there was a breach in the wall, and that the same scene would be commenced again the next night; and as P8r-dil-qhan had been wounded with most of his people in succouring the breach, no troops could be prevailed upon now to go on that service, although the breach had been made up with mud; for so prevalent were every one’s fears, that they all declined marching thither. The discouragement being then so general, the city could not hold out another night, and would assuredly be taken; in which case Ram-naráin with his family and garrison would fall in the enemy’s power infallibly. Such were the discourses of that assembly, and such the face of things. In a moment I made sign to Doctor Fullerton, and I informed him that an English detachment was coming. An English detachment, said he with amazement; where and how? I explained my intelligence. He was transported with joy; and Ram-naráin hearing it, commenced to breathe freely; and he sent a messenger to ascertain that piece of news. The messenger returned, and confirmed my report. The Governor now got up, and seemed to have commenced to live anew. From Ram-naráin’s house I went with Doctor Fullerton to Mir-abdollah’s, and from thence to Mr. Amyatt’s, where I found Captain Knox, who was an acquaintance of mine; and there I learned that he had set out from Bardevan with five companies of Talingas, and one company of European English, which detachment having performed in thirteen days, a march of full nineteen stages, was overcome with fatigue; although that officer, to leave no excuse to the soldiers, used to march on foot himself the whole day, and to give an example of patience to all. I heard also, that the reason of their having come by the other side of the Ganga, was out of an apprehension, lest the enemy should advance a detachment to meet them, by which incident their purpose might have been wholly defeated, or at least, their march so much impeded, that meanwhile the Emperor might have rendered himself master of the city. Mr. Amyatt was busy in sending wine and other refreshments and necessaries to the detachment; and he advised the Commander to let his people take some rest that day. In the evening Captain Knox embarked with his detachment, and with colours flying and drums beating, he landed at the Western gate, from whence he marched with a military look, and a resolute countenance, through the markets and the high street, as far as the castle, to the great comfort of the citizens, who on beholding the English march through their city, gave up their apprehensions about an escalade, and about an assault, and said openly, that now that the English were within their walls, the enemy would not dare to come to attack again. As soon as night came on, Captain Knox with two other officers more and a guide, got out of the city, and having approached unperceived close to the enemy’s quarters, he viewed carefully the outside of the walls, and the enemy’s encampment, with the roads leading to it, as well as the situation of the ground, and then returned within, without having been discovered. The next day, at about noon-day, a time when Cam-car-qhan had just eaten his meal, and laid down his clothes to take his usual nap, the English were already in his camp; and whilst his men, accustomed to the Indian habit of taking their afternoon nap likewise, had retired to some shady place for that purpose, or were busy in preparing their victuals, or in some other avocation, the Captain made suddenly his appearance with a small number of men, and made a discharge of musquetry unexpectedly. On the first fire the troops in the intrenchment turned about, and fled in the utmost consternation, leaving Cam-car-qhan to shift for himself. This General, surrounded by the English forces, thought himself undone; he had all the pains in the world to make his escape; and it was without either turband, clothes, or slippers. The Captain having taken away some of the enemy’s colours, then flying on the entrenchment, with some other things that happened to be in his way, returned in triumph. After such an adventure, Cam-car-qhan had no stomach for tarrying any more in the suburbs of the city; he decamped immediately and pitched his tents in the plain, and at a distance from the houses, for fear of being surprised in the night time. In a few days more he found his place untenable; and quitting his post, he repaired to Gáya-manp8r, where he turned his views towards raising contributions for the Emperor, who having no other resource but that Zemindar, was obliged to give his consent to whatever he proposed. Meanwhile he had several times invited my forgiven father to come to his camp, and the latter had excused himself as often, under a variety of pretences; but in fact, because he rightly concluded that such a step of his would render him odious to the Government of Azim-abad. The Emperor took offence at this refusal; and Cam-car-qhan was aggravating the circumstances of it; but as he was a man of expedients, he proposed to bring him to camp within twenty-four hours, by only ordering the Marhatta Shy8-bahat to make some excursions on his estate and Djaghiri-lands. The Emperor approved his expedient, and laid his commands on the Marhatta officer accordingly; so that the whole estate was going now to be plundered and sacked, when my father thought proper to stay Shy8-bahat’s execution, by expressing his readiness to repair to the Imperial camp; and he forthwith prepared his equipage, But this intelligence no sooner came to the ears of Ram-naráin. than he attempted to put an end to all intercourse between the English and me, by giving an exaggerated account of this affair to Amyatt. He said, “that Gh8lam-hosséin-qhan by his intercourse with the English, was enabled to give his father information of every word and every transaction in the place. That his father, although a subject of this Government, and highly beholden to it for the favour of being reinstated in the possession of his Djaghir, was preparing to repair to the Imperial camp, and to add fuel to a fire that was already consuming the land. He added, that Gh8lam-hosséin-qhan must be enjoined to write to his father so effectually, as to oblige him to abandon such a mischievous design.” On this representation Mr. Amyatt desired me to comply with the request. “I answered, by taking God Almighty to witness, that since I had attached myself to the English, I had ceased all correspondence with my father, having never so much as wrote him a letter, or even sent him a message; that what Ram-naráin had been pleased to say, was true only in part, the rest being founded on mere misinformation; that it was notorious that my father, after having by a variety of artifices got rid of the Emperor’s service, was living peaceably upon his estate in the middle of his family and dependants; and now that he is threatened with ruin and devastation, pray, sir, what party would you have him take? At a time when Ram-naráin armed, as he is, with all the powers of Government, finds himself unable to cope with the Emperor; what can my father do, who lives in the flat country and in an open town, where his consort, his family, his honour are exposed to every incursion? Ram-naráin, apprehensive lest my father, by coming to live in town, and rendering his merit known to the English, should inspire them with the thoughts of putting him at the head of the Government, is afraid of giving him leave to reside in this city; and at the same time he pretends that he ought in an open plain to resist the Imperial will, and to withhold his submission; doubtless he must in his own defence submit to the Emperor’s commands. But if it be intended that he should not join the enemy, then let an order be sent him to come and reside in the city; else, to send him injunctions not to join the Emperor, and not to submit to him, is nugatory; nor is such an order of a nature to admit execution.” This speech made some effect; and Mr. Amyatt, who was a man of sense, and of a liberal disposition, having attentively heard what I had said, acknowledged the rationality of it, but added, that although he was convinced of it, he saw no inconvenience in sending the letter requested. To oblige therefore that gentleman, I took pen and wrote just such a letter as Ram-naráin had desired, and I put it in his hands; but to repel still more that Governor’s imputation, I could not help observing, “that Ram-naráin’s earnestness on that subject seemed calculated to render my person odious, together with that of my father’s; that such letters and such requests would never prevent my father from taking party with the Emperor; and if it was really intended to prevent that step, the best method would be to require him to come to town with his family; otherwise he would unavoidably betake himself to the only expedient that could secure his life, honour, family and property; and in fact, the truth is, that I had not the least correspondence with either my father or my brother, or any one in the Imperial camp; and that I carried the precaution so far on that subject, that whenever chance would have it so, that any one in the service of the enemy should come to see me, I constantly declined the interview; and God is my witness, that treason, artifice, and insincerity have never been in my character, nor are in it to this day. I thank His Divine Goodness, that he made me live everywhere with honour and dignity; and that I have had opportunities to see with my own eyes, that traitors and artificious people, so far from prospering in this world, soon or late, with all their cunning and shrewdness, fall into misfortunes, and are rewarded according to their deserts.”
| “The plain Ahmed I was, and the plain Ahmed am I still.” |
After this short digression, which the historian’s character seemed to require, and which the candid reader’s benignity shall doubtless forgive, let us revert to my father. That nobleman, obliged to quit his residence of Hosséin-abad, took his second son, Naki-aaly-qhan, with him, and repaired to the Imperial camp, where he was received with the utmost regard and distinction. The Emperor presented him with a qhyalaat of four pieces, composed of a turband that had been rolled on his Imperial head, and of a suit of clothes which he had put on. He became his Prime Minister of State, his Deputy in the signet office, and the centre of all business civil and military, as well as the person to whom all the Grandees paid their court. Cam-car-qhan himself thought proper to pay him his respects; and M8sher Lass came to visit him. The Emperor had fixed his residence in the neighbourhood of Ticary, which is surrounded by the lands belonging to the two Radjas, Sunder-sing, and Bohor-sing; there he spent his time in anxious expectation of receiving from day to day some letter of the Abdali-king, with his injunctions to the Princes and Grandees of Hindostan, to recognise his authority and his title.\(185\) Instead of that, news came that Qhadum-hassen-qhan, whose reconciliation with Miren had been but superficial, and who continued to harbour heavy suspicions against him, was marching to join the Imperial army, and to rid himself for ever of Miren and his father. But first of all he took care before his departure from P8rania, to plunder at pleasure his own country, and to squeeze money from whomsoever he could reach, whether high or low; then only did he set out on his march. He carried with him a full treasury, a numerous artillery, and an army composed of picked men and choice troops, which he had been preparing this long while. His army amounted to five or six thousand horse, and to ten thousand foot; his artillery was of forty pieces of cannon, large and small. With such a force he resolved to join the Emperor; and taking his route along the opposite or northern shore of the Ganga, he arrived at Hadjip8r, which is over against Azim-abad, but on the other side of the river. Had this arrival happened some time before, when Azim-abad besieged by the Emperor, could hardly muster any force at all, whether Hindostany or English, there is no doubt but that he would have possessed himself of that city; would have thereby raised his reputation to the skies, and would have added a vast deal of power and lustre to the Imperial name. But every event having its moment assigned from above, how could the matter happen otherwise or how could such a disposition from above suffer any alteration or any transposition whatever? So important an intelligence could not but affect Ram-naráin deeply; he went to Mr. Amyatt, spoke much of the enfeebled state of his garrison, and of the smallness of its numbers, and seemed much depressed. Mr. Amyatt answered, “that at present there was little to fear from the Emperor, who was occupied in the pleasures of hunting and seeing dances, as well as busy in raising contributions; that until he might come again, he, as Governor of the place, ought to assemble the few troops he had, in order to keep one part on duty upon the walls, and make over the rest to Captain Knox, who had undertaken to fight Qhadum-hassen-qhan.” These words thunderstruck the Radja; he could not help expressing his amazement that the Captain with a few hundred men, should think of attacking a whole army of horse and foot; but finding that the scheme was fixedly determined upon, he went away to provide the intended re-inforcement; and he commanded Sheh-hamid-eddin, and Sahab-dad-qhan, and some other of his Commanders, to cross over with their corps without delay, and to join Captain Knox. Sahab-dad-qhan sent his bazar or sutlers, as well as his tents, not on the other side of the river as he was commanded, but in an island in the middle of the stream, whereon he displayed his standard. But Sheh-hamid-eddin having his house and family at Hadjip8r, made no difficulty to cross over, although he only made a show of his troops. The next morning Captain Knox prepared himself for crossing the river; he had three or four companies of Talingas, one company of European English, two field-pieces, and plenty of ammunition. But as Ráo-shitab-ráy seemed attached to the English, and a man of resolution; and he had in his pay about two hundred horse and foot that had proved very active in the defence of the place, Mr. Amyatt and the Captain proposed to him to be of the party. Shitab-ráy, who wished no better, accepted the offer; and without further delay or preparative, he joined Captain Knox, and crossed over with him. As to the auxiliaries which Ram-naráin had provided, these men, accustomed to that method that now disgraces all Hindostanies, who take up full ten days to clear their accounts with the treasury, and take up full ten days more to be paid and to make their preparatives; these men, I say, managed so slowly, that not a man of them did join Captain Knox. Nay, Sheh-hamid-eddin, who to save appearances, had in fact crossed over, and advanced two or three cosses, was in reality so far from preparing for a battle, that he went by night to Ráo-shitab-ráy, and spoke to him in these words: “Sir, are you mad, to come hither? The Radja does not love you, probably, and wishes to rid himself of your person; and as to me, on selecting me, for crossing over, he had his views unquestionably. He wants to inherit one full lack of rupees which are due to me, as well as to my people, on our arrears; these are his motives for sending you and me over to this warfare with our handful of men. It is with us that he wants to fight at a distance such a man as Qhadum-hassen-qhan, who has seven thousand picked horse, ten thousand musqueteers exercised, and forty pieces of cannon. Will Captain Knox with his five hundred men, and his two pieces of cannon, fight himself against all that force? Were those five hundred men to be of stone, still they will be infallibly knocked down. I advice you, therefore, not to continue with them; imagine some excuse, and get yourself out of harm’s way. As for my part, I am resolved to have nothing to do with this affair.”
Sheh-hamid-eddin, after some other words to the same purport, went away. As to Sahab-dad-qhan, he was yet in town, when Qhadum-hassen-qhan was already encamped at about six or seven cosses from Captain Knox. This officer, finding the enemy so near, came in the dark to Ráo-shitab-ráy’s quarters, and proposed to surprise them in the dead of the night. Our people, said he, are in very small numbers; and I am afraid lest, on seeing the multitudes of the enemy, they take fright and lose their senses. I propose therefore to fall on the enemy by night; for I reckon either that we shall defeat and disperse them, or that we shall destroy his ammunition and spike his artillery, as well as seize his money. In either case, we shall disable the enemy effectually from doing any thing. Shitab-ráy answered, “that he had no will of his own; that he agreed in his scheme, and would follow him whithersoever he would lead the way, being entirely at his command.” Then, replied “the Captain, take your meal, go to sleep, and let your people do the same, as we must be up by the middle of the night. Shitab-ráy did as he was bid; and he was up at midnight, when the Captain sent for him. This officer left one company of Talingas for the guard of his tents, and marched with the rest, under the guidance of an harcara, or guide, who the preceding day had viewed the road, up to the enemy’s camp, and had come back again. By a particular ill luck, the night proved so dark that the man lost his way; and they had much marched already, when the Captain approaching one of Shitab-ráy’s men, who had his match-lock lighted, he found at his watch that it would be day-light within two hours; he observed “that this was the time when they ought to have been within the enemy’s camp; that it was now too tate to fall upon them by surprise, and that there remained no better party than to return to camp.” Shitab-ráy assented, and they returned to camp. But hardly had they laid down their arms and washed their hands and faces, when Qhadum-hassen-qhan’s vanguard made its appearance at day-break. The Captain being the first man up, got his men under arms, and sent word to Shitab-ráy to do the same; the latter armed himself, got his men ready, and joined the English, resolved to share their fate. As soon as Qhadum-hassen-qhan saw the English out of their camp, he sent a body of troops, who plundered it thoroughly, and killed or wounded some men that had been left in it, as well as some others that were coming to join the Captain from the city. Many more had time to fly back; and some frightened chairmen with their palekies on their shoulders, finding those boats at the water side, that had been provided for an emergency, got into them and crossed over to the city. Meanwhile Qhadum-hassen-qhan’s troops having divided into several bodies, attacked the English on all sides. The latter stood their ground undauntedly, firing their cannon with steadiness and precision, their officers standing over them, and directing their fire, with the utmost coolness and intrepidity. Shitab-ráy was doing the same on his side; he was animating his men to do their duty; and whenever the enemy attempted to approach too near, they were constantly repulsed by Shitab-ráy’s advancing on them, or by being occasionally assisted by some cannon-shot directed from the English line, against those that pressed upon him. The engagement was maintained on both sides in this manner, as late as twelve o’clock; at this time Mir-afzyl, General to the enemy’s troops, received orders from his master, to form the whole army in two bodies, and to attack at once on both sides. But as they had already observed, that in this manner they had lost an infinity of horses by the English cannon-balls, they all alighted and marched up on foot; and now the cannon ceasing on both sides, the engagement went on with musket firing only.
I was at that time standing on the wharf of the English factory, and looking at the runaways that were crossing the water; Mr. Amyatt was standing close to me, looking with his glass; and on distinguishing an English paleky, he concluded that it must be some wounded officer which they were bringing back. At last the boats arrived, and the men landed; but as they had fled in a panic, every-one of them reported that the English were undone, and that Qhadum-hassen-qhan had gained the victory. As they were unanimous in their report, fear and anxiety seized not only Ram-naráin, and the whole of the inhabitants of the city, but the English of the factory themselves, who listened to every explosion in great apprehensions of what might happen. I was with Mir-abdollah, my friend, and some others, close to Mr. Amyatt, and endeavouring to encourage that gentleman and the rest by some observations of mine. “I took notice that these men gave no detail at all; that they seemed overcome with fear; that the smoke on the other side of the water was kept up; and the report of cannon and musquetry continued. How then could those runaways know that the English were defeated? If they have been defeated, who are those then that go on actually with the engagement?” After saying these few words, I went to Mir-abdollah’s house, and standing on the terrace with a number of others, I was listening and looking. At this very moment a great explosion rent the air. On hearing it, I exclaimed out “that now, if after this we should hear the report of the cannon, then the English were victorious; else, it would prove the very reverse.” Another explosion followed; and then for some moments all was silent again; and people became anxious and fearful as the cannon was heard no more. But this was not my opinion; and I declared that Qhadum-hassen-qhan was vanquished, and retreating. No one amongst the by-standers would believe me, so confounded were they with astonishment and fear. A moment after, some guns were heard again, and then they ceased entirely; but instead of that, we perceived a sudden flame that flashed out very high, and then subsided totally; and this flashing was successively observed several times. By this time the day was far spent, and the evening approaching, when a note came to Mr. Amyatt from Captain Knox, which mentioned that the enemy was defeated and flying. This intelligence was sent to all the principal men of the city, and occasioned a deal of joy. On this intelligence I went to the factory to compliment the gentlemen, when on the dusk of the evening Captain Knox himself crossed over, and came with Shitab-ráy in his company; they were both covered with dust and sweat; the Captain then gave some detail of the battle, and paid the greatest encomiums to Shitab-ráy’s-zeal?? activity and valour. He exclaimed several times, This is a real Navvab; I never saw such a Navvab in my life. A few moments after Ram-naráin was introduced; he had in his company both Mustapha-c8li-qhan, and Mahmed-afac, the cutval of the city, with some other men of consequence, who on hearing of the arrival of those two men, had flocked to the factory; and on seeing them alone, could not help believing that they had escaped from the slaughter; so far were they from conceiving that a few hundreds of men could defeat a whole army. Nor could they be brought to believe (impressed as they were with Hindian notions) that a Commander would quit his army so unconcernedly, unless he had indeed run away from it; nor would they listen to what Mr. Amyatt repeatedly said to convince Ram-naráin and the others of their mistake. Mr. Amyatt went on recounting, that as “Mir-afzyl had been defeated with his troops, it could not be said that Qhadum-hassen-qhan had gained the victory, since he had no other troops than those led on by Mir-afzyl. That one might reckon on his having been certainly defeated, as his troops were dispersed, and himself retreating and retiring far off, to be out of the reach of a surprise. He added, that the Captain finding no enemy in the field of battle, or in their camp, had pursued for a whole cosse; that he had brought away, all the enemy’s cannon and baggage, as well as vast a number of his wounded, which last he had taken care of; and that he had set on fire all the powder and amunition which had fallen in his hands; so that the blaze which had been perceived arose from that execution. That the Captain finding the enemy gone far off, had left the command of his troops to his officers, and returned to the factory to take some rest; and as Shitab-ráy had now extremely endeared himself to the English, he had brought him over for the same purpose.” Ram-naráin and the others having their incredulity a little affected by such a circumstantial detail, returned home somewhat easier than they had come. In the morning the same account came from several places, and ceased to be doubtful. Qhadum-hassen-qhan had fled towards Betiah; and the English and Shitab-ráy’s troops having tarried a few days more, crossed over and came back to town. It is from that time that we must date the high character, for bravery and abilities, to which Shitab-ráy rose amongst the English. He from that moment won the hearts of the whole nation; and all to a man became convinced of the sincerity of his zeal and attachment; and really he deserved that confidence, having afforded ample matter for it. Nor were the dignities and the station, to which he was raised afterwards, owing to any thing else but to the gratitude of the English, and to their talent for singling out and selecting men of parts.
A few days after this victory, intelligence came that Miren with the forces of Bengal, commanded by Colonel Clive, now styled Séif-djung,\(186\) was hastening to Azim-abad by continual marches. The Court of M8rsh8d-abad informed, that Qhadum-hassen-qhan was going thither with a great force by the northern side of the water, whilst the Emperor was master of the southern shore, entertained the more apprehensions on that subject, as the Navvab knew how small a force was that which Ram-naráin could muster, and how small would prove the resistance which he could afford to make against two such powerful enemies. It was therefore resolved that Miren, who was his father’s General, should march to Ram-naráin’s assistance. Letters came at the same time from Ram-naráin, which complained of the smallness of his force; and they were supported by Mr. Amyatt, who on his side took care to represent that he needed an immediate assistance. Colonel Clive and Miren arrive. These representations made such an impression at M8rsh8d-abad, that Miren set out with a numerous army, and numerous artillery. He had with him Colonel Clive and his English, and they arrived near Azim-abad at the end of the dry season; but did not enter the city, as Qhadum-hassen-qhan was encamped on the other side of the Ganga. They crossed therefore that river in pursuit of the enemy. It was at the beginning of the month of Zilcaad, of the year 1173 of the Hegira. The Governor of P8rania, who had been defeated by Captain Knox’s small force, did not think himself a match for the joint efforts of the army of Bengal, and the English of the Colonel’s; yet he continued to express himself in a very high flown style; but it was only out of policy, and in reality, he was impressed with black fears, and wished only for an opportunity to make his escape to some place of safety. Nor was such a measure easy. The river Gandec, which comes from the mountains of the north to join the Ganga at some distance west of Hadjip8r, was full on his passage; nor could such a river be crossed over by so numerous an army, and so immense a baggage, as his, without a large number of boats; and on the other hand, Miren having marched several days consecutively, was now over against him. On this intelligence, Qhadum-hassen-qhan dismissed his baggage in the latter part of the night, and with an army thus disincumbered, he marched so expeditiously, that in the morning he could hardly be discovered from the vanguard of Miren’s army, being already at so great a distance. Miren, who took those troops to be the Shah-zada’s army, of which he was afraid, as he had received two wounds from them, declined the combat; and he also sent word to the English to caution them against being too eager in pursuing the enemy. A few shot only, with some musket-balls, were exchanged from a distance; and whilst matters were yet uncertain, Qhadum-hassen-qhan, who had got near the woody country which he had been seeking, found means to effect his escape before the mistake could be corrected. Miren pursued without seeing an enemy; and after advancing some cosses, even beyond him, he found himself on the banks of a river, without knowing whither he was going, or where he was actually. But now his last day was come, and the moment of his death was at hand. Most of Qhadum-hassen-qhan’s men had lost their way; both because they were in a forest,\(187\) and because they were confounded by having the enemy at their heels. Dispersed in the middle of the woods, it became impossible for them to reach the rendezvous. It is even reported that Qhadum-hassen-qhan, for want of accommodations, had passed the whole night upon his elephant, as did most of his men upon their horses; and that he had undergone every hardship imaginable during the whole night. At day-break, his people could not discover the morning star, and they concluded that it must be hidden by the chain of mountains close to which they supposed themselves to be actually. But now their case was deplorable; they had a river in front, the enemy in the rear, and were at a loss what would become of them. The next morning, luckily for them, Miren’s last hour was now come; that hour which the Divine Providence had set apart for that tyrant’s chastisement, and for a day of retribution. For now the rainy season had set in with its usual fury, and at the beginning of the night there fell such a violent storm of rain, as obscured the world from Miren and his flatterers, and turned the luminous days of his life and prosperity into utter darkness and everlasting obscurity. It was now ten o’clock at night; but the rain continuing with unremitting violence, he had already dismissed two or three of his favourites, such as Séyd-mahmed-qhan and Himmet-qhan, two men who were his intimates and always with him. Half an hour after, Miren observing that the storm and rain increased in violence, quitted the spacious tent in which he then was, and went into one smaller and safer; one of those called Dilir-qhani-palls or tents, which are much lower and much closer to the ground, and likewise made fast by a greater number of iron pins. As he intended to pass the night there, one of his two or three favourite women which always followed him wherever he went, presented herself at the foot of his bed, together with a story-teller and another servant, whose office was to chuppy his limbs,\(188\) as it is termed in India. But as that woman’s last hour was not yet arrived, she was dismissed, and the servant entering immediately, fell a-handling his feet and legs, whilst the story-teller commenced his narrative to lull him asleep. God knows whether Miren really fell asleep, or whether he only waited for the Angel Miren killed by the lightning. of death with his eyes open. This much is certain that, at that very moment, a threatening thunder rent the air with a dreadful crash; and the lightning of revenge and retribution, rushing down from the clouds upon his guilty head, deprived him of a life which he so little deserved. He was found dead, just as he was upon his bed, without any motion at all having preceded his dissolution. Thus did he fall a sacriffce to the Divine vengeance. The flame that had burned that odious man, communicated itself to the servant and to the story-teller, and burned to ashes the rising plants of the existence of those two persons.
| “Beware of a bad man’s company, beware; |
| Preserve us from that, O! God, as from the fire of hell.” |
The rain and storm having ceased after some time, the servants that watched without, and whose turn it was to relieve the two others that were on duty, came into the tent, and found Miren with those two unfortunate youths, plunged in the endless sleep of annihilation; and although such a sight did much surprise and frighten them, they recollected their minds enough to awaken some officers and sone other persons, without tumult and without noise. These getting silently into the tent, examined the body, and found that it had no fewer than five or six holes on the head, with six or seven streaks on the belly and back; and these last looked like so many strokes inflicted by an angry whip. On the sabre,\(189\) which was close to his pillow, they discovered two or three holes, where the metal seemed to have run; but the wood of his bed towards his head was entirely rotten. This strange event having been reported to His Highness the learned and excellent Sheh-mahmed-aaly-hazin (whom God may place amongst the highest of his elect!) that holy man, who knew Miren’s character, turned to the by-standers and said, See how the lightning from above has, by dint of search, found out its man, in the recess of that small tent.
CONTENTS.
Detestable character of Miren, that worthy son of Mir-djaafer’s, who keeps a list ready of three hundred persons, which he intended to murder—The two Princesses, prisoners at Dacca, condemned to death, submit to their fate with an heroical resignation—Colonel Clive, for reasons of his own, quits India —Hollwell, Governor at Calcutta—Vansittart, Governor of Calcutta—The Shah-zada puts the whole of the province of Bahar under contribution—Amyatt forms a strong party against Vansittart in the council—Vansittart, who intends only to give a Deputy to the Navvab in the person of Mir-cassem, his son-in-law, is forced to make him absolute—Wise administration of Mir-cassem-qhan’s; he disciplines his troops after the European manner—Gurghin-qhan, an Armenian, his principal Minister and General—The Radja of Birbhoom revolts—His army routed by a handful of English—Major Carnac defeats the Shah-zada totally, and takes M8sher Lass prisoner—Revolution at Delhi —The victorious Abdaly-monarch strongly recommends submission to theShah-zada, now Shah-aalem—The latter is visited and recognised by the English—Mir-cassem arrives with an army at Azim-abad; and under the influence of the English, renders homage to the Emperor—Amyatt would have no objections to Mir-cassem, were not the latter supported by Vansittart—Ram-naráin, Viceroy of Azim-abad, brought under Mir-cassem’s controul—Immense sums amassed by the latter—He provides himself with able Generals—He receives the author’s father with the utmost respect—Obliged to suspect every one, he interrupts all social intercourse—Great abilities of Mir-cassem—A conspiracy discovered and punished—Singular story and execution —Governor Vansittart, to put an end to the dissensions between the English and Mir-cassem, makes a visit to the latter at Mongher—Gurghin-qhan’s expedition in Nepal miscarries— Serious disputes between the English and Mir-cassem— Unconscionable principles and conduct of the party against Vansittart—Mir-cassem, floating between submission and war, is determined to the latter by Gurghin-qhan’s preponderance— The Djagat-seats, two potent brothers, seized at M8rsh8d-abad, and carried to Mongher—Amyatt sent in embassy to Mir-cassem, spoils every thing by his haughtiness—The conferences broke—Aimatt returns towards Calcutta.
WE have heretofore observed that Miren had made himself easy by the murder of Qhadja-haddy-qhan and of Mir-cazem-qhan, just as his father had on his side eased his mind by murdering Sadacat-mahmed-qhan, and Sheh-abd8l-vehab-qhan, whom he had blown at one of his guns. This expeditious way of dispelling their suspicions, had taken entire possession of their hearts, and especially of the son’s, who now commenced murdering promiscuously men and women, just as one name occurred to him sooner than another. Matters went so far, that he murdered some women of his own seraglio,\(190\) having cut off their heads with his own hand and sabre; he even used to say, “That the adage after suspicion, clearness, meant nothing else, but that any suspected person, by being dispatched directly, cleared all suspicions at once; and he insisted that any other acceptation of that adage was absurd, and afforded no sense.” In consequence of this new-fangled system of his, he repeatedly wrote to Djessaret-qhan, Governor of Djehanghir-nagur-dacca, a nobleman highly respected in that province, to put to death those two unfortunate, defenceless, aged women, in whose house his whole family, as well as himself, had found not only bread, but the highest preferment; those meritorious women, who had been of late highly instrumental in raising him to the summit of power. Those women were the two eldest daughters of Aaly-verdy-qhan, (Gahasity-begum and Amnah-begum.) Even against these unfortunate beings, now exiled, forgotten, and reduced to poverty and distress; even against these he conceived suspicions, and he wrote accordingly in strong terms to Djessaret-qhan. This generous man, who himself owed his bread and preferment to those women and to their husbands, declined the odious task, and he wrote word, “That he requested a successor might be sent him, in the government of the province, as he wished to be excused from executing such orders.” Upon this request Miren, on the point of setting out for his last expedition against Qhadum-hassen-qhan, sent one of his friends with instructions to put those unfortunate women in a boat, under colour of bringing them to M8rsh8d-abad, and when out of town, to sink the boat in some lonely place; he also wrote to Djessaret-qhan to deliver those women to such a one, who had orders to bring them to M8rsh8d-abad. After signing these two orders, he set out for Azim-abad; and his friend repairing to Djehanghir-nugur, or rather taking the right road to hell, carried away those two unfortunate, friendless sisters; and under pretence of bringing them to M8rsh8d-abad, he put them into a boat and sheered off with his prize. Being arrived at a lonely place fit for his purpose, he bid them purify themselves,\(191\) and put on clean clothes;—some say he informed them of his orders, Gahasity-begum, who was the eldest, took fright and shed tears; but the youngest, who was Amnah-begum, turning towards her sister, endeavoured to console and pacify her. Why such fears, my sister and why to weep? said she; we were destined to die one day; let that day be this.—Here she paused, and taking a calmer tone of voice, she added: Sister, as we have been great sinners ourselves, we ought to thank God, that we are offered this method of expiation; and that we are not going without having placed our own load on Miren’s shoulders. After these few words, they both purified themselves, and putting on clean clothes, for want of winding sheets, they rubbed on their foreheads and on their bodies some of the holy\(192\) earth, raised from the tomb of the Prince of Martyrs; and after asking pardon for their sins, they bid the man execute his orders. The man seeming to hesitate, they both raised their hands, and the youngest exclaimed, O! God Almighty, we are both sinners, Heroical speech of the Princesses, prisoners at Dacca, on their being ordered to die. and culprits; but we have committed no sin against Miren. On the contrary, he owes to us every thing in the world; nor have we seen any better return from him, than this unjust order for putting us to death. We hope therefore,\(193\) that after our death, Thou sendest Thine lightning\(194\) to crush his guilty head, and to exact from him a full revenge on our own account and that of our children. After these few words, they pronounced their profession of faith in the usual posture,\(195\) with the addition conform to their particular belief; and having again kissed the holy bit of earth, they joined hands together, and jumped together in the boundless ocean of Divine mercy. It is reported that the lightning fell on Miren, (at two hundred leagues from thence), that very night. Some say that this event happened only a month after; but very accurate and very creditable persons affirm, that those unfortunate women suffered the last day of Shevval, or the first of Zilcaad, in the year 1173 of the Hegira; A. D. 1760-61. and that the lightning fell on Miren the ninth of the same month. Almighty God, to Thee belongs all revenge.\(196\) It is likewise reported by people of credit, and even by Miren’s intimate friends, that he, in this his last voyage, carried about him a small pocket-book, in which were inscribed no less than two or three hundred names; and he used to say, that after having beaten and chased both the Shah-zada and Qhadum-hassen-qhan, he would return to M8rsh8d-abad, and put to death every one of these three hundred persons he suspected; after which, with a mind eased of its burden, he would think of enjoying the comforts of life in the society of his friends. But God Almighty, who is the Lord and disposer of mankind, did not permit that his bloody purpose should be brought to maturity. Let the reader conclude from this catastrophe, that when the Almighty Artist of the creation sees His creatures addicted to crimes and sinning, He sends some tyrant of a ruler amongst them, who never fails to inflict the intended chastisement. But it does not follow from thence, that He suffers the tyrant to lord it for ever over his creatures; for tyranny cannot have any solid foundation, nor is it everlasting; and in this manner is verified that striking sentence revealed in the Holy Writ to the Prince of Messengers: Duration and permanency are sometimes allowed to infidelity, but never to oppression and tyranny. But if even after having exercised such acts of tyranny, the oppressors repent of their crimes, and revert to a life of innocence, and a righteous mode of governing, then it becomes possible that the Divine justice should suffer them to live, and may forbear extirpating their power by the root; otherwise, God makes the oppressor over to some other oppressor, and the tyrant to some greater tyrant, whose mission is to pull the other by the root; for everything is possible to God, says the Holy Writ; nor is any thing out of the reach of its power.—But let us revert to our narrative of Miren’s death.
The next morning, at day-break, a man of credit went and informed the Colonel of that tremendous event that had happened the eve; for this General was the supreme Commander of the auxiliary troops, whether English or Hindostanies, and the main prop of the whole army, of which in fact he was the head and supreme mover. He immediately adopted the opinion that this death ought to be kept secret; and he ordered the entrails and other parts to be taken out of the body, and buried; but the body itself to be carried about, as if Miren had been only sick. The next day he beat the General, and marched off, the body being carried, stretched on the häodah of an elephant, the feet hanging outwards, as those of a sick man; but that very moment, it became public that it was only a dead body stretched on an elephant; and every one on recollecting how Seradj-ed-döulah’s body had been brought into the city, did not fail to attribute this appearance to a full retribution on Miren’s inhumanity.
The Colonel, become by this death the sole Commander of both armies, advanced close to the fort of Betiah, where he tarried a little. On the persuasion of Miren’s Ministers, and of Ram-naráin’s agents, he sent to the Zemindar of that country a message mixed with threats, exhorting him to settle his accounts immediately. The man, intimidated by the fame of the English army, and by the Colonel’s presence, did as he was ordered; and that affair being put to an end, the two armies, now under the sole command of the Colonel, decamped from the plain of Betiah. Meanwhile Miren’s body having been put into a coffin, was carried rapidly upon chairmen’s shoulders, to the Ganga, where it was put in a boat, and hurried down the river, as far as Radje-mahal; but the abominable stench that exhaled from it, obliged the messengers to land it immediately; and it was buried in a spot which now goes by the name of his monument.
| “Take warning, ye that have eyes and ears.” |
As to the army, it took the road of Azim-abad, where it made a long stay; and it was there that Ram-naráin’s troops, now in the Bengal army, returned to their owner. The command of the rest of Miren’s troops devolved on Radj-b8ll8b, a Bengali, who had been Divan to Nevazish-mahmed-qhan, and was now Divan to Miren himself.
Whether this death made any alteration in Colonel Clive’s notions, we cannot affirm; but this much is certain, that this renowned Commander, who so long as he remained in India, had been always acknowledged as supreme Commander of the army, as well as Chief of the settlement of Calcutta, now took suddenly the resolution of returning home. But as he thought that the affairs of the English, hitherto confined to factory business, had become much more important now by stretching their influence all over the three provinces of Bengal, Bahar, O8ressa; and he conceived that they required the management of quite another man than Mr. Aymatt, whom he did not think equal to an office Colonel Clive, for reasons of his own, quits India. of so much consequence, he determined to send for Mr. Henry Vansittart, Shem-sed-döulah\(197\) Chief of Mendradj.\(198\) The other Councellors of Calcutta, on seeing his determination, assented to his choice; and it was settled, that for the present, and after the Colonel’s departure, Mr. Holwell should command at Calcutta, but only until Mr. Vansittart might arrive; to whom the supreme command, with the power of binding and loosing, in the whole circle of affairs of state, was to devolve. As such a disposition was contrary to the established custom of the service, and to the respected rights of seniority, and Mr. Amyatt was reputed worthy of that high office, which it was his turn to enjoy, he no sooner heard at Azim-abad of the dispositions that had been acquiesced to in Calcutta, than he strongly objected to them by letters. Not satisfied with that, he delivered his office of Azim-abad to his second, and went to Calcutta himself to make vigorous objections to Mr. Holwell’s sitting in the chair. But as the Colonel was already gone some days ago, and his dispositions had already taken place, it is probable that his representation answered no purpose; possibly also some mismanagement had been laid to Mr. Amyatt’s charge, since the Colonel’s dispositions were submitted to so easily. Be it as it may, the intelligence of Miren’s death had already occasioned as great alterations in M8rsh8d-abad, where Mir-djaafer-qhan, who at no time had been in his right senses, now lost the little reason that remained to him; so that the affairs of the army, as well as of Government being entirely abandoned to chance, fell into a confusion not to be described. But he had a son-in-law.
For his daughter had been married to a nobleman named Mir-cassem-qhan, son to Séyd-arizy-qhan, and grandson to Imtiaz-qhan, the poet, which latter was a Persian of distinction, who had enjoyed the office of Imperial Divan in the province of Azim-abad; this Mir-cassem-qhan was therefore nearly allied to the old Navvab. But there subsisted no cordiality between him and his son-in-law, and they lived upon ill terms together. Nor was Miren wanting in doing every thing in his power to augment the disunion and mutual discontent; but independently of that, Mir-djaafer-qhan did not like his son-in-law at all. Nevertheless, after the loss he had just suffered, it became expedient to shew some more regard to so near a relation; and he gave him the Government of P8rania, over and above that of Rangp8r, which he enjoyed already; and as he had a particular point to carry at Calcutta, he thought no man so proper to be sent upon that errand, as Mir-cassem-qhan was in experience and in the art of managing with men, greatly superior to any one in the Navvab’s family, and indeed to any one of his contemporaries. No wonder then, if the son-in-law in that short voyage, found means to ingratiate himself so far with the members of the council, that they adjudged him to be fitter for government and command than either the Navvab, or his late son. On the other hand, Mir-cassem had performed so well the business for which he had been dispatched, that on his return home he seemed to have acquired some of the old man’s good will; and as the latter had no children, but such as were under age, and of course, utterly unable to manage their father’s concerns, the son-in-law of course became the centre of all business, and the person that served to dispatch the public service, or to appease the turbulence of the military, a sort of men at all times ill paid, but whose arrears had now fallen back considerably on acconnt of Miren’s death, and of the indolence and confusion that were the consequences of it. They had become exceedingly clamorous, and so unruly, that more than once they had passed from importunities to action; had besieged the old Navvab in his palace, and had spoke with the utmost violence. In one of these dangerous scenes, Mir-cassem-qhan interposed; and after having quelled the sedition by his personal authority, he took upon himself part of the arrears due to the army. But some further emergencies having happened at this time, it became necessary that he should repair to Calcutta again; and although the father-in-law was not much satisfied with the necessity of this second voyage, and seemed irresolute, nevertheless he at last granted him permission, and the latter departed. It was just at a time when Mr. Henry Vansittart, better known under the appellation of Nassir-el-mulk-shems-ed-döulah-bahadyr\(199\), was already arrived at Calcutta, and had assumed, Vansittart, Governor of Calcutta. what is called, the chiefship of the factory, but which in fact was no less than the government of a city which seemed to be the head of an Empire. In appearance, Mir-cassem-qhan’s views seemed concentred in his going to take possession of his Government of P8rania; but under such a veil he concealed a variety of high designs; and he had left his friend, Aaly-hibrahim-qhan-bahadyr, at M8rsh8d-abad, with secret orders to inlist as many men for his pretended journey as he could procure. He was instructed likewise to gain the hearts of the ancient officers of the army, and to conciliate the minds of the Ministers of the old Court, as well as some other persons of consequence that had served under the old administration. This nobleman is the same person of whose merit and valuable qualifications we have made a cursory mention in our account of Aaly-verdy-qhan, and in our relation of the engagement against Shemshir-qhan, the Afghan. We spoke succinctly of his genius and penetration, as if our business had been to shew one unity out of a thousand, and a handful out of a heap. Mir-cassem-qhan, having left at the city so zealous a friend and so able a manager, proceeded to Calcutta. But as we have interrupted our narrative of the Emperor’s expedition, we must necessarily, to give some consistency to our history, revert to that subject and to Cam-car-qhan, as well as to some other events relative to Azim-abad.
Miren having been made to feel the vengeance of the Supreme Avenger, the command of his army devolved on Radja B8ll8b, who had been his Divan; and who led it back to Azim-abad, which province was yet in prey to the incursions of the Emperor and of Cam-car-qnan. It became necessary therefore to return Ram-naráin’s troops to their master, who stationed them about the city of which he was Governor. The English army likewise took up its abode there; and all these troops were forced by the rains, which now drowned the whole country, to remain in their quarters to the end of the season. This inaction left the Emperor at full liberty to act as he liked; he was eternally hunting or travelling, or visiting the country in that tract of ground that extends from the environs of Da8d-nagur, to the environs of Bahar. The reason of such a wandering life was, that having nothing to subsist upon, but what he found in the fields and amongst the farmers of the flat country, both himself, and his cavalry and cattle would have been exceedingly distressed, had he sojourned for any length of time in one place; in such a case he would have suffered for want of straw, grain, and for The Shah-zada, or Emperor, puts the whole of Bahar under contribution. every thing requisite for an army. His authority was not acknowledged in the province; and he was obliged to live by rapine and plunder, just as if he had been in the country of some stranger; nor did a single district suffice to all his wants; nor had Pahluvan-sing, no more than Radja B8niad-sing, nephew to Radja Sunder-sing, thought proper to join the Imperial troops to this day; being both unwilling to submit to Cam-car-qhan, his General, whom they looked upon to be only their equal; and Cam-car-qhan, on the other hand, who bore a cordial enmity to Sunder-sing and his family, being loth to put an end to a sojourn that ruined the lands of his personal enemy, and spared his own; so that this was one of the reasons why the Emperor and his troops were so fond of hunting and travelling throughout B8niad-sing’s country. It happened one day, that the latter had set out from the fortress of Ticary, his residence, to repair to the castle of C8rva, where he kept his family; but intelligence of this having been brought to Cam-car-qhan, he ordered a thousand Moghul horse, of those in the Emperor’s service, to waylay and seize him. The Moghuls having made a forced march, seized on the Radja, and brought him to camp, where he remained some days in confinement. From thence he wrote several petitions to my father, requesting “interest his with the Emperor, and offering to bring to camp a good body of troops, and to render more services than Cam-car-qhan had ever done, should His Majesty condescend to forgive the errors of his past behaviour. He added, that Cam-car-qhan himself on seeing his efforts, would be fired with emulation; and that His Majesty’s service would reap the benefit of the concurrence. My brother, Fateh-sing,” said he, in his petitions, “commands a body of troops amongst those of Mir-djaafer-qhan’s, in Bengal, where he shall gain over all the Commanders of that army; after which he will come with them to the foot of the Imperial throne. All this, I promise, shall come to pass; but if His Majesty, out of regard to Cam-car-qhan, should choose to enter into a negotiation with us through that Radja’s channel only, in such a case, as the latter’s interference would redound to our discredit, we would be disabled from doing the Emperor any service.”
Proposals of such a nature carrying an air of importance and probability, my illustrious father thought proper to expose them to the Emperor, who gave orders to release B8niad-sing; and the latter no sooner recovered his liberty, than he went to pay his respects to his protector, who carried him to Court, where he promised to shed his blood in the Imperial service. He afterwards sent for his troops to camp; and he wrote everywhere to his dependants and officers, to send plenty of ammunition and money, and necessaries. Such a change could not but give umbrage to Cam-car-qhan. He complained of the Emperor; and one day he told him plainly, “that if so much favour continued to be shewn to B8niad-sing, his servant would be obliged to take his leave, and to quit the camp.” The Emperor on these words had the weakness, or rather the imbecility, to order B8niad-sing again into confinement, when that Radja came as usual to pay his court. My forgiven father, shocked at such a proceeding, could not help speaking to the Emperor in strong terms of discontent and reproach; the Emperor excused himself on Cam-car-qhan’s having threatened to quit his service. “Cam-car-qhan,” answered my father, “is too far gone now to leave you; he has no other party to take in this province, but that of remaining attached to you; nor has he any other court to go to but this.” This representation, however, produced no change, so attached was the Emperor to Cam-car-qhan; and this affair having disgusted my father, he ceased to go to Court, being highly discontented at this whole affair. But Cam-car-qhan himself gave it another turn. That General, after having kept B8niad-sing in confinement for some days more, thought proper to set him at liberty, were it but to acquire with his prisoner the merit of his release. But the prisoner sent word to my father, that henceforward the Emperor ought to expect nothing from him; and that in two or three days he would take his leave; as in fact he did, to my father’s great discontent. The Emperor at last sent Bahadyr-aaly-qhan to make some concessions in his name to his Prime Minister, and to bring him to Court. My father answered, “that it was to no purpose for him to stay at camp, whilst Cam-car-qhan was absolute in it; and that he hoped to obtain permission to retire from His Majesty’s service.” The Emperor endeavoured to soothe him; but all proving in vain, fain he was to accept his resignation. Well, said the Emperor, you may go, but remember to act your part at a distance from us. Take possession of as much country as is within your reach, and after having raised forces, come to us\(200\) again. The Emperor after this dismission, sent him, but without Cam-car-qhan’s knowledge, some thousand rupees for the charges of his return; and this sum was brought to him in secret. My father set out, and repaired to his estate, where he applied himself to the execution of the order he had received, and where we shall leave him for a while to revert to Bengal and to Mir-cassem.
That nobleman having so ably executed the commission for which he had been deputed to Calcutta, took occasion from thence in his conversation with Mr. Vansittart, to expatiate on Mir-djaafer-qhan’s indolence; on the confusion into which all affairs, both of revenue and Government, had fallen; the mutinous disposition of the troops, on one hand, for want of pay, and the thoughtless profusion with which unnecessary buildings and palaces were raised, on the other; he also inveighed against the exorbitant power which such vile men as a Chunny-laal and a Munni-laal, as well as an Agno-sing the harcara, were suffered to assume in the Government by the neglect and incapacity of their master. Upon all these disorders he made lively representations. These discourses made a great impression on Mr. Vansittart, who had already got full information of Mir-djaafer-qhan’s incapacity, and felt the enormous inconveniencies resulting from it, so far as to have been discussing with himself these many days, what possible remedy he could apply to evils of that magnitude. He therefore betook himself to the expedient of appointing Mir-cassem himself, Deputy to his father-in-law, under condition of his being obliged to give him an honourable pension, and of promising never to depart from a submissive respectful behaviour to him, as to his superior and master. There was not one man then amongst the English who could equal Mr. Vansittart in keenness of penetration, extent of knowledge, and experience; and with such talents as these, he soon discovered the high qualities of Mir-cassem, and how far he was superior in abilities, not only to his father-in-law, but to every person in that Court. Impressed with the idea of his being the only man capable of retrieving the affairs of Bengal, he imparted his mind to the members of his Council, and asked their opinion and advice. Most of the principal members assented to Mr. Vansittart’s expedient, and fixed their minds upon it. But as Mr. Amyatt bore impatiently the humiliation of seeing another seated in a chair, which he thought his due, and he fretted at the necessity of being obliged to obey his commands, and he had also formed a party amongst those members that wished to see him at the head of affairs, (and such were Mr. Ellis, Major Carnac, and Mr. Batson), he vigorously objected to the proposed expedient; and all the four refused to give their consent. They found inconvenients in the scheme, objected to it as to a shameful bargain, and harangued against it every Council day. Not that Amyatt was not in his heart fully sensible of the old Navvab’s incapacity, but being himself incensed at Mr. Vansittart’s promotion, and wishing ?? be in his place, he in conformity with the proverb, Nothing of Aaly’s will ever please Moáviáh,\(201\) took care to object to any party proposed by Vansittart; and as soon as the latter had shewn any predilection for some view, the other was sure to counteract it, and to use every endeavour to defeat its end. Both these men, in their letters to Europe, depreciated the abilities of Amyatt forms a strong party against Vansittart. each other, and made it a point to load each other with taunts and reproaches; each accusing his antagonist of infatuation, and avarice, and covetousness, and chicanery, and obstinacy. In this manner they endlessly wrote complaints against each other; and it was this disunion of theirs, which by involving whole nations in its consequences, ruined and demolished an infinity of families, as we shall soon mention with all that air of truth and candour which characterise impartiality. Nevertheless, Mr. Vansittart’s party proved the strongest; his scheme took effect; Mir-cassem-qhan carried him his point; and it was determined that, to put the scheme in execution, Mr. Vansittart should repair to M8rsh8d-abad.
Mir-cassem, satisfied with the success of his voyage, returned to that city, and was soon followed by Mr. Vansittart himself, who carried with him Mr. Hushtin, the supporter of the Empire, who at the moment I am writing these memoirs, being Saturday, the twenty-third of the blessed month of Ramazan, 1780-81. in the Year 1194 of the Hegira, is now at the head of the English dominions in India, and indeed at the head of most of the important affairs of all Hindostan. Mr. Vansittart had also some other gentlemen with him, and he was soon followed by a number of officers, who took the same road with one-half of the English army. But whilst the English were advancing towards the capital, Mir-cassem was preparing to make a magnificent entry in that city. He had sent orders to his friend, Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, to come to receive him at Palassy, with as many men, soldiers, and others, as he could assemble; to which he was to join as many of the Ministers and Grandees of the old Court, as he had gained over to his party; recommending to him to increase the number of the mace-bearers in his retinue, and to provide a new equipage equally rich and brilliant, and such as might enable him to make as pompous an entry as possible in the city. Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, who has not his equal in the art of executing a commission, went even farther than his friend had wished; and going to meet him at Palassy with a retinue equally brilliant and numerous, he enabled him to make his entry into the city, with the utmost splendour and magnificence. Mir-cassem, on his arrival, went to his lodgings, from whence he paid a visit to the old Navvab. The next day, in the evening, Mr. Vansittart arrived, and took up his quarters at M8rad-bagh, which is a seat on the other side of the Baughratty. The next day, at about nine in the morning, Mir-djaafer-qhan went to see him. Mr. Vansittart received him with the usual ceremonies,\(202\) and then exposed the motive of his voyage, with the expedient he had devised for re-establishing order and arrangement in the Government and finances. The old man refused his consent, and spoke a great deal, and seemed uneasy. Mr. Vansittart sent a person to fetch Mir-cassem-qhan, and meanwhile the conference went on with mutual expostulations and reproaches. The old Navvab refusing absolutely to give his consent to the regulation which the other proposed, got up, declined waiting any more for Mir-cassem, and took his leave. Whilst he was crossing the river to return to his palace, he perceived Mir-cassem in his own boat crossing over to M8rad-bagh, and he made him sign to return; his intention being to prevent his going thither for concerting the execution of some scheme to his prejudice. But the other, who thought his honour concerned in not returning back, went on, and did, as if he had neither seen the sign nor heard the voice. Being arrived at M8rad-bagh, Mr. Vansittart exposed to him minutely the whole conference from the beginning to its end. Mir-cassem answered: “That he was sorry matters had taken such a turn, as now the old Navvab having conceived suspicions against him, would give himself no rest, until he had made away with his son-in-law.” Mr. Vansittart answered, he could not help it. The other replied, “If you cannot help me in this affair, how should I help myself, who have been all along helpless?” Mr. Vansittart’s dinner being upon the table, he desired Mir-cassem to sit still, until the dinner was over, when he would speak to him again; on which the latter retired to another apartment, and there sat some time exceedingly surprised and pensive. After this he consulted Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, whom he had brought with him, and he asked him, what he thought of the present posture of affairs? The other answered: “Tell Mr. Vansittart, whatever is the matter, and whatever you have so say, if he does not consent, then without going home again, send for your troops and money hither; and taking your departure from this very spot, march towards Birbohom, and canton yourself there, act as one revolted, and live by plunder and rapine. As most of the troops are attached to you, and the Emperor and Cam-car-qhan shall favorise your views undoubtedly, it is probable that even in this manner your scheme may chance to succeed.” Mir-cassem approved this advice; and as he was now upon the worst terms with Mir-djaafer-qhan, he kept this expedient in store in his bosom, as a remedy that might be recurred to at the last extremity. And really the troops, extremely discontented on the prospect of losing both their pay and their arrears, were all averse to the old Navvab, and all attached to his son-in-law, especially since the latter had taken upon himself the discharge of their arrears. The two Djagat-seats, that is, Mahtab-ráy, and his brother, Radja Ser8p-chund, were Mir-cassem’s secret friends, and favorised his views underhand, although little suspecting how far matters would alter one day, and what strange events the Divine Providence, by its fullness of power, would at some time hereafter bring out of the present disturbances. Mr. Vansittart, after his meal, sent for Mir-cassem again, and the latter exposed the difficulties and necessities of his situation. He added, “That if the scheme was not brought to bear, as it had been agreed to, matters might end in mischief, as they had now come to a crisis, and he had no other resource to save himself.” Mr. Vansittart, hearing these words, took apart Mr. Hushtin, with one or two others, and spent a very long time in consultation and conference; at last, after a deal of dissertation, it was determined, that to-morrow they should go together with Mir-cassem to the palace, to execute the scheme in the manner it had been agreed upon. But Mir-cassem having now conceived heavy suspicions against his father-in-law, sent orders to his troops, and to all his friends, to assemble in great numbers in his house and in his quarter, where they were to keep themselves in readiness. He had previously ordered his household people to keep ready victuals dressed for all that multitude, by which expedient those vast numbers that had thronged in his palace and in his whole quarter, were kept together, and did not disperse to take their meals. The consultation being ended at M8rad-bagh, and a final resolution taken, Mir-cassem was dismissed to his home; and it was determined, that to-morrow at day-break, he should be ready and armed with all his friends and troops, and that one hour before the dawn of the day, the English officers, with their soldiers and guns, should take possession of the gate of the Navvab’s palace. Mir-cassem, after taking leave, ordered a lane to be formed of his troops, down to the water-side, along which he went and took boat; and after crossing the river, he went along another such lane up to his palace, where he passed the whole night in offering to the Supreme Judge of pretensions, prayers for the success of his undertaking; after which he spoke to his friends and his well-wishers; so that it was late at night when he took some rest. The next day, as the morning of Mir-cassem-qhan’s prosperity was just dawning, that nobleman being waked by his good fortune, ordered all his friends and troops to stand ready to accompany him, and as soon as he saw them assembled in vast crowds, he arrayed himself in the attire of a Sovereign, and recommending his person to his fortune, he mounted the steed of hope and success, and advanced towards the old Navvab’s palace. There he found that Mr. Vansittart, with Mr. Hushtin, and some other persons of distinction, were already arrived, with a number of officers and troops, all ranged in the outer yard of his palace, with some cannon ready primed; they had placed guards with orders to suffer none to come in or out. Mir-cassem stopped at the Nacar-qhana, or theatre of military music, and mounting a horse, he remained there surrounded by his people. Messages, meanwhile, were going in and out, but to little purpose; nor could all Mr. Vansittart’s arguments persuade the old man, that instead of abandoning the government of his dominions to two or three wretched Hindoos, capable of nothing but of enriching themselves, and instead of leaving the troops, with the gentry and nobility to starve, ready to come to an open revolt; he had better recommend his affairs to his own son-in-law, who by being admitted to the helm, as his Deputy, would bring no detriment to his affairs, which, on the contrary, would be now freed from all the embarrassments they had laboured under, and would leave him at full liberty to pass the remainder of his days in the pleasures of society and the Vansittart, who intended only to make Mir-cassem, Deputy to the Navvab, is obliged to render him absolute. enjoyments of life. The Navvab would not listen to any such reasoning; he remained obstinate; nor would he lend a willing ear to the insinuation of the English rulers. A deal of time was spent in messages and answers, and all to no purpose. At last the English Talingas approached the gate, and the cannon was got ready. At the noise they made the troops within the gate, where they had been assembled by the Navvab for his defence, took fright, and by one of these accidents which never arrive, but amongst those in whose hearts God himself has implanted a dread of those sorts of soldiers, as if to punish a sinful race in the inhabitants of these regions; they, one and all, under some pretence or other, slipt out of their posts one after another, and most of them repaired to their houses. Mr. Vansittart finding that even this desertion had made no impression upon the Navvab, could not help saying, “That since the man proved obstinate, and would listen to no sober advice, it was needless to wait for his consent; and that they had better proceed on the business of regulating the country, satisfying the soldiers, and easing the subjects.” This opinion having been assented to by all the rulers and officers who were with him, all of whom, to a man, were convinced of the justness of his observation; he directed Mir-cassem-qhan to take his seat on the Mesned of the three provinces, and from thence to issue his commands everywhere. At the same time he got the gate opened, and driving away the few men that were there, he placed English Talingas on the several apartments for their safety, and a particular guard at the gate of the women’s sanctuary. After taking all those precautions, he sent for Mir-cassem-qhan, made him sit upon the Mesned of command and sovereignty, which was placed under a lofty canopy of rich embroidery; and after assisting at that ceremony, he retired to a distant apartment where he took some rest. This event happened on a Sunday, being the tenth of the first Reby, in the year of the Hegira 1174; and it carried A. D. 1761. Mir-cassem-qhan’s steps from the dignity of Deputy, which was all that was intended at first, as far as the absolute dominion over the three provinces, of which none had yet thought any thing. The military music struck at the same time; and the report of his accession to full power, rushing with equal swiftness and eclat from house to house, most of those that waited at home to see what might happen that day, joined those favourites and friends of his who had already thronged the gates; and all together crowded upon him with their congratulations and nuzurs. Mr. Vansittart leaving Mr. Hushtin with some troops to guard the new Viceroy for two or three days, quietly returned to M8rad-bagh, but not without having sent a message to the discarded Prince, whom he informed in the following terms: “That if he chose to reside in M8rsh8d-abad, none would presume to offer him any injury; and that he was at liberty to choose what palace, and what spot he would be pleased to pitch upon. That else, if he chose to quit this city, and to reside in Calcutta, he might even there choose whatever habitation he would be pleased with.” The old man, who was retired within the sanctuary with his women and children, answered, that he would go to Calcutta; and he asked boats and accommodations for that voyage. These being provided in a little time, Mir-djaafer-qhan assembled leisurely those treasures, and those inestimable gems and jewels that had been hoarding up for ages together, by several ancient families and Princes, (such as Djaafer-qhan, his son-in-law, Shudjah-qhan, and his grandson, Ser-efraz-qhan, to which hoard immense additions had been made afterwards by Aaly-verdy-qhan, and by his three sons-in-law, and lastly by Seradj-ed-döula.) All these had been hitherto kept in the sanctuary under the care of Menni alias Menni-begum, who from a dance-girl, had become his favourite consort, and acted in every thing as the mistress of the house. He ransacked in the same manner the several wardrobes, left by all those preceding Princes, from whence he took all those precious stuffs, and all those costly curiosities, which being so many miracles of art as well as luxury, had been amassed one by one by those ancient families, and were kept within the sanctuary out of the sight of mankind. In short, he carried away every thing precious or rich which he could recollect, or even think of, together with such of the ladies of the seraglio as had cohabited with him; he also embarked his children, which consisted in three or four little boys, and several daughters. All these being put on board, together with a number of servants of both sexes, he departed for Calcutta, being all along escorted for the safety of his person, by some companies of English Talingas, who accompanied him to the very gates of that city, which is now a place of an immense wealth and populousness, and the capital of those extensive dominions which the English have acquired in India. Arrived there, he purchased in the most populous part of the city, and near the market-place, a spot of ground, whereon he raised several buildings according to his own mind and taste. It was remarked, that of all his friends, none had chosen to follow him in order to keep him company, but Gh8lam-aaly-beg, who gave him that proof of attachment; but in reality he had no other corner to which he could resort.
By this departure, Mir-cassem-qhan had remained the sole possessor of the Mesned of command and sovereignty; and nevertheless he sought to raise his importance by several sounding titles and surnames, which he was at the pains of procuring from the Imperial Court; these were those of Nassyr-el-mulk, Imtiaz-ed-döula-mir-mahmed-cạssem-qhan-nusret-djung.\(203\) A son being born to him a little before this sudden elevation, he looked upon his birth as presaging certain success to his enterprise; and as he understood a little astrology, and believed in its maxims and predictions, he procured the child’s horoscope to be accurately drawn by several able astrologers; and on their predictions he expressed his hope, that he would one day rise to the highest dignities. But he did not live; and he died two or three years after his father had appointed him Governor-General of the province of Azim-abad, and had procured for him from the Emperor, the titles of Mir-shems-eddin-aaly-qhan-bahadyr-nassyr-djung,\(204\) with the grade of seven thousand horse. A seraglio had been provided for him, together with a number of servants, and officers, and chairmen, and horses, and elephants, all proportioned to his size; so that the child with its diminutive seraglio, and household, and retinue, became for a time a spectacle to the whole city of M8rsh8d-abad. The new Prince, after having provided for his son, remembered his relations. He had a maternal uncle, by name Mir-aab8-t8rab, a poor wretch, whom in the first days of his power, he raised to the title of Muéz-ed-döula,\(205\) (T8rab-aaly-qhan-bahadyr,) bestowing upon him a standard, a kettle-drum, a fringed paleky, and a brigade of horse and foot. The son of this uncle was honoured with the title of Aab8-aaly-qhan-bahadyr, and with a brigade; and he took care to distinguish him, but without giving him any influence or authority; and the truth is, that he had not merit enough for such a distinction. The uncle himself was not a man of merit; nor had he any fitness for employs and commands; but he had the merit of remembering very well both those he had loved, and those that had shewn any friendship to him; nor did he fail, as much as it depended on him, to promote their welfare, and to watch every favourable moment of speaking in their behalf to the new Prince, who soon after his elevation betrayed some ferocity in his temper. However, his principal care on the first days of the revolution, was only to establish and to confirm some stipulations and promises that had been agreed to with the Court of Calcutta, and with the English nation. These stipulations had been written and witnessed by both sides; and they were now confirmed and agreed to anew; in consequence of which, Mir-cassem-qhan being invested with the power of binding and losing, closely applied himself to the business of re-establishing the finances, and settling the government of the country. With this view he took to task all the heads of the several offices, whether those of old standing, or those that had been brought in by Mir-djaafer-qhan, or his son, Miren; he obliged them to render a circumstantial account of their administration, and thereby discovered an infinity of infidelities and embezzlements; and in this particular branch of administration, he had the art to get himself assisted by several ancient officers, whom he took care to soothe into compliance, by taking them into favour. These were of great service to him in discovering and convicting the others. By these means he came to have an exact account of the effecive men in the army, and of the quantity of money, jewels, and furniture left in the palace or in the treasury. As a further security, he appointed some of his friends, on whose abilities he confided, to act as Comptrollers, and Supervisors in the several offices. Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, who was his trustiest friend, and who, to all his innate delicacy in matters of honour and fidelity, joins the incomparable talent of unravelling the most hidden mysteries of administration, and of discovering intuitively the decisive knot of the most intricate accounts, was proposed chiefly to the military examination, and to the business of ascertaining the real arrears due to the troops. But besides that appointment, he occasionally unravelled with an admirable dexterity, the hidden springs and artifices of the most complicated statements. But still an associate was given him in that business; and it was Sitaram, a man of a bad character indeed, and who was universally known for a mischievous wicked Minister, but who was a complete master of all the intricacies of revenue accounts; and as he had been often at variance with other Accomptants, he was thought the fitter for examining and bringing to light the embezzlements of the other officers of the revenue, and of the several penmen. Mir-m8nshy, the Navvab’s Secretary, a man in whom he reposed a great confidence, and who had been decorated with the title of Hafyz-esrar-qhan,\(206\) was now proposed to audit certain accounts, and to unravel certain expenditures that were of his province.
But a man who now appeared for the first time upon the horizon, and soon rose to engross the Navvab’s unbounded confidence, was an Armenian called Qhadja-gurghin, brother to Qhadja-bedross.\(207\) He was put at the head of the artillery, with orders to new-model it after the European fashion, and likewise to discipline the musqueteers in his service after the English manner; troops, which to this day have retained the name of Talingas, in imitation of their patterns and models. To raise his character, he was henceforward called Gurghin-qhan, and distinguished by many favours; and he soon became a principal man in the Navvab’s service. There was no man equal to him in that Prince’s employment; none had so much credit upon his mind; and to this day, no General ever had the art of governing his master in so complete a manner. He, like the devil, was endlessly running after Mir-cassem-qhan; and having once laid hold of him, he mastered him, and kept him under at pleasure. Another of his favourites, who yielded but little to Gurghin-qhan, was Sheh-mesned-aaly the Lucnovian, a man of the scum of the people, totally void of brains, but who now was raised to the highest rank in the army; his favour extended even to his sons, as well as to his two nephews, who after his death, inherited part of his offices, and were each of them Paymasters to four or five thousand horse. Ferhad-aaly had some thousand horse to his share, and Bereket-aaly in proportion; his son, Mahmed-aaly, had the command and payment of five thousand horse, who were disciplined after the English manner, and commanded by Hevalidars, and Djemaatdars, and S8bahdars, and Comidans, (Commandants). To every troop of ten amongst these five thousand troopers, there was added a stout man, with a drawn sabre, whose business was, in a day of battle, not to fight himself, but to kill upon the spot, any one that should turn his back. On another side, Mirza-shemseddin, who had been even from his youth attached to Mir-cassem-qhan, and was a man quick at repartees and of a pleasing conversation, was sent to Azim-abad, with the commission of gaining the hearts of Miren’s army quartered there, and of conciliating to his government the minds of the principal persons of that city. This commission having been ably executed, soon rendered him one of the principal favourites of the Navvab’s. He was honoured with some lucrative offices, for instance, that of the wardrobe, with the agency at the Emperor’s Court, and the management of the djaghirs, or apanages affected to some persons, now in the Imperial camp, as well as of some other lands and districts. It is remarkable, that some time before Mir-cassem-qhan’s elevation, I received a very obliging and very polite letter from him, where he fixed upon me a handsome salary, and requested my interest with the English of the factory at Azim-abad, and with some other persons of consequence amongst them, that he might by their means obtain the government of that province. He was unaware at that time, that his good fortune destined him to the sovereignty of the very country of which he wished to have only the government; and moreover would add to it the throne of Bengal.
He was hardly established on the Mesned, when he instituted a scrutiny in the department of finances, where he was amazed and thunderstruck at the emptiness of the treasury, and at the immense balances which he had to pay to his own troops, as well as to those of Mir-djaafer-qhan’s, for whose arrears he had pledged himself; and all that, over and above the large sums that were due to the English army and to the English rulers. He therefore resolved to keep a watchful eye over such Districts of Bengal as had come in his possession; and at the same time he made over to the English the whole province of Bardevan, in assignment of what was due to them for the pay of their army; he also put into their hands his own jewels, as a pledge for the sums promised to that nation. From thence he turned his thought towards the musters of the army, where, after repeated reviews and a minute investigation, made under the eyes of Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, it appeared that enormous infidelities had been committed in the Paymaster’s office; and that there was no other way of paying off the sums due to the army, than by liquidating one part of them by the monies accruing from the revenues, and one part, by giving assignations upon several provinces; after which there would remain one-third part more, which might be payable at some future period. The troops, who under the preceding administration had been driven to despair by the inability of the treasury, satisfied with the steps taken to discharge their arrears, and to pay them regularly for the future, acquiesced in every thing; and it is on this subject probably, that Mir-cassem-qhan, in consequence of some previous agreement, received of the Djagat-seats a sum of money; a disagreeable operation to which he was driven by the necessity of his afiairs. These arrangements being over, he turned his views towards his own income, and he curtailed his expenses so as to bring his expenditure on a par with his revenue, retrenching as useless and burdensome a variety of expenses usual and customary in India, and which men in power believe to be necessary to their pleasures; for instance, the ram-office, the nightingale-office, the antelope-office, and some others, all belonging to the menagery department. Of all that multitude of animals, he kept only a few of each species, and made the rest over to the Zemindars of the provinces, on their paying a certain price, which his treasury received from their agents, At the same time, Chunny-laal, and M8ny-laal, those men that had fattened so long on the vitals of the people, were seized, and served according to their deserts; and vast sums of money accrued to the treasury from the confiscation of their effects.
It must be observed that Mir-cassem-qhan had been from his earliest youth in favour with the family of Aaly-verdy-qhan, on account of his being son-in-law to Mir-djaafer-qhan, whose consort was half-sister to that Prince; and it was on her recommendation that he had received the command of a troop of horse, for which he drew pay regularly. This circumstance, by giving him access to all the offices, and to the houses of most of the men in the management of the revenues, had procured him a thorough insight into their infidelities and embezzlements; so that he was informed early of the faculties of every one of them; insomuch, that when he came to the sovereign command, it became easy to him to find out every one of those managers, whom he knew or suspected to have been money-hoarders. He now availed himself of a variety of pretences to strip them of the greatest part of their acquisitions by bringing them under the lash of the auditing office. Matters went so far, that he took to task even some women who were known to have had the management of some expenditures within Mr-djaafer-qhan’s seraglio, or in that of his son, Miren, or who appeared by the accounts of the Steward’s office to have been entrusted with the keeping of jewels, or of sums of gold, or with furniture of that metal, or with some curious and costly things; or who appeared to have received any quantity of them in present. All these were now seized, and by threats obliged to a restitution; and some of them were made to refund more than they had ever received. Nay, he ferreted out and took to task some slave women, and some eunuchs of the household of Aaly-verdy-qhan’s, and of his sons-in-law; old people who having bought some protector at Court, had retired, and were passing their lives in corners, and retirement. Even these were made to pay as much money as it was possible, as much at least as informers had given advice of; so that one would think that he had been present, and had heard the poet Saady speak, when the latter pronounced these famous verses:
| “Why do not you put every one under a contribution of some silver? |
| That there may come every day some treasure into your hands.” |
Amongst the old heads of office who had served under Aaly-verdy-qhan, there was one Radja Djagat-sing, who had for a number of years acted as Deputy to the two Divans, Djankiram, and D8ll8bram, but who had as much influence and authority as either of them. Being grown old now, he had retired from affairs; but on observing how matters went abroad with others, he sent an exact list of the effects and money he had been hoarding up these fifty years past, and thereby redeemed his honour and character. The whole amounted to an incredible sum, and indeed, it wrought a singular effect. The Viceroy, having remitted him a small part of his substance, took possession of the remainder; but he from that moment paid much regard to the man, to whom he henceforward shewed so much attention, that whenever he came to Court he made him sit at his left elbow, close to his Mesned. From this man the Navvab passed to another; this was a nobleman who had been Daroga, or introductor of the hall of audience to Aaly-verdy-qhan, for a number of years, in which time he had been a favourite so far, as to have amassed lacs in that office. The nobleman was now desired to refund the whole, both jewels and cash, but nevertheless was continued in his office: his name was Gholam-hosséin-qhan. In short, the new Navvab, having by the mighty sums he assembled from all parts, brought it within his power to establish regular payments for the troops, picked from amongst them those he liked most, dismissed the others, and discharged entirely their arrears. After putting the army under a proper regulation, he turned his views towards the strongholds of the Zemindars, all of whom he was determined to bring, not only under controul, but even under a thorough submission.
Amongst the Zemindars in the kingdom of Bengal, none was so near neighbour to the city of M8rsh8d-abad, its capital, as the Radja of Birbohom, and none so powerful, whether by the number of his troops, or by his personal character for bravery. He likewise piqued himself upon a sense of honour, and a delicacy of sentiments, qualifictions very extraordinary in a Zemindar. Now Mir-cassem-qhan, in his heart, had been at all times an enemy to Zemindars, and it must be acknowledged, that they are a set of men faithless to a high degree, short-sighted, impatient of controul, ever ready, on the least appearance of a revolution, to turn their backs on their masters, and to forget the most important favours received at their hands, losing no opportunity to execute all the mischief which occasion presents, and on that account, as well on account of their strange and inconsistent character, requiring at all times the strong grasp of a curbing hand. It is for such a variety of reasons that the ancient Emperors and Princes, unwilling to repose any confidence The Radja of Birbohom revolts. in such men, used to manage every Pergannah or District by their own officers; a precaution which rendered the country in those times, populous and flourishing, the husbandman easy, the traveller safe, the land everywhere tilled and green, and the inhabitants of towns and cities, prosperous and happy. Whereas now that Zemindars are left to themselves, and with the reins floating on their necks, mischiefs are increasing every day, the country becomes desolate, and the revenues fall short and are in confusion; and if matters remain in this state, the country shall go from bad to worse, and all will go to wreck. But to return to our purpose; the Zemindar of Birbohom, Bedy-us-zeman-qhan, who went by the name of Divan-dji, had always been in his youth, as he was now even in his riper years, extremely addicted to his ease and to his pleasures; and it was to enjoy himself he had left the management of his dominions to Aaly-naky-qhan, the most capable of his sons, his whole ambition being to pass his days in quiet and enjoyment. But this hopeful son of his dying in the flower of his age, the father, who was already disgusted with the world, and deeply affected by the total ruin that had befallen Aaly-verdy-qhan’s family, to which he was extremely attached, put on a Fakyr’s garb, and placing at the head of his dominions Assed-zeman-qhan,\(208\) another son of his, but born to him from his Rani, or Princess,\(209\) he retired again out of the tumult of affairs, and seemed pleased with nothing but the conversation of Fakyrs, and with retirement and tranquility. It happened at that conjuncture that something above the usual rent had been asked of the new-seated Zemindar; the Navvab had asked as a sovereign urged by the necessities of his state; and the other had refused for fear of establishing a precedent. Probably there was another reason, and this was, that the new Navvab, who passed as yet for only an ungrateful man that had risen but yesterday to an elevation which seemed to put all mankind at his feet, was not supposed to have acquired so early a sufficient stock of authority and power to render his Government respectable. Be it as it may, the Navvab set out of the city, and encamped at B8dgam, which is at about ten or twelve cosses’ distance; from whence he dispatched Qhadja-mahmedi-qhan, to chastise the Radja of Birbohom. This officer, who had been in the office of Paymaster-General so early as the times of Mir-djaafer-qhan’s accession to the throne, was accompanied by an Englishman, called Major York, and likewise by Gurghin-qhan, alias Codja-Kircor, the Armenian, who was Grandmaster of the artillery, and had been raised and promoted by Mir-cassem-qhan. It must be observed that this officer had orders to march forward with his troops, and if possible, to put an end to the war with the Radja, before the English could come up with their detachment. But as there did not remain now any one of those officers and Generals that had been formed by serving under Aaly-verdy-qhan, and the troops had none at their head but those vile unexperienced men, that had been brought forward in great numbers by Mir-djaafer-qhan and his son, and none of course on whom they might repose a confidence, matters went on very ill in that campaign. For Assed-zeman-qhan, having requested his father to govern the country as his Divan, or Prime Minister, in his absence, took the field with about four or five thousand horse, and twenty thousand foot, which he posted at Kerivha, a spot of difficult access; from whence he endlessly dispatched detachments to possess themselves of all the difficult passes, and to scour the enemy’s country. And I found matters in that posture, when I arrived myself at the camp at B8dgam.
I had been sent thither by Major Carnac, who had succeeded Colonel Clive as his Deputy, and was likewise Commander-in-Chief of all the English forces. This officer, in concert with Mr. Hay, the acting Chief of the factory of Patna, in Mr. Amyatt’s absence, had given me instructions to represent to Mir-cassem-qhan, the state of affairs in the province of Bahar, and the propriety of his taking a journey thither; and this was what I exposed to that Prince in my first visit, where I delivered faithfully the message which I had brought; and it was during my sojourn in that camp, that news came of the victory obtained in Birbohom. That event happened in the following manner: Some English Captains, who were quartered with a few companies of Talingas in Bardvan, advanced from thence on Assed-zeman-qhan’s rear, and availing themselves of that neglect and supineness which they perceived in his troops, they broke suddenly into his camp, and dispersed his whole army. A few discharges of cannon, and some volleys of musquetry, killed and wounded numbers in the The Radja’s whole army dispersed by a handful of English. Radja’s army, and put the others to flight, who taking fright, dispersed on all sides. On the report of the cannon, the Navvab’s troops hastened forward, and came just time enough to shew themselves, and to pursue the runaways a little; after which, they encamped on the spot which the enemy had abandoned. The Navvab having heard enough of this affair to become sensible of the cowardice and unwillingness of his troops, conceived a dislike against every one of them, but especially against their General, Mahmedy-qhan, with whom he was not already much pleased. But we shall give some account of the consequences of this engagement, as soon as the reader shall have been informed of the posture of affairs at Azim-abad, and of the conjunctures which brought me to the Navvab’s camp.
We have already mentioned that Mr. Holwell, having commanded sometime by interim, Mr. Vansittart came and took the command at Calcutta, where he soon figured as the supreme mover of whatever was transacted in the Council. But some days before, that is, immediately on Colonel Clive’s departure, Mr. Amyatt, with Major Carnac, Mr. Lushington, and some other English rulers, had already repaired to Calcutta, where he had been received as second in command, but where he soon commenced a chain of dissensions and misintelligences with Mr. Vansittart, whom he was endlessly accusing of ignorance and incapacity in all his letters to Europe; nor was Mr. Vansittart backward in retorting the accusation, being forced into this warfare by his very circumstances. Colonel Clive had already, God knows for what reason, quitted the command of the army, and repaired to Europe, and he had been succeeded in his military command by Major Carnac, who was the next in order. Mr. Lushington himself had returned to Azim-abad sometime after Mir-cassem-qhan’s elevation. As I happened, although the last of men, to be so much connected with the English rulers, that the new Viceroy had some time before thought proper to solicit my interest with them, by settling a handsome salary upon me, and even by introducing that request by a sum of money; so those gentlemen, who knew that particular, as well as the necessities of my situation, availed themselves of that opportunity, to support my claim to a Djaghir of six hundred thousand dams, in and about the town of Mongher,\(210\) close to the castle, which estate had been for ages in the possession of our family, and had been confiscated by Mir-djaafer-qhan, on account of my father’s being so attached to the Emperor. These gentlemen, fully apprised of this, interposed so effectually with Mir-cassem-qhan, that they obtained of him a release of the said estate, and having received a patent of it, signed and sealed by the new Viceroy, as well as by the usual officers, they got it registered in the offices of Azim-abad, and engaged Ram-naráin to deliver it to me with his own hands; after which I sent a Steward thither, who took possession of the land.
The rainy season being over, Major Carnac came out of the city of Azim-abad, at the head of the English troops, fully resolved to put an end to that conflagration, which the Emperor and M8shur Lass,\(211\) with Cam-car-qhan, were keeping up throughout the province; and he ordered Radja Ram-naráin and Radja B8ll8b to join him at Djaafer-qhan’s garden, where he was encamped. Although I had no office, and held but a small rank in the world, I thought that the favours I had received of the English required my making the campaign with the Major; but as in consequence of a variety of unfortunate events of many years’ standing, I was destitute of tents, horses, arms, and necessaries, the Major and Mr. Hay joined together in furnishing me with arms, horses, a tent, and every necessary for that purpose; so that the poor man passed his time agreeably in the English army, being every day with the Major, and often admitted and consulted in affairs of consequence. But as the army remained encamped there for some time, and the two Gentoos, who were in camp at the head of large bodies of toops, agreed so little together, that what the one had proposed in his usual visit of the morning, never failed to be objected to by the other, in his evening interview, the Major, and the other English rulers lost all patience; and disgusted at such a continual scene of dissension, they joined Mr. Hay in telling me, “That they looked upon me (the poor man) as one attached both to the English, and to Mir-cassem-qhan, whose affairs were likely to be ruined by these two Gentoos, whose dissensions had no end; that as they were both in high credit and authority, both at the head of whole armies, and both acting as servants and deputies of Mir-cassem-qhan, the English could not do anything, nor even come to any final resolution, so long as these men should continue so opposed to each other; for the English were not enabled to distinguish whose opinion they must adhere to. It becomes then convenient,” added they, “that Mir-cassem-qhan, their master, should himself come over; to the end, that after consulting those two servants of his, and hearing their respective opinions, he may take a party for himself; after which we shall have no other trouble than that of following the same, as we shall have then to treat solely with him. Not that we have not several times wrote to him on the subject; but our letters have produced no effect; because, forsooth, the affairs of Birbohom are of higher importance than those of Azim-abad; or because the Radja is a more dangerous foe than the Emperor, and M8shur Lass and Cam-car-qhan. Do then repair to Mir-cassem-qhan, and by all means bring him hither.” To this proposal I consented, and having been furnished with letters from the Major for Mir-cassem-qhan, and with other letters for Major York, that he might protect my person, should Mir-cassem attempt to offer me any injury, I departed. I was furnished by the Major with every thing requisite for my journey, and he added to them one of those Imperial badjraws of the navy Djehan-ghir-nugur,\(212\) which attended the English army. In descending the river, I met by the way Mr. Macguire, who was going to Azim-abad, as Chief of the factory there; and as we were both travelling in haste, I only found an opportunity of making my bow to him from afar, and of sending him my compliments. Mir-cassem-qhan being not at M8rsh8d-abad, I repaired to his camp at B8dgam, where I explained my errand. The Navvab objected to his going to Azim-abad; but as to the rest, he shewed me the utmost kindness and attention. He ordered a tent to be pitched for me, sent me tables full of victuals twice a day, and conversed familiarly with me; he also sent some of those delicate stuffs, such as turbants and fine malmalls, which are manufactured at Djehanghir-nugur;\(213\) and these kindnesses lasted until Ram-naráin, by the channel of Djagut-seat’s agent, who was likewise a pensioner of his, found means to convey a letter to the Navvab, by which he informed him, that being myself exceedingly attached to the English, whilst, on the other hand, my father cut so capital a figure in the Emperor’s camp, I had come as a spy, on the part of both the English and the Emperor. Those malignant insinuations were introduced by Djagut-seat himself, through the channel of his own agents; and as Mir-cassem-qhan was naturally of a suspicious disposition, he ceased to shew me so much regard as he had done; and this change of behaviour impressed me with much concern, and some fears; but as Major York was not in the army, I was at a loss where to take shelter, and how to manage. To ask my leave of the Navvab, and to be gone, might have increased his suspicions; and, on the other hand, to remain in camp, without that assistance on his part, which my want of equipage had rendered necessary, became impracticable. Nevertheless, two or three days being elapsed since my disgrace, I availed myself of it, to ask leave to return to M8rsh8d-abad. You will go to Azim-abad, I believe, answered he, with a severe cast of features, and you may. I answered, that I had business at M8rsh8d-abad; and he dismissed me, with an air of severity, and without presenting me, as is the custom, with any thing for the charges of my journey. After making my way to M8rsh8d-abad, with some difficulty, I landed in the house of an acquaintance, where, some time after my arrival, he thought proper to send me a small sum of money, through the hands of Qhadja-Ashref, the Cashmirian, who was a nephew to the Prince of Merchants, Qhadja-vadjed, a favourite of the Navvab’s.\(214\)
After some interval, intelligence came “That Major Carnac having attacked the Emperor about Azim-abad, had given him a defeat, and obliged him to retreat; that M8shur Lass having, in compliance with some custom established between the English Major Carnac beats the Shah-zada totally, and takes M8shur Lass prisoner. and French nations, surrendered himself prisoner, had been treated with honour and distinction, and that some time after the Major, by sending some messages to the Emperor, had engaged him to listen to terms of pacification; after which he had paid his respects to that Monarch, and brought him with him to Azim-abad, where he had lodged him in the city.” Mir-cassem-qhan, on hearing this news, hastened his march through the hills, and advanced to Azim-abad. I resolved on my side to repair thither also; but as I was preparing to set out, I heard that T8rab-aaly-qhan, Deputy to the Navvab in Bengal, had ordered that no letters should be delivered to the Hindostanies whether coming to, or going out of, M8rsh8d-abad, and that no, one of them should quit the city without his leave. I was surprised and confounded at the prohibition, but at last I obtained his permission by the interposition of the Chief of Cassimbazar, and quitting Bengal, I journeyed to Azim-abad. And now we must revert to the thread of our history, that the reader may not wonder at our leaving unfinished the narrative of the manner in which matters were brought to a conclusion at Azim-abad.
Major Carnac, after dismissing me to M8rsh8d-abad, marched at the head of the English troops, as well as those belonging to Ram-naráin, and to Miren; his intention was to fight the Emperor, who was at Gaya-manp8r. The latter on being informed of that General’s approach, wrote letter after letter to my father, requesting his joining him with the large body of troops which he had assembled in his retreat. But before my father could arrive, the engagement had already taken place, and the war was at an end. M8shur Lass, with the small force, and the small artillery which he could muster, bravely fought the English themselves, and for some time he made a shift to withstand their superiority. Their auxiliaries consisted in large bodies of natives, commanded by Ram-naráin, and Radja B8ll8b. But the engagement was decided by the English, who fell with so much effect upon the enemy, that their onset could not be withstood by either the Emperor or Cam-car-qhan. The latter finding he could not resist, turned about and fled. The Emperor obliged to follow him, quitted the field of battle; and the handful of troops that followed M8shur Lass, discouraged by this flight, and tired of the wandering life which they had hitherto led in his service, turned about likewise, and followed the Emperor. M8shur Lass finding himself abandoned and alone, resolved not to turn his back; he bestrode one of his guns, and remained firm in that posture; waiting for the moment of his death. This being reported to Major Carnac, he detached himself from his main with Captain Knox, and some other officers, and he advanced to the man on the gun, without taking with him either a guard, or any Talingas at all. Being arrived near, this troop alighted from their horses, and pulling their caps from their heads, they swept the air with them, as if to make him a salaam; and this salute being returned by M8shur Lass in the same manner, some parley ensued in their own language. The Major, after paying high encomiums to M8shur Lass for his perseverance, conduct, and bravery, added these words: “You have done every thing that could be expected from a brave man, and your name shall be undoubtedly transmitted to posterity by the pen of history. Now loosen your sword from your loins, come amongst us, and abandon all thoughts of contending with the English.” The other answered: “That if they would accept of this surrendering himself just as he was, he had no objections; but that as to surrendering himself with the disgrace of being without his sword, it was a shame he would never submit to; and that they might take his life if they were not satisfied with that condition.” The English Commanders, admiring his firmness, consented to his surrendering himself in the manner he wished; after which, the Major with his officers shook hands with him, in their European manner, and every sentiment of enmity was instantly dismissed on both sides. At the same time, that Commander sent for his own palky, made him sit in it, and he was sent to camp. M8shur Lass, unwilling to see or to be seen, in that condition, shut up the curtains of the palky for fear of being recognised by any of his friends at camp; but yet some of his acquaintances hearing of his being arrived, went to him. These were Mir-abdollah and Mustepha-c8li-qhan. The Major, who had excused him from appearing in public, informed them that they could not see him for some days, as he was too much vexed to receive any company. Ahmed-qhan-coréishi, who was an impertinent talker, having come to look at him, thought to pay his court to the English by joking on the man’s defeat: a behaviour that has nothing strange, if we consider the times in which we live, and the company he was accustomed to frequent; and it was in that notion of his, doubtless, that with much pertness of voice, and air, he asked him this question: And Bibi Lass, where is she? The Major and the officers present, shocked at the impropriety of the question, reprimanded him with a severe look, and very severe expressions. “This man,” they said, “has fought bravely, and deserves the attention of all brave men; the impertinencies which you have been offering him may be customary amongst your friends and your nation, but cannot be suffered in ours, who has it for a standing rule, never to offer an injury to a vanquished foe.” Ahmed-qhan, checked by this reprimand, held his tongue, and did not answer a word. He tarried about one hour more in his visit, and then went away much abashed; and although he was a Commander of importance, and one to whom much honour had been always paid, no one did speak to him any more, or made a show of standing up at his departure. This reprimand did much honour to the English; and it must be acknowledged, to the honour of those strangers, that as their conduct in war and in battle is worthy of admiration, so, on the other hand, nothing is more modest and more becoming than their behaviour to an enemy, whether in the heat of action, or in the pride of success and victory. These people seem to act entirely according to the rules observed by our ancient Commanders, and our men of genius.
Immediately after the battle, the Major sent Shitab-ráy to the Emperor, with offers to live in peace with him, and to pay him a visit; and this was the most advantageous event that could happen. But that Prince, who was defective in discernment, and had a boundless deference for Cam-car-qhan, declined the proposal, and dismissed the envoy. The latter on taking leave foretold, that one day “His Majesty would of himself seek those very terms of pacification which he now refused, and would not find them; or if he found any at all, they would fall short of those now proffered, and would not redound so much to His Majesty’s honour and advantage. Now those men are courting you,” said Shitab-ráy; “but when once they shall have despaired of success, and shall entirely withdraw their thoughts from an agreement, then should you in the sequel apply yourself for it, your Majesty may guess on what terms they will listen to it.” This representation produced nothing; and Shitab-ráy came back to camp. My father arriving with his forces after Shitab-ráy’s departure, highly blamed the Emperor for his having missed so fair an overture, but it was too late; the moment was past. Cam-car-qhan, although vanquished, had still so much stomach for war, that he proposed to make new levies, and to fight once more. Mir-hosséin-qhan, a man of whom mention has been made in Mahmed-c8li-qhan’s history, was of the same opinion with Cam-car-qhan, and breathed nothing but war and battle; but my father made the Emperor sensible, “that Cam-car-qhan was a Zemindar, and that to be endlessly fighting, and flying and flying again, was nothing but the trade he had been bred to; but that such a vagrant life was beneath the dignity of an Emperor, and highly disgraceful to his name; that a sense of shame was very proper; and that Shitab-ráy was not gone so far off, but that he might be sent for again, and his offers accepted.” We shall see in the sequel what effect this discourse made upon that Prince. But he seemed actually as much affected with the affairs of the Empire, as with those of his own camp and person.
The Abdaly-monarch was arrived at Shah-djehan-abad, on the one side, and the Marhattas on the other. The latter had taken possession of the citadel, where they had confined a Prince, called Shah-djehan, who had been set up by the Vezir, Umad-el-mulk; and they had conceived such high-flown projects, that they wanted to place on the throne their own King, Vasvas-ráo, so as to extend their dominion all over Hindostan. It was in these conjectures that the Abdaly came, and being joined by Shudja-ed-döula, and Nedjib-ed-döula, and by the two Rohila Princes, Hafyz-rahmet, and Ahmed-qhan-bangash, he gave those infidels a most destructive defeat.\(215\) But, after a sojourn of Revolution at Delhi; the victorious Abdaly-monarch strongly recommends submission to the Shah-zada, now Shah-aalem. nine months in Hindostan, he returned to Candahar and Herat the capitals of his dominions; and this victory produced a mighty revolution, of which a particular account shall be given whenever we come to speak of what relates to Shah-djehan-abad. The Abdaly-monarch had strongly recommeneded Shah-aalem to Shudja-ed-döula, as well as to all the Afghan Princes, whom he requested to seat that Prince upon the Hindostany throne, and to acknowledge him as their Sovereign. Nor was that Monarch a stranger to the Imperial family; his own consort was sister to Shah-aalem; but besides that, this forlorn Prince, on hearing of his father’s demise, had sent Munnir-ed-döula to him, with a view to obtain his support, as well as his recommendation to the several Powers of Hindostan. So that the Minister who had come with that Monarch to Shah-djehan-abad, availed himself of his weight to negotiate successfully with those Princes themselves, who were then in the Abdaly camp. It was on the Abdaly-king’s instances, that Nedjib-ed-döula had seated in the citadel of that capital, the young Djuvan-baqht, as Deputy to his father, Shah-aalem; and it was on that same Prince’s rocommendation, that Shudja-ed-döula had undertaken to bring up Shah-aalem himself from the frontiers of Bengal; for he had written several supplications to request his returning to his capital, and the latter, tired with the desultory life, and the endless incursions and retreats of Cam-car-qhan’s, had adopted my father’s advice, and had signed a note commanding Shitab-ráy’s return; his intention being to repair first to the English camp, and then to Shudjah-ed-döula’s capital. Shitab-ráy having shewn the note to Major Carnac, was permitted to repair to the Emperor’s camp, where after some conference, it was agreed that the English Commander should pay a visit to that Prince. This concert having given umbrage to Cam-car-qhan, who observed the Emperor’s growing inclination, and how far matters were taking a turn contrary to his disposition of mind, he took his own party at once, and marched off with his troops, taking the shortest road to his own country.
The Emperor after this departure, advanced to a small distance, and encamped near the English army. The next day, which was that appointed for his receiving the visit of the English Commander, he wanted to advance a little more, when Mir-hosséin-qhan, taking it for certain that the English would undoubtelly seize on the Emperor’s person, and confine him, made his escape out of the camp, and fled in earnest, his people crying everywhere, as they were going away, that the Emperor was going to be betrayed into the hands of the Frenghis, by his own Minister, Nassyr-ed-döula Hedaiet-aaly-qhan-bahadyr-assed-djung, (meaning my father); and that whoever had any sense of honour left, ought to quit the army immediately, and follow them. At these words a vast number of senseless men abandoned the Emperor, and followed the fugitives; but as all this disorderly multitude was to pass by the castle of Ticary, where Radja B8niad-sing resided, his people sallied out, and plundered every one of those runaways. Mir-hosséin-qhan made his escape; but the fools that had followed him upon his words, perceiving how matters went, thought themselves very happy to effect their return to the army which they had quitted before. The Emperor at that time was advancing with his troops in battle array towards the English camp, when at about mid-day, the Major made his appearance with his officers, at about half a cosse distance, where pulling The Shah-zada is visited by the English, who recognise his sovereignty. his cap, and putting it under his arm-pit, he advanced in that posture, marching on foot close to the Emperor’s elephant; but the Monarch having commanded him to be mounted, that General got on horseback, and taking his station alone, he preceded the Emperor’s elephant by about an arrow’s shot. My father, on his elephant, followed the Emperor at a very small distance; he was himself armed at all points, and at the head of the Imperial troops, all armed and ready. They marched in that order, until they arrived at the river of Djumni, which flows at one cosse and half distance from Gaya, a spot where the troops were to encamp. There the main of the army, together with the baggage, took post; but the Emperor, at the Major’s request, went a little farther, and entered a tent pitched in a garden surrounded by a grove, close to the town of Gáya. As soon as he had alighted, the Major, accompanied by his officers, by Ram-naráin, by Radja B8ll8b, and by all the principal Commanders of the two armies, paid him his respects, presented him with an entertainment, and offered his nuzur and homage, together with those of all the persons that accompanied him; after this ceremony he offered some presents suitable to the occasion, and worthy of the Emperor’s acceptance. All this while, my forgiven father was on his elephant, with all his troops mounted, and ready in the grove. The Emperor having withdrawn to a private room, my father went into the tent, and paid a visit to the Major and to his officers; and those having saluted him in their mode, received him with honour. After the usual ceremonies of paan,\(216\) atur, and rose-water, my father came out, joined the Emperor, and went to a camp pitched on the banks of the river; and it was nearly midnight before my father could find time to retire to his own quarters, and to take some rest. The next day the Emperor marched again, and took up his quarters at Gáya; and after some days of rest the armies set out again, and marched in concert to Azim-abad, in the neighbourhood of which city they all encamped; the Emperor to the south, on the reservoir or Lake of Muty-p8r; the English at Bauky-p8r, their old winter quarters, westward; Radja Ram-naráin, within the city; and Radja B8ll8b, at Djaafer-qhan’s garden, on the eastern side.
So much concert amongst people that had been fighting together but yesterday, engaged Mir-cassem to hasten his march to Azim-abad, where he encamped on the eastern part of the city, about Djaafer-qhan’s garden, in the middle of his own army. On his arrival he was met by Radja Ram-naráin, and by Radja B8ll8b, who paid their homage to the new Viceroy. The former returned to the citadel, where he lived; the latter, with Miren’s troops, joined those of the Navvab’s. Major Carnac and the English Chiefs wanted to introduce Mir-cassem-qhan to the Emperor; but some negotiation became nccessary on that subject, as the latter was either too suspicious, or too proud to go to the Emperor’s quarters. At last it was agreed that the interview should take place in the English factory, and that the Navvab should pay his respects to the Monarch at that place. The day being come, the English were busy in turning their factory into an Imperial hall of audience, and a couple of those tables, whereon they take their meals, into an Hindostany throne. Nevertheless the throne, as well as the hall, being spread and hung with rich stuffs, assumed a very splendid appearance. Every thing being ready, the Navvab started afresh some objections against my father’s accompanying the Emperor with those crowds of guards and servants that are customary; and the Major having interposed in this also, engaged the Emperor to come with a small retinue only; after which, he repaired himself to the factory, where the English had assembled in great numbers. These, on hearing of the Emperor’s being on his march, set out on foot with the Major at their head, and after meeting the Monarch, they continued to march on foot along with the moving throne\(217\). The Emperor having alighted at the gate of the factory, got into the hall, and took his seat on his throne. The English were all standing to the right and left of it, but the Major received orders to sit; he made a profound bow and took his seat. A little after the other English passed into another Mir-cassem arrives with an army at Azim-abad; and influenced by the English he renders homage to the Emperor. apartment, but it was to come again in order to stand at the foot of the throne. About one hour after, Mir-cassem-qhan came, and after having made his three bows in a respectful manner, he presented a nuzur of one thousand and one eshreffies; and immediately after, he offered to the Imperial acceptance a number of qhoans or trays, covered with precious and curious stuffs, fit for apparel; to which he added a quantity of jewels, and other costly articles. The Emperor accepted his homage, and honoured him with a qhylaat of six pieces, a chaplet of pearls, with a circlet for the head, and an aigrette of jewels adorned by black eagle’s feathers; after which the Navvab made the usual bows, and withdrew into the next room, which was that of Mr. Macguire, the Chief of the factory; and there he discussed the revenues and probable charges of the three provinces; and after some conversation on other matters relative to that object, he agreed to pay His Majesty a yearly tribute of twenty-four lacs of rupees. This being settled, he returned to the presence, was dismissed with every domonstration of regard, and he repaired to his encampment. After his departure, the Emperor having consulted with the English rulers, accepted the offer; after which he, on their request, went to the citadel or castle, where he landed in some buildings called the Imperial palace, and which were affected to crowned heads only. But as Mir-cassem-qhan continued to harbour suspicions against my father, and was not much pleased to see the Emperor’s troops in the citadel, the English interposed again, and obtained of that Monarch, that Séyd-hedáiet-aaly-qhan-bahadyr should not have any intercourse with him in the castle. The Emperor therefore wrote him a note, to desire his remaining in camp amongst the troops, to prevent their dispersing on account of the dissensions that reigned; requesting him at the same time to enlist new levies. But the Navvab was not the only person, that had taken umbrage at him. Ram-naráin, who was Governor of the city and province, was inclined likewise to harbour some apprehensions on his account; and he was uneasy, lest some day or other, an agreement taking place between the Navvab and my father, the Government might slip from out of his hands into those of that nobleman’s. Impressed with such idle ideas, Ram-naráin was assiduous in poisoning the Navvab’s mind against my father, and in fabricating intelligences to which that nobleman had never given cause, and which had never come so much as in his thoughts. Mir-cassem-qhan ever prone to suspicion, and at this particular time somewhat inclined to jealousy, instilled so many notions into the minds of the English, that they sent my father word, requesting his returning to his estate about Rhotas. My father answered, that as he was a servant of the Emperor’s, and actually in his post by the Emperor’s command, he could not without his order, pretend to absent himself. The English, who are men of sense, and naturally lovers of frankness and equity, admitted the propriety of the answer, and sent one of their nation to inform my father that, as to their own part, they had no objections to him at all; but at the same time, they sent word to the Emperor, that it appeared that so long as Séyd-hedáiet-aaly-qhan remained at camp, busy in enlisting new soldiers, Mir-cassem-qhan would never be brought to pay any money, or to fulfil any of the conditions of the treaty; adding, that it was proper that His Majesty should send an order for that nobleman’s retiring upon his estate. The Emperor consented, and sent such an order, as was requested. My father, finding how matters had turned out, went late at night, to take his leave of the Major, and of the English rulers; and the next morning, he took the shortest road to his estate. But his departure did not affect Aaly-naki-qhan, my brother, who had followed my father, and had become Paymaster of the Imperial household; on the contrary, he was now decorated with the surname and title of Fahr-ed-döulah-bahadyr-zaafer-djung,\(218\) and he continued to live with the Emperor in the exercise of his office.
It was at this conjuncture, I chanced to arrive at the English camp at Bankipore, after having been at much pains to obtain by the interposition of the English Chief of Cossim-bazar, permission to quit M8rsh8d-abad; and this happened in the following manner: Some time before Mir-cassem-qhan had hastily quitted Birboh8m, I had returned to M8rsh8d-abad by his leave, where my situation had become very puzzling, as I found it impossible either to get out of that city, or to send, or receive a letter; and meanwhile Major Carnac, as well as Mr. Hay, and the English rulers of Azim-abad, remained in the dark as to what might have become of me. Here it is proper to remember that as Ram-naráin was not sincere towards Mir-cassem-qhan, he wanted to inspire suspicions to the English against him; and as he bore me no good-will neither, he was daily rendering me suspected in that Prince’s mind, either by the suggestions of his own emissaries, or by those of Djagat-seat’s agent; his whole aim being to engage the Navvab to exasperate matters by offering me some ill usage. His brother, Durdj-naráin, at the same time, was acting his part at Azim-abad. Meeting one day Mir-abdollah, my friend, whom he knew to be extremely attached as well as extremely welcome to the English, he whispered into his ear, that his friend, Mir-gh8lam-hosséin-qhan, had been made away with by a dose of poison, by order of the Navvab. This intelligence seemed the more probable as I appeared nowhere, neither at Azim-abad, nor in the Navvab’s camp, who was just arrived; and as no intelligence at all had been received about me, and no one knew where I might be, the intelligence was taken for a certitude. Add to this, that Durdj-naráin had the art to entreat Mir-abdollah to say nothing of the matter, and by all means to conceal his name, that he might come to no harm or that account. But the injunction not satisfying Mir-abdollah the latter imparted the intelligence to my youngest brother, Séyd-aaly-qhan, who, with my consort and family, lived in my house at Azim-abad; and both receiving a shock from this piece of news, the more violent as endeavours were used to smother it, they resolved to inform the English of the whole matter; with the precaution, however, of concealing Durdj-naráin, their author’s name, as he was a Gentoo of consequence, and Mir-abdollah was a retainer of Ram-naráin, his brother. They went, therefore, to the factory,\(219\) and informed Major Carnac and Mr. Hay, that they held the intelligence from a person of great credit. As those two gentlemen had a real attachment to Mr. Amyatt, as well as a rooted aversion to Mir-cassem-qhan’s person, on account of his having been promoted by Vansittart, their antagonist, they were perpetually on the watch for finding the Navvab in fault, in order to throw the blame of it on Vansittart’s shoulders. On hearing therefore the intelligence, their displeasure blazed out into a flame like lightning. They swore, “That if it proved true, that Mir-cassem had murdered a friend and an envoy of theirs, he might depend upon their finding means to exact a severe revenge for his death.” Mir-abdollah, frightened by the violence of their resentment, made use of every supplication, to make them proceed with less precipitation and more secrecy; and he proposed that letters should be written to the English Chief of Cossim-bazar, and to me. As he spoke to men of much sense, although angry, the proposal was easily admitted; and they also wrote a letter to me to inform themselves how matters went, and why I tarried so much. The letter recommended to me, in case of necessity, to apply to the Chief of Cossim-bazar, who was then Mr. Istanluc Batson (Mr. Stanlake Batson), if possible, as to my last resource; they also wrote a letter to the same gentleman, in the character and language of the English, and sent both letters by one of my relations. The arrival of that man, with his letters, filled me with joy, and it procured me the only expedient by which I might extricate myself. I waited immediately upon the Chief of Cossim-bazar, and having got from him a boat, a messenger, and a pass, I arrived safe at Azim-abad, where, God be thanked, I saw my friends again, and found myself once more in my house and home. But yet I was not quite easy, being in doubt whether I ought to visit the Navvab or not, as there subsisted everywhere such a strange appearance of double dealing, and discordance, that I could not help wavering in my conduct. My brother in the castle, and in high office with the Emperor; M8rly-dur and Ram-naráin, in appearance my friends, and in fact, my enemies; myself highly obliged to both, and unable to make a proper return; Mir-cassem-qhan in his heart an enemy to Ram-naráin; the Emperor dissatisfied and uneasy in the castle; the English at variance amongst themselves; Macguire siding with Vansittart and the Navvab; and the Major with Mr. Hay, being closely united with Amyatt, in opposing Vansittart, and also in supporting Ram-naráin against Mir-cassem-qhan: such a confused scene was puzzling. All this while the Radja, sensible of the strong support he would meet with from the Major and Mr. Hay, and their party, dissembled with Mr. Macguire, and paid his protectors an assiduous court, to the great discontent of both the Navvab and Mr. Macguire: and it is for his having entirely neglected these two men, that he saw what he did see, and met with an untimely fate of his own seeking.
As to myself, the poor man, Mir-cassem-qhan disliked me, because I had so many connections with the English; because my younger brother was in such high favour with the Emperor; and because he imagined I had still much intimacy with Ram-naráin, whom he could not bear; he likewise harboured many suspicions against me. And, on the other hand, both Ram-naráin and M8rly-dur, mistrusting in me the very appearance of being Mir-cassem-qhan’s nominal servant, and fearing lest some day I should avail myself of my connections with the English, to dispossess these two men of their Government of Azim-abad, in which I might place my own father, were much inclined to suspect that I was always brewing some mischief. Just at this time, the Navvab having for a purpose of his own, repeatedly expressed a desire to see me, I repeatedly excused myself on a pretence of illness; until finding that he persisted in his instances, I repaired to his quarters. That Prince, on seeing me, went to an inner apartment, where, after endeavouring to soothe my mind, and to win my heart, he proposed to me a voyage to Calcutta. “You are,” said he, “in connection with Mr. Amyatt, the great supporter of Ram-naráin. I wish therefore you would go to Calcutta, and manage so as that he might let go his hold of that man and join me, as I want the Council’s consent for my bringing that Governor under controul, and for my becoming his master, as indeed it is proper I should be.” Such an overture, after what had passed between us, could not but surprise me, although I was not much displeased with its purport. I was myself for a variety of reasons inclined to quit Azim-abad, and to go to Calcutta; but dreaded the consequences of an alteration in Mir-cassem-qhan’s behaviour, and the many suspicions with which his unsteady turn of mind would not fail to plague me, should I ever concern myself in his affairs; the very meddling with them seemed full of dangers. I answered therefore, that I had no objections to my being employed in his affairs, but feared the unsteadiness of his temper, which made him sometimes alter his mind without a sufficient reason. “For instance,” added I, “what was the poor man’s fault at B8dgam, when after having shewn me the utmost kindness and inclination, you turned about at once on the simple insinuation of Djagat-seat’s agent?” After having said so much, I could not help insinuating, that although accusers might attempt to instil suspicions in the heart of a great man, (for which there was no wondering, since such was their professional line) yet that it behoved a master and benefactor to be more careful, and never to disgrace his servants without having probably ascertained their guilt. The Navvab heard all that, and then made use of the strongest assertions, and the most solemn promises, to engage me to be henceforward easy; he made me promise that I would undertake the voyage, and next day he sent me two thousand rupees for my expenses. The matter being now settled, I took leave of my friends, and set out for M8rsh8d-abad, where I arrived in four days, and where I lodged at the house of a relation of mine. As the Navvab had wrote to T8rab-aaly-qhan, his maternal uncle, Governor of M8rsh8d-abad, to inform him of my going down for a service of his, that Governor assisted me expeditiously, in furnishing me with boats, and every thing else I wanted. So that, after a stay of two or three days at M8rsh8d-abad, I arrived safe at Calcutta, where I went to visit Mr. Amyatt, Mr. Gray, and Captain Knox, whom I frequented assiduously, and from whom I learned from time to time all the news of Azim-abad.
The Emperor was still in that city; but whilst he kept himself ready to set out on his journey to his capital, he waited impatiently for the arrival of Munnir-ed-döulah, whom he had sent as his Ambassador to Ahmed-shah, the Abdally-monarch. But that Prince himself had already been invited over by Nedjib-ed-döulah, by Ahmed-qhan-bangash, and by the other Afghan Princes, as well as by Shudjah-ed-döulah himself; and he had resolved to march into Hindostan, as far as its capital, where he intended to extirpate the Marhatta nation; for he had heard with anguish that those infidels had taken possession of the citadel; confined the young Prince, whom the Ministers of his father, Aalamghir the Second, had set up under the name of Shah-djehan; and pretended to no less than to set up their own Monarch in the young Prince’s stead, and to become the sole masters of all Hindostan. With that view he advanced by long marches; and being arrived in the territory of Shah-djehan-abad, he gave the Marhattas several destructive defeats, and then returned to Candahar, his capital, after a severe campaign in India, which lasted full seven months, exclusive of the time he spent in coming and going. On his departure, he strongly recommended to the Afghan Princes, and to Shudjah-ed-döulah, in particular, to respect their lawful Emperor, and to submit to him. It must be observed that during this whole campaign, Munnir-ed-döulah had been residing in the Court of the Abdally-monarch, from whom he had obtained injunctions, to all the Indian Princes, to obey Shah-aalem as their lawful Monarch. Not content with that, the Abdally-conqueror had at his departure strongly recommended submission to all those Princes whom he had assembled in his presence; and it seems that his recommendation had produced a full effect. For as soon as he was gone, Nedjib-ed-döulah established S8ltan Djuvan-baqht in the citadel of Shah-djehan-abad, as Deputy to his father, Shah-aalem; he coined money in the father’s name, and ordered the Qhotbah, or loyal prayer of Friday,\(220\) to be pronounced for his prosperity. Shudjah-ed-döulah did the same on his return to A8d, his capital; from whence he sent sums of that new coin, both in silver and gold, to Shah-aalem, and supplicated his coming, to put himself at the head of his faithful subjects. Suppliques in the same style came at the same time from Ahmed-qhan-bangash, and from Nedjib-ed-döulah, as well as from his Ambassador, Munnir-ed-döulah; all of whom congratulated him upon his accession to the throne of his ancestors. And as these many petitions were in the same style with those of Shudjah-ed-döulah’s, and they came accompanied with sums of money in silver and gold, coined in his name; such a general consent rejoiced the heart of the new Monarch, who now saw how generally he was acknowledged; insomuch that there remained no excuse now, either to the English or to the Navvab, for delaying his departure. The English finding how universally he was expected, took care to make him sign such a treaty as they thought proper, after which they presented him with a sum of money, and some other articles that seemed necessary, and wished him a happy journey. Shah-aalem, after returning his acknowledgments to the Almighty goodness for this flow of success, beat the General, and continued his march towards his capital. This was about the end of Shevval, or the beginning of Zilcaad, in the second year of his accession to the throne, which corresponds to the year A. D.1771-72. 1184 of the Hedjrah. He quitted Azim-abad, and marched towards Shudjah-ed-döulah’s country. But as soon as he had crossed the little river of Keram-nassa, that Prince himself made his appearance, and being admitted to the honour of kissing the columns of the Imperial throne, he presented in token of homage, such an offering in money, precious stuffs, and jewels, as seemed suitable to the occasion; after which he marched to his capital, in company with the Emperor.
This departure having rendered the Navvab easy with respect to the Emperor, he turned his views towards bringing Radja Ram-naráin under his controul. With that view he wrote repeatedly to the Council of Calcutta, and to Governor Vansittart, who had declared himself his protector; and he likewise engaged Macguire to write against Ram-naráin, with whom the latter was himself much displeased. The Navvab took care, at the same time, to keep this new friend steady in his interest, by a variety of favours and presents which he knew how to place. It was in these conjunctures that General Coote arrived at Azim-abad. He had been Major heretofore, and was the man who, by Colonel Clive’s order, had pursued M8shur Lass as far as Bacsar. This officer came of late from Europe, whither he had repaired after that expedition of his; and from whence he came out again with the title of General, and the office of Commander-in-Chief of the English forces. Ram-naráin, ever intent on his own affairs, soon found means to gain him over to his own interest; and he used every day either to fill his ears with senseless rumours, that took their rise amongst the mob, or he was at the trouble of fabricating them himself. One day he sent him word, that Mir-cassem-qhan intended to surprise the English in their cantonments; and to countenance that intelligence, he took care to put his own troops under arms. That officer, struck with the report, sallied before day-break from his camp with a small number of men, and suddenly made his appearance in Mir-cassem-qhan’s quarters, where he found the Navvab asleep, as well as most of his troops; nor did his camp by any means wear the appearance of any preparative, or of any design whatever. Ashamed of his precipitancy, and full of repentance for so inconsiderate an action, he departed immediately, leaving behind an English officer, who had orders, on the Navvab’s rising, to present him the General’s excuses, and to say, “that having come to see him, he had gone back on his finding him fast asleep.” The Navvab had been awakened by this time, and receiving intelligence of this intrusion of the General’s, he was exceedingly displeased at it; and he reprimanded the officer for so improper an action. The officer brought forward all the excuses he could muster, and then departed; but these excuses did not prevent Mir-cassem-qhan from making a handle of this behaviour of the General’s, to complain at Calcutta; and he drew that intrusion in such colours, that the Council disapproved the General’s conduct, and sent him a reprimand. That officer finding now that his behaviour had become public, and that it covered him with shame, concluded that he had no other party left, than that of returning to England. But meanwhile this affair having brought to light some of Ram-naráin’s suggestions and machinations, they gave rise to such a train of consequences as ended in his own ruin.
As I was now at Calcutta these three months, and I had daily intelligence of the contents of Mir-cassem-qhan, now Aaly-djah’s, letters,\(221\) I used to make various attempts to gain Mr. Amyatt’s mind to the cause I had been entrusted with, but always to little or no purpose at all. One day, when I imagined I had gained some ground, he thought proper to open his mind, and to speak very frankly in these very words: “You know Amyatt objects to Mir-cassem, only because the latter is supported by Vansittart. yourself very well,” said he, “that I never had any particular attachment to Ram-naráin, and no kind of inclination for his person. I am not without some objections to him; but as Mr. Vansittart has promoted Mir-cassem-qhan, and has declared himself his protector, it behoves me of course, in consequence of that settled jealousy that subsists between him and me, to side with Mir-djaafer-qhan, and with Ram-naráin. And now that we have on both sides wrote to England, and to the Council of London, on the subject; have both depreciated and accused each other, and are actually vilifying and accusing each other still, every Council-day; matters are come to such a pass, that nothing can settle them, but such a decision from Europe as is expected by both sides; until, then, such a decision is arrived, I cannot turn towards Mir-cassem-qhan; and even did I go so far, such a change of hands would redound to my own dishonour and accusation. Let your master wait therefore the dispatches from Europe. If the decision of London should prove favourable to Mr. Vansittart, the Navvab is too knowing a man to think of minding me; and if it should prove to favour the opposite party, and to trasfer the disposal of affairs into my own hands, then Mir-cassem-qhan will soon find where I shall be; and if he should seek me with sincerity, I shall have no objections to a connection with him.” This conversation having convinced me of Mr. Amyatt’s turn of mind, and of that of his party, I gave full information of it to my constituent; but this did not discourage him. He was supported by Governor Vansittart and his party, and always gained his point with the council; so that at last, he obtained their consent for his bringing Ram-naráin under his controul and dependence, and for obliging him to give an account of his long administration at Azim-abad. As soon as I got information of this important intelligence, I took my leave of Mr. Amyatt, and of my other friends, and I repaired to M8rsh8d-abad, where after a stay of a few days, become necessary for some particular business of my own, I set out, and arrived at Azim-abad. It must be remembered, that Mir-cassem-qhan was not only an able accomptant and a keen discerner of the intricacies of public accounts, but that he had given himself able Ministers who helped him assiduously. After receiving then, from the Council, the consent for which he had applied, he called Ram-naráin to the Controul-office, and examined him about the following articles: “The quantum of the revenues he had hitherto received during his long administration, and the sum total of the expenditures he had made; the monies charged in the books, as paid to the Djaghiry-holders of the Emperor’s Court, and the Navvab’s; and the receipts and vouchers of those disbursements; the sums charged as paid to the troops, with a comparative statement of the reviews made, and of the number of horses marked on the thigh, and borne on the books.” Vouchers and regular accounts of all these, he required of him in the auditing-hall, in the presence of a large number of Ram-naráin’s own officers, and heads of office, with whom he had formed a large circle round that Governor’s person. But as the whole of Ram-narain’s administration and conduct was one continual series of fraud, double-dealing, and artifice, this requisition struck him with concern and astonishment; and he applied to his friends for their support and assistance; but finding them impotent, he repented of the unlimited confidence he had reposed in them, and especially in Major Carnac and Mr. Amyatt, but repented too late. Some of them, who were men of firmness and courage, exhorted him to stand up in his own defence; and some others, who were of a different temper, advised him to submit to his fate, and to become humble. As he had no personal courage or firmness of his own, and the time was come for his receiving his due for the usage which he had offered to so many Mussulman widows, and to so many other defenceless people, he found he had no other party left than that of submitting intirely to Mir-cassem-qhan’s Ram-naráin obliged to submit to the Navvab’s controul. orders. But, first of all, he made some of his principal accomptants abscond with their books. However, this did not prevent the Navvab’s people from soon finding their retreat. Sunder-sing was the first found out, and the first brought away, and put in confinement, under the care of Bereket-aaly, and some other trustees of the Navvab’s Court; and as this confinement brought to light an immensity of embezzlements in that man’s management of the army accounts, and an infinity of frauds and infidelities in the accounts of the Djaghiry-holders, and in the receipts of the public income, severities of course were added to this confinement, and his effects, in money and jewels, were confiscated. But as the man had had the precaution to disperse his fortune in time; and his people, even at the moment of his lodgings being taken possession of, had probably found means to save, through the women’s apartments, and from elsewhere, many articles of high value, no more could be found in his house than about seven lacs in cash, and nearly as much in other effects. But Mansaram-sah8, an eminent banker, in whose house he kept his accounts and effects, was involved in the confiscation, as well as Ganga-bishum, cash-keeper to Sunder-sing; both being accused of concealing his effects. Mighty sums of money were recovered from these two men, and carried to the treasury. Radja M8rly-dur, the head harcara, or head spy, who was Ram-naráin’s associate, and had as much authority in the Government as himself, was put to the torture, as well as Mahmed-aafac, the Cutval, or Inspector of the Police: a Magistrate, who was one of M8rly-dur’s principal satellites, and who carried on his back a load of curses and imprecations from an infinity of defenceless people, whom he had oppressed or ruined. Both these guilty men were obliged to surrender those immense sums which they had been hoarding up for so many years past; and all that went to Mir-cassem-qhan’s treasury. The enquiries overtook Mustepha-c8li-qhan himself, who was brother to Mirza-iredj-qhan, father-in-law to Seradj-ed-döula, (upon whom be God’s mercy!) He was certainly a malicious, ill-natured man, that deserved to be involved in the severities exercised on his friends; but he died in confinement, before he could be examined, and he departed towards those mansions of mercy, prepared by Him to Whom nothing is hidden or impossible. These severities involved Séyd-abdol-aaly-qhan, my paternal uncle, who on the fame of Ram-naráin’s power and influence, had come over from Banares in search of employment, and had very unfortunately chanced to land at Azim-abad, whilst Ram-naráin himself was actually under confinement. This unfortunate man, having fallen, as well as others, under the lash of Mir-cassem-qhan’s resentment, received an order to quit the city, and to return to Banares; in short, the conduct of every one of the prisoners, after being subjected to a variety of chicanery and accusations, underwent a thorough scrutiny; nor could any one be ransomed but by surrendering those sums of money which had been hoarding up these many Immense sums amassed by Mir-cassem-qhan. years past. Mir-cassem-qhan, after having gone through so much inquisitorial business, and having confined Ram-naráin with his associates and dependants, marched through the city with all the pomp imaginable; after which, he took up his quarters in the castle. M8rly-dur was sent prisoner to Djehanghir-nugur-dacca; but Ram-naráin, with all his relations, was kept confined near his palace; and at last they were carried to M8rsh8d-abad.
One of the associates and favourites of that unhappy Governor’s was Ráo-shitab-ráy, who became therefore a partaker of the Navvab’s resentment. He was taken to task; imperious exactors were set over him; and pretences sought everywhere for his ruin. But as he was a man of fortitude and courage, he shut himself up in his house with a few friends, and resolved to risk his life in defence of his honour. This air of vigour had its effect; and for sometime he was not meddled with by the Navvab. Nevertheless, matters went hard with him still; for Mir-cassem-qhan obtained from the Emperor the government of the fortress of Rhotas, with the Imperial Divanship of Azim-abad, and the management of those Djaghiry-lands that belonged to Semsam-ed-döulah, now deceased (all which offices had been in Rai-shitab-ráy’s possession); and it was an account of his management in these offices, that was required of him with so much rigour, and so much chicanery. Luckily for him, that his attachment to the English, and the services he had rendered to that nation in the battle against Qhaden-hassen-qhan, had made such an impression on their gratitude, that they resolved at any rate to have him out of the Navvab’s hand. They interposed therefore so effectually, that it was agreed on both sides, that his affair should be examined and judged by the Council of Calcutta. The Navvab, who reckoned on the Governor’s support, consented; and Shitab-ráy, who trusted to the vigour of his friends, went down with Major Carnac and some others. As nothing could be proved against him, and he was greatly esteemed by the English, the Governor and Council contented themselves with ordering that he should quit the Navvab’s dominions. Shitab-ráy wanted no better; and he returned up to Azim-abad, in company with Mr. Ellis and Mr. Lushington, two persons who had been appointed Chief, and second, of the factory in that city. Mr. Lushington, in particular, who had a high regard for Shitab-ráy, taking a whole battalion of Talingas with him, escorted him by the way of Chapra, and Saarun, until he saw him across the river Sordj8, which also goes by the names of Deva and Gagra, and forms the boundary between the provinces of Azim-abad, and that of A8d. Mr. Lushington, after having seen him safe in Shudja-ed-döulah’s dominions, parted with him, and returned to Azim-abad.
The Navvab, by such means as these, and such confiscations, as well as by the order and regularity he introduced in every branch of the administration, and especially in the finances, came to be possessed of an immense hoard of ready money. But there remained a relation of Ram-naráin’s, and it was Mansaram, who was actually collecting the revenues of the country of Tir8t, on the other side of the Ganga. Mir-mehdi-qhan, who was a near relation of the Navvab’s, having been appointed Fodjdar of that district, Mansaram, who was equally brave and thoughtless, put himself upon his defence, was killed in an engagement, and by his death put an end to the dispute. Mir-cassem-qhan, after having introduced order in his finances, and subordination in his dominions, turned his views towards providing for his defence. He was amassing and manufacturing as many guns and flint-muskets as he could, with every necessary for war.\(222\) Gurghin-quan, the Armenian, was the man proposed to that particular branch; he was the principal General of his troops, and the trusty confidant of his heart; nay, the Navvab seemed to have sold himself to him totally. But he had also several other Generals besides, whether Hindostanies or foreigners, every one of whom he had appointed to some particular branch. The most illustrious and most considerable amongst the latter was, Mahmed-taky-qhan, the Tabrizian, of Coozza-calan,\(223\) whom he had appointed Fodjdar Mir-cassem provides himself with several able Generals. of Birbohom, with orders to raise men, but to discipline only such as might prove able-bodied and serviceable. The man attached himself so heartily to his task, that he attracted a general admiration. He raised a body still more numerous and better composed than he had been directed; and he applied himself so assiduously in arming, and exercising them in mock-engagements and in daily manœuvres, that he approved himself superior to those of his rank; it being acknowledged that no one would have discharged that office with so much abilities as he did. This officer had the qualities of a Commander-in-Chief, and did richly deserve that high employment; much better at least, than such a cloth-seller by the yard, as was Gurghin-qhan. Had he commanded in the day of battle, as did Gurghin-qhan,\(224\) he would have preserved his honour and character; nor had the engagement ended as it did; Although he had but a small force, and his measures were thwarted by the jealousy of Séyd-mahmed-qhan, the Deputy Governor of M8rsh8d-abad, and by the refractory behaviour of several Commanders, such as Sheh-háibet-ollah, Aalem-qhan, and Djaafer-qhan, all of whom were enjoined to obey his commands in the first battle against the English, and all of whom disobeyed his orders. His conduct and name have been inscribed on the leaves of the historical page. As for Gurghin-qhan, his elevation seemed to have taken place, on purpose to demolish and to overthrow Mir-cassem-qhan’s power and grandeur. But this observation escaped his master; or if it did not, he was purblinded by his destiny, as we shall shew in the subsequent part of this history.
If Mir-cassem-qhan was assiduously busy in providing the necessaries for war, he was no less attentive in whatever could contribute to introduce regularity in the state, and subordination and punctuality amongst the Zemindars. The principal amongst them therefore were ordered to attend at Court. This order gave umbrage to Cam-car-qhan, who feared to be called to an account for his attachment to the Emperor, as well as for the arrears due by his Zemindary to the treasury of the province; and he retired with his troops into the mountains of the Ramgur. But Buniad-sing, and Fateh-sing, who trusted to the merit of having forborne to join the Emperor, and of having always lived in the Courts of the preceding Governors, readily obeyed the summonses, and were put under confinement. So mild a treatment could not be expected by Pahluvan-sing, and the other Zemindars of the Sercar, or province of Shah-abad, who all go by the name of Bodjp8riahs. Those men, fearful of being taken to task for their attachment to Ram-naráin, and called to an account for their robberies and violences of all kinds, did not obey the order, but put themselves upon their defence. The Navvab, who had determined with himself to demolish all the ancient men of consequence in these provinces, but, above all, to extirpate the Zemindars that should prove refractory; and who intended to ruin all their castles and strongholds, sent first of all his own nephew, Aaly-qhan, to take possession of Cam-car-qhan’s country. He afterwards associated to him Assed-ollah-qhan, son to Mir-hosséin-qhan, a man little scrupulous in shedding blood; after which dispositions, he determined to depart himself for Saharseram and the districts of Shahabad.
It was just in these conjunctures I arrived at Azim-abad from my journey to Calcutta, and I visited the Navvab in Doctor Fullarton’s company, a man who was a great friend of mine, as well as in high favour with that Prince. He received me with distinction, and spoke with the utmost kindness; but as I had tarded very much in my voyage, he seemed really to be somewhat displeased, and he expressed his discontent in some complaints. I brought several excuses forward, which he seemed to accept, but being never without some suspicion or other in his mind, I perceived that he was not really satisfied, and that there lurked in his heart some particle of discontent. It was about this time, likewise, that my father resolved, on his side, to pay a visit to the new Navvab. He had observed that his estate, which although mostly acquired by purchase, is deemed a Djaghir, was seated in the Navvab’s dominions, and, of course, at the Navvab’s mercy; and as he was resolved to live henceforward upon that estate, and to avoid the troubles of the busy world, it became incumbent upon him to be upon some terms with one in whose dominions he was to spend his days. He therefore expressed his desire to Mirza\(225\) Shems-eddin, an intimate friend of his, and a favourite of the Navvab’s. Mir-cassem-qhan, who remembered how inferior to my father he had been, and yet was conscious of that superiority of rank and dignity, so undeniable in his visitor, to which he would be obliged by the rules of decency to pay an adequate regard, declined the interview under some pretence; and when at last he consented, it was on such conditions as strongly evinced the difference he conceived between a reigning Navvab, and a disgraced Prime Minister. My father, on the other side, on hearing of the high pretensions of Mir-cassem-qhan’s, was disgusted, and he repented of his having come so far as Azim-abad. Luckily that I was myself in that city. As soon as I heard of this misunderstanding, I went to my father, and prevailed upon him not to stand upon the etiquette, but to put up with the pride and pretensions of Mir-cassem-qhan’s, as a necessity to which the times strongly pointed. The representation had its effect; and he submitted to them. But when the interview came to take place, it happened that the Navvab himself overawed the aged appearance of his noble visitor, and by a sudden recollection of his former greatness, at once receded from his own pretensions, although they had been submittted to; and getting up from his Mesned of State, he advanced some steps, embraced him as an equal, made him sit close to himself on that same Mesned, and took care to express himself in such respectful terms, as might pour a stream of Mir-cassem receives the author’s father in the most respectful manner. gladness over the old nobleman’s heart. The visit having lasted some time, my father got up, and was dismissed with the utmost honour and deference. The Navvab granted him his request with the best grace, and ever after made it a point to shew him the utmost regard and respect.
Whilst I was rejoicing at this pleasing prospect, I was suddenly called up by my ill fortune. I was one day sitting in Mir-abdollah’s house, when a chopdar, or mace-bearer, came from the Navvab, commanding my attendance. I hastened thither, and was conducted to an inner apartment, where that Prince was sitting alone. “I want,” said he, “something from you.” “What can it be,” answered I, “that should be in my power to give to your Highness? Whatever be in Bagdad, is always at the Qhaliff’s command.”\(226\) Let us have, said the Navvab, your Djaghiry estate at Monghyr, that I may confer it, together with that fortress, on Gurghin-qhan, who is to go thither, in order to put it in a state of repair. Your lands are close to the fossé; and it is ten to one, but that your agent will be daily laying complaints against his agent, as the latter will not fail to do against the former. Now, I wish to be rid of all that beforehand. I will give you, in exchange, a better estate than that. I answered, “That he might do what he thought best for his affairs; that I wanted only a subsistence, which he might easily afford; and that, if it should be his pleasure to give, and my good fortune to receive, some other lands in exchange, it would be necessary to write to Radja Radj-b8llub, who, since Ram-naráin’s confinement, was Deputy Governor of Azim-abad.” The Navvab promised it, but yet put me off with some vague promises, and in a few days he departed for Saharseram and Bodjep8r; nor did the exchange take place. So that I became extremely embarrassed for a subsistence; and as I was deeply in debt, and utterly destitute of camp equipage, I could not make the campaign with him. Doctor Fullarton, and some other friends, supplicated him for what was due to me upon my pay, but he only answered by a very well, and never thought of it any more. Fain I was to remain at Azim-abad, whilst he departed for Saharseram.
He was at the head of an army as numerous as the multitude at the Day of Judgment;\(227\) but as Pahluvan-sing, with the other Zemindars of the country of Shah-abad, did not dare to stand their ground, they crossed the Ganga and fled to Ghazipoor, where they built themselves habitations in the dominions of Shudjah-ed-döulah, and in the territory of Radja Balvant-sing, Zemindar of Banares. Their lands were taken possession of by the Navvab, who placed his own collectors in each Zemindary, and supported them by strong bodies of troops; whilst he remained, himself, all the while, at his head-quarters of Saharseram, as if to give full scope to the anxieties of his mind. His temper, naturally suspicious, rendered him anxious about diving into the secrets of families, and especially in those of great men; and on that account he spent great sums in procuring intelligence, taking care to give much authority to Radja S8ck-laal,\(228\) his head-spy, who by the means of the numbers he retained in his pay, furnished him with minute intelligence concerning every man in his service, high or low, and especially about whatever concerned the Zenindars; not omitting even the inhabitants of the cities. But the greatest evils arose from the intelligence conveyed by Nann8-mull, the spy, who having already made his apprenticeship in Qhadum-hassen-qhan’s service, at P8raniah, as professed delator to the ruin of an infinity of persons, had now attached himself to Gurghin-qhan; and being a man of a malignant disposition, he continued the same trade with the Navvab. Unfortunately this man, who had enmities and feuds of his own, spread desolation in an infinity of families; for Gurghin-qhan listened to Nann8, whilsh the Navvab listened to Gurghin-qhan. What is more mortifying is, that the wretched man was exceedingly revengeful; and when once he had conceived sentiments of hatred against any one, they would sink a deep root in his diabolical heart, never to be extirpated hereafter; nor was such a disposition much dissimilar to that of his master; and here is a proof of it: Kelb-aaly-qhan, and Háider-aaly-qhan, sons to Ala-c8li-qhan, Fodjdar of Bagalpore, were found fault with for having been in the engagement against the Radja of Gohrec-p8r, where Mir-abul-hassen-qhan, who was son to T8rab-aaly-qhan, the Navvab’s maternal uncle, had chanced to be slain. Another reason of resentment against them was, their having made a visit to General Coote, on his journey to Azim-abad, on the score of their having already commenced an acquaintance with that officer, when he first passed by Bagalp8r, in his pursuit of M8sher Lass. This interview had made a very heavy impression on the Navvab’s mind; and he sent orders to Radja Radj-b8ll8b, his Deputy Governor of Azim-abad, to put them both under confinement. He had now inured himself to the sufferings of defencless people, and was grown bold by the murder of Sitaram and Sheh-saad-ollah, and by the forbearance of the English; for those two unfortunate men, together with their father, remained in all the miseries of confinement, so long as his dominion lasted. What looks strange is, that the satellites, sent by Radja Radj-b8ll8b, to fetch those ill-fated brothers, having met me by chance on the road, surrounded by my customary retinue, they mistook me for their prey, and desired me to follow them; and although I expostulated strongly, they answered nothing to the purpose; and I was fain to go whethersoever they thought proper to lead. They carried me to Radja Radj-b8ll8b. This Governor, on hearing my name and family, was confounded; he professed much concern, made an apology, and dismissed me. I returned thanks to God, and went home. But how shall I express that variety of painful sensations, to which I became a prey, in that single hour? May God Almighty never permit any one of His creatures to become an object of inquiry to tyrants, accustomed to frighten mankind; or if any unfortunate people should become such objects of persecution, may His goodness please to send them a quick delivery from the intricacies of the net of suspicion! Amen, O! Almighty God.
So suspicious a government soon interrupted all social intercourse; and people, accustomed to a certain set of actions, and acquaintances and visits, now found themselves under the necessity of abandoning them at once, and of living at home Mir-cassem obliged to suspect every one, interrupts all social intercourse. altogether. It was some months before this confinement, that the Navvab had taken to task Radja Sitaram himself, a Minister who transacted a great deal of important business. This man, mistaking so far his master’s temper, as to think him as neglectful and conniving as the former Viceroys, forgot himself entirely, and, in imitation of all the penmen, and of all the heads of office, who used to exact exorbitant fees, and to carve for themselves, he put suitors under heavy contributions, and made it a practice, in every business that passed through his hands, to exact money at his pleasure, and to transform equity into injustice, and injustice into justice. Another person of consequence fell under the Navvab’s displeasure. It was Sheh-saad-ollah, a Commander, who, under Ram-naráin’s administration, had often been sent amongst the restless Zemindars of the districts of Shah-abad, where he had acquired much local knowledge of the country, was concerned in most of its branches of revenue, commanded actually in some districts, and kept up a deal of correspondence with the Zemindars, now residing at Ghazip8r. This man making no difference between the past and present times, continued his correspondence with them, and to all appearance, made use of some expressions that gave offence to the Navvab, a Prince who was minutely informed of every thing of consequence that happened in his service; for he had actually in his pay two or three head-spies, every one of whom had been, in times of yore, a man of importance in the household of some mighty Minister or mighty Sovereign of Hindostan, where he had the authority to inform and to advise. Every one of these was now at the head of several hundreds of spies, whose business was to pry into the secrets of every family, and into the actions of every man, whether in the Navvab’s service or not. These men being accustomed to accusations, and trusting to the facility of a denial always in their power, and to a lie always at their command, were stopped by no scruples at all; and they made no distinction of either times or persons. But these men were accused in their turn. They were arrested, and put to a severe scrutiny; and being found guilty, they were punished as well as others. Indeed, I never could find the particular guilt of any one of them; whenever I come to be informed of it, I shall mention it in the subsequent pages. But I hold it from the mouth of several persons worthy of credit, that not one of those five persons had committed any such crime as might have deserved death; they even added, that every one of them had fallen a victim to conjecture and suspicion. Sheh-saad-ollah, in particular, was found fault with for his attachment to Mir-djaafer-qhan, and for his holding correspondence with the fugitive Zemindars. Sitaram, likewise, had written some letters to a Zemindar, in one of which he gave him information of the day in which the Navvab would set out; and, it was concluded, that the advice was given with intent to put him upon his guard; nay, the very corresponding with the fugitive Zemindars was reputed a crime; nor was the guilt of the three head harcaras, or spies, of any other nature. They were then put to death upon bare suspicion; their guilt did not amount to more. Five executions of that importance, spread far and near such a dread of the Navvab’s resentment and exactitude, and it took so much possession of all hearts, that there was no man in his Court, however considerable, who durst speak a wrong word, or who, whether near or far, could sleep in his bed easy and in peace of mind. It must be observed, that in the treaty concluded between the Navvab and the English, it had been stipulated that he should have an absolute authority over all his servants, Indians or others, without being liable to any question on that subject. Nevertheless, as capital punishments are actions of such a mighty nature, letters came from the Council, asking the reason of those persons being put to death, and requesting an answer. The Navvab, to prepare his answer, sent to Doctor Fullarton, and to two or three English friends of his, some letters of Sheh-saad-ollah’s, and of the others which had been laid hold of by him, as a ground for their being put to death; and he requested their being translated into English. As the Doctor was as much attached to me, as I was to him, he put those letters into my hands, for my opinion. On casting my eyes upon one of them, I found that there were erasures, and corrections, although done with a deal of art, and on that account I concluded that, possibly, the writer’s death had some other secret cause. I conjectured that letters might have been written after the death of those men, and sealed with their seals, containing whatever their enemies had been pleased to insert. Some of these erasures and\(229\) corrections I shewed to Doctor Fullarton; but I cannot say whether the letters themselves were forwarded to the Council or not; nor in what manner the Navvab excused his putting those men to death; nor in what light those excuses were received.
Mir-cassem-qhan, being now rid of this affair, undertook to visit the fortress of Rhotas.\(230\) He sent notice of his design to Nessar-aaly-qhan, the Governor, whom he had placed himself, as well as to Saho-mul, whom he had appointed to be his Deputy; and, as my father was then at Saharseram, upon a visit to the Navvab, the latter took the old nobleman with him in his survey of that famous fortress. He had also in his retinue Séyd-aaly-qhan, my younger brother, whom he had taken in his service, on Mr. Macguire’s recommendation, whilst I was in Calcutta; and he now gave service, likewise, to my youngest brother, Ghalib-aaly-qhan, on my father’s recommendation. Naky-aaly-qhan, my third brother, who was younger than me by some years, but older than the two others, had been several times desired by the Navvab to take service with him; but he had constantly declined it, contenting himself with enjoying the small share allotted him in the family estate. The Navvab, after having amused himself with viewing the fortress, returned to Saharseram, where he dismissed my father to his estate; and he put under confinement Saho-mul, the Deputy Governor of Rhotas, as well as Naky, the Imperial Colonel, who was for a long time in garrison there. Mir-cassem-qhan, having in this manner arranged the affairs of the province of Shah-abad, appointed Mir-mehdi-qhan, a nephew of Assed-ollah-qhan’s, to command in the districts of Saharseram and Cháin-p8r, comprising under his management, the several Zemindaries in Seress, and Cotombah, from whence their owner, Beshen-sing, had fled to Banares. But to insure the repose of the country, he ordered Sheh-mahmed-acbar-qhan, the Lucnovian, a Commander of character, to attend the new governor, recommending to him to keep a watchful eye on the machinations of the fugitive Zemindars, and especially on Pahluvan-sing, a man that might endanger the tranquillity of the whole country. Somro, an European,\(231\) was stationed at Bacsar, with three or four regiments of disciplined Talingas, and some pieces of cannon; but Mir-roshen-aaly-qhan, the Paymaster, had his station at Bohodjp8r, with his whole brigade of horse and foot. After these dispositions, he took a circuitous view of the country of Mug, which contains the districts of Seress, Cotoombah, Arval, Ticary, Bahar, and Paluch, with some other parts; and then marched to Monghyr. But before setting out for the latter town, he sent for Radja Radj-b8ll8b, Deputy Governor of Azim-abad, and put him under a safe confinement in his camp; after which, trusty persons were sent to confiscate his property at Djehanghir-nugur-dacca. In his stead, Radja Nobet-ráy was invested with the qhyllat of Azim-abad, and sent to take care of that province and city. As soon as he had dispatched the new Governor’s instructions, he set out himself on A. D. 1762 the fifteenth of Zilhedj, in the year 1175 of the Hegira, and made his entry in the citadel with the utmost pomp and magnificence; after which he ordered the walls and fortifications to be put in the best repair, with some improvements. As to the buildings, he not only ordered the old ones to be put in a complete repair, but he directed additional ones to be erected, in which he took up his abode, living with such state and authority, and shewing such a firmness of command, as struck every one with awe and admiration. But all this, however, did not conduce to his domestic happiness; he found himself stinted in his enjoyments. As since his accession to power, he had procured a number of fine young women, he could not help being grievously vexed at finding a great alteration in his virile powers. These were in a little time so much impaired, as to become an object of surprise to himself; so that he sought everywhere a remedy to that heavy misfortune, as he called it. The most renowned physicians held consultations together, and prescribed a variety of remedies, but all to no purpose; when one day some unknown man put into his hand a receipt of such amazing efficacy, that it seemed to have recalled in him all the powers of the most fervent youth. The Navvab having found a singular benefit from the receipt, proposed it to some of his favourites, who likewise found their youthful vigour recalled and recruited; a circumstance of which I have heard some of them talk with wonder and transport. After this little anecdote, let us revert to our narrative.
Mir-cassem-qhan, having given the necessary orders for the citadel of Azim-abad, repaired to Monghyr, which town he made the centre of all business, and the capital of his dominions. There he applied himself closely to the affairs of Government, for most of which he had a particular turn of mind; and as a regard to truth is so great a requisite in an historian, and impartiality is so valuable a quality in those that record the events of the age, and enumerate the actions and words of men of eminence, we, in compliance with the well-known verse,—
| “You have pretty much descanted on his bad qualities; tell us now of his good ones.” |
I shall proceed now to set down, with the pen of truth, whatever else we know by ourselves, or have heard from others on this very eminent character, and indeed, it must be, acknowledged, that although the perpetual treasons, and endless- duplicities, which he had been seeing throughout so many preceding administrations, had soured his temper; and the perpetual infidelities of the troops, as well as of the Commanders and Grandees of Bengal, had rendered him exceedingly supicious, and ever prone to confiscation of properties, confinement of persons, and effusion of blood; nevertheless, it was acknowledged on all hands, that he had admirable qualifications that balanced his bad ones. In unravelling the intricacies of affairs of Government, and especially the knotty mysteries of finance; in examining and determining private differences; in establishing regular payments for his troops, and for his household; in honouring and rewarding men of merit, and men of learning; in conducting his expenditure, exactly between the extremities of parsimony and prodigality; and in knowing intuitively where he Great abilities of Mir-cassem. must spend freely, and where with moderation—in all these qualifications—he was an incomparable man indeed, and the most extraordinary Prince of his age. In imitation of the ancient Sovereigns of this country, he used to sit in a public hall of audience, two days in the week, where he examined by himself the pretensions of suitors, and unravelled their respective subterfuges; and although he did not pronounce sentence, but after having asked the opinions of the persons preposed to matters of justice and law, yet it was always upon his own judgment. He ordered the plaintiff and the defendnat to come close to him, listened to their allegations with attention, and sometimes confirmed the sentence of the Judges; nor was any man daring enough in his Court, to touch a bribe, or to speak in behalf of an unjust pretension, or to sink any man’s right or due, or to throw any doubt upon it. The poor, defenceless landholders, who in the administration of a Djanki-ram, and a Ramnaráin, had been dispossessed of their villages and hereditary estates, by the rapacious violence of short-sighted Zemindars, found now that the day of redress was come for them. Those that had vouchers, were admitted to a probation; and those that had not, were admitted to an affidavit, from the most ancient inhabitants of the spot, corroborated by the attestations of the Cazy and Mufty of that district. After their right had been ascertained, they received their dismission with suitable orders to the respective Zemindars and men in power; and mace-bearers were sent with them to see the oppressed reinstated in their estates, and the defenceless righted in their grievances. He was equally attentive to objects of a more public nature. The numerous ornaments, in gold and silver, that had once adorned Seradj-ed-döulah’s Imam-bara,\(232\) and had been heretofore melted into coin, to the amount of several lacs, were now taken notice of; and the whole sum, with a great deal more besides, was, by his order, repaid to the Séyds,\(233\) to the necessitous and the needy. In these charitable distributions, he always made use of the channel of His Highness Sheh-mahmed-aaly-hazin, chiefly; and occasionally of Mir-mahmed-aaly-fazyl, and Sheh-mahmed-hassen, and Zair-hasséin-qhan, and of some other pious persons of that note; all men renowned for their knowledge and exemplary life. The original of the poesies of His Highness Sheh-mahmed-aaly-hazin had been purchased at a high price by the former administration, but not paid; and, on being informed of it, he ordered the payment to be made good from his own treasury, assigning to that illustrious man at the same time, a pension that administered to all his wants; for he reckoned it amongst the felicities of his administration, to have chanced to pay for that precious collection. His regard for the author was no less conspicuous. Whenever that illustrious man came to see him, there was always a Mesned spread for him close to his own, and he used to get up, and to advance some steps, and to bow to him with the utmost respect and modesty. He listened with attention to whatever he had to say, and thought it an honour to approve himself obedient to his commands, being proud of granting his demands with the best grace imaginable. He paid likewise a high regard to the virtuous men mentioned above, putting his ambition in keeping them satisfied to the utmost of their wishes. As to the payment of his troops, he was so exact, and so regular, that I do not recollect to have heard a single complaint on that head. The truth is, that his exactitude and keeness were so dreaded, that no one dared to impose a false muster upon him, or to withhold any one soldier’s due.
As to myself, if I did not make a fortune under his administration, it must be attributed either to my bad conduct, or to my bad luck. After having already spent a long time in Azim-abad, in great distress and difficulties, I was once apostrophised by Doctor Fullarton in these words: “My Lord Qhan, why do not you go to Monghyr, to try your fortune?” “Because,” said I, “I am not satisfied with Mir-cassem-qhan’s sincerity.” “And should he please to injure you here,” replied he, “who can protect you? Better for you then to go at once to him. Possibly, on seeing you, he shall give you some employment. As for us, Mr. Ellis has informed you, that we dare not meddle in any thing, or protect any one, especially such a one as you, who are reputed the Navvab’s servant, and whose case, on that account, admits not of your being protected openly.” These few words struck me. Finding that what the Doctor said was founded on truth, I set out for Monghyr, and paid a visit to the Navvab. This Prince received me, not only with kindness and distinction, but he spoke to me with as much familiarity as if I had been one of his intimates or favourites. At the second visit, he seemed not so much as to know any thing of me. I was so confounded at his coldness, and so nettled at this reception, that I pronounced for my protection the fine words;\(234\) and for a month together, I recited that prayer, which begins with these words, and has been put in verse by Sheh-mahmed-aaly-hazin (whom God may place amongst the highest of his elect!) My reading ended about the third of the month Zilhidje, the forbidden.\(235\) The intent was, that God Almighty should be pleased to protect me from the Navvab’s ill-will, and to procure me some benefit from his power. And a strange and admirable effect did the prayer produce! I was in the nightly assembly on the first day of Muharrem; the Navvab, of his own motion, called me, made me sit close to himself, spoke a great deal to me, and continued keeping up the conversation, until the assembly broke up late at night. The second day, being again in the assembly, as usual, I took care to choose my seat at a great distance from him, sensible, that his demonstrations of kindness were not to be trusted, and that his favour itself had no stability. But he soon found me out; and sending for me, he made me sit so near his person, that I touched his clothes. Not satisfied with that, he added these words: “I desire you to sit down every night close to me in this manner. And pray, why did you not tell me of your circumstances and distress?” I answered, that His Sublime Highness knew them very well. “How should I?” replied he. “I have not the science infuse.” I shall inform your Highness, answered I. He rejoined, “when?” After the ten days of mourning shall be over. “Pray,” said he, “what wordly business is ever at a stand during these sacred days, that your own should be on that account suspended?” I replied, that there was no speaking about one’s private affairs in so much company; and that it was not customary to address people of his rank on business, in these days. “Is that the etiquette?” said he. “Then come to-morrow, with your paper, at day-break.” At day-break then I was ready with my paper in my hand; it was in general terms. On reading it, he presented me with a sum of five thousand rupees, in free gift; ordered that all the arrears of my salary should be paid to the last of the present month; commanded that, henceforward, I should be paid every month without fail, and desired me to see him every second day. He, at the same time, permitted my middle brother, Ghalib-aaly-qhan, to visit him once a week; and my youngest brother, Séyd-aaly-qhan, once in a fortnight; but as soon as the young man was gone, he directed the Superintendent of his hall of audience, to deny him admittance, under some plausible pretence or other. The reason was, that he had seen him very familiar with the English; and that he suspected, that as he was quite young, and incapable to make any distinction of times, and place, he might be prevailed upon to serve them as their spy; whereas, he looked upon me to be a man of discretion and experience; a man capable of concealing his secrets, (should any of them come to my knowledge) and of rendering a service upon an emergency; else, in other respects, he did not doubt at all of my being another such a man as that brother of mine. Insomuch, that although I had found such an opening in his mind, yet, to continue long to live upon good terms with him, was rendered extremely difficult, by my known connections with the English, and by the continual alarms which they occasioned in his mind. But, indeed, no man was secure in his service. Nuzur-aaly-qhan, son to Gholam-hosséin-qhan, and Superintendent of the hall of audience to the late Aaly-verdy-qhan, had been to this day (God knows by what good luck, and for what intent) continued in the same office, as Daroga to Mir-cassem-qhan’s Divan-qhana, that is, as Introductor-general. But now, that office was given to another; and it proved to be to one Sheh-abdollah, who had been lately in Djagat-seat’s service, but had formerly served Zin-eddin-ahmed-qhan himself, as writing-master, whose business should be to correct the hand of Séyd-aaly-qhan, my younger brother, to whom that Prince intended to give his daughter in marriage. This man was promoted to that office at Gurghin-qhan’s recommendation; and Nuzur-aaly-qhan, not only lost his office, but was sent into confinement, to make him refund those sums of money which his father had amassed in his time under former Princes. A few days before this dismission, T8rab-aaly-qhan, maternal uncle to the Navvab, had been dismissed from his office of Deputy Governor of M8rsh8d-abad; and his post was given to Séyd-mahmed-qhan, a man born in Bagdad, and who was a relation to Mir-cassem-qhan, by his being a brother to his grandfather, Imtiaz-qhan. Asker-aaly-qhan, son to the forgiven Séif-ollah-qhan, once Viceroy of Tatta, was promoted to the command of the Radj-shahi, a rich district in the province of Bengal. As to T8rab-aaly-qhan, he repaired to Monghyr, where he lived in his nephew’s court.
It was whilst these changes were taking place at Court, that the Navvab was planning an expedition against the Zemindar of Betia. The command of it was given to Bahadyr-aaly-qhan, son to Mirza-davar-c8li-beg, who had been for a long time Grandmaster of Artillery to Aaly-verdy-qhan, and now enjoyed a small part of that office under Mir-cassem-qhan. He had with him several Commanders with their corps, together with some pieces of cannon in the English fashion, and some regiments of Talingas, disciplined by Gurghin-qhan. His orders were to take the fortress of that name, and to chastise the Zemindar of that country, who had proved unruly. It was at this time also, that several titles of houour were sent by the Emperor to Mir-cassem-qhan, on his solicitation; however, although he pretended not only to an equality with Shudjah-ed-döulah, but even to a superiority over this last, who was a powerful Prince, so as to bear the title of Vezir of the Emperor of India, and the surname of Assef-djah,\(236\) yet, he could obtain from the throne, no more than the titles of Eshref, and Aaly, which signify most noble and most high, with the grade of seven thousand horse. All these dignities and titles were received in the beginning of the year 1176; and from henceforward, the title of Navvab Aaly-djah becoming the style of the Court, Mir-cassem-qhan ceased to be designed by any other appellation.
A little after this inauguration, the world saw with surprise, one of those strange events, for which there is no accounting, but by supposing a destiny that brings them to pass infallibly. Sheh-abdollah, the very man lately promoted to the office of Superintendent of the hall of audience, having got into the Navvab’s private closet, infermed him that Mahmed-aaly, with Bereket-aaly, and Fer-had-aaly, his nephews, “who were principal Commanders in the army, and owed their promotion to His Highness, had entered into a secret agreement with Gurghin-qhan, which had been confirmed by the most tremendous oaths on the both sides. That as His Highness very well knew how high was that General’s influence over the civil, as well as the military, department, he, his devoted servant, had thought it incumbent upon his zeal to give that information, to put it in his power to provide for it properly.” The Navvab, amazed at such a piece of information, and unwilling to give it an implicit belief, waited till the evening, the time when Gurghin-qhan used to come and to make his bow; and he then imparted the information to him in a low tone of voice, putting several questions at the same time. Gurghin-qhan, who could not deny what he had done, took at once the part of acknowledging the charge, and moreover, of boasting of it. “I have done all that,” added he, in a higher tone of voice, “and we have bound ourselves to each other by the most solemn oaths. But for what? For your own preservation, and that of your power; and whoever has poisoned that transaction in your mind, is an enemy to you, and a secret traitor, who is endeavouring to undermine the power, to which God has raised you.” As the informer had been a length of time in Djagat-seat’s service, that is, of a man whose family was strongly suspected of disaffection, it was easily conjectured that he had been only made a tool of; and that the intent of the information secretly conveyed, under the mask of zeal, was no other than to render Gurghin-qhan, and the principal Commanders suspected, so as to bring them under some disgrace that might occasion a disaffection throughout the troops, and render the army fit for being worked upon by emissaries. At any rate, however, Gurghin-qhan’s favour and influence had not taken so slight a root, as to be affected by the information and the malevolence of such a man as Sheh-abdollah. This diturbance seemed to introduce another, which occasioned the disgrace of a young man of Pendjab, who was reputed the best archer, and the stoutest man throughout the whole army. His name was Rahim-ollah-qhan-péni. It is supposed that he had got acquainted with one of the principal women in Bengal, who put it in his power to purchase a fine horse, for no less a sum than three thousand rupees. Not that he was really in love with her; for, in fact, he was passionately fond of Shukur-ollah-qhan, alias Aga-baba, son posthumous of Ser-efraz-qhan, a young man now under confinement at Djehanghir-nugur, and who, I know not for what reason, was extremely suspected by Mir-cassem-qhan, to whom he now and then sent petitions, requesting a release from his confinement. The man’s servant used, together with these petitions, to bring letters to the Navvab’s principal Ministers. Rahim-ollah-qhan, meeting the above servant in his way, carried him home, and gave him a lodging. The Navvab, hearing of these matters, ordered the archer to be brought to the presence; but as this archer lodged with Abdol-ress8l-qhan, a famous officer, brother to the illustrious Dost-mahmed-qhan, this summons disturbed the whole family; and Abdol-ghani-qhan, the eldest son of that officer, exhorted his father, as well as his three brothers, to undertake Rahim-qhan’s protection. He was himself a young man in high repute for prowess and sentiments of honour; but the family, intimidated by the Navvab’s power, refused to take any concern in the affair; so that the other undertook to protect his friend alone. His father and brothers threw themselves at his feet, and represented that, “such a step would be the cause of the ruin of every one of them, as well as of their whole family.” The young man persisted. They represented to him, that “the times of Aaly-verdy-qhan were no more; when, upon shewing tokens of repentance, hopes of pardon were often at hand, and intercessors always found admittance. But that now times were greatly altered; and that his obstinacy would ruin his father and brothers, with all the women and all the children of the family.” The young man yielded to these last representations; so that the men sent from the Navvab, carried Rahim-ollah-qhan away, and confined him in a room in the outer apartments; but, the rumour of this confinement being spread abroad, the young Abdol-ghani took poison and perished. Whilst the Navvab was intent on this affair, his attention was diverted to another object; and this was Chintamon-dass. He was originally a writer of Bodjp8r, his native country, and a man whom Mir-cassem-qhan had promoted to the superintendence of the finances of that district, on account of the ingenuity and talents he had discovered in him. It was found, by intercepted letters under his hand, that he was in correspondence with the refractory Zemindars, refuged at Ghazipoor. The man was seized, and brought to the presence. It happened to be whilst I was myself making my bow to the Navvab, who was sitting in the hall of public audience, surrounded by crowds of people, to whom he was distributing justice. After sitting as usual, half an hour, I got up, made another bow, and went away; but I was hardly out of the gate when a mace-bearer ran after me, and brought me back to the Navvab, who requested me to be seated again. As the Navvab was busy in hearing suits, and pronouncing upon differents, I was not much pleased with my sitting. The audience being over, the several officers that had attended in their stations, were going to retire, when they were ordered to be seated again; the mace-bearers and the yesaöls,\(237\) who were mostly Moghuls and strangers, being all standing in their places. The Navvab then ordered the prisoners to be brought in. The first that appeared was Rahim-ollah-qhan. The Navvab, with a severe look and a firm tone of voice, asked him how, after all the cautions he had given him, and all the injunctions he had intimated to him, he came to be still guilty of the same fault? “If you have no farther commerce with that woman,” added he, “whence comes it that you can afford to purchase a horse of three thousand rupees, you that have no more than a hundred and fifty rupees per month?” The other, confounded by the suddenness of the question, gave a variety of reasons, not worth hearing. The Navvab, more incensed at his prevarications and denials, continued: “Why did you take in your lodgings, and keep there for some time, the servant of Shukur-ollah-qhan, whom you know to be my enemy, and in confinement?” The other, still more confounded, gave some absurd answers, and descended to supplications and prayers. The Navvab listened, but said not a word. A moment after, he ordered his nose to be cut off, and himself to be put upon an ass, and carried in that condition all over the town; after which, he was to be banished beyond the Keremnassa. Chintamun-dass came next. His sentence was to be made fast to an elephant’s foot, and carried round, until death should ensue. The man objected that the letters were forged. “And yet,” answered the Navvab, “they are in your hand-writing, and under your seal; and people that have no enmity to you, and are unconcerned, and know very well your hand, have affirmed the same, after a thorough examination.” The man brought many excuses, but they were rejected; and he underwent his sentence according to its tenor. These two sentences being executed, he ordered the three brothers, Bereket-aaly, and Mahmed-aaly, and Ferhad-aaly, to be brought, and he spoke to them with a great deal of vehemence and displeasure. “You had not a rag on your backs,” said he, “when you first came into my service, and now, by my bounty, you are riding upon elephants, are called mighty Commanders, and have a thousand horse under your orders. And, as to Gurghin-qhan, is it not I that have made him what he is? Was he not a seller of cloth by the yard? With what intent then did you enter into a treaty with him, and did you seal it with the most solemn oaths?” Here the Navvab paused. The men, having beforehand received their lesson from Gurghin-qhan, answered, with a great deal of intrepidity, “That what His Highness their master, said, was exactly the truth, and that it was a fact; but that they, his servants, had not uttered a lie; neither had they swerved from the path of attachment and zeal; and that if they had, and it could be proved, they had no objections to any punition that might be inflicted upon them.” The Navvab, having repeated his accusation three times, three times received the same answer, or to the same purport. Sheh-abdollah being present, was then ordered to draw near; and the Navvab said to him, “Sheh, it is now your part to bring forward what proofs you have mentioned to me, against them, that I may inflict upon them a condign punishment; but should you fail in bringing forth your proofs, you must expect to be punished yourself; for you know, that in such a case, it follows naturally, that you intended to sow dissensions amongst my Commanders, and to disperse my army by my own hands.” The Sheh, who knew that this whole matter had been talked over between the Navvab and Gurghin-qhan, the last night, and that the conference had ended in a renewal and confirmation of the ancient promises and stipulations that subsisted between those two personages, became sensible that it would be in vain now to call on his witnesses, although all of them present, as none of them, after such a coalition, would choose to give his evidence. Spying, therefore, the hand of fate, which was taking an aim at his existence, and observing what turn the matter had taken, he submitted to his destiny, and without uttering a word, he bowed his head. Three times did the Navvab put the same question to him, and repeat the same observation; and three times did the man repeat his bow, without so much as moving the lips. It was now past noon, and the lictors, the apparitors, and the mace-bearers, and all the officers of the Court of Justice were all attending, every one in his place; and I had nearly lost my senses, being unable to comprehend why I had been called back in so awful an assembly. Alas! said I, within myself, it is because I am also to be accused of treason. I was in deep meditation upon my own fate, when good luck would it, that the Navvab got up, and marched towards the women’s apartment; on seeing which, I hastened forwards, and standing at the gate of the secret apartments, I made a profound bow. “You must come along with me,” said the Navvab. It was then only I concluded that I had been sent for upon some other matter than treason. On getting, therefore, into the inner closet, I found that the subject was some bad renown which Mr. Macguire had acquired, by selling to the Navvab a quantity of salt: a transaction which had nothing blamable in itself, but which, however, made a strange noise in the world. The Navvab wanted to inquire how that ill-renown had gone forth. To that end, he gave me a swift boat of his own, with which I executed my commission in seven days, returning to Monghyr within the week. Sheh-abdollah, in my absence, was sent prisoner to P8raneah, where, on the beginning of the war with the English, he was put to death by Mir-cassem-qhan’s order.
Whilst the Court of Monghyr was taken up with such discussions as these, its attention was called up to a very extraordinary event. Mr. Vasittart, Governor of Calcutta, impelled, doubtless, by the omnipotence of tyrannical destiny, conceived the design of paying a visit to the Navvab, and of viewing Monghyr, as well as the factories of Azim-abad and Chaprah. He quitted Calcutta, and after having seen in his way Cassimbazar, Moorshood-abad, and Bardvan, with some other places, he arrived at Monghyr. It was on a Thursday, of the first Djemadi, in the year 1176. The Navvab went as far as the orchard of Goodergatta, which is three cosses distant, to meet him; and having received him with the utmost honour and regard, he brought him to town, where he appointed for his reception and lodgings, the building which Gurghin-qhan had raised on the hill of Sihta-cond;\(238\) there were besides, a magnificent set of lofty tents for his reception, ready pitched. Gurghin-qhan, attended by all the officers of the steward and butler’s office, was ordered to provide an entertainment, and to furnish him with whatever might prove necessary for himself and his retinue. The Navvab, after these dispositions, took his leave, and repaired to his own lodgings within the castle. The next day Vansittart went to visit him. As soon as he appeared in the yard, the Navvab proceeded as far as the outer rails to receive him; from thence he brought him in the hall of audience, made him sit upon his own Mesned, and complimented him with a variety of curious and costly presents, suitable to the occasion, and worthy of the acceptance of a man of that high rank and station. Two days after, the Navvab returned the visit, and invited him to an entertainment; and, on his taking leave, he was in his turn complimented with a variety of rich presents, of European and Chinese manufactures, which the Governor had brought for the occasion. At night, he went to the Navvab’s palace, where he partook of an entertainment, looked a little at the dancers, and then returned to his quarters. So that for three or four days together, both parties were intent on sending curious things to each other. The fourth day, in compliment, doubtless, to the Governor, the Navvab ordered his artillery, and musqueteers, to go through their exercise in the Governor’s presence. As both the artillery and musqueteers had been trained and disciplined after the English maner, that exhibition was not without some grains of ostentation. Vansittart, therefore, took care to give him some advice upon it, which he likewise mixed with some grains of reprimand. “I have seen your troops,” said he, with a smile, “and acknowledge that you have accountred and disciplined them very well; but these are only good against Indians, and people of this climate. Beware of ever opposing them to Europeans, or of coming to a rupture with the English, upon a confidence reposed in your people; for rest assured, that you shall find yourself disappointed, and that these men will never stand the brunt of European soldiers. Beware, therefore, of trusting your honour to such hands. They will disappoint you assuredly, and with the loss of your honour, you shall make away with the honour of every Hindian nation, and of every Hindostany Prince; for if you come to be defeated, with these your choice troops, the people in Europe will from thence conceive the most contemptible idea of the rest of the Hindians; and they will come to despise every thing that is in Hindostan. Reckon then that in your fate is involved the fate of all Hindostan. If you intend to fight us, take care to do it with money in your hands, and arguments in your mouths: this is the way to gain a superiority. Give over then those warlike notions of yours, and be faithful to the agreement which I have established between the two nations. Never suffer any one to infringe it; and manage in such a manner as that the people of these regions may, in consequence of your adherence to the agreement between us and you, live in peace, enjoy their property in content, and bless your name for ever. For in case this agreement should come to be infringed, and matters should proceed as far as a rupture, rest assured that the prosperity of an infinity of persons will be involved in your ruin, and that death and desolation shall overspread these countries.”
Vansittart, after having given this lesson to the Navvab, and amused himself during seven days within the environs of Monghyr, took his leave, and proceeded towards Azim-abad.
| “Listen to a salutary advice, and do not cover yourself with pretences; |
| Hear what a kind monitor says, and act accordingly.” |
The Navvab observed to the Governor that, under the name of the English, numbers of merchants passed their goods free from duty; and that by such a practice, whilst the English themselves reaped but a small benefit, his customs suffered a mighty loss. He added, that to put an end to such pernicious practices, it would be proper to submit all the English private traders to the country duties, leaving the Company’s own trade as free as ever. Vansittart answered, that the English having at all times been accustomed to a freedom from duties, he could not make such a proposal to them; but that he had better wait until he himself (Vansittart), should return to Calcutta, where he would endeavour to find an expedient for that affair; and that as soon as the reglement which he had in his mind, and which he reserved for his return, should come to pass and be forwarded to Monghyr, he might then put it in execution. Without explaining himself further, the Governor proceeded to Azim-abad. But the Navvab, confiding in that kind of promise, conceived the hopes of keeping up his pretensions for duties; insomuch, that after some little time had elapsed, he wrote to his officers everywhere, to give them notice of the agreement he expected, and to put them upon their guards; lest, meanwhile, and until the reglement should come up, the English private traders might find means to evade the custom, and to escape duty-free. But how could he expect that overbearing custom-officers, and short-sighted toll-men would have so much sense and discretion, as to keep such a secret locked up in their breasts, and mean while, manage with so much art, as not to lay themselves open to accusations by their precipitancy and forwardness? In fact, oppositions and stoppages having commenced in many places, the veil was torn away at once in two places; at Azim-abad, where Mr. Ellis, Chief of the factory, was highly incensed against the Navvab, and zealously attached to Mr. Amyatt; and at Djehanghir-nugur-dacca, where Mr. Batson held a similar office. Those two men equally incensed and equally impatient of restraint, and both unable to endure any more, sent a force, which seized the Navvab’s officers, and brought them prisoners to the English factories, with intent to have them tried and punished by the Council of Calcutta, and to throw the blame of their conduct directly upon the Navvab, and indirectly upon Vansittart.
Sometime before these disturbances, this Prince had crossed the Ganga on Gurghin’s persuasion, with intention to proceed on an expedition against Nepal, which had been planned and proposed by that General; and he preceded the Navvab by some days. It was just at the time when Vansittart, after a short visit to Azim-abad, was returning to Calcutta; but the Navvab was already returned from Betiah, when he heard of the bold step which the English had taken. However, before we proceed further on that subject, it is fit that we should give some account of the result on the Navvab’s expedition against Nepal, as it is there that his good fortune commenced to decline. After that, we shall revert to his disputes with the English, and to all the consequences which they produced. As the country of Nepal was known to produce gold, as well as to be full of riches, Gurghin-qhan, who had as much ambition as covetousness in his composition, wished to undertake an expedition thither. But he had another object in view; he wanted also to make a trial of the troops which he had disciplined, and of the artillery which he had trained. With this view, he had long before commenced connections with those crowds of Cashmirians and Sanyassees, and Fakirs,\(239\) who yearly frequented those parts; he had likewise, procured much information from some French priests that live at Latsa;\(240\) insomuch, that he became a proficient in the knowledge of the passes over the mountains, and of the entrances into the country. He even attached to his service, some of those men whom he found to be endowed with understanding, and capable of serving as guides in his expedition; for they had of themselves tendered their services on that head, and had first inspired him with the thoughts of conquering so wealthy a country. Gurghin-qhan, whose ancestors had never been warriors, who was not of a warlike nation, and who knew nothing of military affairs, having conceived a very easy idea of the possibility of conquering that country, inspired his master with an inclination for that conquest. This was not the opinion of Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, and of some other friends of the Navvab’s, who all objected to the expedition, and proposed that at least, if he was bent upon undertaking it, at any rate, he should take with him a body of English; and they reasoned in this manner: “That if by making them his companions, he came to conquer the country with the expected ease, he had carried his point; and if the expedition should not succeed, then he would not be liable to any taunt or reproach from them; nor would he afford them an opportunity of falling out with him so soon. Whereas if he should proceed alone on that expedition, and it should happen to miscarry, the miscarriage would not fail to sink his character with the English, and to become a subject of affliction to his servants and well-wishers.” This advice was certainly rational, and the only good one in those conjunctures; but it was not listened to; and Gurghin-qhan’s interest and counsels prevailed. But, as the fortress of Betiah had been taken but freshly, and the country, which is contiguous to Napal, had been but lately brought under controul, the Navvab availed himself of the pretence of establishing order in that region, to set out on the intended expedition. It was the twenty-fifth of the second Djemady, in the year 1176, of the Hedjra. He crossed the Ganga, and commenced his march; Gurghin-qhan preceding him by one or two stages, at the head of the troops and artillery which he had himself trained; and this order of march lasted until the Navvab arrived at Betiah; from whence Gurghin-qhan advanced four days’ journey farther, and commenced Gurghin-qhan’s expedition in Napal, miscarries. ascending the gaut, or difficult pass, which gave entrance into the country of Nepal. There he was opposed by the Nepalian army; and a sharp engagement took place, in which Gurghin-qhan’s troops, after repeated efforts, in which they lost a great number of men in wounded and slain, repulsed the enemy, With much courage and perseverance they gained the summit of the ascent, where they halted to take some rest for that night. But hardly the night was closed, when the Nepalians coming out of the woods and hills, attacked the Bengalies on all sides at once; and with stones, arrows, and musket-balls, they made so much havoc amongst them, that they drove them back to the bottom of the pass, from whence the latter, after losing a great number of men, and leaving many stands of arms, were obliged to retreat without stopping, as far as Gurghin-qhan’s quarters. That General, on seeing the condition in which they were, lost all hopes of succeeding in his expedition; he was struck with amazement, and ashamed to shew his face. Unable to bear the thoughts of announcing himself his miscarriage, he remained motionless, like one stupefied. Equally unwilling to retrograde and to shew his face again, and not daring to advance against an enemy grown bolder by his late success, he became weary of his very existence, and incapable to take any party for himself. Intelligence of this event having reached the Navvab from elsewhere, he became pensive and uncertain himself, and was at a loss which party to take. After much irresolution, he determined to recall Gurghin-qhan, and an order was dispatched on those terms. The man, impeded by his innate want of sense, and thunderstruck by his recent disgrace, would not go back; and he remained where he was, in defiance of the order he had received. The Navvab informed of this, wanted to send some person of weight to bring him back; but to find such a man, and one to whom Gurghin-qhan would choose to defer, was not an easy matter, unless indeed, it might be Aaly-hibrahim-qhan himself, whom the Navvab pitched upon, as a proper person for so delicate a commission and that nobleman set out immediately, without even any bagage. On his way he found multitudes of wounded, who were on their march towards the Navvab’s camp at Betiah. The Qhan desired them to stop, and to give him time to repair to their General, and to bring him away, as he had come for that very purpose; at the same time, he represented to them, that their appearing in camp in that condition, would redound to their own disgrace, whilst it would discourage their friends and companions, and also displease their lord and master. This remonstrance produced an effect; and as the Qhan spoke sense and reason, and was a man of authority, his words carried a weight, which made an impression on the minds of runaways; and they consented to stop where they were. After this, the Qhan proceeded on his march, and being arrived in Gurghin-qhan’s camp, he worked so forcibly on the mind of that man, become a prey to all the pangs of sorrow and regret, that he brought him back to the Navvab. The Prince, after saying a few words on the expedition, raised his camp, and marched towards Azim-abad. There he learned that some of his officers, who in several places had exacted unaccustomed duties from the goods of the English traders, had been seized by the latter, and confined in their factories. One of these men was Mirza-mahmed, seized at Djhanghir-nugur, and sent to Calcutta; the other had been seized by Mr. Ellis, Chief of the factory of Azim-abad, and sent to Calcutta also. The Navvab, equally surprised and shocked at this intelligence, conceived that the only expedient to save the honour of his Government, and to render it respectable, would be to seize the English mercantile agents on his side, and to keep them in confinement. Orders were accordingly dispatched to surprise and seize a certain number of them, and to send them to Court. After dispatching these orders, he thought proper to displace Radja Nobet-ray, the Deputy Governor of Azim-abad, as being unfit to contend with a man so incensed and so fiery as Mr. Ellis; and he appointed in his stead the valiant Mir-mehdi-qhan, who then commanded in the territory of Shah-abad. The Navvab was then at Hadjip8r, from whence he ordered a bridge of boats to be thrown over the Ganga. As soon as it was ready, he crossed over with his army, a little above the English factory; and without seeing Mr. Ellis, who wanted to pay him a visit, he went and encamped in Djaafer-qhan’s garden, where he invested the new Governor in his Government, by bestowing a rich qhylaat upon him; at the same time, he ordered Radja Nobet-ráy to live at Court, and then marched down towards Monghyr.
As for me, worn down by the fatigue of the campaign, I obtained leave to remain at Azim-abad; but my two brothers, Ghalib-aaly-qhan, and Séyd-aaly-qhan, thought proper to accompany the Navvab; and I thought them gone for the remainder of the year, when, on the fourth day after their departure, I was surprised to see Ghalib-aaly-qhan returned. I asked the reason. He answered, that the Navvab had bid him, as well as his brother, remain at Azim-abad, or repair to their father, which last would prove a better party, than that of fatiguing themselves with such repeated journeys; and that he had assured them, that whether there, or at camp, he did not consider them as being less in his service and pay. Ghalib-aaly-qhan added, that for his own part, he had preferred to return to Azim-abad; but that his younger brother, Séyd-aaly-qhan, not liking the intimation, had followed the Navvab. On hearing this intelligence from Ghalib-aaly-qhan’s mouth, I concluded that the Navvab being now engaged in some disputes and broils with the English, had thought it expedient to keep at a distance from his person and camp, people whose connections with that nation he strongly mistrusted. This conclusion seemed so natural, that I resolved to know of the Navvab himself what was his pleasure on our account; and as I was too weak to go by land, I got into a boat, and in a few days arrived at Monghyr, where I asked of my brother, Séyd-aaly-qhan, how matters had happened? The man, mistaking the Navvab’s intention, had really thought that by dismissing him at Azim-abad, he wanted only to oblige the family, and to afford him some rest. But I thought very differently, and thought right; for in five or six days’ time, the Navvab entrusted Mirza-shems-eddin, with a commission to go to Shudjah-ed-döulah, and to the Emperor’s Court, in order to request their assistance, and to prepare their minds against any emergencies, which his disputes with the English might produce; and that officer, who was an intimate friend of mine, and who knew how far I might be capable of keeping a secret, desired me, at his departure, to order my youngest brother, Séyd-aaly-qhan, to avail himself of his (Shems-eddin’s) company to get out of camp, and to repair to his father. I asked the reason, why the Navvab was bent on keeping my two youngest brothers at a distance from himself? He answered, “That as he reckoned upon my secrecy, he would tell me the truth, but under condition, that I should be careful not to mention it to any one; as such a discovery might do a great deal of harm to himself (Shems-eddin). You have concluded right,” said he, “that the Navvab greatly mistrusts Séyd-aaly-qhan; and that he takes him to be a spy of the English; and as every day now gives rise to some new subject of discontent and displeasure on both sides, he thinks it very improper that your brother should remain in his camp, hanging about his person; but as on the other hand, dismissing him alone would have given an insight into his secret intention, he intimated his desire to both brothers, that Ghalib-aaly-qhan might retire at the same time with him.” If that is the case, answered I, why does the Navvab suffer me in his camp? At that rate he must deem me the head spy, and full as dangerous as the two others put together. Mirza-shems-eddin answered, “That the Navvab did not object to me, because knowing my connections with some of the English, he reserved me as an instrument that might some day or other prove of use; but that over and above that, he considered me as a kind of pledge for my father’s good behaviour, and as an hostage for that of my brother’s.” This intimation of Mir shems-eddin’s confounded and amazed me. I was very near despairing of my life and honour, but thought it best to conceal my grief; so that sending for Séyd-aaly-qhan, I exacted an oath of secrecy from him, and then I informed him of the state of things, exhorting him to be gone by all means, if he was desirous of living. I then recommended him to my friend, and saw him depart. As for me, being too ill to move, I remained at Monghyr, where the Navvab, to keep a veil upon his suspicions, used now and then to inquire after my health by a chopdar, and to send me every day a table covered with victuals. At last, having recovered my health, and bathed according to law, I pitched upon the feast of the sacrifice, and went to pay him my respects. He received me with kindness; and, as I observed that he was going towards the women’s sanctuary, I hastened to the gate of the secret apartment, and made him my bow. He paused, spoke to me with kindness, and putting his hand into his own paan dan,\(241\) he gave me two byris of paan, adding these words: “Have I not done well to dismiss your two brothers, that they might take care of their aged sire? Let them take some rest, and enjoy themselves for a while.” These words, the intent of which I could not mistake, made me applaud his attention, and I extolled that goodness of his which prompted him to so much regard. “And where is the master in these days,” did I exclaim, “who, without discontinuing a large salary, would release his servants from that attendance to which he has so much right?” These words seemed to please him; and he added, “That, in fact, he had with me an acquaintance of old standing, but none indeed with them, or very little.” This was an arrant lie of his; but fain I was to applaud again; for, in former times, when there was an equality between his family and ours, and even some superiority on our side, I had not the least acquaintance with him, and very little friendship indeed for his father-in-law, Mir-djaafer-qhan, or for Miren, his brother-in-law; whereas, Séyd-aaly-qhan himself, living in Bengal, and being a man of pleasure, was in connections with these sort of people, and of course, with that family also, among the rest. After having asked the readers’ pardon for these little anecdotes, about private affairs, let us revert to the disputes with the English.
The Navvab’s officers, having found means to seize some of the mercantile agents of the English, sent them to their master, who kept them prisoners, as hostages for those officers of his, which the English had at first seized. All this happened in consequence of the Navvab’s precipitancy, who, by sending orders to his officers to exact duties from the goods of the English, before Vansittart had time to arrive at Calcutta, and to settle that matter on an equitable footing, put it out of that Governor’s power, on his arrival there, to withstand the members of the Council, who, hitherto dispersed all over Bengal, had now assembled in that city, and formed a majority that shut up the gates of friendship, walled up the door of return, and, by dint of numbers, obliged Vansittart to command the Navvab to hold all English goods whatever free from duties, and to dismiss the English agents, his prisoners, immediately. The Navvab conceived, that to submit to orders which he knew to come from those Counsellors that were his enemies, was disgraceful; and, on the other hand, he found it difficult to stand his ground upon the articles of custom and duty. He, therefore, betook himself to the expedient of suppressing all customs and duties whatever, whether for native merchants or for others; and he answered the imperious letter, sent him by the Council, by writing personally to Vansittart, “That it was notorious that merchants of all sorts made it a practice to pass their own goods under the name of English agents; and that as a release of duties to the latter would, in fact, amount to a general exemption also to most of the former, save only a few wretches too obscure to afford the expense of purchasing protectors, and too poor to afford duties that would be worth perception; he had, therefore, taken the party to suppress all customs and duties whatever, and to render the exemption general. Since so long as the principal merchants could find means to pass duty free, under an English mask, it would be hard to torment a few poor people who would submit to duties, but whose contributions would never repay the charges of perception. That as to the order of dismissing the English agents, prisoners in his camp, it was an injunction vain and absurd; since the English having first seized and confined his officers, these, of course ought to be released first, before the others could be dimissed at all.” This answer of the Navvab’s being perused in the Council of Calcutta, the Counsellors that were in confederacy against him, said, “That this general exemption of the Navvab’s was calculated to throw a slur upon them, by putting them on a footing with the other merchants. That, if Mir-cassem’s intention was to remain on terms of friendship with the English, he must putthings upon the ancient footing, to wit, exact duties from the other merchants, and let English property pass duty free. That as they knew that Mr. Vasittart, infatuated by his blind attachment to Mir-cassem, wanted to render his opposers ridiculous and despicable, so they were resolved to send one of their own body in embassy to the Navvab, to explain their intention; for, if he grants the envoy’s demands,” said they, “we shall have carried our point; and if he does not, then friendship shall cease between us.” The Governor, overcome by a majority that seemed to know no moderation, was, against his own opinion, obliged to put his name to such a letter as they thought proper to dictate, and compelled to consent to the resolution of deputing one from amongst themselves. In consequence of that resolve, Mr. Amyatt, and Mr. Hay, under the escort of one company of Talingas, commanded by Captain Djonson, departed on their embassy to Monghyr. At their departure, Vansittart wrote a short letter to Mir-cassem-qhan, which he gave to the latter’s agent at Calcutta; and he sent him, at the same time, a long message to this purport: “That he exhorted him, by all means, to be firm and punctual in the execution of the treaty, which had at first intervened between himself, on the part of the Company, and the Navvab, a treaty that had been confirmed by oaths on both sides, and by a thorough examination; a treaty, upon the tenor of which, the Navvab ought to regulate his conduct without the least deviation. That the Counsellors, who had been hitherto dispersed all over Bengal, having all assembled in Calcutta, the party opposed to the Navvab, formed a majority, to which he, the Governor, was of course obliged to submit, especially after the management of the affairs of Government had slipped out of his (the Governor’s) hands, through the Navvab’s precipitancy, which had put every matter out of his power. That Mr. Amyatt, supported by the majority in Council, was now setting out on an embassy to Monghyr, and might possibly make him some proposals which would not be of the Navvab’s liking; but that probably they might prove such as would not bring any material detriment to his Government; the more so, as in five or six months hence, the members opposed to him being all to be dismissed the service by an order from home, he ought, for the present, to submit to whatever conditions they might propose actually, and dismiss their envoy with honour and regard, so as to give him full satisfaction; this being the only method to prevent the dispute from going farther, or breeding more serious consequences; as otherwise, the helm being now out of his hands, he (the Governor) was certain that he would not have it in his power to oblige him in the manner he (the Navvab) might wish.” The Navvab, on the arrival of this letter and message, referred the whole negotiation with and the management of the English, to Gurghin-qhan, who was both his General and Minister, and the man whom he most trusted. He considered that he was of the same religion\(242\) with the English; acquainted with their customs and manners; and informed of their several characters, in consequence of his corresponding with his brother, Codja-bedros, and his other friends at Calcutta. The Navvab, therefore, sent for him, informed him of the contents of the letter, and of the purport of the message, and asked him his opinion about the propriety of submitting to the Council’s orders, The Navvab is determined to a resistance by Gurghin-qhan’s advice. or of rejecting the same. Gurghin-qhan, who was both extremely imprudent, and extremely proud, and who detested in his heart every man of birth or of understanding, advised the Navvab to reject the proposal, together with Vansittart’s advice. “Your Highness and the English,” said he, “are now upon a par and upon a level. If you submit to-day, you shall daily lose of your character, and of that awe and respect with which they are now impressed; and, at last, you shall become contemptible in their eyes; but if you listen only to the dictates of honour and courage, and stand firmly on your ground, your character shall daily acquire new respect in their minds; and their own power shall daily lose of its strength and consequence.” The Navvab, who had the highest opinion of his knowledge and attachment, and was accustomed always to defer implicitly to his opinion, adopted his advice without reserve, and resolved to act accordingly. That Prince, sensible of the opposition formed against him at Calcutta, and anxious to take every precaution necessary in a dispute of so much consequence, had harboured this longwhile heavy suspicions against the two Djagat-seats; nor did he think it consonant, to the rules of prudence, to leave two such men in M8rsh8d-abad, at such a critical conjuncture. He remembered that they had been deeply concerned, both by their money and influence, in transferring the supreme power from Seradj-ed-döulah to Mir-djaafer-qhan, and lately from Mir-djaafer-qhan to himself; and, being a great connoisseur in men’s tempers, as well as an inquirer into their characters, he dreaded the consequences of two such men’s remaining at M8rsh8d-abad, and so near Calcutta, at a time when his disputes with the English ran higher and higher, and his difficulties with them were increasing daily upon his hands. He therefore thought it incumbent upon him to have both these brothers in his power, at least; and, as he knew that so far from moving a foot on his sending them letters or orders, they would from that very moment apprehend for their safety, and contrive to escape to Calcutta, where they would prove of infinite service to his opposers, by their wealth, intrigues, and influence;—he therefore wrote to Mahmed-taky-qhan, the Coozza-calanian, who commanded in Birbohom, a man of an acknowledged bravery, and a sincere fidelity, requiring him to repair in all speed to M8rsh8d-abad, where he was to surround the house of the Djagat-seat’s, in such a manner, as that not a man might come out, and then to wait until Marcar, the Armenian, might arrive and bring him a letter; on the perusal of which, he was to deliver the two Seats in his hands, taking a receipt in form for the delivery of their persons. After writing the above order, he dispatched Marcar, an Armenian General, of Gurghin-qhan’s recommendation; and putting three or four regiments of Talingas under his command, he ordered him to repair by water to M8rsh8d-abad, where he was to receive from Mahmed-taky-qhan the two Djagat-seats, and to bring them in all speed to Monghyr, but without departing from a proper regard and attention to their persons and rank. Mahmed-taky-qhan, on receipt of the order, repaired in all speed to M8rsh8d-abad, where he closely surrounded the house of the two Djagat-seats, sending them word at the same time, “That he had no injury to offer either to their persons, fortune, honour, or family; his orders were only to send them to Monghyr, where the Navvab wanted to see them reside near his person; and that he requested them to make themselves thoroughly easy on his own particular subject, as he had no harm to offer.” The two brothers, finding The Djagat-seats, the two most potent private men of India, seized and carried to Monghyr. themselves reduced to the single party of submission, prepared for their voyage. In three days more, Marcar, the Armenian, arrived with his Talingas, and the two brothers being delivered up to him, were carried to Monghyr. The Navvab received them with distinction, spoke to them with kindness, deplored the necessity of his affairs, soothed their minds, excused the rigour of his proceedings, and requested their living at Monghyr, where he hoped they would build lodgings for themselves, set up a Banking House, as they had at M8rsh8d-abad, attend at his Court as they did formerly, and, as formerly, transact business in the affairs of Government and finance. He, at the same time, set them at full liberty; but people were secretly set upon them, with orders not to suffer them to go out any great distance. The poor brothers were fain to order a Banking House to be raised for their lodgings, and found themselves obliged to accommodate themselves to the perfidy exercised on them; and as these two men have cut at all times such a figure in Bengal, the reader shall not find fault with his seeing here some account of them. The two brothers, which bore the names of Mahtab-ráy and Radja Ser8p-chund, were both grandsons to Djagat-seat-fateh-chund, by two brothers, sons to this Fateh-chund, who died both in the time of Shudjah-qhan, Viceroy of Bengal; so that his fortune, which was literally immense, and past all belief, passed to those his grandsons, who, in Aaly-verdy-qhan’s time, lived in Bengal with so much credit and authority, as is hardly credible at such a distance of time. Their riches were so great, that no such bankers were ever seen in Hindostan or Decan; nor was there any banker or merchant, that could stand a comparison with them, all over India. It is even certain, that all the bankers of their time in Bengal, were either their factors, or some of their family. Their wealth may be guessed by this only fact: In the first invasion of the Marhattas, and when M8rsh8d-abad was not yet surrounded by walls, Mir-habib, with a party of their best horse, having found means to fall upon that city, before Aaly-verdy-qhan could come up, carried from Djagat-seat’s house two corors of rupees, in Arcot coin only;\(243\) and this prodigious sum did not affect the two brothers, more than if it had been two trusses of straw. They continued to give afterwards to Government, as they had done before, bills of exchange, called dursunies,\(244\) of one coror at a time, by which words is meant, a draft, which the acceptor is to pay at sight, without any sort of excuse. In short, their wealth was such, that there is no mentioning it, without seeming to exaggerate, and to deal in extravagant fables. Thousands of their agents and factors have acquired such fortunes in their service, as have enabled them to purchase large tracts of land, and other astonishing possessions; and now that those two heads of the family are both dead these many years, and their sons, in consequence of the superiority acquired by the English in all the branches of trade over Bengal and Hindostan, fall vastly short of the wealth of their fathers; nevertheless there is not one man of that family, and not one dependant of that house but who lives in the utmost splendour and prosperity.
Intelligence coming at this time that Mr. Amyatt was drawing
near, the Navvab, who had beforehand sent for Mir-abdollah-sefevi
from Azim-abad, a valuable gentleman, whose merit has
many times been mentioned in these memoirs, now thought
proper to join me, the poor man, to him in the same commission;
and he desired us, as we were both upon familiar terms with
Mr. Amyatt, to go forward, in order to receive him, and to
endeavour to discover what was his real purpose, and what
might be his real intentions in coming so far. He at the same
time appointed a Gentoo, to attend us as Persian secretary, and
he ordered twenty spies to be at our command both as spies and
as messengers. These twenty men were parted in two divisions,
and commanded by two head men as officers, who had orders to
disguise themselves like menial servants, and to introduce themselves
the one into Mir-abdollah’s service, the other into mine,
with injunctions never to be absent from any of the meetings or
conferences which might be held with the English, and to take
care to observe not only the expressions and words, but even the
gestures of the hands as well as the signs of the head between
us, transmitting every day a faithful account of what they should
hear, or see. One of these twenty messengers, on receiving a
letter, was to carry it to the next post, and then to return to his
office. Every one of us having received our lesson in this manner,
we quitted Monghyr, and arrived at Ganga-persad, where we
had the good luck to meet Mr. Amyatt; but on embracing him
took care to whisper that we had spies over us. Mr. Amyatt
and the others being thereby put upon their guard, spoke and
acted with precaution; for, being every night at the same landing
place, we used to pass the greatest part of our time with the
English; and whatever we had said or heard, was fully set down
both by us and by the head spies, and severally dispatched to
the Navvab every evening. One day, to avoid all suspicions, I
opened my commission to Mr. Amyatt with an audible voice, and
I spoke to him as I had been instructed to do by the Navvab.
“What can possibly be,” said I, “the reason of your coming,
and what is your intent? Being both of us well-wishers to His
Highness, as well as to the English, we are desirous of being
informed of your intentions, that we may contrive expedients
for the benefit of both parties.” Mr. Amyatt, with a loud voice,
answered: “It is customary with Indians, when they come to us,
to tell us none but such things as may keep us in good humour;
and when they return to the Navvab, they never fail to speak
to him, so as to humour him in his wishes; and hence, our real
intentions on both sides remain concealed from each other
party, and our views do not come to light. It is to avoid those
inconveniences, that we have quitted our homes, to come so
far in embassy, with intention to see the Navvab face to face,
and to tell him what we have to say, as well as to hear what
he has to answer; and, this being the case, it is needless that
we should have any business with any other person.” This
declaration of Mr. Amyatt’s putting an end to all political topics,
we took care in our conversation with the English to drop many
expressions of reproach, and to dispute with them in such a
manner, as was pointed out by the times; it being the only
expedient we could devise, to preserved ourselves from the Navvab’s
suspicions, and to avoid feeling the effects of his resentment.
On the day when this last conversation took place, the contents
of which were severally forwarded to Court both by us and by the
head spies, we arrived at Baghalpoor, and there received a letter
from the Navvab, which recalled both Mir-abdollah and me,
adding, that as Mr. Amyatt did not choose to enter into any
particulars with us, it was needless we should stay with him any
more, but, that we must manage so, as to be at Court before the
Englishman’s arrival. Mir-abdollah, having informed Mr. Amyatt
of this recall, we took our leave of him, and returned to Monghyr,
where we waited on the Navvab immediately, after having been
met in the way by several messengers that came to hasten our
march. Being in his presence, he commenced putting questions
to us. As my poor friend, Mir-abdollah, (on whom be peace!)
had not a ready delivery, and could not express himself properly,
his answers displeased the Navvab, and he was twice reproached,
and afterwards dismissed. He went home, and I followed him,
with intent to take some rest; when a messenger came from
Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, informing me that His Highness wanted me
immediately, and that I must go with the Qhan to Court. Fain I
was to put on a full dress again, and to repair to the Navvab’s.
This Prince was in his private apartments, sitting in the outer-room
of his bath, and in close conference with Gurghin-qhan. I
took my seat in a corner, and Aaly-hibrahim-qhan in another.
The Navvab repeated to Gurghin-qhan what he had heard from
my mouth; he them turned towards me, and ordering me to
draw nearer, he bid me tell Gurghin-qhan all my observations.
Upon this command, I drew near, and sitting over against that
General, I recommenced my tale. The General, after hearing a
few words, seemed ruffled; and, to shew that my report deserved
but little oredit, he turned towards the Navvab, and said: My
Lord Navvab, weré a man to rip open an Englishman’s body
with a knife, he would not for that come at his secret. He then
turned again to me, and asked me some questions, which I answered.
At the third or fourth answer, he seemed impatiented,
and said: “My Lord Qhan, I want nothing of all that. Pray, do
answer three or four questions which I am going to put to
you. What is Mr. Amyatt’s intention? And does he come to
intrigue against the Navvab, or not? Is he come to pry into
the state of the army and fortress, or not? Has he any friendship
or good will for us, or does he come with hostile intentions?”
On hearing these words, I was extremely surprised, and looking
at him full in the face, I answered: “My Lord, your questions
really confound me, and I am amazed at what you mean. It is
but a moment since you said yourself, that were one to rip open
an Englishman’s body, he would not for that come at his secret;
and you want me now to reveal to you Mr. Amyatt’s innermost
thoughts! As to his coming with sinister intentions, it would be
really surprising that he should harbour any such designs; the
man comes into your house, and alone; and it is he that ought
to be afraid of sinister designs, and not you, who are at home,
and ought not to conceive any fears from him. As to what you
have hinted of his coming hither to pry into the state of the
army and fortress, I am of opinion, that not only Mr. Amyatt
shall, but that any other man whatever that comes hither, will,
of course, acquire some knowledge of both your fortress
and your army; and that the quantum of such a knowledge
of his, will depend on his share of penetration and knowledge.
With respect to your other two questions, about his
coming with friendly or inimical intentions, the matter of fact
is, that he comes to you with some demands and requests of
his own; if you grant him his demands, there is no doubt but
that he shall be pleased with you, and will become your friend;
and if you refuse them, it is no less certain that the refusal
will produce discontents, and at last enmities. All these
observations do not deserve questions; they are self-evident.”
The Navvab having assented to what I said, Gurghin-qhan, who
had never been a friend to me, became now more estranged
than ever. But the Navvab dismissed me; and as I was going
home in the utmost amazement, I could not but admire that
fulness of power in the divine dispensations of Providence,
which had suscited such and the like people, to stand over our
heads as Generals of armies, and as Ministers of State, with
unlimited powers of binding and loosing. The next morning
after this conference, the Navvab sent his own nephew, Aab8-aaly-qhan,
and his Minister, Radja Nobet-ráy, to meet and
receive Mr. Amyatt; and on the third day, the latter arrived at
Monghyr, where he alighted at a set of tents that had been
pitched up for his quarters. The Navvab went to see him, at
which time the visit became one continual scene of dissimulation
and reciprocal cringing. The next day Mr. Amyatt returned the
visit. He had with him Mr. Hay, and Captain Johnston, together
with some other gentlemen, amongst whom was a Mr. Gulston,
a young man lately come into India, who in so short a time had
learned the Persian very well, and at our first interview, had
conceived as much good will for me as I had for him.\(245\)
The
Navvab, on descrying Mr. Amyatt, got up, as is the etiquette,
advanced a few steps from his Mesned, and brought him to sit
upon some chairs placed there on purpose, upon one of which
he took his own seat. After a little conversation, the usual ceremonial
of Paan, Atur, and Rose-water, was brought up; and
then several trays covered with stuffs were produced, together
with one plate containing jewels and gems; all which were
presented to him. On his taking leave, the Navvab got up, and
re-conducted him, as well as all the English, as far as the end
of the carpeting, where he invited them to an entertainment,
At night they all came, and after having been amused with
dances and a bonfire, they were complimented with an entertainment,
which lasted beyond midnight. Since that day, the
English visited the Navvab several times, and at each time
several complaints, and many reproaches were taking place on
both sides; and at each visit matters seemed verging towards
a rupture. For it was remarked, that at every meeting, the
Navvab, whether by chance or otherwise, never failed to commit
some action, or to be guilty of some gesture, which never failed
to give offence, and to be laid hold of as a fit subject of complaint.
At last, the discontents ran so high, that at one time Mr. Amyatt,
who had advanced as far as the door of the Navvab’s apartment,
Amyatt sent
on embassy to
Mir-cassem,
spoils every
thing by the
hastiness of
his temper,
and the imperiousness
of his conversation.
returned back much displeased; nor would he have been brought
again, had not some of the Navvab’s favourites run after him,
and intreated his being pacified. Mr. Amyatt and the others
complained of the Navvab’s guards at the gate, and of some
other of his servants. The Navvab professed his ignorance, and
made many apologies; but the English could not be brought
to believe, that servants would dare to commit such actions
without their master’s consent; and they were still more displeased
at the apology. However, as the Navvab was offering
many excuses, they determined that the only method with
him was, to put his words to the trial. With that view,
Mr. Gulston and Captain Johnston, got on horse-back at day-break,
as is the English custom, and went out to take an
airing, and to see the country; but as soon as they offered
to go somewhat far, several foot-guards, stationed at that
part, forbade their proceeding that way; and some troopers,
that suddenly appeared, opposed their passage. The English,
accustomed to talk high, and to carry every thing with a high
hand, forced their passage forward. The guards incensed,
lighted up their matches and put themselves in a posture of defence;
and the English, after having attempted in vain to turn
them, returned to town, and went directly to the Navvab’s, where
they exhaled themselves in excessive complaints, and made use
of several high expressions. The Navvab flatly denied his
having any hand in the matter, and excused his people; he also
apologised for himself, and pretended his ignorance. But this
did not persuade any one of the English; nor was this dust
wiped off from their hearts; and this event having alienated
their minds, their discontent ran higher and higher, and at last
it undermined the wall of good will and sincerity. The Navvab
was every day holding Councils on these matters with his favourites;
for instance, with Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, and with Mirza-shems-eddin.
Those men of sense always proposed some expedient
to renew the conferences, in order both to soothe
Mr. Amyatt’s mind, and to pacify the Navvab. On my own part,
as I laboured under the imputation of being in connection with
the English, I did not dare to offer a word in their behalf;
but being also intimate with Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, and with
Mirza-shems-eddin, I used to impart to them such expedients and
notions of mine, as I thought might conduce to a good understanding,
or keep at a distance the thoughts of hostility; and
these were soon imparted to the Navvab, who always assented,
but not for any length of time. For as soon as it was four in the
afternoon, at which time Gurghin-qhan used to come and to
engross him as late as nine o’clock at night, all was undone again;
so that he would efface himself every trace of those lines, which
his well-wishers had been at so much pains to trace on the glass
of his mind; and in the morning, not the least vestige of them
could be discerned. Instead of that, the General used to engrave
thereon his own infructuous persuasions, and that too, in such
deep characters, that no hand and no tool could efface them
afterwards. This management took place so constantly, that
once Aaly-hibrahim-qhan losing all patience, wrote a note to the
Navvab in these very words: Since the advices and counsels
offered by your well-wishers, and which your mind approves,
never fail in the evening to be obliterated by Gurghin-qhan’s
suggestions, it is needless that either your Highness, or your
friends and well-wishers, should fatigue themselves any more
upon an unfructuous subject; for in the end, we all find that
nothing is done, but what has been advised by Gurghin-qhan.
It is then proper that this affair should be wholly committed
to his care, without giving further trouble to your own mind,
as well as to every one of us on so disagreeable a subject. Let
us all do as he shall bid; (and this after all would be nothing
novel) it is but what happens every day. In one word, (for we
must end) we are unanimously of opinion, that if your Princely
mind be for peace, Mr. Amyatt’s heart ought not to be estranged
by actions and words that derogate from the high character
which our master bears; and, if you be for a rupture, and for
pursuing a plan of military operations on Gurghin-qhan’s
notions and schemes, still, to disoblige a man come on an embassy,
is contrary to the rules of a Princely behaviour, and
beneath the high dignity of a Sovereign. So far from abating
any thing from the regard and attention which it is customary
to pay the people of that nation, we are of opinion that some
additional token of respect ought to be shewn them now, were
it because they are come under the safeguard of an embassy
We do not mean to say that the preparations intended for
further hostilities ought to be discontinued; on the contrary,
they ought to go on. We contend only, that such actions as
these men complain of, are not of a nature either to add any
thing to the terror of your name and power, or to detract any
thing from their own dignity, or from the opinion they entertain
of themselves. All these can produce no other fruit, than
that of enlarging the foundations of enmity, and giving new
wings to envy and jealousy.
Gurghin-qhan having somehow got advice of this note of Aaly-hibrahim-qhan’s took offence at it, and for two or three days together he abstained from coming to Court. It was just at this time that a boat from Calcutta came to touch at Monghyr. She proved to be laden with a quantity of goods, under which were found five hundred fire-locks, destined for the factory of Azim-abad. These Gurghin-qhan wanted to stop, whilst Mr. Amyatt insisted upon the boat’s being dismissed without being stopped or even searched; and to that forbearance the Court would not listen. Aaly-hibarhim-qhan objected to the boat’s being stopped or visited at all. He contended, “That if peace was in contemplation, there was no colour for stopping the boat; and if hostilities were in view, then he saw no great harm in adding five hundred more musquets to the two thousand already in the English factory. For if we can fight against two thousand,” said he, “I dare say, we can as well fight against two thousand five hundred.” To this the Navvab having said that he wondered why nobody would say so much to Gurghin-qhan himself, Aaly-hibrahim-qhan answered, that if His Highness’s pleasure was that so much should be said to Gurghin-qhan, it would prove a small affair. The Navvab, a little affected by these words, desired Radja Nobet-ráy and Aaly-hibrahim-qhan to go and bring Gurghin-qhan to Court, as he intended to consult him on this subject. The two Lords accepted the commission, and departed. Gurghin-qhan, on hearing their errand, seemed to be in a passion, and said, “My office is that of Grand-master of the artillery, and I am but a soldier; nor have I any business with consultations and politics. Let His Highness consult with his friends and favourites. Whenever there is war, and I am sent to stand in some post, I hope, I shall not fail to do my duty; but as for politics, I know nothing of them”. The Radja observing the violence of the man’s temper, said not a word, but turned his eyes towards Aaly-hibrahim-qhan. The Qhan having chided Gurghin-qhan a little upon his ill humour, said these very words: “The Navvab-aaly-djáh asks advice from his Grand-master of the artillery, and it appears that he never transacts business without consulting him. Why then does not the Grand-master of the artillery give such advice as he thinks best for his own honour, and for his master’s service?” These words having somewhat pacified Gurghin-qhan, he turned himself towards Aaly-hibrahim-qhan, and raised both his hands, which he set open against each other. He explained his thought by this comparison or allegory: “The Navvab and the English,” said he, “stand now in this manner: that is, they are upon a par and an equality, and on the same level; but if he does not stand firm, and chooses to lower his tone a little, (and here he sunk his right a little) the other hand will remain where it is; and of course higher. If, on the contrary, his hand remains where it is, the English hand must fall lower, and the Navvab will remain with a superiority on his side. As to the rest, let His Highness do as he pleases; he is the master.” The envoys returned to the Navvab with this answer, and they reported the whole transaction minutely; but this opinion of the General’s having put an end to all thoughts about pacifications, nothing was thought of now but a rupture, and open hostilities. So that Mr. Amyatt finding it useless to make any further stay, resolved to return, and he took his leave. The Navvab at first wanted to keep every one of the English, as hostages; at last, after a deal of parley, he consented to dismiss them all, under condition that Mr. Hay should be detained at Monghyr, until Mirza-mahmed-aaly and some other of the Navvab’s officers confined at Calcutta, should be released, and upon their way to Monghyr; at which time he would release Mr. Hay. The latter having consented (and this consent of his became in the sequel the cause of his death), Mr. Amyatt and the others obtained leave, and went down the river in their boats.
From several similar passages in our author, it appears that since Nadyr-shah’s invasion, but above all, since the two mighty battles in the province of Delhi, where the Afghans destroyed a hundred and twenty thousand Marhattas; all the Indian Princes (the Mussulman ones at least) acknowledge a tacit subordination to the D8rrani, or Abdali monarchy. This much is certain, that the Peshto language and Abdali dress have gained all the northern parts of Hindostan, as far as Lucnow, where the Sovereign wears it in winter, and speaks a few words of Peshto; and where even the women of the seraglio make it a point to mix some words of it in their speech.
↩The sword of the State in battles.
↩No man that has not seen the forests of India, can have an idea of the darkness and horror by which a visitor is at once surrounded. Lofty trees eternally green, growing close together, intercept, not only the light of the sun, but the very sight of the sky. Not a leaf is seen moving, not a bird is seen hopping about, save some crows; and chirping is as unknown there as would be an organ touched by a Handel. Such are the Sal forests that bound Bengal on the north; and such the Sahvan or Tec forest that bound it on the west and south-west. Myriads of red ants, still more formidable by their enormous bigness than by their voracity, seem, as well as stupendous serpents, to be the only inhabitants of those lonely woods, that is, the western ones. As for tigers, lions, deer, and other animals, they seem to avoid them, and to covet the thickets and grassy plains.
↩There are two ways of lulling asleep in India. The first, by the chuppy, a method of handling, from the feet upwards, all the members successively; opening the palm of the hand as if going to gripe hard a handful of flesh, and yet grasping it so gently, as hardly to make any impression. The person that operates, is always a young one, and with long fingers, and a satined skin. The second way is called dahh, or dabna, and consists in striking all the members successively with gentle fifty cuffs. In general, people indulge in having two persons operating at one and the same time on each side, each in different methods, whilst the tale-teller contributes his part, by rehearsings omeludicrous, luscious, or high flavoured, or grave and affecting tale; andt here are some that deserve to be printed, being exceedingly curious and affecting: (I regret the loss of such a collection.) Within the seraglio, these three offices must be performed by women; and these, to the difference of men, have high salaries; but they must be pretty, elegantly dressed, witty, and ready at repartees. And it is from several of these that had belonged to Shudja-ed-döulah’s seraglio, and to others, that the collection above had been made.
↩It is customary to lay a sabre at the pillow of men of distinction, not against men, but against evil spirits, which are reported in India to be afraid of bare sabres; and it is for that reason likewise, that women in child-bed have always one at their head pillow; and also are surrounded and covered by four unsheathed sabres, when they come forth on the sixth day to shew the stars or the sun to their new-born; and they are preceded by an unsheathed sword, whenever they go to the bathing place, or to any one still more secret.
↩There came at that time from Patna, or Azim-abad, to M8rsh8d-abad, on their way to Calcutta, two pretty Portugueze women; that is, women of that embrowned colour which descended from some Portugueze of old. One of them was a widow, but her sister was a virgin. Miren, who heard of their figure, sent to offer them a distinguished place in his seraglio; but they excused themselves on their being forbidden by their religion from commencing such connections. They were suffered to proceed to Palassy, where two or three hat-men, their friends, were murdered, and the women brought back to M8rsh8d-abad, where they were put in Miren’s seraglio; and we are apt to suspect that the two women put to death, are no other than these unfortunate creatures, who died six months after. They were reported to have sent messages to some Portugueze, or Frenchmen, in Miren’s artillery, by whose contrivance they expected to escape to Calcutta.
↩This purification, which is called woz8, or rather wodh8, consists in washing the hands, mouth, nostrils, face, arms, head, neck, and feet, in a certain manner, and with certain rites and prayers; and this purification, with clean clothes, if possible, must always precede every legal prayer; that is, five times a day. There is another higher purification, always practised by women after menstruation; and by both sexes after cohabitation, after touching a dead body, &c., &c. It is called gh8sl, and consists either in plunging the whole body several times in pure water, or in pouring quantities of it over the head and shoulders. The former purification, and if possible, the latter, are always required of a man who is going to be put to death. The report is, that the officer’s orders were betrayed by his own emotion and tenderness. Mother, said he to the eldest sister, you have eaten nothing the whole day; eat something, for you are going to take a long journey— and—here he was interrupted by his own tears and sobs, &c., &c.
↩This earth comes from Kerbela, where is buried Hosséin, the idol, not of the Mussulmen in general, but of the Shyahs in particular, who call themselves Imamis, or Pontificals.
↩It is remarkable that the style of this prayer runs in the same strain as those petitions presented to Judges; and it ends in the same words used in filing a bill in a Court of Justice.
↩We are certain that both the imprecation and speech were mentioned at M8rsh8d-abad, full thirty days before any intelligence reached the city of Miren’s death; and incredible as it may look at this distance of time, this piece of news was stified at first; and what is singular, but true, that death was attributed to the machination, of the English, say, of the English Government, that had at all times taken much umbrage at that aspiring spirit of independence, so conspicuous in Miren’s words, still more than in his actions. It was asserted, that Mir-cassem-qhan, who had already made his treaty public, or private, with Holwell, Governor of Calcutta; and who could not compass his end, so long as Miren should stand in his way, was really at the bottom of the whole contrivance, (for contrivance it was called and not lightning); and this, together with the storm and darkness of the night, as well as the burning of the tent, was made use of as a curtain to conceal and colour the whole transaction. What gave a strong bias to the minds on that occasion is, that the Colonel himself seemed to have his doubts; and that Lushington, his confidant and interpreter, whom he sent to inspect the body, was refused admittance. Moreover, it is well known, that several officers of the Colonel’s family, and amongst others, Captain Carnac, who held the first rank in it, and was unquestionably a man of extensive knowledge, keen genius, and much information, spoke in strong terms of what they called this dark affair. Nevertheless, all those rumours, and all those doubts will vanish, when an impartial mind shall perpend the following facts duly. “1st.—The fact of the lightning is very probable. 2nd.—A body murdered and burned, or scorched, has quite another appearance, from one struck by lightning. 3rd.—Three men more were struck likewise; and these unquestionably had friends and acquaintances, who would have divulged every thing they might know or see. 4th.—The body itself was seen with legs and a head hanging for a whole day out of a hä8dah. 5th.—It was not buried immediately to disappoint curiosity and enquiry, but sent off to a spot, six days’ journey from thence, and exposed to a variety of prying eyes, in the many ablutions, fluicings, and other rites, to the number of twenty or thirty, which are required by the Mussulman law. 6th.—The contrivance was not reproached to Mir-cassem subsequently, and not even after his expulsion. 7th.—The report died away of itself, and like a popular rumour, to which a national jealousy against the prevalence of the English power, had given existence, as it does to-day as well as ever. The amazing prosperity of that nation in India, and indeed every elsewhere, being of a nature not to be easily forgiven by national envy, combined with human malignity.” But as this imprecation about the lightning, and the catastrophe by which it was followed, savour so much of the miracle, it must be remembered that the imprecation, May the lightning fall upon thee, is very common in Bengal. Bidjli giré teré 8ppar! Bidjli paré teré 8ppar!
↩The general profession of faith is that mentioned several times in the Koran, and it is this: There is no God but God, and Mohammed is His Messenger. To this the Mussulmen, of the Shyah sect, or as they style themselves, the Imamis or Pontificals, have added some hundred years after, the words: And Aaly is the Saint of God, as well as the heir and executor of the Messenger of God. This profession of faith is commanded to be pronounced in a lofty, loud tone of voice, with a particular emphasis, the body erect, the face turned towards Mecca, the left hand hanging at length, the right raised to the height of the breast, with all the fingers and thumb clenched, save the index which must point to the horizon and to Mecca; to all these conditions, the Shyahs add, the right foot advanced, as if going to set out.
↩A sentence of the Koran, often in the mouth of the oppressed.
↩These words signify the sun of the State.
↩Madras.
↩These words signify the Sun of the Empire, the valorous Succourer of the State.
↩It is to be remarked that the Emperors of India never speak of themselves but in the plural, whether in their letters or otherwise.
↩Moáviáh, son to Ab8-sofian, and cousin-german to Mohammed, whom he had served as Secretary, was the first who refused to acknowledge Aaly, the Prophet’s cousin and son-in-law, as his legitimate successor; he also transferred the Arabian Empire from the Prophet’s family to his own, which was that of Ommiah, but still a younger branch of Mohammed’s family.
↩These ceremonies are of etiquette, and consisted in pulling his hat, advancing at the very end of the hall, making a bow, presenting a Nuzur, (which was always declined as coming from an equal), and in embracing, and bringing the Navvab to a couch, where the two parties seated themselves together, and at the same time.
↩The Succourer of the State; the Distinguished of the Empire; the Valiant Mir-mahmed-cassem-qhan, ever Victorious in War.
↩The Valorous Mir-shemseddin, the Victorious of the State.
↩Muez-ed-döula, the Honoured of the State.
↩Hafyz-esrar-qhan is evidently a title, and signifies the Lord Rememberer of Secrets. But Mir-m8nshi itself is no more than a title, and signifies the Lord Secretary.
↩Gurghin is the Georgian and Persian way of pronouncing the Armenian word Kircor, which is a corruption of the Greek Grigor, or Gregorius. In Persian, this word of Gurghin would signify wolfish.
Alias Caja-petrus, for so was he styled by the English; he had been instrumental to Mir-djaafer-qhan, as his agent, both before and after the battle of Palassy. He died in 1782 with a great fortune, and the character of a serviceable, good natured, charitable man.
↩Assed-zeman-qhan, the Lord Lion of the times.
↩Rani signifies Queen, the consort of a Radja or King; and it is observable that Radjp8t Princes turning Mussulmen, as did this Zemindar’s ancestors, conserve ever after many of their old Gentoo customs, such as eating only with heir families, marrying within their families, giving Gentoo titles to their consorts, &c, &c.—for Rani is a Gentoo title.
↩The dam has had a variety of valuation. If it be equal to a peissa, then the Djaghir was equal to about fifteen thousand rupees, at forty peissas to a rupee.
↩Mons. Law. His name is pronounced Lass by the French.
↩This navy consisted of a fleet of boats and vessels, some of them equal to the largest European galleys, and was always built and furnished by the province of Dacca. This fleet was over and above the Coror of rupees sent yearly from Bengal to Delhi, and over and above a vast quantity of delicate stuffs. See the remark 2nd, Section 5th.
↩The reader is, doubtless, apprised that at Dacca are manufactured the finest linen in the world. We have seen two malmalls sold for 250 English crowns, and have had at home one that weighed about fourteen ounces, being twenty yards long, and one and-a-quarter broad. They are called ab revan, or running water, and shub-nem, or nightly dew, as being when wet, not discernible from either.
↩This Qhadja-vadjed, or, as his title imports, this (Faqhr T8djdjar), Glory of Merchants, lived in a state by much superior to that of a Governor-General, and equal to that of the present nominal Nazem of Bengal, Mubarec-ed-döulah. He had fifteen elephants, and fifty horses of value in his stables, with one hundred and twenty women in his seraglio, fifteen Chopdars, or Mace-bearers, and two hundred other servants; he was master of five ships, and of about two thousand boats, having the monopoly of the salt. What his fortune may have been, is not known; but he lived at the rate of a thousand rupees a day; and at one time he presented Aaly-verdy-qhan with fifteen lacs for his new year’s gift. Such were then the riches of Bengal, although salt sold only for thirty or forty rupees the hundred maunds.
↩This battle cost the lives of Seventy thousand Marhattas left on the spot; ?? ten thousand more were dispersed, but few escaped.
↩The leaf called Beetle by the English. In presenting and receiving these marks of regard, there is a great variety of niceties, which the English either ignore or neglect; but which, if neglected by a native, would render him ridiculous and liable to censure; the same may be said of embracing, and receiving the embrace. These niceties cannot be dispensed with.
↩That throne rests upon two straight bamboos, or poles, carried upon eight men’s shoulders. It may admit two or three men, and has not only a canopy over it, but an awning forward to intercept the glare of the sun.
↩The Valiant; the Glory of the State; the Victorious in War.
↩The word Factory, and Chief, ought not to mislead European readers. These factories are built like mighty palaces; and those Chiefs make Princely fortunes, and come abroad in more state than several Sovereigns of Europe.
↩The Qhotbah, which is pronounced every Friday, in the mosques and elsewhere, amounts to an oath of allegiance. See the remark, 7th section, 2nd vol.
↩Aaly-djah and Valah-djah are titles of the same import, as well as Imtias-el-djah. All these signify, the illustrious, sublime, or, if you will, the high-seated, or the man of high station, and dignity.
↩The European reader may possibly hear with surprise, that those fire-locks manufactured at Mongher, proved better than the best Tower-proofs, sent to India for the Company’s use; and such was the opinion which the English officers gave then, when they made the comparison by order of the Council of Calcutta. Their flints were all Radjemahl agates, and their metal more mellow. And even today, 1786, Colonel Martin, a Frenchman, who has greatly distinguished himself these twenty-two years in the English service, has, at Lucnow, a manufactory, where he makes pistols and fuzils better, both as to lock and barrel, than the best arms that come from Europe. The comparison had been repeatedly made; and Sir Elijah Impey, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Calcutta, carried to Europe one pair of those pistols.
↩Tabriz is the second city of Persia; and Coozza-calan is a town in its territory.
↩The author, who everywhere inveighs against that General, did not know, or did not mind, that he was as much a man of genius, as Mahmed-taky-qhan, but with more knowledge. It was he who trained and disciplined the Navvab’s cavalry, infantry, and artillery, in the English manner; and if half trained, as were those troops, a simple detachment of them fought, and defeated the troops of Major Castairs, which were full as numerous as those that won the battle of Palassy. What would he not have done, had he had ardelay of two years more, to train them thoroughly? It is probable that he would have ruined the English in time; for he was taking every measure which could render the Navvab independent. But so far was he from precipitating his master into a war with the English, that whenever he saw him impatiented at the haughtiness and pride of these strangers, he used to say: “Bear and forbear; you are not yet fledged. Reserve that anger, till the time when you shall have feathers to your wings.”
↩The word Mirza, which signifies high-born, always expresses, both in Persia and in India, a gentleman that can read and write, a qualification very scarce among the Mussulmen, although so common amongst Gentoos. This word signifies no more, when put before the name; but when after, it always signifies the Royal Prince such a one. Hence Mirza-shems-eddin signifies only Mr. Shems-eddin; but Shems-eddin mirza would signify the Royal Prince Shems-eddin.
↩The Arabian Emperors, successors of Mohammed, had made for several hundred years together, their residence at Bagdad, and were called Qhaliffs, or successors.
↩That expression signifies only numerous; for at no time did the Navvab have more than eixteen thousand cavalry, and twenty-five thousand infantry; one-half of which were accoutred and trained in the English manner; that is, as much so as Indians can be, when not under the eye and guidance of English officers.
↩The word spy implies nothing dishonourable in India; and the chief of these people is always a man of importance, nearly a Minister of the Foreign Department.
↩They never sign in India; at least, this is the case with the Mahometans; and as the date and place of the writer are never marked but upon the outside of the cover, where also they set the seal, which is nothing but the man’s name, stamped with printer’s ink, one may judge from thence how difficult it would be to authenticate any such letter in an European tribunal.
↩Rhotas is a fortress upon a rock, three leagues in circumference. It is lofty and craggy, and contains lakes, woods, pasture, meadow, arable, and woodland but the air is there so bad, as it is in all those kind of fortresses, so common all over India, that even the garrisons of natives require to be changed every fourth month.
↩Somro, who, as the chief man of the country, had a right, as is the custom all over India, to a portion of the booties made by those famous banditti of the Bodjp8r country, invited them all to an entertainment before the fort of Bacsar; and as they all came whilst he was exercising a regiment of Talingas, or sipahees, he at once made them load with ball, and falling at once with fixed bayonets upon those miscreants, he put them all to death, to the number of six hundred.
↩The Imam-bara, or Pontiff’s close, as those words import, is a square building two stories high, built by Seradj-ed-döula, for the purpose of celebrating the rites of the Muharrem in commemoration of the death of Hosséin, grand-son to the Prophet, who was slain at Kerbelah; that building is then finely illuminated with coloured fires placed behind glasses, and behind frames of coloured talk. All M8rsh8d-abad is in an uproar in those ten days; nor is there keeping even women at home. But there are several Imam-baras; and numbers of houses are occasionally turned to that use. Hosséin’s death is there represented with theatrical action round a grand catafalco.
↩The Shyah Mussulmen hold that the fifth of their revenue is due to the Séyds, or descendants of the Prophet; and this contribution is therefore called Qhoms. But all the other Mussulmen, (and these constitute the five-sixth of the whole) that is, all the Sunnies, believe only that a tenth of one’s revenue is due to the necessitous; and this charity is called Zecaat.
↩The fine words are these: There is no God, but God; and Mohammed, is His Missionary.
↩This month being that in which the pilgrimage was performed at Mecca (many centuries before Mohammed), was called the forbidden el-haram, because it was unlawful in that month to travel, that is, to wage war.
↩He who sits in the stead of Assef, Vezir to Suléiman, or Salomon.
↩The chop-dars, or staff-bearers, although originally a military guard, are now only civil officers, whose badge is a long, thick staff, plaited with silver. The yesáols are nearly the same. but in general, armed; but the Nissigh-chies are always so
↩Sihta-cond, or Sita-coon, is the name of a hill, or rather of a chain of hillocks, that overlook a lake of some miles in circuit, which last cannot be any thing else than the crater of a volcano, extinguished ages ago, but which yet is smoking; nor is that hill, as well as the ragged hills that surround that crater, any thing but lava; nay, the whole country round the lake, to the extent of several miles, is covered with lava, and the whole of that extent is inclined to, and verges towards, that lake very visibly. Nor does it seem to be any thing else but a ground that has subsided in former ages, when the rim of the crater came to tumble down in the gulf. The face of the adjacent country points out to that conjecture; and even now, there is an evident remain of a volcano, a small pool of boiling water, close to two cold ones; and this water boils only in the rainy season, when the subterraneous waters coming to rise to the level of a bed of pyrites and alum mixed with metals, excites a fermentation, which produces a conflagration, so as to emit flames and smoke. It appears, also, from tradition, that the citadel itself of Monghyr, must have been the mouth, or attenant to the mouth of a volcano, at two miles from the other; and this is so far true, that part of the ground, south of the fort, subsided in one night, about sixty years ago, full forty feet, and swallowed up a Gentoo temple, which Gentoos point out still with respect, as a spot to which old men go in pilgrimage, or bathe in the river that flows close to it.
↩The Fakirs of India are of all religions and persuasions; but the Sanyassees are all Gentoos, and moreover, naked, and almost always armed. Both go in droves of sometimes several thousands, and approve themselves very expert at plundering and at marauding, under pretence of begging. They overrun all Hindostan, nay, all India, as far as the island Ceilan, which is one of their pilgrimages to the south; as P8talo is another to the north, which is the residence of the great Lamma. They even go as far as China, and as far as Siberia, always ready to beg, trade, plunder, or steal by the way, as occasion serves. There is one sort amongst them called Nagas and Atits, who go always armed, and abstain from women, but who are reputed addicted to much worse practices; stealing boys, and turning them into Nagas, when grown up. However, it cannot be denied that there are Sanyassees, as well as Fakirs, that live in towns, as well as in the woods, where they undergo penances, that would beggar all description, and are past belief.
↩Latsa is one of the two capitals of Tebet, a country called B8tant in India, and Potya by the natives. P8tala is the other Capital.
↩The Paan-dan, which an Englishman would readily call the Betel-saucer, is an elegant box of ailver or gold, not unlike those crystal ones in which the English serve their butter at table. It is placed on an elegant plate of the same metal, and contains a number of byris, ready made up. The byri is composed of a few pieces of Paan, cut, (alias betel leaf), some very thin slices of Soopiary, (alias betel nut), some Chuna, (alias chunam), some Catt, (alias catchou), some grains of Ilachees, (alias cardamums) and some Dió8tri, (alias mace); the whole rolled together and formed into a pyramid, covered with a bit of Kela-leaf, (alias plantain), which is of a fine tender green, and as smooth and shining as the best satin. This pyramid, which is made fast by a Long, (alias clove), as by a pin, is called a byri. A single byri given, is a token of regard; two, of favor; the whole Paan-dan proffered, implies respect; placed before you, it implies equality. In presenting, and receiving Paan, there are twenty niceties, which the English either despise or ignore, but which are rigorously expected from a native.
↩It is observable that before the year 1767, or thereabouts, the natives of India considered all the Europeans as speaking the same language and professing the same religion; and as the Armenians, who wore a dress somewhat different, and were more mixed with the natives, spoke highly of themselves, as holding the same rank amongst them as Séyds amongst Musselmen, and Brahmans amongst the Gentoos; they were reputed, of course, a kind of Priests amongst the Europeans.
↩Two millions and-a-half sterling. Arcot coin signifies those rupees struck at Madras, or at Pondichery.
↩Dursun, in old Hindostany, signifies sight; but in the modern language, a bow of the head. A dursunni bill, then, is a bill at sight, with which the banker has no other party but that of signifying his submission, by bowing the head. Even so late as the year 1780, there were twelve hundred women in the seraglioes of the two remaining brothers, and about four thousand persons of all sorts in their palaces. But since the revolutions in Bengal, as well as all over india, their property has been made away with everywhere.
↩He was Mr. Amyatt’s speaker and linguist; but, having at the very first interview expressed himself with roughness, and been all the while looking at the Navvab with that imperiousness which was then the general style, that Prince refused to speak to him any more. Amyatt’s temper, air, looks, and tone of voice, as well as his style of speech, may be conjectured from that single ancedote. It is observable, that the few English, who in those days understood the Persian and Hindostany, (and Vansittart was master of the former) spoke it so strangely, and in such a tone of voice, that Mir-cassem, unable to understand Vansittart, was obliged to make use of a linguist.
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