Riyāż al-salāṭīn - The Riyazu-s-Salatin

The period of the Independent Musalman Kings of Bengal lasted from 1338 to 1538 A.C., and began with Fakhru-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Mubarak Shāh, who was Silahdar or armour-bearer to Bahram Khān, the Governor of Sunārgāon. On his master’s death in 739 H. or 1338 A.C., Fakhra killed Qadr Khān, Governor of Lakhnauti, and subdued provinces of Lakhnauti, Satgaon and Sunargaon, and assumed independence under the title of Fakhruddin (Tarikh-i-Firuz, Shāhī, p. 480). His coins minted at Sunārgāon, (published in Thomas’s “Initial Coinage”, would indicate that he reigned for ten years and some months. Ibn-i-Batutah mentions that he was an eminent man, and very generous His capital appears to have been at Sunārgāon. His son-in-law, Zafar Khān fled from Sunārgāon to Firuz Shāh in Delhī, who at his request (Tarikh-i-Firuz Shāhī by Shams-i-Siraj, pp. 105-114) invaded Bengal a second time during Sekandar Shāh’s reign. Bengal attained great prosperity during the rule of these Independent Musalman Kings. Forts and public buildings were erected, Mosques, Colleges, Students’ Hostels and Travellers’ Guest-houses and Khanqahs were established in all parts of the Kingdom, tanks excavated, and roads laid down. Two great Royal Houses— one of Haji Ilyas and another of Alau-d-dīn Husain Shāh (with a brief break of about forty years, during which Rajah Kans and his successors usurped the Bengal Kingdom) reigned during this period. The Kingdom of Bengal received terrītorīal expansion during this period. Western Assam (or Kamrūp), portions of Koch-Behar, and portions of Jajnagar (or Orissa), the whole of North Behar, (Tarikh-i-Fīruz Shahi. p. 586) and eastern portions of South Behar up to generally the town of Behar, were subject to the Bengal Kingdom. Musalman arms were carried far to the east across the Megna, which had hitherto proved a great barrier to Musalman extension, right up to Silhat and the western portions of Tiperah and Noakhali districts, including Chittagong. Great theistic movements having for their object the conciliation of the two races, sprang up. Kabir and Chaitanya, the great spiritual leaders who preached catholic doctrines, flourished in this period.

This was in 1338 A.C.

The account in Badaoni (vol. I, p. 230 Pers. (text) gives a different version. Badaoni states as follows:— On the death of Bahram Khān, Governor of Sunargaon, in 739 A. H, Malik Fakhruddin who was his Silahdar or Quarter-master General, revolted, assumed the title of Fakhruddin, and fought against Qadr Khān, Governor of Lákhnauti, and was defeated. A second time, Fakhruddin fought against Qadr Khān, and defeated the latter (Qadr Khān’s own soldiers killing Qadr Khān), established his rule over Sunargaon Province, and detached his officer Mukhalis to operate against Lakhnauti. Ali Mubarik, Adjutant General (Ariz-i-Lashkar) of the Army of Qadr Khān killed Mukhaliṣ, established his own independence (in Lakhnauti), and sent out letters to the Emperor Muhammad Shah Tughlak, who sent out Malik-Yusaf, who died on his way to Bengal. After this, the Emperor being engaged with other affairs, did not send out any others to Bengal. For State reasons (observing the hostility of Fakhruddin of Sunargaon) Ali Mubarik in Lakhnauti assumed regal honours and the title of Sulṭān Alau-d-din. Malik Ilyas Haji, who was a tribal chief and a military commander, after some days, in collusion with certain Omara and Maliks of Lakhnauti, killed Alau-d-din, and himself assumed the title of Shamsu-d-din. In 741 A. H., the Emperor Muhammad Shāh Tughlak marched to Sunargaon, captured Fakhruddin, brought him to Lakhnauti, and killed him, and then retired to Delhī. Thenceforth Shamsuddin Ilyas Haji ruled independently over Bengal.

His name appears from his coins (published in Thomas’s “Initial Coinage), to be Alau-d-din Ābul Muzaffar ‘Ali Shāh. His capital appears to have been at Pandūah, from the circumstance that his coins appear all to have been minted at Firuzabad (i.e., Pandūah). Indeed, Pandūah is known as ‘Ali Shāh’s capital.’

Shaikh Jalaluddin Tabrizi was a disciple of Shaikh Said Tabrizi. After travelling for some time, he joined Shaikh Shahabuddin and became the latter’s Khalifa or chief disciple. He was a great friend of Khwajah Qutbuddin and Shaikh Bahauddin. Shaikh Najmuddin the junior who was at the time Shaikh-ul-Islam of Delhi, bore ill-feeling towards him, and made false accusations against his piety and character, and so Jalaluddin retired to Bengal. He is buried at the port of Deomahal (Maldive) See Seir, Vol. I, p. 231 and Ain.

Pandūah is situate 12 miles north of English Bazar in Maldah district. From the beginning of the reign of Shamsūddīn Ilyās to the end of the reign of Rājah Kans, six kings ruled there for a period of 52 years, from 743 to 795 A.H. But perhaps ‘Alī Mubārik should also be included amongst the kings who ruled at Pandūāh. His reign appears to have commenced in 741 A.H. (1340 A.C.) Professor Blochmann calls Pandūāh ‘Ali Shāh’s capital (J.A.S.B., XLII, 254) and Professor Blochmann’s statement seems to be supported by the narrative of our author, viz., the statement about ‘Alī Mubārik building a shrine of the saint Jallālūddīn at Pandūāh, and also about Shamsūddīn Īlyā’s arrival at Pandūāh. In 795 A.H. (1392), king Jallālūddīn (son of Rājah Kans) who became a Muhammadan, removed the capital back again to Gaur or Lakhnauti.

Hājī Ilyās first appears to have in 746 A.H. made himself master of Western Bengal, whilst at that time Ikhtiaruddin Abul Muzaffar Ghazi Shāh (son of Mubarak Shāh) still reigned at Sunargaon in Eastern Bengal. Hājī Ilyās shortly after (753 A.H.) subdued Eastern Bengal also, and established himself at Sunargaon, and founded a dynasty which continued (with a brief break) to reign over Bengal till 896 A.H. or nearly a century and a half. He extended his western boundaries as far as Benares, founded Hajipur, and though Firuz Shāh Tughlak the Emperor led an expedition into Bengal to punish him, he had to return unsuccessful. For Ilyās Shāh’s coinage, see Thomas’s Initial Coinage of Bengal, J.A.S., 1867, pp. 57, 58.

The nearest contemporary account of this King will be found in Tarikh-i-Firuz Shāhī p. 586 by Ziauddin Barui and Siraj Afif p. 77.

Sultān Fīruz Shāh Tughlak alias Malik Fīruz Bārbak was a son of an uncle of Muhammad Shah Tughlak, and a nephew of Ghiasu-d-dīn Tughlak Shāh. His father was Rajab Sālār who abandoning all worldly affairs, became a saint. When fifty years old, in 755 A.H., he was crowned as Emperor of Hindustan. He was a wise, noble and enlightened sovereign, He paid special attention to improvement of agriculture and of the economical condition of the country. He reformed the administration of justice, put down oppressions and corruption, lightly assessed land-revenue, and regulated its assessment according to the produce of the lands assessed and also according to the capacity of the tenantry to bear the assessment, and abolished octroi duties. He established thirty colleges, founded five hospitals and dispensaries, erected forty cathedral mosques and two hundred caravanserais, twenty monasteries, one hundred palaces and villas, and one hundred and fifty-two baths, and numerous gardens, and bridges. In the environs of Hansī, he erected a fort called Hisar-ī-Fīruz, and joined it by means of a canal with the river Jumna. His greatest work was the old Jumna canal; this canal drew its water from the Jumna, near a point where it leaves the mountains, and connected that river with the Ghaggar and the Sutlej by means of irrigation channels, spreading fertility all around. He caused the translation of several Sanskrit works into Persian, and encouraged learning and the learned. He was the recipient of a Royal investiture from Abūl Fatah Khalīf of Egypt. He reigned from 1351 to 88 A.C. The Tughlak dynasty ended in 1414 A.C., the Empire being shattered by the invasion of Timūr in 1398 A.C., during the reign of Mahmūd Shāh Tughlak, the last real Tughlak king. (See Tarīkh-i-Fīruz Shāhī pp. 548 570 by Ziauddīn Barni, and by Shams-i-Seraj).

Firuzabadpur is a mistake here for Fīruzabad, close to Pandūah.

Mr. Westmacott places Ekdalah near Dinajpur, whilst Mr. Beveridge places it near Dacca. For a discussion on the site of the fort of Ekdalah, also see Blochmann’s Contributions to History and Geography of Bengal, J.A.S., 1873, p. 213 and also Mr. Beveridge’s Analysis of “Khurshid Jahan Numa.”

In Tarikh-i-Fīruz Shāhī by Zia ’Barnī, Ekdalah is described as follows (Pers. text, p. 588): “Ekdalah is the name of a mouza close to Panduah; on one side of it is a river, and on another a jungle.” Zia ’Barnī is a contemporary historian for the period; therefore, this description given by him fixes the site of the Fort of Ekdalah near Panduah, and sets at rest all the speculations to the contrary raised by Mr. Beveridge (in his Analysis of Khurshid Jahān Numa) who fixes it near the Bhowal jungle in Dacca district, and also by Mr. Westmacott who would place it towards Dinajpur. Professor Blochmann is inclined to treat ‘Ekdalah’ as a generic name, referring to several places. See J.A.S.B. for 1873, pp. 212-213. Rennel gives another Ekdalah north of Dacca “map of Hindustan.” Shams-i-Siraj in his Tarikh-Firuz Shāhi (Pers. text p. 79) calls it the “isles of Ekdalah.”

The first expedition of Emperor Fīruz Shāh Tughlak into Bengal (in 754 A.H. = 1353 A.C.) is fully and humourously described by Zia ’Barnī, a contemporary historian, in the Tarikh-i-Fīruz Shāhī (Pers. text, p. 586), who closes his history with a narrative of this expedition and of the events up to the sixth year of Fīruz Shāh’s reign. The object of the expedition was to punish Sultān Shamsu-d-din Hajī Īlyās who had invaded and ravaged Tirhut and harried the frontier (then the Sro river) between the Bengal Kingdom and the Delhi Empire. The Emperor set out from Delhi on 10th Shawal 754 A.H., reached Oudh, crossed the Sro river, when Īlyās Shāh withdrew to Tirhut. The Emperor crossing the Sro, marched through Arsa-i-Kharosah (not identified) and Gorakpūr, the Rajahs whereof paid him homage and enlisted themselves on his side. Īlyās Shāh then returned from Tirhut to Pandūah, the Emperor following him towards Lakhnauti and Panduah, after traversing Jagat or Jakat (not identified) and Tirhut (the Rajahs whereof also paid homage to the Emperor). Īlyās Shāh, on approach of the Emperor to Panduah, retired to Fort Ekdalah, where he entrenched himself. The Emperor did not plunder Panduah, but left its population unmolested, crossed the river in front of the fort Ekdalah, and laid siege to it for several days. He had scruples about destroying promiscuously the garrison of the Fort, so he made a feint retreating movement back across the river, which resulted in drawing out Īlyās Shāh from the Fort. A battle was fought, the Bengal army in which elephauts formed a prominent feature was defeated, and the Imperialists captured forty-four Bengal elephants, &c., &c. On finding that the rainy season was approaching, the Emperor by forced marches (after appointing Collectors in Tirhut district) returned to Delhi, which was reached on 12th Shāban 755 A.H. or 1354 A.C.

This first expedition is also narrated by Shams Siraj Afif, another nearly contemporary historian, who continued Barni’s Tarikh-i-Fīruz Shāhī. (See Pers. MSS., text p. 76). From this account, the following additional interesting facts are gleaned:—

1. That Fīruz Shāh sailed to Bengal in one thousand flotilla of war-vessels, and his route lay across the Sro, the Ganges and the Kosī rivers, that his expeditionary force consisted of 70,000 Khanāns and Malūks, two laks infantry, 60,000 cavalry, besides an elephant-corps.

2. That when Fīruz Shāh crossed the Kosī river, Īlyās Shāh, king of Bengal, retired from Pandūah to Ekdalah, which is called here the “Isles of Ekdalah.”

3. That Fīruz Shāh laid siege to the fort of Ekdalah for several days, and nothing decisive occurring, made a feint retreating movement westward seven karoh or Kos from Ekdalah, when Īlyās Shāh thinking Fīruz Shāh was retreating, came out of the fort Ekdalah, advanced, and attacked the Imperialists, who defeated and killed one lak of the Beugal army, and captured 50 Bengal elephants.

4. That then Īlyās Shāh escaped again to the Fort of Ekdalah, which was about to be stormed by the Imperialists, when the females of the garrison uncovering their heads, exhibited themselves, and raised loud lamentations, which softened the heart of Fīruz Shāh, who abandoned the work of destruction.

5. That before marching back towards Delhi, Fīruz Shāh halted for some days at Panduah, named it “Fīruzabad,” introduced there the Khutbah after his own name, and also named “Ekdalah” “Azādpur.”

6. That Fīruz Shāh’s expedition lasted eleven months.

He died in 1353 A.C. (754 A.H.) when Emperor Fīruz Shāh besieged Sultān Shamsu-d-dīn Hajī Īlyās in Ekdalah Fort.

Regarding coinage of Īlyās Shāh, see Thomas’s Initial Coinage of Bengal, J.A.S., 1867, pp. 57-58.

“Having in 746 become master of Western Bengal, Īlyās Shāh in 753 A.H. established himself at Sunargaon, near Dacca, and thus founded a dynasty which with an exception of about forty years in the beginning of the ninth century of the Hijrah, continued to rule over Bengal till 886 A.H.” (Blochmann’s Contribution, J.A.S., 1873, p. 254).

His coins (see p. 58, J.A.S. for 1867), disclose the interesting fact that several of them were minted at Sunargaon (which is termed on the coins Hazrat Jallal Sunargaon or the Illustrious Royal Residence of Sunargaon), bearing dates A.H. 753, 754, 755, 756, 757, 758. His name on the coins is “Shamsu-d-dīn Abūl Muzzaffar Īlyās Shāh.”

The object of this second expedition of Emperor Fīruz Shāh into Bengal in 760 A.H. (1359 A.C.) was to reinstate Zafar Khān (son-in-law of Sultān Fakhru-d-dīn Mubarak Shāh, king of Sunargaon) on the throne of Sunargaon. See details in Tarikh-i-Fīruz Shāhī by Shams Sirāj Afīf (Pers. MS. text, p. 97). From it, it appears that the Musalman throne of Sunargaon was more ancient than the Musalman throne of Panduah, that on Firuz Shah’s return from Bengal after his first expedition (this would necessitate a slight modification of Professor Blochmaun’s date in n: 1 ante p. 103) Shamsuddin Ilyas Shah sailed and reached Snnargaon in a few days. At that time (755 A.H. or 1354 A.C.) Sultan Fakhru-d-din was reigning in security at Sunargaon. Shamsuddin took him by surprise, captured and slew him, and usurped the Sunargaon Kingdom, in addition to his Kingdom of Lakhnautī and Pandūah. At that time Zafar Khan, son-in-law of Fakhruddin who was touring out in the interior of Sunargaon, to collect revenue and to locally enquire into the conduct of collectors of revenue, heard the above news, sailed on a ship from Sunargaon by the ocean-route to Thatah and thence proceeded to Delhi, and sought help from Firuz Shāh. Peace was concluded with Sikandar Shāh, on the latter agreeing to reinstate Zafar Khān in the kingdom of Sunargaon— which however did not come to pass, as Zafar Khān preferred to go back to Delhi. Like Īlyās Shāh, Sikandar took refuge in the Fort of Ekdalah. From Bengal, Fīruz Shāh invaded Jajnagar (Orissa), defeated the Rajah who made his submission, carried off the idol of Jaganath to Delhi, (p. 119) and captured many elephants. The Emperor’s stay in Bengal and Jajnagar during this expedition covered 2 years and 7 months (p. 121). In this connection, an interesting description of Jajnagar is given by Shams Siraj Afīf (Tarikh-i-Fīruz Shāhī, Pers. MS. text, p. 115, and in Muntakhibal Tawarikh (Pers. text, p. 247, Vol. I, Fasc. III,). Bearing in mind what Zia ’Barnī states regarding Jajnagar in connection with Emperor Balban’s expedition to Sunargaon, I am inclined to agree with Professor Blochmann that there were two Jajnagars: one in Orissa, and another towards Tipperah. The account in Muntakhiba Tawarikh referred to above, is slightly different from that in Tarikh-i-Fīruz Shāhī by Shams Seraj Afīf. Badaoni in Muntakhib states that Fīruz Shāh after completing his second expedition into Bengal (760 A.H.) returned from Panduah by forced marches to Jaunpur (p. 247, Muntakhib Pers. text, Vol. I, Fasc. III), where he spent the rainy season, and that at the end of this year, by way of Behar, he marched into Jajnagar (Orissa), passing through Sāthīghira, Barānasī, and crossing the Mahandri river (the Rajah of Barānas fleeing to Telinga and the Rājah of Sathghīra fleeing into a distant corner) marched into the territory of Rajah Prīhan Deo, who sent to the Emperor as tribute 32 elephants, besides other valuable presents, and thence the Emperor marched on hunting expeditions into the forests of Padmāvatī and Piremtola which contained powerful and big elephants, bagged three live elephants, and killed two elephants, and in 762 A.H. returned to Delhi victorious.

The account in Tarīkh-i-Firuz Shahi by Shams-i-Siraj is more reliable, as Siraj’s father was with Firuz Shah during the expedition (p. 115)— Siraj correctly mentions ‘Banaresi’ (which means evidently ‘Katak Banares’, therefore, Badaonis ‘Baranasi’ appears to be an error), also names ‘Adabah’ as Rai of Jajnagar, also “Rai Shanied,” also ‘Rai Thud.’ The Rajah of Jajnagar owned ships, elephants, and lofty palaces constructed of stone, and laid out with gardens, (p. 116).

Zafarabad lies on the right bank of the Gumtī, a little below Jaunpur, which lies on the left bank. The maps give instead “Jaffarabad,” which is a corruption of “Zaffarabad.” Zaffarabad is mentioned in the Āīn-i-Akbarī as a pergunah in Sarkar Jaunpur under the Subah of Ilahabad (Allahabad)— Jarrett’s Tr., Ain., Vol. II, p. 164.

This beautiful mosque is at Pandūah. Its inscription has been published in J.A.S.B., 1873, p. 257. The inscription was written in 770 A.H. (1369 A.C.)

Not identified, but it must have been close to Sunargaon.

Identified by Professor Blochmann to be a village quite close to Panduah, S.-W. of it (J.A.S., 1873, p. 256). But Dr. Wise in his interesting “Notes on Sunargaon” (J. A. S. for 1874, p. 85) correctly places it near Jafargunje in Dhaka district, and nearly opposite to the junction of the Ganges and the Jabuna. “Eight years ago,” says Dr. Wise, “Sikandar Shah’s tomb was pointed out in the above neighbourhood.”

For his coinage see Thomas’s Initial Coinage (J.A.S., 1867, pt. II). His name from coins (see pp. 65-67 J.A.S., 1867), appears to be “Abul Majahid Sīkandar Shāh.” Some of his coins are of Sunargaon mint.

Shaikh ’Alauddīn Alaul Haq died on the 1st Rajab, 800 A.H. or 20th March, 1398, and his tomb is at Panduah. A short biographical sketch of this saint is given by Professor Blochmann in J.A.S.B., p. 262 for 1873. His son and successor was Shaikh Nuruddīn Nūr Qutb Alam who died in 851 A.H. or 1447 A.C., and lies buried at Panduah. Nūr Qutb Alam was succeeded by his sons Rafiuddīn and Shaikh Anwar.

On the coins, he is called “Ghiasuddīn Abūl Muzaffar Azam Shāh.” (See Thomas’s Initial Coinage of Bengal, J.A.S. for 1867, pp. 68-69). His early coins were minted at Muazzamabad in Eastern Bengal, and he held court at Sunargaon, during the lifetime of his father, Sikandar Shāh, against whom he rebelled. His court was an asylum for the learned and the cultured, and he was himself a just and righteous sovereign, and a man of light and sweetness. He invited the illustrious Persian poet Hafiz to his court. His tomb is at Sunargaon (See pl. 8 in J.A.S. 1874, p. 85.)

Hafiz the renowned Persian poet of Shīraz died in 791 A.H.

Translation of first two lines by Jarret (See Ain p. 148 Vol. 2.)

Commutation or compounding of certain offences is permitted by the Muhammadan Law, as is also permitted (though to a more limited extent) by the present English Criminal Procedure Law of India.

This story speaks volumes in favour of the purity of the administration of justice that must have prevailed in the latter part of the fourteenth century under the Musalman régime in Bengal. History fails to furnish an instance that can surpass this, in exemplifying the honesty and sense of duty of a humble peon, the judicial fearlessness and integrity of a judge, and the law-abiding nature of a king.

Shaikh Hamīd of Nagor belonged to Nagor in Jodhpūr.

For Coinage of this King, see Thomas’s Initial Coinage, J.A.S.B., 1867, pp. 68-70.

From the circumstance that his early coins were struck at the mint-town of Muazzamabad (territory whereof has been identified to have extended from the Megna to north-eastern Maimansingh and the right bank of the Surma), it would appear that he first acquired power in Eastern Bengal, and reigned first at Sunargaon, from which place according to the Riyaz he marched out to fight against his father, Sikandar Shāh, who reigned at Panduah. Sultān Ghiāsu-d-dīn must have invited Hafiz to his court at Sunargaon, (as Hafiz died in 791 A.H.,) when, according to Sikandar Shāh’s coins noticed by Mr. Thomas, Sikandar Shāh yet ruled at Panduah. (See also J.A.S. for 1873, p. 258).

On the coins he is called Saifu-d-dīn Abul Majahid Hamzah Shāh, son of Azam Shāh (see J.A.S. for 1873, p. 259). Ferishta says: “The Rajahs of the country did not draw their heads out of the yoke of obedience, and did not neglect or delay in paying revenue to him.” According to the Tabaqat, he reigned 10 years. The coins discovered of him, were struck at Firuzabad (or Panduah).

Ferishta says, that as the king was young and weak in intellect, an infidel named Rajah Kāns, who was attached to the court, usurped the executive and collection of taxes. The Tabaqat says that the king died after a quiet and peaceful reign of three years and a few months.

Professor Blochmann identifies this king (whose coins have not been discovered) with king Shahabu-d-dīn Abūl Muzaffar Bayazīd Shāh, whose coins are noticed by Professor Blochmann in J.A.S., p. 263, for 1873. Bayazīd Shāh, according to Professor Blochmann’s theory, was “a puppet king— a benami transaction,” whilst Rajah Kāns ruled over Bengal.

Professor Blochmann says (J.A.S.B., p. 263 for 1873):—

“The name of Bhaturiah does not occur in the Ain, nor have I seen it before the time of Rennel’s Atlas (1778) in which the name of Bhaturiah is given to a large district east of Maldah, bounded in the west by the Mahananda river and the Purnabhaba, its tributary, in the south by the left bank of the Ganges, in the east by the Karataya, and in the north by Dinajpur and Ghoraghat. Bhaturiah therefore is the district to both sides of the Atrai river.” Professor Blochmann (J.A.S.B. for 1875, p. 287), identifies “Bhaturiah” as part of old Barendra, in Rajshahi proper, between Amrūl and Bagura, and signifying Northern Rajshahi Proper including Tahirpur. Professor Blochmann also considers, that the name “Rajshahi” is connected with Rajah Kāns, who was a Rajah-Shāh, that is, a Hindu Rajah who ascended a Musalman throne.

The Tabaqat-i-Akbari merely notices Kāns’s usurption. Ferishta says that though not a Musalman, Kāns was a friend (Sic.) of Musalmans. The Riyaz gives the best account, based perhaps on local traditions. Mr. Westmacott inaccurately identifies “Rajah Kāns” of Bhathuriah with Rajah Ganesh of Dinajpur.” Professor Blochmann (I think correctly) identifies “Rajah Kāns” with “Rajah Kāns Narayan” of Tahirpur which latter is included in Bhathuriah. (See J.A.S.B., p. 287 for 1875).

Rajah Kāns does not appear to have issued coins in his own name, but during his régime, posthumous coins of Azam Shāh (noticed by Hon’ble Sir E. C. Bayley in J.A.S., 1874, p. 294n.) and coins in the name of Shahabudin Bayazīd Shāh, a puppet king or a benami king (noticed by Professor Blochmann in J.A.S.B. for 1873, p. 263), were issued.

Rajah Kāns from the testimony of coins appears to have reigned from 810 A.H. to 817 A.H. or 1407 to 1414 A.C. but he appears to have actually usurped the government earlier in 808 A.H.

Shamsu-d-dīn Ibrahīm Shāh Sharqī, king of Jaunpur, reigned from 804 to 845 A.H. (1401-1441 A.C.) The Sharqī kingdom was created in 795 A.H. by Sultān Mahmūd, son of Sultan Alauddin Sikandar Shāh, son of Sultān Muhammad, son of Sultān Firuz Shāh Tughluk, owing to the increasing feebleness of the Delhī Empire. The Sharqī kingdom, extended from Qanuj to Behar. Mahmud first bestowed the title of Sultān-us-Sharqī on Malik Sarwar, a eunuch who already held the title of Khajah-Jahan. The following table will be useful:—

The last took refuge in the court of Alau-d-din Husain Shāh, king of Bengal about 900 A.-H. or 1497 B.-C. Jaunpur continued to be governed by the Lodi dynasty till the defeat and death of Ibrāhim, grandson of Bahlol at Paniput by Babar in 1526 A.C. A local kingdom was for a short time established under Bahadur Khān, governor of Behar; it was recovered by Humayun, passed again into the hands of Sher Shāh and his son Salīm Shāh. Jaunpur continued under the Afghans until Akbar in the 4th year of his reign took possession of it through Ali Qulī Khan. In 1575, the Viceregal court was removed to Allahabad, and Jaunpur was thenceforth governed by a Nazim.— See Jarrett’s Tr. of Āīn, Vol. II, pp. 169-170, and also Badaoni, Vol. I, pp. 264, 272, 273, 316, 307, Pers. text.

“Qāzī Shahābu-d-dīn, a sage of Hindustan, flourished in the time (of Ibrahim Shāh). He was born at Delhī and in that city acquired a comprehensive knowledge of the inductive sciences and traditional lore, and at the time of the arrival of Timur, he set out for Jaunpur in the company of his master Maulana Khwajigi who was the successor of Nasiru-d-dīn Cherāgh of Delhī, and then continued his progress and became the envy of his time.”— Āīn-i-Akbarī (Jarrett’s Tr., Vol. II, pp. 169-170).

i.e., Panduah.

He is described in coins (see J.A.S.B., p. 267, for 1873), as Jalālu-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Muhammad Shāh. His reign probably lasted from 817 to 834 A.H. (1413 to 1430 A.C.) Some of his coins were struck at the mint-town of Sunargaon. He resided at Panduah, but in 822 A.H. built a Palace at Gaur, and shifted his residence to the latter place. Panduah also became very populous in his time.

The date is a mistake for 822 A.H.

His name as appearing on his coins is Shamsu-d-dīn Abūl Mujahid Ahmad Shāh. He reigned for 16 years from 834 to 850 A.H. (that is 1430-1446 A.C.)

The Tabaqat states that he reigned for sixteen years, and died in 830 A.H. Stewart says he reigned for eighteen years. Ferishta says he was a good and generous king, whilst Riyaz states he was a tyrant. With Ahmad Shāh ended the dynasty of Rajah Kāns, and commenced the restoration of the Īlyās Shāhī dynasty. (See J.A.S.B. for 1873, p. 268).

His name, as appearing on his coins, is Nāṣiru-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Mahmūd Shāh. With him commenced the restoration of the Īlyās Shāhī dynasty in Bengal. He reigned for thirty-two years in peace (this peace being probably due to the wars that then prevailed between Jaunpur and Delhi), and according to another account for ‘not more than twenty-seven years,’ and died in A.H. 862. In the histories, he is simply called Nāṣir Shāh. Dates of his reign, as ascertained from coins and inscriptions, are 846; 861; 863; whilst the earliest dates ascertained for the reign of Barbak Shāh, Mahmūd Shāh’s successor, is 865. Mahmūd Shāh therefore must have reigned till the beginning of 864 A.H. If his reign lasted twenty-seven years, this would put back the commencement of his reign to 836 (the year in which Marsden’s Ahmad Shāhī’s coin was struck), and render Mahmūd Shāh an opposition king during 14 years of Ahmad Shāh’s reign which is doubtful. Inscriptions of this king from Satgaon, Dacca, and Gaur have been published. (See J.A.S. for 1873, pp. 269, 271 and for 1872, p. 108).

The coins do not give his full name, which however appears from inscriptions (J.A.S.B. for 1873, p. 272), to have been Ruknu-d-dīn Abul Mujahid Barbak Shāh. His reign commenced in 864 A.H., and as appears from the Tribeni inscriptions (published by Professor Blochmann in J.A.S.B. for 1870, p. 290), before that, he ruled as Governor of South-Western Bengal in 860 A.H. The Dinajpur inscription (published by Mr. Westmacott in J.A.S. for 1873, p. 272), proves that Barbak Shāh undoubtedly reigned as king in Bengal in 865 A.H. (1460 A.C.)

His name from inscriptions (published in J.A.S.B. for 1873, p. 275) appears to be Shamsu-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Yūsuf Shāh. He appears to have reigned from 879 to 886 A.H., when he died. From his inscriptions found at Panduah, Hazrat Panduah, and Gaur, the following dates of his reign have been ascertained, namely, A.H. 882, 884, 885 (that is 1477, 1479, 1480 A.C.)

Ferishta says he was a scholar who charged the Ulema to see the law of the Prophet duly observed. “No one dared to drink wine” (Blochmann’s Contr. J.A.S. for 1873, p. 275).

Stewart calls him a “youth of the royal family”; other histories say nothing about his relationship. The Āīn-i-Akbarī gives him half a day; the Tabaqat gives him two and a half days; Ferishta gives no period, and Stewart gives him two months (J.A.S. for 1873, p. 281).

His name from coins and inscriptions (J.A.S. for 1873, p. 281), appears to be Jalālu d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Fatḥ Shāh. He appears from histories to have reigned from 887 to 896 A.H.; but inscriptions and coins shew that he reigned in 886 A.H. Some of his coins were struck at Fathabad (Farīdpūr town) in 886 and 892 A.H. These together with the inscriptions on Baba Salih’s mosque at Bandar, near Dacca (dated 886 A.H. or 1482 A.C.), of Bikrampūr (Dacca District) on Adam Shahīd’s mosque (dated 888 A.H. or 1483), of Sunargaon on Muqqarabud-daulah-dīn’s mosque (dated 889 or 1484 A.C.) are published in J.A.S.B. for 1873, pp. 282-285), and fix the dates of his reign. Fathabad (or Faridpur town) is named after him.

This affords another instance to illustrate the great influence exercised by Musalman ladies in the past, and the chivalrous deference paid to their wishes by Musalmans.

“The pretorian band of Abyssinians, which Barbak Shāh had introduced into Bengal, became from the protectors of the dynasty the masters of the kingdom, and eunuchs were the actual rulers of the country. … What royalty at that time was in Bengal is well described by Abul Fazl, who says that after the murder of Fath Shāh, low hirelings flourished; and Ferishta sarcastically remarks that the people would obey him who had killed a king and usurped the throne.” Blochmann’s Contr. (J.A.S. for 1873, p. 286).

With Sultān Shāhzādā begins a succession of Habshī or Abyssinian kings, which terminated only with the rise of the Husaini dynasty of Bengal.

His name, as appearing on his coins (J.A.S.B. for 1873, p. 288), is Saifu-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Fīruz Shāh. He was an Abyssinian or Habshī, and reigned from 893 to 895 A.H. (according to the testimony of coins); whilst histories give (incorrectly) the year of his death to be 899. He was (according to Riyaz) the premier nobleman and a generalissimo under Fath Shāh. He proved a wise king.

For a humourous description of the cowardice of the Bengal Paiks (an Infantry corps of Bengal) in the time of Sultān Īlyās Shāh (1353 A.C.), see Tarikh-i-Fīruz Shāhī by Zia’ Barnī (Pers. text, Fasc. 7, p. 593), from which the following is translated: “And the well-known Bengal Paiks who for years dubbed themselves “Abu Bangal,” and gave themselves martial airs, and proclaimed their readiness to sacrifice their lives for Īlyās Shāh the Bhang-eater, and used to attend that maniac of a monarch, in the company of the dusky-looking Bengali Rajahs— at the time of actual warefare, put from fear their fingers into their mouths, ceased to be on the alert, threw down their swords and arrows, rubbed their foreheads on the ground, and were all put to the sword (by the army of Emperor Firūz Shāh Tughlak).”

His name from coins and inscriptions (see J.A.S. for 1873, p. 289), appears to be Nasiru-d-dīn Abūl Mujahid Mahmūd Shāh. Though the histories generally call him a son of Fīruz Shāh, the account of Haji Muhammad Qandahari referred to in the text, namely, that Mahmūd Shāh was a son of Fath Shāh, appears to be more reliable. Mahmūd Shāh reigned in 896 A.H.

“Jashn Khān” in the text is evidently a copyist’s mistake for “Habsh Khān,” an eunuch-slave of Barbag Shāh, who according to Haji Muhammad Qandaharī, was entrusted by Fīrūz Shāh with the bringing up of Mahmūd Shāh, who was only two years old, when his father Fath Shāh died, and Malik Andīl Fīrūz Shāh ascended the throne, with the consent of Fath Shāh’s queen.

This sanguinary civil war in Bengal, about the end of the fifteenth century, between the Royalists on one side and the people on the other, headed by the nobles, reminds one of a similar war between king John and his barons in England, and illustrates that the people in Bengal were not “dumb, driven cattle,” but that they had sufficient political life and strength and powers of organization to control the monarchy, when its acts exceeded all constitutional bounds, as set by the Shara’ or Muhammadan law. Indeed, Moslem monarchies, wherever established, (barring individual aberrations) have been constitutional in the strict sense of the word, from the time, when, in the seventh century, the first Khalīfate was established in Arabia (see Sir W. Muir’s “Annals of the Early Calīphate”).

His name on inscriptions and coins (published in J.A.S.B. for 1873, pp. 289-290), appears to be Shamsu-d-dīn Abu-Nasr Muzaffar Shāh. His inscriptions and coins shew that he reigned from 896 to 899 A.H. (that is, from 1491 A.C. to 1494 A.C.) Histories allot to his reign three years and five months. He was an Abyssinian, and his original name was Sīdī Badr.

Nizāmū-d-dīn Ahmad was Bakhshī under Akbar, and was a patron of the historian Badaonī. Nizāmū-d-dīn completed his history called Tabaqāt-i-Akbarī in 1590 A.C.; he is the first writer who gives a concise connected account of the Independent Musalman kings of Bengal from 1338 A.C. to 1538 A.C.

His name on coins and inscriptions (vide J.A.S.B. for 1873, pp. 292-293), is “Alau-d-dīn Abūl Muzzafar Husain Shāh, son of Syed Ashraf-al-Husainī.” Nowhere on coins and inscriptions is he called “Sharif Maki,” as in the text. The Tabaqat-i-Akbarī simply calls him “Alauddin”; Ferishta erroneously calls him “Syed Sharif Makī”; whilst Stewart īncorrectly calls him “Sharif Mecca.” He reigned from 899 to 927 A.H. (according to coins and inscriptions). The Riyaz states that Alauddīn, after arriving as an adventurer in Bengal, settled at a place called Chandpur in Radha district (Western Bengal), but Professor Blochmann (J.A.S.B. for 1873, p. 228n.) is inclined to identify the Chandpur in question near ‘Alaipur or ‘Alau-d-dīn’s town,’ on the Bhariab, east of Khulna, in Jessore district, as the place where the Husain dynasty of Bengal independent kings had its adopted home, because Husain Shāh first obtained power in the adjacent district of Farīdpur or Fathāhābad (which latter at the time was included in, or rather included portions of, Jessore), where his first coins were struck in 899 A.H. (Marsden’s pl. XXXVIII, No. DCCLXXIX), and also because Husain Shāh’s son, Nasrat Shāh, erected a mint at the neighbouring place of Khalīfatābad (or Bagerhat, formerly in Jessore district) and minted there coins in the lifetime of his father in 922 A.H. (see p. 297, J.A.S.B. for 1873 and pl. IX, No. 10). Anothor circumstance which also supports the above theory of Professor Blochmann about the locale of Alau-ddīn Hussain Shāh’s adopted home, appears to be this, that the names of Husain Shāh, his brother Yusuf Shāh, and his sons Nasrat Shāh, and Mahmūd Shāh, are found in connection with several parganas of Jessore (Jasar) district (as formerly constituted, before its being split up into Pabna, Khulna and Faridpur districts), such as parganas Nasratshāhī and Mahmūdshāhī and Yusuf-Shāhī, and Mahmūdabad (a whole Sirkar including Northern Jessore or Jasar and Bosnah). In regard to Alauddīn Husain Shāh, Professor Blochmann observes (J.A.S. for 1873, p. 291) that “of the reign of no king of Bengal— perhaps of all Upper India before the middle of the 10th century— do we possess so many inscriptions. Whilst the names of other Bengal kings scarcely ever occur in legends, and remain even unrecognized in the geographical names of the country, the name of ‘Husain Shāh the Good’ is still remembered from the frontiers of Orissa to the Brahmaputra.” This great and good king extended his empire into Orissa, into Assam, into Chittagong, and reigned over all north Behar, and all south Behar up to the western limits of Sarkar Monghyr, where his son Danyal erected a vault over the shrine of Peer Nafa. (See Tabaqat-i-Akbarī and also Badaoni, Vol. I, p. 371). A cathedral mosque amongst his other edifices was erected by this king, in 907 A.H. at Machain, opposite to Faridpur in Dhakah; the inscription of this mosque appears in J.A.S. for 1873, p. 293. The Husain Shāhī dynasty consisted of four sovereigns: (1) Alauddīn Husain Shāh who reigned from 899 to 929 A.H. (2) Alau-d-dīn’s son, Naṣīru-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Naṣrat Shāh (929 to 939). (3) Alau-d-dīn Fīruz Shāh (939), a son of No. 2, and (4) Ghiasu-d-dīn Mahmūd Shāh, (940-945 A.H.) the last Independent king of Bengal, who was defeated by Sher Shāh’s army at Gaur under Jalal Khān and Khwaṣ Khān in 944 A.H. or 1538 A.D. That is, for forty-four years, this Husainī dynasty consisting of four kings, reigned over Bengal. (See J.A.S.B. for 1872, p. 332). The Tabaqat-i-Akbari’s notice of Bengal closes with an account of the reign of Naṣrat Shāh, the second king of the above Husainī dynasty. The fourth king of the Husainī dynasty, it may be of interest to remark, is the “El Ray Mamud de Bengala” of the Portuguese, who described Gaur, the capital at the time, as being “three leagues in length, well-fortified and with wide and straight roads, along which rows of trees were planted to shade the people.” This Mahmūd Shāh died in 945 A.H. at Colgong (Kāhalgaon), where he lies buried.

The Tabaqat-i-Akbarī and Badaoni (p. 317 vol. 1) simply call him Alanddīn (which however was obvionsly the Jalūs name), Ferishta erroneously calls him “Sayid Sharif Maki,” whilst Stewart incorrectly calls him “Shīref Mecca,” erroneously led no donbt by the remark of the ‘Riyaz’ whose author thinks that Husain’s father or one of his ancestors might perhaps have been a Sherīf of Mecca. The Alamgirnamah (p. 730) calls him Husain Shah.

The inscription dated 937 A.H. on the Qadam Rasūl building at Gaur is published in J.A.S.B. for 1872, p. 338; in it Naṣrat Shāh is described as son of Husain Shāh, son of Syed Ashrafal Husainī.

A town in Turkestan.

That is, the Western Bengal tract. See however, note 13 to p. 48, where Professor Blochmann identifics Chandpur, near Alaipur on the Bhairab, in Jessore district.

This was Prince Danyal (incorrectly known as Dulal Ghazī). This invasion of Assam took place in 1498 A.C. See J.A.S. for 1872, p. 335. Particulars of this invasion of Assam in 1498 A.C. or 903-4 A.H. are given in the Alamgīrnamah pp. 730 and 731 and the Assam Buranji (J.A.S., for 1874, p. 281). Husain Shāh’s conquest of Kamrūp and Kamta (western Assam) is also chronicled in a contemporaneous inscription of 907 A.H. (1501 A.C.) in a Madrasah or College founded by Husain Shāh at Gaur. This inscription is also published in J.A.S., for 1874, p. 303. Husain Shāh’s first Governor of Western Assam or Kamrup was his son, Prince Danyal,— the same prince who erected the vault over the shrine of Pir Nafa in Monghyr fort in 903 A.C., whilst returning from a mission on behalf of his father to meet Sultān Sikandar Lodi in Behar, and immediatly before setting out on this Assam expedition (Badaoni, p. 317 Vol. I). He was followed as Governor of Assam by Musunder Ghazi, who was succeeded by Sultān Ghiasu-d-dīn who introduced a colony of Muhammadans into Assam.

Stewart has ‘Bateah,’ and says it is the name of a stream, which also bears the name of Gandak. I do not know how far Stewart is correct.

He also founded Madrasahs or Colleges for the advancement of learning, as is evidenced by the testimony of the contemporaneous inscription of 907 A.H. published in J.A.S.B., for 1874, p. 303. This inscription opens with the remarkable saying of the Prophet, “Search after knowledge even as far as China.”

See note p. 46.

See Badaoni, p. 316, Vol. I.

His name, as appearing on his coins and inscriptions, is Nāṣiru-d-dīn Abul Muzzafar Naṣrat Shāh. (See J.A.S.B. for 1873, pp. 296 and 297). Historians call him also Nasīb Shāh, (Badaoni, p. 348), but perhaps whilst as a prince, he held the name of Nasīb Khān. He appears to have reconquered Chittagong Tract (see Tarikh-i-Hamidī and J.A.S. for 1872, p. 336), and to have subdued Tirhūt and Hajīpur tracts in North Behar— and to have also held temporary sway over Azimgarh in the N.-W. Provinces (see Sikandarpūr Azimgarh inscription published in J.A.S. for 1873, p. 296). Kharīd mentioned in this inscription is on the right bank of the Ghagra river.

Naṣrat Shāh reigned from 929 to 939 A.H. (J.A.S. for 1872, p. 332).

Hajīpur was long the head-quarters of the Bengal Governors of Behar from the time of Haji Ilyās, and was founded by Haji Īlyās alias Shamsu-d-dīn Īlyās, king of Bengal. It sank in importance with the transfer of the head-quarters to Patna, on the establishment of Mughal rule under Emperor Akbar.

Ibrāhim Lodī, son of Sikandar Lodī and grandson of Bahlol Lodī, was defeated and killed by Babar at the decisive battle of Panipat in 1526 A.C. or 932 A.H. See the graphic description of this decisive battle in Badaoni (Pers. text, Vol. I, pp. 334-336.) By this great battle, the sovereignty of India was transferred from Afghan hands to those of the Mughals. Strange enough to add, this revolution was effected by the intrigues of Afghan officers and Omara of Ibrāhīm who had joined Babar, and invited the latter to India. (Badaoni, Pers. text, p. 331, Vol. I). No doubt, it was a penalty paid by Sultān Ibrāhīm for his ill-treatment of his brothers, officers and noblemen, whom he constantly distrusted and disgraced.

Sultān Maḥmūd was a son of Sultān Sikandar Lodī. He was set up as a King by Ḥasan Khan Mewati and Rana Sanka, and induced to fight with Babar who defeated him. After defeat, he lived at Chitor, whence he was brought by Afghans to Behar, and proclaimed its King. Sher Khan joined him, but subsequently deserted him in favour of Mughals, who defeated him. From Patna, he fled to Orissa, where he died in 949 A.H. (See Badaoni, pp. 361 and 338, Vol. I).

Sarkar Bharaich is included in the Subah of Oudh, and is mentioned in the Āīn-i-Akbarī (Jarrett’s Tr., Vol. II, p. 93).

This was the furthest western incursion made by the Musalman kings of Bengal (barring of course Sher Shāh, who from king of Bengal rose to be Emperor of all India).

See p. 139 Bloch. Tr., Ain, Vol. I. From Badaoni’s account (p. 338, Vol. I), the conquest of Jaunpur appears to have been made by Humayun, during Babar’s lifetime. In Badaoni (p. 344, Vol. I), Md. Zaman Mirza.

He reigned in Gujarat from 1526 A.C. to 1536 A.C.— see Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. II, p. 261, and Badaoni, pp. 344 to 347, Vol. I.

He foolishly engaged in a war with Humayun and was defeated, (Vol. II, p. 266, and Badaoni, p. 346, Vol. I).

This building was in fair order when I visited Gaūr in 1887. It is a square one-domed building in the enclosure of the Fort. Its length from east to west is 24 cubits, and its breadth is the same. The Bhagirati flows to the west of it, about a distance of 30 rasīs. This building was erected by Naṣrat Shāh in 937 A.H. (1530 A.D). Inside the mosque under the dome, there is a foot-print of the Arabian prophet on a piece of stone, which is said to have been formerly at Panduah in the Chillakhana of the Saīnt Jallalu-d-dīn Tabrīzi, who is supposed to have brought it from Arabia.

The inscription on the building is published in J.A.S.B. for 1872, p. 338.

The date on the inscription is however, 937 A.H. (See J.A.S.B. for 1872, p. 338).

See Ravenshaw’s and Creighton’s “Ruins of Gaūr.”

He was a Saint of Gaūr. He came as a boy to Nizamu-d-dīn Aulīah of Delhi and in course of time acquired great learning. He was then sent to Bengal, where he died in 758 A.H. or 1357 A.C. After Nizamu-d-dīn’s death (according to the Haft I qlim), he went to Lakhnauti— (See J.A.S. for 1873 p. 260).

Naṣrat Shāh could not have laid the foundation of the Saint’s shrine; he could have only repaired and improved it, for the inscription on the shrine (see J.A.S. for 1873, p. 294), shews that its door was built by Naṣrat Shāh’s father, Sultān ‘Alau-d-dīn Ḥusain Shāh, in 916 A.H. (A.C. 1510).

Akhī’s pupil was the Saint Alau-l-Huq, father of the Saint Nūr Qutb ‘Alam of history.

Akhī was a contemporary of Shamsu-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Ilyās Shāh, King of Bengal.

His name appears to be ‘Alau-d-dīn Abul Muzzafar Firuz Shāh, both on his coins and his inscriptions (See J.A.S.B. for 1873, p. 297). He reigned for only one year (939 A.H.) when he was slain by his uncle Mahmūd Shāh the next King. This would also put back the date of Naṣrat Shāh’s murder to end of 938 or beginning of 939 A.H.; but Badaoni’s account (p. 348, Vol. I), renders it doubtful.

“Three years,” is evidently a copyist’s mistake, for Stewart who bases his history on the Riyaz, mentions “three months” which he must have found in his copy of the MS. of the Riyaz, and which appears otherwise more consistent, chronologically.

The name of this King as appearing on his coins and inscriptions is Ghiāsu-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Mahmūd Shāh (See J.A.S. for 1872, p. 339, and for 1873 p. 298). He was the last Independent King of Bengal, and reigned from 940 to 944 A.H. He is the “El Rey Mamud de Bangala,” with whom the Portuguese Alfonso de Mello made a treaty. At this time, Sher Khān and his brother Adil Khān had deserted the Mughal cause, and gone over to the side of the King of Bengal. But subsequently Sher Khān on the pretext of avenging the murder of Firuz Shāh, made war on Maḥmūd Shāh, besieged him at Gaūr, and Maḥmūd Shāh fled to Colgong (Kahalgaon), where he died in 945 A.H. (1538 A.C.) of injuries received on the battle-field. (See Badaoni, p. 348, Vol. I).

The town of Behar is meant. It appears that at this time both Sarkar Monghyr in South Behar and the whole of North Behar were subject to the Bengal kings, and Hajīpur was the head-quarters from a long time of the Bengal Governor of North Behar. West of Sarkar Monghyr in South Behar, which was subject to the Sharqī kingdom of Jaunpur, on the decay of the latter kingdom, fell into the hands of semi-independent Afghan chiefs, including Daria Khān, his son Bahadur Khān (who proclaimed himself Sultān Muhammad), Sultān Maḥmūd, and Sher Khān. At this time, as the text shews, Makhdūm ‘Alam, Maḥmūd Shāh’s brother-in-law, who was his Governor of North Behar, and had his head-quarters at Hajīpur, also rebelled against his sovereign, and intrigued with Sher Khān (afterwards Sher Shāh). (See Badaoni, pp. 360, 358, 361, Vol. I).

How Sher Shāh acquired the Delhi Empire, is related in Tarikh-i-Sher Shāhī, and also in Badaonī, and the Akbarnamah.

These passes are close to Colgong, and are now traversed by the E.I. Railway line. They were in those days considered the ‘key’ to Bengal. They were fortified under Sher Shāh’s order by Qutb Khān, son of Sher Khān and Khawas Khān, slave of Sher Khān. (See Badaonī, p. 349, Vol. I).

In the Āīn-i-Akbarī, under the Sūbah of Allahabad, Chuuar is described “as a stone-fort in the summit of a hill, scarcely equalled for its loftiness and strength.” The river Ganges flows at its foot— Āīn-i-Akbarī (Jarrett’s Tr., Vol. 2, p. 159).

It is stated that its siege by Emperor Humāyun commenced on 8th January, 1538 A.C. As its siege lasted six months, and as it was stormed before Gaūr fell (on 6th April, 1538 A.C.) into the hands of Sher Shāh’s general, Khawas Khān, the siege of Chunar must have commenced in October 1537 A.C. (See Tarikh-i-Sher Shāhī), or it may be that the fall of Gaūr took place in July 1538 A.C. (See Badaoni, pp. 348 and 349, Vol. I).

See p. 441 Blochmann’s Trans. of Āīn, Vol. I, p. 441, and Badaoni, p. 348, Vol. I. Chunar was captured by Humāyun in 943 A.H.

This corresponds to 6th April, 1538 A.C.

See note ante.

This was a quarter of Gaūr. The inscription on this mosque is published in J.A.S.B. for 1872, p. 339.

The fate of Maḥmūd Shāh is fully described in the Tarīkh-i-Sher Shāhī, of which the Hon’ble Sir Edward Clive Bayley has published a translation in Dowson’s edition of Elliot’s History of India, IV, pp. 360-364.

I have not identified this place; but it must have been close to Chunar.

In Badaoni (p. 348, Vol. I), it is stated that when the King of Bengal (named erroneously Nasib Shāh, which should be Maḥmūd Shāh) getting wounded in the war against Sher Shāh, came and met the Emperor (Humāyun), and invoked his help, the latter left Mir Hindu Beg Quchīn in charge of Jaunpur province, and marched (from Chunar) towards Bengal, forcing the pass of Telīagadhī, which was fortified and held by Qutb Khān and Khawas Khan (son and servant respectively of Sher Shāh).

i.e., 1538 A.C.

Sher Khān or Sher Shāh was at this time at Gaūr and had made himself master of it. (See Badaoni, pp. 348 and 349, Vol. I). Mughal historians, to please the Mughal Emperors, invariably belittle Sher Shāh by calling him “Sher Khān.” Sher Shāh finally defeated Humāyun (Jarrett’s Tr., Ain, p. 421, and Badaoni, pp. 354 and 356, Vol. I) near Kanauj in A.H. 947 (A.C. 1540), when Humāyun fled to Sindh.

He is mentioned as Governor of Bengal under Humāyun (vide Blochmann’s Tr., Āīn-i-Akbarī, and also the text, Fasc. 1, p. 331, and also Badaoni, p. 352, Vol. I.)

This must have been near Colgong (Kahlgaon), at the time.

Maḥmūd Shāh, the last Independent Musalman king of Bengal, died at Colgong in 1538 A.C.

This was the name which Western Bengal bore under Hindu Rajas.

Chuta Nagpūr tract was so called during Moslem rule in India.

Humāyun captured Gaūr, about July 1538. Humāyun stayed at Gaūr for three months, that is, till September 1538 A.C., and named the place Jinnatabad. (See Badaoni, p. 349, Vol. I).

This important fort in South Behar was captured by Sher Shāh in 945 A.H. or about September 1538 A.C. by an ingenious stratagem. (See Badaoni, p. 349, Vol. I). Sher Khan induced the Rajah of Rohtās to give shelter to his family in the Fort, and then sent in there two thousand armed Afghans in mahfas or palanquins; these latter killed the Rajah and his soldiers, and easily captured the Fort for Sher Shāh.

In Firishta occurs the following: “At this time news was received that Mirza Hindal had raised the standard of rebellion in Agrah and Mewat, had caused the Khutba to be recited after his own name, and had killed Shaikh Bahlol” (Vol. I, p. 423, Pers. text). Delhi mentioned here therefore appears to be a mistake for Agra, as appears also from the text which follows. (See Badaoni, p. 350, Vol. I).

In Badaoni (p. 350, Vol. I). “Jahangīr Beg Mughal.”

His regal style was Faridu-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Sher Shāh. He reigned from 944 to 952 A.H or 1538 to 1545 A.C. He lies buried at Sahasrām (Sasseram) in Behar. His first Governor of Bengal, Khizr Khān, who married a daughter of Maḥmūd Shāh III, king of Bengal, was replaced by Qazī Fazīlat, of Agra. Those who care to know the life and career of this remarkable Sovereign, will find a full account in Badaoni (Vol. I, pp. 356 to 374). A man of learning and wonderful resources, a dashing soldier, a general of high order (always ready to avail himself of all stratagems and tactics in war), a politician of keen diplomacy, when he mounted the throne, he exhibited the highest qualities of a statesman and a beneficent sovereign. Moderate and scientific in his revenue-assessments, liberal in his gifts, Jageers and benefactions, generous in supporting learning and the learned, wise in his army-reforms (copied subsequently by Akbar) munificent in laying down trunk roads, planting trees, sinking wells, establishing caravanserais, building Mosques, Madrasahs and Khanqahs, and erecting bridges, few Indo-Moslem Kings come up to his level. He administered justice so vigorously that he impressed his personality on all, and established thorough peace, so that, says Badaoni (p. 363, Vol. I), no dacoit or robber would dare to touch a gold plate, though it might be left on the road by an old woman, during her sleep.

Sher Khān had encamped on the right bank of the river between Chausa and Baksar. The river here is called Thorā Nadī. The battle of Chausa was fought on 9th Safar 946 A.-H. or 26th June, 1539 A.C. (See Badaoni, pp. 351 and 352, Vol. I).

Rather the evertures for peace were made by Humāyun, who sent Mulla Muhammad Aziz for the purpose to Sher Khān, who was then at Chausa. At the time, Sher Khān with his sleeves stuck up and with a spade in hand, in grilling weather, was digging a trench, and fortifying the place On seeing the Mulla, he sat down on the bare ground, and in reply to the Mulla said: “Tell this one word on my behalf to the Emperor, that he seeks war, and not his soldiers, whilst I do not seek war, but my soldiers do.” Sher Shāh then sent to the Emperor his spiritual guide Shaikh Khalil, a descendant of Shaikh Farid Ganj Shakar. (See Badaoni, pp. 350 and 351, Vol. I).

After defeating Humāyun at Chausa on 26th June, 1539 A.C. (9th Safar, 946 A.H.) Sher Khān marched to Gaūr, slew Humāyun’s Governor, Jahangir Qulī Beg, and assumed the same year at Gaūr the royal title of Faridu-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Sher Shāh, and struck coins. Sher Shāh stayed till end of December 1539 A.C. at Gaūr, and then leaving Khizr Khān as his Governor of Bengal, he marched towards Agra. (Badaoni, pp. 352 and 364 Vol. I).

Corresponding to the year 1540 A.C. See description of battle of Qananj in Badaoni, p. 354, Vol. I.

He married a daughter of Maḥmūd Shāh III, the late king of Bengal, and gave himself royal airs, in consequence of which Sher Shāh promptly removed him, and appointed Qazī Fazīlat as Governor of Bengal in his place. (See Badaoni, p. 365, Vol. I).

In 948 A.H. Khizr Khān was deposed at Gaūr by Sher Shāh. Sher Shāh had political insight of a high order. The administrative arrangements that he introduced at this time in Bengal, viz., of placing different tribal chiefs to rule over different territorial divisions would indicate that he was fully alive to the policy “Divide and rule.” His installation of Qazī Fazīlat, a scholar of Agra, in a position of over-lordship over these tribal chiefs, further indicates that he set a high value on learning. Sher Shāh died on 12th Rabi I, 952 A.H. (3rd June, 1545); he lies buried at Sahsram, in South Behar, See Tarikh-i-Sher Shāhī for an interesting account of Sher Shāh’s career, and also Badaoni, p. 365, Vol. I, Firishta and Akbarnamah.

Sher Shāh was the first ruler who from a king of Bengal, became the Emperor of all India. His triumph was a triumph for Bengal, whose prosperity and welfare continued to receive his special attention, even after he became Emperor of India. Mughal historians generally (no doubt from their delicate position) have failed to appraise Sher Shāh’s qualities as a statesman and as a soldier at their proper worth. His reign was fruitful of military, fiscal, agricultural, economic, currency and revenue reforms in Bengal, and also of many public works of utility, such as roads, rest-houses, bridges, fortifications, Khanqas, colleges and wells, &c.

“Kalinjar is a stone fortress in Sūbah Allahabad, upon heaven-reaching hill.”— Ain. During its siege in 1545 A.C., a shell rebounded from the walls into the battery where Sher Shāh stood, and set fire to the gun-powder. He was severely burnt, and died next day. (Jarrett’s Tr., Ain., Vol. II, p. 1604). Ain simply says “he fell at the powder magazine when the fire opened in the fort.” (See Badaoni, p. 372, Vol. I).

Jallāl Khān assumed the royal title of Jallālu-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Islam Shāh in 1545 A.C. (or 952 A.H.) He reigned from 1545 to 1553 A.C. He appointed his relative Muḥammad Khān Sur as his Governor of Bengal, removing Qazī Fazīlat. Islam Shāh lies buried at Sassaram. He drew up a comprehensive Procedure Code, and followed the enlightened and statesman-like policy of his illustrions father. See Badaoni, Vol. I, p. 374.

“Jaunpur is a large city. Sultān Firuz Tughlak laid its foundation and named it after his cousin Fakhru-d-dīn Junai.”— Ain.

Kalpi is mentioned in the Ain under Sūbah Agra (Jarrett’s Tr., Vol. II, p. 184).

Mubariz Khān killed Firūz Khān, son of Islam Shāh, and assumed (in 960 A.H. or 1553 A.C.) the title of Muḥammad Shāh ’Adil. Owing to this unwarranted assassination, popularly he was known as ’Adil Shāh or simply as “Andhali” which means “the blind” in Hindustani.

In Firishta and Stewart, it is stated that Muḥammad Khān Sur ruled over Bengal and North Behar wisely and beneficently till the close of the reign of Salim Shāh; but when in 960 A.H. Muḥammad ’Adilī who was addicted to debauchery and pleasures, mounted the throne, after slaying Firuz Khān, Muḥammad Khān refused to pay him homage, viewing him as the assassin of his late master’s son.

Muḥammad Khān Sur was appointed in 952 A.H. (1545 A.C.) Governor of Bengal and North Behar by Islam Shāh, who had deposed Qazī Fazīlat, the nominee of Sher Shāh. Islam Shāh at the same time confirmed Miyan Sulaiman Karraranī to continue as Governor of South Behar.

Hemu the grocer was made a Superintendent of the Markets by Salīm Shāh, and raised to the office of Administrator-General of the Empire by Muḥammad Shāh ’Adil. He was defeated by Akbar’s General, Bairam Khān, in 1556 A.C. at Panipat.

Muḥammad Khān Sur, Islam Shāh’s Governor of Bengal, refused to acknowledge Muḥammad ‘Adlī Shāh, and himself assumed the royal title of Shāmsu-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Muḥammad Shāh, and invaded Jaunpur and Kalpi. The battle of Chapparghatta was fought between the two in 962 A.H. (1555 A.C.) Chapparghatta is east of Kalpi, on the Jamūna river. He ruled as Islam Shāh’s Governor of Bengal from 952 to 960 A.H. and reigned as king of Bengal from 960 A.H. to 962 A.H., that is from 1553 to 1555 A.C. (See Badaoni, p. 432, Vol. I).

Jhosī is on the left bank of the Ganges, opposite to Allahabad; there Khizr Khān, son of Muḥammad Shāh, who was killed in the battle of Chapparghatta, celebrated his julus, and assumed the royal title of Bahadur Shāh in 962 A.H. (1555 A.C.) (See Badaoni, p. 433, Vol. I).

Bahadur Shāh or Khizr Khān, son of Muḥammad Khān Sur alias Shamsu-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Muḥammad Shāh, was installed in power at Jhosī, where Muḥammad Shāh’s defeated grandees and officers rallied after the battle of Chapparghatta. He reigned over Bengal as king from 962 to 968 A.H. (or 1555 to 1561 A.C.) Badaonī calls him Muḥammad Bahadur. The most important event of his reign was his war with ‘Adlī Shāh, whom he defeated at the decisive battle of Surajgarha in Monghyr district, in 964 A.H. At this battle, Sulaimān Kararanī who held South Behar from Sher Shāh’s reign assisted Bahadur Shāh. (See Tarikh-i-Daudī and Badaoni, pp. 433-434, Vol. I).

Bahadur Shāh was king of Bengal and North Behar from 962 to 968 A.H. (that is 1555 to 1561 A.C.) During this period, South Behar continued under its old Governor, Mīyan Sulaimān Kararanī.

It may be noted here that Bahadur Shāh was a contemporary of Emperor Akbar who ascended the Imperial throne in 963 A.H. (or 1556 A.C.)

Jahangīrah village is close to Jamalpur railway station, in Monghyr district. Surajgaḍha or Surajgarha is a town close to Maulanagar, on the banks of the river Ganges, in Monghyr district.

At this battle in 964 A.H. (1557 A.C.) Bahadur Shāh was assisted by Sulaimān Kararani. According to Tarikh-i-Daudī, the decisive battle was fought at the “stream of Surajgarh, near Monghyr” (which is the Keol Nadī). Professor Blochmann locates the battle-field at Fathpur village, 4 miles west of Surajgarh and the Keol nadi. Tarikh-i-Daudī inaccurately places Surajgarha one kos, more or less, from Monghyr.

See Badaoni, p. 384, Vol. I.

His royal title was Ghiāsu-d-dīn Abul Muzaffar Jallāl Shāh. He reigned over Bengal and North Behar from 968 to 971 A.H. (or 1561 A.C. to 1564 A.C.) During this period, Sulaimān Kararani continued as semi-independent Governor of South Behar, whilst Hajīpur which had risen in importance from the time of Naṣrat Shāh continued to be the head-quarters fo the Bengal Governor of North Behar. Patna became the seat of Behar Governors from the time of Emperor Akbar. Sher Shāh had built the Fort of Patna (see Bloch. Contr. J.A.S. for 1875, p. 302). Jallāl Shāh died at Gaūr in 971 A.H. With Jallāl Shāh and his son, ended the Sūr dynasty in Bengal. Badaoni (p. 430, Vol. I) states “that Muhammad Khān Sūr, ruler of Bengal, assumed the title of Sultān Jallalu-d-dīn, and extended the Bengal Kingdom up to Jaunpur.”

Sulaimān Khān Karani, Governor of South Behar in 971 A.H. (1564 A.C.) sent his elder brother Tāj Khān Kararani, to Gaūr, to put down the usurper, Ghiāsu-d-dīn. Tāj Khān killed the usurper, and established himself at Gaūr, in 971, and from 971 to 972 A.H. (1564 to 1565 A.C.) ruled as Governor of Bengal, on behalf of his brother Sulaimān Kararani (J.A.S. for 1875, p. 295, and Badaoni, pp. 409, 420 and 421, Vol. I). Badaoni describes Taj Khān as one of the most learned scholars of his time. He died in 972 A.H.

Sarkar Sambhal under the Sūbah of Delhi is mentioned in the Ain (Jarrett’s Tr., Vol. II, p. 104).

The Ain further states: “In the city of Sambhal is a temple called Hari Mandal (the temple of Vishnu) belonging to a Brahman, from whose descendants the tenth aratar will appear in this spot” (Jarrett’s Tr., Vol. II, p. 281).

Though a grocer or baqāl, Hemu rose to the officer of Vizier and generalissimo under Muhammad Shāh Adlī, and exhibited great personal courage at the battle of Panipat fought in 964 A.H. between him and Akbar. He assumed the title of Rajah Bikrammadit at Delhi. He ill-treated the Afghans, who at heart despised him, and who, therefore, for the most part threw in their lot with Akbar. (See Badaoni, Vol. II, pp. 13 to 16).

See Badaoni, Vol. I, pp. 422 to 428. During the chaos which arose during the latter part of the feeble reign of Muhammad Shāh Adlī, it was arranged between Ibrahim and Sikandar alias Ahmad Khān, that the former would rule over the Eastern Empire from Delhi to the easternmost portions of India, whilst the latter would be master of the Panjab, Multan and other western tracts.

According to the Akbarnamah, Badaonī and the Tabaqat-i-Akbarī, he died in 980 A.H. and reigned in Bengal from 971 to 980 A.H., or 1563 to 1572 A.C. He is sometimes called Kararani and sometimes Karani and also Krani. It is related of him that he held every morning a devotional meeting, in company with 150 Shāikhs and ’Ulamas, after which he used to transact business during fixed hours, (See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, p. 171, and Badaoni, Vol. II, pp. 76, 173, 174 and 200), and that this practice influenced Akbar’s conduct. His conquest of Orissa (in 975 A.H. or 1567 A.C.) mainly through the efforts of his distinguished general, Kalaphar, is detailed in a following section in the text, and also in Firishta, Akbarnamah, and Tarikh-i-Daudī. His principal nobleman and officer, Khān Jahan Lodī, held a conference with Akbar’s general, Munim Khān-i-Khānan, in the neighbourhood of Patna, and it was arranged to recite the Khutba and strike coins in Bengal after Akbar’s name (see p. 427, Bloch. Tran., Āīn, and Badaoni, p. 174). In 972 A.H., Sulaimān removed his capital from Gaūr to Tandah. Akbar sent an embassy to him (Badaoni, p. 76, Vol. II).

Tandah was on the west side of the Ganges, nearly opposite to Gaūr.

In 972 A.H. (1564 A.C.) Sulaimān Kararani, the Afghan king of Bengal, abandoned Gaūr on account of its bad climate, and shifted the capital westward to Tandah, which was also called Khwaspūr Tandah. In 983 A.H. (1575 A.C.) Munim Khān-i-Khanān, Akbar’s Sipasalar, re-occupied Gaūr, where a pestilence soon broke out, and he as well as many Mughal officers and soldiers died. (See Badaoni, pp. 216 and 217, Vol. II). About 1242 A.H. (1826 A.C.) Tandah was destroyed by floods, and disappeared into the river. Now-a-days it lies as a heap of dust about a mile from Lakhīpur. (See Beveridge’s Analysis of Khurshid Jahan Numa, J.A.S., 1895, p. 215).

Taking advantage of the dissensions between the Afghans under Sher Shāh and the Mughals under Emperor Humāyun, Kuch Behar which had previously been subdued by Alau-d-dīn Ḥusain Shāh, king of Bengal, and partially re-conquered by Sulaimān Kararani rose into semi-independence in 944 A.H. under Bisa, and became independent under Rajas Nara Narayan (962 A.H.) and Bal Gosain (980 A.H.) Subsequently it was reconquered.

From note ante, it would appear that he ceased to do so in Akbar’s time.

From note ante, it would appear that he ruled only for ten years over Bengal, whilst he held Behar from the time of Sher Shāh.

He reigned in 980 A.H. or 1572 A.C. (See extract from Badaonī and the Sawanih Akbarī regarding the death of Sulaimān, accession and assassination of his son Bayazīd, and the installation of Bayazīd’s brother Dāud, chiefly through the efforts of Lodī Khān, the premier nobleman of the Bengal kingdom (J.A.S. for 1875, pp. 304-305).

Badaonī who was a zealous Moslem remarks that ‘Sulaimān conquered the town of Katak-Benaras, the mine of unbelief,’ and made Jagannah (Puri) a dar-ul Islam, and ruled from Kamrūp to Orissa. Sulaiman’s first Viceroy of Orissa (including Katak) was Lodī Khān alias Khān Jahan Lodī, and his first Governor of Jagannath or Puri was Qutlu Khān (see Badaoni, p. 174, Vol. II).

It is related in the Sawanih Akbarī and Badaoni that Bayazīd ‘in his youthful folly read the Khutba in his own name, neglected all forms of courtesy, and also ill-treated the chief nobles of his father who consequently hated him. Hanso, the son of his uncle Imad (brother of Sulaimān), who was also his brother-in-law, then killed him. Lodī Khān then killed Hanso, installed Dāud. (See J.A.S. for 1875, pp. 304-305).

Dāud Khān became king of Bengal, Behar and Orissa in 980 A.H. (1572 A.C.) and reigned from 980 A.H. to 984 A.H. (1572 to 1576 A.C.), under the title of Abul Muzaffer Dāud Shāh. In 982 A.H. Akbar personally wrested Behar from him by storming Patna and Hajīpur forts, and Dāud fled to Orissa, where the battle of Mughulmari or Tukaroi north of Jalīsar, was fought in 1575 A.C. between him and the Imperialists, commanded by Munim Khān-i-Khanān. Dāud was defeated, and concluded the Peace of Katak, under which Bengal and Behar were ceded by him to Akbar, the latter recognising Dāud’s sovereignty over Orissa. In 983 A.H. Munim Khān-i-Khanān died of malaria at Gaūr, with a large part of his army, and Dāud Khān, encouraged by this circumstance, invaded Bengal, and on 15th Rabi II 948 A.H. (12th July, 1576 A.C.), was defeated by Akbar’s General, Husain Qulī Khān Jahān, at Akmahal or Rajmahal, captured and beheaded. (See Tarikh-i-Dāudi, Firishta, Badaonī and Akbarnamah). With Dāud Khān’s death (1576 A.C.), the Kararani dynasty ended in Bengal.

He was appointed to his jagirs in Jaunpur in the 12th year of Akbar’s reign, when he concluded peace with Sulaimān Kararani, king of Bengal, who promised to read the Khutba and strike coins in Akbar’s name. Munim in 982 A.H. was appointed Governor of Behar (after Akbar captured Hajīpur and Patna from Dāud) and ordered to follow Dāud into Bengal. Munim moved to Tandah, opposite to Gāur, on the right side of the Ganges, to settle political matters, and left the pursuit to Muḥammad Qulī Khān Barlas. The latter followed Dāud to Satgaon, whence however, Dāud withdrew to Orissa, and Muḥammad Qulī Khān Barlas from Satgaon invaded the district of Jasar (Jessore), where Sarmadi, a friend of Dāud, had rebelled, but the Imperialists, here too met with no success, and returned to Satgaon. Muḥammad Qulī soon after died at Midnīpur, and Munim Khān with Todar Mal invaded Orissa, defeated Dāud at the battle of Mughulmari or Tikaroi, when the Peace of Katak was concluded, under which Bengal and Behar were ceded by Dāud to Akbar. Munim died of malaria at Gāūr in 983 A.H. The great bridge of Jaunpur was built by him. It may also be of interest to note that another general, named Murad Khān, under Munim Khān-i-Khānān, about 982 A.H. invaded Fathabad (or Faridpur), and conquered it as well as Sarkar Bogla. This Murad Khān died at Fathabad (Faridpur) in 988 A.H., and Mukund, the zamindar of Fathabad and Bhosna, invited Murad’s sons to a feast and treacherously murdered them. See Bloch. Trans., Ain, Vol. I, p. 318 and Badaoni, pp. 178 and 180.

For a biographical account, see Blochmann’s Tr. of Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I, p. 82. He was a Khetri by caste, and attained the mansab of Chaharhazārī and also the office of Akbar’s Naib Dīwan or Deputy Finance Minister. He was very loyal to his sovereign, and Akbar held a high opinion of him. The rent-roll associated with his name and prepared under the direction of his sovereign, is well-known, and is given in the Āīn-i-Ākbarī. (See Āin-i-Akbarī, Vol. II, Jarrett’s Tr., p. 88, and also Vol. I, pp. 366 and 348 Blochmann’s Tr.) It would appear that this great rent-roll which has made Todar Mal so famous, was jointly prepared by him and his Chief, Muzaffar Khān, Akbar’s Chief Finance Minister or Dīwan. (See Badaonī).

His name was Chalmah Beg. He was Humāyun’s Safarchi or table-attendant. Humāyun sent him with Mirza Kamran to Mecca, and on the latter’s death, he returned to India, was graciously received by Akbar who conferred on him the title of Khān ‘Ālim. ‘When Akbar moved against Dāud Shāh in Patna, Khān ‘Ālim commanded a corps, and passing up the river on boats towards the mouth of the Gandak, effected a landing.’ (See Blochmann’s Tr. of Ain, Vol. I, pp. 378-379).

There is a Dariapūr about 2 miles south of Mokamah railway ghât station. This was probably the point up to which the Emperor Akbar advanced from Patna on boats in pursuit of Dāud Shāh, the king of Bengal. With the fall of the forts of Patna and Hajīpur, (See Badaoni, pp. 180-181, Vol. II), Behar was practically lost by Dāud Shāh, who under the Peace of Katak subsequently ceded Bengal also.

The route appears to have been through Bardwan across Madaran and Midnipur to parganah Chittua in Orissa, where Todar Mal was subsequently joined by Munim Khān. Dāud Khān at this time advanced to Haripur lying intermediate between Orissa and Bengal (see Akbarnamah).

At this time the Khān-i-Khānān was at Tandah, opposite to Gāur, settling political matters. On receiving Todar Mal’s appeal for help, the Khān-i-Khānān promptly left Tandah, and quickly advanced to Orissa across Bīrbhūm, Bardwan and Midnipur into parganah Chittua in Orissa, where Todar Mal was.

See Akbarnamah, Tabaqat-i-Akbarī, Badaonī, for full particulars of this battle. The Akbarnamah places the battle in a village called Takadhi or Takroī (two miles from the bank of the Soobanarika river and close to Jalesar). Professor Blochmann has traced also a village called Mughulmari (or Mughal’s Flight) close to this Takroi or Tookaroi. (See Blochmann’s Tr. of Ain, Vol. I, p. 375, and also Badaoni, p. 193, Vol. II.)

Todar Mal, says Professor Blochmann “moved from Bardwan over Madaran into the perguna of Chittua, where he was subsequently joined by Munim. Dāud had taken up a strong position at Harīpūr which lies between Bengal and Orissa. Battle took place on 3rd March, 1575 A.D. After the battle, Todar Mal leads the pursuit, and reaches the town of Bhadrak. Not long after he writes to Munim to come up and join him, as Dāud had collected his troops near Katak, and the whole Imperial army moves to Katak, where a peace is concluded.”

When Bayazīd was killed by Hanso, it is related in the Sawanih Akbarī that Gujra Khān attempted to raise in Behar Bayazīd’s son to the throne. It may be noted that a village called Gujarpur lies about 5 miles from Katak, and that there is a family there that claims Gujra Khān as its ancestor.

It appears from the Akbarnamah that after the battle of Takroī, Todar Mal pursued Dāud Khān up to Bhadrak, whilst Mun‘im Khān the Khān-i-Khanān owing to his wounds still lay behind. At this time Dāud Khān collected his troops at Katak, and so Todar Mal wrote to Mun‘im Khān to come up, and Mun‘im Khān in spite of his wounds, moved up with the whole Imperial army to Katak, when the Peace of Katak was concluded. Under it, Dāud Khān formally resigned the sovereignty of Behar and Bengal to Akbar, retaining only Orissa. The battle of Takroī (3rd March, 1 575 A.C.)— called by Badaonī ‘Bīchwā— was a most decisive battle, as it virtually ended Afghan supremacy in Bengal and Behar, and substituted Mughal rule in its place.

“Chin” is apparently a copyist’s mistake for the “Mahanadi” river. In shekista writing, the words ‘Chin’ and Mahanadi in Persian might resemble each other.

Under this treaty of Katak, Behar and Bengal were formally ceded by Dāud Shāh, the Afghan king of Bengal, to the Mughal Emperor (Akbar), Orissa being still retained by Dāud Shāh. Badaoni gives an interesting description of the Darbar held on the occasion by Mun‘im Khān Khān Khanan, across the Mahanadi river, opposite to the fort of Katak (Cuttack). Both Mun‘im and Dāud shewed refined chivalry and magnanimity towards each other, at this State function.

Corresponding to 1576 A.C.

Professor Blochmann, in his Tr. of Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I, p. 376, gives a list (compiled from the Akbarnamah) of 14 other principal Mughal officers who died at Gaūr of malaria at this time (983 A.H. or 1576 A.C.) Badaoni also gives the list.

He was appointed in 983 A.H. (1576 A.C.) by Akbar Military Governor of Bengal, on the death of Mun‘im Khān Khān-i-Khānān. His second-in-command was Rajah Todar Mal. He was a sister’s son of Bairam Khān Khān-i-Khānān. See his biographical sketch in Blochmann’s Tr. of Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I, p. 329, and also Maasir-ul-Umara.

At Bhagalpur, the Amirs of Bengal waited on Khān Jahān.

From this period the whole of Behar, including South and North Behar, was placed under a separate Mughal Governor, whilst Bengal was similarly governed by another separate Mughal Governor. The Governorship of Behar generally henceforth formed a sort of stepping-stone for the more responsible and lucrative office of Governor of Bengal (see the text).

“Tirhuti” is a copyist’s mistake in the text for “Turbati.” He was Akbar’s Governor of Behar, and held all Behar from Chausa to Telīagadhī. He was ordered by Akbar to assist Khān Jahān, Akbar’s Governor of Bengal, when the latter encountered opposition from the Afghāns under Dāud Khān, who had at this time entrenched himself in the fort of Akmahal (subsequently, Rajmahal or Akbarnagar). He was at one time Finance Minister or Dewan of Akbar, and had Todar Mal under him. He, together with his Deputy, Todar Mal, was the author of Akbar’s revenue-roll called “jam-i-hasil-i-hal,” which supplanted the former revenue-roll of the Emperor, called ‘Jami Raqmi,’ that had existed from Bairam’s time. He was previously Bairam’s Dewan also. The old Jam-i-Masjid (now in ruins) of Agra was erected by him. He was killed at Tandah by Masūm Khān, the rebel. (See his full biographical sketch in Blochmann’s Tr. of Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I, p. 348, and also Maasir-ul-Umara).

“Bahram” is a copyist’s mistake in the text for “Bairam.”

i.e., Rajmahal or Akbarnagar— Previous to Man Singh selecting it, Sher Shāh had selected its site.

“Khān Jahān” was a title next in importance to “Khān-i-Khānān.”

This was the decisive battle of Akmahal or Agmahal (subsequently called Rajmahal or Akbarnagar), on 15th Rabi II 984 A.H., corresponding to 12th July, 1576 A.C. It finally crushed Dāud Shāh or Dāud Khān, the last Afghan king of Bengal, Behar and Orissa, and laid firmly the foundation of Mughal supremacy over those provinces, reduced Bengal to a Sūbah of the Great Mughal Empire, and extinguished for ever Independent Moslem Royalty in Bengal.

See full account of this great battle in the Akbarnamah and Badaonī, which are contemporary accounts.

One cannot help noting the entire absence of chivalry on the part of this Mughal General, Khān Jahān. If he possessed one-quarter of the chivalry of his own predecessor in office, the Khān-i-Khānan, he could have never extended his hand to the perpetration of this brutality, which was as ferocious as it was ungallant. A worthy and heroic foe like Dāud Shāh deserved a better fate, and it is a pity that Khān Jahān’s master, the Great Akbar, should not have provided against such a misdeed, which must reflect adversely on the Emperor’s memory itself.

This renowned Fort in South Behar in 945 A.H. passed into the hands of Sher Shāh. (See Badaoni for a description of it, as it existed in Akbar’s time). During his reign and that of his son Salim Shāh, Fath Khān Batnī commanded the Fort. Subsequently, it came into the hands of Sulaimān Kararanī and Junaid Kararanī. The latter appointed Syed Muhammad Commandant of the Fort. The latter being hardpressed by Muzaffar Khān, Mughal Governor of Behar, fled to Shahbāz Khān (who had been deputed by Akbar to chastise Rajah Gajpati. See Āīn-i-Akbarī, Bloch. Tr., Vol. I, p. 399), and handed over the Fort to him (984 A.H.) In the same year, Akbar appointed Mahbub Alī Khān Rahtari Governor of Rohtas, and Shahbaz Khān made over the Fort to him. (See Bloch. Tr. of Āīn, Vol. I, p. 422).

He fought against Kālā Pāhār. See particulars of his career in Bloch. Tr. of Āīn, Vol. I, p 431 n. and also in Badaoni and Maasir-ul-Umara.

See p. 439, Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I.

After the battle of Akmahal or Rajmahal (1576 A.C.), in which the last independent Afghan king of Bengal, Behar and Orissa, named Dāud Shāh, was defeated and killed, Khān Jahān proceeded to Satgaon, where Dāud’s family lived at the time, defeated remnants of Dāud’s followers under Jamshid and Mitti, and re-annexed Satgaon to the Mughal Empire. Dāud’s mother came to Khān Jahān as a supplicant… With the defeat and death of Dāud, Bengal was by no means thoroughly conquered, as troubles broke out in Bhatī (Sundarbans including tracts along the Megna), where the Afghans had collected under Karim Dad, Ibrāhīm and ‘Isa Khān, whom Abul Fazl calls “Marzban-i-Bhati.” (See Āīn-i-Akbarī, Bloch. Tr., Vol. I, pp. 330 and 343).

He died at a town called Sihatpūr (the ‘Sanitarium’) which he had founded near Tandah.

In 988 A.H. Aziz was promoted by Akbar to command of Five Thousand, received the title of Azam Khān, and was in 988 A.H. detached with a large army to Bengal and Behar, to quell disturbances. In 990 A.H. he was again sent there, when he occupied Teliagadhi, the “key” to Bengal. He fought against the rebels Ma’ṣum-i-Kabuli and Majnun Khān, and also operated against the Afghan Qutlu, who had occupied Orissa and a portion of Bengal. He took ill, retired to Behar, leaving the command in Bengal to Shāhbāz Khān Kambū. Of him, Akbar used to say “Between me and Aziz is a river of milk which I cannot cross.” (See Blochmann’s Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 325 for details of his career and also Maasir-ul-Umara).

For interesting details of his career see Blochmann’s Tr., Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I, p. 399 and Maasir-ul-Umara. Ma’ṣūm Khān Kabulī rebelled, fled to Bhatī, and took refuge with the Marzban-i-Bhatī, ’Isa Khān. Shāhbāz Khān followed him to Bhatī, crossed the Ganges at Khizrpūr (near Naraīnganj) plundered Bakhtiarpur, ’Isa Khān’s residence, occupied Sunargaon and encamped on the banks of the Brahmaputra. ’Isā Khān made proposals of peace which were accepted: under it, an Imperial Resident was to stay at Sunargaon, Ma’ṣum was to go to Mecca, and Shāhbāz was to withdraw. But these terms were not carried out, as his officers shewed insubordination, and Shāhbāz had to retreat to Tandah.

i.e., Mughal Emperors. See note ante.

For the first time, we hear of the offices of Nazim and Dīwan. Hitherto we heard of Military Governors, called “Sipasalars” or “Sirlashkars” or “Hakims” appointed by the Mughal Emperor. It is obvious that, hitherto, Bengal under the Mughals was under a sort of Military Government, presided over by Military Governors. When the back-bone of Afghān opposition was broken, in the time of Emperor Jahangir, for the first time, under Mughal rule, Bengal was placed under Civil Government by the Mughal Emperors, who appointed two distinct functionaries, one being the Nazim (in charge of executive government) and the other, the Dīwan (in charge of Revenue and Finance). This system of Government, though actually enforced in Bengal in Jahangir’s time, must have been matured towards the end of Akbar’s reign.

He was a son of Bhagwan Das, and Akbar bestowed on him the title of “Farzand” or “Son,” and raised him to the Mansab of Haft Hazari. See full particulars of his career in Bloch. Tr. of Āīn, Vol. I, p. 340, and also in Maasir-ul-Umara, and Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri.

His name was Shaikh Khuba [Qutbu-d-dīn Khān-i-Chishtī] and his father was Shaikh Zada of Badaon, and his mother a daugher of Shaikh Salīm of Fathpur Sikrī. He was a foster-brother of Jahāngir, who whilst a Prince conferred upon Khuba the title of Qutbu-d-dīn Khān, and made him Sūbadar of Behar. On Jahāngir’s accession to the throne, Khuba was appointed Sūbadar of Bengal, (1015 A.H.) At that time Sher Afghan ‘Alī Qulī Istajlū was tuyuldar (or jagirdar) of Bardwan, and his wife Mehrunnissa (afterwards Empress Nūr Jahān) was coveted by Emperor Jahāngir. Qutbu-d-dīn had instructions to send Sher Afghan to court, but the latter refusing to go, Qutb went to Bardwan, where Sher Afghan came to meet him. On his approach, Qutbt lifted up his horse-whip. Sher Afghan thereon rushed with his sword against Qutb, and inflicted a cut on his abdomen. Qutb died, and one of his followers Ambah Khān, gave Sher Afghan a sword-cut on the head, when the latter was also killed. (Bloch. Tr., Ām, Vol. I, p. 496 and Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, p. 19).

He was safarchi or butler of Ismail II, king of Persia. After the latter’s death, he went to India, and met at Multan, Abdur Rahīm Khān-i-Khānān, and received a mansab, and on arrival at court, Akbar gave him in marriage to Mehrunuissa (the future Nūr Jahān), daughter of Mirza Ghiyās Tehranī. Prince Salīm fell in love with her, and brought about, on his accession to the throne, Sher Afghan’s death. Sher Afghan had received Bardwan district as tuyul or jagir, on Jahāngir’s accession. His body was buried in the shrine of the saint Bahram Saqqa at Bardwan. (See Iqbalnamah, p. 22).

Four tigers had been caught, and Nūr Jahān requested Jahangir (Tuznk, p. 186), to let her shoot them. She killed two with one bullet, and the other two with two bullets, and so one of the courtiers spoke out on the spur of the moment the verse given in the text. See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 524.

These were kings of Persia. See p 97, Namaīh-Khusruan.

These were kings of Persia. See p 97, Namaīh-Khusruan.

He was a sepahsalar or Commander-in-Chief under Akbar. His great military services were conquests of Sindh and Gnjrat. He was also an accomplished scholar, and translated into Persian Memoirs of Babar. See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 334 and Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangíri, p. 287.

His real name was Mirza Ghiyāsu-d-dīn Muḥammad, and his father was Khwajāh Muḥammad Sharīf, who was Vazir to Tatār Sultān and his son Qazaq Khān, and who was subsequently appointed, by Shāh Tahmasp, Vazir of Yazd. After his father’s death, Ghiyās Beg fled from Persia with two sons and one daughter. On the way at Qandahar, his wife gave birth to a daughter, named Mehrunnissa— the future world-renowned Nūr Jahān, consort of Emperor Jahāngir. On his arrival at Fathpur Sikri, Akbar appointed him Diwān of Kabul, and subsequently Diwān-i-Bayūtāt. In Jahāngir’s reign, he received the title of Itimadu-d-daulah. After the death of her first husband, Sher Afghan, at Bardwan in the fight with Qutbu-d-dīn Khān, Jahāngir’s Governor of Bengal, Mehrunnissa was brought to court, and married in 1020 A.H. by Jahāngir, who bestowed on her first the title of Nūr Mahāl and then that of Nūr Jahān, her father Ghiyās Beg being at the same time advanced to the office of Prime Minister or Vakil-i-Kul. See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 508 and Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, pp. 3, 54 and 55.

Udaipur is mentioned by Abul Fazl in Sarkar Chitor under the Sūbah of Ajmīr. (See Jarrett’s Tr of Āīn, Vol. II, p. 273). It is related that a daughter of Naushirvan, the Persian king, whose wife was a daughter of Maurice of Constantinople, was married into the Udaipur Royal family.

He was a stout man, and one can well imagine his pitiful posture at this moment.

He is called Pir Khān. also “Raibah Khān” and “Daibah Khān” in Iqbalnamah-i-Jahāngiri, p. 24.

What chivalry towards women was possible under Islām in olden days even in India, is eloquently testified to by the career of Nūr Jahān, the renowned Empress. Emperor Jahāngir, her Royal Consort, used to say of her, “Before I married her, I never knew what marriage meant. I have conferred the duties of Government on her; I shall be satisfied if I have a seer of wine and half a seer of meat per diem.” With the exception of the Khutba, she received all the privileges of royalty. She sat by the side of her Consort in administering State affairs, and her name appears side by side with that of Emperor Jahangir on the Imperial farmans and coins. She took particular care of orphan girls, led the fashions of the times, and displayed aesthetic art in adorning apartments and arranging feasts. She was also a poetess. She exhibited great resourcefulness and bravery in resouing Jahangir from Mahabet Khān’s hands. She lies buried at Lahore near her husband. On Jahangir’s coins, the following inscription was engraved.

Note the pun here. See Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, pp. 56 and 57.

See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 501, and Iqbalnamah-i-Jahāngiri, p. 24.

Islām Khān was married to a sister (named Ladlī Begam) of Abūl Faẓl, Akbar’s renowned Prime Minister. Islām Khān died as Governor of Bengal in 1022 A.H. (Tuzuk, p. 126). His name was Shaikh Alau-d-dīn Chishtī, and he was a grandson of Shaikh Salim, the Saint of Fathpūr Sikri. He received the title of Islām Khān, and was Governor of Bengal from 1015 to 1022 A.H. He shifted in 1015 A.H., the Mughal Viceregal Capital of Bengal from Tandah to Dacca. See Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, p. 33 and Maasir-ul-Umara.

Shaikh Abul Faẓl Allami, Akbar’s friend and Prime Minister, was born on 14th January, 1551 A.C., (6th Muharram, 958 A.H.) at Agrah, during the reign of Islām Shāh. He was a son of Shaikh Mubarik; held the office of Prime Minister under Akbar and actively co-operated with the latter in the enunciation of a liberal policy of toleration in the government of the mixed races subject to the Musalman Rule in India. He was a great scholar, and author of several works including the Akbarnamah and the Āīn-i-Akbarī. He was murdered by Bīr Singh, at the instigation of Prince Salim (afterwards Emperor Jahangir) on 12th August, 1602 A.C. See his life in Blochmann’s Tr. of Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I, and also in Maasir-ul-Umara.

Abdur Rahman, son of Abul Faẓl Allamī, received the title of Afẓal Khān, and was appointed by Emperor Jahangir, in the third year of his reign, Governor of Behar, vice Islām Khān who was appointed Governor of Bengal. Iqbalnamah, p. 33, and Maasir-ul-Umara.

At this time (1015 A.H.) the Capital of Bengal was transferred from Tandah to Dacca or Jahangirnagar (so called after Emperor Jahangir) by Jahangir’s Viceroy of Bengal, named Islām Khān. Dacca continued to remain henceforth the Mughal Viceregal Capital of Bengal for nearly a century (barring a few years when it was temporarily shifted to Rajmahal).

His name was Shaikh Kabīr Chishtī, and his titles were “Shujait Khān Rustam-i-Zaman.” In the printed Pers. text, is inserted by mistake between “Shaikh Kabīr” and “Shujait Khān,” thus misleading the reader to fancy that these were two individuals. See note post. He was a relation of Islām Khān-i-Chishtī, Governor of Bengal, and received first the title of Shujait Khān’ from Prince Salīm, who on ascending the throne, gave him the additional title of “Rustām-i-Zaman,” on account of his services in putting down the Afghans under ‘Osmān in Bengal. See p. 64, Iqbalnamah Jahangiri and Maasir-ul-Umara.

His title was ‘Kishwar Khān,’ in the text it is misprinted as “Kir Khān. His name was Shaikh Ibrahīm; he was a son of Shaikh Khuba (Qutbu-d-dīn Khān-i-Chishtī), Governor of Bengal. In 1015 A.H., he was a commander of 1,000 foot, 300 horse, and received the title of Kishwar Khān from the Emperor Jahangir. He was for some time Governor of Rohtas, and served in Bengal in 1021 A.H., under Shujait Khān (Shaikh Kabir Chishtī) against ‘Osmān Khān Lohanī, the Afghan. See Iqbalnamah, pp. 61 and 66 and Maasir-ul-Umara.

See n. 1, p. 169, ante.

Two sons of Ahmad Beg Kabuli (see Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, pp. 465-466) named Maqbullah Khān and Abdul Baqa held the title of ‘Iftikhar Khān’; either of them is meant.

He was a grandson of Syed Mahmūd of Barha, who served Akbar. Most of the Barhā Syeds received from the Mughal Emperors the honorific distinction of ‘Khān,’ which in those days was considered the highest title of Indo-Moslem peerage, next only in rank to Princes Royal and the “Khān-i-Khanān” and “Amiru-l-Umara.” (See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 392, and Alamgir- namah).

He was nephew of Shaikh Hassan or Hassu alias Muqqarab Khān who in 1027 A.H. was Governor of Behar. (See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, pp. 521 and 543).

Shaikh Bayazīd (Muazzam Khān) was a grandson of Shaikh Salīm Chishtī of Fathpur Sikri. He was made Subadar of Delhi by Jahangir. His son Mukkaram Khān was a son-in-law and nephew of Islām Khān, Viceroy of Bengal, and served under the latter, conquered Koch Hajo and Khurdah, became Governor of Orissa and subsequently of Bengal. See Maasir-ul-Umara.

The tract under ‘Osmān appears to have been ‘Bhati,’ that is the tract including the Sundarbans, the lands alongside the Brahmaputra and the Megna, in fact, the whole tract from Ghoraghat (or Rangpur) southward to the sea. His residence is mentioned in the histories (see Bloch., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 520) to have been at “Kohistan-i-Dacca,” the “Vilāyet-i-Dacca,” but his father ’Isa Khān’s residence (vide p. 343 of do.) is mentioned to have been at Baktarapur, close to Khizrpur. Khizrpur has been identified with a place about a mile north of modern Narainganj, close to which are ruins of the forts built by Mir Jumla, Mughal Viceroy at Dacca, in the 17th century. There is still there a Maqbarah, which is supposed to be the resting-place of one of Jahangir’s daughters Here was the chief naval fort of Muhammadan Government, it lay at the confluence of the Ganges, the Lakhiya and the Brahmaputra rivers. It is three miles west of Sunargaon, and nine miles from Dacca About thirty miles north of Khizrpur, are two villages within a mile of each other, called “Baktarpur” and “Issurpur,” but these contain no ruins. (See J.A.S. for 1874, pp. 211-213). “Bhatī” from its inaccessibility was elected as the last stronghold of the Afghans, who, sheltered amidst its jungles, cut up by numerous rivers and channels, long defied there the power of the Mughals. During the Mughal military revolt under Akbar, the chief robol, Masūm Khān Kabuli, who was a Turbati Syed and whose uncle had been Vazir under Humāyun, took refuge in “Bhatī,” where he fought against Muzāffar and Shahbaz, and at length died in 1007 A.H. (See Bloch Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 431).

Probably this was the small Lakhya river, on which modern Narainganj is situate, and close to which were Khizrpur and Baktarpur. Iqbalnamah, pp. 61 and 64.

The Tuzuk (p. 102) mentions that Kishwar Khān (son of Qutbu-d-dīn Khān, late Governor of Bengal), Iftikhar Khān, Syed Adam Barha, Shaikh Acha, brother’s son of Muqqarib Khān, Mu’tamid Khān, and Ihtim‘am Khān were under Shujait’s command in his fight with ‘Osmān. Syed Adam, Iftikhar, and Shaikh Acha were killed (the Tuzuk, p. 132). Later Abdus Salam Khān, a son of Muazzam Khān (a former Governor of Bengal) joined the Imperialists, and pursued ‘Osmān. See also Iqbalnamah, pp. 61 to 64.

The Tuzuk (p. 102) mentions that Kishwar Khān (son of Qutbu-d-dīn Khān, late Governor of Bengal), Iftikhar Khān, Syed Adam Barha, Shaikh Acha, brother’s son of Muqqarib Khān, Mu’tamid Khān, and Ihtim‘am Khān were under Shujait’s command in his fight with ‘Osmān. Syed Adam, Iftikhar, and Shaikh Acha were killed (the Tuzuk, p. 132). Later Abdus Salam Khān, a son of Muazzam Khān (a former Governor of Bengal) joined the Imperialists, and pursued ‘Osmān. See also Iqbalnamah, pp. 61 to 64.

The Tuzuk (p. 102) mentions that Kishwar Khān (son of Qutbu-d-dīn Khān, late Governor of Bengal), Iftikhar Khān, Syed Adam Barha, Shaikh Acha, brother’s son of Muqqarib Khān, Mu’tamid Khān, and Ihtim‘am Khān were under Shujait’s command in his fight with ‘Osmān. Syed Adam, Iftikhar, and Shaikh Acha were killed (the Tuzuk, p. 132). Later Abdus Salam Khān, a son of Muazzam Khān (a former Governor of Bengal) joined the Imperialists, and pursued ‘Osmān. See also Iqbalnamah, pp. 61 to 64.

The Tuzuk (p. 102) mentions that Kishwar Khān (son of Qutbu-d-dīn Khān, late Governor of Bengal), Iftikhar Khān, Syed Adam Barha, Shaikh Acha, brother’s son of Muqqarib Khān, Mu’tamid Khān, and Ihtim‘am Khān were under Shujait’s command in his fight with ‘Osmān. Syed Adam, Iftikhar, and Shaikh Acha were killed (the Tuzuk, p. 132). Later Abdus Salam Khān, a son of Muazzam Khān (a former Governor of Bengal) joined the Imperialists, and pursued ‘Osmān. See also Iqbalnamah, pp. 61 to 64.

The author’s remark is unjust and ungraceful. The Afghans under ‘Osmān were fighting for their homes and hearths, and did not deserve this opprobrious expression.

The Tuzuk calls the elephant “Gajpatī,” Iqbalnamah (p. 62) “Bakhtah.”

His name was Shaikh Kabir-i-Chishtī, and his title was Shaikh Shujāit Khān Rustam-i-Zaman. He was a relative of Islām Khān, Governor of Bengal and served under the latter in Bengal, and commanded the Imperialists in the fightings with ‘Osmān, the Lohanī Afghan. (See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p 520, and the Tuzuk, and the Maasir and Iqbalnamah, p. 64). He was subsequently appointed Governor of Behar.

Khwajah ‘Osmān, according to the Makhzan-i-Afghanī, was the second son of Mīyan ’Isa Khān Lohani, who after the death of Qutb Khān was the leader of the Afghans in Orissa and South Bengal. ‘Osmān succeeded his brother Sulaīman, who had ‘reigned’ for some time, had killed in a fight Himat Singh, son of Rajah Mān Singh, and had held lands near the Brahmaputra, and subdued the Rajahs of the adjacent countries. ‘Osmān succeeded him, and received from Mān Singh lands in Orissa and Satgaon and later in Eastern Bengal, with a revenue of 5 or 6 lacs per year. His residence is described to have been at “Kohistān Dacca,” the “Vilāyet-ī-Dacca” and Dacca itself. The battle between ‘Osmān and the Imperialist General, Shujāit, took place at a distance of 100 kos from Dacca on 9th Muḥarram, 1021 (or 2nd March, 1612 A.C.) Stewart places the battle on the banks of the Subarnarika in Orissa, which is improbable. ‘Osmān’s brother, Walī, on submission, received a title with a jagir, and was made a commander of one thousand. According to the Maasir he was murdered. See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 520, Makhzan-i-Afghani and Iqbalnamah, p. 61.

He was a Subadar of Delhī. See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 493.

He was Commandant of a Mughal out-post on the Assam frontier at Jamdhara, under Jahangir. (See Alamgirnamah, p. 680).

He was the youngest son of Mirza Ghiās Beg, and a brother of Empress Nūr Jahān. (See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 512).

See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 512. He was a son of Muḥammad Sharīf, eldest son of Ghiās Beg, father of Empress Nūr Jahān.

In the 15th year, when the Persians threatened Qandahar, Khān Jahān was appointed by Jāhangir Governor of Multan. In the 17th year, Shāh Akbar, king of Persia, took Qandahar, after a siege of forty days. Khān Jahān was called to court for consultation, and it was decided that Prince Khurrām (Shāh Jahān) should be placed at the head of the expeditionary force to re-conquer Qandahar. In the meantime, Shāh Jahān rebelled, and the expedition to Qandahar was not undertaken. See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, pp. 503-504.

They were a body of troops intermediate between the Regulars and non-Regulars and Auxiliaries. They were created under Akbar. See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 249, for a full description of Ahadī troops. Zainul-Abidin was a son of Asaf Khān (III). See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol, I, p. 412.

A town in the Dakhin; it was for some time the Mughal head-quarters, during the military operations in the Dakhin.

Mando is name of a Sirkar or district as well as the name of a city in Sirkar Mando, included in the Sūbaḥ of Malwah. (See Jarrett’s Tr. of Āīn, Vol. II, p. 206).

Dholpur lies 20 kos from Agra, near the left bank of the Chambal river. (Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 357).

Dariya Khān Rohilla was an officer of Shāh Jahān in the Dakhin. (See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, pp. 504-505).

Another name of the renowned Empress Nūr Jahān, consort of Emperor Jahangīr.

Sher Afghan was the first husband of Nūr Jahān; by him she had one daughter named Ladli Begum, to whom Prince Shahryar (fifth son of Jahangīr) was married. Shāh Jahān or Prince Khurram was Jahangīr’s third son. Nūr Jahān had no children by Jahangīr.

That is, Empress Nūr Jahān.

Mīrza Rustam Safavī was third son of Sulṭān Husain Mīrza, nephew of Shāh Tahmasp king of Persia (930-984 A.H.), and Governor of Qandahar under the latter in 965 A.H. Mīrza Rustam’s daughter was married to Prince Parviz, second son of Jahangir. He invaded Qandahar, but met with no success. In 1021, Jahangir appointed him Governor of Thatha, and afterwards Shīshhazarī and Governor of Allahahad, and in the 21st year, Governor of Behar. He died in 1051 at Agra. His third son Mīrza Hasan-i-Safavī was Governor of Koch under Jahangir and died in 1059 A.H., and his grandson (son of Mīrza Hasan) named Mīrza Safshekan was Faujdar of Jessore in Bengal. (See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, pp 314-315 and Maasir-ul-Umara). Mīrzanagar, a place close to Jessore town, probably was Mirza Safshekan’s Faujdarī head-quarters, and received its name from him. He died in 1073 A.H. Mīrza Safshekan’s son, Mīrza Saifu-d-dīn Safavi, accepted the titular distinction of Khān under Aurangzeb.

In the Āīn-i-Akbarī, Sarkar of Hissar (or Hissar Firuzah called after Emperor Firuz Shāh Tughlak who founded the city of Hissar about 1354 A.C.), is described as one of the Sarkars or districts included in the Ṣūbaḥ of Delhi. This Sarkar is described as containing 27 mahals, with revenue of 52,554,905 Dams. (Jarrett’s Tr. of Āīn, Vol II, p. 293).

Under the Ṣūbaḥ of Lahore (Jarrett’s Tr. of Āīn, Vol. II, p. 315), five Doab Sarkars are mentioned. These five Sarkars were: (1) Sarkar of Bet Jalandhar Doab, (2) Sarkar of Bari Doab, (3) Sarkar of Bechnan Doab, (4) Chenbat (Jech) Doab, (5) Sindh Sagur Doab.

See Aīn-i-Akbarī, Jarrett’s Tr., Vol. II, p. 238.

See Āīn, Jarrett’s Tr., Vol. II, p. 195.

He was Mīrza Abūl Husain Asaf Khān (IV) second son of Mīrza Ghiās Beg, and brother of Empress Nūr Jahān, and father of Shāh Jahān’s Queen, Mumtaz Mahal or Taj Bibi, whose mausoleum, the Taj, is at Agra. He received from Shāh Jahān the title of Yaminu-d-daulah and Khan-i-Khānān Sepahsalar, and was made a commander of 9,000. He died in 1051 A.H. and was buried at Lahore, north of Jahangīr’s tomb. He married a daughter of Mīrza Ghiāsu-dīn Ali Asaf Khān II. See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, pp. 511 and 368 and Maasir ul-Umara.

See p. 517, Vol. I, Bloch. Tr. of Āīn and Maasir-ul-Umara. He enjoyed the titles of Amir-ul-Umara and Vakil, and enjoyed the friendship of Jahangīr.

River Satlej is meant; Ludhiana town is situate on its banks. See Āīn-i-Akbarī, Jarrett’s Tr., Vol. II, p. 310.

Sarkar of Sirhind is mentioned by Abul Faẓl under Ṣūbaḥ Delhi in the Āīn (See Jarrett’s Tr., Vol. II, p. 105). Sirhind was long the western frontier of India, and hence the name.

He was a Barha Syed. The Barha Syeds alone had the privilege to fight in the vanguard (or harawil).

This was Khān-i-Khānān Mīrza Abdur Rahīm, son of Bairam Khān. See Bloch. Tr. of Āīn, Vol. I, p. 334 and Maasir-ul-Umara. When Shāh Jahān rebelled, he sided with the latter. His second son’s name was Darāb Khān, who fell into the hands of Prince Parviz and Maḥabet Khān, who killed him, wrapped his head in a table-cloth, and sent it as a present of a ‘melon’ to his father, Mīrza Abdur Rahīm.

His name was Rai Pati Das; he was a Khatri. Akbar conferred on him the title of Raja Bikramajit. He served Akbar as joint Diwan of Bengal, Diwan of Behar, and was made a commander of 5,000. Jahangīr on his accession created him Mīr Atash or Superintendent of Artillery. When disturbances broke out in Gujrat, he was sent to Ahmadabad to pacify the rebels. See Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I, p. 469, Bloch. Tr. and Maasir-ul-Umara.

The printer or editor of the text by mistake has put between Aṣaf Khān and Khwajah Abul Husain.

The title of “Lashkar Khān” was held by (1) Muḥammad Husain of Khurasan, under Akbar, (2) by Abul Hasan Mashadi under Jahāngīr, and (3) by Jan Nisar Khān Yudgar Beg under Shāh Jahān. The second is meant here.

Mīrza Rustām had the takhalluṣ of Fidaī. (See p. 314, Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I). I am not sure if he is meant here.

Sadullah, son of Said Khān, Governor of Bengal, held the title of Nawazish Khān (see Āīn, Bloch. Tr., Vol. I, pp. 363-331).

Abdullah Khāṇ Uzbak was made by Akbar a Panjhazarī, and was sent to Malwah with unlimited power. He ‘reigned in Mando like a king.’ See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 321 and Maasir-ul-Umara. I am not sure if he is meant here.

It is a place mentioned under Sūbaḥ Berar in the Āīn-i-Akbarī (Bloch Tr., Āīn, Vol. II, p. 230), near it is Manikdrug fort.

There is no such Vilāyet, in the strict sense of the term; but only a Sarkar of Mando in Ṣūbaḥ Malwah.

Rustam Khān-i-Dakhini is mentioned in the Āīn, as Jagīrdar of Samogarh. See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol I, p. 478.

“Schbastī” in the printed text seems to be a mistake or misprint for “Sihaspi.” (See Bloch. Āīn, Tr., Vol. I, p. 245, for a dīssertation on the constitution of the Mughal Army).

The following is extracted from Bloch. Tr., Āīn, as it briefly and at the same time lucidly describes Shāh Jahān’s movements:—

“Shāh Jahān rebelled, returned with Mīrza Abdur Rahim Khān-i-Khānān to Mando, and then moved to Burhanpūr. On the march thither, Shāh Jahān intercepted a letter which Mīrza Abdur Rahim had secretly written to Maḥabet Khān, whereupon he imprisoned him and his son Dārāb Khān, and sent them to Fort Asīr, but released them soon after on parole. Parviz and Maḥabet Khān had in the meantime arrived at the Narbadda to capture Shāh Jahān. Bairam Beg, an officer of Shāh Jahān, had for this reason removed all boats to the left side of the river, and successfully prevented the Imperialists from crossing. At Mīrza Abdur Rahim’s advice, Shāh Jahān proposed at this time an armistice. He made him swear on the Qoran, and sent him as ambassador to Prince Parviz. Maḥabet Khān, knowing that the fords would not now be so carefully watched as before, effected a crossing, and Mīrza Abdur Rahim, forgetful of his oath, joined Parviz and did not return to Shāh Jahān, who now fled from Burhanpur, marching through Talinganah to Orissa and Bengal. Maḥabet and Mīrza Abdur Rahim followed him up a short distance beyond the Tapti… Shāh Jahān then moved into Bengal and Behar, of which he made Dārāb Khān Governor.” Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 337.

In the Āīn, it is stated as below:— “Talinganah was subject to Qutbu-l-Mulk, but for some time past has been under the Ruler of Berar.” (See Jarrett’s Tr., Āīn, Vol. II, p. 230), Quli Qutb Shāh was the founder of the Qutb Shāhī dynasty in 1512, with Golkandah as his capital. It was conquered by Aurangzeb in 1688. (See p. 238 do.)

This is obviously a Printer’s mistake in the text for Pipli, south of Cuttack. Behli (or Pipli) is mentioned in Sarkar Jalesar in the Āīn. (See Jarrett’s Tr., Vol. II, p. 142).

The list of grandees in the Padshahnamah describes Muḥamad Shāh (or Sāleh Beg) as a son of Mīrza Shāhī, and nephew of Mīrza Jafar Beg Asaf Khān III. (See Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, pp. 411-412). Asaf Khān Jafar Beg is described as a man of the greatest genius, an able financier, and a capital accountant. His intelligence was such that he could master the contents of a page by a glance; he was a great horticulturist, planting and lopping off branches with own hands in his gardens. He was also a great poet. He was Vakilu-l-Mulk and a Commander of Five Thousand, under Emperor Jahangīr. His son Mīrza Zainul-abīdin is mentioned in the Āīn as a commander of 1,500 with 500 horse.

He appears to have gone at this time temporarily from Dacca (then the Mughal Viceregal Capital of Bengal) to Rajmahal.

That is, South-Western Behar. ‘Tract of Magha’ or South-Western Behar should not be confounded with the ‘tract of Mags’, or Arrakan.

I must remark Ibrahim Khān was uncommonly loyal for his times which were full of traitors, as the text shews.

Mīrza Ghiās Beg’s third son was Ibrāhim Khān Fateh Jūng. He was a brother of the Empress Nūr Jahān, and through her influence, became Governor of Bengal and Behar, under Jahāngir. He was killed near his son’s tomb at Rajmahal, during Shāh Jahān’s rebellion. His son had died young, and was buried near Rajmahal, on the banks of the Ganges (Tuzuk, p. 383). His nephew, Ahmad Beg Khān, on Ibrāhim’s death, retreated to Dacca, where he handed over to Shāh Jahān 500 elephants, and 45 lacs of rupees (Tuzuk, p. 384). See also Padshahnamah 11,727 and Bloch. Tr., Āīn. Vol. I, p. 511. Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri and Maasir-ul-Umara.

Daria Khān was a Rohilla general under Shāh Jahān. In the beginning, he was employed under Shaikh Farid, and under Sharīfu-l-Mulk, distinguished himself in the battle of Dholpūr. After the battle of Benares, he deserted Shāh Jahān. (See Maasiru-l-Umara, p. 18, Vol. II).

When Rajab Partab, Rajah of Bhojpur or Ujjain (west of Arrah) revolted against the Emperor Shāh Jahān, in the 10th year of Shāh Jahān’s reign, Abdūllāh Khān Fīruz Jang besīeged and captured Bhojpūr (1046 A.H.) Partab surrendered, and was executed; his wife became a Muhammadan and was married to Abdūllāh’s grandson. (See Padshahnamah 1, b. pp. 271 to 274 and Maasiru-l-Umara, p. 777, Vol. II). Abdūllāh Khān, though he was thoroughly loyal to Prince Shāh Jahān at the battle of Benares, subsequently seceded from the Prince, and submitted to Jahangir through the intercession of Khān Jahan. (See p. 248, Fasc. 3, Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangirī).

One Mir Nūrullah is mentioned in the Āīn amongst the learned men of Akbar’s time. It is evident the Nūrullah in the text was a Syed of Barha; for the Syeds of Barha from Akbar’s time were enrolled in the Army, and claimed their place in battle in the van or haraol. Many of these Barha Syeds for their military or political services to the State, were honoured by the Mughal Emperors with the honorific distinction of “Khān,” which in course of time very often obliterated all traces of their being Syeds. For instance, Syed Alī Asghar, son of Syed Mahmūd of Barha, received the title of ‘Saif Khān’ under Jahangir, his nephew Syed Jafar received the title of ‘Shujait Khān’, Syed Jafar’s nephew, Syed Sultān, received the title of ‘Salabat Khān alias Ikhtiṣaṣ Khān,’ the latter’s cousin, Syed Muzaffar, received the title of ‘Himmat Khān.’ Again Syed Abdūl Wahhāb received the title of ‘Diler Khān,’ whilst Syed Khān Jahān-i-Shāhjahānī’s son, Syed Sher Zamān, received the title of ‘Muzaffar Khān,’ another son, Syed Munawar, received the title of ‘Lashkar Khān,’ whilst his grandson, Syed Fīruz, received the title of ‘Ikhtiṣaṣ Khān.’ Again, Syed Qasim flourished under the title of ‘Shahāmat Khān’ in Aurangzeb’s reign, whilst his nephew, Syed Nasrat, held the title of ‘Yār Khān’ under Muhammad Shāh. (See the Tuzuk, Padshahnamah, Maasiru-l-Umara, Alamgirnamah, Maasir-i-Alamgiri, and also Professor Blochmann’s interesting note on Barha Syeds on his Tr., of Āīn Akbarī, Vol. I, pp. 390-392). The Maasiru-l-Umara mentions also one Mīr Nürullah, as a son of Mir Khallilullah (p. 337, Vol. III, Maasir).

For a graphic contemporary account of this warfare, see Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri (Pers. text, Fasc. 3, pp. 218-221), and the Tuzuk (p. 383). Ibrahim Khān was killed near the tomb of his son at Rajmahal, on the banks of the Ganges. Our author appears to have borrowed his account (in an abridged form) from the Iqbalnamah, though there are slight variations. In the text we are told that Ibrahim Khān at the battle had with him “thousands of cavalry and infantry,” whilst in the “Iqbalnamah,” it is mentioned that Ibrahim Khān had with him only “one thousand cavalry.”

Ibrahim Khān Fatih Jang was a son of ’Itamd-u-daulah Mirza Ghiās. His real name was Mirza Ibrahim.

In the commencement of his career, he held the office of Bakhshī and Wagia-navīs at Ahmadabad in Gujrat. In the 9th year of Jahangir’s reign, he received the title of “Khān’” and the manṣab of hazar and panṣadi, and was promoted to the office of Imperial Bakhshī, and was gradually further advanced to the rank of Panjhazarī and to the office of Subadar (or Viceroy) of Bengal and Orissa, receiving at the same time the titles of “Ibrahim Khān Fatih Jang.” In the 19th year of Jahangir’s reign, Prince Shāh Jahān invaded Orissa and Bengal viâ Telīngana. On hearing of this news, Ibrahim Khān moved from Dacca (which was then the Viceregal Capital, and where his family and treasures were) to Akbarnagar or Rajmahal. Prince Shāh Jahān sent messengers to him, to win him over to his side, but he proved unflinching in his loyalty to the Emperor, and fell fighting heroically in the battle of Rajmahal, near the mausoleum of his son. Ibrahim Khān’s reply to Prince Shāh Jahān, is a model of dignified and firm protest couched in the best dīplomatīc form of the Persian language, and is worth quoting:—

(See Maasir-ul-Umara, Vol. I, p. 135).

At this time, the Musalman Viceregal Capital of Bengal continued (See Maasir, p. 135, Vol. I), to be at Dacca or Jahangīrnagar, which appears to have been so named during the Viceroyalty of Islām Khān I, owing to the decisive battle which was fought under its walls on 9th Muharram 1021 A.H. or 2nd March, 1612 A.C., in the seventh year of Emperor Jahangir’s accession, between the Afghans under Khwajah Osman Lohani, and the Mughal Imperialists under Shujait Khān Rustam-i-Zamān (Shaikh Kabīr-i-Chishtī),— a battle which finally crushed Afghan resistance in Bengal and Orissa, and firmly consolidated Mughal supremacy throughout these Provinces. (See pp. 60-64, Fasc. 1, Pers. printed text of Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, a contemporary record, and also Tuzuk for fascinating descriptions of this sanguinary and decisive battle near Dacca). Stewart wrongly places the battle “on the banks of the Subarnarika in Orissa.” Osman being stout, rode at the battle on a rogue elephant called Bakhta. Many Imperialist leaders, such as Syed Adam Barha, Shaikh Acha, Iftikhār Khān, Kīshwar Khān fell at the battle, which was half decided in favour of Osman, when a chance arrow-shot wounded Osman on the forehead, and, coupled with the arrival of Mughal reinforcement under Mu’taqqīd Khān and Abdūs Salām Khān, saved the Mughal disaster, and turned it into a victory.

It would appear that when in the 19th year of Jahangir’s reign corresponding to 1033 A.H. Prince Shāh Jahān rebelling against his father, invaded Bengal, the Mughal Bengal Viceroy, Ibrahim Khān Fateh Jang (a relation of Empress Nūr Jahān) had moved from his capital at Dacca or Jahangirnagar to Rajmahal or Akbarnagar. The Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangir (p. 218, Fasc. 3, printed text), a contemporary record, states that Ibrahim’s troops were scattered at the time on the borders of Magha, which signifies South Western Behar. Owing to paucity of troops (the Maasir explains otherwise), Ibrahīm did not think of fortifying the fort of Rajmahal which was large, but entrenched himself in the mausoleum of his son, situate within the Fort and close to the river Ganges. Shāh Jahān moved from Burhanpūr īn the Dakhin across Talingana into Orissa, overran it across Pipli and Katak, and moved to Bardwan across Sarkar Madaran, and after capturing Bardwan (where Salih was commandant) marched up to Rajmahal, where the great battle was fought, and after defeating Ibrahim Khān, proceeded to Dacca, whither Ahmad Beg Khān (nephew of Ibrahim and of Empress Nūr Jahān) had previously retreated after Ibrahim’s death. Ahmad Beg surrendered to Shāh Jahān at Dacca (according to the Tuzuk and Maasir) with forty-five lacs of treasure and 500 elephants. Shāh Jahān leaving Darāb Khān (a son of Mīrza Abdur Rahīm Khān Khanān) as Governor of Bengal, marched back westward across Bengal, Behar and Jaunpur to Benares, where he was opposed and checked by Mahabet Khān. (See Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, Fasc. 3, Pers. text, pp. 215, 216, 217, 222, 223, 228, 238, 239). Shāh Nawaz Khān was the eldest son of Abdūr Rahīm Khān-i-Khānān; his life also is given in the Maasir-ul-Umara.

Ahmad Beg Khān was a son of Muhammad Sharīf, and a nephew of Ibrahīm Khān Fateh Jang, the Bengal Viceroy, and of Empress Nūr Jahān. At the time of Prince Shāh Jahān’s incursion into Orissa and Bengal, he was Deputy Governor of Orissa. He was at the time engaged in an expedition against Khurda. On hearing of Shāh Jahān’s invasion, he withdrew to Pipli (his head-quarters), thence to Katak, and not feeling himself secure even there, marched first to Bardwan, whence he went to Rajmahal or Akbarnagar, and joined his uncle Ibrahim Khān. Being defeated in the battle there, Ahmad Beg moved to Dacca (which was then the Viceregal capital of Bengal, and where the family and treasures of Ibrahim Khān were), but was soon overtaken there by Prince Shāh Jahān, to whom he surrendered. On Shāh Jahān’s accession, he was appointed Faujdar of Sīwastan. (See Maasir-ul-Umara, p. 194, Vol. I).

In the text there is some mistake. When Darāb Khān (second sou of Mīrza Abdur Rahīm Khān-i-Khānān) was made Governor of Bengal, Shāh Jahān took his wife, a son and a daughter, and also a son of Shāh Nawāz Khān (eldest son of the Khān-i-Khānān) as hostages (see Maasir-ul-Umara). Shāh Nawāz was not taken as a hostage, as the text would imply. Darāb was subsequently killed by Mahabet Khān, at the instance of Jahangīr. The following chronogram is given in the Maasir-ul-Umara (p. 17, Vol. II), as yielding the date of Dārāb’s death (1034 A.H.):—

Rām Dās, the Kachwah Rajpūt, was at first attached as naib in the Financial Department under Todar Mal, and soon gained Akbar’s favour by his regularity and industry. Emperor Jahangir conferred on him the title of ‘Rajah Karan,’ but owing to his disgraceful flight during the wars in the Dakhin, he lost Jahangir’s favour. Jahangir is stated to have cursed him thus:— “When thou wert in Rai Sal’s service, thou hadst a tankah per diem; but my father took an interest in thee, and made thee an Amir. Do not Rajpūts think flight a disgraceful thing? Alas, thy title, Rajah Karan, ought to have taught thee better. Mayest thou die without the comforts of thy faith.” His sons were Naman Dās and Dalap Dās— Bhīm Dās is not mentioned amongst his sons (see Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 483). But one Bhīm Singh is mentioned (see Bloch. Tr., Āīn, Vol. I, p. 418), amongst the grandsons of Madhu Sīngh, son of Rajah Bhagwan Dās. This Bhīm Sīngh was killed in the Dakhin, in the 3rd year of Shāh Jahan’s reign. Another Rana Karan is mentioned in the Maasir-ul-Umara (p. 201, Vol. II).

Mukhaliṣ Khān was in the beginning in the service of Prince Parviz and gradually by his merit and ability advanced himself to the office of Dīwan under the Prince. He was subsequently promoted to the office of Ṣūbadar of Patna (which was then in the tiyul or jagir of Prince Parviz). In the 19th year of Jahangir’s reign, when Prince Shāh Jahān invaded Bengal and Behar viâ Telingana and Orissa, and advanced towards Patna, after the fall of Ibrahim Khān Fatih Jang (the Bengal Viceroy), accompanied by Rajah Bhīm, son of Rana Amar Singh (in the text Rana Karan), Mukhaliṣ Khān (though he had with him Allahyār Khān, son of Iftikhār Khān, and Sher Khān Afghan), instead of holding out in the fort of Patna, fled to Allahabad. After Shāh Jahān’s accession, Mukhaliṣ Khān was appointed Faujdar of Gorakpur, and in the seventh year of Shāh Jahān’s reign, was appointed a commander of Three Thousand and also Sūbadar of Telingana. He died in the 10th year of Shāh Jahān’s reign. (See p. 428, Vol. III, Maasir-ul-Umara).

His real name was Mīrza Shamsī, and he was the eldest son of Khān ’Azam Mīrza ’Azīz Kokah. At the end of Akbar’s reign, Shamsī was a Commander of Two Thousand, and in the third year of Jahangīr’s reign, he received the title of “Jahāngīr Qulī Khān,” vacant by the death of Jahāngīr Qulī Khān Lālah Beg, Governor of Behar, and was sent to Gujrat as deputy of his father, who was Governor of Gujrat. Subsequently, Shamsī was made Governor of Jaunpūr. When Prince Shāh Jahān invaded Behar from Bengal, and the Prince’s vanguard under Abdūllah Khān Fīruz Jang and Rājah Bhīm crossed at Chausa to proceed to Allahabad, Jahangir Quli Khān fled from Jaunpūr to Allahabad and joined Mīrza Rustam Safavī there. He subsequently became Governor of Allahabad, and on Shāh Jahān’s accession, was appointed Governor of Sūrat and Jūnagarh. He died in 1041 A.H. at Sūrat. (See Maasir-ul-Umara, p. 524, Vol. I, Pers. text).

Mīrza Rustam Safavī was a son of Sultān Husain Mīrza, grandson of Shāh Ismāil, king of Persia. Mīrza Rustam was appointed by Akbar, Governor of Multan; Akbar also made him a Panjhazarī, and gave him Multan as Jagīr. One of his daughters was married to Prince Parviz, and another to Shāh Shuja’. He enjoyed great influence with Jahangir who made him a Shashhazarī, and also Governor of Allahabad, which he successfully held against Shāh Jahān’s General, Abdūllah Khān, forcing the latter to retire to Jhosī. He was subsequently Governor of Behar. Shah Jahān pensioned him off, and he died at Agra in 1051. It is worthy of interest to note that his grandson, Mīrza Ṣafshikan (son of Mirza Hasan Safavī) was Faujdar of Jessore in Bengal, where he died in 1073 (see Bloch. Tr., Āīn, p. 314, Vol. I). After him, I guess Mīrzanagar (a seat of old Jessore Musalman Faujdars) is named. The family still survives there, though impoverished. Ṣafshikan’s son, Mīrza Saifu-d-dīn. Ṣafavī, accepted the title of “Khān” under Emperor Aurangzeb. (See Maasir-ul-Umara, Pers. text, p. 478, Vol. III). The Maasir (printed text) states that on the death of his father, Mīrza Hasan Ṣafavī, Mīrza Ṣafshikan was appointed Faujdar of ‘Hasr’ in Bengal. ‘Hasr’ is evidently a misprint or a misreading for ‘Jasar’ (Jessore).

Prince Parviz was the second son of Emperor Jahangir, and a great favourite with the latter. He imitated his father in everything, “in dress, in quaffing wine, in eating, and in night-keeping” (Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, Fasc. 3, p. 279), and “never disobeyed his Imperial father’s wishes.” He died at the age of 38 years in the Dakhin, where he was employed in subjugating the country and in quelling the insurrection of Malik Amber, in 1035 A.H., that is, in the twenty-first year of Emperor Jahangīr’s accession to the throne. He rendered also important services to his father, in opposing Shāh Jahān’s invasion of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, and with the help of his generalissimo, Mahabet Khān, defeated Shāh Jahān at Benares, and obliged the latter to abandon Behar, Bengal and Orissa, and to beat a hasty retreat to the Dakhin. (See pp. 233, 239, 240, 273, 279, Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, Fasc 3, Pers. text, which is a contemporary record).

See description of this battle at Benares between the Imperialists under Prince Parviz and Mahabet Khān, and Shāh Jahān’s troops, in the Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, a contemporary record, p. 233, Pers. text. Shāh Jahān was totally defeated, owing to the rashness of his favourite officer, Rajah Bhīm, who himself fell fighting, being cut to pieces by the Imperialists. The Maasir-ul-Umara states that the battle took place on the side of (Nahr-i-Tunas) in the Suburbs of Benares.

He was the fourth and youngest son of Shāh Jahān, whose other sons were (1) Dara Shekoh, (2) Shāh Shuja (3) Aurangzeb.— See p. 306, Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīri, Fasc. 3, Pers. text.

He gave no end of trouble to Jahangir. His insurrection is fully described in the Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, a contemporary record, Fasc. 3, pp. 234 to 238. The author of the Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīri pays a high tribute to his military genius and generalship, to his administrative capacity and vigorous rule in the Dakhin. (See p. 271, Fasc 3, Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, Pers. text). He died at the ripe old age of eighty, holding his own against the Imperialists to the last. After Malik Ambar the Abyssinian’s death, his generalissimo, Yaqūt Khān the Abyssinian, together with Malik Amber’s son, Fatih Khān, and other officers of Nizam-ul-Mulk, submitted to Khān Jahān, Jahangir’s Viceroy or Ṣubadar in the Dakhin, in the twenty-first year of Jahangir’s accession. (See p. 280, Fasc. 3, Pers. text, Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri).

The Maasir-ul-Umara (Vol. III, p. 7), gives some additional facts about him. It states that Malik Amber was an Abyssinian slave of the Bijapūr king, Nizam Shāh. When in 1009 A.H., Queen Chand Sultān or Chand Bibī was killed, and the fort of Ahmadnagar fell into the hands of Akbar’s officers, and Bahadur Nizam Shāh was taken prisoner, and kept in the Gwalior fort, Malik Amber and Raju Mīan proclaimed their independence. Malik Amber brought to his control the territory extending from the limits of Telingana to a point, four kroh from Ahmadnagar and eight kroh from Daulatābād. In 1010 A.H., close to Nadirah, a battle was fought between Malik Amber and Mīrza Iraj, son of Abdur Rahim Khān-i-Khanān. Malik Amber was wounded, but the Khān-i-Khanān, knowing the adversary’s capacity, was glad to arrange terms of peace. When Akbar died, and dissensions broke out between Emperor Jahangir and his son, Prince Shāh Jahān, Malik Amber mobilising a large force encroached on Imperial territories. In consequence, during Emperor Jahangīr’s reign, the Imperialists were constantly engaged in warfare against Malik Amber, who held out to the last, and died a natural death in 1035 A.H. He lies buried in a mausoleum at Daulatābād, between the Shrines of Shāh Muntajab-ud-dīn Zarbakhsh and Shāh Rajavī Qattāl. The author of the Maasir-ul-Umara pays a high tribute to Malik Amber, as a general and as a soldier, and also as a leader of men and as an administrator. He ruled his dominions vigorously, stamping out all turbulence, weeding out all bad characters, maintained perfect peace in his domains, and always strove for the well-being and happiness of the subjects he ruled. In the village of Kharkī (which was subsequently named Aurangābād), he digged tanks, laid out public gardens, and built lofty palaces. He was liberal in charities, and very just, and very pious. A poet has written about him.

From the battle-field of Benares, after defeat. Shāh Jahān retreated to Rohtas (up to which desultory fighting was kept up between the Imperialists and Shāh Jahān’s troops), thence marched to Patna and Behar town, and thence to Garhī or Teliagarhī fort. Whilst at Garhī, Shāh Jahān summoned his Governor of Bengal, Dārāb Khān, to join him, but the latter made excuses, whereon Shāh Jahān becoming dispirited went to Rajmahal, and retreated thence to the Dakhin (being hotly pursued by Prince Parviz and Mahabet Khān) across Sarkar Madaran, Midnīpur, Orissa and Telingana. (See Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, Fasc, 3, pp. 239-240).

Mahabet Khān distinguished himself under Emperor Jahangir in the long war carried on in the Dakhin. He was early attached by the Emperor to Prince Parviz, as atalīq and generalissimo, when the Prince was sent to the Dakhin to quell the insurrection there. Where Prince Shāh Jahān subsequently rebelled against his father (Emperor Jahangir), and marching out from the Dakhin across Talingana invaded Orissa and over-ran Bengal and Behar, the Emperor ordered Mahabet Khān along with Prince Parviz to oppose Shāh Jahān’s progress. In this, Mahabet Khān (along with Prince Parviz) completely succeeded, inflicted a crushing defeat on Shāh Jahān on the battle-field of Benares, and compelled the latter to beat a hasty retreat across Behar, Bengal and Orissa into the Dakhin. For this signal military service, Mahabet Khan received from Prince Parviz (no doubt, with the previous sanction of the Emperor) Bengal in jagīr. His head was soon turned, and he failed to send to the Emperor the war-elephants taken by him in Bengal, and also failed to remit the Imperial revenue from Bengal. For this, the Emperor summoned him to his presence for chastisement, when Mahabet Khān adopted the extraordinary and impudent step of getting at the person of the Emperor, and placing the latter for some time under surveillance— from which at length the Emperor was rescued by the bold stratagem of his Queen, Nur Jahān Begam. Mahabet was then sent away in disgrace to Thata, whence he went to Gujrat, and joined the rebel Prince, Shāh Jahān. (See pp. 228, 233, 235, 238, 239, 244, 245, 248, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 276, 277, Faso. 3, Pers. text Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, a contemporary record, and also Maasir-ul-Umara, p. 385, Vol. III).

From the Maasir-ul-Umara (p. 385, Vol. III), the following additional facts about Mahabet Khān are gleaned. His real name was Zamanah Beg, his father’s name being Ghīwar Beg Kabulī. He was a Razavī Sayyid. Ghīwar Beg came from Shīraz to Kabul, and thence to India, and entered Akbar’s service, and distinguished himself in the battle of Chitor. Zamanah Beg, in youth, entered Prince Salīm’s service as an ahadi, and soon was advanced to the office of Bakhshī under the Prince. In the beginning of Jahangir’s reign, Zamanah Beg was appointed to be commander of three thousand, and received the title of Mahabet Khān. He was deputed to serve with Prince Shāh Jahān in the Dakhin, and in the 12th year of Jahangir’s reign, was appointed Ṣūbadar of Kabūl. In the 17th year, dissensions broke out between Emperor Jahangir and Prince Shāh Jahān, and Mahabet Khān was recalled from Kabul. When Shāh Jahān ascended the throne, he advanced Mahabet Khān to the rank of Haft hazarī, and conferred on him the title of “Khān-i-Khānān Sipāsālār,” and appointed him Ṣūbadār of Ajmīr, and next, Ṣubadar of the Dakhin. He died in 1044 A.H.

He appears to have been employed by Emperor Jahangir on similar missions with reference to other refractory princes and officers, such as Hoshang, son of Prince Danyal, and Abdur Rahīm Khān-i-Khānān and Māhabet Khān. (See p. 244, Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīrī Pers. text, Fasc. 3, and also Maasir-ul-Umara, p. 392, Vol. 3).

In p. 253, Fasc. 3, Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīri, “Khwajah ‘Umar Nakshbandī.”

In the printed text, the words occur “” which is obviously a mistake. The words should be “.” (See p. 253, Fasc. 3, Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīri).

In the printed Persian text, there is a mistake: the word “” (see p. 256, Fasc. 3, Iqbalnamah) is misprinted in the Riyaz as “.” The Ghusalkhana or ‘Bathing Room’ was a luxury in Mughal days: it was fitted up elegantly with cooling apparatus and on sultry days, the Mughal Emperors and the Mughal Omara passed much time in it, transacting business. Thus, ‘Ghusalkhana’ gradually came to signify a ‘Private Chamber, or a ‘khaskhana.’

The author of the Riyaz has borrowed the account from the Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīri (see pp. 256-257, Fasc. 3), but in his attempt to condense it, he has rendered his account slip-shod and confused. The author of the Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīri, named Mu’tamid Khān, was Jahangīr’s Bakhshī at the time, and was an eye-witness of what occurred. From the account that he gives, it appears that the Emperor was returning at the time to Hindustan from Kabul, that he had his camp pitched on the banks of the river Bihat (or Jhelam), that he was alone there with some courtiers, such as ’Arab Dast Ghaib, Mīr Mansūr Badakhshī, Jawaher Khān the Eunuch, Firuz Khān, Khidmat Khān the Eunuch, Baland Khān, Khedmat Parst Khān, Fasih Khan, and three or four others, that all the rest of the imperial officers and attendants including Asif Khān the Prime Minister, had left and crossed over to the eastern banks of the river. Seizing, therefore, this opportunity, Māhabe Khān, leaving some Rajput troops to guard the bridge, marched up to the Imperial tent with a large number of Rajput cavalry. At the time, the Emperor was reposing in the Khaskhānā. Māhabet Khān fearlessly broke open the door, and entered it with about 500 Rājput cavalry, and paid obeisance to the Emperor. The Emperor coming out of the tent, seated himself on the Imperial Palanquin, which had lain in front of the tent. Māhabet Khān came quite close to the palanquin, and addressed the Emperor as follows: “Fearing that through the vindictiveness and malice of Asif Khān, I should be disgraced, tortured and killed, I have dared to take this daring step of personally throwing myself on the Imperial protection. Sire, if I deserve to be killed and punished, kill and punish me in your Imperial presence” (p. 256, Fasc. 3, Iqbalnamah). In the meantime, Māhabet Khān’s Rajput cavalry surrounded the Imperial tent from all sides. Then Māhabet Khān told the Emperor that that was the usual time for the Emperor to go out hunting, and asked the Emperor to mount a horse. The Emperor mounted a horse, and went out some distance and then leaving the horse mounted an elephant. Māhabet Khān in hunting dress accompanied the Emperor and led the latter to his own camp. Finding that Nur Jahan Begam had been left behind, he led back the Emperor to the Imperial tent, but in the meantime Nur Jahan had gone across the river and had joined her brother, Asif Khān and was busy concerting measures to rescue the Emperor. After some days, by adoption of an ingenious and a bold stratagem— when the efforts of all the Imperial officers had failed— Nur Jahan succeeded in rescuing her Royal Consort, and in banishing Māhabet Khān, who was sent in disgrace to Thatah. (See p. 276, Fasc. 3, Iqbalnamah i-Jahangīri) Mahabet Khan subsequently joined Shāh Jahān in the Dakhin.

In the Iqbalnamah, “Sharīfu-l-Mulk” it appears that Prince Shāh Jahān had gone from the Dakhin to invade the province of Thatah. Then Sharīfu-l-Mulk, on behalf of Prince Shahriyār, held the Fort of Thatah with 4,000 cavalry and 10,000 infantry. On hearing the news, the Emperor Jahangir sent an Imperial army to repel Shāh Jahān’s invasion, and Māhabet Khān was sent on the same errand. Shāh Jahān was obliged to raise the siege, and to march back to the Dakhin viâ Gujrat. (See Iqbalnamah and also Maasir-ul-Umara, Pers. text, Fasc. 3, pp. 281-282).

Mukkaram Khān was a son of Shaikh Bayazīd Muazzam Khān, grandson of Shaikh Salīm Chīshtī of Fatihpur Sikri. Jahangir conferred on Shaikh Bayazīd the title of Muazzam Khān and made him Ṣubadar of Delhi. Muazzam Khān’s son, Mukkaram Khān, was a son-in-law of Islām Khān I, Jahangir’s Viceroy in Bengal, and rendered important services under the latter. He conquered Kuch Hājo (a portion of Kuch Behar) and captured its zemindar or Rajah, Parichat (Padshahnamah 11, 64), and for some time remained as Governor of Kuch Hajo. Later, he was appointed Governor of Orissa, and conquered Khurdah (South Orissa) and annexed it to the Delhi Empire. In the sixteenth year, he came to court, and was made Ṣubadar of Delhi. In the 21st year, he was sent to Bengal as Governor in the place of Khānahzād Khān, Māhabet Khān’s son. (See pp. 286, 287, 291, Fasc. 3, Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīri, and also Maasir-ul-Umara). A gale upset his boat, and he was drowned in the river with all his companions.

See n. ante.

The author of the Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīri mentions that Mīrza Rustam Safavī was appointed by Jahangīr Ṣubadar of Vilayet-i-Behar and Patna, in the 21st year of the Emperor’s reign. (See p. 280, Fasc. 3, Pers. text, Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīri, and also Maasir-ul-Umara).

Later on in the text, he is described as a Saint, in whom Prince Shāh Shujā had great faith.

This incident illustrates the solemn personality of the ‘Great Mughal’ in those days, and the ceremonial homage paid him by his officers. The practice of advancing several miles to receive imperial orders and firmans, existed throughout the Mughal regime.

See similar account in Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīri, Fasc. 3, Pers. text, p 287.

“Fidaī Khān” and “Jān Nisār Khān” or “Janbāz Khān” were his titles, his name being Mīrza Hedaitullah. He should not be confounded with Mīr Zarīf who also received the title of “Fidaī Khān.” When Mīr Zarīf received this title of Fidaī Khān, Mīrza Hedaitullah who held the same title from before, received the new title of “Jān Nisār Khān” from Shāh Jahān the Emperor. In the beginning, in the reign of Emperor Jahangir, Mīrza Hedaitullah was “Mir Bahr-i-Nawarah” or Admiral of the Imperal Fleet, and being patrouised by Māhabet Khān, he advanced rapidly in influence. In the quarrel between Māhabet Khān and Emperor Jahangir, he took sides with his patron, Māhabet Khān, and subsequently fled to Rohtas. On return in the 22nd year of Jahangir’s reign, he was appointed Viceroy of Bengal, in succession to Mukkaram Khān, who had been drowned, the arrangement entered into being that he should yearly remit from Bengal, in the shape of presents, five lacs for the Emperor and five lacs of rnpees for the Empress Nūr Jahān (no doubt, over and above the annual Imperial revenues). In Shāh Jahān’s reign, he was recalled from Bengal and received Jaunpur in tiyul (or jagir) and subsequently was appointed Faujdār of Gorakpur. He then helped Abdullah Khān, Governor of Behar, in the conquest of Bhojpūr or Ujjain. (See Maasir-ul-Umara, p. 12, Vol. 3).

This Fiscal Provincial Contract under Fidaī Khān is also noted in the Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangīri, Fasc. 3, Pers. text, p. 291.

In the Iqbalnamah, “28th Ṣafar (Sunday) Emperor Jahangīr died in the 22nd year of his reign, whilst returning from Kashmīr towards Lahore.” He was buried at Lahore in a garden which had been laid out by his beloved Consort, the Empress Nūr Jahān. (See Iqbalnamah, Fasc. 3, p. 294).

His titles were “Aṣif Khān Aṣif Jah,” his name being Mīrza Abūl Hasan. He was a son of ’Itamad-u-daulah, and the eldest brother of the Empress Nūr Jahān Begam, and he was father of Arjumund Banu Begam alias Mumtaz Mahal, the beloved Consort of Emperor Shāh Jahān, (whose memory is enshrined in marble by the Tāj at Agra). In the 9th year of Jahangir’s reign, he was appointed to the Manṣab of Shash hazarī, and subsequently raised to a haft hazarī, and was also appointed Ṣūbadar of the Panjab, and Vakīl or Prime Minister. In 1037 A.H. when Jahangir on return from Kashmīr died on the way near Rajor, Nūr Jahān (who espoused the cause of Prince Shahriyār) wanted to imprison Aṣif Khān (who espoused Prince Shāh Jahān’s cause), but Aṣif Khān could not be seized or brought back. Aṣif Khān sent a swift runner, named Benaresī, a Hindu, to Shāh Jahān who was then in Gujrat. Shāh Jahān quickly marched out to Agra, where he was installed as Emperor, whilst Shahriyār and other princes were soon imprisoned and made away with. On his accession, Shāh Jahān gave Aṣif Khān the title of “Eminu-d-daulah,” and made him a “Nah hazarī.” He died at Lahore in 1051 A.H. “;” is a chronogram which yields the above date. (See Maasir-ul-Umara, p. 151, Vol. I).

It is strange that the Riyāz should give such a meagre account of the Administration of Nawab Qāsim Khān, the first Bengal Viceroy appointed by Emperor Shāh Jahān. Yet this Administration is peculiarly interesting and significant from the modern stand-point, as the chronicle of this administration contains, for the first time, a reference to a conflict (no doubt, then unimportant) between the Christian European merchants in Bengal and the Musalman Viceroys of Bengal. To supplement the account of this Musalman Viceroy with some additional facts gleaned from the Maasir-ul-Umara, would therefore be interesting.

Qāsim Khān was a son of Mīr Murad of Juain (in the Vilayet of Baihaq). Mīr Murad was a leading Sayyid of that place, whence he migrated into the Dakhin. He was brave and a capital archer, and was engaged by Emperor Akbar to train up Prince Khurram. He was subsequently appointed Bakshī of Lahore, in the 46th year of Akbar’s reign. His son, “Qāsim Khān” (this was evidently his title, his actual name is not given in the Maasir) was a man of culture and literary habits. Under Islām Khān Chishtī Farūqī (Jahangīr’s Bengal Viceroy), Qāsim Khān served as Khazanchi or Treasurer-General of Bengal. Islām Khān took particular interest in training him up. Some timea fter, Qāsim Khān was lucky in getting married to Manijah Begam, sister of the Empress Nūr Jahān. This matrimonial alliance was a turning point in Qāsim Khān’s fortune; he was soon advanced in rank and dignity. The witty courtiers of the time called him “Qāsim Khān Manijah.” He soon became an associate of the Emperor Jahangīr. Towards the end of Jahangīr’s reign, he was appointed Ṣūbadar (or Viceroy) of Agra. In the first year of Shāh Jahān’s reign, the Emperor (Shāh Jahān) raised him to the Manṣab of Panjhazarī, and appointed him Ṣūbadar (Viceroy) of Bengal, in place of Fidaī Khān. During his stay in Bengal (during Jahangīr’s reign), Shāh Jahān had become personally apprised of the excesses practiced by the Christians (Portuguese, obviously) resident in the Port of Hughli. For instance, Shāh Jahān had come to know that these often took unauthorised leases of adjoining pargannas, oppressed the tenantry of those pargannas, and sometimes by tempting offers, converted them to Christianity, and even sent them to Farang (or Europe). Further these Christians (Portuguese, obviously) carried on similar malpractices even in pargannas, with which they had no connection. Further, these Christians, under the pretext of carrying on trading transactions, had in the beginning established some ware-houses which they had gradually and clandestinely, by bribing local officers, converted into large fortified buildings. In consequence, the bulk of the trade which had found its way, hitherto, to the old Imperial emporium at Sātgaon, was diverted to the new port of Hughli. In consideration of the above circumstances, the Emperor Shāh Jahān, whilst sending Qāsim Khān to Bengal as his Viceroy, gave the latter instructions to expel the foreign Christian (Portuguese) traders from the port of Hughli. Accordingly, in the 4th year of Shāh Jahān’s reign, Qāsim Khān sent his son ’Inaitullāh Khān in company of Allahyār Khān and other officers to Hughli, and he sent also by the sea-route viâ Chittagong another company of troops on a fleet of vessels from the Imperial Nawarah or Fleet stationed in Dacca, so that the Portuguese might not escape by water, giving out at the same time that the expedition had as its objective Hījlī. These besieged Hughli, and, after the fighting was protracted to three months and a half, succeeded in storming it, and in expelling the Christian (Portuguese) traders from it. 2,000 Christians were killed in the fighting, 4,400 were taken prisoners, and 10.000 Indian captives that were in the hands of the Portuguese were released, and 1,000 Musalman soldiers got killed in the fighting. Three days after this victory (in 1041 A.H.) Qāsim Khān died of disease. He built the Cathedral Mosque at Agra in Angah Khān bazaar. (See p. 78, Vol. 3, Maasir-ul-Umara).

Ā’zim Khān’s real name was Mīr Muhammad Baqir, his titles being “Iradat Khān,” and subsequently “Ā’zim Khān.” He was a Sayyid of Sava which is in ’Irūq. On arrival in India, he was appointed Faujdar of Sialkot and Gujrat, through the interest taken in him by Āṣif Khān Mīrza Ja’far, who married to him his daughter. Then he was presented to Emperor Jahangīr, who gave him (on the recommendation of Eminu-d-daulah Aṣif Khān) a good Manṣab and the office of Imperial Khansaman. In the 15th year of Jahangīr’s reign, he was appointed Ṣūbadar (Governor) of Kashmīr and next Mīr Bakhshī under the Emperor directly. On Shāh Jahān’s accession to the throne, Shāh Jahān raised him to the rank of Panjhazarī, and also to the office of vizier of the Supreme Dīwan. In the second year of Shāh Jāhān’s reign, he was set to reform the Revenue Administration of the Provinces in the Dakhin. In the third year, he received the title of “Ā’zām Khān,” and was employed by the Emperor for chastising Khān Jahan Lodī and for the conquest of the Nizam Shāhī kingdom in the Dakhin. Though he succeeded in dispersing Khān Jahan’s force, and though he stormed the fort of Dharwar, his services in the Dakhin as he was an experienced and a sagacious ruler, on his arrival in did not satisfy the Emperor, who sent him to Bengal as Viceroy, in succession to Qāsim Khān, who died in the 5th year of Shāh Jahān’s reign. He continued in Bengal as Viceroy for three years only, and in the 8th year was transferred to Allahabad, and subsequently to Gujrat, and lastly to Jaunpur, where he was Rector of the Jaunpur University, and died in 1059 A.H., in his 76th year, and was buried in a garden which he had laid out on the banks of the Jaunpur river. His daughter was married to Prince Shāh Shuja (after the latter had lost his first wife, a daughter of Mīrza Rustam Ṣafavī). He possessed many good qualities, and was very strict in auditing the accounts of ’Amils (Collectors of Revenue). (See Maasir-ul-Umara, p. 174, Vol. I).

This ‘Abdus Salam would seem to be the Abdus Salam (son of Muazzam Khān, Ṣūbadar of Delhi) who opportunely reinforced Shujait Khān at the decisive battle near Dhaka (Dacca) with the Afghan leader Osman Lohanī. He would seem, therefore, to have been a brother of Mukkaram Khān (another son of Muaẓzam Khān) who was Governor of Bengal and who was conqueror of Kuch Hajo (or Kuch Behar) and Khurdah. ‘Abdus Salam at the time would seem to have been Governor of Kuch Hajo in succession to his brother Mukkaram Khān, and to have invaded Assam. (See n. ante). The Alamgīrnamah (p. 680, Fasc. VII, Pers. text) calls him “Shaikh Abdus Salam,” and states that towards the early part of Shāh Jahān’s reign, he was ‘Faujdar’ of ‘Hajo’ (that is, Kuch Hajo, or western part of Kuch Behar), and that at Gauhatī he together with many others was captured by the Assamese, and that, to chastise the Assamese, an expedition to Assam was shortly after (during the Viceroyalty of Islām Khān II alias Mīr Abdus Salam) sent out under command of Siadat Khān (Islām Khān’s brother), but that the expedition reached only Kajal (which is on the frontier of Assam), and did not result in any decisive issue, as Islām Khān was shortly after recalled by the Emperor to assume the office of Imperial Vizier at Delhi.

Islām Khān Mashadī; his actual name was Mīr Abdus Salām, and his titles were “Ikhtiṣāṣ Khān” and subsequently “Islām Khān.” He should not be confounded with “Islām Khān Chīshtī Faruqī,” whose real name was Shaikh ’Alau-d-dīn, and who was Viceroy of Bengal, under Emperor Jahangīr.

Mir Abdus Salām was in the beginning a Munshī or Secretary of Prince Shāh Jahān. In 1030 A.H. (during Jahangīr’s reign), he was Vakil-i-Darbār or Prince Shāh Jahān’s Political Agent at the Imperial Court (Shāh Jahān being engaged at the time in affairs connected with the Dakhin), and at the same time received the title of “Ikhtiṣāṣ Khān.” When dissensions broke out between Shāh Jahān and Emperor Jahangīr, Mīr Abdus Salām joined Shāh Jahān. On Shāh Jahān’s accession to the throne, he raised Mīr Abdus Salām to the rank of Chahārhazārī, bestowed on him the title of “Islām Khān,” and appointed him Bakhshī and subsequently Governor of Gujrat, with command of Five Thousand. In the 8th year, on the recall of A’zam Khān (the Bengal Viceroy), Mīr Abdus Salām alias Islām Khān Mashadī was appointed Viceroy of Bengal. In the 11th year of Shāh Jahān’s accession, he achieved several notable triumphs, viz., (1) the chastisement of the Assamese, (2) capture of the son-in-law of the Assam Rājah, (3) capture of fifteen Assam forts, (4) capture of Srīghat and Mando, (5) successful establishment of Imperial military out-posts or Thanas in all the mahals of Koch Hajo (the western portion of Kuch Behar), (6) capture of 500 Koch war-vessels. Manīk Rai, brother of the Rājah of Arrakan, also at this time came to Dhaka (Dacca) and took refuge with Islām Khān. In the 13th year (in the text, correctly, 11th year), Islām Khān was called back by Shāh Jahān from Bengal, and installed in the office of Imperial Vazir. He was subsequently appointed Viceroy of the Dakhin, where he died at Aurangabad in the 21st year of Shāh Jahān’s reign, in 1057 A.H. He was buried in a mausoleum at Aurangabad. He was a learned scholar, a brave general and a sagacious administrator. (See Maasir-ul-Umara, p. 162, Vol. I).

Saif Khān Mīrza Ṣafī was a son of Amanat Khān. He married Malikāh Bānū, sister of Empress Mumtaz Mahal, and a daughter of Aṣif Khān Emīnu-d-daulah, and was thus closely connected with Emperor Shāh Jahān, by marriage. He first became Dīwān of the Ṣūbah of Gujrat, and for his victory over ’Abdullah Khān under daring circumstances, was appointed Ṣūbadar of Gujrat, and also received the title of “Saif Khān.” He was subsequently appointed by Emperor Shāh Jahān to be Governor of Behar (where at Patna he built several lofty public edifices). [Ṣafīabād town, near Jamalpūr in Monghyr, I guess, was built by him, and is named so after him. There is still a place in it called “Ṣafī Sarai” or “Safi’s inn.” If my memory serves me aright, I found a big well in Monghyr town near the Club, which bears an inscription to show that it was built by Saif Khān]. In the 5th year of Shāh Jahān’s reign, he became Governor of Allahabad; in the 8th year, he was selected as Governor of Gujrat, and next appointed Commandant of Agra. In the 12th year, when Islām Khān Mashadī was summoned back from Bengal to Delhi, to assume charge of the portfolio of Imperial Vazarat, Bengal was assigned to Prince Shāh Shuj‘a. As the Prince was at the time away at Kabūl, Saīf Khān received orders to administer Bengal on behalf of the Prince, during his absence. In the 13th year of Shāh Jahān’s reign (in 1049 A.H.) Saīf Khān Mīrza Ṣafī died in Bengal, and his wife Malikah Bānū died the following year. (See Maasir-ul-Umara, p. 416, Vol II).

Prince Shāh Shuj‘a was the second son of Emperor Shāh Jahān, whose other sons were (1) Dārā Shekoh, (2) Aurangzeb, and (3) Murād. Shāh Shuj‘a was married to a daughter of Mīrza Rustam Ṣafāvī, and subsequently (on the death of his first wife) to a daughter of Nawab ‘Azam Khān (a former Bengal Viceroy). Shāh Shuj‘a, on appointment to Bengal, temporarily removed the Viceregal Capital from Dacca to Rajmahal. He twice ruled over Bengal, that is, once for eight years, and again (after a break of two years) for another eight years. Shāh Shuj‘a’s rule over Bengal was marked by the introduction of financial reforms and by the growth of revenue. “About 1658 A.C. he prepared a new rent-roll of Bengal, which showed 34 Sarkars and 1,350 mahals, and a total revenue on Khalsa and Jagir lands of Rs. 13,115,907 exclusive of abwabs.” (See Blochmann’s Contr. to history of Bengal and the Padshahnamah). Shāh Shuj‘a was a lover of architecture, and he built numerous marble edifices in Rajmahal, Monghyr and Dacca. He also extended his Bengal Satrapy by incorporating therein Sarkars Monghyr and Behar (see Alamgirnamah), but shortly after he received a check in his onward career by coming in collision with his clever brother, Aurangzeb, and at length fled to Arrakan where he perished.

See n., ante.

In the text is evidently a misprint for .

‘Itaqād Khān Mirza Shapūr was a son of ‘Itamd-u-daulah, and a brother of Aṣif Khān Mirza Abul Hasan, and therefore, a brother also of Empress Nūr Jahān (Maasir-ul-Umara, p. 180, Pers. text, Vol. I., Fasc. 11).

Professer Blochmann’s list (p. 511, Ain, Tr., Vol. I), does not give his name. In the 17th year of Jahangīr’s reign, he was appointed Governor of Kashmir, and continued there for a long period. He was also raised by Emperor Jahangīr to a command of five thousand. In the 5th year of Shāh Jahān’s reign, he was recalled from Kashmir. In the 16th year, he was appointed Governor of Behar, and whilst there, in the 17th year, he organised and despatched an expedition to Palaun (Palamow) under Zabardast Khān, and defeated its zemindar or Rajah, named Partab, who submitted to the Emperor, and agreed to pay an annual tribute of one lac of rupees. In the 20th year of Shāh Jahān’s reign, when Prince Shāh Shuj‘a was recalled from Bengal, ‘Itaqād Khān in addition to his Governorship of Behar was appointed Viceroy of Bengal, where he continued for two years. In the 23rd year of Shāh Jahān’s reign (1060 A.H.) ‘Itaqād Khān died at Agra. He was a man of great refinement and culture, and his aesthetic tastes led him to be one of the founders of a new and elegant style of architecture. He built a splendid palace on a new and improved design at Agra.

In Alamgirnamah (p. 111) ‘Itaqād Khān is mentioned as a son of Eminu-d-doulah Aṣif Khān (See Maasir-ul-Umara, Vol. I, Fasc. 2, Pers. text, p. 180).

Emperor Shāh Jahān fell ill at Delhi on 7th Zíl-haj 1067 A.H. (Alamgirnamah, p. 27). At the time of the Emperor’s illness, Prince Dara Shekoh, the eldest son, was at Agra. Prince Shuj‘a, the second son, was in Bengal; Aurangzeb, the third son, was in the Dakhin; whilst Prince Murad, the fourth son, was in Gujrat. Owing to illness, Shāh Jahān was invisible to the public as well as to his ministers and officers, and great confusion in State affairs occurred, and Dara Shekoh went to the Emperor, and took into his hands the reins of Government. In order to make himself thoroughly master of the situation, Dara Shekoh aimed to keep the Emperor fully under his control, and so forcibly removed the Emperor together with all royal treasures from Delhi on 20th Muharram, 1068 A.H. (1086 in the printed Pers. text is a misprint) to Agra, which was reached on 19th Ṣafar, 1068 A.H. In the meantime, Murad proclaimed himself King in Gujrat, whilst Shuj‘a similarly proclaimed himself King in Bengal, and invaded Patna and Benares (Alamgirnamah, p. 29).

Dara Shekoh’s plan was first to vanquish Shāh Shuj‘a, next Murad, and to reserve the final blow for Aurangzeb, whom he dreaded most. In pursuance of this scheme, he first detached a large army under the command of his son Sulaiman Shekoh together with Rajah Jai Singh to operate against Shāh Shuj‘a. The army under Sulaiman Shekoh on the 4th Rabi-al-Awwal 1068 A.H. reached Bahadurpur, a village on the banks of the Ganges, 2½ kos from Benares, and 1½ kos from Shāh Shuj‘a’s encampment. Shāh Shuj‘a had brought with him a large number of Nawarah or war-ships from Bengal, and so was sanguine of success, and treating the foe with contempt, he had dispensed with all ordinary precautions of war. Sulaiman Shekoh made a feint retreat which further took in Shāh Shuj‘a, and then suddenly wheeling round, made a bold dash which completely surprised Shāh Shuj‘a, who leaving behind his tents, treasures, guns and horses, hastily got into a boat, and sailed down to Patna, thence to Monghyr, where he halted for some days. Sulaiman Shekoh’s army pursued Shuj‘a to Monghyr; and, then the latter quitting Monghyr, set out for Bengal. (See Alamgirnamah, p. 31). Whilst these events were transpiring in Bengal, Aurangzeb with his marvellous insight grasping the situation forestalled Dara Shekoh by making a move from Aurangabad towards Burhanpur on Friday, 12th Jamadi-ul-Awwal 1068 A.H. (Alamgirnamah, p. 43). After halting for a month at Burhanpur to get news of the state of things at Agra, Aurangzeb learnt that Dara Shekoh had detached a large army under Rajah Jaswant Singh, who had already arrived at Ujjain, in Malwah. This made Aurangzeb decide his plans. He immediately on 25th Jamadi-ul-Akhirah on a Saturday marched from Burhanpur, reached the banks of the Narbadda, crossed it, and on the 20th Rajab encamped at Dibalpur. On the 21st Rajab, setting out from Dibalpur, he met on the way Prince Murad, and won him over to his side (Alamgirnamah, p. 55), and reached Dharmatpur, a place 7 kos from Ujjain, and one kos from Rajah Jaswant Singh’s army, and pitched his camp on the banks of a rivulet, called Chūr Narainah. (Alamgirnamah, p. 56). Rajah Jaswant Singh was quite out-witted by this strategic move of Aurangzeb who had united his forces with those of Murad. Aurangzeb then inflicted a crushing blow on Rajah Jaswant Singh at Dharmatpur. (See charming description of this battle in the Alamgirnamah, Pers. text, pp. 61, 66 to 74). Marching quickly from Dharmatpur, Aurangzeb passed through Gwalior. In the meantime Dara Shekoh had marched to Dholpur (p. 85, Alamgirnamah), to oppose Aurangzeb’s progress, and to prevent his crossing the Chanbal river. Aurangzeb quickly however crossed the Chanbal river at the ferry of Bhadureah, which is 20 kos from Dholpur, on the first day of the month of Ramzan. On the 7th Ramzan, the battle of Dholpur was fought, and Dara Shekoh was completely defeated by Aurangzeb. (See description of the battle of Dholpur in the Alamgirnamah, pp. 100 to 104). Dara Shekoh fled to Agra, and thence to the Panjab and other places, was eventually captured and beheaded. Shortly after his installation, Aurangzeb drew his force against Shāh Shuj‘a who had advanced, and occupied Rohtas, Chunar, Jaunpur, Benares and Allahabad. The battle between Aurangzeb and Shuj‘a was fought at Kachwa, a place close to Korah, and resulted in Shuj‘a’s defeat. (See description of the battle in the Alamgirnamah, Pers. text, p. 243). After his defeat, Shuj‘a fled to Bahadurpur, thence to Patna, thence to Monghyr which he fortified, and thence (owing to the treachery of Rajah Bahroz, zamindar of Kharakpur) to Rangamati, and thence (owing to treachery of Khwajah Kamalu-d-dīn, zamindar of Bīrbhum) to Rajmahal, thence through minor places to Dacca, thence through Bhaluah and minor places to Arrakan, always heroically contesting every inch of ground against the hosts of Aurangzeb, led by his General Muazzam Khān alias Mir Jumla, but every time baffled by the treachery of so-called adherents, barring a noble band of Barha Syeds who clung to him to the last. (See pp. 495 to 561, Alamgirnamah, Pers. text).

The Alamgirnamah, p. 31 (from which the account here in the text appears to be borrowed) says: “From Monghyr to Patna became annexed to the Satrapy (iqtā) of Dara Shekoh.”

Aurangzeb moved from the Dakhin in 1068 A.H., inflicted a crushing defeat on Dara Shekoh’s troops led by Maharaja Jaswant Singh at Ujjain, and also defeated Dara Shekoh near Agra, and then informally proclaimed himself Emperor in 1069 A.H. (See Alamgirnamah, pp. 59 to 86, and pp. 87 to 108).

Dara Shekoh, after his defeat by Aurangzeb near Agra, fled to Delhi, and thence to Lahore, and after various adventures in the Panjab, Gujrat and Kabul was captured by Jiwan, zamindar of Dadar, and made over to Aurangzeb who caused him to be imprisoned and subsequently slain, and his body buried in the mausoleum of Humayun at Delhi. (See Alamgirnamah, pp. 433 and 408). Those who take an interest in Dara Shekoh’s adventures after his flight, will find a full account of the same in the Alamgirnamah. Dara Shekoh was a free-thinker and a pro-Hindu, and if he had succeeded to the throne, he would have out-Akbared Akbar in his pro-Hindu policy. Aurangzeb was the reverse of Dara Shekoh; he was a champion of Islām, and an iconoclast like Mahmud of Ghazni or Shāhabu-d-dīn Ghori.

The Alamgirnamah indicates that at the time Shāh Shuj‘a had halted at Monghyr, fortifying the place. Then Rajah Bahroz, zamindar or Rajah of Kharakpur, who professed loyalty to Shāh Shuj‘a, but in reality was a traitor secretly intrigued with Aurangzeb’s general, Mīr Jumla alias Mu‘azzam Khān, and showed the latter another route across the hills to the east of Monghyr. In covering this route, Mīr Jumla had to make a detour of several miles; and Shāh Shuj‘a finding that he was being out-flanked, instantly sailed down on his war-vessels from Monghyr Fort to Rangamatī and Rajmahal, and on the way fortified the passes of Telīagadhi and Sakrigali, which were then regarded as the ‘key’ to Bengal.

A full account of his life will be found in the Maasir-ul-Umara, Vol. III, p. 530, Pers. text.

From it, it appears that his name was Mīr Muhammad Said Mīr Jumla, and his titles were “Mu‘azzam Khān, Khān-i-Khanan Sipasalār.” He came from Ardastan, first served under Sultān Abdullah Qutb Shāh, ruler of Golkondah, where he attained great eminence. Falling out with Qutb Shāh, he joined Prince Aurangzeb who was then in the Dakhin. His great services were (1) the conquest of Bijapur, (2) the extirpation of Shāh Shuj‘a, (3) the conquests of Kuch Behar and Assam. He was a statesman of great sagacity and foresight, and as a general, he was matchless in his day. (See Maasir-ul-Umara, p. 555, Vol. III, Pers. text).

Details of Sultān Muhammad’s desertion to Shāh Shuj‘a, and his subsequent secession, are given in the Alamgirnamah.

Details of Shāh Shuj‘a’s fightings and adventures are given in the Alamgirnamah. See notes, ante.

The description in the Alamgirnamah, pp. 557 to 562, shows that the ruler of Arrakan was neither a Syed nor a Mussulman, but a Buddhist. It also appears from the Alamgirnamah that setting out from Tandah on boats, Sultān Shuj‘a reached Dacca (Jahangirnagar) where his eldest son Zainu-d-dīn had been from before. Zainu-d-dīn had arranged with the Rajah of Arrakan to escort Sultān Shuj‘a to Arrakan, on the latter’s arrival at Dacca. At this time, Manūar Khān, a zamindar of Jahangirnagar, proved obstructive to Zainu-d-dīn’s plans, and so he (Manūar) was first chastised with the help of the Arrakanese. Starting from Dacca on boats, guarded by the Arrakanese, Shuj‘a passed through Dhapa (4 kos from Dacca), Sīrīpur (12 kos north of Dacca), Bhaluah (which then formed the southern limit of the Mughal dominions in Bengal), and thence to Arrakan. One who cares to note names of old Bengal towns, may profitably read this portion of the Alamgirnamah.

In the Alamgirnamah (p. 676), he is called “Bim Narain, zamindar of Kuch Behar.” It is stated therein that hitherto he used to regularly pay tribute to the Emperor, but that during the chaos which arose owing to Emperor Shāh Jahān’s illness, and owing to Shāh Shuj‘a march to Patna, in order to lay claim to the Imperial throne, Bim Narain ceased paying tribute, and invaded Ghoraghat or Rangpur and subsequently Kamrup. According to the Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri (p. 110), Lachmi Narain, “zāmindar of Kuch Behar” also used to pay homage and tribute to Emperor Jahangīr.

In Alamgirnamah (p. 678), “Bholanath.”

His name was Jī dhaj Singh. (Alamgirnamah, p. 678).

See Alamagirnamah, a contemporary record, p. 678. Lutfullah Shīrazi, the Faujdar of Kamrup, retired on war-boats from Kamrup to Jahangīrnagar (Dacca). The Koch also withdrew, on finding that the Assamese had invaded Kamrup. The Assamese advanced up to Karibarī which is five manzal from Dacca, and established a military out-post at Mast Salah, close to Karibarī. (See Alamgirnamah, p. 679).

The Khān-i-Khanan (Muazzam Khān) set out from Khizapur (which has been identified to be a place close to Narainganj) with war-vessels, on 17th Rabiul-Awwal 1072 A.H., for the conquest of Kuch Behar, leaving Mukhalis. Khān as Governor of Akbarnagar (Rajmahal) and Ihtisham Khān as Governor of Jahangīrnagar (Dacca) and Bhagoti Dass as Diwan under the latter, and reached Baritollah, the Imperial frontier out-post. The Alamgirnamah mentions that at the time three land-routes lay to Kuch Behar:— (1) viâ the Murang! (2) viâ the Doars, (3) viâ Ghoraghat or Rangpur. The Khān-i-Khanan sent out scouts to ascertain which route was the best, and then chose the Ghoraghat route, by which he pushed on with his forces by land, sending out another force by the river on war-vessels, the two forces to give cover to each other, and to cover equal distance each day. (See Alamgirnamah, p. 683, for a full description of this expedition to Kuch Behar and Assam). The war-vessels passed through a river which joins Ghoraghat with the Brahmaputra, and the Imperialists reached Kuch Behar town. The Rajah (Bim Narain) fled to Bhutan, his minister Bholanath fled to the Murang, and the Imperialists stormed Kuch Behar town, and named it Alamgirnagar. Syed Sadiq, Ṣadr or Chief Justice of Bengal, shouted out the Azan from the terrace of the Rajah’s palace; the Rajah’s son Bishannath embraced Islām, and Isfandyar Beg (who received the title of Isfandyar Khān) was left by the Khān-i-Khanan as Faujdar of Kuch Behar, with Qazi Samu (who was formerly Shāh Shuj‘a’s officer) as Diwan of Kuch Behar. (See p. 694, Alamgirnamah, Pers. text).

After conquering Kuch Behar, the Khān-i-Khanan (Muazzam Khān), proceeded to the banks of the Brahmaputra, with his military and naval forces, and passed through Rangamati. Diler Khān commanded the van, whilst Mīr Murtazza was in charge of the artillery. The Khān-i-Khanan occupied Jogikhapa, and appointed Ataullah to be Faujdar of that place, and then occupying Sirighat, stormed Gauhati, and appointed Muhammad Beg to be Faujdar of Gauhati. After halting at Gauhati for some time, the Khān-i-Khanan marched out, when the Rajahs of Darang (named Makrupanj) and of Daromariah offered tribute and submitted. The Khān-i-Khanan then stormed the fort of Jamdhara, appointed Syed Mirzai Sahzwari (together with Syed Tatar and Rajah Kishin Singh) to be Thanadar of Jamdhara, and appointed Syed Naṣir-ud-dīn Khān (together with other Imperial officers) to be Thanadar or commandant of Kilabari, captured 400 Assamese war-vessels with numerous guns and armaments and stores, occupied Solagadha, Lakhokadh, Diwalgaon, Kajpur, and Kargon or Gargaon, the capital of Assam, captured 208 battering guns, 100 elephants, and 3 lacs of specie in gold and silver, 675 other guns, 1,000 war-vessels, with other armaments and stores. (See description of Gargaon, the old Assam capital, in p. 728, Alamgirnamah). When the rains set in, the Khān-i-Khanan encamped at Mathurapur, which was a high place, about 3 kroh distant from Gargaon, leaving Mīr Murtazza with Rajah Amar Singh and others in charge of Gargaon, and appointing Syed Muhammad as Diwan, and Muhammad ’Abid to confiscate the effects of the Rajah who had fled to the hills of Kamrup, and Meana Khān in charge of Salpani, and Ghazi Khān in charge of Dewpanī, and Jallal to protect the banks of the Dhank river. The whole of Dakhinkul and portions of Uttarkul were subdued by the Imperialists (p. 736, Alamgirnamah).

After the rains set in, the Rajah of Assam with his army came down from the hills of Kamrup, and gave some trouble to the Imperialists, who suffered also from ague and diarrhœa. At length, the Rajah sued for peace, and the Khān-i-Khanan, who had fallen ill, granted it on the following terms (Alamgirnamah, p. 808):—

1. That the Rajah should send his sister and a daughter of Rajah Patam together with 20,000 tolas of gold, and 20,000 tolas of silver, and 20 elephants by way of tribute, besides 15 elephants for the Khān-i-Khanan, and 5 elephants for Diler Khān.

2. That in course of next 12 months, the Rajah of Assam should send 3 lak tola of silver and 90 elephants to the Emperor, and that every year he should send 20 elephants to the Emperor, and that till the payment of the indemnity, 4 leading Assamese noblemen should be given as hostages.

3. That Darang (in the Uttarkul) and Biltali and Domariah (in the Dakhinkul) should be subject to the Emperor, and that in the Dakhinkul, the delimitation line between Assam and the Imperial dominions should be the river Kalang, and in the Uttarkul it should be Ālībararī. Rahmat Banū, a daughter of the Assam Rajah, was given in marriage to Prince Muhammad Azam, her dower being one lak and Rs. 80,000. (See Maasir-i-Alamgiri, p. 73).

See Alamgirnamah, p. 812. He was Viceroy of Bengal from 1658 to 1663. He died near Dacca in 30th March, 1663. In 1661, he had threatened to expel the English merchants from Hughli.— These, however, prudently submitted and were pardoned, on their tendering an apology through their Hughli agent, Trivisa, on their agreeing to pay Rs. 3,000 annually. See Wilson’s Early Annals of the English in Bengal, Vol. II, p. 35.

Shaista Khān was a son of Eminu-d-daulah Aṣaf Khān, and a brother of Mumtaz Mahal, wife of Shah Jahan. His name was Mirza Abū Talib, and his titles were “Amir-ul-Umara Shāista Khan.” In the reign of Shahjahan, he became a Panjhazari and Nazim of Balaghat in the Dakhin, and subsequently Subadar of Behar and Patna, when he invaded Palaon (Palamu) and subdued Partab, Zamindar of Palaon (Palamu). He then became Ṣubadar of Malwah and Gujrat and subsequently Viceroy of all the Subahs of the Dakhin. He rendered good services to Aurangzeb in the latter’s fightings with Dara Shekoh and Sulaiman Shekoh. On the death of Mir Jumla, he became Viceroy of Bengal in 1664 A.C. He chastised thoroughly the Mag pirates who harried the coasts of Bengal, and wrested from them (chiefly through the exertions of his own son, Buzurg Umed Khan) the fort of Chittagong, and named it Islamabad (Alamgirnamah, p. 940). He subsequently became a Hafthazari and Viceroy of Agra, where he died in 1105 A.H. He was held in high esteem by Emperor Aurangzeb, who lavished on him high privileges and semi-regal honours. With all his greatness, Shāista Khān was meek and humble, courteous and affable, just and liberal, brave, noble, and enlightened. He established mosques with madrassas, rest-houses, bridges, and roads throughout India, and his charities were wide. He was married to a daughter of Shāh Nawaz Khān, son of Abdur Rahim Khān Khānan. He forms a prominent figure in connection with the early commercial enterprises of the English East India Company. (See Wilson’s Early Annals of the English in Bengal, Vol. 1, pp. 48-99 and 111, and Hunter’s “History of British India,” Vol. 2, pp. 238-266). Nawab Shāista Khān’s Viceroyalty in Bengal forms a brilliant chapter in the Mughal annals of Bengal, as during it many useful public works, such as serais, bridges, and roads were constructed, and the economic and agricultural condition of the people attained an unique degree of prosperity, in that a maund of rice sold in the bazar for two annas only (See Maasir-i-Alamgiri, pp. 167 and 368, and Maasir-ul-umara, Vol. 2, p. 690).

Shaista Khan was Aurangzeb’s Viceroy of Bengal for a quarter of a century with a short break, that is, from 1664 to 1680 A.C. He died in 1694 in his 93rd lunar year. For his parwana of pardon to the English in 1687, see Hunter’s History Vol. 2, p. 260, f.n.

A dam was equal to the fortieth part of the rupee, and a damri was equal to one-eighth part of a dam (See Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I, p. 31), that is, 320 damris made up one rupee. Therefore, during Shaista Khān’s Viceroyalty in Bengal, for one rupee 8 maunds of rice could be had, in other words, the price, per maund, of rice was two annas only.

The Maasir-i-Alamgiri (p. 368) is highly eulogistic in praise of Nawab Shaista Khān. It says that he established numerous caravanserais and erected numerous bridges throughout India. His great achievements in Bengal were (1) the Conquest of Chittagong which was named by him Islamābād (for details see Alamgirnamah, p. 940); (2) the extirpation of the Mag pirates; (3) the improvement of the economic and agricultural condition of Bengal; and (4) construction of numerous useful public works. (See also Maasir-ul-umara, p. 690, Vol. II). During his Viceroyalty, Duldan Namjal, Rajah of Tībat (through the exertions of Saif Khān Ṣūbadar of Kashmir, Murad Khān, zamindar of Tibat-i-Khurd, and Muhammad Shafi envoy) submitted to Aurangzeb (pp. 921-922, Alamgirnamah).

It is stange that the author of the Riyaz in his account of the Viceroyalty of Nawab Shaista Khān should have omitted all mention of the Nawab’s greatest military achievements in Bengal, viz., the chastisement of the Mag and Portuguese pirates and the re-conquest of Chittagong. I therefore translate freely the following contemporary account from the Alamgirnamah (Pers. text, p. 943):—

As the Mags emerging from Arrakan on war-vessels (Nawarah) and taking advantage of the struggle for supremacy between Aurangzeb and Shāh Shuj‘a, harried the coasts of Bengal, Emperor Aurangzeb sent out orders to his Bengal Viceroy, Nawab Shaista Khān, to take immediate steps for chastising the Mags. With this object in view, Nawab Shaista Khān first took steps to guard and fortify his southern frontier out-posts. He appointed an Afghan named Said with 500 rocketeers and musketeers to charge of the Noakhali out-post, Muhammad Sharīf, Faujdar of Hughli, with 500 rocketeers, 1,000 infantry and 20 guns to defend the out-post of Sankram-Kadah, and set Muhammad Beg Abakash and Abūl Hassan with the Imperial war-vessels which lay at Siripūr to patrol the river. From Siripūr to ’Alamgirnagar covering a distance of twenty-one kroh, an embanked road so that it might not be flooded during the rains was also constructed under the Nawab’s order, for military purposes. The Nawab then ordered Abūl Hassan to bring round Dilawar, zamindar of Sardīp, or to punish him, as the latter secretly sided with the Mags. Abūl Hassan attacked Sandīp and fought with Dilawar, who being hit by an arrow fled to the jungles. Meanwhile, the Arrakanese fleet came up to Sandīp to render assistance to Dilawar. Abūl Hassan prepared to assault the Arrakanese fleet, which withdrew, and then Abūl Hasan, not pursuing it, retired to Noakhali. Nawab Shaista Khān, on hearing of this, sent another fleet consisting of 1,500 gunners and 400 cavalry, commanded by Ibn-i-Husain, Superintendent of the Nawarah (Fleet), Jamal Khān, Serandaz Khān, Qaramal Khān and Muhammad Beg, to re-inforce Abūl Hassan, to co-operate with the latter and occupy Sandīp (Sondīp), and to extirpate its zamindar, Dilawar. Ibn-i-Husain with this re-inforcement moved up to Noakhali, which is in front of Sandīp, and halted there with Muhammad Beg, in order to blockade the passage of the Arrakanese fleet. Abūl Hassan with others then attacked Sandīp, wounded and captured Sharīf, son of Dilawar, and captured also, after severe fighting, Dilawar with his followers, and sent them prisoners to Jahangirnagar (Dacca) in charge of Manūar, zamindar of Jahangīrnagar, and subdued Sandīp. Nawab Shaista Khān, on getting news of the conquest of Sandīp, appointed Abdūl Karīm, brother of Rashīd Khān, to the charge of Sandīp, with 200 cavalry and 1,000 infantry. The Feringīs (Portuguese) were at this time siding with the Arrakanese, so Nawab Shaista Khān first took steps to detach the Feringīs, and for this purpose sent out letters to some of the leading Feringīs. Some of these letters falling into the hands of Karam Kibrī, a Mag, who with a fleet was in the environs of Sandīp, the latter communicated it to the Rajah of Arrakan, who lost confidence in the Feringīs, and ordered that the Feringīs should be deported from Chittagong to Arrakan. The Feringīs of Chittagong getting scent of this set fire to many of the Arrakanese fleet, and fled to Noakhali in the Mughal dominions. Farhad Khān, Commandant of Bhaluah out-post, kept some Feringīs with himself, and sent their lenders to Nawab Shaista Khān to Dacca (Jahangīrnagar). The latter treated them generously. The Nawab then sent out an expedition to Chittagong in charge of his son, Buzurg Umed Khān, of Ikhtiṣaṣ Khān Barha, Sabal Singh Sinsudiāh, Mīanah Khān, Karan Khajī, with 2,000 cavalry. Orders were sent out to Farhad Khān, Thanadar of Bhaluah, to move up with Ibn-i-Husain and Manuar zamindar, with the fleet, and to Mīr Murtaza, Superintendent of Artillery, to join Farhad Khān and to cover the latter’s front. Captain Moore, Chief of the Portuguese in Chittagong, with his fleet was directed to render loyal services. Kamal, son of the former Rajah of Arrakan, who had taken shelter in Dacca in the reign of Emperor Shāh Jahān, was also directed to go with Mīr Murtaza, and to send conciliatory messages to the Mag Commander of Chittagong. Farhad Khān and Mīr Murtaza proceeded by the land route, whilst Ibn-i-Husain, Muhammad Beg, and Manuar proceeded by the river route. These reached (setting out from Noakhali) Thana Jagdiah, on 16th Rajab; on the 18th Rajab, Farhad Khān with his followers crossed Finny river (Phanī), and on the 24th Rajab reached near a tank, which was one day’s distance from Chittagong, and then waited for the General-in-Chief, Buzurg Umed Khān. The latter on 21st Rajab crossed Finny river, and on 25th Rajab reached a point which was 10 kroh distant from Chittagong, and 8 kroh from Farhad Khān’s encampment. The Imperial fleet halted at Domariah village, which was 20 kroh from Buzurg Umed Khān’s encampment. On 27th Rajab, two naval engagements were fought, in which the Arrakanese were defeated. The Arrakanese fleet then moved up to the Karanphuli river. Under orders of Buzurg Umed Khān, Mīr Murtaza cutting down the jungles, and laying down a road, moved up by land to near the Karanphuli, to re-inforce the Imperial fleet, Buzurg Umed Khān himself similarly moving up. A severe naval engagement took place in the Karanphuli river, in which the Mags were crushingly defeated, and Buzurg Umed Khān stormed Chittagong fort, captured the Arrakanese fleet, and subdued the whole tract of Chittagong, and 132 Arrakanese war-vessels, with guns, armaments and elephants, were captured. Emperor Aurangzeb ordered Chittagong to be named Islamabad, and conferred gifts on Nawab Shaista Khān, and raised his son Buzurg Umed Khān to the rank of Hazar-o-Pansadī, and Farhad Khān to the rank of Hazar-o-Pansadī, and conferred on Mīr Murtaza the title of ‘Majahid Khān,’ and on Ibn-i-Husain the title of Muzaffar Khān, and raised Manuar zamindar to the rank of Hazar-o-Pansadī. This conquest of Chittagong took place in the 8th year of Aurangzeb’s reign. See Alamgirnamah, p. 956.

Ibrahīm Khān was the eldest son of Amir-ul-Umara ‘Alī Mardan Khān. On his father’s death, he was made a Chahar hazari, and subsequently a Panjhazari. He became Ṣūbadar of Kashmir, of Lahor, of Behar, and of Bengal in quick succession. His sons were Zabardast Khān (who chastised the rebel Afghan, Rahīm Khān) and Yaqūb Khān (who became Ṣūbadar of Lahor). He was recalled from Bengal in 1109 A.H. (in the 41st year of Aurangzeb’s reign), when Shahzadah Muhammad Azim, alias Azimu-sh-Shan, wās appointed in his place. (See Maasir-i-Alamgiri, pp. 71, 163, and 387, and Maasir-ul-umara, Vol. I, p. 295). The English merchants styled him “the most famously just and good nabob” (see Wilson’s Early Annals of the English in Bengal, Vol. I, p. 124), as he allowed them to return from Madras and finally settle at Sutanuti (future Calcutta) in the first year of his Viceroyalty (1690), after Emperor Aurangzeb had that year granted a ‘general pardon’ to the English merchants, on their making a most humble submissive petition, and on their ‘promising to pay a fine of Rs. 150,000’ (See Hunter’s India, Vol. 2, pp. 265-266).

See pp. 259, 144, 143, 244, 245, 269, 285, and 309, Maasir-i-Alamgiri.

See pp. 142, 211, 319, 332, 308, Maasir-i-Alamgiri.

The text does not narrate another disturbance that had previously broken out on the Assam frontier. The Assamese had attacked the Imperial garrison at Gauhati, and killed its Faujdar, named Syed Firuz Khān. For the purpose of chastising the Assamese, an Imperial expeditionary force was sent out by Aurangzeb to Assam (Maasir-i-Alamgiri, p. 64).

Chitwa or Chatwah is mentioned in the Ain-i-Akbari (see Jarret’s Tr. Vol. 2, p. 141) as a pargana or mahal under Sarkar Madaran. I have failed to trace Bardha, which may be a misprint in the text for Balgarhi, another mahal under the same Sarkar, or for Bharkondah (var. Bhargodha), a mahal under Sarkar Sharifabad (see Ain, Vol. 2, p. 139).

Bardwan appears in the Ain (Vol. 2, p. 139) as a mahal under Sarkar Shārifabad.

This Nurullah Khān appears to have been subsequently promoted by Aurangzeb to the post of Deputy Ṣubadar of Orissa (See Maasir-i-Alamgiri, p. 169).

Ain, II, says: “In the same way that His Majesty (Emperor Akbar), for the prosperity of the Empire, has appointed a Commander of the forces for each Province, so by his rectitude of judgment, &c., … he apportions several pargannahs to the care of one of his trusty, just and disinterested servants, called a Faujdar.” (See Āin-i-Akbari, Vol. 2, p. 40).

Apparently, Jessore or Jasar at the time formed the head-quarters station of the Mughal Faujdar of the Chaklah or Division, including Jessore, Hughli, Bardwan, and Mednipur districts.

Literally, “Chinese deer.”

This opportunity was utilised by the English for fortifying their new settlement in Calcutta— See Wilson’s Annals, Vol. II, p. 147.

Apparently, Zabardast Khan was appointed to the office of Faujdar of the chaklahs of Jasar, Hugli, Bardwan and Mednipur, in the place of Nurullah Khan, who was apparently recalled for his pusillanimity.

It would appear, like Nurullah, Nawab Ibrahim Khan was also recalled promptly for exhibition of pusillanimity. The latter was a bookworm and a man of peace.

This battle was fought near Bhagwangalah— See Stewart’s Bengal and Wilson’s Annals, Vol. I, p. 149.

That is, the sun.

That is, the sky.

Zabardast Khān was the eldest son of Ibrahīm Khān, son of Ali Mardan Khān. Zabardast Khān rose subsequently to the office of Ṣūbadar of Oudh and Ajmir, and also to the rank of a Chaharhazari. His great service was the defeat of the Afghan insurgents led by Raḥim Khān, during the Viceroyalty of his father, Ibrahīm Khān, in Bengal. (See Maasir-ul-Umara, Vol III, p. 300, and also Maasir-i-Alamgiri, pp. 397 and 497).

“Raḥim Khan” is misprinted in the Persian printed text as “Ibrahim Khan.”

Prince Muhammad ’Azim alias Azimu-sh-Shan was a son of Aurangzeb’s eldest son, Muhammad Muazzam Bahadur Shah, by the latter’s wife, who was a daughter of Rup Singh Rathor. He was born on the 6th Jamadi-ul-Awal, 1074 A.H. (in the 8th year of Aurangzeb’s reign). (See Maasir-i-Alamgiri, p. 49). He married in 1089 A.H. (in the 21st year of Aurangzeb’s reign) a daughter of Kerat Singh, who received as jihaz or dower Rs. 63,000, jewelleries, one palki, five dūlīs with embroidered and jewelled pillows. (See Maasir-i-Alamgiri, p. 167). He married in the 36th year of Aurangzeb’s reign (1103 A.H.) a daughter of Ruh-Allah Khān (Maasir-i-Alamgiri, p. 347). In 1108 A.H. (in the 41st year of Aurangzeb’s reign), he succeeded to the Viceroyalty of Bengal, including Kuch Behar, in succession to Ibrahīm Khān. (See Maasir-i-Alamgiri, p. 387). In 1114 A.H., Behar was added to his Bengal Viceroyalty (Maasir-i-Alamgiri, p. 470).

The Order of the Mahi was one of the most Exalted Orders founded under the Mughal regimé in India.

‘Alī Mardan Khān Amir-ul-Umara rendered important services to the State in the reign of Shāh Jahān, and rose to the offices of Ṣūbadar of Kamshīr and the Panjab and to the rank of a Hafthazari. In 1050 A.H., he became Ṣūbadar of Kabul, and also subsequently received the title of Amir-ul-Umara. In 1056 A.H., he invaded Balkh and Badakhshan and partially subjugated those tracts. Subsequently he became again Ṣūbadar of Lahore. In 1067 A.H. he died, and was buried at Lahore. His rectitude of purpose, straightforwardness in conduct, firm loyalty, and sincerity combined with bravery, soon gave him an unique position amongst the Imperial officers of his day, and he enjoyed the full confidence of his sovereign, who used to call him “Yar Ofadar” or the “faithful friend.”

His important public works were (1) the irrigation of a large canal joining the river Ravi with Lahore city; (2) the establishment of a splendid public garden called “Shalamar” together with aqueducts, reservoirs, and fountains, on the banks of that canal, close to Lahore. (See Maasir-ul-Umara, Vol. II, p. 807).

Khwajah Aṣam came to Agra from Badakhshan, and subsequently received the titles of “Samṣam-ud-daulah Khan Dauran Amir-ul-Umara.” The Maasir-ul-Umara, p. 819, Vol. I, says his elder brother’s name was “Khwajah Muhammad Jáfar-Khan.” Dauran was wounded in the battle with Nadir Shah, and died in 1151 A.H.

The old Kaianian sovereigns of Persia or Iran were capital archers and marksmen. Their bows were famous for range and precision of shot. See Namai-Khusruan, p. 44, for an account of Kaianian Kings.

He was a son of Daud Khan Qurashi. See n. ante and p. 37 Maaser-ul-Umara, vol. 2.

Khadang is the white poplar tree of which arrows and bows are prepared.

In Stewart, “Bahram.” He was a saint who lived at Bardwan, but I have not been able to get details of his career.

“Tiyuls” or “Tuyuls” and “Jagīrs” are corresponding terms, and signify the same class of land-tenure. These were conferred for a specified time on Manṣabdars in lieu of salaries, and also on others by way of reward during lifetime or a fixed period. In the early Mughal period, the word “tiyul” is frequently mentioned, but it frequently gives way to the word Jagīr, from Akbar’s time. In the time of Sher Shāh, the Afghan king, the word Jagīr is also frequently used. In the Ghorian, Khilji and Tughlak periods, the word ‘Iqta,’ corresponding to ‘Jagīr,’ is frequently used. (See Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tarikhi Firuz Shāhi, and Āīn-i-Akbari, Vol. I, p. 270).

Besides the “Jagīrs” or “Iqtas” or “tiyuls,” there was another class of land-tenures which were conferred for benevolent purposes, were hereditary (unlike Jagīrs), and free from revenue and cesses, and imposed no obligations for military or other services. These before Mughal times were called milk, madad-i-mash, ayema and altamghah, but were denominated in Mughal times by the Chaghtai word “Sayūrghal.” An officer called Ṣadr-i-Jahān, or Administrator-General, was in charge of these Sayūrghals. These were conferred on the following four classes of persons: (1) On enquirers after wisdom who have withdrawn from worldly occupations and make no difference between night and day in searching after knowledge”; (2) on such as practise self-denial and have renounced society of men; (3) on such as are weak and poor and have no strength for enquiry; (4) on honourable men of gentle birth who from want of knowledge are unable to take up a profession.” (See Tarikh-i-Firuz Shāhī, pp. 353, 382, and 558, and Āīn-i-Akbari, Vol. I, pp. 268, 270, 271, 272).

Sher Shāh was very liberal in conferring these aimahs and altamghas, which, however, were considerably resumed by Akbar who, on account of his hatred of the Ulama, deprived them of their madad-i-mash lands, and banished most of them to Bengal. (See note in Ain-i-Akhari, Vol. I, p. 270, and Badadoni, Vol. II, pp. 274, 276, 279).

Altamgha, a Turkish word, meant a ‘red royal seal or stamp’ and also a ‘royal grant’ of rent-free tenure, which was perpetual, hereditary, and transferable. (See Āīn, Vol. II, p. 57 n). In founding this system of Sayurghals or Altamghas, the Musalman Rulers were actuated by a desire to perpetuate the three aristocracies of birth, of character, and of intellect. Care was taken to also maintain more or less permanently the fourth aristocracy of wealth, as the Zamindars under Mughal Emperors were more or less permanent quasi-state functionaries.

Shahganj town lies between Bansbaria and Hughli towns. When I was at Hughli in 1887, I saw at Shahganj an old dilapidated mosque which was said to have been erected by Prince Azimush-Shan.

This is another saint of Bardwan, the details of whose career are unknown to me.

There is nothing to wonder at in this, for one finds the same invidious distinction in a more accentuated form was observed by another European Christian community in the 16th and 17th centuries. “Moslems were to pay duty on all Merchandise. Portuguese were to be exempt.” (See Hunter’s History of British India, Vol. I, p. 145).

Maulana Rum is the renowned Mystio or Sufi Persian poet. His name was Maulana Jallalu-d-din. He was born at Balkh in 604 A.H., and died in 672 A.H. He was a great saint. His Masnavi is a storehouse of spiritual treasures, and has well been described thus:—

Selflessness was the keynote to his teachings, which further inculcated the cultivation of a constant sense of Divine presence in all human actions. For instance, he says:—

Again:—

The word used is “tamgha.” “In every Kingdom, Government taxes the property of the subject over and above the land-revenue, and this they call Tamgha.” (See Āīn-i-Akbari, Vol. II, p. 57).

Aurangzeb’s pen was as much dreaded as his sword. As a writer of caustic and terse letters full of withering sarcasms, few Persian writers surpass Aurangzeb. He was in the habit of constantly writing D.-O. letters to his officers, in order to keep them straight. The reader who wishes to have a taste of Aurangzeb’s caustic sarcasm, might turn to the original Persian, as I am afraid I have not been able to convey its full relish in this English dressing. I quote the original Persian:—

The reader might note that there is a pun here on the word ‘sauda,’ which in Persian means both ‘trade’ and ‘madness.’

“Azimu-sh-Shān was lazy and covetous. He was ready to concede anything for a sufficient bribe.” In July 1698, for the sum of Rs. 16,000, the English were permitted by the Prince to purchase from the existing holders the right of renting the three villages of Calcutta, Sutanati, and Gobindpur. (See Wilson’s Annals, Vol. I, p. 150).

The Procedure Code or Manual, containing set rules and regulations on all revenue and administrative affairs, was called in Persian Dastur-ul-‘Amal. It was issued to all Provincial Governors, Administrators, and officials after being personally approved by the Emperor himself, and every year modifications or additions were made to it with the Emperor’s approval. No provincial Administrators, whether Nazims or Dīwans, had authority to deviate from the set rules contained in the Dastur-ul-‘Amal. Badaoni (Vol. I, pp. 384-385) states that in the time of Salim Shah, son of Sher Shah, the Dastur-ul-Amal was so comprehensive and explicit that even on Ecclesiastical matters (not to speak of Fiscal or Administrative matters), no reference to Qazis or Muftis was necessary.

The Manṣabdars were the higher officers under the Mughal Emperors; the term, however, was also used in the times of Sher Shāh. The leading Manṣabdars were either Provincial Governors or Generals in the Army, whilst other Manṣabdars held Jagirs. These Manṣabdars sometimes held Manṣab (or office) in one Province or Ṣūbah, and Jagir lands in another. (See Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I, pp. 241-242, Blochmann’s trans.)

Revenue from land was called Khiraj. Jaziayah was capitation tax levied from non-Moslem subjects in exchange for protection afforded, at the rate of “48 derhams for persons of condition, 24 derhams for those of the middle class, and 12 for the lowest class.” Over and above the land-revenue, taxes on properties were called “Tamgha.” Imports on manufactures of respectable kinds were called Jihat, and the remainder Sair Jihat. Sair in its original purport, meant “walking,” ‘moving,’ or ‘unstable,’ and so came to denote all unstable sources of state revenue (barring land-revenue or Khiraj which was stable), such as customs, transit duties, market-tax. (See Vol. II, pp. 57 and 58 and p. 66, Āīn-i-Akbari, for a list of Sair taxes abolished by Emperor Akbar).

Jagirs were conferred on Manṣabdars for military service, and on others they were conferred without requiring military service. Before Mughal times the word “Iqta” corresponding to “Jagir” is frequently met with in the Tabaqat-i-Naṣiri as well as in the Tarīkh-i-Firuz Shāhi. But in histories of the Mughal period, the word ‘Iqta’ is seldom met with, and is replaced by the word Jagir. In Akbar’s time, an officer called Diwan-i-Jagir or Superintendent of Jagirs was maintained. (See Āīn, Vol. I, p. 261).

These naqdi troops appear to be a class of Ahadi troops who received their pay in cash from the Imperial treasury, and were reckoned immediate servants of the Emperor. They constituted an Imperial Contingent of troops maintained in Provincial capitals, and were thoroughly independent of the local authorities, and were thus dignified by their independence. (See Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I, pp. 249 and 231).

The terms used are “Waqiah” and “Sawanih.” The Mughal Emperors maintained a Special Intelligence Department. In every Provincial capital and important centre, two special functionaries were maintained by the Mughal Emperors, one called “Sawanih-navis,” and the other “Waqiah-navis.” These were Imperial servants, quite independent of the local officials. The duties of both these functionaries were to daily record and send news to the Emperor of all that transpired in local centres, and as they worked independently of one another, the report of intelligence sent by one checked that of the other. The “Waqiah-navis” was an official Court-Recorder, whilst the “Sawanih-navis” was an official General Intelligence-giver. (See Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I, pp. 258 and 259.) The object in keeping up these functionaries was that the Emperor at Delhi might “be informed daily of all that transpired throughout his Empire, and also that active servants might work without fear, and negligent and forgetful men be held in check.”

Subsequently in 1709, this Sarbaland Khān, whilst in temporary charge of Bengal, received a bribe of Rs. 45,000 from the English merchants, and granted them freedom of trade in Bengal, Behar, and Orissa. (See Wilson’s Annals, Vol. I, p. 183).

No trace of these ruined white and black marble edifices was found by me at Mūngīr (Monghyr) when I was there in the years 1893, 1894, or subsequently.

Emperor Aurangzeb was at this time in the Dakhin busy warring against the Musalman Kingdoms of Golkondah, Ahmadnagar and Bijapur, and also against the Mahratta free-booters. Aurangzeb, with all his political sagacity, committed a grievous mistake of policy by supplanting these Musalman States, as these had hitherto effectually curbed Mahratta and other outside ambition, and kept in order all disturbing elements in the Dakhin. Their political effacement resulted in letting loose a number of Mahratta free-booters and other adventurers that had hitherto had no political existence, and hastened the growth of the Mahratta Confederacy that later on in a great measure, coupled with other forces, distracted the Great Mughal Empire. By use of a liberal and statesman-like policy, Aurangzeb might have federated those Musalman States in the South into Imperial feudatories, and thus converted them into strong and loyal bulwarks of the Mughal Empire. But fanaticism in this matter (see Maasir-i-Alamgiri, which explains that this policy of repression was adopted by Aurangzeb, by reason of certain religious innovations that were in force in those States) fatally clouded the otherwise clear political vision of this Great Mughal Emperor, to the lasting detriment of the Indo-Moslem Common-wealth.

The Qanūngo “was an officer in each district acquainted with its customs and land-tenures and whose appointment was usually hereditary. He received reports from the patwaris (land-stewards) of new cases of alluvion and diluvion, sales, leases, gifts of land,” etc. (See Āīn-ī-Akbarī, Vol. II, p. 47 n).

Over the district Qanūngos, there was a Provincial Qanūngo as the text indicates. (See also p. 66, Vol. II, Āīn-i-Akbarī, which sets forth functions and emoluments of Patwaris, Qanūngos, Shiqdar, Karkuns, and Amins).

In the Āīn-i-Akbarī (Vol. II, p. 49) it is stated that it was the duty of the Betikchi or Accountant, “at the year’s end, when the time of revenue-collections had closed, to record the balances due, and deliver the record to the Collector, and forward a copy to the Royal Court.” It would seem from the text the same duty in regard to the entire Subah had to be performed by the Provincial Dīwan and the Provincial Qanūngo.

These important functionaries are frequently mentioned in the Āīn-i-Akbarī. Their function was to check, overhaul and audit important State papers, such as Royal grants, payment-orders, sanads, farmans, state-accounts, etc., and then to sign and seal them. (See Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I, pp. 262, 263, 264).

The Diwan-i-Kul was the Central Imperial Dīwān-in-Chief. It would appear the keen administrative genius of the Mughal Rulers of India evolved and organised a perfect system of Accounts as well as of Audit. Two independent systems of Account and Audit (each checking the other) were maintained. The patwaris kept one independent set of accounts, and the Bitikchis, (Accountants) another. The first submitted their accounts to local or district Qanūngos, who submitted their Consolidated Accounts to the Provincial Qanūngo. The second submitted their accounts to District Collectors as well as copies direct to the Royal Court; and the several District Collectors submitted their consolidated Accounts to the Provincial Dīwān who collected them, and compared them with the Consolidated Accounts (independently prepared) in the hands of the Provincial Qanūngos. Then both the Provincial Dīwān and the Provincial Qanūngo signed after comparison one General Detailed Consolidated Account together with an Abstract Account, and forwarded it to Court, where it was first audited by the Central Mustaufi and next audited by the Diwan-i-Kul (after reference to the set of accounts already received regularly in the Royal Courts from district Bitikchis or Accountants), and lastly approved and passed by the Emperor himself. Thus, few loop-holes were left for defalcations in accounts. (See the text, and the Āīn-i-Akbarī).

Murshid Qūlī Khān was son of a Brahmin and embraced Islam. Haji Shafī Iṣpahanī purchased him, and named him Muhammad Hadi, treated him like a son, and took him to Persia. On Shafi’s death, Muhammad Hadī came to the Dakhin, and entered the service of Hajī Abdullah Khurasanī, Dīwān of Ṣūbah Berar. He subsequently entered Imperial service, and received the title of Kar Talab Khān, and was employed in the Dakhin. He rose there to be Dīwān of Haidarabad— and then to be Dīwān of Bengal (on the transfer of Ziaullah Khān), with the title of Murshid Qūlī Khān. Previous to this, he was Dīwān of Orissa (Maasir-i-Alamgiri, p. 483), in the 48th year of Emperor Aurangzeb’s reign. When Farrukh-sir ascended the throne, by payment of large sums as presents to the Emperor, he became Ṣūbadar of Bengal and received a Manṣab of Haft hazari. His advancement is an eloquent testimony to the Islamic toleration (even under the much-abused Aurangzeb) that made no distinction between converts and born Musalmans in matters of official preferments. He died in 1138 A.H. at Murshidabad, which he had founded as the new Viceregal capital of Bengal, in place of Dacca or Jahangirnagar. He was a good financier, an able accountant, and a strong and sagacious administrator. He built a dungeon full of filth, named it ‘Baikant’ or ‘Paradise,’ and confined in it zamindars who defaulted in payment of revenue. He re-surveyed and re-assessed Bengal, divided it into Chaklās, and prepared a new Perfect Revenue-Roll. [See Maasir-i-Alamgiri, p. 483, and Maasir-ul-Umara, p. 751, Vol. III (Pers. text)].

A list of mint-towns in Hindustan in Akbar’s time is given in the Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I, p. 31. It appears that in Bengal, minting of gold coins was restricted to the Provincial capital (which in Akbar’s time was partly Gaur and partly Tandah), and that minting of silver and copper coins took place in Bengal in Tandah

In Akbar’s Rent-Roll, Midnipur is shown as a city with two forts (caste, Khandait) under Sarkar Jalesar of Ṣūbah Orissa. It continued to form a part of the Orissa Ṣūbah, until it was transferred from Orissa to Bengal by Murshid Qūlī Khān.

The term ‘Nankars’ is still prevalent in several parts of Bengal and Behar. “Nankars” were “service-tennres,” that is, “tenures of land conferred free of revenue, in consideration of services tendered.” In those days, the zamindars amongst other duties would appear to have performed police duties, and were held responsible for maintenance of peace in their mahals— the village chowkeedars or watchmen being directly under them. They were also in charge of village ferries, village pounds, and village roads in their mahals, and performed more or less the duties of “justices of the peace.” They were more or less quasi-official functionaries, and received sanads on appointment, and were liable to removal for gross misconduct. Their mahals were not liable to auction-sale for arrears of revenue, but liable to attachment by the Crown for realisation of revenue, and defaulting zamindars were liable to punishment. They were quasi-state functionaries or quasi-official landed Aristocracy maintained by Musalman sovereigns for State purposes. They were quite a different species from the Bengal zamindars of to-day. (See Alamgirnamah, Maasir-i-Alamgiri, Āīn-i-Akbarī and the text).

As has been remarked before, Murshid Qūlī Khān was an able financier, and prepared a perfect actual Revenue-Roll of Bengal, after carefully resurveying lands in all the mahals in Bengal, and re-assessing them on the basis of increase in actual areas as ascertained by measurement, and of increase in the actual produce of the soil. He sent out for this purpose Amīns (or Surveyors) together with Shiqdars (or Supervisors of revenue) to each village, under the immediate supervision of honest, experienced and capable Collectors of Revenue or ‘Amils. He helped the poorer tenants with agricultural loans or advances (taqavi or tuccavi), and encouraged them to till their lands and improve agriculture. Murshid Qūlī Khān was no believer in Permanent Settlements. He preferred the Ryotwarī Settlement system to the Farming system. Islamic Revenue systems recognise the soil as State property and allot a portion of its profit or produce to the actual tiller of the soil for his labour on it.

“A Shiqdar meant an ‘officer appointed to collect revenue from a certain division of land under the Mughal Government.”

The constitution of the Surveying party, their pay, their duties, with the process of measurement and testing in Mughal times, are set forth in the Āīn-i Akbarī, Vol. II, p. 45, which shews that the measurement of lands and the assessment of revenue were based on thoroughly scientific principles, quite analogous to the existing Settlement Procedure in India.

In the text apparently, “” has been by mistake dropped.

Murshid Qulī Khān’s uprightness in administration of justice (regardless of all family ties of attachment) is remarkable. But his severity in ill-treating and torturing defaulting zemindars throws a shade on his otherwise bright personality.

The only instances of forcible conversions of Hindus in Bengal to the Islamic religion, as would appear from these pages, were on the part of two non-Moslems, that is, by Hindus themselves who had embraced the Islamic religion, namely (1) by Jado alias King Jallal-ud-dīn, son of Rajah Kans and (2) by Murshid Qulī Khān, who was himself the son of a Brahmin. I fail to come across in Bengal history any instance of forcible conversion of Hindus in Bengal to the Islamic religion, on the part of any born Musalman ruler or king. Proselytes and converts, under all systems of the world’s religions, are generally more zealous and bigoted than those born and brought up within their pale. The general insinuation, therefore, against Musalman sovereigns and rulers of Bengal that they forcibly converted the Hindus to the Islamic religion, seems to be as unfounded as ungenerous. No doubt, the superior moral influence of Musalman saints, like Nūr Qutb Alim and others, naturally told on Hindu society (disorganised and demoralised by the caste-systems of the later days, and shorn of the old Vedantic purity) and induced portions of its ranks to flock spontaneously to the Moslem creed, with its simpler doctrine of Monotheism.

Probably, Rajbari on the E.B. Railway, near the Goalundo station.

This Ram-Jivan, I believe was the founder of the present Natore Rajhouse. I do not know of which family Kali Kunwar was the founder.

In the Āīn-i-Akbari (Vol. II, p. 49), it is explained under the term ‘Fotadar’ or the ‘Treasurer,’ that the term fota (not, potah) is applied in Arabic to cloths used as waist wrappers. A poddar meant ‘a bauker, a cash-keeper, or an officer in public establishments for weighing money or bullion. Therefore would seem to mean ‘weighing the coins’ or ‘testing and counting them,’ or “putting them in cloth bags.”

Here we get a glimpse of some of the old industries and arts of Bengal.

Gangajal was a kind of cotton-stuff manufactured in Bengal in the times of the Mughals. See Āīn-i-Akbari, Vol. I, p. 94 (Blochmann’s trans.)

He received the office of Faujdar of Purneah, held the rank of a Haft hazari, and was a son of ‘Umdatu-l-mulk Amir Khān, Subadar of Kabul. See Seir, Vol. II, p. 574.

‘Mahabat Jang’ was a title of Nawab Ali Vardi Khān; his actual name was Mirza Muhammad Ali. See Seirul Mutakherin, Vol. II, p. 470 Pers. text.

In Seirul Mutakherin, Vol. II, p. 552, the name of Saif Khan’s son is mentioned as Fakhruddin Husain Khān.

The office of Faujdar of Hughli was hitherto directly under the Emperor, and was independent of the Ṣubadar of Bengal. Murshid Qnlī Khan succeeded in reducing the Faujdar of Hughli to the position of his own immediate subordinate. For Murshid Qulī’s relations with the English merchants, see Wilson’s Annals, Vol. I, pp. 301, 299, 298, 297, 290, 268. The English merchants secured a great patron in Ziau-d-din, who was appointed by Shah Alam in 1710 to be Faujdar of Hughli and Admiral of all the sea-ports on the coast of Coromandel. See Wilson’s Annals, Vol. I, pp. 185 and 332, 329, 341. Murshid Qulī got Ziau-d-din promptly dismissed in 1711. (See Wilson’s Annals, pp. 22 and 123, Vol. II. p. 28).

I found the Idgah existing when I was at Hughli in 1887 to 1891 An Idgah is a place where the ’Id prayer is offered.

It would appear the French, Dutch, and English were all backing up the dismissed Faujdar Ziau-d-din Khān against the new Faujdar, Wali Beg. See Wilson’s Annals, Vol. II, pp. 66, 72, 75, 79, 81, 82. The skirmishes between Ziau-d-din Khān and Wali Beg occurred in 1712 A.C.

“Kankar” means a “pebble” “a gravel” or a “brick-bat.” Murshid Qulī Khān was punning on the Hindu Naib’s name of ‘Kankar.’ So, it would seem that Murshid Qulī Khān, the stern iron-man, could now and then unbend himself and receive humourous flashes.

The text is ambiguous. This sentence refers probably to Murshid Qulī Khān.

Sitaram had his residence at Muhammadpūr or Mahmūdpūr, at the junction of the Barasia and Madhumati rivers, in Jessore district. See Westland’s History of Jessore. Muhammadpur is now a police circle. Ruins of his tanks still exist there. Bhosna lies near Bonmaldiah (formerly in Jessore now in Faridpur district), an old Musalman colony, on the Chandana river. Ruins of a fort lie at Bhosna. Close to Muhammadpur or Mahmudpur, lies an old Musalman colony at Shirgaon, on the Barasia river. See also Wilson’s Annals, Vol. II, pp. 166, 167, 168. Sitaram was ‘executed for murder and rebellion’ by Murshid Qulī’s order. Sitarams family and children who had taken refuge in Calcutta, were in 1713 surrendered by the English to Mīr Naṣir, Faujdar of Hughli, for being made over to Murshid Qulī Khān.

It was formerly in the Jessore district, but is now included in the more modern district of Faridpur. Close to Bhūsnāh, on the banks of the Chandana river, lie several other ancient colonies of Syeds or Mīrs, such as those at Banmaldih and Dakhinbari, etc.

Emperor Aurangzeb died in the 52nd year of his reign, at the age of ninety-one, in 1118 A.H. or 1707 A.C. at Ahmadnagar, and was buried at Aurangabad. See Seir Vol. II, p. 375, and Khafi Khān. He left the following sons:— Muhammad Muazzam (at Kabul), 2, Muhamad Azam (at Malwah) 3, Kam Bakhsh (at Bijapur.)

Muhammad Muazzam alias Shāh ’Alam the eldest son became Emperor in 1707 with the title of Bahadur Shāh, after defeating and killing his two brothers. He died in 1712.— See Seir, Vol. II, pp. 378-379, and history of Khafi Khān.

The great Timuride House was at this time torn asunder by factions and was badly served by venal ministers and officers. The Syed brothers were heads of one faction, and their ascendency and their selfish policy are fully related in the Seir-ul-Mutakherin.

See Seir and Irvine’s Later Mughals, J.A.S. for 1896.

i.e., Jahan Shāh and Rafiash Shan.

Farrukh-sir’s mother, Saheb-un-Nissa, was a brave and resourceful lady, and when Farrukh-sir contemplated flight across the sea, she inspired her son with a noble ideal by addressing him thus: “If thy flight must needs be across the sea, let it be the sea not of waters but of blood.” Encouraged by his noble mother’s inspiration, Farrukh-sir at length defeated Jahandar Shāh, at the end of 1712, and became Emperor.

See Sēir, Vol. II, p. 381.

See Wilson’s Annals, Vol. II, p. 90. This was in 1712.

He was apparently a Turk, as the title Malik would indicate, but I cannot trace who this notable was.