under Todar Mal, and soon gained Akbar’s favour by his regularity and industry. Emperor Jahangir conferred on him the title of ‘Rajah Karan,’ but owing to his disgraceful flight during the wars in the Dakhin, he lost Jahangir’s favour. Jahangir is stated to have cursed him thus:— “When thou wert in Rai Sal’s service, thou hadst a tankah per diem; but my father took an interest in thee, and made thee an Amir. Do not Rajpūts think flight a disgraceful thing? Alas, thy title, Rajah Karan, ought to have taught thee better. Mayest thou die without the comforts of thy faith.” His sons were Naman Dās and Dalap Dās— Bhīm Dās is not mentioned amongst his sons (see Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 483). But one Bhīm Singh is mentioned (see Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 418), amongst the grandsons of Madhu Sīngh, son of Rajah Bhagwan Dās. This Bhīm Sīngh was killed in the Dakhin, in the 3rd year of Shāh Jahan’s reign. Another Rana Karan is mentioned in the Maasir-ul-Umara (p. 201, Vol. II).

Mukhaliṣ Khān was in the beginning in the service of Prince Parviz and gradually by his merit and ability advanced himself to the office of Dīwan under the Prince. He was subsequently promoted to the office of Ṣūbadar of Patna (which was then in the tiyul or jagir of Prince Parviz). In the 19th year of Jahangir’s reign, when Prince Shāh Jahān invaded Bengal and Behar viâ Telingana and Orissa, and advanced towards Patna, after the fall of Ibrahim Khān Fatih Jang (the Bengal Viceroy), accompanied by Rajah Bhīm, son of Rana Amar Singh (in the text Rana Karan), Mukhaliṣ Khān (though he had with him Allahyār Khān, son of Iftikhār Khān, and Sher Khān Afghan), instead of holding out in the fort of Patna, fled to Allahabad. After Shāh Jahān’s accession, Mukhaliṣ Khān was appointed Faujdar of Gorakpur, and in the seventh year of Shāh Jahān’s reign, was appointed a commander of Three Thousand and also Sūbadar of Telingana. He died in the 10th year of Shāh Jahān’s reign. (See p. 428, Vol. III, Maasir-ul-Umara).

His real name was Mīrza Shamsī, and he was the eldest son of Khān ’Azam Mīrza ’Azīz Kokah. At the end of Akbar’s reign, Shamsī was a Commander of Two Thousand, and in the third year of Jahangīr’s reign, he received the title of “Jahāngīr Qulī Khān,” vacant by the death of Jahāngīr Qulī Khān Lālah Beg, Governor of Behar, and was sent to Gujrat as deputy of his father, who was Governor of Gujrat. Subsequently, Shamsī was made Governor of Jaunpūr. When Prince Shāh Jahān invaded Behar from Bengal, and the Prince’s vanguard under Abdūllah Khān Fīruz Jang and Rājah Bhīm crossed at Chausa to proceed to Allahabad, Jahangir Quli Khān fled from Jaunpūr to Allahabad and joined Mīrza Rustam Safavī there. He subsequently became Governor of Allahabad, and on Shāh Jahān’s accession, was appointed Governor of Sūrat and Jūnagarh. He died in 1041 A.H. at Sūrat. (See Maasir-ul-Umara, p. 524, Vol. I, Pers. text).

Mīrza Rustam Safavī was a son of Sultān Husain Mīrza, grandson of Shāh Ismāil, king of Persia. Mīrza Rustam was appointed by Akbar, Governor of Multan; Akbar also made him a Panjhazarī, and gave him Multan as Jagīr. One of his daughters was married to Prince Parviz, and another to Shāh Shuja’. He enjoyed great influence with Jahangir who made him a Shashhazarī, and also Governor of Allahabad, which he successfully held against Shāh Jahān’s General, Abdūllah Khān, forcing the latter to retire to Jhosī. He was subsequently Governor of Behar. Shah Jahān pensioned him off, and he died at Agra in 1051. It is worthy of interest to note that his grandson, Mīrza Ṣafshikan (son of Mirza Hasan Safavī) was Faujdar of Jessore in Bengal, where he died in 1073 (see Bloch. Tr., Āīn, p. 314, Vol. I). After him, I guess Mīrzanagar (a seat of old Jessore Musalman Faujdars) is named. The family still survives there, though impoverished. Ṣafshikan’s son, Mīrza Saifu-d-dīn. Ṣafavī, accepted the title of “Khān” under Emperor Aurangzeb. (See Maasir-ul-Umara, Pers. text, p. 478, Vol. III). The Maasir (printed text) states that on the death of his father, Mīrza Hasan Ṣafavī, Mīrza Ṣafshikan was appointed Faujdar of ‘Hasr’ in Bengal. ‘Hasr’ is evidently a misprint or a misreading for ‘Jasar’ (Jessore).

Prince Parviz was the second son of Emperor Jahangir, and a great favourite with the latter. He imitated his father in everything, “in dress, in quaffing wine, in eating, and in night-keeping” (Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, Fasc. 3, p. 279), and “never disobeyed his Imperial father’s wishes.” He died at the age of 38 years in the Dakhin, where he was employed in subjugating the country and in quelling the insurrection of Malik Amber, in 1035 A.H., that is, in the twenty-first year of Emperor Jahangīr’s accession to the throne. He rendered also important services to his father, in opposing Shāh Jahān’s invasion of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, and with the help of his generalissimo, Mahabet Khān, defeated Shāh Jahān at Benares, and obliged the latter to abandon Behar, Bengal and Orissa, and to beat a hasty retreat to the Dakhin. (See pp. 233, 239, 240, 273, 279, Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, Fasc 3, Pers. text, which is a contemporary record).

See description of this battle at Benares between the Imperialists under Prince Parviz and Mahabet Khān, and Shāh Jahān’s troops, in the Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, a contemporary record, p. 233, Pers. text. Shāh Jahān was totally defeated, owing to the rashness of his favourite officer, Rajah Bhīm, who himself fell fighting, being cut to pieces by the Imperialists. The Maasir-ul-Umara states that the battle took place on the side of (Nahr-i-Tunas) in the Suburbs of Benares.

He was the fourth and youngest son of Shāh Jahān, whose other sons were (1) Dara Shekoh, (2) Shāh Shuja (3) Aurangzeb.— See p. 306, Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīri, Fasc. 3, Pers. text.

He gave no end of trouble to Jahangir. His insurrection is fully described in the Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, a contemporary record, Fasc. 3, pp. 234 to 238. The author of the Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīri pays a high tribute to his military genius and generalship, to his administrative capacity and vigorous rule in the Dakhin. (See p. 271, Fasc 3, Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, Pers. text). He died at the ripe old age of eighty, holding his own against the Imperialists to the last. After Malik Ambar the Abyssinian’s death, his generalissimo, Yaqūt Khān the Abyssinian, together with Malik Amber’s son, Fatih Khān, and other officers of Nizam-ul-Mulk, submitted to Khān Jahān, Jahangir’s Viceroy or Ṣubadar in the Dakhin, in the twenty-first year of Jahangir’s accession. (See p. 280, Fasc. 3, Pers. text, Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri).

The Maasir-ul-Umara (Vol. III, p. 7), gives some additional facts about him. It states that Malik Amber was an Abyssinian slave of the Bijapūr king, Nizam Shāh. When in 1009 A.H., Queen Chand Sultān or Chand Bibī was killed, and the fort of Ahmadnagar fell into the hands of Akbar’s officers, and Bahadur Nizam Shāh was taken prisoner, and kept in the Gwalior fort, Malik Amber and Raju Mīan proclaimed their independence. Malik Amber brought to his control the territory extending from the limits of Telingana to a point, four kroh from Ahmadnagar and eight kroh from Daulatābād. In 1010 A.H., close to Nadirah, a battle was fought between Malik Amber and Mīrza Iraj, son of Abdur Rahim Khān-i-Khanān. Malik Amber was wounded, but the Khān-i-Khanān, knowing the adversary’s capacity, was glad to arrange terms of peace. When Akbar died, and dissensions broke out between Emperor Jahangir and his son, Prince Shāh Jahān, Malik Amber mobilising a large force encroached on Imperial territories. In consequence, during Emperor Jahangīr’s reign, the Imperialists were constantly engaged in warfare against Malik Amber, who held out to the last, and died a natural death in 1035 A.H. He lies buried in a mausoleum at Daulatābād, between the Shrines of Shāh Muntajab-ud-dīn Zarbakhsh and Shāh Rajavī Qattāl. The author of the Maasir-ul-Umara pays a high tribute to Malik Amber, as a general and as a soldier, and also as a leader of men and as an administrator. He ruled his dominions vigorously, stamping out all turbulence, weeding out all bad characters, maintained perfect peace in his domains, and always strove for the well-being and happiness of the subjects he ruled. In the village of Kharkī (which was subsequently named Aurangābād), he digged tanks, laid out public gardens, and built lofty palaces. He was liberal in charities, and very just, and very pious. A poet has written about him.

From the battle-field of Benares, after defeat. Shāh Jahān retreated to Rohtas (up to which desultory fighting was kept up between the Imperialists and Shāh Jahān’s troops), thence marched to Patna and Behar town, and thence to Garhī or Teliagarhī fort. Whilst at Garhī, Shāh Jahān summoned his Governor of Bengal, Dārāb Khān, to join him, but the latter made excuses, whereon Shāh Jahān becoming dispirited went to Rajmahal, and retreated thence to the Dakhin (being hotly pursued by Prince Parviz and Mahabet Khān) across Sarkar Madaran, Midnīpur, Orissa and Telingana. (See Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, Fasc, 3, pp. 239-240).

Mahabet Khān distinguished himself under Emperor Jahangir in the long war carried on in the Dakhin. He was early attached by the Emperor to Prince Parviz, as atalīq and generalissimo, when the Prince was sent to the Dakhin to quell the insurrection there. Where Prince Shāh Jahān subsequently rebelled against his father (Emperor Jahangir), and marching out from the Dakhin across Talingana invaded Orissa and over-ran Bengal and Behar, the Emperor ordered Mahabet Khān along with Prince Parviz to oppose Shāh Jahān’s progress. In this, Mahabet Khān (along with Prince Parviz) completely succeeded, inflicted a crushing defeat on Shāh Jahān on the battle-field of Benares, and compelled the latter to beat a hasty retreat across Behar, Bengal and Orissa into the Dakhin. For this signal military service, Mahabet Khan received from Prince Parviz (no doubt, with the previous sanction of the Emperor) Bengal in jagīr. His head was soon turned, and he failed to send to the Emperor the war-elephants taken by him in Bengal, and also failed to remit the Imperial revenue from Bengal. For this, the Emperor summoned him to his presence for chastisement, when Mahabet Khān adopted the extraordinary and impudent step of getting at the person of the Emperor, and placing the latter for some time under surveillance— from which at length the Emperor was rescued by the bold stratagem of his Queen, Nur Jahān Begam. Mahabet was then sent away in disgrace to Thata, whence he went to Gujrat, and joined the rebel Prince, Shāh Jahān. (See pp. 228, 233, 235, 238, 239, 244, 245, 248, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 276, 277, Faso. 3, Pers. text Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, a contemporary record, and also Maasir-ul-Umara, p. 385, Vol. III).

From the Maasir-ul-Umara (p. 385, Vol. III), the following additional facts about Mahabet Khān are gleaned. His real name was Zamanah Beg, his father’s name being Ghīwar Beg Kabulī. He was a Razavī Sayyid. Ghīwar Beg came from Shīraz to Kabul, and thence to India, and entered Akbar’s service, and distinguished himself in the battle of Chitor. Zamanah Beg, in youth, entered Prince Salīm’s service as an ahadi, and soon was advanced to the office of Bakhshī under the Prince. In the beginning of Jahangir’s reign, Zamanah Beg was appointed to be commander of three thousand, and received the title of Mahabet Khān. He was deputed to serve with Prince Shāh Jahān in the Dakhin, and in the 12th year of Jahangir’s reign, was appointed Ṣūbadar of Kabūl. In the 17th year, dissensions broke out between Emperor Jahangir and Prince Shāh Jahān, and Mahabet Khān was recalled from Kabul. When Shāh Jahān ascended the throne, he advanced Mahabet Khān to the rank of Haft hazarī, and conferred on him the title of “Khān-i-Khānān Sipāsālār,” and appointed him Ṣūbadār of Ajmīr, and next, Ṣubadar of the Dakhin. He died in 1044 A.H.

He appears to have been employed by Emperor Jahangir on similar missions with reference to other refractory princes and officers, such as Hoshang, son of Prince Danyal, and Abdur Rahīm Khān-i-Khānān and Māhabet Khān. (See p. 244, Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīrī Pers. text, Fasc. 3, and also Maasir-ul-Umara, p. 392, Vol. 3).

In p. 253, Fasc. 3, Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīri, “Khwajah ‘Umar Nakshbandī.”

In the printed text, the words occur “” which is obviously a mistake. The words should be “.” (See p. 253, Fasc. 3, Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīri).

In the printed Persian text, there is a mistake: the word “” (see p. 256, Fasc. 3, Iqbalnamah) is misprinted in the Riyaz as “.” The Ghusalkhana or ‘Bathing Room’ was a luxury in Mughal days: it was fitted up elegantly with cooling apparatus and on sultry days, the Mughal Emperors and the Mughal Omara passed much time in it, transacting business. Thus, ‘Ghusalkhana’ gradually came to signify a ‘Private Chamber, or a ‘khaskhana.’

The author of the Riyaz has borrowed the account from the Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīri (see pp. 256-257, Fasc. 3), but in his attempt to condense it, he has rendered his account slip-shod and confused. The author of the Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīri, named Mu’tamid Khān, was Jahangīr’s Bakhshī at the time, and was an eye-witness of what occurred. From the account that he gives, it appears that the Emperor was returning at the time to Hindustan from Kabul, that he had his camp pitched on the banks of the river Bihat (or Jhelam), that he was alone there with some courtiers, such as ’Arab Dast Ghaib, Mīr Mansūr Badakhshī, Jawaher Khān the Eunuch, Firuz Khān, Khidmat Khān the Eunuch, Baland Khān, Khedmat Parst Khān, Fasih Khan, and three or four others, that all the rest of the imperial officers and attendants including Asif Khān the Prime Minister, had left and crossed over to the eastern banks of the river. Seizing, therefore, this opportunity, Māhabe Khān, leaving some Rajput troops to guard the bridge, marched up to the Imperial tent with a large number of Rajput cavalry. At the time, the Emperor was reposing in the Khaskhānā. Māhabet Khān fearlessly broke open the door, and entered it with about 500 Rājput cavalry, and paid obeisance to the Emperor. The Emperor coming out of the tent, seated himself on the Imperial Palanquin, which had lain in front of the tent. Māhabet Khān came quite close to the palanquin, and addressed the Emperor as follows: “Fearing that through the vindictiveness and malice of Asif Khān, I should be disgraced, tortured and killed, I have dared to take this daring step of personally throwing myself on the Imperial protection. Sire, if I deserve to be killed and punished, kill and punish me in your Imperial presence” (p. 256, Fasc. 3, Iqbalnamah). In the meantime, Māhabet Khān’s Rajput cavalry surrounded the Imperial tent from all sides. Then Māhabet Khān told the Emperor that that was the usual time for the Emperor to go out hunting, and asked the Emperor to mount a horse. The Emperor mounted a horse, and went out some distance and then leaving the horse mounted an elephant. Māhabet Khān in hunting dress accompanied the Emperor and led the latter to his own camp. Finding that Nur Jahan Begam had been left behind, he led back the Emperor to the Imperial tent, but in the meantime Nur Jahan had gone across the river and had joined her brother, Asif Khān and was busy concerting measures to rescue the Emperor. After some days, by adoption of an ingenious and a bold stratagem— when the efforts of all the Imperial officers had failed— Nur Jahan succeeded in rescuing her Royal Consort, and in banishing Māhabet Khān, who was sent in disgrace to Thatah. (See p. 276, Fasc. 3, Iqbalnamah i-Jahangīri) Mahabet Khan subsequently joined Shāh Jahān in the Dakhin.

In the Iqbalnamah, “Sharīfu-l-Mulk” it appears that Prince Shāh Jahān had gone from the Dakhin to invade the province of Thatah. Then Sharīfu-l-Mulk, on behalf of Prince Shahriyār, held the Fort of Thatah with 4,000 cavalry and 10,000 infantry. On hearing the news, the Emperor Jahangir sent an Imperial army to repel Shāh Jahān’s invasion, and Māhabet Khān was sent on the same errand. Shāh Jahān was obliged to raise the siege, and to march back to the Dakhin viâ Gujrat. (See Iqbalnamah and also Maasir-ul-Umara, Pers. text, Fasc. 3, pp. 281-282).

Mukkaram Khān was a son of Shaikh Bayazīd Muazzam Khān, grandson of Shaikh Salīm Chīshtī of Fatihpur Sikri. Jahangir conferred on Shaikh Bayazīd the title of Muazzam Khān and made him Ṣubadar of Delhi. Muazzam Khān’s son, Mukkaram Khān, was a son-in-law of Islām Khān I, Jahangir’s Viceroy in Bengal, and rendered important services under the latter. He conquered Kuch Hājo (a portion of Kuch Behar) and captured its zemindar or Rajah, Parichat (Padshahnamah 11, 64), and for some time remained as Governor of Kuch Hajo. Later, he was appointed Governor of Orissa, and conquered Khurdah (South Orissa) and annexed it to the Delhi Empire. In the sixteenth year, he came to court, and was made Ṣubadar of Delhi. In the 21st year, he was sent to Bengal as Governor in the place of Khānahzād Khān, Māhabet Khān’s son. (See pp. 286, 287, 291, Fasc. 3, Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīri, and also Maasir-ul-Umara). A gale upset his boat, and he was drowned in the river with all his companions.

See n. ante.

The author of the Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīri mentions that Mīrza Rustam Safavī was appointed by Jahangīr Ṣubadar of Vilayet-i-Behar and Patna, in the 21st year of the Emperor’s reign. (See p. 280, Fasc. 3, Pers. text, Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīri, and also Maasir-ul-Umara).

Later on in the text, he is described as a Saint, in whom Prince Shāh Shujā had great faith.

This incident illustrates the solemn personality of the ‘Great Mughal’ in those days, and the ceremonial homage paid him by his officers. The practice of advancing several miles to receive imperial orders and firmans, existed throughout the Mughal regime.

See similar account in Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīri, Fasc. 3, Pers. text, p 287.

“Fidaī Khān” and “Jān Nisār Khān” or “Janbāz Khān” were his titles, his name being Mīrza Hedaitullah. He should not be confounded with Mīr Zarīf who also received the title of “Fidaī Khān.” When Mīr Zarīf received this title of Fidaī Khān, Mīrza Hedaitullah who held the same title from before, received the new title of “Jān Nisār Khān” from Shāh Jahān the Emperor. In the beginning, in the reign of Emperor Jahangir, Mīrza Hedaitullah was “Mir Bahr-i-Nawarah” or Admiral of the Imperal Fleet, and being patrouised by Māhabet Khān, he advanced rapidly in influence. In the quarrel between Māhabet Khān and Emperor Jahangir, he took sides with his patron, Māhabet Khān, and subsequently fled to Rohtas. On return in the 22nd year of Jahangir’s reign, he was appointed Viceroy of Bengal, in succession to Mukkaram Khān, who had been drowned, the arrangement entered into being that he should yearly remit from Bengal, in the shape of presents, five lacs for the Emperor and five lacs of rnpees for the Empress Nūr Jahān (no doubt, over and above the annual Imperial revenues). In Shāh Jahān’s reign, he was recalled from Bengal and received Jaunpur in tiyul (or jagir) and subsequently was appointed Faujdār of Gorakpur. He then helped Abdullah Khān, Governor of Behar, in the conquest of Bhojpūr or Ujjain. (See Maasir-ul-Umara, p. 12, Vol. 3).

This Fiscal Provincial Contract under Fidaī Khān is also noted in the Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīri, Fasc. 3, Pers. text, p. 291.

In the Iqbalnamah, “28th Ṣafar (Sunday) Emperor Jahangīr died in the 22nd year of his reign, whilst returning from Kashmīr towards Lahore.” He was buried at Lahore in a garden which had been laid out by his beloved Consort, the Empress Nūr Jahān. (See Iqbalnamah, Fasc. 3, p. 294).

His titles were “Aṣif Khān Aṣif Jah,” his name being Mīrza Abūl Hasan. He was a son of ’Itamad-u-daulah, and the eldest brother of the Empress Nūr Jahān Begam, and he was father of Arjumund Banu Begam alias Mumtaz Mahal, the beloved Consort of Emperor Shāh Jahān, (whose memory is enshrined in marble by the Tāj at Agra). In the 9th year of Jahangir’s reign, he was appointed to the Manṣab of Shash hazarī, and subsequently raised to a haft hazarī, and was also appointed Ṣūbadar of the Panjab, and Vakīl or Prime Minister. In 1037 A.H. when Jahangir on return from Kashmīr died on the way near Rajor, Nūr Jahān (who espoused the cause of Prince Shahriyār) wanted to imprison Aṣif Khān (who espoused Prince Shāh Jahān’s cause), but Aṣif Khān could not be seized or brought back. Aṣif Khān sent a swift runner, named Benaresī, a Hindu, to Shāh Jahān who was then in Gujrat. Shāh Jahān quickly marched out to Agra, where he was installed as Emperor, whilst Shahriyār and other princes were soon imprisoned and made away with. On his accession, Shāh Jahān gave Aṣif Khān the title of “Eminu-d-daulah,” and made him a “Nah hazarī.” He died at Lahore in 1051 A.H. “;” is a chronogram which yields the above date. (See Maasir-ul-Umara, p. 151, Vol. I).

It is strange that the Riyāz should give such a meagre account of the Administration of Nawab Qāsim Khān, the first Bengal Viceroy appointed by Emperor Shāh Jahān. Yet this Administration is peculiarly interesting and significant from the modern stand-point, as the chronicle of this administration contains, for the first time, a reference to a conflict (no doubt, then unimportant) between the Christian European merchants in Bengal and the Musalman Viceroys of Bengal. To supplement the account of this Musalman Viceroy with some additional facts gleaned from the Maasir-ul-Umara, would therefore be interesting.

Qāsim Khān was a son of Mīr Murad of Juain (in the Vilayet of Baihaq). Mīr Murad was a leading Sayyid of that place, whence he migrated into the Dakhin. He was brave and a capital archer, and was engaged by Emperor Akbar to train up Prince Khurram. He was subsequently appointed Bakshī of Lahore, in the 46th year of Akbar’s reign. His son, “Qāsim Khān” (this was evidently his title, his actual name is not given in the Maasir) was a man of culture and literary habits. Under Islām Khān Chishtī Farūqī (Jahangīr’s Bengal Viceroy), Qāsim Khān served as Khazanchi or Treasurer-General of Bengal. Islām Khān took particular interest in training him up. Some timea fter, Qāsim Khān was lucky in getting married to Manijah Begam, sister of the Empress Nūr Jahān. This matrimonial alliance was a turning point in Qāsim Khān’s fortune; he was soon advanced in rank and dignity. The witty courtiers of the time called him “Qāsim Khān Manijah.” He soon became an associate of the Emperor Jahangīr. Towards the end of Jahangīr’s reign, he was appointed Ṣūbadar (or Viceroy) of Agra. In the first year of Shāh Jahān’s reign, the Emperor (Shāh Jahān) raised him to the Manṣab of Panjhazarī, and appointed him Ṣūbadar (Viceroy) of Bengal, in place of Fidaī Khān. During his stay in Bengal (during Jahangīr’s reign), Shāh Jahān had become personally apprised of the excesses practiced by the Christians (Portuguese, obviously) resident in the Port of Hughli. For instance, Shāh Jahān had come to know that these often took unauthorised leases of adjoining pargannas, oppressed the tenantry of those pargannas, and sometimes by tempting offers, converted them to Christianity, and even sent them to Farang (or Europe). Further these Christians (Portuguese, obviously) carried on similar malpractices even in pargannas, with which they had no connection. Further, these Christians, under the pretext of carrying on trading transactions, had in the beginning established some ware-houses which they had gradually and clandestinely, by bribing local officers, converted into large fortified buildings. In consequence, the bulk of the trade which had found its way, hitherto, to the old Imperial emporium at Sātgaon, was diverted to the new port of Hughli. In consideration of the above circumstances, the Emperor Shāh Jahān, whilst sending Qāsim Khān to Bengal as his Viceroy, gave the latter instructions to expel the foreign Christian (Portuguese) traders from the port of Hughli. Accordingly, in the 4th year of Shāh Jahān’s reign, Qāsim Khān sent his son ’Inaitullāh Khān in company of Allahyār Khān and other officers to Hughli, and he sent also by the sea-route viâ Chittagong another company of troops on a fleet of vessels from the Imperial Nawarah or Fleet stationed in Dacca, so that the Portuguese might not escape by water, giving out at the same time that the expedition had as its objective Hījlī. These besieged Hughli, and, after the fighting was protracted to three months and a half, succeeded in storming it, and in expelling the Christian (Portuguese) traders from it. 2,000 Christians were killed in the fighting, 4,400 were taken prisoners, and 10.000 Indian captives that were in the hands of the Portuguese were released, and 1,000 Musalman soldiers got killed in the fighting. Three days after this victory (in 1041 A.H.) Qāsim Khān died of disease. He built the Cathedral Mosque at Agra in Angah Khān bazaar. (See p. 78, Vol. 3, Maasir-ul-Umara).

Ā’zim Khān’s real name was Mīr Muhammad Baqir, his titles being “Iradat Khān,” and subsequently “Ā’zim Khān.” He was a Sayyid of Sava which is in ’Irūq. On arrival in India, he was appointed Faujdar of Sialkot and Gujrat, through the interest taken in him by Āṣif Khān Mīrza Ja’far, who married to him his daughter. Then he was presented to Emperor Jahangīr, who gave him (on the recommendation of Eminu-d-daulah Aṣif Khān) a good Manṣab and the office of Imperial Khansaman. In the 15th year of Jahangīr’s reign, he was appointed Ṣūbadar (Governor) of Kashmīr and next Mīr Bakhshī under the Emperor directly. On Shāh Jahān’s accession to the throne, Shāh Jahān raised him to the rank of Panjhazarī, and also to the office of vizier of the Supreme Dīwan. In the second year of Shāh Jāhān’s reign, he was set to reform the Revenue Administration of the Provinces in the Dakhin. In the third year, he received the title of “Ā’zām Khān,” and was employed by the Emperor for chastising Khān Jahan Lodī and for the conquest of the Nizam Shāhī kingdom in the Dakhin. Though he succeeded in dispersing Khān Jahan’s force, and though he stormed the fort of Dharwar, his services in the Dakhin as he was an experienced and a sagacious ruler, on his arrival in did not satisfy the Emperor, who sent him to Bengal as Viceroy, in succession to Qāsim Khān, who died in the 5th year of Shāh Jahān’s reign. He continued in Bengal as Viceroy for three years only, and in the 8th year was transferred to Allahabad, and subsequently to Gujrat, and lastly to Jaunpur, where he was Rector of the Jaunpur University, and died in 1059 A.H., in his 76th year, and was buried in a garden which he had laid out on the banks of the Jaunpur river. His daughter was married to Prince Shāh Shuja (after the latter had lost his first wife, a daughter of Mīrza Rustam Ṣafavī). He possessed many good qualities, and was very strict in auditing the accounts of ’Amils (Collectors of Revenue). (See Maasir-ul-Umara, p. 174, Vol. I).

This ‘Abdus Salam would seem to be the Abdus Salam (son of Muazzam Khān, Ṣūbadar of Delhi) who opportunely reinforced Shujait Khān at the decisive battle near Dhaka (Dacca) with the Afghan leader Osman Lohanī. He would seem, therefore, to have been a brother of Mukkaram Khān (another son of Muaẓzam Khān) who was Governor of Bengal and who was conqueror of Kuch Hajo (or Kuch Behar) and Khurdah. ‘Abdus Salam at the time would seem to have been Governor of Kuch Hajo in succession to his brother Mukkaram Khān, and to have invaded Assam. (See n. ante). The Alamgīrnamah (p. 680, Fasc. VII, Pers. text) calls him “Shaikh Abdus Salam,” and states that towards the early part of Shāh Jahān’s reign, he was ‘Faujdar’ of ‘Hajo’ (that is, Kuch Hajo, or western part of Kuch Behar), and that at Gauhatī he together with many others was captured by the Assamese, and that, to chastise the Assamese, an expedition to Assam was shortly after (during the Viceroyalty of Islām Khān II alias Mīr Abdus Salam) sent out under command of Siadat Khān (Islām Khān’s brother), but that the expedition reached only Kajal (which is on the frontier of Assam), and did not result in any decisive issue, as Islām Khān was shortly after recalled by the Emperor to assume the office of Imperial Vizier at Delhi.

Islām Khān Mashadī; his actual name was Mīr Abdus Salām, and his titles were “Ikhtiṣāṣ Khān” and subsequently “Islām Khān.” He should not be confounded with “Islām Khān Chīshtī Faruqī,” whose real name was Shaikh ’Alau-d-dīn, and who was Viceroy of Bengal, under Emperor Jahangīr.

Mir Abdus Salām was in the beginning a Munshī or Secretary of Prince Shāh Jahān. In 1030 A.H. (during Jahangīr’s reign), he was Vakil-i-Darbār or Prince Shāh Jahān’s Political Agent at the Imperial Court (Shāh Jahān being engaged at the time in affairs connected with the Dakhin), and at the same time received the title of “Ikhtiṣāṣ Khān.” When dissensions broke out between Shāh Jahān and Emperor Jahangīr, Mīr Abdus Salām joined Shāh Jahān. On Shāh Jahān’s accession to the throne, he raised Mīr Abdus Salām to the rank of Chahārhazārī, bestowed on him the title of “Islām Khān,” and appointed him Bakhshī and subsequently Governor of Gujrat, with command of Five Thousand. In the 8th year, on the recall of A’zam Khān (the Bengal Viceroy), Mīr Abdus Salām alias Islām Khān Mashadī was appointed Viceroy of Bengal. In the 11th year of Shāh Jahān’s accession, he achieved several notable triumphs, viz., (1) the chastisement of the Assamese, (2) capture of the son-in-law of the Assam Rājah, (3) capture of fifteen Assam forts, (4) capture of Srīghat and Mando, (5) successful establishment of Imperial military out-posts or Thanas in all the mahals of Koch Hajo (the western portion of Kuch Behar), (6) capture of 500 Koch war-vessels. Manīk Rai, brother of the Rājah of Arrakan, also at this time came to Dhaka (Dacca) and took refuge with Islām Khān. In the 13th year (in the text, correctly, 11th year), Islām Khān was called back by Shāh Jahān from Bengal, and installed in the office of Imperial Vazir. He was subsequently appointed Viceroy of the Dakhin, where he died at Aurangabad in the 21st year of Shāh Jahān’s reign, in 1057 A.H. He was buried in a mausoleum at Aurangabad. He was a learned scholar, a brave general and a sagacious administrator. (See Maasir-ul-Umara, p. 162, Vol. I).

Saif Khān Mīrza Ṣafī was a son of Amanat Khān. He married Malikāh Bānū, sister of Empress Mumtaz Mahal, and a daughter of Aṣif Khān Emīnu-d-daulah, and was thus closely connected with Emperor Shāh Jahān, by marriage. He first became Dīwān of the Ṣūbah of Gujrat, and for his victory over ’Abdullah Khān under daring circumstances, was appointed Ṣūbadar of Gujrat, and also received the title of “Saif Khān.” He was subsequently appointed by Emperor Shāh Jahān to be Governor of Behar (where at Patna he built several lofty public edifices). [Ṣafīabād town, near Jamalpūr in Monghyr, I guess, was built by him, and is named so after him. There is still a place in it called “Ṣafī Sarai” or “Safi’s inn.” If my memory serves me aright, I found a big well in Monghyr town near the Club, which bears an inscription to show that it was built by Saif Khān]. In the 5th year of Shāh Jahān’s reign, he became Governor of Allahabad; in the 8th year, he was selected as Governor of Gujrat, and next appointed Commandant of Agra. In the 12th year, when Islām Khān Mashadī was summoned back from Bengal to Delhi, to assume charge of the portfolio of Imperial Vazarat, Bengal was assigned to Prince Shāh Shuj‘a. As the Prince was at the time away at Kabūl, Saīf Khān received orders to administer Bengal on behalf of the Prince, during his absence. In the 13th year of Shāh Jahān’s reign (in 1049 A.H.) Saīf Khān Mīrza Ṣafī died in Bengal, and his wife Malikah Bānū died the following year. (See Maasir-ul-Umara, p. 416, Vol II).

Prince Shāh Shuj‘a was the second son of Emperor Shāh Jahān, whose other sons were (1) Dārā Shekoh, (2) Aurangzeb, and (3) Murād. Shāh Shuj‘a was married to a daughter of Mīrza Rustam Ṣafāvī, and subsequently (on the death of his first wife) to a daughter of Nawab ‘Azam Khān (a former Bengal Viceroy). Shāh Shuj‘a, on appointment to Bengal, temporarily removed the Viceregal Capital from Dacca to Rajmahal. He twice ruled over Bengal, that is, once for eight years, and again (after a break of two years) for another eight years. Shāh Shuj‘a’s rule over Bengal was marked by the introduction of financial reforms and by the growth of revenue. “About 1658 A.C. he prepared a new rent-roll of Bengal, which showed 34 Sarkars and 1,350 mahals, and a total revenue on Khalsa and Jagir lands of Rs. 13,115,907 exclusive of abwabs.” (See Blochmann’s Contr. to history of Bengal and the Padshahnamah). Shāh Shuj‘a was a lover of architecture, and he built numerous marble edifices in Rajmahal, Monghyr and Dacca. He also extended his Bengal Satrapy by incorporating therein Sarkars Monghyr and Behar (see Alamgirnamah), but shortly after he received a check in his onward career by coming in collision with his clever brother, Aurangzeb, and at length fled to Arrakan where he perished.

See n., ante.

In the text is evidently a misprint for .

‘Itaqād Khān Mirza Shapūr was a son of ‘Itamd-u-daulah, and a brother of Aṣif Khān Mirza Abul Hasan, and therefore, a brother also of Empress Nūr Jahān (Maasir-ul-Umara, p. 180, Pers. text, Vol. I., Fasc. 11).

Professer Blochmann’s list (p. 511, Ain, Tr., Vol. I), does not give his name. In the 17th year of Jahangīr’s reign, he was appointed Governor of Kashmir, and continued there for a long period. He was also raised by Emperor Jahangīr to a command of five thousand. In the 5th year of Shāh Jahān’s reign, he was recalled from Kashmir. In the 16th year, he was appointed Governor of Behar, and whilst there, in the 17th year, he organised and despatched an expedition to Palaun (Palamow) under Zabardast Khān, and defeated its zemindar or Rajah, named Partab, who submitted to the Emperor, and agreed to pay an annual tribute of one lac of rupees. In the 20th year of Shāh Jahān’s reign, when Prince Shāh Shuj‘a was recalled from Bengal, ‘Itaqād Khān in addition to his Governorship of Behar was appointed Viceroy of Bengal, where he continued for two years. In the 23rd year of Shāh Jahān’s reign (1060 A.H.) ‘Itaqād Khān died at Agra. He was a man of great refinement and culture, and his aesthetic tastes led him to be one of the founders of a new and elegant style of architecture. He built a splendid palace on a new and improved design at Agra.

In Alamgirnamah (p. 111) ‘Itaqād Khān is mentioned as a son of Eminu-d-doulah Aṣif Khān (See Maasir-ul-Umara, Vol. I, Fasc. 2, Pers. text, p. 180).

Emperor Shāh Jahān fell ill at Delhi on 7th Zíl-haj 1067 A.H. (Alamgirnamah, p. 27). At the time of the Emperor’s illness, Prince Dara Shekoh, the eldest son, was at Agra. Prince Shuj‘a, the second son, was in Bengal; Aurangzeb, the third son, was in the Dakhin; whilst Prince Murad, the fourth son, was in Gujrat. Owing to illness, Shāh Jahān was invisible to the public as well as to his ministers and officers, and great confusion in State affairs occurred, and Dara Shekoh went to the Emperor, and took into his hands the reins of Government. In order to make himself thoroughly master of the situation, Dara Shekoh aimed to keep the Emperor fully under his control, and so forcibly removed the Emperor together with all royal treasures from Delhi on 20th Muharram, 1068 A.H. (1086 in the printed Pers. text is a misprint) to Agra, which was reached on 19th Ṣafar, 1068 A.H. In the meantime, Murad proclaimed himself King in Gujrat, whilst Shuj‘a similarly proclaimed himself King in Bengal, and invaded Patna and Benares (Alamgirnamah, p. 29).

Dara Shekoh’s plan was first to vanquish Shāh Shuj‘a, next Murad, and to reserve the final blow for Aurangzeb, whom he dreaded most. In pursuance of this scheme, he first detached a large army under the command of his son Sulaiman Shekoh together with Rajah Jai Singh to operate against Shāh Shuj‘a. The army under Sulaiman Shekoh on the 4th Rabi-al-Awwal 1068 A.H. reached Bahadurpur, a village on the banks of the Ganges, 2½ kos from Benares, and 1½ kos from Shāh Shuj‘a’s encampment. Shāh Shuj‘a had brought with him a large number of Nawarah or war-ships from Bengal, and so was sanguine of success, and treating the foe with contempt, he had dispensed with all ordinary precautions of war. Sulaiman Shekoh made a feint retreat which further took in Shāh Shuj‘a, and then suddenly wheeling round, made a bold dash which completely surprised Shāh Shuj‘a, who leaving behind his tents, treasures, guns and horses, hastily got into a boat, and sailed down to Patna, thence to Monghyr, where he halted for some days. Sulaiman Shekoh’s army pursued Shuj‘a to Monghyr; and, then the latter quitting Monghyr, set out for Bengal. (See Alamgirnamah, p. 31). Whilst these events were transpiring in Bengal, Aurangzeb with his marvellous insight grasping the situation forestalled Dara Shekoh by making a move from Aurangabad towards Burhanpur on Friday, 12th Jamadi-ul-Awwal 1068 A.H. (Alamgirnamah, p. 43). After halting for a month at Burhanpur to get news of the state of things at Agra, Aurangzeb learnt that Dara Shekoh had detached a large army under Rajah Jaswant Singh, who had already arrived at Ujjain, in Malwah. This made Aurangzeb decide his plans. He immediately on 25th Jamadi-ul-Akhirah on a Saturday marched from Burhanpur, reached the banks of the Narbadda, crossed it, and on the 20th Rajab encamped at Dibalpur. On the 21st Rajab, setting out from Dibalpur, he met on the way Prince Murad, and won him over to his side (Alamgirnamah, p. 55), and reached Dharmatpur, a place 7 kos from Ujjain, and one kos from Rajah Jaswant Singh’s army, and pitched his camp on the banks of a rivulet, called Chūr Narainah. (Alamgirnamah, p. 56). Rajah Jaswant Singh was quite out-witted by this strategic move of Aurangzeb who had united his forces with those of Murad. Aurangzeb then inflicted a crushing blow on Rajah Jaswant Singh at Dharmatpur. (See charming description of this battle in the Alamgirnamah, Pers. text, pp. 61, 66 to 74). Marching quickly from Dharmatpur, Aurangzeb passed through Gwalior. In the meantime Dara Shekoh had marched to Dholpur (p. 85, Alamgirnamah), to oppose Aurangzeb’s progress, and to prevent his crossing the Chanbal river. Aurangzeb quickly however crossed the Chanbal river at the ferry of Bhadureah, which is 20 kos from Dholpur, on the first day of the month of Ramzan. On the 7th Ramzan, the battle of Dholpur was fought, and Dara Shekoh was completely defeated by Aurangzeb. (See description of the battle of Dholpur in the Alamgirnamah, pp. 100 to 104). Dara Shekoh fled to Agra, and thence to the Panjab and other places, was eventually captured and beheaded. Shortly after his installation, Aurangzeb drew his force against Shāh Shuj‘a who had advanced, and occupied Rohtas, Chunar, Jaunpur, Benares and Allahabad. The battle between Aurangzeb and Shuj‘a was fought at Kachwa, a place close to Korah, and resulted in Shuj‘a’s defeat. (See description of the battle in the Alamgirnamah, Pers. text, p. 243). After his defeat, Shuj‘a fled to Bahadurpur, thence to Patna, thence to Monghyr which he fortified, and thence (owing to the treachery of Rajah Bahroz, zamindar of Kharakpur) to Rangamati, and thence (owing to treachery of Khwajah Kamalu-d-dīn, zamindar of Bīrbhum) to Rajmahal, thence through minor places to Dacca, thence through Bhaluah and minor places to Arrakan, always heroically contesting every inch of ground against the hosts of Aurangzeb, led by his General Muazzam Khān alias Mir Jumla, but every time baffled by the treachery of so-called adherents, barring a noble band of Barha Syeds who clung to him to the last. (See pp. 495 to 561, Alamgirnamah, Pers. text).

The Alamgirnamah, p. 31 (from which the account here in the text appears to be borrowed) says: “From Monghyr to Patna became annexed to the Satrapy (iqtā) of Dara Shekoh.”

Aurangzeb moved from the Dakhin in 1068 A.H., inflicted a crushing defeat on Dara Shekoh’s troops led by Maharaja Jaswant Singh at Ujjain, and also defeated Dara Shekoh near Agra, and then informally proclaimed himself Emperor in 1069 A.H. (See Alamgirnamah, pp. 59 to 86, and pp. 87 to 108).

Dara Shekoh, after his defeat by Aurangzeb near Agra, fled to Delhi, and thence to Lahore, and after various adventures in the Panjab, Gujrat and Kabul was captured by Jiwan, zamindar of Dadar, and made over to Aurangzeb who caused him to be imprisoned and subsequently slain, and his body buried in the mausoleum of Humayun at Delhi. (See Alamgirnamah, pp. 433 and 408). Those who take an interest in Dara Shekoh’s adventures after his flight, will find a full account of the same in the Alamgirnamah. Dara Shekoh was a free-thinker and a pro-Hindu, and if he had succeeded to the throne, he would have out-Akbared Akbar in his pro-Hindu policy. Aurangzeb was the reverse of Dara Shekoh; he was a champion of Islām, and an iconoclast like Mahmud of Ghazni or Shāhabu-d-dīn Ghori.

The Alamgirnamah indicates that at the time Shāh Shuj‘a had halted at Monghyr, fortifying the place. Then Rajah Bahroz, zamindar or Rajah of Kharakpur, who professed loyalty to Shāh Shuj‘a, but in reality was a traitor secretly intrigued with Aurangzeb’s general, Mīr Jumla alias Mu‘azzam Khān, and showed the latter another route across the hills to the east of Monghyr. In covering this route, Mīr Jumla had to make a detour of several miles; and Shāh Shuj‘a finding that he was being out-flanked, instantly sailed down on his war-vessels from Monghyr Fort to Rangamatī and Rajmahal, and on the way fortified the passes of Telīagadhi and Sakrigali, which were then regarded as the ‘key’ to Bengal.

A full account of his life will be found in the Maasir-ul-Umara, Vol. III, p. 530, Pers. text.

From it, it appears that his name was Mīr Muhammad Said Mīr Jumla, and his titles were “Mu‘azzam Khān, Khān-i-Khanan Sipasalār.” He came from Ardastan, first served under Sultān Abdullah Qutb Shāh, ruler of Golkondah, where he attained great eminence. Falling out with Qutb Shāh, he joined Prince Aurangzeb who was then in the Dakhin. His great services were (1) the conquest of Bijapur, (2) the extirpation of Shāh Shuj‘a, (3) the conquests of Kuch Behar and Assam. He was a statesman of great sagacity and foresight, and as a general, he was matchless in his day. (See Maasir-ul-Umara, p. 555, Vol. III, Pers. text).

Details of Sultān Muhammad’s desertion to Shāh Shuj‘a, and his subsequent secession, are given in the Alamgirnamah.

Details of Shāh Shuj‘a’s fightings and adventures are given in the Alamgirnamah. See notes, ante.

The description in the Alamgirnamah, pp. 557 to 562, shows that the ruler of Arrakan was neither a Syed nor a Mussulman, but a Buddhist. It also appears from the Alamgirnamah that setting out from Tandah on boats, Sultān Shuj‘a reached Dacca (Jahangirnagar) where his eldest son Zainu-d-dīn had been from before. Zainu-d-dīn had arranged with the Rajah of Arrakan to escort Sultān Shuj‘a to Arrakan, on the latter’s arrival at Dacca. At this time, Manūar Khān, a zamindar of Jahangirnagar, proved obstructive to Zainu-d-dīn’s plans, and so he (Manūar) was first chastised with the help of the Arrakanese. Starting from Dacca on boats, guarded by the Arrakanese, Shuj‘a passed through Dhapa (4 kos from Dacca), Sīrīpur (12 kos north of Dacca), Bhaluah (which then formed the southern limit of the Mughal dominions in Bengal), and thence to Arrakan. One who cares to note names of old Bengal towns, may profitably read this portion of the Alamgirnamah.

In the Alamgirnamah (p. 676), he is called “Bim Narain, zamindar of Kuch Behar.” It is stated therein that hitherto he used to regularly pay tribute to the Emperor, but that during the chaos which arose owing to Emperor Shāh Jahān’s illness, and owing to Shāh Shuj‘a march to Patna, in order to lay claim to the Imperial throne, Bim Narain ceased paying tribute, and invaded Ghoraghat or Rangpur and subsequently Kamrup. According to the Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri (p. 110), Lachmi Narain, “zāmindar of Kuch Behar” also used to pay homage and tribute to Emperor Jahangīr.

In Alamgirnamah (p. 678), “Bholanath.”

His name was Jī dhaj Singh. (Alamgirnamah, p. 678).