Siyar al-Muta'ahirin - The Seir Mutaqherin, Volume 2

The English commence hostilities, by surprising and plundering Azim-abad—This city lost and recovered for Mir-cassem, in one and the same day—Mir-cassem, forced into a war, resolves to push it with vigour—A fracas in the Council at Calcutta between Hastings and Batson—Battle of Cat8a lost through the misintelligence that reigns amongst Mir-cassem’s Generals—Mir-cassem deposed by the English, who bring back Mir-djaafer-qhan—Mir-cassem’s army defeated at Gheriah— Dissensions in Mir-cassem’s Councils—The strong post at 8d8a forced by the English—Gurghin-qhan, his principal General, murdered—All the English prisoners put to death by Mir-cassem’s orders—Mir-cassem totally ruined, thinks of retiring in the Vezir’s dominions—Strongly dissuaded by Mirza-nedjef-qhan, one of his Commanders—Mir-cassem, surrounded by traitors, is promised an asylum by perfides—Revolution at P8raniah in favour of the English—Infamous hypocrisy of Mir-suléiman, Steward and favourite of Mir-cassem’s—Successful expedition in the Bundelcund by that fugitive—The Vezir attacks the English with an army utterly ungovernable— The English, in distress, retreat under the cannon of Azim-abad —Battle—The Vezir’s troops vigorously repulsed by Major Carnac—The Emperor’s negotiation with the English, miscarries—Dissensions between Mir-cassem and the Vezir— Mir-cassem, in despair, turns Fakir—He is arrested and stripped—Singular discourse between Aaly-hibrahim-qhan and the Vezir—Odious character of old Mir-djaafer, as well as of Nandecomar, his Minister—Mir-djaafer dies somewhat a Gentoo—Major Monro, General—A regiment of Sipahees mutinies, and is punished—Singular behaviour of one of them condemned to death—Battle of Bacsar, in which Shudja-ed döula is undone—Singular escape of Mir-cassem’s, then a prisoner of State—Shudja-ed-döula wishes for a peace—Proposals of the English—His pride greatly humbled, and his ideas greatly altered—Rejects the proposals—The English push on the war—Besiege the fortress of Chennar-gar—Are repulsed— Raise the siege to march up to the enemy—The citadel of Ilah-abad surrenders to the English, who conquer the whole of the Vezir’s dominions—The latter, joined by the Marhatta, Malhar-ráo, advances towards the English, and is worsted after a few skirmishes—Singular speech of Ahmed-qhan-bangash, to Shudjah-ed-döula, highly honourable to the English—The garrison of Chennar surrenders to the English—The Vezir almost alone and without any safe-conduct, goes to Major Carnac’s camp, where he is received with respect—The Major wins his heart— The Vezir concludes a peace with the English—He applies to all his relations and dependants for some money, and is refused by all, and even by his own mother—But is generously assisted by his consort, whom he henceforward makes depositary of all his savings.

MR. AMYATT, finding that none of his proposals to the Navvab had been accepted,^\(246\) and that no care had been taken to give him satisfaction in any thing, descended towards Calcutta, extremely discontented and mortified at the success of his embassy; but he had the attention to inform Mr. Ellis, that as no agreement had taken place between the English and the Navvab, the consequence would be a rupture with hostilities. Be therefore, said he, upon your guard in matters of war, and do not fail to seize such an opportunity as may offer. As Mr. Ellis himself had his heart full against the Navvab, and he reckoned it for certain, that on Mr. Amyatt’s making his report to the Counsellors of their party, now the majority of Calcutta, the Council would not fail to declare war against that Prince, and to make every effort to drive him out of his dominions; he on his side prepared himself underhand for the event; and being certain of the day on which Mr. Amyatt had departed from Monghyr, he, by calculating in how many days more he might be out of the reach of the Navvab’s forces, rightly concluded that he must be now arrived in Calcutta; and he resolved on such a conclusion, to attack Mir-mehdi-qhan, and to surprise the city of Azim-abad, where that officer commanded. A short note was therefore written to Major Carstairs, who was at the head of all the English troops in the environs, to desire his managing in such a manner, as that his people should all be assembled at the English factory in the evening, in order to assault the gates of the city at day-break. He, at the same time, prepared a number of ladders of bamboo,^\(247\) and of wood; and he wrote to Doctor Fullarton, The English commence hostilities by surprising and plundering the city of Azim-abad. who lived in the middle of the city, to desire his attendance. The Doctor, who knew nothing of the scheme, obeyed the order; but, on being arrived at the factory, he soon saw what was going forward. Of all these preparatives, the Governor, Mir-mehdy-qhan, was completely ignorant. He lived in the citadel, which is at the other extremity of the city, and was actually fast asleep at the moment of the attack; and, as to the garrison and the troops destined to watch the walls of the city, every one of them, in compliance with that inveterate custom of neglect and supineness that has now taken place in these countries, and to which people never fail to conform themselves, was either unarmed and fast asleep upon the walls, or living unconcernedly in his own home; insomuch, that there was hardly a man to oppose some defence, whether officer or soldier. The English, setting out of their factory at the rising of the morning star, applied their ladders to that tower which was close to Mir-abdollah’s house, and to the English factory, and got silently and courageously upon the wall. It was on a Friday morning, the 12th of A. D. 1763. the month Zilhidj, in the year of the Hegira 1176. The few soldiers of the garrison, who, on account of the neighbourhood of the English factory, appeared to be still there, having taken to their arms, wounded some English and Talingas, and then fled; so that the English were left masters of the ramparts; and they descended in two bodies within the city, directing their march towards the citadel. One body advanced firing, along the main street and the several markets; and the other marched along the catra and the street of the Divan’s quarter, firing all the way occsionally Mir-mehdi-qhan, and the other officers, awakened from their sleep and supineness by the report of the cannon and musquetry, assembled what troops they could in that moment of surprise and trepidation; and, half asleep, they advanced to oppose the enemy, whom they met at the head of the street Corhatta; and there, as soon as the English had fired a volley amongst them, with a few grape-shot, which wounded Mahmed-amin-qhan, with many others, the rest lost courage and fled, leaving Mir-mehdy-qhan, and Sheh-bereket-aaly, and Mir-mahmed-amin-qhan, with the shame of so sudden a defeat. The latter, in despair of such a disgrace, fled towards the Eastern gate, and wanted to go to Monghyr. Sheh-bereket-aaly, confounded at this sudden revolution, made the best of his way towards the Rani’s wicket, and fled along the water side, without knowing whither he was going. But, Mahmed-amin, although wounded, repaired to the Chehel-s8t8n, (a building of stone, raised by the Azim-abad lost for Mir-cassem, and recovered in one and the same day. late Zin-eddin-ahmed-qhan) shut up the gate, and, with the few followers he could muster on so sudden an emergency, he prepared to defend himself. At the same time the Gentoo Colonel, Laal-sing, having assembled his people, shut up the gate of the citadel, and commenced firing, resolved to stand his ground. The same resolution was also taken in the Chehel-s8t8n, from whence balls now commenced raining on all sides.

We have said, that the English left in possession of the walls, had spread themselve all over the city and its ramparts, from the Western, up to the Eastern gate; nor was any appearance of resistance to be seen anywhere, but at the citadel and at the Chehel-s8t8n; all the rest being taken possession of by the English, and as far as twelve o’clock, their Talingas, together with their harcaras and looch-chas,^\(248\) who had dispersed themselves everywhere, leisurely plundered the houses of the citizens, without leaving in some of them so much as a bit of straw: a treatment the more strange, as it had never been experienced from any English army. Mir-mehdi-qhan, the Governor, was all this while on his way to Monghyr, and he had already reached Fatwa,^\(249\) when he was met there by a body of troops that had been sent from Monghyr to support him, and to re-inforce his garrison. The Commanders of those troops, without minding the condition in which they saw Mehdi-qhan, attended only to what they heard of the resistance at the citadel, and at the Chehel-s8t8n, and forthwith they resolved to recover the city out of the hands of the English. Instantly they set out, marched expeditiously, and taking their route by the water-side, they in a couple of hours arrived at the foot of the tower called, the Séyds, where they suddenly made their appearance. It was at the Eastern gate, which they prepared to assault directly. The English, without being dismayed, opened the gate, placed two pieces of cannon upon the bridge that crossed the fossé, and ranging themselves in a line, they prepared to receive the enemy. It must be observed, that Mir-nasser, who commanded the rocket-men, having outmarched General Marcar, the Armenian, was already arrived at Fatwa, with his two colleagues, Djaafer-qhan, and Aalem-qhan, from whence he had brought back the Governor of the city. These officers having put themselves at the head of their men, attacked the English with a discharge of rockets and musquetry, and instantly broke their line. The English retreated; but being disheartened by their loss, they thrust an iron needle into the touch-hole of each of the two guns, and dispersed for their lives. The Governor, animated by this success, exhorted the three Commanders that were with him, to make use of the occasion, and to pursue hotly; and this pursuit had a full effect. On hearing of this disaster of the English, even the other troops, that were yet stationed on the towers and ramparts, were confounded, lost their wonted firmness, and fled on all sides. Victory declared for Mir-cassem-qhan’s people, and the ramparts and towers were cleared and recovered in one and the same day.

The dispersed English quitted the city, and assembled again at their factory, which they put in a state of defence; whilst the enemy lodging themselves on the tower opposite to it, and on the berme which reigns about the Birbanna small gate, commenced pouring a hot fire. The English, finding themselves too much exposed to it, resolved, with Mr. Ellis at their head, to quit the place, and, in the night time, they resolved to retreat to Bankypoor,^\(250\) their old encampment; but this was put out of their power. Marcar, the Armenian, arriving at this time with six regiments of disciplined Talingas, and eight field-pieces, joined the Governor and the others, and determined to pursue the English at day-break. But Mr. Ellis, who had now lost all courage, not choosing to stand his ground even there, resolved to fly farther, as far as Chapra, by water, and from thence to cross the Serdj8, which is the boundary of the two Soobahs, or provinces, intending to take shelter in Shudjah-ed-döula’s dominions; but even that could not be effected. One Ram-nedy, Fodjdar of the district of Sarun, an ungrateful Bengaly, who owed much to the English, had the confidence to attack the fugitives, whilst Sumro, with some regiments of Talingas, crossed over from Bacsar to support him. This sight having totally daunted Mr. Ellis and his followers, the English, who were now quite dispirited, or rather had been overtaken by their fate, thought proper to surrender prisoners, although they had still three battalions of Talingas, and might have done many things. Intelligence of this success having reached the Navvab, it raised his pride to a height, and gave much additional strength to Gurghin-qhan’s influence and credit. It was noon-day when he had received intelligence of the English having seized the city of Azim-abad, and expelled Mehdy-qhan; and such an intelligence had nearly killed him; when lo! about twelve hours after, in the middle of the night, another letter came, that mentioned how the Governor, having been met by the re-inforcement intended for his garrison, had put himself at the head of those troops, and had recovered the city with a great slaughter of the English. This sudden intelligence revived the Navvab’s spirits. The Navvab’s soul, which was just going to quit his body, recovered its seat, and gave him a new life. It was now past midnight. Instantly he ordered the military music to strike up, and its sound awakened the whole town of Monghyr. As soon as it was day-break, every one of those in his service made haste to offer their congratulations; and the gates of the public hall being set open, he received the nuzzurs and compliments of his whole Court. It happened, that as Mir-abdollah was still at Monghyr, from whence the Navvab had not given him leave to return to Azim-abad, lest his friendship with the English might prompt him to introduce them into that city through his house, which was close to the walls, I took him with me, and we went together to pay our respects, and to offer our nuzzurs to the Navvab. This Prince, fixing his eyes upon Mir-abdollah, spoke these very words: Pray, did you not say, that the English could eat men alive at one mouthful, and that no one could stand in their presence? Turning then towards me, he added: Your friend, the Doctor, can use his friends very ill, in a very strange manner, indeed. He has introduced troops secretly through his house, and it is he that has given rise to those disturbances, which you have doubtless heard of. “And who am I, my Lord Navvab,” answered I quickly, “to be so great a friend of theirs? The Doctor was an acquaintance of your Highness, and your friend; and it becomes us, your servants, to be friends of their master’s friends, as well as enemies to his enemies. If the Doctor be your friend, his friend I am from that moment; and if he be your enemy, I become his mortal enemy likewise, from that moment.” The Navvab made no reply; but, at the end of the public audience, he wrote circular letters throughout his dominions, by which he informed his officers of this event, and gave them notice of the rupture between him and the English, as well as of the proofs they had furnished of their hatred and enmity to him; commanding them at the same time to put those perfides to the sword wherever they should find them. It is uncertain whether he may have comprised in this order, Mr. Amyatt himself, with all those of his retinue; or whether those that killed that ill-fated man, availed themselves of the general order, arrived at M8rsh8d-abad.^\(251\) This much is certain, that he was surrounded by Mahmed-taky-qhan’s people, and by those of Sheh-savar-beg, who hacked him to pieces, with all the other English on board, although he made entreaties for his being sent alive to their master. But those impudent wretches proved deaf to his prayers, and cutting his head off, they sent it to the Navvab. This event happened on a Thursday, the 18th of Zilhidj, in the Year 1176, of the Hegira, the very day when, according to a general report, the English factory at Cassim-bazar had been plundered by the Navvab’s people.

Mir-cassem-qhan, convinced now that all was over with the English, and that there was no other party to take with them but that of war, sent a large detachment under three Commanders to A. D. 1763. M8rsh8d-abad, with orders to oppose the English, jointly with Mahmed-taky-qhan, who had instructions to effect a junction with them; and, after having received whatever he should want from Séyd-mahmed-qhan, the Deputy Governor of that city, to advance to Palassy, and Catwa, in order to be at hand to oppose the English, whenever they should come out of Calcutta. This detachment was commanded by Djaafer-qhan, Aalem-qhan, and Mir-háibet-ollah. On this order, Mahmed-taky-qhan quitted Birbohom, at the head of the troops he had trained, and he encamped at Catwa.

So unexpected a catastrophe, and so sudden a change, could not fail of exciting a great ferment at Calcutta. Governor Vansittart, disappointed and confounded beyond measure, wrote a threatening letter to Séyd-mahmed-qhan, to inquire how the murder of that unfortunate man had come to be perpetrated almost under his eyes. The letter, amongst other matters, contained these verses of the poet’s:—

The purport of the letter was this: “That if the murder had been perpetrated by his own management, or that of his dependants, the punishing of it would, of course, be entered on his and their account, but that if it had been done by orders from their master, then let us see,” said the writer, “what the Supreme Disposer of events shall bring to pass between the English and the Navvab.” As soon as the letter was dispatched, the Counsellors of Calcutta, all incensed to the highest degree, assembled in the Council chamber; and after several dialogues of the most inflammatory kind, they accused Vansittart, as being Mir-cassem-qhan’s patron and protector; but as the latter happened to be out of order that day, and absent, Mr. Hushtin, a Member, with whom he had but one heart and one tongue, was desired to make an apology in his name, to the Council assembled, and to speak in his stead. But, on his taking his seat, and making the apology, the other Counsellors, already alienated, at once attributed this absence to the Governor’s consciousness, and to his sense of shame. They loaded him with the bitterest reproaches; and, as they had come with full intention to declare war, and seemed exceedingly passionate and out of temper, they forgot themselves so far, as to drop some improper expressions highly injurious to the Governor and Mr. Hushtin. The latter, otherwise a very quiet man, would not put up with such expressions, and high words of mutual reproach passed between him and Mr. Batson.^\(252\) Vansittart no sooner heard of this dispute, than he hastened to the Council in the very undress, and in that weak state of body, in which he happened to be; and, taking his seat, he asked them what they wished to be done, and what was their pleasure? The answer he received was unanimous. Those men, who all along had been so closely linked with his opposers; who were no less incensed against their own Governor, than against the Navvab; and, whose wounds had been lately besprinkled with salt, by Amyatt’s murder, and Ellis’s captivity; those men exclaimed out with one voice; and all, without minding either time or person, clamoured aloud, that their only wish was to revenge Mr. Amyatt’s death on Mir-cassem’s person, and to punish that vindictive man for his cruelty. In a scene of so much violence and animosity, Vansittart had the presence of mind to preserve his temper. He produced a note, in which he observed, “That Mr. Ellis, with a multitude of Englishmen, officers, civilians, and soldiers, being in Mircassem’s power, no doubt could be entertained, but all these unfortunate men would be made away with, the moment the Navvab should know for certain that an army had come out of Calcutta for his ruin. Is it not then proper and prudent, added the Governor, to endeavour to live upon some terms with that merciless, sanguinary man, until the prisoners can be recovered out of his hands? After which, it would be time to proceed on projects of war and revenge.” This reasonable speech made no effect; and, as the Counsellors greatly suspected their Governor, and thought themselves so certain of his being Mir-cassem’s protector, that they ascribed to artifice and to design the temporising party he had just now proposed; they rose up in the utmost violence of passion, and taking the paper on which Vansittart had written his proposal, they added at the bottom of it, That were all the prisoners to a man killed by Mir-cassem, they would not for a moment recede from their proposed revenge, or ever come to terms of accommodation with him. After saying so much, they all put their names to it. The Governor having perused the paper, which proved in the sequel the main voucher that cleared his character, folded it down, and put it in his pocket. He added, that now that their party was taken, it was incumbent upon them all to go immediately to Mir-djaafer-qhan’s lodgings, in order to proclaim that Prince, as enthroned in Mir-cassem’s stead; after which, it would be expedient to send him up to Moorshoodabad with the English army. This said, he got up, and taking all the Members with him, he went to Mir-djaafer-qhan’s, and offered him the Sovereignty of Bengal, and the services of the English forces. The Navvab, after some conversation on the subject,^\(253\) consented to resume the Sovereignty, but it was under several conditions; and these with several respective stipulations were set to writing, and confirmed by oaths on both sides. A few days after, the English army having made all its preparatives, came out of Calcutta, and marched against Mir-cassem-qhan,^\(254\) whose fortune, from that moment, seemed to verge to its decline, notwithstanding the considerable advantage he had gained over Mr. Ellis.

This unfortunate man was now sent to Monghyr, with all his followers, and all the artillery, arms, and effects that had been taken, either in the factory, or in camp, or at Backy-p8r; and the Navvab made him over to Ferhad-aaly’s care, but took the soldiers and other people under his own management, after having confined them in a place adjoining his own palace. As to the other English seized all over the country, and whom he had ordered to be put to the sword everywhere, the order was not literally executed; for numbers of them were spared, and their fate remained in suspense, until the Navvab’s people finding that the English army was acquiring a superiority, dismissed every one of them underhand; but some of the Navvab’s officers, who lived far towards the east, and at a distance from the English army, executed the order rigorously; and like men blinded by fate, they put their unfortunate prisoners to death. As to those confined at Monghyr, they were all under the care of Sheh-ferhad-aaly and Gurghin-qhan, and watched with the greatest attention. One day Doctor Fullarton, who was one of them, sent me word, requesting my interest with the Navvab, as he suffered hardships in confinement. The man had certainly a right to avail himself of my credit, such as it was, not only as being my particular friend, but also as having conferred favours upon me in his time, and rendered me important services; it even became a piece of policy in me to speak in his behalf, as I doubted not but the Navvab was by this time informed that the Doctor’s man had been with me; and it was certain that unless I prevented his suspicions, by informing him of the motive of the message, he would make a mighty affair of it. I therefore went to Court, and supplicated that Prince on the Doctor’s behalf, explaining my own case at the same time. I have no objection, said the Navvab, to your interference; it is for a friend. There is no harm in your taking notice of his distress at such a time as this. The Navvab spoke this indeed, but it was from the lip outwards; for he thereby reflected obliquely on my connections with the English. I answered, “My Lord Navvab, the Doctor is still more a friend of your Highness than he is of mine, and you were studious to oblige him. It is for that reason, I have supplicated you in his behalf. Please your Highness to inform me what favour you choose to confer upon him, that I may act accordingly. If he be your culprit, I have nothing to say to him; do with him as you shall think best.” At these last words he smiled, and calling for Sheh-ferhad-aaly, he looked at him full in the face, and then taking a serious air, “the Doctor,” said he,” has sent a message to Gh8lam-husséin-qhan; and as that nobleman is my friend, he has of his own motion given me notice of it. For aught I know, he may have sent a hundred such messages to a hundred more persons; and you, that have him under your charge, know nothing of the matter, nor do you mind what is before and what is behind^\(255\). “Be more upon your guard, and take care that your prisoners suffer no hardship, either in their victuals, clothing, or any thing necessary; take care, also, that no messages of theirs, or of his, go through the army, for fear they may in time produce some mighty mischief.” Finding that the conversation took such a serious turn, I did not add a word, and the poor English continued to be strictly guarded and watched, to the time when the Navvab went to Azim-abad.

Meanwhile, the two armies from Calcutta, and from M8rsh8d-abad, were approaching each other. Mahmed-taky-qhan, who was really a man of talents, and worthy of command, could not be much pleased with seeing himself under the orders of Séyd mahmed-qhan, Deputy Governor of M8rsh8d-abad, a man incapable, and of little understanding. But indeed, how could he submit to such a man? The one was of a liberal generous temper, whilst the Deputy Governor was of a mean, sordid disposition. Hence the Governor was constantly blowing with his breath, the fire of enmity between that General and his colleagues, whilst himself lay roasting on the blazing fire of envy and jealousy; for he was unable to bear the General’s high character and great reputation. The latter was under the necessity of asking many necessaries, such as artillery, tackle, and carriages, which the other constantly refused, although, by his position in the city, and his being at the head of the treasury, he had a command over all those necessaries. He furnished them with slowness and reluctance, like one that wished no good to the success of his campaign, and would be glad to see him defeated. Nor had he common sense enough to feel all the consequences of such a conduct, and how ruinous it would prove to his master’s affairs, and at last to his own. Matters went on at that rate, until the troops, destined to reinforce Mahmed-taky-qhan, arrving from Monghyr, took their route through M8rsh8d-abad, where, there is no doubt, but the envious Deputy Governor engaged the Commanders to assert their own independence of that General, and by all means to procure his shame and defeat. This much is certain, that those Commanders who had orders to join the General, and to remain under his command, seemed to stand upon punctilioes. Instead of encamping with him, and acting in concert, as he requested them to do, they had the folly to go on the other side of the Bagraty, and to encamp there by themselves, but with the strong detachment they had brought. The next day, intelligence was brought that two English Battalions of Talingas had set out of a certain town where that nation had a factory; on which intelligence, the new arrived Commanders, who intended to attack them, sent word to Mahmed-taky-qhan, requesting to be assisted with some of his musqueteers. It must be observed, that this General’s musqeteers had acquired a character all over the country; he had raised their pay to ten rupees per month; divided them, as they do in Iran, by tens, hundreds, and thousands, with a Commander at each of those divisions; had increased the salary of those officers from fifteen to twenty, sixty, and a hundred rupees per month; had constantly exercised them himself, by making them fire at a mark under his own eyes, and had kept them himself in daily motion, and under constant training. To prevent their repining in long marches, he used to assist them with oxen, camels, and sumpter-horses, for their baggage; so that they were loaded only with their Djezáirs, or muskets of large bore, and with their ammunition. These troops of his being so armed and accoutred, were constantly kept in readiness, and prepared for immediate service, being all young, stout men, of his own choosing and picking. The request then was founded on reason; but although Mahmed-taky-qhan had no cause to be satisfied with those Commanders, that now applied for his assistance, yet, out of regard to his own character, and to his master’s service, he sent them a body of five hundred such men, under the command of Feramorz, a slave of his own breeding, who was their principal officer. Sheh-háibet-ollah then, and the other Commanders, having received this reinforcement, marched against the two battalions of the enemy; and, chiefly by the valour and perseverance of the brave Feramorz’s, he pushed the English Talingas back, after a sharp engagement, as far as the town and factory from whence they had set out. The environs of it were immediately secured, so as to prevent the enemy’s retreat.^\(256\) At night the besieged battalions were reinforced by some others that flocked from Bardvan, and from other parts; and, the next morning, the whole came out in great order, so as to form a fine sight. The engagement then commenced anew. Then only did Sheh-háibet-ollah and Alem-qhan become sensible of the consequences of the caution which Mahmed-taky-qhan had given them, when he recommended their joining together, and fighting together. Terrified with the endless firing of the English, they seemed, after some fighting and some movements, to have lost their senses; for, now after a short conflict, most of the Djezai-árchies were slain or wounded; and the two Commanders, unable to stand the hot fire of the enemy’s, retreated, and then fled towards Mahmed-taky-qhan. The latter ordered the dead to be taken up from the field of battle, but refused to admit the runaways in his camp, or even to give them passage through it, for fear of their disordering his own encampment, and communicating their own terror and dismay to his troops. The English, after this victory, advanced two or three cosses towards their own army; and two or three days after, that is, the fifth of A. D. 1763. Muharrem, in the year 1177 of the Hegira, Mahmed-taky-qhan came out with a resolution to oppose the enemy’s march. Putting the foot of courage in the stirrup of steadiness, he mounted a horse whose motions were as fleet as the moments of his unfortunate rider’s existence; and, without applying for assistance to those three Commanders, whose duty it was to fight under his orders, he advanced to the field of battle, followed only by his own trained bands; the refractory Commanders continuing motionless in their encampment behind him. As his men were filing off, he spoke to them, reminded them of the character they bore all over the country, exhorted them to support the same, and promised them victory, if they would stand by him. All this was uttered with such an air of familiarity, that he seemed to be rather their companion than their General; and they were so animated with this kindness, and that air of fellowship, that in marching with the utmost alacrity, they were endeavouring to get the start of one another, and swore that they would sacrifice their lives for his honour. The General having formed his troops, and recommended to his officers to march in order, advanced to the enemy. The latter being soon in sight, the engagement commenced; and, as the firing of the cannon and musquetry on both sides grew warm, and both sides kept advancing, those who being overtaken by their fates, were shot at like so many marks, drank up, without hesitation, each in his post, the bitter cup presented them by death. Nevertheless, encouraged by their General, they kept advancing; and an appearance of victory being seen over Mahmed-taky-qhan’s troops, some disorder Bloody battle of Cutwa. and fluctuation, not unlike a defeat, were observed in the English ranks. The moment was becoming critical, when a ball of cannon wounded Mahmed-taky-qhan in the foot, and killed his horse, which fell sprawling on the ground. The General, without betraying any anguish, mounted another, and continued to advance, and to exhort his men; and he was now very near the ranks of the English, who, on their side advanced; but it was with this advantage over him, that in compliance with their rules of discipline, they advanced firing. At this moment a musket-ball entering at his shoulder, came out on the opposite side. That brave man, without betraying any emotion, assembled the hem of his garment, and throwing it over his shoulder, to conceal his wound from his men, he still advanced. The English were on the point of retreating; but they had placed an ambuscade at the bottom of a little river, which was full on his passage; and the General being arrived there, was looking out for a passage to come to hand-blows with them, when the ambuscade-men rising at once, made a sudden discharge full in his face, overthrew numbers of his followers, and lodging a bullet in his forehead,^\(257\) that incomparable hero, who was the main prop of Mir-cassem-qhan’s fortune, hastened into eternity in the middle of his slaughtered soldiers. The rest, intimidated by the loss of their intrepid Commander, retreated in the utmost confusion, leaving the English in possession of victory, with a full reason for embracing each other. All this while Sheh-háibet-ollah and his colleagues kept themselves at a great distance, as mere spectators of a shew, but not daring now to stand their ground, they fled on all sides. The victorious English, after raising the wounded, and making them over to their chirurgeons, spent two or three days in taking some rest, and in setting to right their artillery and necessaries, and then they advanced towards M8rsh8d-abad.

On hearing this defeat, Séyd-mahmed-qhan, the Governor of that city, seemed to have lost his senses. Without shewing his face to the enemy, or making the least opposition; without even assembling his people, and securing, by a timely retreat, those numerous effects of his master’s, which he had in his custody; without exhibiting a spark of courage or a grain of firmness; he deserted his post, and fled towards Monghyr, in the utmost perturbation of mind. After that retreat, the city remaining without a ruler, Mirza-iredj-qhan, who lived this longwhile utterly neglected by Mir-cassem-qhan, availed himself of the opportunity to repair to the English army, where he congratulated Mir-djaafer-qhan on his accession to the throne, and being invested by him with the command over the city, he returned thither, and proclaimed his new master’s accession, by beat of drum; after which, he applied himself to the business of quieting the minds of the people, and of gaining the hearts of the principal citizens. Shortly after, Mir-djaafer-qhan himself arrived. A. D. 1763. It was on the twelfth of Muharrem, in the year 1177 of the Hegira. He made his entry into the city at the head of the English army, at which time there happened some commotions, and some disorders; the mob having found means to commit The English depose Mir-cassem, and reinstate Mir-djaafer. insolencies, and even to make some booty. After a stay of seven days, in which time he constantly resided in Aaly-verdy-qhan’s palace, which had become the seat of Government ever since that Prince’s demise, he on the seventh day quitted it with the English army, and marched against the enemy.

The death of such a Commander as Mahmed-taky-qhan could not but greatly affect his master, who, however, behaved with firmness on the occasion. He sent orders to Sheh-háibet-ollah, to make a stand in the plains of Sò8ty, and he dispatched thither a number of forces capable to face with effect a victorious enemy. This detachment was composed of six or seven thousand horse, under the command of Assed-ollah-qhan, Fodjdar of Narhoot-semáy, to which he added seven or eight regiments of Talingas, commanded by Marcar the Armenian, and by Somro the European, who had besides sixteen pieces of cannon, well mounted and well served. To these he joined a body of rocket-men, under the command of Mir-nassur, after having cautioned them all against dissensions and jealousies; his orders being to attack the enemy in the plain of Sò8ty, and to fight in concert. An order was also dispatched to Shir-aaly-qhan, Fodjdar of P8raniah, to assemble his forces and to cross the Ganga, in order to join the army at Sò8ty. This Shir-aaly-qhan, from being one of the meanest of Faqhr-eddin-husséin-qhan’s dependants, had been raised by Mir-cassem-qhan to high dignities; so that he came to command in the same place where had commanded Séyd ahmed-qhan, and his own master, Faqhr-eddin-husséin-qhan. Shir-aaly-qhan, on receiving the order, crossed the Ganga, and soon joined Assed-ollah-qhan; and these two Generals, by hastening their march, arrived at Sò8ty time enough to face the English. The two armies, as soon as they came in sight of each other, (and this happened on the 21st of Muharrem) proceeded directly to an engagement. Marcar the Armenian, and Somro the European, ranged their troops in lines upon the highway. Assed-ollah-qhan took his post on their right, with seven or eight thousand horse, and ten or twelve thousand foot; and at the left, Shir-aaly-qhan took his station, with two or three thousand of his men, on the opposite side, the English, who did not amount to more than three thousand men, ranged themselves in great order; and the engagement commenced immediately. But as the distance was such, that only the cannon on both sides could do any execution, the English kept advancing foot after foot with a measured pace; so that Assed-ollah-qhan, who pretended to much bravery and personal prowess, advanced likewise with his troops to about half a mile. At this very time the English were gaining a superiority over Marcar’s and Somro’s troops; so that on his being arrived so near, he proposed to come to hand-blows with the English; and all his officers being of the same opinion, Mir-beder-eddin-qhan, one of them, who commanded only a body of eighty horse, displayed his standard, and parted company with the main. I now part with you, said he, at the head of my little troop, but it is only to shew the way; and, rest assured, that the moment I hear you raise your war-cry,^\(258\) and see you put your horse to a gallop, I will overtake, and then pass you. Only remember, that between putting your cavalry on a gallop, and falling pell-mell amongst the enemy, there must be no pause at all; and then, when we shall come to hand-blows, we shall behave as becomes brave men, and shall submit to whatever is to be our lot. After saying so much, he parted with the main, and stood upon the watch; when, on hearing the cry of Allah Ecber everywhere, and seeing that large body of horse in motion, he exhorted his men to follow him; and spurring his horse towards the enemy, he advanced on a full gallop. Meanwhile, Mir-nasser with the rocket-men had marched up to the English, whom he engaged so warmly, that the English Talingas opposed to Mir-bedr-eddin-qhan, to the number of about one battalion, fell into disorder, and retreated as far as the river side, where numbers threw themselves and perished, the water being somewhere above their armpits, and somewhere up to their necks. But in this charge, Mir-bedr-eddin had lost most of his men; and he had no more now than thirteen of them Battle of Sò8ty, much disputed. remaining, when a ball of a cannon threw his horse headlong on the ground, whilst another overthrew his brother. This was the time for Assed-ollah-qhan to appear; but, those that had followed that General, having seen numbers of their companions killed, and numbers wounded, had now lost courage on beholding so much carnage, and so many horses sprawling on the ground; and would not move any more, but paused at some distance from Mir-bedr-eddin. The latter, who had found his course stopped by a wall and a ditch, called out with all his might, and made many signs to Assed-ollah-qhan, to turn the Talingas with some infantry, and to cut their retreat; but he spoke to deaf men. Assed-ollah-qhan, intimidated by his loss, did not move at all; and the English officers, availing themselves of that pause, soon formed again, disengaged their artillery, and presented again a regular front to the enemy. On the other hand, Mir-nasser, who with his rocket-men had so closely engaged the English as to make them lose ground, finding that no one would come to his assistance, was thinking of a retreat; but even that being now unattainable, his men continued engaging the enemy, like people that held each other by the throat. The English, hard pressed, received from Major Adams orders to fix to the muzzles of their muskets certain iron spikes, like those of a spear; and this being done, the English, by applying their muskets to their breasts, presented a wall of spikes, which no enemy could pretend to pass, in order to come to hand-blows with them. This particular I had from several creditable persons of both nations, that were in the engagement, and present at the particular spot; and I have since heard it from Colonel Goddard, who was either a Captain or a Lieutenant at that engagement; and who affirmed likewise, that at Sò8ty the English had been fairly done for, had the enemy kept them in play a few days more in that sultry plain.^\(259\) Mir-nasser, unable to push upon that row of pikes so as to approach nearer, was making, but in vain, signs with the hand and voice all the while, without being able to descry any one moving to his assistance. At last he despaired of victory; and, at this very moment, the English officers that had Marcar and Somro in front, seeing that those two Commanders were retreating, and leaving the field on that side clear of the enemy, detached three or four companies of Talingas to the assistance of that part of their army which was in distress; and those were no sooner re-inforced so unexpectedly, than they fell with fresh courage on the small unsupported number of those that had hitherto pressed so hard upon them. On the appearance of this re-inforcement, Mir-bedr-eddin quitted the engagement, and retreated leisurely; but Mir-nasser, who had the imprudence to stay with his little troop, had soon reason to repent of his temerity. He was soon fired at by the fresh detachment, and left his life in the field of braves. By this time Marcar the Armenian, and Somro the European, had already quitted the field of battle, to their eternal shame and infamy, and were retreating along the highway. They were soon followed by Assed-ollah-qhan, who soon lost himself in that field of dishonour and disgrace. Some others that yet stood their ground, finding themselves abandoned by their main, quitted the field of battle by troops; and the zephyr of success and victory blowing gently on the flagging standards of the English, unfurled their folds, and put them in the full possession of victory. The victors had the generosity to take up the wounded, and to make them over to those that could take care of them; and here I cannot help mentioning a singular fact which I have heard several times from Colonel Goddard, an officer who was only Lieutenant or Captain in that battle, and cuts now so great a figure at the head of the English forces in Decan: He used to say, that amongst the wounded spread in the field, and then taken up by the English, he had seen a man of Mir-cassem’s troops, who had received such a stroke of a sabre, as had cleft his skull in two pieces, so that the brains were set open. The man was half dead, nor were any hopes entertained of his remaining alive many hours more; nevertheless, as he was still breathing, the Doctor bound his head with his turband, and sent him to a place of shelter with the other wounded. Three days after, as Goddard was taking a survey of the wounded, about whom the Doctor was actually busy, he was astonished to see that the man whom he had seen before, was now sitting upon his hams, holding an hocca^\(260\) of clay with both his hands, and smoking with a deal of composure; he seemed quite recovered of his wound, but, what is singular, had lost his sight entirely. Such was that miracle of Providence, and such that token of Divine dispensations! The enemy, dispersed and disheartened, made haste to the little stream of 8d8a-nala, where Mir-cassem had fortified a strong post against such emergencies as these, and here they stopped; and, after recovering from their fright, they joined those that were on duty in that post, and prepared for a vigorous defence.

The news of this ill success filled Mir-cassem’s breast with anxiety, and dismay, and doubts. He had already, on Mahmed-taky-qhan’s death, taken measures for sending his family, seraglio, and treasures, to the fortress of Rhotas. He now dismissed a vast number of women, which he kept for show only, and in conformity to the custom of the Indian Princes; and these being not for his use, and serving only to encumber his motions, were all set at liberty, with full permission to dispose of themselves; but his own consort, who was Mir-djaafer-qhan’s daughter, together with his favourite ladies, and his treasures and effects, were sent by land and by water to that fortress, under the care of Mir-suléiman-qhan, his steward, of Radja-Nobet-ráy, his favourite, and of some other trusty persons. It was in this state of emigration that some alteration was perceived in the minds and behaviour of his undutiful servants, and ungrateful dependants; although such was the dread entertained still of their master’s exactitude and severity, that none had yet dared to betray any impudence in their actions, or trouble the accustomed order, or transgress the usual defences. Intelligence coming at this time of the defeat at Sò8ty, his situation became more difficult than ever; and he resolved to avail himself of the stand that would be made at 8d8a-nala, to retreat from the castle of Monghyr, and to march towards Azim-abad. The 8d8a is a little deep river that comes from the hills of Radj-mahal on the south, and empties itself in the Ganga in a small plain covered with thorns and brambles. Its banks are steep, lofty, and so beset as to afford no passage anywhere but with extreme difficulty, if at all; and it was upon that little river that Mir-cassem had ordered a bridge of brick and stone-work to be raised some months before. He had seen and admired the natural strength of that part, and had ordered a deep ditch to be dug beyond the little river, and a strong rampart or intrenchment to be raised behind it, so as that the ditch and rampart might extend from the foot of the hills down to the Ganga, leaving between them and the little river, a sufficient plain for encamping troops. The ditch was deep, had a wooden bridge over it, and joined a lake and morass which coming from the foot of the hills, encompassed a great part of the intrenchment, and greatly contributed to its defence in front; so that the only passage betwixt Monghyr and Radj-mahal lay over that ditch and through that intrenchment, which was fortified with a number of towers, that gave it the appearance of a castle. Nor was it possible to go to the right, unless indeed by mounting or descending the Ganga in boats; and this was impracticable, when there were troops to oppose such an attempt; nor indeed to the left, unless by wading through an impassable morass, or by climbing over the hills. It was in consequence of such considerations as these that Mir-cassem had beforehand ordered that spot to be carefully fortified, considering it as fully capable to stop an enemy. He now put a strong body of troops in those intrenchments; and to encourage them the more, he informed them that he would march to their support. He then fixed a favourable day for his setting out; and quitting the castle of Mongher, he sent his spare tents forwards, encamped in the neighbourhood, and gave orders for assembling troops; but as he was conversant in astrology, he had taken care to find out the favourable moment for commencing his march. After these precautions he set out on the twenty-fourth of Muharrem, A. D. 1763. in the year 1177, of the Messenger’s flight; it was in the nighttime, which he always deemed favourable to his affairs. But by this time a sanguinary disposition had made its appearance in his character, which had received additional strength from Gurghin-qhan’s insinuations, and also from a review of the state of his own affairs. And as his mind had been soured by the alteration which he now observed amongst the Grandees of his Court; and the conjuncture required that he should dispose of his prisoners of State, who were in great numbers; he resolved to put all those unfortunate men to death; especially as he had already a variety of suspicions on their account, and they had filled his mind with tormenting anxieties; they were too numerous to be kept under command, and too dangerous to be dismissed. A list of their names I never saw, but I know several of them. Of that number were Ram-naráin, heretofore Deputy-Governor of Azim-abad, as well as Radja Radj-bull8b, who had himself enjoyed that office, after having been a long time before Divan and Prime Minister to Nevazish-mohammed-qhan, and in the sequel, to Miren, son to Mir-djaafer-qhan. This unfortunate man had all his sons with him. Some others of those prisoners were the Ráy-ráyan Umid-ráy, with his son, the Zemindars of Ticary, Radja Fateh-sing and Radja B8niad-sing, and also Sheh-abdollan, the same who had been heretofore confined at P8raniah. There were numbers of other persons of distinction and characters, all which were dispatched to the regions of non-existence. I have heard it said that Ram-naráin had been drowned in the Ganga, with a bag of sand fastened to his neck; and probably the others also were dismissed out of this world in the like manner.^\(261\) All this while the unfortunate English prisoners continued to be guarded with the utmost care; and although Gurghin-qhan was in haste to get rid of them also, his advice for that single time was not listened to by Mir-cassem, who conceived that some advantage might accrue to his affairs from keeping them alive. It was at this setting out from Monghyr that his troops, in consequence of that infamous disposition so natural to Hindians, (who never fail to become insolent and unruly upon any change of affairs) commenced shewing themselves disobedient and refractory. With this temper of theirs he thought proper to put up, as his affairs required much dissimulation, and much forbearance; and in this disposition of mind he arrived at Champa-nugur, where he tarried a few days, to review the troops destined for the defence of the post of 8d8a-nala, which he now strengthened in such a manner that he expected it would bar the passage of the English exactly like a wall.

It must be observed, that some time before this, on sending Mahmed-taky-qhan, to fight the enemy, he had expressed a desire to have such a renowned warrior as Camcar-qhan in his service, having always been studious to procure men of military talents; and he had recommended that affair to Aaly-hibrahim-qhan. The latter found means to bring the Radja to camp, where, on his arrival, he was taken into favour, and assigned a a salary suitable to his rank; but as Mir-cassem thought proper to carry him to Champa-nugur, where he tarried a few days, this opportunity put Gurghin-qhan upon proposing to join the new General to those that defended 8d8a-nala. Camcar-qhan answered, “That there were more troops already at that post than there was need; more indeed than the intrenchments would hold; so that most of them were useless; and, he added, that by going thither himself, he would become only one of the latter class; better then that some Commander-in-Chief should be sent thither to bring that multitude under some order, and to make it fight in concert.” This conversation having been protracted to some length, Camcar-qhan could not help asking the Armenian General, What he could possibly know of war, and whether he had ever seen a war or a battle? You had better hear what I tell you, added he; it is advantageous to your master, and will prove so in the sequel. Such a style was more than the other had been accustomed to. He complained to his master that Camcar-qhan would not go to the intrenchments of 8d8a-nula, and that it appeared that Aaly-hibrahim-qhan had dissuaded him from it. This insinuation made its full eflect; and Mir-cassem, in conversation with the latter, could not help dropping many expressions that alluded to the latter’s share in that revolution. The purport of it was, “That it seemed that Camcar-qhan was not pleased to go to a warfare not of his own, possibly because he intended upon a reverse of fortune to fall upon his rear (the Navvab’s), and to plunder his baggage, the moment he should find an opportunity for it. Gurghin-qhan says so, at least,” added Mir-cassem; “possibly to close with our proposal, he wants first of all your advice.” To this speech Aaly-hibrahim-qhan answered, “That it was easy to bring the matter to a trial. Let me be confined,” said he, “as an hostage for Camcar-qhan’s behaviour; and let him be sent on any service which your Highness may advise; and I will stand the consequences of his defection.” These few words were pronounced with warmth; so that Mir-cassem thought it proper to make him some apology; and this concession engaged that nobleman to relate exactly what had passed between the Armenian and Camcar-qhan. On hearing which, Mir-cassem himself acknowledged, that the intrenchments at 8d8a-nulla required a Commander-in-Chief; but the difficulty was where to find such a man? Aaly-hibrahim-qhan answered, that at present, the only fit man he could think of, would be Gurghin-qhan himself, although it was probable he would decline going upon that service. Mir-cassem answered that he had no objections; and, on the Qhan’s saying that it was an easy matter to put the whole to the trial, Mir-cassem proposed that command to Gurghin-qhan. That General answered, “That what his Highness had represented with regard to 8d8a-nulla, was an article of which himself was thoroughly informed; but that in such times of confusion and tumult and perfidy as these, he could not part with His Highness, to whose foot he had made fast his own feet and destiny; so that it would be highly improper in him to leave His Highness alone.” In this manner Gurghin-qhan did not go; and Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, to clear his own character, engaged Camcar-qhan to make an expedition into Birbohom, with intent to put that country under contribution, and to raise on the backs of the English such a flame as would put a stop to their progress, by impeding their motions. The project was good; but destiny was not on that side; for, before Camcar-qhan could arrive there, the fate of 8d8a-nulla was already decided and over; and the man, impeded and stopped everywhere by inundations and by the rains, which are excessive all over Bengal, could make no incursions, and was obliged to come back. After the defeat at 8d8a-nulla, he made the best of his way over the hills, and returned to his own country, without being able to rejoin Mir-cassem.

Whilst the latter lay encamped on the little river of Champa-nugur, he was joined by Mirza-nedjef-qhan, a warrior of consequence. This Commander, who is now Generalissimo of the Emperor of Hindostan, and the Lord of Lords of his Court, was one of the sons of the Sadr-el-s8d8r of Iran^\(262\), and a near relation of Mirza-muhsen’s, who was himself brother to Ab8l-mans8r-qhan, father to Shudjah-ed-döulah. This warrior, tired and shocked with that train of endless perfidies which disgraced that Prince’s conduct, had quitted his dominions to seek his fortune elsewhere; and he was now arrived in camp with a small number of troopers, in quest of service. Mir-cassem, who thought his arrival advantageous to his affairs, received him in his service, and, on his own request, sent him to join the defenders of 8d8a-nulla. There was a large number of troops in those intrenchments; and the artillery was equally numerous. The latter, with the Talingas, was commaded by Marcar the Armenian, by Somro the European, and by Arat8n, another Armenian. The other troops were commanded by Assed-ollah-qhan, who had with him Mahmed-naky-qhan and several other Commanders, such as Aalem-qhan, and Djaafer-qhan, and Sheh-háibet-ollah, and Mir-himmet-aaly the Paymaster; all of whom were at the head of their respective corps, but all of whom trusted so much to the natural strength of that post, and to the impractibility of the enemy’s forcing this passage, that they became negligent in their duty; for most of the officers that had any money, made it a practice, on the beginning of the night, to gorge themselves with wine, and to pass the remainder of it in looking at the performances of dance-women, or in taking them to their beds. But Mirza-nedjef-qhan thought only how to signalise himself. Having joined to his troops some picked men from those commanded by Mir-mehdy-qhan, brother to Assed-ollah-qhan, and some more from amongst those in the immediate corps of Mir-cassem’s, he resolved to raise his character by some action of eclat. On reviewing often the intrenchment in that part which touched to the foot of the hills, he had picked an important intelligence from many of the highlanders, namely, that at that particular part there was a ford through the lake and morass, which led safely to the English encampment. Mirza-nedjef-qhan, upon this intelligence, came out at about three o’clock in the morning, and falling upon that part of the English camp, (and there Mir-djaafer-qhan had his quarters) he occasioned so much tumult and consternation in it, that the old Navvab fled to his boats, and was going to drop down the river, when the English sent a body of Talingas to his assistance. On sight of these, Nedjef-qhan, who had made an ample booty, returned within the intrenchment again; but as he made a practice of such sorties, the English confounded at their repetition, commenced examining from whence these men could possibly come out. Fortune came to their assistance in that inquiry. The path by which Nedjef-qhan used to make his sorties, had been taken notice of by an English soldier, who having fled from his own nation, had been long ago in Mir-cassem’s service. This man, who according to the rules of service amongst the English, would have been put to death, had he fallen in their hands, had set out in the darkness of the night, and had gone through the ford, setting several marks on his passage; and, being come out upon dry ground, he approached within hearing of the English sentries, and cried out in the English language, “That he was such a one; and that if they would procure his pardon, he would find means to carry his brethren over the intrenchment.” Fortune sided with this man. There happened to be upon duty at that part some English Officers, who recollected his voice, and these assured him, with a solemn oath, that his life would be safe, and that he might come over in full safety. Upon these assurances, he marched up to them, informed them of what he had observed, and on a certain night he promised to return, and to shew them the ford. This interval was employed by the English in providing ladders, and every requisite for an assault, and escalade. At the appointed time, which was about ten o’clock at night, the man made his appearance, and took with him a Battalion of Grandils,^\(263\) being a body of picked men, in which Colonel Goddard served then as Lieutenant. The latter had orders on his getting upon the intrenchment, to raise as high as he could a mashal, or burning taper,^\(264\) as a signal of his being there. The Battalion of Grandils putting their arms and ammunition upon their heads, went into the lake under the guidance of the soldier; and, after having waded about a mile, with the water sometimes at their middle, and sometimes at their arm-pits, they arrived about midnight, at the foot of the intrenchment or wall, where they found every body fast asleep. This sight had its full effect upon those courageous English. Applying their ladders in silence, they got upon the rampart in an instant, where a fifer, who happened to awake, having pretended to give the alarm with his instrument, was instantly dispatched with bayonets; this being an arm not unlike the iron of a pike, which the English carry at their muskets, and of which they make great use. The whole number being now got up, they formed their ranks, and raised up the burning taper, that had been agreed upon for a signal. At the sight of this, the English, who waited only for it, assembled in great numbers, and gave an alarm at the gate and bridge over the fossé. A furious fire of cannon, mortars, and musquetry, immediately poured upon that part; whilst the battalion that had got within on the opposite side, commenced firing upon those they met on their march. On the first discharge numbers were slain, and numbers were wounded; amongst which last was Mahmed-naky-qhan, Mir-himmet-aaly, the Gazip8rian Paymaster, being of the former number; and the terror and dismay became so great everywhere, that whoever chanced to get awake, thought of nothing but of making his escape, and flying with all his might. The runaways, in their flight towards the gate and stone bridge, overturned those that were encamped there. Some were tumbled into the river, and escaped on the other side; but numbers were carried away and drowned. Meanwhile, those of the English who were yet without the intrenchment, having taken notice of the consternation and astonishment that had seized the beseiged, got quietly over the wall, and placing a pahara of theirs (which consists of six or seven men) on the small bridge that served for a passage over the river, they seemed to have shut up a whole army within The strong post at 8d8a is surprised and forced by the English. a net. Those, who like Somro and Marcar, and some others, had already passed the bridge, escaped with their lives; but the others, who amounted to a multitude, innumerable, did not fare so well; and whoever came towards the bridge, was stopped short by the sentry posted there, (which word in their language signifies a watchman) and commanded to lay down his arms and accoutrements, and to part with his horse; after which, he was suffered to pass naked and disgraced. This, however, was not the fate of Nedjef-qhan. With a few troopers that stuck to him, he found means to escape over the hills; and Assed-ollah-qhan, after flying two full cosses on foot, at last got a horse, and continued August. his flight. Those that had escaped in the beginning of the alarm, continued their route with their arms and baggage; but those that had passed after the bridge had been secured, were naked and destitute of every thing, so as to cut the most August. piteous figure, on their appearing in Mir-cassem’s camp. This surprise and assault happened on the night of the 26th of Sefer, A. D. 1763. in the year 1177 of the Prophet’s flight; and, at about seven o’clock in the morning, the whole of the numerous troops in that intrenchment was totally defeated and dispersed; nor could any thing be descried but runaways in the greatest distress.^\(265\)

After so signal a success, the English took some repose for a couple of days. On the second or third day after this disaster, the intelligence having been carried to Mir-cassem, the man seemed broke in two by the middle; he betrayed every mark of grief and affliction, and passed the whole day in the utmost anguish of mind, and in the highest despondency. At night, he sent for Gurghin-qhan, and spent much time in consultation with him. Gurghin-qhan advised him to continue the war; but Mir-cassem, at about four o’clock the next morning, got upon his elephant, and without speaking a word to any one, he returned to Mongher. His troops, on hearing of his departure, followed him corps after corps. Being arrived in the above town, he stopped two or three days, both to get out of the fortress the few effects he had left there, and to review his army; by which last operation he expected to discover how his troops were affected towards his person, and how they stood in their sentiments of obedience and attachment. The review seemed to revive his spirits; and, this being observed by his nearest friends, Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, who had already supplicated him for the release of his English prisoners, now thought this a favourable moment for renewing his intreaties; and he observed how much renown he would acquire by releasing the principal amongst them at least. The nobleman being repulsed, asked that at the least, he might vouchsafe to release the women, which were amongst them, as they might be sent by boats to Major Adams, and after all proved but an incumbrance. The request did not please the Navvab; and he answered, that he ought to say all that to Gurghin-qhan. The latter therefore was applied to, but he answered by asking, in a peevish tone of voice, Where one might now find boats enough for such a multitude? and he paid no further regard to so proper and so honourable a proposal. Mir-cassem, the day before his departure, appointed one Areb-aaly-qhan to command in the castle of Mongher, with two Battalions of Talingas. This was an Arabian from the vilest populace of Bagdad, equally coward and quarrelsome, but, however, who had the merit of being a dependant of Gurghin-qhan’s. After this he marched towards Azim-abad, carrying with him Mr. Hay, Mr. Ellis, and Mr. Lushington, with the other English prisoners. The difficulties and numerous hardships which he was obliged to encounter, on his journey over a country submerged or full of mire, are not to be described, no more than the many misfortunes he met with on his way, especially at the river Rehva. A bridge of boats had been run over it, but still, the horses and other animals being obliged to swim for their passage, were carried away in numbers. Some people preceded the army; and I was of the number, as well as Y8s8f-aaly-qhan, with Mir-shetary, and Mirza-bakyr, and Mirza-abdollah, the two sons of Aga-Mirza. We all joined together, passed the bridge at Reva, and reposed ourselves for one day. The second night, the date of which I cannot remember, a mighty revolution happened suddenly, and an important event took place unexpectedly. Gurghin-qhan was killed; and that ill-fated man, in retribution for his malicious temper of mind, was hastily sent over the stream that divides this world from the other.^\(266\) This strange event happened in the following manner:—Gurghin-qhan, who was upon ill terms with all the world, but who studied the English in every thing, wanted to carry a high hand over the soldiery; and, in a time of confusion and misfortune, he strove to keep them under that strictness of discipline, which he had seen practised amongst those of that nation. He was not aware that this power of the English over their soldiers, was a gift of Providence, and that those strangers had found the art of turning the particular customs of their country into a second nature in their troops.

How could the poor Armenian, after having sold cloth by the yard throughout his whole life, pretend, that with an authority of only two days’ standing, he would be able to pass such rules of strict obedience and discipline over a nation, not his own, and which was not yet accustomed to so much regularity and strictness?

The Navvab having taken post on the banks of the Rehva, where he tarried two or three days, Gurghin-qhan, who conformably to his custom, always came the last of all, and always encamped by himself, was actually in his tent, when two or three Mogul troopers from amongst those he had disciplined and trained himself, came and asked something about their pay. The General answered in an angry, peevish manner; but the two men, availing themselves of the unprosperous state of affairs, and of the revolution that had taken place, had the daringness to speak with violence. Gurghin-qhan, without attending to the difference of times, screamed out, What? Is there no one there to take these men into confinement? He had hardly uttered these few words, when those men finding themselves alone with him, drew their sabres, and in three or four strokes, stretched him on the ground; and, their horses being just at the door, they got upon them in an instant, and fled through the fields. The servants having immediately raised an outcry, which brought General Marcar, another Armenian, the latter, on descrying the troopers beyond the reach of a musket-ball, fired at them with two or three pieces of cannon that were at hand, loaded with grape; and the report of the cannon being heard by Mir-cassem’s army, which was at a small distance, every one concluded that the English were arrived, and already engaged with Gurghin-qhan. Instantly Mir-cassem had the same thought; instantly he got upon his elephant, and took to the fields. At the same time, a general scream, and now and then some confused cries, coming from Gurghin-qhan’s quarters, struck such a terror into Mir-cassem’s camp, and especially amongst the sutlers and other market-men, that the whole of them, without making the least inquiry, fled on all sides, most of them towards the bridge on the Rehva. The multitude, which was encamped with me on the other side of the river, surprised to see crowds of runaways endlessly pouring upon them, catched their fears and trepidation; and, night coming on, nothing was heard but cries and screams. But as every one was involved in the general confusion, and saw the mob running to and fro, like so many mad men, whilst the great ones ware advancing in haste with burning tapers; such a sight thunderstruk Y8s8f-aaly-qhan, one of our company, who, being as well as Mirza-bakyr, August. full as much frightened as any other, resolved at any rate to inquire into the cause; and then sent people to take some information A. D. 1763. from the runaways. But every one of these giving a different answer, served only to perplex. This diversity augmented our consternation, as there was no getting certain information about the tumult; and some people conceived causes,^\(267\) which they did not dare to mention, for fear of Mir-cassem’s resentment. All these discordant reports, however, agreed in one point; and this was, in producing some piece of extravagant news, which being spread in a twinkle amongst the runaways, increased their fears, and added to the confusion. Meanwhile, the throng became innumerable at the bridge, and the passage being now dangerous, seemed to retrace an idea of the bridge of Serátt, at the Day of Judgment; for the crowds were now pouring in such numbers on both sides, that the passage became impracticable for people on foot. Elephants and carts cut their ways through the multitudes; and as their treading over the boards of the flooring, forced the boats to strike against each other, the noise bore a likeness to a report of distant firing of cannon. News even came that the English had gained the victory; and as it was thought that the little river only divided the combatants, people prepared their cannon also on this side; and Y8s8f-aaly-qhan, resolved either to pack up his baggage, and get ready at all events, or to run away to some place of shelter. But he was prevented by Mir-shetari and myself, who insisted on some information. At about midnight the uproar commenced subsiding; and I sent a trusty servant, with orders to stop on this side of the bridge; and as soon as he should discover any person of some consequence, to let him pass first, and then only to ask him what was the matter. The man did as he was bid; and, stopping at the bridge, he saw a close paleky making towards it with three or four horsemen attending; the man walked a while with them, and then asked whose lady was in the close paleky? One of the horsemen answered, It is not a lady; it is Gurghin-qhan’s corpse. We carry it to the fields for burial. It is the Navvab’s order.^\(268\) On this answer, the man returned with this intelligence, and made us all easy; so that we passed the remainder of the night quietly nough. On the morning, Mir-cassem himself passed the river, and encamped on the spot where we were. The next day, he advanced to the town of Bar, where he ordered Djagat-seat-mahtab-ráy, and Radja Ser8p-chund, his brother, to be hacked to pieces.^\(269\) After that, he marched on, and took up his quarters in Djaafer-qhan’s garden, close to Azim-abad; from whence he sent orders to put the citadel in repair, having appointed Mahmed-amin-qhan, with a fresh body of troops, for its defence.

A few days after that, on hearing that the English had possessed themselves of the fortress of Mongher by treason, his temper, soured by misfortunes and perfidies, broke all bounds. Incensed beyond measure at so unexpected a reverse, and mistrusting the future still more than the past, he gave orders to Somro, the European, to put to death all the prisoners of that nation;^\(270\) and that man, of a flint-like heart, without any regard to the ties which bound him to those unfortunates, who were of the same Christian religion with him, accepted the commission without horror, and without reluctance. That stony man repaired to the house, then called Hadji-ahmed’s, where those ill-fated people were confined, (and which having become the burying-ground of the English since that day, has had its name altered accordingly); and without the least hesitation, or the least remorse, he ordered all those unarmed men to be killed with musket-balls. It is roported, that in such a moment of distress and perturbation, those unfortunate men, without losing courage, marched up to their murderers, and, with empty bottles, and stones, and brickbats, fought them to the last man, until they were all killed. It appears, that two or three days before this event, they had contrived, by the means of their servants, to procure abroad a number of muskets equal to their number, with ammunition sufficient for their purpose. But they did not come to hand; for, had they succeeded in this attempt, they were resolved to make their escape by main force; and if not, to kill so many men in their own defence, as should avenge their death, and do honour to their memory. Of all the prisoners, not a man remained alive, save Doctor Fullarton, who, by assisting professionally most of the Grandees of the Court, had endeared himself to them; he even had Mir-cassem himself for an acquaintance and friend. The next morning after the massacre, of which as yet I knew nothing, I went to Court, and, after a stay of one hour, I got up to pay my bow and to be gone. Stay, said the Navvab, your friend is coming. As I knew nothing of what had happened, I could not help asking with surprise, who was that friend, and from whence he came? The Navvab answered, Well, you may go, I shall send for you again. On this answer I returned to my tents, which were in Aaly-hibrahim-qhan’s compound, and I sate down full dressed, expecting to be sent for again. In a little time, a mace-bearer came to tell me that I was wanted. I went immediately, and was hardly seated in the Navvab’s presence, when I descried Doctor Fullarton coming. He wore an Hindostany dress, and presented, in compliance with the custom of these countries, a few rupees, in nuzur, to the Navvab. The latter declined taking them, and graciously added these words: There was no such custom between you and me hitherto; and, having embraced him, he bid him go and sit by his friend. The Doctor came, and seated himself close to me. A moment after, the Navvab looking at him steadfastly, uttered these words: Fraud with friends and treason with acquaintances! What did you mean by that? You have received under your roof within the town, a number of armed men, as sick; and have let them out again the night in which they have surprised the city walls. The Doctor, without the least dismay or fear, answered in a firm tone of voice, My Lord Navvab, I do not fear death. You have killed all those countrymen of mine. Do kill me, likewise; you may, you are the master. But never will I admit that I am guilty of treason. I have not done that. If it be proved against me, I am content even now that you order me to be put to death. After saying these words, he chanced to spy Akyidet-mend-qhan, brother to the famous Emir-qhan, who was sitting over against him, a nobleman, whose house at Azim-abad was parted from that of the Doctor’s only by a wall. “That nobleman,” said the Doctor, again, “is my neighbour. Ask him; inquire from whom you please.” As really the accusation, had no foundation, the nobleman in question vouched for the Doctor’s innocence, and said, that the Doctor was not guilty. On this assertion, the Navvab paused again, and putting on an air of kindness, he bade him go to Calcutta, if he had a mind to it; or else, he might remain with him. The Doctor had the prudence to decline going to Calcutta. The Navvab intended to avail himself of his mediation to renew with Governor Vansittart, and to come to some accommodation. But, on observing his reluctance, he turned to me, and said, The man must be given to understand—but you shall do that when you are by yourselves. The word, by yourselves, gave me some concern, lest I might fall under the imputation of having advised something contrary to his will. But yet, obliged to comply with his commands, I took the Doctor behind a curtain, and spoke to him as I had been directed. The man shook his head, and said, “That after Mr. Amyatt’s murder, it was impossible to think of peace, and, over and above that, all his countrymen had been put to death last night.” This conversation I reported to the Navvab, who calling the Doctor up, desired Aaly-hibrahim-qhan and myself, to sit close to him, as associates in the consultation. The Doctor answered again, “All that is utterly impossible; first, because the army which actually is on the road, will not suffer me to pass; but, on the supposition that I shall find no obstacle, still my going would answer no purpose at all. The murder of Mr. Amyatt, a man quite innocent, is so infamous an action, as will for ever render ineffectual every proposal for an accommodation.” At these words, the Navvab himself, who had now totally despaired of success, remained silent. A moment after, he said, Since you cannot go, you may remain where you please. The Doctor replied, that wherever His Highness should bid him remain, there he would find himself very well. At last the Navvab made him over to Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, and bid him take care of his friend, and provide lodgings for him in the city, with the precaution, however, of putting some trusty persons at the door, to prevent his having any intercourse abroad; and, he added, that he must take a security from the Doctor. The latter, on being informed of the Navvab’s order, produced Mirza-himmet-aaly for security; and this nobleman acknowledged himself as such by a writing under his hand and seal. A lodging being provided for the Doctor, proper persons were appointed at his gate. Two days after Mirza-himmet-aaly, with Aaly-hibrahim-qhan’s consent, applied to the Navvab for their removal; and the latter having consented, the Doctor remained at full liberty. But this Prince hearing now that the English, after having taken the castle of Mongher, were marching towards Azim-abad, thought proper to quit his station at Djaafer-qhan’s garden, and, marching to the other side of the city, he encamped at Poholvary.

Mongher was taken in the following manner: The English laid siege to the castle; and Areb-aaly-qhan, the Governor, who was naturally a coward, and one who augured no good from his master’s affairs, sent them word, that if they would give him a sum of money, he would surrender the fortress. The English, who were anxious to pursue Mir-cassem, consented to what he asked; and a certain sum having been paid the man, he gained the garrison to his party, and surrendered the place. The English put a garrison into it, and marched to Azim-abad; but Mir-cassem not thinking it prudent to remain so near the enemy, advanced towards Bucrem, a town at eleven cosses from Azim-abad, and now reduced to ruins, where he encamped. From that camp he had the advantage of being master of the western gate of the city, which was covered by a wet ditch, and that of keeping open his communication with that fortress, to which he could occasionally send troops for its defence; for, he was sensible that the English could not turn the city, as the southern part of it was defended by a lake full of water. It was at this time likewise, that Ahmed-qhan-coréishy, who, since Ram-narain’s confinement, had always been in disgrace, was sent for again, and taken into favour. His estate and lands were restored to him, and he even received some money to repay his charges. It was at this time also that Mir-abboo, son to Mir-cudret-ollah, and grandson to Sheh-shukur-ollah, the Cadyrain, rose into favour. He had hitherto lived neglected and in disgrace, on account of his connections with Mir-djaafer-qhan; when, by one of the most strange revolutions that can be conceived, he was sent for, and raised so high, that he aspired at ten times more credit and authority, than had fallen to the lot of Gurghin-qhan himself. He thought himself equal to the task of propping and shoring up the tottering edifice of Mir-cassem’s prosperity; and he applied himself intensely to the business of disciplining the army, and defending Azim-abad; to which he used often to repair. The troops, observing his rising favour, accustomed themselves to respect his person, and to avail themselves of his recommendation in their applications to their master. This new favourite, one day, having found a favourable moment, observed to the Navvab, that it was improper to leave the Doctor in the power of Aaly-hibrahim-qhan’s people. Mir-cassem, who was now become more suspicious than ever, and stood like a blank sheet of paper, ready to receive any impression that might be stamped thereon, said to Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, that he must now make the Doctor over to others. The Qhan answered, “That His Highness, probably, did not recollect, that the day when the Doctor had found a security, he had himself ordered his guards to be dismissed; upon which order,” added he, “I withdrew a few people of my own, whom I had appointed to watch over his person; and now, whatever your commands may be, will not fail to be obeyed.” This conversation of the Navvab’s having been imparted underhand by the Qhan to the Doctor, the latter, who saw his guards changed, suspected that something was in agitation against his person; and he thought it high time to contrive some expedient by which he might extricate himself. Having found means to procure some people for himself, he would not admit Mir-abboo’s guards within the house, under pretence, that without an order from the Navvab, he could not follow them. Mir-abboo having availed himself of these words to attack the Doctor’s character, got some spies, or harcaras, and some considerable officers residing in town, to subscribe a paper, by which they attested that Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, in defiance of the order of His Highness, had not made the Doctor over to Mir-abboo. Mir-cassem, who was fully sensible of the declension of his fortune, and knew how much reproachful words would seem to be out of season, contented himself with mentioning the Doctor’s plea. The Qhan answered, that he had from the very first order recalled his own people, and left the Doctor to himself. “Let then whoever pretends to be my servant,” added he, “be brought hither and examined; and let him be punished as a liar and impostor, by Mir-abboo’s people.” The Doctor, whilst those disputes were taking place at camp, was gone to the Dutch factory; where, having prevailed by dint of money on the Master of an old condemned boat, to ferry him over to Hadjipoor, where there were some English troops, he got into that crazy vessel with Mirza-himmet-ally, his security, and put off from shore. On sight of this, the guards appointed to prevent any boat from crossing over, or even from moving at all, made haste to embark in other boats, and they went in pursuit of her. But the Doctor was already in the middle of the river, where, being spied by the English on the other side of the water, who saw distinctly a crazy boat endeavouring to make her escape, they threw themselves into some boats at hand, and flew to his assistance; so that the guards being intimidated by this appearance, returned, and left the Doctor at liberty to land amongst his friends. The Navvab, hearing of this escape, ascribed the whole contrivance to Aaly-hibrahim-qhan; but the times were not favourable for such an inquiry.

By this time the English being arrived at Azim-abad, marched along the streets and markets to a house close to Mirza-qhalil’s quay, which now goes by the name of Maar8ff-gunj; and planting their cannon there, they commenced battering the citadel. But, as the wall in that part consisted only of some brick-work, hardly made up with mud, it soon gave way, and afforded a large breach. The English, with dint of cannon-balls and bombs, drove the besieged from it, and at day-break, they got into the citadel, and from thence into the city. On the first news of the breach being made, Mir-cassem had dispatched some thousand horse to attack the English, under the command of his own nephew, Mir-abboo-aaly-qhan, and of his Paymaster, Mir-roshen-aaly-qhan. These officers having set out from camp in the evening, marched the whole night, and in the morning they arrived near the city, resolved to advance under cover by Mehdy-gundj and Begum-poorah, in order to come out at the Naqhas, or Horse-market, where they intended to commence their attack on the back of the besiegers. Being arrived near Shah-medjnoon’s^\(271\) hospice, they heard from the runaways that the English had got into the citadel by the breach, and from thence into the city. These words struck them with dismay. At first they stood motionless, and doubtful whether they were to fall to or to retreat; when at once, some English Talingas, who had advanced as far as the western gate, suddenly made their appearance on the outside of it. At sight of this, all that body of cavalry, without taking notice of the smallness of their number, or inquiring whether they were followed by more, disbanded at once, and fled with so much blindness and precipitation, that some threw themselves headlong into the lake, where they were drowned; and others, in endeavouring to cross over, stuck in the mire and clay, and miserably perished. Roshen-aaly-qhan himself was amongst the latter. In his flight, he fell headlong into a deep place, lost his horse and turband, and escaped with his slippers in his hand, in which wretched condition he arrived in camp. Mir-cassem, finding that fortune had turned her back upon him totally, and was now siding with his enemies, conceived that he had no other part left, but that of a retreat. He therefore decamped, and Mir-Cassem being totally ruined, thinks of taking shelter in Shudjah-ed-döulah’s dominions. marched to Muhib-aaly-poor. There Mir-abdollah, overcome by the thoughts of parting with his house, consort, family, and property, quitted the army without leave, and, having cut his way with all the pains imaginable through crowds of peasants intent on plunder, he arrived in town with only his person; and, such silent retreats becoming now of fashion, Ahmed-qhan-coréishy soon was of the number. Such a desertion, after all, was of a piece with his character, as well as with that of many others. On Mir-cassem’s forgiving his misdemeanours, and restoring him to favour, he had taken care to assume in his presence, and in that of his relations, a high flown style, and to talk much of the duties and fidelity incumbent on generous grateful minds. But people who knew how much his heart was ulcerated against Mir-cassem these three years past, believed nothing of his protestations; and the event verified their suspicions; for this man, who had been ordered to assemble and to send provisions to the camp at Shimshir-nugur, instead of that, repaired to Dáod-nugur, where he busied himself in schemes of revenge. From Shimshir-nugur, Mir-cassem advanced to Sheh-poora, which is a district inhabited by Rohillas under several Zemindars; there he forded the river Sohon, and encamped on the other side, at a town called Nelitoo, which was full of traders. At that place he stopped a few days, in order to give time to his consort, his seraglio, and his treasures to join him from Rhotas, under the command of Mir-suléiman-qhan, his steward, a man on whom he reposed the utmost confidence, and who had the absolute management of his favourite women, as well as of his jewels and treasure.

It was this at encampment that Mirza-nedjef-qhan, who had escaped from 8d8a, by the way over the mountains, came out of that hilly country, and joined Mir-cassem. On hearing of his intention to take shelter in Shudja-ed-döulah’s country, and of a treaty being on foot with that Prince, that officer, who was fully acquainted with his temper and politics, strongly objected to his taking such a resolution. “Never,” said he, “never think of putting yourself in that Prince’s power. Retire within the fortress of Rhotas with your family and treasures; and leave the army and the management of the war to me. I shall pick up amongst your troops a good body of choice infantry, with a greater proportion of cavalry, in which last, I shall admit none but those that are well mounted, and who have robustness and good will enough to follow me day and night on horseback. With these, I shall be eternally hanging on the rear of the English, and shall cut them so much work, that they shall not find time to range themselves in battle array, or to take their meals; after having done so much, let happen what it will, and let fortune favour which party soever she may be pleased.” The Navvab objected to the air and water of Rhotas, and shewed a disinclination from shutting himself up in that mountain; for as to the rest, the advice was good; but it was not in his destiny to avail himself of it. Mirza-nedjef-qhan observing his reluctance, proposed turning towards the Bondulcund, and joining the Marhattas, a powerful people, who might be roused into action; and he offered to lead the way. But this scheme did not please Mir-cassem; he objected to the length of the way, to his own ignorance of the country, to the diversity between his temper and that of the Marhattas, and to their riveted inclination for sack and plunder. With such sentiments in his heart, he thought that his getting into Shudjah-ed-döulah’s country, and in the Emperor’s Court, would prove the end of all his toils. This inclination of his did not receive a little strength from the letters which came from Mirza-shems-eddin, to the same purport; they advised him to think of an alliance with Shudja-ed-döula; and Mir-suléiman, his steward, for purposes of his own, was urging the same measure. Mirza-nedjef-qhan, finding every one bent on going to Shudja-ed-döulah, declared, that in that case, he would be obliged to quit the Navvab’s service. Nevertheless, no party was determined Is strongly dissuaded by Nedjef-qhan, who proposes an excellent plan. yet; when letters came from Ahmed-qhan-coréishy, purporting that the English were arrived at Muhib-aaly-poor. This intelligence, although false and of Coréishy’s forging, equally surprised and consterned the Navvab; his perturbation of mind cannot be described. Another letter came again from the same artificious hand, with advice, that the English had sent, in all speed by water, a party of troops to Zemaniah, with a view to intercept his way into Shudja-ed-döula’s country. That perfidious man, not contented with sending these two forged intelligences, incited the Zemindars of his djaghir to plunder the laggers of Mir-cassem’s army, and to seize some of his baggage, which was on the road. The Zemindars did as they were bid; and the runaways coming to camp, spread the unwelcome news everywhere. Mir-cassem, confounded at such an universal desertion, quitted his camp, although he intended to tarry there a few days, and went forward. It was at this spot that letters came from my father, advising me to retire upon the family estate, as the times were unfavourable for serving Mir-cassem; nor was I much disinclined from taking such a resolution, as the Navvab had the worst opinion of my connexions with the English. But such was my attachment to Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, that I could not bear to part with him, no more than with Mirza-bakyr and Mirza-abdollah, until I had seen them in a place of Mir-cassem, surrounded by traitors, is promised an asylum by perfides. safety. I thought it unworthy and ungenerous to part with them, and therefore I continued with the fugitive army. Mir-cassem, the next day, marched to Saharseram, and from thence he advanced farther, and encamped at Sanot-mehnía, on the banks of the river Durgàoty, where the army was mustered and paid. The payment having lasted until it was dark, some people that had accounts to settle with the several officers, coming to high words with the clerks, a great outcry was raised, according to the custom of the latter; and this being soon echoed throughout the whole army, caused such an uproar, that Mir-cassem, astonished at those confused cries, came bare-footed to the door of his tent walls, and could not help exclaiming, That, to all appearance, those ungrateful soldiers had raised a sedition. But, as the Divine Providence reserved that army and its master for purposes of its own, the uproar and tumult subsided of themselves. The next morning, Mir-cassem finding Nedjef-qhan totally averse from going to Shudja-ed-döula’s country, dismissed him with a present of one lac and a-half of rupees, and of five elephants; after which he marched forward, and encamped on the banks of the little river of Kerem-nassa. There he received letters and a parcel from Mirza-shems-eddin, his agent at Shudja-ed-döula’s Court. The parcel contained a Coran, on some blank leaves of which glorious book was written that Prince’s safe conduct and promise, under his hand and seal. This sight seemed to please him. From the Kerem-nassa, he marched into Radja Balvand-sing’s country, which is of Shudja-ed-döula’s jurisdiction, and he encamped on the banks of the Ganga, where we shall leave him at present, to resume our narrative of the consequences of the disaster at 8d8a-nala.

Whilst Mir-cassem was passing by Mongher, a revolution took place at P8raniah. Roh-eddin-hosséin-qhan, son to Séif-qhan, and grandson to the famous Emir-qhan, Governor of Cab8l, was the contriver of it. This man, displeased with his situation at Court, where his salary being small, it obliged him to support his rank, by selling piece-meal what little he had saved of the wreck of his family’s fortune, now resolved to emerge from that state of humiliation. Under pretence of intending to follow Mir-cassem, and of his inability to do it by land, he had hired an old boat, which he kept in a brook, that fell into the Ganga; in this he passed his time, all the while attentive on what turn Mir-cassem’s affairs might take. One day he took his resolution at once; and without the knowledge of any one, friend or acquaintance, he crossed the Ganga, went over to P8raniah, and landed in the house of one Mehdy-beg, who had been his father’s director and titular saint. It was in the dark of the night. The man, sensible of Mir-cassem’s severity and exactitude, found that such an arrival exposed him to the utmost danger, as well as his guest, and he advised him to quit his house, and even P8raniah immediately; and that too at that very moment, rather than at half an hour hence. The adventurer, on hearing these words, got into his boat that instant, and dropping down the stream, he concealed her in a retired place five or six cosses distant, at a spot, where the little river that passes close to P8raniah, joins the old bed of the Cossey in the rainy season. There he lived five or six days under a borrowed name, having no more with him than five or six people. He had the precaution to station some spies and messengers, or harcaras, at 8d8a, who were to give him notice of what turn affairs would take, before the event should become public. In this manner, on the English rendering themselves masters of the intrenchments at that post, he was the first that got intelligence of it at P8raniah; and, as Shir-aaly-qhan, the Governor of the country, was absent, being one of the defenders of those intrenchments, the country was left empty of troops; for, the Governor’s brother, with a few soldiers, was rather concealed within the palace, than able to govern the province. Just at that time, a sum of two lacs of rupees had been sent on board of some boats, under the guard of a few messengers, which were intended for the treasury at Mongher; and these also had come and taken shelter close to our adventurer’s crazy vessel. The latter, who had been so early informed of the defeat at 8d8a, repaired again in the dead of the night to the saint’s house; and, as the adventurer’s father had commanded in that country for forty years together, and himself had lived there in much influence and splendour, as son-in-law to Sáyd-ahmed-qhan, most of the inhabitants of those parts, who had been either in the service of his family, or were beholden to it for their welfare, proved well-intentioned for his cause. He was therefore listened to with respect; so that sending for some of his ancient friends, he desired them to assemble in the night time those of their acquaintances whom they knew to be brave and well armed, and to bring them to him before day-break; as on the next morning he intended to recover possession of his father’s Government. There was no resisting the commands of one whom all revered as their Lord’s son and heir; so that in a little time they assembled to the number of about a hundred men. It was yet dark, when he sent for Goordial-sing, who had been clerk in one of his father’s offices, and was now the principal Minister of Government at P8raniah. The man came, and as he was the main hinge of all the affairs of the province, he was put under the charge of a few friends; after which, and before the dawn of the day, the adventurer mounted on the steed presented him by fortune, and, putting himself at the head of his armed friends, he marched silently to the palace, where throwing himself into it at once, he ordered the Deputy Governor, who, as well as Shir-aaly, owed his fortune to his father, to come to him directly. The man, confounded at what he was seeing, and intimidated by the presence of his old master, submitted quietly, made a profound bow, and presented his nuzur in token of submission and acknowledgment. Roh-eddin-hosséin-qhan, after receiving it, went and seated himself on the Mesned of Government, from whence he issued orders for the military music to play, and for the inhabitants to keep themselves quiet. These, on hearing of this revolution, thronged into the palace, where, both the gentry and people presented their nuzurs, acknowledged him for their master, and expressed their joy at his accession. Scarce was this ceremony over, when he sent trusty persons to bring back the boats laden with treasure; and these being not gone far off, were brought back in two days. After that, he appointed proper persons in every department, and dispatched a supplique to the English General, and one to Mir-djaajer-qhan, acknowledging the latter as his master, and congratulating both the one and the other upon their successes. Mir-djaafer-qhan, sensible that the war was far from being at an end, was pleased to see so much strength and revenue deducted from the enemy’s scale; and he sent to the new Governor a letter, in which he extolled his character for what he had done, and bestowed upon him the Government of P8raniah. The new Governor being strengthened by this accession of authority, established his government everywhere, treated both the people and gentry with the utmost benignity; and, firmly keeping his seat on the steed of fortune and good luck, he continued to ride in the fields of command and success for a number of years together; nor did he lose his seat, but when Mahmed-reza-qhan came to be promoted to the office of Deputy Governor of Bengal.

We have left Mir-cassem crossing the Kerem-nassa, and flying to Balvent-sing’s country, a dependence of Sudjah-ed-döula’s. Fearful of a pursuit from the English, he did not think himself in a place of safety, until he was at six or seven cosses beyond Banares, where he encamped; and so far likewise did I go in company with my friends. There I took my leave of them, and went to Banares, where, after enjoying the honour of kissing the feet of His Highness Sheh-mahmed-aaly-hezin (whom may God place amongst the highest of his elect!) I took my abode in the house of my excellent maternal uncle, Séyd-abdol-aaly-qhan, the valiant, whom I found oppressed by poverty and distress. It was there I was taking some repose from the toils of so laborious a campaign; but, I amused myself likewise with seeing often my friends at camp, and sometimes I paid a visit to Mir-cassem himself. The latter one day asked me, Why, whilst my father and brothers were in connection and in correspondence with the English, I took the unprofitable trouble of following a fugitive in his retreat? Had you not better, sir, join the English likewise? Mortified by such an address, I answered that, “Although in friendship with those foreigners, I had never betrayed him; nor had I done any thing against his service; nor had I kept any secret correspondence with his enemies; nor had I ever served them as a spy; nor was such conduct of a piece with my character. Else,” added I, “in imitation of so many others, who have deserted you, without knowing hardly where to go for bread, I could with a deal of ease turn to my right, and go to enjoy my father and self in our family estate. Generosity and friendship would not suffer it; nor could I resolve upon committing such a base action.” To all this apology, the Navvab answered, by only remaining silent, but this silence was of a bad omen; and, from that day, I ceased to go so often to see him; contenting myself with serving the holy man above, and with visiting often Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, with some other select friends; and there was the more propriety in that behaviour of mine, as Mir-cassem was now thinking of dismissing great part of those that had followed his fortune.

It must be observed that, amongst the multitudes of covered carriages of all sorts that attended Mir-cassem’s harem-sera, or sanctuary, in his retreat, there were numbers of covered coaches and chairs, which passed for containing some favourite ladies, but which, in reality, contained nothing but bags of white cloth, full of gold coin, and of gems, as well as of jewels of high value. All these, together with Mir-cassem’s Begum, and his other ladies, both on going to Rhotas and in coming from thence, were entrusted to the care of Mir-suléiman-qhan, his steward; a man on whom he used to repose the highest confidence, but who being well apprised of the variety of contents in the covered carriages, stole and embezzled a number of jewels, of such a value, as could not be reckoned but by lacs. The Navvab had some notice given him of the treason, and himself soon became sensible of it; but he was sensible likewise that the unprosperous state of his affairs did not admit of his examining his effects, or of calling his servants to an account, and especially such a man as Mir-suléiman-qhan. For the latter, after this performance of his, had put on a Fakir’s garb, with which he used to go to Court and it was curious to see him sometimes planted over against the Navvab, with a handkerchief in his hand, with which he wiped the tears, that flowed abundantly along his cheeks. He Infamous hypocrisy of Mir-suléiman. sighed and sobbed, and was saying to him, How shall my heart alas! and how shall my eyes, bear to see my good master in such a condition? And it was with such farces as these that the man went on, until the person who had come on Shudjah-ed-döula’s part to compliment and console Mir-cassem, being on his return, he was himself sent in his company, as an envoy to that Prince. In this embassy, the treacherous hypocrite took care to make his peace with Beni-bahadyr, who was Prime Minister to Shudjah-ed-döula, with Aaly-beg-qhan, his General, and with Mir-behloo, which latter had been once tutor to that Prince. With all these, as well as with all the favourites of that Prince’s, he found means to ingratiate himself by making them sharers in the treacherous booty which he had made, giving to some of them gems of an immense value. He also took care to procure himself the protection of Salar-djung, a principal favourite, whom Mirza-shems-eddin, first envoy of Mir-cassem’s, had made use of as a mediator with Shudjah-ed-döula. Mir-suléiman, after having secured all these great men, returned to Mir-cassem’s camp with letters of consolation from every one of them, all fraught with promises without bounds, and compliments without end. But Mirza-shems-eddin was already arrived with letters, both from the Vezir, and from the Emperor. They contained such expressions of kindness as eased Mir-cassem’s mind, and determined him to turn his views to that side, and to repair to their Courts. As to Mirza-nedjef-qhan, that officer, after taking leave of Mir-cassem, tumed to the left, and went into the Bundelcund; where the Radja, or Prince of the country, who thought that the arrival of such a man could not but prove advantageous to his own affairs, took him into his service, and shewed him the utmost honour and attention. After his departure, the fugitive Prince, who on Mir-suléiman’s return had entirely made up his mind, having picked up amongst his troops such as he thought of the best service, dismissed and paid the rest, and then directed his route towards the Emperor’s and the Vezir’s camp.

As to myself, this retreat put me under the necessity of providing for my own circumstances. Finding that I was destitute of an equipage suitable to such a voyage, as well as fully sensible that Mir-cassem would never repose any confidence in me, I thought it best to return to Banares, and to remain there. For Mir-djaafer-qhan, naturally displeased with Mir-cassem’s followers, being now encamped on the banks of the Kerem-nassa, whilst people entertained doubts about what turn the Vezir’s assistance might give to the affairs of the vanquished, it would have been imprudent in me to return to Azim-abad; and on the other hand, I reckoned it a happiness, unexpectedly provided for me by Heaven, to pass my days at the feet of the venerable, holy personage mentioned above. Thanks without measure are due to that cream of living men, for that in such a time of despondence and anxiety, he vouchsafed to bestow some of the precious moments of his time in conversing with so humble an individual, as this the most inconsiderable of men. My pen and tongue would fail in enumerating the thousandth part of the kindnesses he had for me; nor do I know how I could describe the care and benignity with which he used to administer consolation to my grief. My pen, incapable to come up to so difficult a task, as that of mentioning them worthily, acknowledges with a hundred thousand excuses, its inability and impotence on that affecting subject.

But to return to our narrative. The complexion of the times being now so vicious, that nothing is to be seen amongst the generality of mankind but double dealing, and a traitorous diversity between the tongue and the heart; and such morals having become fashionable amongst men, and especially amongst great folks, there is no wonder if neither Shudjah-ed-döulah, nor the Emperor, were wanting to themselves in making artificious invitations to Mir-cassem, and in swearing to promises and treaties which they never intended to put in execution. For they were at the same time writing letters of congratulation to Mir-djaafer-qhan, and entering into treaties and negotiations with both that Prince and his allies. It was on this occasion that Ráo-shitab-ráy, of whom mention has been more than once made in these sheets, appeared again upon the stage of the world. This able man, on quitting Azim-abad, had repaired to A8d, where, soon getting into Shudjah-ed-döulah’s service, and into the good graces of Beni-bahadyr, his Minister and Deputy, he was now reckoned one of the latter’s principal favourites; and, as this Minister, on the other hand, had taken umbrage at Mirza-shems-eddin’s managing the whole of Mir-cassem’s negotiation with Shudjah-ed-döulah, solely through Salar-djung’s mediation, without his (Beni-bahadyr’s) privacy or participation; so he resolved on his side to overturn all that structure, to which they had given him no share, and to raise a treaty and a negotiation on his own bottom with Mir-djaafer-qhan, and with the English, by inspiring his master with a mistrust of the former negotiation, or at least, by instilling in his mind some doubts tending that way. With this view he pitched upon Shitab-ráy, who was sent with a message, and with letters full of civility, together with a Qhylaat or dress of honour; and thus both the Navvab and his Ministers were now in warm connections and conferences with the two parties. Mir-djaafer availed himself of Ráo-shitab-ráy’s arrival, to send the sum of a thousand rupees to Abdol-aaly-qhan, my maternal uncle, at Banares; but this remembrance of his was due solely to my uncle’s being under a disgrace with Mir-cassem, and to his having been expelled Azim-abad, when Ram-naráin, whose friend and servant he had been, was put under confinement. My uncle having crossed over to the English camp, was received by Mir-djaafer-qhan with a deal of kindness; and this sudden flow of good fortune happened at the very time when my illustrious father, finding how matters had turned out, had thought it expedient to pay a visit to the new Navvab of Bengal, and was actually in camp with his two sons. He was, however, received indifferently; the new Viceroy, doubtless, having disliked his person on no better reason than that of his having been formerly treated with so much consideration and respect by Mir-cassem.

Whilst the negotiation was going on with Mir-cassem, the Emperor and the Vezir were going to Ilah-abad, in order to bring under controul the country of Bundel-cund; and as they had wished that the interview should take place at that city, Mir-cassem marched thither; and the armies approached so near to each other, as to be divided only by a plain of three cosses. The Vezir, with great pomp and magnificence, set out at the head of ten or twelve thousand horse to visit Mir-cassem; and the latter, on being informed of it, ordered his disciplined Sipahis to form a lane of about a quarter of a mile in length, one end of which commenced at the door of his tent walls; and these Mir-cassem now in Shudja-ed-döulah’s dominions, visits that Prince. as well as the tents being hung up with the utmost care and neatness, were filled up with Commanders and Officers well dressed. On the Vezir’s approaching, Mir-cassem went out as far as the inner gate of his tent wall, where these two illustrious personages having saluted each other, according to the rules of Hindostany civility, by an embrace, went together to take their seats on the same Mesned. The Vezir, after having made the greatest protestations to his guest, spoke to him with every kindness imaginable; and he invited him to go in his company upon a visit to the Emperor. The offer was accepted; but, on his going to get up, one and twenty elegant tables, or Qhóans,^\(272\) were brought in, covered with a variety of the richest and most curious stuffs. These were followed by large plates and Qhóans containing mounted jewels, with a variety of loose gems, and pearls, unstrung. After these, were presented several elephants of the greatest size. This ceremony being over, the Vezir got upon his own elephant; and, on his desiring his guest to be mounted with him, they sate on the same Amharry,^\(273\) and went together to the Imperialtents, where Mir-cassem being introduced, paid his respects to the Emperor; after which, the Vezir went on to his own camp, whilst Mir-cassem returned to his quarters. The next day the latter returned the visit. The Vezir ordered his Mogul Cavalry to put on their scarlet coats, and, with their muskets in their hands, to form a lane from the main street of the camp, up to his own tent. Mir-cassem having advanced with a pomp mixed with military array, landed at the outer gate of the Vezir’s tent walls. On his getting within, the Vezir advanced to the border of his carpeting, and taking Mir-cassem by the hand, he carried him to his Mesned, upon which they took their seats together, whilst the tent and the outer yards were filled with Commanders richly attired, and Officers well dressed. The Vezir did every thing in his power to administer consolation to his guest. He promised his help and assistance in the strongest terms, and made him hope that one day his three dominions would be recovered from the hands of the strangers. A few days after this visit, Mir-cassem made choice of Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, to carry to Shudjah-ed-döulah’s consort, a set of lady-jewels,^\(274\) of a value that could be reckoned only by lacs. To these were added a Rutt, or four-wheeled carriage, of the utmost magnificence; it was drawn by two young elephants, covered with trappings of the richest embroidery. By the same nobleman he sent a message to Ab8l-mans8r-qhan’s consort, mother to Shudjah-ed-döulah, which Princess he addressed by the appellation of mother, requesting her protection, and expressing a hope in her good will; nor did the message fail to be accompanied by some jewels of high value. These ceremonies being over, politics were brought upon the carpet.

As Shudjah-ed-döulah had come so far only with a view to bring under controul some districts of Bundel-cund, and to receive the revenues and balances due on some other territories of Ilah-abad, which were detained; the matter seemed likely to be spun to some length, as the Radja of Bundel-cund did not shew any sign of submission. This furnished Mir-cassem with an opportunity of shewing himself to advantage. As he feared nothing so much as a delay, the consequences of which might afford the English time enough to fix themselves firmly in their new conquests, he sent a pressing message to the Vezir on that subject. He was answered, that such an expedition could not be commenced, before the countries about Ilah-abad were brought into order. Mir-cassem replied, that if this was all that detained the Vezir, it was needless that he (Mir-cassem) should remain with so much artillery, and so many good troops, uselessly encamped. Please, said he, to refer that small affair to me, your friend, and I will undertake in a little time to bring it Mir-cassem’s successful expedition in the Bundel-cund. to a conclusion with a deal of ease. The proposal being accepted, Mir-cassem crossed the Djumna, and getting into the heart of the country, he soon marched beyond Beni-bahadyr, the Vezir’s General, who had been loitering his time in that fruitless expedition. As he had a good train of artillery, mounted and served after the European manner; and he commanded a body of picked men, disciplined after the English fashion, and all inured to the service; he soon reduced some forts that had stopped the Vezir’s General; and he so intimidated the Princes of the country by a warfare and a sight so unusual in the armies of Hindostan, that the principal fortress of the country opened its gates and surrendered; and the Radjas, availing themselves of the mediation of Mirza-nedjef-qhan, who was in their service, and had been well used by Mir-cassem, soon came to an agreement, by which they surrendered the districts in question, and submitted to pay the balances demanded; moreover, they gave security for the payment of those sums. Mir-cassem, after this successful expedition, that gladdened his heart, and did him a deal of honour, soon rejoined the Vezir’s army, and proposed again to march towards the eastern countries. This scheme was agreed to, and the Vezir, with the Emperor and Mir-cassem, marched down the river, and encamped at the city of Banares. It was in the middle of the A. D. 1764. month of Ramazan, of the year 1177 of the Hegira, at which period I had been already living these five months in the city, when this arrival put it in my power to enjoy my friends and acquaintances once more; for Mir-cassem was defeated about the end of the second Rebi, or in the beginning of the first Djemadi; and it was the middle of Ramazan when he appeared again at Banares with the Emperor and the Vezir, in full hopes of recovering the sovereignty of his lost dominions. The agreement he concluded was on these terms: “That on the Vezir’s crossing the Ganga, and entering the enemy’s country, Mir-cassem from that day, and for so long as the expedition might last, would pay him for the expenses of his army a subsidy of eleven lacs of rupees per month.”

Fortune would have it so, that before this army had moved, it should be joined by an unexpected reinforcement. Mir-djaafer-qhan, on stopping at the Kerem-nassa, and giving over his pursuit, had promised the troops a sum of money, by way of gratuity, as a reward for so laborious a campaign; but as the money was not paid, Moshur Medec, a Frenchman, who served in the English army, had come to some altercations with the English Commander on that failure; and the matter went so far, that the Frenchman at the head of above a hundred soldiers of his nation, quitted the camp with arms and baggage, and I believe also, with a field-piece, and marched into Radja Balvand-sing’s country. A party of English pursued him for some time; but on recollecting the impropriety of lighting up the flames of dissension for so small a subject, and affording a matter of discontent to the Vezir, they returned back; and the French took service with Shudjah-ed-döulah.

Whilst these three mighty personages, to wit, the Vezir, the Emperor, and Mir-cassem, were encamped at Banaress, they used to pay their respects together to the venerable Sheh-mahmed-aaly-hezin (whom God may place amongst the highest of his elect!) and they were admitted to the honour of waiting upon His Holiness.^\(275\) And it was several times observed in what fell from the lips of His Venerable Majesty, that he objected to their marching against the English, as they were so very inferior to those strangers in the arts of war, in discipline, in knowledge, and especially in union and concert amongst themselves. He also strongly dissuaded me from following the combined army. These people, said he, are not likely to be successful against those strangers; and, I believe, that after having only measured the road for some stages forwards, they will in a short time measure it backwards again. But this discourse did not make upon me all the impression it deserved; and the desire of rejoining my family, and of revisiting those places and friends to which I had been accustomed from my youth, did not suffer me to avail myself of so salutary a warning, and to enjoy the honour of waiting much longer on His Holiness. The Vezir, a few days after that visit, threw a bridge of boats over the Ganga; and that army, as numerous as the billows of the sea, crossed over, and a little after, was put in motion. It was through the Radja Balvand-sing’s country. This Prince, who was exceedingly shrewd, and withal so wealthy, that his riches were reckoned by corors, bore a great character amongst the Gentoos for prowess; but was so very wary and shy, that no art, and no persuasion, had ever been able to bring him to pay a visit to Ab8l-mans8r-qhan, or to his son, Shudjah-ed-döulah. At this time, however, he was persuaded by Beni-bahadyr, and all the Commanders of that Minister’s troops, who pledged themselves for his safety; and he listened to the insinuations of N8r-el-hassen-qhan, the Belgramite, a man of consequence, who although sent to enforce by his presence the balances due by that Zemindar, had gained much credit on his mind. Induced by the persuasions of so many persons of character, who pledged themselves for his safety, he now for the first time made his appearance in the camp of a Viceroy; but it was in the middle of two or three thousand picked horse, and several thousand men of infantry, all attached to his person; and it was with such a cortége he paid his respects to the Vezir. This addition, great as it was, was hardly perceived in an army, which proved so very numerous, that as far as the eye could extend, it covered the country and plains, like an inundation, and moved like the billows of a sea. But there was so little order and discipline amongst these troops, and so little were the men accustomed to Shudja-ed-döulah attacks the English with an army utterly ungovernable. command, that in the very middle of the camp, they fought against each other, killed and murdered each other, plundered each other, and went out a-plundering and a-marauding without the least scruple, or the least controul. No one would inquire into those matters; and those ungovernable men scrupled not to plunder to the right and left with impunity, and even to stripe and kill people of their own army, if they chanced to lag behind their main, or to be found in some lonely spot. They behaved exactly like a troop of highway-men. It was not an army, but a whole city in motion; and you could have found in it whatever could be had in former times in Shah-djehan-abad itself, whilst that city was the capital and the eye of all Hindostan. But if that moving city swarmed with so many senseless men, it had likewise some men of sense; and these never ceased to represent directly, as well as indirectly, “That to wage war with the English, according to the method customary in India, would not answer any good purpose. That whenever those strangers should be left at liberty to range themselves in battle array, according to their own rules, with their field-pieces properly stationed, and their Talingas upon the wings, so few as a thousand of them would always prove an overmatch for an army of fifty thousand Hindostanies. That since then the Vezir’s mode of warfare was by skirmishes, and his soldiers were inured to that custom, it would be more advantageous to leave the heavy baggage, with the greater part of the troops, in the camp where they were; and with a choice body of picked men, horse and foot, to advance on the enemy, amongst whom divisions had already crept so far, that they thought only of a retreat. That now was the time to fall at once unexpectedly upon them, before they had prepared for their march. If we succeed in breaking their ranks,” said they, “and in disturbing their battle array, victory is ours, and success has crowned our design. If we are repulsed, we shall have killed some of them at least; and by hanging endlessly on their rear, destroying their carriages, rendering their cannon useless, cutting off their laggers, burning their baggage, ravaging their country, and rendering their subsistence difficult, we shall keep them in perpetual alarms every day without fail; but so however as to encamp every night out of the reach of a surprise; and this mode of war must be kept on, without quitting them for a moment, until they are gone within the walls of Azim-abad. If, before they reach that place, we succeed in destroying them by retail, we have carried our point; else, if we have not, we shall retire towards Saharseram, and pass the rainy season there; and meanwhile, officers of understanding and abilities, with several bodies of troops, may be sent over to the other side of the Ganga, into the district of Sarun, whose business shall be to take possession of a country undefended, but where, without offering the least injury to the meanest husbandman, the revenue and land-tax must be settled upon so low a footing, as that the contribution may be raised with the greatest ease, and may still, by its lenity, contribute to gain the hearts of the Zemindars, and of the inhabitants. By such a method, contributions might be established in many districts of Bahar and Bengal, not too far from the army; as whilst those troops would be employed on the other side of the Ganga, others might be as usefully employed on this side, up to the environs of Azim-abad. That meanwhile, parties ought to be kept running up and down the river, and scouring every part of it, whose business would be to seize or sink every boat going to Azim-abad, and even to put every boatman to the sword; a practice that would soon put a stop to all importation of grain for the enemy’s account. The English indeed will resist; but being straitened for victuals and for every thing else, they will of themselves evacuate Azim-abad and return to Bengal. After which retreat, it will be time enough to examine again what line of conduct we are to pursue.”

This advice upon the mode of prosecuting the war was a wise one, and the best undoubtedly that could be given; but it made no impression on the mind of the Vezir, a man predestinated to a reverse of fortune. He was so full of himself, and so proud to have fought by the side of the Abdali-king, whom he had taken for his model, that whenever any one made bold to propose any advice upon the mode of carrying on the war, he used to cut him short with a do not trouble yourself about that; you shall fight as I shall bid you. The English, meanwhile, being much diminished in number, and much fatigued by so severe a campaign in the very height of the rainy season, had commenced flagging. Intimidated by Shudja-ed-döulah’s character for prowess, and impressed with an opinion of the bravery and number of his troops, they did not think themselves a match for them in the field. With this notion they repassed the Sohon, and resolved to retire within the walls of Azim-abad. The camp at Bacsar was therefore raised, and they retreated with precipitation. Shudjah-ed-döulah, with the Emperor and Mir-cassem in his company, marched on proudly and triumphantly; and, having advanced by continual marches, he entered the province of Azim-abad, where his troops burning and plundering to the distance of five or six cosses in every direction, did not leave a trace of population throughout all that tract of ground. The poor inhabitants, whose hearts had been expanded on hearing of the arrival of an Emperor and a Vezir, no sooner found themselves exposed to every kind of insult and oppression, than they returned their heartiest thanks to the English, and prayed to God for their prosperity and return; for this nation, so far from plundering and sacking, had never offered the least injury to any one individual, throughout all their campaigns in Bengal.

As soon as I saw the Vezir’s army arrived at Mecráin, a considerable town on the banks of the Sohon, I could not help thinking of my family. I had panted this longwhile for a sight of my mother; and, forgetting at once the sanguinary and undisciplined disposition of these troops, I got into a chó8pala,^\(276\) a carriage very well known in India, and set out thoughtlessly for Hosséin-abad, which was the capital of the district constituting the hereditary djaghir, or estate of our family. I had with me only two or three servants, and a bullock loaded with some small baggage. We passed the Sohon, and, taking by the way a friend of mine, called Mahm8d-qhan, with two or three men more, I went forward. Being arrived at Sheh-p8ra, a little town, deserted by its inhabitants on account of the ravages committed by the Vezir’s troops, I was surprised to hear the neighing of horses, and then to see a number of armed men; but could not comprehend from whence came those horses, and how any of the inhabitants had dared to stand their ground. With a little reflection I found they must be some freebooters from the army; and, thinking it improper to tarry there, I was pushing onward. A moment after, I perceived a cloud of dust, from whence rose now and then a number of pikes. I was confounded at the sight. A little after I discovered that the dust was raised by several thousands head of cattle, amidst which could be distinctly seen two or three hundred Moghul and Afghan troopers, of the Vezir’s army. Finding myself alone in that lonely plain, with only my friend in his chó8pala, and a few servants, I concluded myself in imminent danger; and abandoning my bullock with what he had on his back, I resolved to strike to my right, and to take my route beneath the banks of the Sohon, and amongst its sands, where I hoped to march without being discovered. As they were yet far off, and I thought they had not seen me, I explained my mind to my chó8pala-carriers, or chairmen, who were all of long standing in my service. Their head-man did not approve of the resolution I took; and he observed, “That they must have discovered us, just as we had seen them; and that, should we quit the highroad at once, they would attribute this retreat to our fears, and would plunder us with the more boldness. We have no other part left then,” said the man, “than that of advancing in our way through the very middle of them.” This advice appearing a good one, I followed it, and remembered the verses:

As we were advancing on both sides, we soon met, and one of the troopers, whom I saw to be a Moghul, lighting up his match, came down upon me, and asked who I was, and whither I was going? I answered, What is that to you? I am going on the Vesir’s part, to bring to him Séyd-hedáiet-aaly-khan-bahadyr, the Assed-djung, a very great man, who lives on his estate at the foot of the mountain of Rohotas. And who is that other man on the chó8palah, replied the Moghul? He is my friend, said I, and we go on the same errand. My bullock comes behnid. Pray tell my men to walk faster. After these few words, I marched on; and the man, finding how unconcernedly I spoke, suspected no artifice and no deception; nor did he offer us any injury. Half a mile farther, I met another such troop; and these having put only a single question to us, which was answered by my servant, continued their route. A little farther we met a third party, close to a village; and these offered no question at all, but passed on without minding us. We were marching on, but surrounded on every direction by villages on fire, and the smoke rose up to heaven. After marching five miles more, we arrived at the village of Mehvan, which was deserted; and there was not a soul to be seen there, but two watchmen, of whom I asked, whether those freebooters had been plundering still farther? No, said the man, they have only plundered and sacked as far as this village; and they have carried away every head of cattle that they could discover. On this answer, I recommended to the men to give notice of this to the other villages, as they would the next day carry their ravages still farther; and, after having reposed for a whole hour there, we marched forward, and at last arrived at Hosséin-abad; from whence, after a short interview with my mother and brother, and my other relations, for two days together, I returned to the army. As this had advanced from Muhib-aaly-poor, my journey, on account of the freebooters that infested the way, was become exceedingly dangerous. Nevertheless I arrived safe; but it was to see a strange spectacle. The English were retreating, after having lightened themselves of some heavy baggage, and they had marched as far as Arvel where, not daring to stand their ground against an attack from the Vezir’s troops, they had quitted the field, and were marching to Azim-abad, after having been at much trouble in keeping at a The English in distress, retreat under the cannon of Azim-abad. distance the numerous freebooters of the enemy’s army. Being arrived at Azim-abad, they placed some of their artillery upon the towers, and taking the rest with them, they went out, and took post towards the buttresses, at the head of the dyke which controuls the water of that lake, by which the greatest part of the city is surrounded in the rainy season, on the southern side. There they threw up an intrenchment, enlarged the dyke, fortified in with towers or buttresses, and placed Mir-djaafer-qhan, with his Indians, behind their own army, adding to them some companies of their own Talingas, as if they had intended them, as well as Mir-djaafer-qhan’s troops, for a body of reserve.

Whilst the English were preparing themselves, the Vezir, constrained by the necessity of affording plenty of water to so numerous an army, was obliged, instead of marching to Azim-abad by the straight road, to descend along the banks of the Sohon, as far as the town of M8nir-mil, where I had the good luck to join the army. From thence he advanced in a straight line to P8lvary, which is only four cosses from Azim-abad; and although there was plenty of wells by the way, yet so numerous was the army, that he was obliged to order as many more to be dug everywhere. After staying one day there, the Vezir advanced to attack the English; his army, which was as numerous as the ants and as the locusts, proceeded by the highroad, as far as the reservoir of Meti-p8r, and the village of Lohan, where there is a monument over the tomb of Mir-cassem’s father. Radja Beni-bahadyr, with Radja Balvant-sing, took post at the left of the Vezir’s. He had in his line three thousand Rohillas, commanded by their countryman, Ynáiet-qhan, son to Hafyz-rahmet the Rohilla, Lord of Berheily and Pilibéit; and at the elbow of this, was the Ghossáin, or Fakir, with five thousand Gentoos, as naked as himself. Behind these, but at some distance, was placed Somro,^\(277\) with five regiments of disciplined Talingas of Mir-cassem’s, supported by some pieces of cannon, mounted and served in the English manner. Behind these, and overagainst the intrenchment defended by Mir-djaafer-qhan, Mir-cassem himself had taken post to the right of Beni-bahadyr’s, but in such a manner as to be out of the reach of the cannon-balls. He had about six or seven thousand horse. As to myself, the poor man, as I was now in no man’s service, and had followed Mir-cassem’s army only for the pleasure of accompanying Engagement under the walls of Patna. Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, and Mirza-bakyr, and Mirza-abdollah, my friends, I amused myself with galloping up and down, and examining the several stations taken by each body of troops. The Vezir, availing himself of the cover afforded him by several detached buildings in the suburbs, advanced to the very seat of Zahir-hosséin-qhan; from whence, coming in the open plain, he went on advancing slowly and boldly, his troops keeping up a continual fire of musquetry and rockets. The English, on their side, were pouring an incessant storm of cannon-balls; and these balls reaching Somro’s ranks, which were more advanced by half a cosse than those of Mir-cassem’s, killed and wounded many of his Talingas; but, as some of these balls by passing over his ranks, fell only in the empty space which remained between Somro, and his master, Mir-cassem, a messenger mounted on a dromedary brought to the latter this message from the Vezir: “What for are you lagging behind there, whilst I am warmly engaged with your enemies? Advance, as I do, and engage the enemy on your side, as I do on mine. It you cannot advance, send forward, at least, Somro with his Talingas and his field-pieces. Send them to me, that I may oppose their fire to the English; and, so soon as I see them enagaged, I will wheel round with my cavalry, and take them in flank.” This direct message was answered by Mir-cassem in an indirect, vague manner; and he did not move from his post, nor did he send any orders to Somro. By this time it was past twelve, and then the Ghossáin with his naked soldiers advanced to the charge; but being received by the English with several discharges of grape, they soon fell into the utmost disorder, after losing numbers in slain and wounded. I was, as I have said, on horseback between Mir-cassem’s troops and those of Beni-bahadyr’s; and I no sooner saw the naked Sanyassees advance to the attack, than I forewarned my friends, that if after some discharges of grape, the firing ceased, they might rest assured that the English Shudjah-ed-döulah is vigorously repulsed by the English. had the worst of it, or possibly were totally defeated; but that if after the discharge of grape and a little pause, they heard a firing again, and with cannon-ball, then they might reckon that the Sanyassees had been certainly beaten. The event proved to be precisely as I had foreseen; and the Sanyassees having been very roughly handled by the English, were retreating with precipitation. On seeing this, Shudjah-ed-döulah’s troops rallied; and Ynáiet-qhan in a moment after advanced with his Rohillas and some other troops, to the charge. But he was received by the English, as they had received the Sanyassees. I waited to hear the English cannon, as I had done before, when, instead of that, I observed that the tower towards Mehdy-gundj had commenced firing incessantly. It was now about three in the afternoon; and the Vezir having rallied his troops again, brought them to a third charge, which being well supported by repeated efforts, at last made an impression on the English. Some disorder and much fluctuation was perceived amongst them; insomuch, that some of their drummers and fifers, men who play to them in an engagement, were taken prisoners by the enemy. This fluctuation, however, was only for a moment; for soon they recovered their ranks, and continued firm and immovable, firing with so much briskness, that the Vezir’s troops, unaccustomed to so hot a fire, retreated to their first post. All this while, Beni-bahadyr and Balvant-sing did not move at all throughout the whole engagement; for the only one from amongst their troops that did any service, was Sheh-din-mahmed, an adopted son of Sheh-mudjahed, an old Commander, who had long served under Ser-b8lend-qhan. This officer, putting himself at the head of his corps, advanced briskly to the charge, but was killed on the spot. At this very time, I observed that a westerly wind rising on the backs of the English, commenced blowing full in the face of the Vezir’s troops, against whom they were advancing, with their artillery in front. On this appearance, the Vezir sent a dromedary messenger with reproaches to Mir-cassem, for his neglect and backwardness during the whole engagement. The messenger added, that as the day was quite spent, he ought to return to camp, where the Vezir would take measures for renewing the engagement the next day. On this message, Mir-cassem sent word to Somro, who was advanced a little before him, to fall back with his Talingas and cannon; and in the evening he followed himself, and retired towards his quarters. It was now the dusk of the evening, and Shudjah-ed-döulah was already retired, and Mir-cassem was also retreating, when a Captain with two or three companies, possibly out of particular enmity to his person, detached himself from the English line, and advancing on Mir-cassem’s retiring troops, gave them a volley. The laggers no sooner received this fire, than they fled with precipitation, and with all their might; and it was then only that I got some intelligence of Mir-cassem’s backwardness, which I could not know sooner, as I had been all this while at a distance from him. It became high time for me to retire likewise; but it was too dark; and there was too much noise, dust, and confusion, for me to know how I could find my way to my quarters; so that I lost my way entirely at last. But luckily I recovered it again, and found a path to my own tents on making an observation upon the rising of the evening star. At day-break there was a report of the Vezir’s being mounted again, but it proved groundless. Two days after, another report ran throughout the troops, and it was, that he had got a bubo; but some others better informed, asserted that the Vezir having been wounded in the groin, had got his wound medicamented under the name of a bubo, for fear of discouraging his troops. After his recovering a little, he moved from his post, and going to the southward of the city, he encamped on the river of P8n-p8n, where every day some report spread in camp: one day, that he would attack the enemy by Mir-djaafer-qhan’s quarters; another, that he would fall on him by the western side of the city. All this while, he used to get on horseback every morning, with a small number of people about his person, with which he used to take a turn round the city-walls, and round the intrenchment. One day it happened that some English officers with Mir-mehdy-qhan in their company, a Commander who had now quitted Mir-cassem’s service for theirs, were taking a view of the environs of the city, and of the Vezir’s encampment; nor had they more than a company of Talingas with them. The Vezir was also upon his survey that very morning, accompanied as usual; and the two parties meeting together, some abusive language was exchanged, and a skirmish took place with sabres, lances, and arrows, on one side, and with musquets and bayonets on the other. In this conflict, Mir-mehdy-qhan having discovered the Vezir, whose person was known to him, pointed him out to the English Commander, who to all appearance was Major Carnac himself; and the latter having ordered his people to keep the Vezir occupied and in play, sent into the city for some more troops. This new detachment was advancing to surround the Vezir’s people, when a trooper ran to camp, and gave notice that he was actually surrounded by the English, and going to fall in their hands. This indeed would have been the case, had not the Vezir become sensible of his danger, and thought proper to run for it; he turned about, and fled; and then recovering himself, he retreated at a slow pace, and regained his camp. Meanwhile the trooper had spread so strange an alarm throughout the whole army, that Mir-cassem taking with him such troops as he found at hand, whether of his own or others, made haste to rescue the Vezir; but he met him on the road. They returned together; and in this manner, a tumult that had risen to a great height, subsided at once. Two or three such skirmishes more happened in the sequel. But now the rains were setting in; and the Vezir finding no ground dry enough for his encampment round the city, resolved to retire as far as Bacsar. This little town is on the very extremity of the province of Bahar, but upon a high ground on the banks of the Ganga, over against Ghazi-p8r. which is in the dependance of Radja Balvent, his own vassal, He intended to quarter and barrack his army there during the rainy season, in which time he would provide for the operations of the next campaign. This design was put in execution immediately; he beat the General, raised the siege, and marched back by the way of Monir.

My father all this while had been in the army, where he had paid his respects to the Emperor and to the Vezir; and as I had myself taken service with the former, on my proving so dissatisfied with Mir-cassem, we both remained at camp for a full fortnight more; the army having tarried so long on the banks of the Sohon, after having forded that river at Calver, the capital of the Bodj-poor country. From thence my father resolved to return to his estate; and as I was myself so disgusted with the endless disorders which reigned in the Vezir’s army, that I thought it improper to remain any longer in it. I resolved to attach myself to the English, for whom I had this longwhile conceived an affection. I had even some connections with them; especially with Doctor Fullarton, who had so luckily escaped from the sanguinary hands of Mir-cassem’s. Some correspondence had also subsisted between him and me; and it was by that means he had informed me that the Emperor inclined to the English party in his heart. He had likewise advised me early to provide for myself and for that Prince’s reaching the English camp. This intelligence I imparted to my father, and I exhorted him “to take the lead in an affair that would establish our family, and intitle him to the gratitude of that nation. I added, that it was evident that so long as the Vezir continued to command such unruly troops, and to be at variance with his confederates, as well as to turn a deaf ear to every sober advice, he would not be likely to prevail against the English; that matters standing in such a predicament, it would be advantageous to join a nation that seemed to entertain a veneration for the Imperial person, and an inclination for its interests, both which they expressed everywhere in their correspondence with me, in such a manner, as rendered it proper and expedient for that Prince to write to the ruler of that nation, such a letter as they seemed to wish for.” My father having listened to all this, imparted the whole to Munnir-ed-döulah, with whom he waited on the Emperor. This Prince, who was sick of his dependence on Shudjah-ed-döulah, as well as tired with his obstinacy and his airs of superiority, was desirous likewise to shake off the yoke that had insensibly slipt upon his neck; and he approved the advice. After which, he wrote to the English Commander a letter in the style his Ministers desired; but, when it was brought signed to him, he added these words with his own hand: Know, that whenever such a letter, and in such a hand, shall come to you, the English Commander, by the ministry of the present bearer, (meaning me, the poor man) you are to giva an implicit belief to the same; but if any other handwriting should come to hand by any other person, then you are to think it spurious, or, at least, written with intent to keep some terms with the Vezir, but without the Emperor’s real consent. The intent of the addition was to put the English upon their guard against another negotiation set on foot by Ráo-shitab-ráy’s channel. The Emperor, who knew the latter to be in Shudjah-ed-döulah’s service, and an intimate friend of Beni-bahadyr’s, recommended to me to manage in such a manner, as neither the Vezir nor his agent should know any thing of the conténts of his letter.

After receiving these credentials, I set out with my father, who took the road to his estate, whilst I took that to Azim-abad. At that time I reckoned upon my enjoying some share in Major Carnac’s good opinion, and was much connected with Doctor Fullarton, who loved me, had rendered me many services, and really was an excellent man. But it was my ill luck that the Doctor, who had hitherto been my mediator, and my channel of conveyance with that Commander, was now upon the worst terms with him; and unfortunately I knew nothing of the matter as yet. I therefore sent him intelligence of my coming; and he conveyed it to the General, who sent some of his messengers or harcarahs with a written order to some Captains of his, stationed with a party upon the road, to procure me a free passage. Being arrived in town, I went to Doctor Fullarton’s, from whom I learned that he was upon ill terms with the General. But, as I had already informed him of the errand upon which I had come, I intreated him to be upon his guard with Sadoram, agent of Shitab-ráy’s, and to take care that he should not come to the knowledge of the business which had become my task; for that such a discovery would prove of great disservice both to the Emperor, and to Munnir-ed-döulah, and could do no good to either my father or me. The Doctor answered, that he would serve me with all his might, but that he doubted much whether my business would succeed at this time. Be it as it may, on the second day I was sent for by Major Carnac, upon whon I waited in company with the Doctor. I found the Major sitting with Mir-djaafer-qhan; and I shewed him the Emperor’s letter. The Major kissed it, put it upon his head, and having stepped aside with Mir-djaafer-qhan to hear the contents, he returned; and his answer was, “That at present the Emperor did not dispose of his own actions. He was under another’s controul, and intirely dependent on the Vezir’s pleasure and will; and that this being the case, the English could not obey His Majesty’s commands.” This is what he said; but, it becomes highly, probable, that after having said so much, he sent for Sadoram and shewed him the Emperor’s letter, of which that agent took a copy, which he sent to Radja Shitab-ráy. The Major, after these words, dismissed me, and then sent me a supplique for the Emperor; but as I had concluded that all my trouble had answered no purpose, I sent the supplique by one of the Emperor’s messengers, and retired to our estate at Hosséin-abad. There I lived with my father, with whom I found both Mirza-bakyr and Mirza-abdollah, two friends, who had come over to pass the rainy season with him.

It was during my stay at Hosséin-abad, that I heard of Mir-cassem’s having been arrested by Shudjah-ed-döulah’s order, and confined; so that I shall faithfully relate this event in the same manner as I had heard it related afterwards by Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, who cut a great figure in that whole transaction. It must be observed, that Mir-cassem, who had promised to pay eleven lacs of rupees per month to the Vezir, and had been hard pressed for payment at the siege of Azim-abad, of course wanted to get out of the grasp of a man who gave him no rest and no respite on that subject; and he once sent the following message to him, after having reflected for a while on some expedient to extricate himself: “I conceive that you ought to send me towards Bengal and M8rsh8d-abad, to the end, that by establishing contributions, I may distress the collectors set up by the English, and prevent their fixing their government in these countries; an operation, which may be thoroughly performed with ease, as their force is now very small, and they cannot afford to defend all their possessions; and, as I am thoroughly acquainted with those parts, and am remembered still there as one that has commanded, I have, to all appearance, a better chance for performing this service than any one of your dependants.” This message was sent by the channel of Aaly-hibrahim-qhan. The Vezir heard the whole of it, and, What! broke the forth, if Aaly-djah^\(278\) should not come back again? What is to be done? Aaly-hibrahim-qhan answered, “That such a conjecture could not but be groundless, as Aaly-djah had no other place of shelter, and no other resource than the gate of the Vezirial palace.” This answer did not pacify the Vezir. He spoke like one that had conceptions and suspicions of a high nature, although quite foreign to the subject; but at last he added, That if he chose to be surety for him, and to rémain as an hostage, he had no objection to the scheme. Aaly-hibrahim-qhan replied, “That he had no objections to his remaining as hostage, but not for the payment of the promised money. That, as to the last article, whenever Aaly-djah should establish contributions all over the country, he, Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, would not fail to press him for the payment of the money; nor would he prove dilatory in sending to the Vezirial treasury, whatever would be transmitted from thence.” Not so, Sir,—not in this manner, interrupted the Vezir. “Then,” replied the Qhan, “it shall be as your Highness shall please. But, if that chance to be the case, people will naturally ascribe to your Highness whatever good or whatever ill may result from this affair; nor will they fail to charge on your Ministry, and not on Aaly-djah, every disgrace, if any, that may chance to happen. That Prince has done every thing in his power to get to the gate of your palace, which he thought would afford him an asylum against his enemies, and a comfortable retreat, after all his toils. The question is now, how to contrive some expedient that may conserve unsullied, both the honour of command, and the lustre of dominion, and may again bring the water to its bed.” This discourse seemed to make an impression on the Vezir. (which he endeavoured to smother, although he was not endowed with much power of dissimulation;) and he answered, That he would appoint some other person for that business, The Qhan replied, “That he wished for nothing more than for what might prove fittest for attaining the intended purposes, and would best conduce to His Highness’s welfare.” One would think that the proposed scheme was of importance enough to engross the attention of a man who was marching to the conquest of Bengal; nevertheless it was soon forgotten by a Prince immersed in his pleasures; and the Qhan returned to Mir-cassem, to whom he made a faithful report of the whole conversation.

Whilst this forlorn Prince was labouring to extricate himself from the difficulties of his situation, his steward, Mir-suléiman, had already parted his concerns from those of his master’s; for he had by this time made matters easy to himself, by coming to an understanding with Mirza-behl8, the Vezir’s ancient tutor, and with Beni-bahadyr, his Minister, as well as with the principal persons of that faithless Court; and meanwhile, by changing his garment, and putting on a Fakir’s garb, he had contrived to get himself out of his master’s way, and to secure a retreat. Mir-cassem hearing of that retreat, went to see him, and he engaged him to retake his apparel, and to do duty as usual. But as the poet has it: The fortress of Ila-abad surrenders to the English.

Most of those subjects of discontent arose from the steward’s appearing to be in so close a connection with his master’s adversaries; and as the latter in conversing with his friends, used often to complain of his infidelities, and to say openly: I have seen to-day on Beni-bahadyr’s turband a serpitch,^\(279\) which I remember to have recommended to my steward’s care….I saw yesterday, on such a one’s finger, a valuable ring which I had worn myself, and which was entrusted to Mir-suléiman’s care. Such and the like discourses being regularly reported to the man, rendered him fearful of the consequences that might ensue from an inquiry into his endless infidelities. He therefore quitted his master’s quarters, and going into Shudjah-ed-döulah’s camp, he took up his abode in Mirza-behl8’s quarters, and in those of Aaly-beg-qhan, who was a principal General of the Vezir’s. Six days after this retreat of the steward’s, a high worded message came from the Vezir, on account of the monthly payment due by Mir-cassem. The latter excused himself on his impotence; but, having at the same time added some complaints against the Vezir, he widened the breach, which was already gaping open. Not but some of his friends, and especially Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, had more than once objected to his uttering complaints in that strain. But they were faithfully reported to the Vezir, by the The whole of Shudjah-ed-döulah’s
dominions submit to the English. means of Mir-abb8, aud some others, who being yet in the number of Mir-cassem’s friends and favourites, thought of preparing for themselves a place for shelter amongst the Grandees of the Vezir’s Court, although they often joined themselves in those complaints, and seemed to encourage them. These complaints now afforded the Vezir a pretence for breaking with Mir-cassem; his intention having all along been to get rid of the promises he had made that fugitive, and to set aside the safe cönduct he had given him. Matters at last came to an open rupture. He sent Mir-cassem word, That the Emperor required of him the balances due to his treasury upon the revenue of Bengal; and talked of sending enforcers of payment; and that it was therefore incumbent upon him to devise same means for giving him satisfaction as quickly as possible. Mir-cassem, on hearing a message so abrupt, sent Aaly-hibrahim-qhan to make some representations to the Vezir; and the envoy, after having presented Mir-cassem’s respects, added in his name, “That his master, when he had risked every thing, and given up every thing, to open a passage to the gates of the Vezirial palace, had looked upon that measure as the likeliest to put an end to all his toils, and to procure him some ease for the future; in which view he had not been sparing of whatever fortune had still left in his power; but that now his means were exhausted. Nevertheless, that if His Majesty was pleased to form pretensions upon him, it would be easy to clear them at once, by ordering Beni-bahadyr to examine the accounts; when, if any balance should appear as due, Aaly-djah would do the impossible to come up with it; but that if the pretension should prove to be groundless, then his master would hope every thing from the interference and protection of His Highness.” This message, although delivered with that respectful politeness, and that soothing tone of voice, which were so natural to Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, seemed to raise the Vezir’s irascibility of temper. What business have I with all that? screamed he. It is an affair between the Emperor and him. And who is Beni-bahadyr to interfere in it? As to my own part, I inform you that tomorrow I go a hunting. But the Emperor is the master. Doubtless, he will do what he shall think proper. Aaly-hibrahim-qhan concluding, from these words, that there remained no hopes from that quarter, made his report to his master accordingly; and the latter, who upon any alarm or difficulty, used always to consult that nobleman, now asked him his advice. The other answered in these words: “If there be money in your treasury, there is no doubt but that satisfaction must be given to the Vezir; but if there be none, I see no other part for you, than that of quitting your tents, and sitting without, after having sent a message to the Vezir to inform him, that you had come to his dominions for an asylum and for protection, and still looked up to him for protection and favour; and that at present your person, consort, family, and property, with your remaining effects were entirely at his disposal; all which His Highness might use, as he in his wisdom and goodness might think proper.”

This was Aaly-hibrahim-qhan’s advice, but some thoughtless people that surrounded Mir-cassem, made additions to it; and the latter listening to their suggestions, thought proper on the Mir-cassem, in dispair, turns Fakir. morning of the eighth of Zilhidj, in the year 1177, to quit his tent at day-break, and to take his seat on a common mat, spread on the outside of it. He had quitted not only his Mesned,^\(280\) but also his apparel, and he had on now only a shirt, and a Fakir’s cap,^\(281\) without either a turbant, or any thing else. A number of his friends and acquaintances, without attending to time or place, had quitted their own apparel likewise, and, to the number of twenty, had put on a few coloured clothes, like so many Fakirs; and in that condition they became a spectacle to the whole army. Intelligence of this change being carried to the Vezir, he was alarmed; and he concluded that Mir-cassem’s turning Fakyr in his own camp, and on the Day of the Sacriflce, would greatly^\(282\) redound to his disgrace, and mar the purpose for which he destined that fugitive. Directly he sent his General, Aaly-beg-qhan, to administer some consolation to him, with many excuses for his yesterday’s message, and to endeavour to pacify and quiet his mind. This apology was sent both in the Vezir’s name, and in that of his mother, who went by the title of the Navvab Begum.^\(283\) Aaly-beg-qhan, who was a well spoken eloquent man, although one that spoke boldly and without scruple, commenced by blaming his master highly, and by casting high reflections upon him; after such a preamble, he apologised in his and in the Princess’s name for the impropriety of the last message, and worked so powerfully on his mind by the sweet persuasion which flowed from his lips, that Mir-cassem altered his notions; but as he had not much of that readiness of delivery, and that elegance of speech, so remarkable in Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, he sent for that nobleman immediately. The latter had never approved a change of dress; but yet had thought it incumbent upon him to alter his own likewise, both to avoid any reproach from Mir-cassem’s friends, and to parry the invidiousness of a comparison of dress, should he appear in his usual apparel. Little inclined, however, to go all the lengths of a Fakir’s garb, he contented himself with putting on a simple shirt; and taking down his usual turbant, he put on a pointed cap, round which he carelessly rolled up a coarse linen; and in this garb he followed the messenger. But on finding Mir-cassem exactly in the garb in which he had been reported to be, he took his seat, hung down his head, and remained silent, without uttering a single word. After some moments of silence, Mir-cassem himself opened the matter by these words: My Lord-qhan, the Navvab-vezir wants you. You must go. At these words, Aaly-hibrahim got up, and was going to follow the General. And pray, broke forth the latter, do you intena to go to Court in that garb to the Vezir of Hindostan? “I will by all means,” answered the other; “and if my master’s affairs are come to this, that such a garb should befit him, how can I object to it for my ownself? The sight of Aaly-hibrahim in that garb, affected the Vezir; he spoke to him with the utmost kindness, asked the reason of Aaly-djah’s having altered his dress, and apologised for the abruptness of his message. “The Emperor, said he, had mentioned something to me. I repeated it to Aaly-djah. The message required an answer, and not a change of dress; which by its cap and shirt should redound to my dishonour, and render me odious through all the world.” The other with a downcast look, and an air of dejection, answered, “that Aaly-djah having always looked up to the Vezir’s palace, as to his place of shelter and consolation; and His Highness having shewn a disregard to his concerns in not protecting him against the Imperial message; that Prince had naturally concluded that he had nothing further to hope from His Highness, and had therefore quitted the world, like a man without resource.” At these words, the Vezir without making any answer, beckoned to Beni-bahadyr, and bid him talk with Aaly-hibrahim-qhan. On this command, the two Ministers retired to a corner, but in the Vezir’s presence, and commenced conferring together. On Beni-bahadyr’s endeavouring to fix some balances on Mir-cassem, Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, with the greatest sweetness of temper, and the most elegant flow of language, repelled every one of his shafts, and shewed irrefragably that no balances could be due by his master. The conserence took up a whole hour, when the Vezir interrupted, and asked whether nothing was determined yet? No, answered Beni-bahadyr, for the dispute is managed by two able antagonists. Upon this the Vezir rose, and going into a qhass-tent,^\(284\) that had been prepared to shelter him from the heat of the weather, he beckoned to Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, and repeated the same arguments that had been brought forward by Beni-bahadyr; and Aaly-hibrahim-qhan returned the same answers. The Vezir paused, and added that the method made use of by Aaly-djah, would greatly redound to his (the Vezir’s) disgrace, and to his bad renown. It is not his fault, answered Aaly-hibrahim-qhan; having despaired of all protection, he has quitted the world, and has acted in a manner suitable to his circumstances, in a manner worthy of himself; let your Highness, on your side, act in a manner worthy of your ownself. “I understand,” said the Vezir; “do you go directly, and I follow.” Aaly-hibrahim-qhan was making his report to Mir-cassem, when the Vezir himself appeared. He humbled himself, made many apologies, excused the past, and requested his laying down his Fakir’s garb, and his re-assuming his usual dress, immediately. Mir-cassem having answered that such a request proved a matter of pride to him, directly complied with the Vezir’s pleasure; and one would have thought that all this disagreeable affair had been put an end to, and quashed for ever.

However, two or three days after this, the ungrateful Somro surrounded Mir-cassem’s quarters with his Talingas, and asked the arrears of his pay. As there was no money in the treasury, there came some gold coin out of the sanctuary; and he took it in pay. After he was gone, Mir-cassem sent him word, that as in his present circumstances, he could not afford to keep so many men in pay, he ought therefore to return into the steward’s office the artillery, field-pieces, implements, and such flint locks as belonged to it; his intention being to keep only two regiments of Talingas. The ungrateful Somro, who had already taken service with the Vezir, had the front to answer, “That now both the cannon and muskets, with every thing else, belonged to him who had them in his power.” After this answer he quitted his post, and went to encamp amongst the Vezir’s troops. Hardly was this affair over, when Moosher-Dgentil, (Mons. Gentil) came to Aaly-hibrahim-qhan in the dark of the night, and gave him the following piece of advice. This Frenchman, who had once been dismissed from Mir-cassem-qhan’s service, was this longwhile attached to the Vezir, but still professing a sincere regard for Aaly-hibrahim-qhan. “To-morrow, said he, the Vezir’s troops shall come down to seize and arrest Mir-cassem; and a great tumult will doubtless ensue. God only knows what will happen to you. Take then these six Frenchmen, and let them remain with you; and rest assured that so long as they are alive, no Indian will touch you.” Aaly-hibrahim-qhan returned him thanks for his exemplary attachment and goodness; but excused himself from accepting the proffered assistance, as it would be ungenerous in him to remain secure under the protection of his friends, whilst his master might be exposed to imminent danger. The next morning, at about nine o’clock, a number of troopers mounted in the Vezir’s camp, and advanced towards Mir-cassem’s quarters. On their setting out, Moosher-Dgentil came again, after having detached himself from his battalion of Talingas. He was bringing a number of his men, and he repeated the same intreaties as the night before; and Aaly-hibrahim-qhan repeated the same excuses. The Frenchman melted into tears, and returned to the head of his corps. That moment the Vezir’s troops arrived, and after having surrounded Mir-cassem’s tents, they placed a strong guard over the apartment of the women, and another at each of the several offices. Their Commander went to Mir-cassem’s tent, made him mount upon an elephant sent for the purpose, took his seat behind in the Háodah, and having commanded his cavalry to surround him, he carried his prisoner to the Vezir’s encampment, where he kept him in confinement in the place appointed for that purpose. In the evening some troopers were descried coming at full gallop towards Aaly-hibrahim-qhan’s quarters; who being informed of it, concluded that they came for him; and he exhorted those that were then about his tent, to provide for their own safety, and to leave him to his own fate; he was then sick and upon his bed. On these words, all those present thought proper to disappear, except Mir-shetari, and Ghalub-qhan, and Vahed-aaly-qhan (this last was his brother), who resolved to share his fate. The horsemen being now arrived, alighted at once, and making their horses fast, they surrounded the tent as a guard over him, and took possession of all his effects. A couple of hours before this event, one Burhan, an Afghan officer, a man, who for an Afghan, seemed to have some sense and some knowledge, came into the tent; and this man who was so far indebted to the Qhan for his fortune as to be perpetually ringing lectures to his other friends upon gratitude, now made his appearance; and under pretence of being more zealous and grateful than any of them, he told him in great secrecy, that if he had any thing to conceal, he must do it immediately in his hands, as he was going to be seized instantly. The Qhan, without any emotion, answered that he had nothing of value in his possession, but two elephants and some camels; and that he might take them, and keep them in the best manner he could devise. That worthy man, who had always pretended himself one of the most grateful and most pious men in the world, took the elephants and camels, and went away with them, and this too in so secret a place, as to disappoint every search and every inquiry made for him subsequently. Whilst Aaly-hibrahim-qhan was admiring the ways of Providence in Mir-cassem’s case; and how the friends of that unfortunate Prince had all disappeared, after having made each of them their nest in the bosom of some of the Grandees of the Vezir’s Court; he was informed that the Moonshy-hafyz-esrar-qhan, who was Mir-cassem’s fovourite Secretary,^\(285\) had been violently seized, with some other heads of office, and put under confinement. In this extremity, some one present advised Aaly-hibrahim-qhan to write a supplique to the Vezir, and he accordingly wrote a short note. The Vezir was already retired within the sanctuary; but such was the ascendant which that worthy man had gained even there by the sweetness of his temper and the uprightness of his behaviour (a character of his that had come to be known even there, whilst he was carrying presents and messages from Mir-cassem to the Princess-consort, and to the Princess-mother); such was the regard paid him by the women, the only guards of the gate; that on hearing of his being sick and in confinement, they against the usual rules, carried his note within, and put it in the Vezir’s hands. Immediately an eunuch of the presence came out, and went to Aaly-hibrahim-qhan’s quarters, to infrom him under an order of the Vezirs’ signing, “that there was no intention at all to do him any harm; that Prince only intending to put some questions to him, and to hear his answers.” He at the same time commanded the troopers to watch only at a distance, and to take care how they presumed to offer any insult, or to be guilty of any want of respect. The next morning some troopers of Shudjah-cooly-qhan’s regiment, (an officer who bore a good character, and went by the name of Mia-yssa,^\(286\) came down, and informed Aaly-hibrahim-qhan that the Vezir wanted to speak to him. Aaly-hibrahim-qhan put on a plain shirt, and a turband slightly rolled,^\(287\) and getting into his paleky, he went to Court. But the troopers being themselves of the scum of the people, and commanded by men like themselves, carried him first towards Mir-cassem’s quarters, and then to some other places, and repeated the same trip three several times. The Qhan tired of so much travelling, sent one of his servants to Mia-yssa, to complain of such usage, and to inform him that he was going to Court by order, but could not comprehend what the troopers might get by carrying him about from place to place, as he was ready to go, and take some rest in any place he would be carried to. This representation had its effect, and Mia-yssa sent a person to reprimand the troopers, with orders to bring the Qhan to him, and to treat him with respect. The person, after reprimanding and abusing the troopers, brought Aaly-hibrahim-qhan to the Vezir’s hall of audience, where Beni-bahadyr and Shudjah-cooly-qhan were sitting in a circle, with Moosher-Dgentil, and the supervisor, Yac8b-qhan. Moosher-Dgentil, on descrying Aaly-hibrahim qhan, got up to do him honour; and the others, ashamed to be outdone by a foreigner, got up likewise, and made the Qhan sit honourably amongst themselves. It was in the apartment that served for school to Mirza-amani,^\(288\) eldest son to the Vezir. All those present endeavoured to administer some comfort. They took a concern in his illness, dispatched a man to the Physician, Doctor Mahmed-aaly-qhan, and were talking of putting him directly under a course of medicines. The Qhan excused himself from taking any, as the day was already so much spent; but a moment after, they carried him to the Vezir’s presence. The Secretary, Hafyz-esrar-qhan, was already standing there, together with the eunuch, Soheily-aaly-qhan, superintendent of Mir-cassem’s Elephant office, with some other dependants of that prisoner’s. The Qhan presented a nuzur of one eshreffy^\(289\) and some rupees to the Vezir; and then took his seat, before being bid; upon which Beni-bahadyr and those that accompanied him, took their seats likewise. The Vezir, who that day wore a Persian dress,^\(290\) and had in his hand a battle axe of exquisite workmanship, fixing his eyes upon the Qhan, said, “My Lord-qhan, what wrong had I done to your master, when on the engagement at Patna, he gave orders to fire upon me, should I come that way, after beating the English.^\(291\) Such an accusation would not but confound the Qhan. He answered, “that he had never heard of any such thing; and woe to him! added he, who, after having come so far for protection to the Vezir, should have had the ingratitude to give such an order, against a Prince who had received him with so much kindness, and was actually exposing his life for his sake against such enemies as the English.” Such an implied denial displeased the Vezir. “What, said that Prince, “do you believe then, that I can tell you lies? I will send for Somro, and bring him face to face with Aaly-djah in your presence, if you choose it.” “I have not accused your Highness of an imposition, replied the Qhan, but only professed my own ignorance of such a fact; and as to bringing Somro face to face with Aaly-djah, matters are now come to such a low ebb, that even a menial servant of his may be confronted with him; whereas Somro is a man in office, and one constitued in dignity.” The Vezir affected by this indirect reproach, paused awhile, changed the discourse, and did every thing in his power to soothe the Qhan’s mind, and to gain his affection, whilst he at the same time went on with blaming Mir-cassem. You are a good man, added the Vezir, but he did not like you; probably, because, when he spoke ill of me in your presence, you objected to his holding such a language. Your objections, however, he did not mind; and indeed I cannot understand, how with such a friend as you at his elbow, he did not like you. “I know nothing of the matter, neither, replied the Qhan, although I was endeavouring to serve him well; nor am I conscious of having done wrong at any time, or of having given him a wrong advice; unless indeed it should be after the capture of Azim-abad by the English, when most of his friends proposing his going into Decan, and his exciting the Marhattas, to his support, I strongly objected to that scheme, and proposed by all means his seeking an asylum in the Vezir’s dominions, as I knew no place of more honour and safety for him than the gate of the Vezirial palace.” The Vezir on hearing these words seemed confounded; he fetched a sigh, dropped a tear, and did not dare to utter a word. After a pause, he expressed Sigular discourse between Aalyhibrahim-
qhan and Shudja-ed-döulah. again a concern for his case; and he was going on, but unable to conceal any further his confusion, he got up and went to the women’s apartment; when his favourites having outmarched him, ranged themselves on both sides of the gate, and made their bow. The Vezir having made a sign towards the Qhan, went into his sanctuary. On this Mia-yssa and the others carried that noble man into the Mekteb-qhana or Mirza-amani’s school, “and told him that His Highness had from that moment taken him into his service, as a proof of which, orders had been dispatched for bringing back his effects, all which, horses and furniture, had been recovered; that as a further token of his goodness, he had ordered a tent to be pitched for him, at the very door of his own tent of audience; but that His Highness in his turn expected a full confession as to the persons to whom Mir-cassem had entrusted his money; that the bankers to whom he had entrusted his jewels at Banares, had been found out, but that nothing had transpired about those that had received his money in their custody; that it was therefore expected, that he, who had been always admitted to all his secrets, would be so obliging as to point those persons out; the more so as himself had been entrusted with forty thousand eshreffies; and that if the assertion should prove to be true, he (Aaly-hibrahim-qhan) was too honest a man to deny the deposit; and if that sum had been entrusted to another, he might easily point him out, and by such a confidence entitle himself to the Vezir’s utmost regard and favour.” So strange a declaration was answered by Aaly-hibrahim-qhan in these words: “To this day no one ever put such questions to me, or even hinted any thing of the matter; now that His Highness requests information, I will give him such a one, as I can afford. Nann8, the spy, for instance, a great friend of Somro’s, and one who has ruined so many families, knows much of these matters undoubtedly, and must be informed of the person to whom these forty thousand eshreffies were entrusted.” Nann8 being sent for, was confronted with the Qhan; but before he could come up, one of the interlocutors present, got up, and going to the gate, sent word to the Vezir, that it was probable that much money was going to be discovered. The others meanwhile were pressing the Qhan, with their questions. That nobleman without being ruffled by their obstreperousness, was answering with calmness, “that every thing, from the cold water office to the office of jewels, had been entrusted to Somro and to the Talingas under his command, together with a hundred thousand eshreffies; and all this doubtless must have been delivered to the Vezir’s people, or it must have not.” At these words all the eyes were turned towards Nann8, then standing; but on Nann8’s denying the fact, and objecting, that the whole was groundless, all eyes again were turned towards the Qhan. The latter replied, “If you deny any credit to him whom you pretend to have been a man of so much consequence, as to have had no secret hidden from him, pray how can you give any confidence to, I know not what light-headed people, whom you acknowledge yourselves as too low, to have had any knowledge of secret transactions? And how can you suppose that such people are capable of sticking to truth.” Beni-bahadyr, struck with this reply, got up, and going to the gate of the sanctuary, he transmitted it to the Vezir, without alteration or addition. The Vezir returned this answer: There is no disputing with a man armed cap-a-pie. The match is unequal; nor is there argumenting with one who has convicted the master of hardness of heart and perfidy, and the minister of inattention and ignorance. It is a fruitless task, and quite disgraceful. Do then dismiss him with much civility; and let that matter alone.—The conference being ended, the Qhan turned towards Mia-yssa, and represented, that to keep ten or twelve unfortunate people of broken wings and ruined fortunes confined at the entrance of a hall of audience, could not much conduce to quiet their minds. “If your intention be really to oblige your friend,” added he, “let me be conducted to your own quarters.” The officer, without saying a word, went straight to the gate, and sent in a request to have the Qhan in his quarters, and in his custody; and the request being granted instantly, Mya-yssa carried the Qhan to his quarters, and for a month and-a-half together, (for he was slain soon after) he never abated any thing from the civilities and attentions which he had shewn to his prisoner on the very first day. He did every thing in his power to alleviate his case, and to quiet his mind. As to Mir-cassem, the whole of his property having been traced by the means of the severities exercised upon his women, upon his eunuchs, and upon his other dependants, the whole was confiscated; and nothing remained to him, but a few jewels of high value, which he had some time before this event, sent to Negib-ed-döulah’s country, under the care of a trusty servant of his, whose name deserves to be recorded. It was Sheh-mahmed-ashec; and it was the sale of these that supported the forlorn Prince in his days of distress. There may have been some other small matters besides, which his women by the means of the old ones, their attendants, may have found means to conceal; and that is probable enough, although the enquiry had been so rigorous; but no detail on that subject is come to our knowledge, nor can it be traced at this distance of time with any certitude.

Whilst Mir-cassem was consuming his days in the dungeon of a reverse of fortune, his unworthy steward, Mir-suléiman, was coming out from the corner of infamy, with Solomon’s ring at his finger;^\(292\) and not content with becoming a favourite of the Vezir’s, he turned out informer, and gave his new master advice: “that Yaacob-qhan, the Commandant of the troops in the fortress of Rohotas, as well as Sahomul, the Governor of it, were both dependent on him, as men that owed their fortunes to him; he added that the seraglio and wealth and effects lodged there, were thoroughly known to him (Suléiman) as having been lodged there by himself; and that if the Vezir were pleased to issue some orders, he had a scheme ready by which that fortress with all its dependencies and contents might be brought under his power, and be annexed to his dominions.” As the Vezir himself had a turn of mind for such adventurous expeditions, he very much caressed Mir-suléiman on his project, and gave him such letters as he desired; some to Rahim-qhan, Governor of Saharseram, on the Vezir’s part; and some to the principal persons of that district, besides those to Yaacob-qhan himself, and to Sahomul, who commanded in Rohotas.

Mir-suléiman, trusting to the former connections which he had with the Governor and Commandant, and to the important services which he had rendered them (ties which after all are never minded by the man of the world, but at the moment of need), arrived at Rohotas, with all his letters. Just at this very time it happened that Major Monro, a King’s servant, who had been appointed by the Council of Calcutta to the Command-in-Chief of the English forces, was just landed at Azim-abad, from whence he had wrote me by the channel of Doctor Fullarton, “That if I could contrive to put the fortress of Rohotas in the hands of the English, I would entitle myself to their friendship and gratitude.” Upon this intimation I applied to Radja Sahomul, a man who had the greatest obligations to our family, (our Djaghiry estate forming the territory of that fortress) and I informed him, “that it was not in the nature of things that the English should not prevail, shortly, and shortly should not overthrow and ruin the Vezir, and his confederates; that it was incumbent upon him therefore to examine the respective circumstances of both parties, and to take his resolution betimes; but in such a manner, by all means as not to deliver the fortress to his master’s enemies, and still less to a traitor, who had trampled on every thing sacred amongst mankind.” Sahomul, who was a shrewd man, having examined my proposals, together with those of Mir-suléiman’s, soon took his resolution, and he desired me to manage in such a manner, as that an officer with some English troops might be sent to those parts; and whilst he kept Mir-suléiman in suspense, he put in my hands a paper, containing his requests, and the conditions on which he was willing to surrender the fortress; desiring me to return it, signed and approved by the English Commander. This paper having been transmitted to Doctor Fullarton, the Major returned it, signed and approved; and I put it in the hands of Sahomul; who, on Captain Goddard’s approaching from Ticary with a force, surrendered the fortress, with all its contents. Mir-suléiman, informed that an English battalion of Talingas was coming, comprehended what was the matter; and making the best of his way to the Vezir’s army, he represented the whole transaction to that Prince with the most dismal colours; nor was I without great apprehensions, lest some body of cavalry should come from thence to carry me off, or to do us some great mischief. I entertained therefore some thoughts of retiring to a place of safety; when Sahomul, who soon had fallen out with Captain Goddard, and was now upon the worst terms with him, represented to me that not one of the stipulated conditions had been observed with him; and that as he had been evidently and greatly injured, I must repair to Azim-abad with him, to represent his case to the English Rulers. I had already applied myself to Doctor Fullarton for leave to repair to Azim-abad; and having got from thence a safe conduct, I shewed it to my father, to whom I represented the danger of his remaining at Hosséin-abad in such a time of trouble and confusion. I advised him therefore to let me depart; and to answer all the enquiries which the Vezir might make on my account, with some excuse framed to this purport: “That Gholam-hosséin-qhan was indeed his son, but a son quite independent, who was these many years in connection with the English, and for whose actions he would not be responsible.” I added, that such an excuse would prove valuable in case the Vezir should prevail; and as to myself who would be then with the English, I was resolved to take my chance with them, and to share their fate; but that, if the English should prevail, no danger would result to my father from their victory; so far from it, that my attachment to them would be productive of some obligations and some return. After having settled this matter with my father, I took Sahomul with me, and went to Azim-abad. Major Munro was already returned thither, and it was there I learned some particulars relative to the conduct he had held with regard to the mutiny which happened amongst the Talingas stationed in the District of Sarun. These men, quitting at once their station upon some discontent, had deserted into Balvant-sing’s country, and had also carried away their Captain, who, however, had found means to get out of their hands; but they had met at last with a condign punishment for their desertion. I heard also, how the Major had marched against the proud Vezir, and how the negotiations between this Prince and the English had ended in nothing but a complete defeat, which they gave him, and which domolished him totally. All these particulars I got a full information of, and they shall be mentioned in the following sheets.

Shudjah-ed-döulah, after raising the siege of Azim-abad, had returned to Bacsar in the Bodjp8r country. It was a town on the Ganga, and over against Ghazip8r, which district is of his own dependence; and it was there he resolved to pass the rainy season in a camp. Mir-djaafer-qhan being informed of this, resolved also to return to Calcutta, to settle certain matters with the English. He had some time before appointed his own brother, Mir-cassem-qhan, to the Government of Azim-abad, a man of much goodness of heart, and great simplicity of manners, but of little capacity or knowledge. And he had given him for his Deputy a Gentoo called Durdj-naráin, who was brother to the deceased Ram-naráin: a man unfit for so cumbersome and so intricate a charge, and indeed unfit for any thing at all. After having, as he thought, provided for the government of that country, he set out for Calcutta, a voyage that proved his last, and which carried him to the confines of eternity. But should it be asked, what then could be Durdj-naráin’s merits for being promoted to so important an office, the answer would be, that he was possessed of the merit of having had a brother drowned by Mir-cassem, and of the greater one of being himself in disgrace with that Prince; for it had become a standing rule of Mir-djaafer-qhan’s politics, to depress to the utmost every one of those that might have been in favour with his rival, although ever so worthy of promotion, and likewise so remarkable for abilities; and on the contrary, to raise and promote all those that had been in disgrace with him, although ever so unworthy or so incapable. It was on such a principle, that the old man seemed averse from suffering such a number of noblemen and gentlemen of the best families of the country, to return to their homes and possessions; although it was notorious they had followed his predecessor’s fortunes, solely to screen themselves from the oppression of a prevalent party. Of this number were Mirza-abdollah and Mirza-bakyr, (both sons to Aga-mirza) and Gholam-aaly-qhan and Y8ss8f-aaly-qhan, and several others, who were hovering on the outskirts of Bahar and Bengal, and went on enduring distresses and miseries, until at last their misfortunes were put an end to, by the old man’s demise; at which time the exiled and the dispersed found means to return to their homes and to enjoy their families. On the other hand, any one that had proved a traitor to Mir-cassem, never failed, whether at Azim-abad or at M8rsh8d-abad, to become an object of regard, to be promoted to offices, and to enjoy the old man’s confidence. And it was on so laudable a plan that he settled every thing at Azim-abad; after which he set out for Calcutta, where he became endlessly occupied in discussions, and even in altercations with the members of the English Council. For Governor Vansittart, who was thoroughly apprised of the baseness of his character, and thoroughly sensible of the supineness and imbecility of his mind, strongly feared lest he might fill the city, and even the whole province, with proscriptions and blood, should he be suffered to repair to M8rsh8d-abad with an uncontrouled authority; he knew that in such a case he would not fail to make use of his power to torment every considerable man in the country, and to deluge the city with blood; and his anxieties were so strong on that head, that he had purposely suffered the negotiation with him to take its own course in the alter cations of the Council, where after a length of time nothing was yet concluded finally.

It was on the same principle, he would not permit him to carry out of Calcutta, and to keep in the high office of Divan or Prime Minister, a Gentoo, named Nandecomar, a man of an intriguing spirit, who bore the highest sway upon his mind; but who having already vexed numbers of persons of distinction throughout the province, would avail himself of his ascendant over his master, to attack indiscriminately whomsoever he chose to demolish. The President himself being impressed with these notions, and thoroughly sensible of the character of these two men, no entreaties, however urgent, from Mir-djaafer-qhan, could obtain of the Council a permission to carry Nandecomar with him, and to put him in office. Nevertheless on his being arrived at M8rsh8d-abad, he was so well tutored by his friends of Calcutta, he learned to write such artificious letters to the Council, and he succeeded so well in gaining some of the ruling members to his party, that the Governor, to get rid of their clamorous intrigues, consented to Nandecomar’s repairing to his master. But, however, to guard his successors as much as possible against this man’s dangerous character, and endless intrigues, he wrote a memoir upon him, got it bound in the form of a book, and kept it for use. As to the new Minister, on his being returned to M8rsh8d-abad, he worked himself into so much authority, that he undertook to demolish no less a man than Mahmed-reza-qhan. This nobleman, who was son-in-law to Rabia-begum, and to Ata-ollah-qhan, and enjoyed now the high office of Nazem, or Governor of the province of Djehan-ghir-nugur-dacca, found himself under the necessity of crouching to the new Minister, and of seeing most of the business of his department torn out of his hands, and referred to people appointed by the Court. The Minister went so far, that the Navvab, in compliance with his will, dismissed that nobleman from his office, and moreover had him brought prisoner to M8rsh8d-abad; and probably would have proceeded farther, had not both the master and the Minister been intimidated by the interference of the Chief of Cassim-bazar, who procured his release by dint of threats. Luckily for him that Mir-djaafer-qhan^\(293\) fell sick at this very time, and became worse and worse; at last on the fourteenth of Shaaban, A. D. 1765. being a Thursday of the year 1178 of the Hedjra, he departed this life, and passed over the stream which divides the confines of this fragile world, from the Regions of Eternity. Several persons of credit have affirmed that some moments before his demise, he had, on Nandecomar’s persuasion, ordered to be brought to him some water that had been poured in libation over the idol at Kyirut-conah, (a famous temple of the Gentoos in the neighbourhood M8rsh8d-abad) and that some drops of it were poured down the dying man’s throat; this being the last water which he tasted.

Preserve us, O God! as well as all believers, from such a sickness, and such a death.

It must be observed that the old Navvab, intimidated by the Vezir’s numbers, and by his personal character for valour and prowess, had always wished ardently for a peace upon any terms; and the English themselves, impressed with high ideas of his power, and affected by the shame and disgrace of fighting against the legitimate possessor of the throne, were desirous of some accommodation, provided it could be obtained without endangering their trade; nor had they any objections to the Emperor’s or rather to the Vezir’s keeping possession of the province of Azim-abad, if they could be left themselves in quiet possession of Bengal, under a certain quit-rent. But Shudjah-ed-döulah, equally proud andignorant, (and ignorance is become in these times so prevalent, and so much in fashion, that there is hardly a single Prince in India, but that labours under a want of intellects) Shudjah-ed-döulah, I say, who expected mighty conquests from his achievements, and had conceived as high an opinion of his own power, as he had an indifferent one of what his enemies could perform, would not hear of peace on those terms; and he thought himself equal to the task of conquering all the three provinces. Indeed he had a numerous army with plenty of artillery, great and small, and plenty of all the necessaries requisite for war; but no knowledge at all about the means of availing himself of so much power; and he was so presumptuous at the same time, and so obstinate and full of himself, that he would not listen to any adviser and well-wisher, although he had many; and it is for that presumptuous ignorance of his, that he saw what he saw. Strange it is! that in this age, as soon as fortune has taken a fancy to any one, so as to distinguish him from his equals, by raising him to the height of power and influence, he from that moment forgets himself totally; his whole frame undergoes a revolution; and the man thinking himself superior to those Prophets and ancient Sages of old, who have approved themselves so much above the usual powers of the human mind, at once assumes that independence of thought, and that originality of conduct, which was indeed characteristic in those great men, but which cannot suit the narrow limits of human understanding. Those great men, and above all, the Crown of created beings^\(294\) (upon whom be grace and salute for ever!) who was indeed the greatest genius existing, and acted besides under the immediate impulse of revelation; these extraordinary beings, I say, had no occasion to take advice; and as to the greatest Princes and Commanders of the times past, they always made it a point to ask advice, and to consult their Ministers and friends on every subject of consequence. But now, as soon as fortune has been so favourable to any one, as to raise him suddenly to power, he from that moment fancies himself a compound of all excellence, and a being of a nature superior to human kind; such, in a word, as would degrade its high nature by asking advice, or holding councils; nay such a man comes at last to think, that asking advice would be detracting from his own dignity, and that deferring to a sensible opinion, would be derogating from his own wisdom, be the adviser, an Aristotle or some superior being.^\(295\) These men seem to think that genius and abilities follow money. Nor is it uncommon to hear them say: We have genius and understanding by thousands and by hundred thousands, whereas the others have it only by tenths and by hundreds; as if both genius and talents were of a nature to be counted by tale, or weighed by scale. Such is the state of mankind in India. Good God! what is merit reduced to in that ill-fated region! And what is become in those countries of the dignity of the human race! O God! vouchsafe in your goodness and mercy to infuse patience and resignation in our minds for the injuries done us; and change our alarms into quiet and security!^\(296\)

Mir-djaafer-qhan was yet at Calcutta, when Major Monro, in consequence of a revolution, of which I know neither the detail nor the secret springs, arrived at that city in a Manvarian ship, which in their language signifies a ship of war; and as the Council of Calcutta were displeased with the protraction of the war against Shudjah-ed-döulah, and were much inclined to ascribe those delays to Major Carnac’s want of enterprise and abilities, they appointed Major Monro to supersede him in the command of the army. But independently of that supersession, it is a standing rule with that nation, that whenever a King’s officer happens to be present, from that moment the Company’s officers become his inferiors, and are bound to obey his commands. Major Carnac therefore hearing of Monro’s arrival, quitted the army, and repaired to Calcutta; and the other went up to Azim-abad, where he was acknowledged Commander-in-Chief of all the forces. It happened that a little time after his arrival, a regiment of Talingas, stationed upon the river Surdj8 alias Gahgrah, to oppose the enemy’s passage, had taken up their arms, and had revolted. It is said they had even laid hold of their Commander, Captain Ahmuty, and of some other English, as well as of a piece of cannon, and had crossed the river, with intention to march to Ghazip8r, and to take service with Radja Balvant-sing, who was likewise stationed on that river to defend the province of Gorockp8r, and to hinder the English troops from spreading themselves on that side. The Captain obliged to submit to the will of his Talingas, made it a point to humour them; but took care to send advice of that event to Major Monro. That Commander, on the very first moment of the intelligence, dispatched a Captain and some other officers, versed in the Hindostany language, to bring back the runaways by fair means and persuasion; but at the same time he marched himself at the head of a regiment of European soldiers, with whom he advanced so fast, that by the time the Captain and his associates were reasoning them out of their revolt, and making them some concessions, which at any other time would have been improper, that Commander was already up with the deserters. As the victorious fortune of the English accompanied them everywhere, and the Talingas were doomed to a reverse of fortune, and to chastisement, those men who had already cut so much of their way, and were near their intended spot, stopped at once, to take some rest, and yielded to their officer’s intreaties and persuasion. The Major appearing at this moment, the Talingas saluted him according to the rules of their discipline, and then according to custom, laid down their arms. As soon as these were on the ground, the Major ordered them to be taken up in bundles; and then surrounding the Talingas with his European soldiers, he marched the whole corps of the mutineers back to his camp, where he broke the revolted regiment, distributing its men by ten and twenty in the several companies of the other corps; after which he draughted from the whole of these corps as many men as formed a new regiment, and having put it under the command of Captain Ahmuty, he commanded him to his late station. This done, he ordered twenty-five men from amongst the revolted, that is, as many as had been pointed out by the cast of dice, to be blown up at his guns, for an example to others. But one of those twenty-five men, being a Brahman, made it a request to be indulged with some moments of delay to perform his devotions; and having obtained it, he prayed to the Sun and to some other objects of his worship, took a little clay from the ground, whereon he had worshipped, and having rubbed his forehead and whole face with it, he marched up to the gun with the greatest intrepidity, and submitted quietly to be blown up.

Whilst that Commander was occupied in bringing his army to order, a total revolution had taken place in the minds of the Council of Calcutta. So long as a negotiation was kept on foot by Shudjah-ed-döulah upon reasonable terms, some of the leading members of the Council shewed themselves disinclined from waging war with that Prince; but some letters coming from him at this moment, which seemed written with a haughtiness, that could not be borne, and contained proposals of the most extravagant kind, the dissenters closed with the majority of the Council; and all joining together, sent orders to Major Monro to attack and fight the Vezir. The Major on receiving the orders, tarried only a few days to provide carriage-oxen, with a sufficient quantity of victuals; and having reviewed his army, and left his sick behind, he marched to Bacsar, will full intention to give the Vezir battle. It was about the middle of the second A. D. 1764 Rebi, of the year one thousand one hundred and seventy-eight of the Prophet’s retreat, (on whom be grace and salute for ever!) About the end of that month he made another review, and having made up a list of those he wanted to carry with him, which he compared with the numbers that followed his army, and the several animals necessary to it, he contented himself with just such a quantity of provisions and carriages, as would suffice him for ten days, and he dismissed the rest. At his departure he was heard to say these very words to some of the gentlemen of the factory of Azim-abad: I do not choose to encumber myself with more; for either within that space of time we shall have beaten and expelled the enmy, and then we shall find victuals enough; or we shall be beaten ourselves, and in part destroyed, and then again we shall have no occasion for more provisions or baggage.

The Major being now on his march, and his resolution being known and public, Mir-veli-ollah, a man born in Azim-abad, but who now commanded for Shudja-ed-döulah in those parts of Bahar, dependent from the Sercar of Shah-abad, dispatched messengers to his master to inform him of the motions of the English. On this intelligence the Vezir sent some Moghul cavalry to skirmish with them, and to impede their march. And as he had heretofore left some large cannon on the banks of the Sohon to oppose the enemy, whilst the latter were encamped over against that river at Calver, he ordered it to be brought back to his camp. It was now the heighth of the rainy season, and the wheels of those unwieldy carriages having sunk in the mud, it became impossible to get them from thence by any means whatever. The Vezir hearing of this, put himself at the head of one thousand Durrani-horse,^\(297\) and going to the spot, he disengaged the guns and brought them to camp; but after this exertion, he sunk again into a circle of entertainments, pleasures, and amusements, without once bestowing a thought upon the necessary quantity of balls, or their quality, or that of the powder; and without consulting any one experienced man about the method of fighting the enemy, he even declined listening to the request of those officers of the artillery, who wanted necessaries for their office. Upon all those subjects he was quite careless and inattentive; spending his time in playing at dice, in observing the flights of his pigeons, looking at the performances of his dance-women, and amusing himself with pastimes of all sorts; and all that, with as much ease and thoughtlessness, as if he had been about his own capital on a party of hunting. He only ordered a wall or intrenchment to be drawn from the little river of Durgáoty to the bank of the Ganga, intending to fight the English from behind that cover. But on the Major’s coming up, and encamping at about three cosses distance from him on a morass that lay betwixt the two armies, he altered his resolution; and abandoning the thoughts of fighting from behind the intrenchment, he resolved to give them battle on the other side of it.

The Moghul horse, together with six or seven thousand men of cavalry and infantry, commanded by Shudjah-c8li-qhan, commonly called Mia-yssa, ranged themselves behind Somro and M8sher-medec. Beni-bahadyr, Deputy Governor of A8d and Ilah-abad, brought his troops out of the intrenchment, and took post on the banks of the Ganga, that is, close to the ruined houses of the town of Bacsar. At his elbow were Somro and M8sher-medec, with eight field-pieces, mounted in the English fashion upon carriages, equally strong and light. They were at the head of eight regiments of Talingas that had been trained and fashioned by Mir-cassem. It was behind these, that Mia-yssa took his post. The Vezir himself coming out of the intrenchment, with a body of troops, ranged them at the right of Mia-yssa and of Beni-bahadyr’s; and the engagement commenced by a cannonade on both sides, which killed and wounded numbers of people from both parties. The Vezir tired with such a slaughter, took his Moghul cavalry and some other choice troops, and charged the English several times; whilst part of his Durrani-Moghuls attacking Major Monro’s cavalry, put it to flight, and falling upon the English camp in the rear, killed and plundered without measure. So that the main of the English line, repeatedly attacked by the Vezir’s cavalry, and exposed to Somro’s and Medec’s incessant fire, fell into disorder, and was in great danger. At this very time the Major observing that the troops posted at the morass, were by that very reason out of the reach of the enemy’s efforts, marched part of them down to attack Beni-bahadyr. These troops were led by officers equally skilful and brave, who marching with a measured pace inclined towards the banks of the Ganga, and arrived close to those ruined houses behind which Beni-bahadyr had posted himself at the head of his troops, and also of another body of cavalry, called the Sheh-zadians^\(298\) of Lucknow, who were commanded by Sheh-gh8lam-cadyr. These had all dismounted from their horses, and were standing behind those ruins with their match-locks in their hands. The English Talingas advancing undiscovered along the main street of the deserted town, were concealed by the ruins; and coming unexpectedly upon Beni-bahadyr’s men, posted at the bottom of those ruined walls, they poured upon them a shower of clods and stones. On this Sheh-gh8lam-cadyr got up with his Sheh-zadians from betwixt the ruins, to oppose the English Talingas; and these being now all assembled by their officers, and ranged in a line, a fire of musquetry ensued between the two troops. But how could the Sheh-zadians and Beni-bahadyr’s people, accustomed to fire dispersed, and at will, stand the regular and violent fire poured upon them by the English Talingas? In one or two discharges, the business of Sheh-gh8lam-cadyr’s and of his men was effectually done. Numbers were made to bite the dust on the spot; and the others being wounded and dispersed, fled in the greatest consternation, and left their post empty. At sight of this Beni-bahadyr, who had close to him a friend of his, named Ghalub-qhan, an Hindostany of valuable character and of much personal prowess, asked him what he thought was to be done? If you choose to acquire honour only, answered the other, we must lay down our lives here; and if you love only your life, we must get from hence directly. Beni-bahadyr having answered, that he wanted honour only, the other replied, let us dismount then; and immediately alighting himself, he also ordered his son, Vedge-eddin-qhan to alight likewise. By this time the English Talingas drawing near, were getting ready to pour a volley. At sight of this Beni-bahadyr, having preferred life to honour, turned about and fled with all his might. The young man on seeing this, went to acquaint his father, who on observing the flight of Beni-bahadyr’s and of all that great body of troops, mounted again, and ran after his master.

Whilst Beni-bahadyr was flying, his friends thought he had gained an advantage. Mia-yssa who mistook the volleys of musquetry between the English Talingas and the Sheh-zadians of Sheh-gh8lam-cadyr’s, for a severe engagement, misapprehended Beni-bahadyr’s retreat for a second attack; and being jealous of a success which might reflect a dishonour upon his own inaction, he quitted his post from behind Somro and M8shur-medec, and ran forward He had before a morass full of mire and water, which rendered his passage the more difficult and dangerous, as the morass was lined in front by a body of English infantry, that looked very much like a wall vomiting fire and flames. Hence of six or seven thousand men that were under his command, only a small number chose to follow him; and these by thus passing before Somro and M8sher-medec, who made a continual fire of musquetry and cannon against the English line, put an end to that hail of balls that incommoded so much the enemy; and by thus obstructing the fire made by friends, he by his position between the two lines, became exposed to a hot and expeditious fire, which the English incessantly poured upon him, and which proved as destructive as that at Beni-bahadyr’s double dealing reprimanded by Shytab-ráy. the Day of Judgment. Nevertheless after having passed through that shower of balls, he with infinite trouble, but with a small number of men, emerged at last out of the mire and water; and it was only to see himself and his people aimed at like so many marks. So that he fell fruitlessly and ingloriously, and his indignant soul took its flight towards eternity. Those of his men that could effect their escape from that scene of slaughter and wounds, overthrew in their flight such troops as yet stood their ground, and by their example carried them away. By this time the English Talingas after having put Beni-bahadyr to flight, had got over the intrenchment; and breaking immediately into the Vezir’s camp with repeated discharges of musquetry, they threw the whole into so much consternation, that not a man in that immense multitude found courage enough to tarry awhile, and to load up, and carry away his baggage or property. They all fled, every one providing for himself, as his mind prompted; for by this time, the whole army had been defeated so completely, that no one thought of standing his ground. But no sooner was this general discomfiture observed by the ungrateful Moghuls and Durranies, than quitting the Vezir’s person, they turned about upon their own troops and friends, and commenced plundering and stripping at such a rate, that a by-stander would have taken them for so many enemies. The Vezir was yet in camp; and although fully sensible that fate had given the victory to his enemies, he remained a full hour behind, to look at the amazing revolution which was taking place; nor did he quit the field, but when he saw those about his person shrunk to a small number; at which time he followed the run-aways, and left his camp standing. Every thing belonging to him or to his officers, such as tents, furniture, and other property, fell a prey to the victors. Numerous shops of bankers, full of silver and gold coin, and numerous tents of merchants, replete with Kimqhabs^\(299\) and other precious stuffs, were rifled in an instant. The sutlers and markets underwent the same fate. The artillery, great and small, was taken possession of. So that the English troops with all their followers made an immense booty. But whilst these strangers were busy in enriching themselves at the enemy’s expense, the Vezir’s troops were busy in plundering each other, and that too with so much earnestness, that whatever fell in any one’s hand, was reputed fair prize. God only knows the wealth which must have existed in that army; and I acknowledge that it would be vain in me to attempt giving so much as an idea of it. But I can say with certainty, however, that there were immense riches in that camp; and such indeed as might have vied with the very capital of Hindostan in that regard, when the latter was the repository of all the wealth of India. Whilst this scene of sack and plunder was going on one side, vast numbers of people on the other were endeavouring to cross the Durgáoty, a little deep muddy river, that flowed behind the camp; but they stuck in vast numbers in the mire and mud, or lost their lives by the volleys which the Talingas were endlessly pouring on the flying enemy.

By an event singular enough, it happened that the very day before the engagement, Shudjah-ed-döulah had thought proper to set Mir-cassem at liberty, although he gave him no better carriage than an elephant which proved lame. By another even, full as singular, and one of those which cannot be accounted for but by admitting the interference of a particular Providence, that very animal enabled the prisoner to get out of that scene of confusion and slaughter, and to save his life from more than one sort of imminent danger. Doubtless he was predestinated to a longer life; else, in that scene of terror and consternation, which parted the son from the father, and the brother from the brother, who would have thought of an unfortunate being, kept this longwhile in confinement, and deprived of all intercourse with mankind? Let us adore the secret workings of that watchful Providence, Providential escape of Mir-cassem’s. which on the very eve of such a scene of danger and confusion, put it into an enemy’s heart to provide a carriage for his prisoner.

This release had been announced to Aaly-hibrahim-qhan in the evening; and at midnight he had sent secretly to inform him that he had ready at his service a bag of a thousand rupees, and an excellent horse, which would carry him anywhere he pleased; adding, that if he made but a sign of the head, both would be sent him immediately. The messenger professed that the only reason why this had not been done already, was out of fear least the Vezir coming to hear of it, should become again as severe as ever. Such a tender in such a conjuncture could not but prove highly acceptable to Mir-cassem’s afflicted mind. He bestowed on the Qhan all the encomiums he deserved for having remembered of past obligations, and proved grateful at so critical a moment of total dereliction; but he answered, that at present he did not think it proper to accept of his offer, as they had promised to bring him a carriage. But that if they should fail, then he would by all means avail himself of his generous offer. And really a little before day-break, they brought him a female elephant that limped; and it was upon such a carriage that Mir-cassem made his escape with the runaways, and saved his life.

A few days before the engagement, Aaly-hibrahim-qhan had had the precaution to send his heavy baggage under the charge of his brother, Aaly-cassem-qhan, to the Emperor’s encampment, which was on the other side of the Durgáoty, the little river that parted it from the Vezir’s camp, and upon which they had formed with some boats a bridge of communication. By such a precaution he had remained quite light and disincumbered. So that in the general deroute, he advanced expeditiously to the bridge; but finding it so thronged, and the runaways pouring in immense shoals, so as to bar all passage, he became extremely uneasy. Moreover the bridge had broke down; the danger increased fast; and the English Talingas were preparing to fire. No time was to be lost. He put spurs to his horse, ran a little higher up the banks of the river, and throwing himself in the water with his horse, he swam over to the opposite side. Being arrived on the other side, where a number of people had stopped awhile both to take some refreshment, and to wait for such of their friends as were yet on the other side of the water, he observed a body of English advancing with a field-piece, loaded with small ball called Churras, which they fired; whilst a body of their Talingas were making discharges of musketry. The cannon swept both sides of the river; nor is it possible to describe the terror and confusion that seized the runaways. They poured upon each other’s shoulders in the miry shores of that very muddy river, and sticking in the mud, they perished in shoals.^\(300\) Others having found means with infinite trouble to get over, fled in the most dismal condition, every one taking to what road chanced to be before him. Most of these were set upon by the peasants who stripped them to the skin. Others having found means to join the runaways, that had preceded, returned graces to Heaven, as if they had returned from the very gates of death. The Vezir having passed the river, and got all his family together, took the road which leads to Ilah-abad; but Mir-cassem upon his limping carriage, made a shift to get as far as six or seven cosses beyond Banaress. As to Beni-bahadyr, he tarried upon the banks of the Ganga, by the Vezir’s order, with intention to bring away the Emperor, who was encamped over against that city; and Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, sick, as he was, found means, with no more than a dozen of followers, to advance close to Beni-bahadyr’s encampment, where he intended to take some rest, and to inquire after his brother, with whom he wished to encamp. A servant of Ghalub-qhan having descried that nobleman by chance, went and gave notice of it to his master, who was a great friend of his, and then in Beni-bahadyr’s retinue. Ghalub-qhan no sooner heard the intelligence, than he expressed his satisfaction, and getting up directly, he requested leave of Beni-bahadyr to meet his friend. The Radja on observing Ghalub-qhan’s eagerness, asked him what kind of a man was his friend, that he seemed so eager to see him. The other having answered by a short eulogium of Hibrahim-qhan, added that if ever he commenced an acquaintance with him, he might then get some knowledge of his merit. The Minister who had often been present at that nobleman’s valuable conversation with the Vezir, conceived a desire of attaching him to his own person, and he asked Ghalub-qhan whether he could bring his friend to him? The latter undertook the business, and prevailed upon his friend to wait upon the Minister, just in the undress in which he was. The Radja happy to reckon so valuable a man amongst his friends, requested his friendship, proffered his own, and desired to reckon himself henceforward amongst those of his family. This proposal could not but please Hibrahim-qhan, who thought that in a time of so much confusion, the very tarrying some days with that Minister, would prove of some advantage to himself. After this acquisition, the Radja received orders from the Vezir to bring up the Emperor, and he was urging the propriety of marching forward. But that Prince, who in his heart was dissatisfied with the Vezir, and had resolved to part with Beni-bahadyr, thought proper to temporise under a variety of pretences, having sometime before conceived the design of joining the English. For that nation had already made overtures, on that subject, and rendered him desirous of joining them, as well as intent on availing himself of their assistance; and on the other hand, they expected that the Vezir, informed of their being forbidden by the Company to make any new conquests in India, would of himself come to terms of peace and friendship with them. They had therefore thoughts of meeting Beni-bahadyr, whom they knew to be the Vezir’s confidant, and Mir-cassem’s enemy. But as Beni-bahadyr had then discovered the Emperor’s defection, and his backwardness from marching farther, he continued his own journey with his own troops, and crossed the Ganga.

As soon as the Minister was seen on the other side of that river, the Emperor, who was thereby left at liberty, sent for the English; who finding so fair a pretence for advancing their own affairs, doubled their pace, and joined him in a few hours. They paid their respects to him, crossed the Ganga with him, and from thence invited Beni-bahadyr to a conference. The Minister who wanted to attach Aaly-hibrahim-qhan to his person, and who had a high opinion of his genius, applied to him for advice; and having perpended his counsel, he from that time admitted him to all his secrets, and associated him to the negotiation; for he became at last convinced that his meeting the English would redound to his master’s advantage; and with that view he proceeded to their camp. The English shewed a willingness to come to terms with the Vezir, if he would but deliver in their hands Mir-cassem, and Somro. The Minister who was upon bad terms with the fugitive Prince, and saw his own advantage and that of his country and master in this proposal, answered in a respectful manner, “That Somro being master of a good body of troops, and such as had not broke their ranks in the last defeat, but had retreated in good order, the seizing that man’s person would not be free from danger. But that Mir-cassem might be arrested; and if the Vezir should approve of it, his own endeavours would not be wanting in that business.” The conference ended here; and Beni-bahadyr having heard the proposals of the English, took his leave, and returned to his own camp, where he disclosed the whole negotiation to his confidants, amongst whom was Aaly-hibrahim-qhan. The latter thought it incumbent upon his gratitude and upon those ancient ties of friendship, that bound him to Mir-cassem, to send him immediate notice of the matter in agitation; and this fugitive, who was encamped only at a few cosses distance, no sooner heard the intelligence, than he fled to Ilah-abad, with a swiftness and a rapidity that could be compared to nothing but the wind or to the lightning; and having there managed in such a manner as to get possession of his family and women, which had been plundered by the Vezir’s people, and confined in that castle, he marched on without stopping as far as Bérheily, which is the principal city of that colony of Afghans, who call themselves Rohillas; and there only he commenced to take some test. There likewise we shall leave him, until we come to close his history; and this shall take place when we come to give an account of the revolutions that have happened at the capital of the Empire.

But by this time the defeat of Bacsar had made a total revolution in Shadjah-ed-döula’s mind. That presumptuous man, who had never had an idea of such a reverse of fortune, finding now so total an alteration in his affairs, concluded that he had no other resource left, but that of abandoning his own dominions, and flying for shelter to a stranger’s country. He therefore sent some of his relations to Fáiz-abad^\(301\) and to Lucknow, with orders to take away his family and treasures, and to carry them into the country of a Rohilla Prince, called Haafyz-rahmet, with whom he had some connections; as Ynaïet-qhan, the latter’s son, had become his companion of arms in his campaign about Azim-abad. His orders were to keep them in Bérheily, which is the greatest city of those parts, as being a place which surpassed Pylybeet and all the other towns of that country both in the salubrity of its air, and the goodness of its water. Meanwhile he repaired in all speed to Ila-abad, and having taken from thence his mother and consort, he left Aaly-beg-qhan in the citadel, and proceeded to the country of the Afghans, where leaving his family, furniture, and the whole of his effects and treasures in Bérheily, he sent Sidy-bashir, a trusty Habeshinian of his, to command in the fortress of Chennar, with a proper garrison, and every necessary requisite for the defence of that place. Beni-bahadyr arrived at this time; but his advice for making peace with the English, was rejected by the Vezir, who thought it derogatory to his dignity, and dishonourable to his name, family, and pedigree; and on the other hand, he reckoned upon powerful succours both from the Afghan Princes, and from the Marhatta General, Malhar-ráo. He therefore dispatched Beni-bahadyr to Lucknow, with secret instructions to keep fair with the English, and under this mask, to maintain his government in that province; whilst himself should proceed with all speed to the country of Ahmed-qhan-bangash, notwithstanding the cordial aversion he had for that Prince. Nor was this aversion of a modern date, as we already touched on the causes and progresses of sentiments in that part of our history which relates to Shah-djehan-abad, and to the neighbouring provinces. On his arrival there he had a meeting with Haafyz-rahmet, with Ahmed-bangash, and with some other Afghan Princes, as well as with the famous Mir-sheabeddin-qhan, better known under the title of Umad-el-mulk, who chanced to be there likewise. The Vezir threw amongst them the dice of consultation, and requested both advice and assistance. Every one of them promised succours, but nevertheless all advised him to call to his service the Mahratta Malhar-ráo, who was a Prince of Decan, and an old General, who had once commanded-in-chief in Badji-ráo’s army. This General was then Mucasdar or feudatory Prince^\(302\) of the province of Shah-djehan-abad, and went simply by the title of the Soobada?? or Viceroy. He lived retired in the country about Calpy and Goalyar; but as he had once lost all his baggage and fortune in that bloody defeat, which Ahmed-shah, the Abdalli-monarch, had given the Marhatta nation, he did not cut any great figure. Shudjah-ed-döulah sent some of his trusty servants in that country, who prevailed upon that General to come over with his troops to their master’s assistance, in whose name they promised a great sum of money, in case victory should favour his party. The man, who since the loss he had suffered, had become exceedingly covetous, greedily accepted the proposal, and soon came over with his troops to Shudjah-ed-döulah’s camp. As to the Afghans, all the instances made to engage them to come to that Prince’s assistance, in compliance with their own promises, proved useless; and they went on with a multitude of pretences, and far fetched excuses, put him off with procrastination, and with promises of to-day and to-morrow, and at last did not move a foot.

Meanwhile Beni-bahadyr, who was now arrived at Lucknow, gave notice of his master’s intentions. “Shudjah-ed-döulah,” said he, “cannot be brought to consent to a peace with the English on the conditions tendered by them. He is resolved to try another battle. As to Mir-cassem, he has escaped from his hands; nor is Somro to be laid hold of, unless by some artifice; but at any rate, my master thinks that at such a time as this measures of such a nature are very improper for him. With respect to me in particular, as I augur nothing good from his affairs, I am desirous and willing to meet the English half way, and to join their cause.” Now it must be observed, that although Shytab-ráy was unquestionably a very trusty servant of that nation, he was also much attached to Beni-bahadyr, in whose house he had found so honourable an asylum, with so many favours and so many benefits, when he fled some years before from Mir-cassem’s Singular speech of Ahmed-qhan-bangash’s to Shudjah-ed-döulah. resentment. He therefore wished to shew the high sense he retained of so many benefits; and thought himself happy in having an opportunity of serving his benefactor. This negotiation was just set on foot, when Major Monro, after defeating the Vezir, and pursuing him as far as Banares, thought proper, for reasons of his own, to go back to Calcutta, and to leave the command to Major Fooleecher (Robert Fletcher); and this too having been found fault with, and been dismissed from the command of the army, it devolved of course on Major Carnac, an officer who had once been in the Company’s service, and had commanded an army; but had lately been promoted to the rank of supreme Commander, which in their language is called a Brigadier-General. As this officer had a deal of friendship for Shytab-ráy, the latter embraced the opportunity of imparting to him the proposals made by Beni-bahadyr; and this General who esteemed the Minister’s arrival a great advance towards a peace, availed himself of the envoy’s presence, to invite the master, expressing his desire at the same time in a polite letter fraught with expressions of high regard. Upon such an invitation, Beni-bahadyr came, and met the General; but his intention was only to keep fair with both parties. The General proposed to that Minister to bring over his whole family to Lucknow, and in particular to send his consort to Banares or Azim-abad, in which case he would be satisfied with his sincerity, and would leave the whole business and all the contributions of the two provinces of A8d and Ilah-abad to his own management. But as this proposal did not suit Beni-bahadyr, he declined it upon a variety of plausible pretences, and he kept the matter in suspense; until hearing that Shudajh-ed-döulah had taken Malhar-ráo in his service, and was preparing to fight the English, he went to a Fakyr for whom he had a high regard, and asked him what resolution he advised him to take. The Fakyr answered, “That the coming of the English was like a squall, which had brought on much blowing indeed, but which would soon be over and gone.” This answer to which the Minister paid an implicit belief, having made him conceive that victory might yet declare for his master, he resolved to continue firm in his attachment to him.

But the intelligence that had so much rejoiced Beni-bahadyr’s heart, had raised alarms in the mind of Shytab-ráy, who was his mediator with the English, and who no sooner heard of the junction of Malhar-ráo’s with Shudjah-ed-döulah, than he wrote to Beni-bahadyr, in strong terms: “If you intend to remain with Shudjah-ed-döulah, said he, speak out and act openly, that I may get you dismissed by the English, after having informed them of your inclination. But if you think it better to attach yourself to us, let me recommend to you much firmness and steadiness in your conduct. For after all, why should we proceed in a negotiation that may bring a reflection upon me, and a reproach of faithlessness upon you? Or why should you bring me into an imminent danger, and expose your own character to endless shame and reproaches?” This remonstrance produced no effect; and Beni-bahadyr, who thought it prudent to conceal his mind, kept his secret even from Shytab-ráy, and left the rest to opportunity and time. But meanwhile, under pretence of putting in order some districts farthest from the English army, he got himself accompanied by some companies of their Talingas; and having proceeded with these as far as Lucknow, he carried from thence his consort and family, and took to the road that led to Shudjah-ed-döulah’s camp; his intention being to effect a junction with him at any rate. The English Talingas wanted to prevent his flight; but as they were in so small a number, they were intimidated by Beni-bahadyr’s numerous troops and threats, and let him escape.

All these motions could not be known to Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, who having fallen sick, had been left by Beni-bahadyr in the castle of Partab-gur; where having been kept in the dark as to that Minister’s real intentions, he was much nettled when he heard of his final departure, as such an event bereft him of all support, and left him to himself. Luckily that the consort of the Radja of that country, in her husband’s absence who had been persuaded by Beni-bahadyr to attend Shudjah-ed-döulah, thought proper to use the Qhan with a deal of kindness, and did every thing in her power to accommodate him with lodgings and with many conveniencies, which the country did not afford. By her means the Qhan procured every necessary for his voyage, and departed for Ilah-abad.

The intelligence of Beni-bahadyr’s escape shocked the English, and surprised the General; who nevertheless had so much regard for the sincere attachment which Shytab-ráy had for him, that he forbore saying any thing of the matter; but this did not satisfy Shytab-ráy, who anxious for his own character, thought proper on the first news of Beni-bahadyr’s defection, to wait upon the General and to supplicate him in these terms. “Sir, I was Beni-bahadyr’s security for the performance of his agreement; and now he has acted in such a manner, as confounds all the world. Should you be called to an account for this affair by the Council of Calcutta, please to send me thither, as I am the only culprit to this affair, and not you.” This short address had its effect. The General and the other English Commanders sensible of Shytab-ráy’s fidelity, and pleased with the sincerity and frankness of his behaviour, did everything in their power to make him easy. Nothing was thought of now, but war; and Shudjah-ed-döulah having on his side effected a junction with the Marhatta Malhar-ráo, was preparing The English disappointed in their negotiaton, think only of pushing the war. to fight the English. These had made an acquisition some time before this. It was that of the Radja Balvent, Zemindar of Banares, whom they brought over to their party; and this was effected by Shytab-ráy’s mediation, and by the management of Noor-el-hassen-qhan the Belgramite, a servant of Shudjah-ed-döulah’s, but a friend of Beni-bahadyr’s, and who now was in the office of Sazavul at Banares, that is, of enforcer of payment. And it was by Belvent’s advice that the English resolved to besiege Chennar-gur, a fortress famous for strength and security, as being seated at ten cosses south of that city, upon the top of a rock that commands thither both sides of the Ganga. A number of troops were sent under the command of a Major, who had with him several Captains, with many Lieutenants, ensigns and Sergeants, and some battering^\(303\) cannon. The They besiege Chennar-gur. Major having assembled his troops and necessaries, marched to the fortress, and surrounded it. But first of all he produced an Imperial order, in hopes that the garrison would submit on the intimation of the Imperial threats. However, as soon as he saw that these did not make any effect, he brought his cannon forward, battered the walls, and pushed the siege with vigour. The Governor of the place, Mahmed-beshir-qhan, a principal Lord of the Vezir’s Court, was in his heart ill affected and wavering. Nevertheless the garrison, which had resolved to stand a siege, stretched out the feet of firmness, and attached themselves to the defence of the place. But as their Governor seemed dissatisfied, they contrived to get him out of the walls in the manner he wished, and to have him conducted to the road that led to Shudjah-ed-döulah’s camp; after this, they made a brave defence; but yet there remained but a few days respite to the fortress. For part of the wall having been ruined and beaten down by the violence of the cannon, the English in a dark night, prepared a number of proper troops, and gave an assault to the place. They climbed the rock, and were encouraging each The English repulsed at an assault. other to descend into the fort by the ruins, and the scattered loose stones of the breach; when they were overheard by some of the garrison, who being put upon their guard, waked their companions so expeditiously, that the garrison was up in a moment, and ready at the breach; from whence they made such continual discharges of musketry, as disabled most of the assaulters. The latter being confounded both by the darkness of the night, and by the slipperiness of the loose stones, fell down in shoals; and rolling from the top of the breach quite down the brow of the rock, they carried along a number of others that had yet a firm footing; and these too rolling down in heaps amidst a quantity of loose stones and rubbish, numbers of men were wounded and maimed, in this attempt. The Major himself was in that condition. He was wounded by a ball, and had fallen speechless and senseless. His men being discouraged, fell back, and retreated; nor was it but after somewhile, that they thought of their Commander, who was then sought out, and found under a stone. With much precaution and silence they brought him down from thence; but he was already senseless; and in a little time, he departed this fragile world. The General hearing of Raise the siege and march on the enemy. this miscarriage, thought proper to recall his troops, as he had certain intelligence, that Shudjah-ed-döulah was advancing; and after having effected his junction with them, he marched on in quest of the enemy.

It was at this time that Mirza-nedjef-qhan, whom we have mentioned already as a man dissatisfied, just arrived from the Bundel-cand, and took party with the English, whom he joined with his Moghuls. And it was at this time also that the English Commanders sent some troops under Major Ustubert (Stibbert), to Lucnow, with orders to take possession of that city, and to gain a knowledge of the province of A8d, as well as of the adjacent parts. This officer appointed Mahmed-acber qhan to the Cutvaaly of that city, on the recommendation of Shytab-ráy. After this arrangement, the General, with his whole army marched to Ilah-abad, with Shytab-ráy and Nedjef-qhan, resolved to besiege its citadel. Nedjef-qhan, who knew the strong and weak parts of the fortress, as having long resided in it, pointed to a part where the wall had no rampart behind; and this being soon brought down by the battering cannon, which had been seized in plundering the Vezir’s camp, Aaly-beg-qhan, the Governor, soon found that he had but little time left; and he offered to surrender on Shytab-ráy’s promising that the honour and properties of the garrison should remain untouched, excepting only whatever should prove to belong to the Vezir himself. And he assured the besieged, that they would come to no harm, whether they attached themselves to the English, or not. These conditions The fortress of Ila-abad surrenders to the English. having been agreed to, he brought them out of the citadel; and the place was immediately taken possession of by the English. Aaly-beg-qhan, with his garrison, and other servants of Shudjah-ed-döulah’s, received a safe conduct, with which he repaired to his master.

After this conquest, Radja Shytab-ráy was proposed to regulate the contributions and government of the two provinces, with Radja Belvent’s assistance, especially of that of A8d. And as it was necessary to send rulers in the most distant districts, or even in all, it became expedient to support them by taking in the English service most of the Commanders that had once served in Mir-cassem’s troops; for instance, Mir-roshen-aaly-qhan, Sheh-ferhat-aaly with his body of troops, and Sheh-savar-beg, the same that had slayed Mr. Amyatt; and these were stationed everywhere for the management of the whole country. After these reglements had taken place, the General hearing of the Vezir’s approach, advanced with Shytab-ráy and Mirza-nedjef-qhan to give him battle; for he had already eased his mind by stationing rulers and tax-gatherers in the most convenient places, where they were properly supported by the new raised troops: a business in which he was ably assisted by Shytab-ráy, a man who had not his equal in the art of settling and regulating the new provinces; indeed he rendered eminent The whole of Shudjah-ed-döulah’s
dominions submit to the English. services in undermining a dominion that had been established almost these fifty years, and in oversetting a sovereignty, that had become hereditary in Shudjah-ed-döulah’s family, so earely as the times of Burhan-el-mulk-saadet-qhan, his maternal grandfather. But every part of the new conquests was not thoroughly pacified; for to keep down some ungrateful servants, and to carry a tight hand over some restless Zemindars, and especially over Radja Belvent-sing, proved a business of much labour and difficulty.

We have left the Vezir occupied in effecting a junction with Malhar-ráo, the famous Marhatta General. As soon as he had Shudjah-ed-döulah joined by Malhar-ráo, marches against the English. eased his mind on that head, he advanced to attack the English, although the Afghans who had promised assistance on the Marhatta’s effecting his junction, contented themselves with spreading a report of their marching; but did not advance one step. He was only joined by Umad-el-mulk, who came to camp with a small number of men, but who in fact proved only a mere spectator; for he was a man equally incapable of thinking of a scheme, or of doing any execution. But he was not alone in that case. Not one man in that army had a head to plan, or a hand to execute, any thing; nor did any one think of wiping from one another’s face that air of consternation, which their defeat had stamped thereon. For as soon as the two armies came to an action in the plains of Corra, and they had some skirmishes together, the Marhatta Malhar-ráo who had never been exposed to the fire and violence of cannon, was at once confounded, and appalled by such a storm of fire; and after having galloped up and down, like one desirous to do something, he put spurs to his horse, and continued his gallop without once turning about to look behind; he galloped on until he found himself in the country of Goaliar which was the centre of his government. As for And is worsted after a few slight skirmishes. Shudjah-ed-döulah himself, he became now fully sensible of the faithlessness of his people, and of the general discouragement that had spread amongst them; and as he did not spy the face of success in the glass of hope, he retreated from the field of battle. It is observable that whilst the English were moving from Ilah-abad in order to attack the Vezir’s army, they had been surrounded by bodies of Marhatta cavalry, who faithful to their own wonted custom, encircled them at one time, and gave them some inquietude, by scouring and plundering the whole country round them. At another time they had very nearly seized Shytab-ráy, who with a handful of men, chanced to be hemmed in by them; he was very near being killed. But the man, without being dismayed by the extreme inferiority of his numbers, encouraged bravely his people, and having brandished his spear in the field of braves, he maintained his honour, until he was rescued from imminent danger by some English troops that hastened to his assistance. The truth is, that this man was endowed with many valuable qualities; and it may be said, that at this particular period of time, he seemed superior in merit to all the eminent men of Hindostan. But we hope soon, if it pleases God, to give an account of most of his good qualities; and this shall be, when we come to give a detail of his way of life, of his system of government in the province of Azim-abad, and of his style of command.

As to Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, who at the desire of Beni-bahadyr’s had left Ilah-abad in order to join him in the Vezir’s army; that nobleman no sooner heard of this second defeat, than he came back, and remained secretly in that city for a length of time; until the Vezir had made his peace with the English, and the troubles of the country had subsided; then only that worthy good man, that pattern of fidelity and righteousness, thought proper to quit that corner of silence and obscurity, in order to repair to M8rsh8d-abad But we shall in time make further mention of him, if it pleases God, whenever we come to speak of Mahmed-reza-qhan; for at present our business is with Shudjah-ed-döulah.

That Prince after his second defeat, repaired to Feroh-abad, where he complained bitterly of the defection and general inattention of the Afghan nation. On this accusation, every one of their rulers brought forth some excuse, and covered himself with some pretence. Every one had a word for himself; but as it was not from the heart, it made no impression upon the Vezir. However Ahmed-qhan-bangash, son to the famous Mohammed-qhan-ghazem-fer-djung, acted with more sincerity and candour. It is true he hated heartily Shudjah-ed-döulah, but he was too noble-minded to conceal his opinion, and had too much frankness to keep a veil upon the real state of things. “You,” said he, “that expect to obtain victory with the assistance of these Afghans, and some other strangers, are much mistaken in your reckoning. I give you notice that not one of them will prove of any use to you; nor will that expectation of yours produce any thing, but a further opportunity of spending amongst your enemies, as well as amongst your own troops, some handfuls more of that little money that may remain to you from your former treasures. For rest assured that after all, you shall remain still in the state in which you are to-day; nor will these very by-standers, that now hear us, answer any purpose at all, but that of standing mere spectators of victory, and of making it a subject of mirth and sport amongst themselves. As to my own part, I have nothing at your service, but my advice; and it is this: either come direcly to a new battle, or submit to a peace. Content yourself then with the troops on whose attachment you can depend; and without waiting vainly for any one’s assistance, do rush impetuously upon your enemy, and lay your account with obtaining the victory, or perishing in the attempt; and then, if you survive that action, you shall be found to have been playing at dice with your own honour and life; or else, if you find such a business difficult, and your heart bids nothing for it, then without any one’s mediation, get up, and go alone, and only with your person, to the English camp. Nor do think ill of such a step. From what I see and hear of those strangers, they seem always to act according to the dictates of generosity and sound sense; nor is it probable that they shall throw the dice of treachery with you, or bring you into any disgrace or danger; on the contrary, I shall be egregiously mistaken, if out of regard to your name, and out of respect to the renown of your family, they shall not set open the door of friendship, and shew you so much regard and consideration, as shall not fail to satisfy you intirely.”

Whilst these events were taking place at Feroh-abad, the King and the English Commanders were making another effort The garrison of Chennar-gur surrenders to the English. upon the minds of to the garrison of Chennar. They remonstrated to them how little they could rely on Shudjah-ed-döulah’s successes or victories, and how improvided they were against a siege; and at last they prevailed upon them to surrender the fortress; when part of them took service with the victors, and part went to Shudjah-ed-döulah, their master. But this new reverse having greatly affected that Prince, who by this time had fully perpended the Rohillah Prince’s advice, he thought it both advantageous, and honourable to take such a step. With a small number of his favourites, he got into his paleky, and took to the road that led to the English army having with him no more than a dozen of horsemen; and he was already at hand, when intelligence was brought to the General, that the Vezir of Hindostan was approaching in that manner. That Commander stood amazed, and at first was at a loss how to distinguish truth from falsehood; but the matter having been ascertained beyond Shudjah-ed-döulah, without any safe conduct, goes almost alone to the English camp, where he is received in a respectful manner. doubt, he sent forward Radjah Shytab-ráy, and himself followed on foot in a respectful manner with all his officers. The Vezir on seeing the General advancing on foot, alighted from his paleky, and embraced him; and he then received the several Nezers, which he as well as all his officers presented. The General continued on foot all this while with them, and in that manner they surrounded the Vezir in his paleky, and conducted him to a tent, that had been provided for the purpose, and where he was desired to alight. There the General saw him partake of an entertainment^\(304\) prepared for the occasion; and he continued to treat him with so endearing an attention, that he seemed he had made it a point never to abate any thing either in himself or in his officers from the utmost respect shewn at first; the whole of his behaviour being one continual scene of civility and deference. Shudjah-ed-döulah after having partaken of the entertainment, went to take a nap; and after some rest, he got up perfectly satisfied, and returned to a spot two or three cosses distant, where he had pitched his own tents, and where his retinue, which did not amount to above four hundred men in all, was waiting for him. There he remained three or four days, in which time he made use of Shytab-ráy’s mediation to conclude a peace with the English. And now being satisfied and easy in his mind, he availed himself of the modest looks of the English, to send for his whole retinue, and to keep it about his person; having so far divested himself of all suspicions, as not only to interchange messages and messengers very often with the General, but even to be desirous of his company. Insomuch that it became common to see those two eminent adversaries often in each other’s lodgings, without any ceremony at all. Shytab-ráy, during this intercourse, was advancing in his negotiation, where he was aiming at the mutual satisfaction of both parties. But such was his gratitude for the kindness shewn him by the Vezir, when once he had found it necessary to seek an asylum in his Shudjah-ed-döulah concludes a peace with the English. Minister’s house, that he evidently inclined to Shudjah-ed-döulah’s side; and it was perceived that he was endeavouring to oblige him and to promote his interest to the utmost of his wishes: a conduct which acquired him the esteem and applause of both friends and foes. The negotiation having taken up but a few days, peace was concluded under the following conditions: “That to discharge the expenses of the war, Shudjah-ed-döulah would pay fifty lacks of rupees to the English in the following manner: Twenty-five lacs contant, and twenty-five lacs by assignments upon the future revenues of his country; under condition, however, that any contributions which the English might have already raised in them, should be deemed parts of the assigned sums. That the province of Ilah-abad should be set apart for the sole use of the Emperor; and that the city and fortress of that name should be assigned for his residence It was stipulated likewise that Nedjef-qhan, who had attached himself to the Emperor and to the English, should have a yearly pension of one lac, to be deducted out of the Imperial revenue due by Bengal. That a body of English troops should remain at Ilah-abad to guard the Emperor’s person; and that an Englishman on the part of the English nation, should reside at Shudjah-ed-döulah’s Court, in the quality of Vekil or Agent, and Mian-dji or go-between, but without power to meddle with that Prince’s affairs. That after the conclusion of this treaty, the friends and enemies of one party should be deemed the friends and enemies of the other; and of course, that if an enemy should declare against one party, the other should be bound to give him assistance; but under condition, that whoever of the two contractants called for troops to his assistance from the other party, should pay their charges to their owner. To all these articles was added another; and it was this: That the Radja Belvant-sing, Zemindar of Banares, who by his siding with the Emperor and with the English, had been found fault with by Shudjah-ed-döulah, should be pardoned and forgiven; but under condition of his remaining subject to Shudjah-ed-döulah, although without ceasing to be under the protection of the English.” The above articles having been set to writing by both sides, and ascertained by their signatures and seals, as well as by those of their principal officers, they were confirmed and exchanged; and there remained now to Shudjah-ed-döulah not one reason for staying, save that of paying quickly the money promised.

That article now engrossed all his thoughts; and he proposed to every one of his favourites and servants to assist him with a certain sum of money, according to their respective abilities. In this design he wrote to his mother, to his consort, to the brothers Shudjah-ed-döulah applies to every one of his relations for some money, and is refused by even his own mother. of that consort, and to every one of his relations and friends, requesting their assistance, and informing them that his release from his present engagements depended intirely upon the reception and payment of the stipulated money. This was the message he sent in general; but the letters themselves were couched in such terms, as gave some intimation of the particular sum which he hoped from every one; and in reality, it was no more than what every one of them could spare with a deal of ease. But if this was his expectation, he found himself much mistaken. His very best servants proved much fonder of their money, than of their master’s concerns; and every one listening only to the dictates of avarice, proffered only one-half, or one-third, or one-fourth of what was so reasonably expected; nor were the many letters received on that occasion, penned in any other strain, whether from his mother, from his brother-in-law, or from his slaves: those men that had made their fortunes in his house, and were most indebted to him for their well-being. But this was not the case with his consort. That Princess, not only sent him without hesitation whatever money or jewels, gold or silver furniture were in her possession, but she added to that offering whatever else she could obtain from the ladies of the Seraglio, without sparing the very ring of her nose with its pearls.^\(305\) Not that she was not strongly dissuaded by her people from so much self-denial, but she would answer their remonstrances by these very words: “That whatever she was possessed of, was of use to her only so long as Shudjah-ed-döulah was safe; and that if he should cease to be so, all those jewels and all those precious things would also cease to be of use to herself; nor did she wish to use them on any other condition.” It was only a woman that spoke so; but her sentiments would have done honour to any man upon earth. And may so much generosity, and so much gratitude; may so respectful a remembrance of society, of table, and bed be ever rewarded with the blessing of Heaven! Doubtless it is of such noble-minded woman, that the poet thought, when he said:

Shudjah-ed-döulah after such an experiment of his consort’s attachment, conceived so high an opinion of her fidelity, that he made it a practice to commit to her care whatever money came to his hand in presents, or could be spared from necessary expenses.

In short, the Vezir after having paid down such a sum as was in his power, ballanced his account with the English Commanders, by pawning in their hands an immense sum in jewels of high value, which were valued apart one by one; a delicate business in which he was much assisted by Shytab-ráy. After this he sent for his consort and family from Hafyz-rahmet’s country; and having given the fortress of Chennar in exchange for that of Ilah-abad, which had been assigned for the Emperor’s residence, and placed with that Prince a person of consequence to execute in his absence the office of Vezir, and another to perform the duty of Mir-ateshy^\(306\) (which two offices were hereditary in his family), he departed, and took the shortest road to Faiz-abad, a city that had been finished by himself, but commenced by his maternal ancestor, Saadet-qhan. And although he travelled with expedition, nevertheless he availed himself of his journey throughout that whole tract to put the country under a proper management; and there we shall leave him, until we resume his history by bringing it as far down as the reign of our present Emperor, Shah-aalem; then with God’s blessing, we shall close our narrative of Mir-cassem’s adventures, in the cursory account which we are to give of the Emperors, Sovereigns, and eminent men who have appeared in Hindostan within that period. These matters we reserve for our subsequent volume; and this shall be over and above what we shall have to say of Bengal and Bahar, and of the boundaries which the new conquerors have given to those two provinces. At present our intention is to restrain ourselves to such events only as concern more particularly the English government in those parts; and we shall attempt to give an idea of the revenue, regulations, and of the institutions which they have established themselves; or which having been introduced by the Viceroys or rulers of their own appointing, have since passed into a custom and become a law.