Tārīḫ-i Firištah - The History of the Rise of Mohammedan Power in India, Volume 4

He ascends the throne without opposition — engages to assist the King of Malwa, who is expelled from his throne by the Hin-doos — besieges Mando, and takes it by storm, on which occasion fifteen thousand Rajpoots lose their lives — replaces the King of Malwa on his throne. — The King of Malwa defeated by Rana Sanka of Chittoor — receives aid from Moozuffur Shah, whose army besieges Chittoor. — Peace concluded with the Rana. — Bahadur, the King's second son, quits his father's court in disgust, and proceeds to Dehly. — Death of Moo-zuffur Shah II.

MAHMOOD SHAH was succeeded by his son Moo-zuffur, who was born on Thursday, the 20th of Shu-val, A. H. 875, (10th April, 1470,) and ascended the throne in the forty-first year of his age; immediately after which he nominated Mullik Khoosh Kuddum, entitled Imad-ool-Moolk, and Mullik Rusheed, entitled Khodawund Khan, his two ministers. On the following month, Yadgar Beg, the Persian ambassador, reached the capital, and all the principal officers and heads of departments were deputed to meet him at some distance from the city, in order to welcome him in the King's name, and to escort him to a handsome palace fitted up for his reception. At his first audience, the ambassador delivered his credentials and some of the rarities of Persia, when he and the rest of his suite were honoured with robes.

Sometime afterwards the King went to Baroda, the name of which town he caused to be changed to Dowlutabad. ^80a Upon his arrival there, he found Sahib Khan† ^80b (a prince of the blood-royal of Malwa), who had fled from the persecution of his brother. Moozuffur Shah received him with attention, and treated him with the consideration due to his rank. The King then proceeding to Mahomedabad Champanere, directed Keisur Khan to go to Dohud, in order to ascertain the state of affairs in Malwa. This measure was adopted previously to sending any troops in aid of the fugitive prince, Sahib Khan, whose impatience he restrained by telling him that at present the rains had set in, and it would be imprudent to commence a campaign; but that when the season was more favourable he would, God willing, restore to him his just rights.

During his residence at court, Sahib Khan unfortunately contracted a close intimacy with the Persian ambassador, who, together with his suite, had become extremely obnoxious to all classes, and were called by the inhabitants Soorkh Koolla, in allusion to the name of their tribe, Kuzilbash signifying in the Toorky language Red-head. The result of this intimacy, on the part of Sahib Khan, at length ended in a scuffle between the Kuzilbashes and his people in the ambassador's palace. Swords were drawn on both sides; and the Indians being routed, the Kuzilbashes pursued them into the streets, armed with bows and arrows, and wounded several persons wholly unconnected with the affray. A rumour immediately spread through the town that the Toorkmans (that is to say, the Kuzilbashes,) had seized the person of Sahib Khan, and it was some time before peace was restored. The Malwa prince, who felt himself to blame, was so ashamed of his conduct, that he quitted the court without taking leave, went to Aseer and Boorhanpoor, and ultimately to Berar, where he solicited the assistance of Imad-ool-Moolk. A more full account of Sahib Khan's adventures will be found in the Malwa history.

The departure of Sahib Khan was followed by intelligence that the Poorby Rajpoots had completely defeated Sooltan Mahmood Khiljy of Malwa, an event which induced the King to go to Godra in order to make arrangements for a campaign in Malwa. Ein-ool-Moolk, governor of Puttun, was directed to bring his division to Ah-mudabad, when Bheem Ray of Idur, taking advantage of his absence, plundered and laid waste the surrounding country as far as the Saburmutty. In consequence of this proceeding, Ein-ool-Moolk was ordered to proceed to Mahrasa, where he was attacked and defeated by the Idur Raja; and Abdool Mullik, an officer of distinction, with two hundred men, were left dead on the field.

The King, hearing of this disaster, instantly marched towards Idur. On reaching Mahrasa he caused the whole of the Idur district to be laid waste. Bheem Ray took refuge in the Beesul-nuggur mountains; but the garrison of Idur, consisting of only ten Rajpoots, defended it against the whole of the King's army with obstinacy; they were, however, eventually put to death on the capture of the place; and the temples, palaces, and garden houses, were levelled with the dust. Meanwhile the Ray deputed one Mudun Gopal, a bramin, as envoy to the King; stating that Ein-ool-Moolk had wantonly devastated his country, and that the action which had been fought occurred in consequence of his outrages. Bheem Ray expressed his regret at the circumstance, and sent one hundred horses and two hundred thousand tunkas, as an offering, which, in consideration of the projected campaign in Malwa, the King accepted, and overlooking the conduct of Ray Bheem, gave the money to Ein-ool-Moolk to raise troops, with orders to join the army. On the King's return to Godra, having left his son Si-kundur Khan in charge of Mahomedabad Cham-panere, he marched to Dohud, from whence he directed Keisur Khan to occupy the town of Dydla; but having heard there was good hunting ground in the vicinity of D'har, he left the army under Kowam-ool-Moolk, and proceeded, with an escort of two thousand cavalry and one hundred and fifty elephants, to that place, where he was for some time engaged in the amusement of the chase. At this period, Nizam-ool-Moolk, who had been sent with a foraging party to Nalcha, was attacked by a body of Poorby Rajpoots of Malwa, but succeeded in repulsing them without loss. Intelligence was now received, which compelled the King to return to Guzerat; and this partial skirmish led to no other event. The information alluded to was that of the death of Bheem Ray of Idur, who had been succeeded by his son Bharmul; but the latter was shortly afterwards deposed by Rana Sanka ^83a of Chittoor, who placed his son-in-law Raymul, the son of Soorijmul, at the head of the govern-

A. H. 921.
A. D. 1515.

ment. In the year 921, Bharmul deputed persons to wait on Moozuffur Shah, soliciting his aid; and the King ordered Nizam-ool-Moolk, with a detachment, to restore to him the country of Idur. Having succeeded in this object, Nizam-ool-Moolk took upon himself to pursue Raymul the usurper into the Beesulnuggur territory, where an action ensued, in which the Mahomedan general was defeated, and many of his best officers and soldiers slain. The King, who had by this time returned to Ah-mudabad, reproved Nizam-ool-Moolk severely for acting beyond his instructions, and recalled him; but on his arrival in the King's camp he was appointed governor of Ahmudnuggur.

A. H. 923.
A. D. 1517. In the year 923, Raymul again appeared in the Idur district, and Zeheer ool-Moolk marched against him, but was killed at the head of the cavalry; on which occasion two hundred and seven men fell, and the Guzeratties were defeated. Mullik Noosrut-ool-Moolk was now directed to march to Beesul-nuggur, and to plunder and lay waste the whole of that country, which the King, in his orders, calls “the receptacle of renegadoes, and the asylum of “rebels.”

In the same year, Sheikh Humeed of Bhilsa, and Hubeeb Khan the Kazy of Choly Mehes-wur , ^84a fled from the persecution of the Rajpoots, and arrived at the Guzerat court. They had also succeeded in expelling the King of Malwa from his capital, and had obliged him to seek safety in Dohud†, ^84b where he was received by the governor, who made a representation to court, reporting the circumstance. Moozuffur Shah immediately sent to the King of Malwa the white canopy and scarlet pavilion, and a respectable body of troops, with which he marched against the Rajpoots. Moozuffur Shah soon followed with his own army, and defeated the Hindoos in several actions, but not without considerable bloodshed on both sides. The Rajpoot chief, Bhew Ray, was at length compelled to take refuge in the fort of Mando, wherein he was closely besieged.

At this period Medny Ray, the late minister of the King of Malwa, wrote a letter to his son Bhew Ray, desiring him to hold out in the fort for one month only, by which time Rana Sanka of Chittoor would be able to collect the Marwar Rajpoots, and march to his assistance. Upon this Bhew Ray made overtures to the King; and stipulated, that if he would raise the siege for one month (during which period all the Rajpoot women and children would be enabled to quit the fort), the place should be evacuated, when he would submit himself to the King's mercy. Although Moozuffur Shah placed little reliance on the promises of this perfidious infidel, he withdrew his army six miles from the place, where he remained twenty days; a measure he adopted out of consideration for the royal family of Malwa, who were still in the fort, hoping to save them, by obtaining the place by capitulation. On observing, however, that elephants were frequently passing towards the fort, the King became suspicious of treachery, more particularly as he heard that Rana Sanka of Chittoor had arrived, with a large force, within a few miles of Oojein. In this state of affairs, Moozuffur Shah directed Adil Khan, the ruler of Kandeish (who had lately joined the army), accompanied by Kowam-ool-Moolk and a Guzerat force, to march against the Rana of Chittoor, while the King himself again proceeded to invest Mando. From that day the Mahomedans made false attacks four nights successively, as if they intended to escalade; a manœuvre which succeeded in wearing out the garrison with fatigue, and on the fifth night, ladders being applied, Mando fell, but not without much slaughter; for the Rajpoots, finding that their enemies had succeeded in gaining a footing on the ramparts, according to custom, set fire to their property, their women, and children, and collecting in bodies, charged the assailants with fury. On this occasion, no fewer than nineteen thousand Rajpoots lost their lives.

After the fall of Mando, Sooltan Mahmood asked what was to be his fate; on which the King of Guzerat, with a magnanimity and generosity which alone belongs to the brave, said, “It is true “I have fought hard, but I have fought for you; “and I am happy to be now enabled not only “to confirm to you the white canopy and scarlet “pavilion, but to restore you to the capital of your “kingdom, which I trust God will long preserve to “you.”

On the following day, Moozuffur Shah marched against Rana Sanka, who received the information of the fall of Mando from one of the Rajpoot officers who had been wounded in the assault, and had made his escape. This man was so agitated in describing the scene he had witnessed, that his wounds burst during the relation, and he bled to death in open durbar. On hearing of the approach of Moozuffur Shah, Rana Sanka retreated to Chit-toor; and Adil Khan Farooky, with a small body of light cavalry, went in pursuit. He succeeded in daily cutting off some of the Rajpoot stragglers, but did not overtake the Rana before he received orders of recall from Moozuffur Shah.

At this time, Sooltan Mahmood of Malwa invited the King to a grand entertainment at Mando, whither he repaired, attended by the Princes Bahadur Khan and Luteef Khan, as also by Adil Khan Farooky. When the King of Guzerat arrived, his host treated him in every respect as his superior, seating him upon the throne of Malwa, and standing himself at the foot of it. So far was this humility carried, that the King of Malwa waited on Moozuffur Shah at the entertainment, in the capacity of a menial servant. Magnificent presents were then offered to him and to his sons; after which, Moozuffur Shah, having left Mando, was accompanied by Sooltan Mahmood Khiljy as far as D'har, when the King wished Sooltan Mah-mood to return, and ordered Asuf Khan, with two thousand cavalry, to remain with him in Malwa as an auxiliary force. Sooltan Mahmood, however, persisted in accompanying Moozuffur Shah as far as Dydla, whence he repaired to Mando, and Moozuffur Shah proceeded to Champanere.

Scarcely had the King of Guzerat reached his capital, when he received intelligence that Raymul, having sallied from the Beesulnuggur hills, had devastated the country of Puttun, and sacked the town of Gilwara, but that he had been compelled to fall back again by Mullik Noosrut-ool-Moolk, who commanded at Idur. This information determined the King to make arrangements for seizing the person of Raymul after the rains; and in the year

A. H. 925.
A. D. 1519.

925 he marched towards Beesulnuggur, and laid waste the country, but returned to Mahomedabad Champanere without having gained any other object.

Shortly after his arrival, news were brought that Sooltan Mahmood Khiljy, accompanied by the Guzerat auxiliaries under Asuf Khan, having attacked the combined forces of Medny Ray and Rana Sanka, had sustained a defeat, and that many valuable officers of the Malwa forces had been killed. Among the Guzeratties, the son of Asuf Khan lost his life, Sooltan Mahmood himself was severely wounded, and fell into the enemy's hands, and Rana Sanka proceeded to Mando. Moozuffur Shah lost no time in sending reinforcements to the remainder of the Malwa army. At this time, Noosrut-ool-Moolk was removed from the government of Idur, and Moobariz-ool-Moolk nominated to that office. Shortly after his arrival at Idur, some person ventured to extol the bravery of Rana Sanka, ^88a on which the governor was much incensed, and an altercation ensued. Moobariz-ool-Moolk, to show the contempt he had for the Rana, caused a common cur† ^88b to be tied up at the fort-gate, directing it to be called Rana Sanka. The Rana, hearing of this insult, was so incensed, that he immediately marched towards Idur, and pillaged the country as far as Serohy.

The King, having left Kowam-ool-Moolk at Ahmudabad to act against the Girasia chiefs in that vicinity, marched to Champanere on his way to Malwa. Rana Sanka arrived at Bagry, where he was joined by the raja of that province, who owed allegiance to the crown of Guzerat. Both the Hindoo princes proceeded to Dongurpoor, when Moobariz-ool-Moolk thought it necessary to write to court for reinforcements. Some individuals about the King inimical to Moobariz-ool-Moolk represented that he had wantonly drawn upon himself the vengeance of Rana Sanka, and that he was now so alarmed as to apply for aid even before he was attacked. The King in consequence suspended the march of any troops to assist him till after the rains; and Moobariz-ool-Moolk, having called a council of war, evacuated Idur, and retreated to Ahmudnuggur. On the next day Rana Sanka arrived, and was joined by several Girasia chiefs who had fled from Kowam-ool-Moolk. These assured him that Moobariz ool-Moolk was not a person likely to fly without opposition; but that his own opinion had been overruled by his officers, who recommended him to fall back on Ahmudnuggur, where he expected to obtain reinforcements; on which the Rana marched towards that place. Moobariz-ool-Moolk, hearing that he was in pursuit, and had sworn he would not take rest till his horse drank out of the ditch of Ahmudnuggur, resolved to make a desperate stand, and, undaunted by the superiority of the enemy's numbers, drew his small party out in front of the walls of the town, on the opposite bank of the river. The Rana's army, which exceeded that of the Mahomedans as ten to one, not only received the Guzeratties with great steadiness, but charged in the most gallant manner. Assud Khan and many other officers of distinction were killed; and Sufdur Khan and Moobariz-ool-Moolk being severely wounded, the King's army was compelled to retreat to Ahmud-abad, leaving Rana Sanka to plunder the surrounding country. At Burnuggur, the Rana finding the inhabitants to be chiefly bramins, exempted them from pecuniary exactions. The Rana then proceeded to Beesulnuggur, where he was gallantly opposed by the governor, Mullik Hatim, who lost his life in its defence. Having thus successfully plundered the country, the Rana returned, unopposed, to Chittoor. The King, during this time, was on the Malwa frontier; but Kowam-ool-Moolk, the viceroy of Guzerat, placed a respectable force at the disposal of Moobariz-ool-Moolk, and enabled him to return to Ahmudnuggur. On the march thither, he was opposed by a body of Kolies and Girasias from the Idur district, who were defeated, and sixty-one Girasias killed; but on his arrival at Ahmudnuggur, finding the country destitute of provisions and inhabitants, owing to the late ravages, he was compelled to fall back on Puranty. The King, hearing of these circumstances, directed Imad-ool-Moolk and Keisur Khan to proceed to Ahmudnuggur; but the famine which prevailed obliged them also to retreat. Determined, however, not to allow Ahmud-nuggur to be abandoned, the King remanded them back at all hazards during the rains, resolving after that season to march in person against Rana Sanka.

Mullik Eiaz Sooltany, originally a slave born in the King's family, offered to march with the Surat division, consisting of twenty thousand horse and a quantity of artillery and rockets, to reduce Rana Sanka; representing that it was beneath the King's dignity to proceed in person against a common marauder. The King gave no answer;

Mohurrum,
A. H. 927.
Dec.
A. D. 1520.

but in the month of Mohurrum, in the year 927, marched to Ahmudnuggur, where he directed his army to assemble. Mullik Eiaz now repeating his request, the Guzerat army, composed of one hundred thousand cavalry and one hundred elephants, were placed under his orders, of which the reserve, consisting of twenty thousand men, followed, under the command of Kowam-ool-Moolk. On the arrival of the army at Mahrasa, Taj Khan and Nizam-ool-Moolk also joined with their divisions. Mullik Eiaz representing that so large a force was quite unnecessary, left behind him nearly the whole of the elephants, and the greater part of the cavalry, which had lately joined. Sufdur Khan, in command of the advance, plundered the district of Mahrasa on his route, putting many Raj-poots to death, and also taking many prisoners; and Mullik Eiaz, proceeding by Dongurpoor and Banswala, reduced those towns to ashes, and thence marched on to Chittoor. One day Mullik Shooja-ool-Moolk and Sufdur Khan, the officers in advance, obtained intimation that Oody Sing the Ray of Poloh, and Oogur Sein Poorby, were lying in wait at the back of some hills, near which they were encamped, intending to make a night-attack upon them. The Guzerat officers anticipated the measure, and leaving their tents standing, fell upon the Rajpoots with only two hundred men; on which occasion the Rajpoots were defeated with the loss of eighty men killed, and Oogur Sein Poorby was severely wounded. Mullik Eiaz, hearing of the attack, ordered the line under arms, and galloped towards the scene of action; but he was too late to witness even the defeat. The success of the Mahomedans had been complete; and Mullik Eiaz publicly applauded the gallantry of this daring little party. On the following day Kowam-ool-Moolk was ordered to pursue the fugitives; and although he did not come up with them, he so laid waste the country of Banswala that he did not leave even a blade of grass. Mullik Eiaz now marched on to the attack of Mundsoor, while Rana Sanka also moved in the same direction, and encamped within twelve coss. ^92a Here Rana Sanka proposed sending an envoy to the King, consenting, as a preliminary, to acknowledge fealty to the crown of Guzerat; connected with this overture, however, there were certain conditions so extravagant that Mullik Eiaz determined to prosecute the siege of Mundsoor. The attack was in much forwardness, and the mines in progress, when an officer arrived in camp, stating that Sooltan Mahmood, King of Malwa, was in full march to co-operate with the Guzerat army; shortly after which he arrived. In a very few days Kowam-ool-Moolk had brought the approaches so close as to be capable of effecting a breach; but Mullik Eiaz, jealous lest the former should gain all the credit of the siege, ordered him back to the lines, a circumstance which gave general offence in the army. On the following morning, Moobariz-ool-Moolk, with a party of Guzerat horse, marched without orders to attack Rana Sanka; but Mullik Eiaz, leaving the camp, intercepted and brought him back to the lines. The object of Mullik Eiaz was to wait till the springing of one of the mines, and then to head the assault, and ensure to himself the honour of the capture. The mine was at length exploded, and a practicable breach effected; but the Rajpoots, having discovered the point to which it was directed, had already cut off the breach, and the attack failed in consequence. On this event Rana Sanka made further overtures to Mullik Eiaz; the preliminary of which was an acknowledgment of allegiance to Guzerat; promising, besides, to return all the elephants taken in the battle of Ahmudnuggur. Mullik Eiaz availed himself of this second opportunity of putting an end to the war, foreseeing that no co-operation could take place between him and the other Guzerat officers. A suspension of hostilities was accordingly agreed on, until communications could be received from the King. In spite of this agreement, some of the junior officers formed a plan, in concert with Sool-tan Mahmood of Malwa, to attack the Rana's camp on the ensuing Wednesday. Mullik Eiaz, having obtained information of their intention, deputed a confidential officer to wait upon the King of Malwa, informing him that the King of Guzerat had been pleased to appoint him commander-in-chief of the forces in the province of Chittoor, with discretionary powers to conclude the war; but having heard that part of the Guzerat army had resolved to march in concert with a body of his troops against Rana Sanka, he thought it his duty to protest against the measure, saying, that there was every reason to dread that so disgraceful a breach of faith would end in defeat. No reply being received to this message, Mullik Eiaz ordered the Guzerat line under arms on the day appointed for the attack; and instead of marching against Rana Sanka he moved to Khiljipoor, where he conferred honorary dresses on the Rana's agents, and gave them their dismissal. On this Sooltan Mahmood Khiljy returned to Mando, and Mullik Eiaz to Cham-panere, where he was honoured with a title, and was created governor of Diù. Moozuffur Shah, at the same time, made up his mind to march in person against Rana Sanka on the following year. Mullik Eiaz, having learned the King's intentions, despatched a confidential person secretly to the Rana, saying, “As we have contracted a friend-“ship during the late negotiations, it is but fair that “we should assist each other by advice. I think “it my duty, therefore, to inform you that the “King is highly displeased that the army re-“turned without having effected any object of “importance, and he, in consequence, intends “in a few months more to march in person to “plunder your country. I therefore advise you “to send, as soon as possible, your eldest son “as ambassador to this court with a number of “valuable presents, regretting the differences which “exist, and begging to be considered as a vassal “of this crown. This appears to me to be the “only mode by which you can secure your own “safety, or avert the evil of a war.”

A. H. 928.
A. D. 1521. In the year 928, the King proceeded from Champanere to Ahmudabad; but while collecting his army at Kakreea, in order to attack Chittoor, he heard that Rana Sanka had deputed his son with large presents to intercede for him, and that the young rana had already reached Mahrasa on his way to Ahmudabad. Moozuffur Shah accordingly halted, and received the embassy, ordering an honorary dress to be given to the Rana's son, with assurances of reconciliation. The King then broke up the army and came to Ahmudabad; when he heard of the death of Mullik Eiaz, on whose son he conferred his father's government and honorary titles.

A. H. 929.
A. D. 1522. In the year 929, the King marched in person to Champanere, to quell an insurrection in that quarter, and he subsequently caused the town of Mahrasa to be repaired. It was about this time that the Prince Julal Khan, the son of Sikundur Lody of Dehly, who had, in a fit of rage, put to death one of the principal nobles of his brother's government, reached the court of Guzerat. Julal Khan had previously applied repeatedly for the aid of Guzerat troops to assist in dethroning his brother Ibrahim; and on the present occasion Moozuffur Shah ordered a force to accompany him to Dehly for the purpose; but a full account of the transactions connected with this event has already been given in the history of Dehly.^96a A. H. 931.
A. D. 1524. In the year 931, the King marched towards Idur; on which occasion the Prince Bahadur Khan complained that his allowances were insufficient to maintain the establishment due to his rank, and requested that they might be made equal to those of his elder brother, Sikundur Khan. Moozuffur Shah, for political reasons, gave no decisive answer to this request, but promised to consider the subject. Meanwhile the Prince, impatient of delay, left the King's camp without taking leave, and returning first to Ahmudabad, proceeded, eventually, to the country of Oody Sing, the Raja of Poloh, by whom he was received with marks of attention. From Poloh he went on to Chittoor, where he was received by Rana Sanka, who presented him with splendid offerings; thence he went by Ajmeer to Mewatt, where the governor, Hussun Khan, marched several stages to meet him. After remaining some time there, he went on to Dehly, and was favourably received by Ibrahim Lody, who was at that time preparing to repel the invasion of Babur. Bahadur Khan having on one occasion defeated a detachment of Moguls with a small body of Guze-ratties, the Afghan chiefs of Dehly, disgusted with Ibrahim, proposed elevating the Guzerat prince to the throne of Dehly. Ibrahim Lody, however, taking the necessary precautions, the Prince found it necessary to fly for safety to Joonpoor.

Moozuffur Shah, hearing of the conduct of his son, wrote to Khoodabunda Khan, who had accompanied him, to entreat the Prince to return to Guzerat, promising to overlook all the events connected with his sudden departure. Shortly after this the King was taken dangerously ill; and his disease daily increasing, factions began to be formed in the army, one party espousing the cause of the Prince Sikundur, and another that of the youngest prince, Luteef Khan. The King was observed to be very anxious to hear of Bahadur Khan's return, and it was generally supposed that he intended to declare him his successor; but on Friday, the 2d of Jumad-ool-Awul, in the year 932, having sent for his eldest son, the Prince Sikundur, he gave him his blessing, and proclaimed

Jumad-ool-
Awul 3.
A. H. 932.
Feb. 17.
A. D. 1526.

him his heir. On the following day he departed this life, in the fifty-sixth year of his age, and in the fifteenth of his reign. Moozuffur Shah was considered a just and upright prince, strictly adhering on all occasions to the tenets of the faith. Among his accomplishments was that of writing a beautiful hand, in which he employed many of his leisure hours. During his lifetime he transcribed several copies of the Koran, which he sent to Mecca to be placed near the holy shrine. He also greatly promoted learning; so that men of letters from Persia, Arabia, and Turkey, found it worth their while to settle in Guzerat during his liberal and auspicious reign.

Moozuffur Shah is succeeded by his eldest son, Sikundur. — The Prince Luteef, the King's younger brother, goes into rebellion — retires to Chittoor, where he finds protection with the Rana. — The Rana defeats the King's army. — The King disgusts his nobles — a plot to assassinate him — his death.

DURING the painful and protracted illness of Moozuffur Shah, each of the two factions in the army took a decided part to favour its respective leader; but the late King having expressly nominated Sikundur Khan, the eldest son, to the throne of Guzerat, the youngest, Prince Luteef, marched with his adherents towards Nundoorbar and Sooltanpoor. Sikundur Shah, after having buried the late King at Surkech, proceeded to Champanere. Here he learnt that one Shah Sheikhjee, the son of the celebrated Boorhan-ood-Deen Owlia, considered the most holy man of the age, had foretold that his brother, the Prince Bahadur, would eventually succeed to the throne. Sikundur Shah, incensed at this prediction, condescended to vent his indignation in abusing that holy personage in the most gross and indecent terms; he was also so imprudent as to treat with indignity the different nobles of his government, the supporters of his father's throne, and to confer honours and estates on the companions of his youthful follies and excesses. Among those who resented this conduct, by withdrawing from court, was Imad-ool-Moolk Sooltany, an Abyssinian slave of the mother of Sikundur Shah, and a great favourite of the late king. At the same time, also, it became known, that the Prince Luteef Khan had raised a considerable force in the neighbourhood of Nundoorbar and Sooltanpoor, and appeared only to wait for an opportunity of declaring his pretensions to the throne. Under these circumstances, Sikundur Shah deputed one Mullik Luteef, with the title of Shirza Khan, to oppose him; but hearing that the Prince Lu-teef Khan had gone to Chittoor, the troops were directed to march in that direction, where they sustained a complete defeat. On which occasion the general, with many other officers of distinction, fell, and the remainder of the force was cut off in detail by the Kolies and Rajpoots, having lost no less a number than one thousand seven hundred men.

The inhabitants of Guzerat deeming this an inauspicious omen of the new reign, the nobles of the old government persuaded Imad-ool-Moolk that the King designed to put him to death. Conscious of being ill-disposed towards him, Imad-ool-Moolk readily gave ear to these assertions, and determined to anticipate Sikundur Shah's intentions, by placing another descendant of the house of Moozuffur on the throne, hoping to ensure to himself the superintendence of the affairs of the state. Imad-ool-Moolk therefore prepared a party to attack and put to death the King, in one of his usual rides; but the opportunity passed without the plan succeeding. The King, although warned of the danger, treated it lightly in public; but the circumstance dwelt on his mind so much, that on that very night he dreamed that he was visited by the holy Syud Julal Bok-hary, Shah Alum, and Shah Sheikhjee, and also by his father, Moozuffur Shah, who addressed him, saying, “Sikundur, Sikundur, descend from the “throne, for it is the lot of another.” This dream weighed heavily on his spirits. He arose early next morning, rode out, and played chowgan; after which he returned, breakfasted, and endeavoured to forget his cares, and drown his thoughts in sleep. Although the plot for the King's death had failed on the preceding day, Imad-ool-Moolk had by no means relinquished it; so that, after the King had lain down, that officer, together with Baha-ool-Moolk, Dar-ool-Moolk Seif Khan, two Turkish slaves, and one Abyssinian, entered the palace with arms. Sikundur Shah, awakened by the noise made by the opposition of his guards, rushed out to ascertain the cause, when the assassins meeting him

Shaban 19.
A. H. 932.
May 30.
A. D. 1526.

put him to death. Thus ended the life of Sikundur Shah, on the 19th of Shaban, in the year 932, after a short reign of three months and seventeen days.

Nuseer Khan, a brother of the late King, is raised to the throne, and assumes the title of Mahmood Shah II. — The King's elder brother, the Prince Bahadur, arrives from Dehly, and being joined by the nobles, ascends the throne.

AFTER the death of Sikundur Shah, his corpse was conveyed to Halole, in the Champanere district, where it was interred, and Nuseer Khan, the King's younger brother, was raised to the throne by Imad-ool-Moolk, under the title of Mahmood Shah. All the officers went through the usual forms of congratulations to the new monarch, and received honorary dresses from Imad-ool-Moolk, who became regent, and who conferred titles in the King's name on one hundred and eighty persons on the day of the coronation. The complete ascendency obtained by the minister excited the envy of the rest of the nobles, and induced them to write to the Prince Bahadur Khan, who was absent in Hindoostan, to return to Guzerat, and assert his claims to the throne. These letters were despatched by Khoodabunda Khan and Taj Khan, and had the effect of expediting the march of Bahadur, who was already on his journey, having commenced it on the first intelligence of his father's death. Imad-ool-Moolk, hearing of his approach, deputed an officer of rank, charged with presents of jewels and money, to Boorhan Nizam Shah of Ahmudnuggur, inviting him to march to his aid. The latter accepted the offerings, but took no measures to assist the Guzerat minister. Letters were also written to the Raja of Poloh to occupy the road leading to Champanere, and to the Mogul Emperor Babur of Dehly, promising a crore of rupees if he would lend his aid, by sending a force down the Indus to land at Diù, and co-operate with the Guzeratties. The latter communication never reached its destiny, having been intercepted by the ruler of Dongurpoor.

Bahadur Khan was near Dehly when the letters from Khoodabunda Khan, intimating the death of Moozuffur Shah, reached him; and at the same time he received a deputation from the Afghans of Joonpoor, entreating him to assume the government of that country. In order to satisfy both parties, he promised to pursue whatever direction his horse might take, and throwing the reins upon the animal's neck it took the road to Guzerat. On his arrival at Chittoor he was joined by his two brothers, Chand Khan and Ibrahim Khan, who gave him the first information of the assassination of the late King, Sikundur Shah, after which event they had fled, and taken refuge with the Rana. Chand Khan preferred remaining at Chit-toor, but subsequently went to Malwa, while Ibra-him accompanied Bahadur Khan. At Poloh he was joined by the Raja Oody Sing, and also by a few of the personal adherents of the late King, among whom were Mullik Survur and Yoosoof Khan.

Bahadur Khan, having now assumed the title of Shah, sent a confidential officer in advance, with a conciliatory and moderate proclamation to Taj Khan, mentioning that he was thus far on his road to Ahmudabad. This officer, who commanded a force under Imad-ool-Moolk, was absent at Dun-dooka; but hearing of Bahadur Shah's arrival on the frontier, instantly joined his standard. The Prince Luteef Khan, the second son of Moo-zuffur Shah, then at Dundooka, raised a sum of money there for his expenses, and marched to join his cousin Futteh Khan. On his arrival at Dongurpoor, Bahadur Shah was joined by Khoorum Khan and many of the Guzerat officers, so that Imad-ool-Moolk, finding himself deserted by most of his adherents, began to lavish the royal treasures in raising troops. He succeeded by this means in bringing together a great concourse of people, few of whom were soldiers; and he ordered Azd-ool-Moolk, accompanied by fifty elephants, to march to Mahrasa, and cut off the communication between Bahadur Shah and the Guzeratties. On reaching Mahomednuggur, many officers who were afraid to join him before now went over to Bahadur Shah; and Azd-ool-Moolk was compelled to fall back on Champanere, and to join Imad-ool-Moolk. Bahadur Shah, continuing his march to Mahrasa, received at that place from Taj Khan the royal jewels; after which, proceeding to Nehr-wala Puttun, Bahadur Shah was formally crowned

Rumzan 26.
A. H. 932.
August 3.
A. D. 1526.

on the 26th of Rumzan, A. H. 932, and reached Ahmudabad on the 28th. Imad-ool-Moolk having been joined by the Prince Luteef, attempted to reach Ahmudabad before Bahadur Shah; but finding that the latter was every where acknowledged king, there was an end to further competition. The reign of Mahmood Shah did not exceed four months.

The Prince Bahadur returns from Dehly, and ascends the throne. — A feeble effort is made to create an insurrection by the Prince Luteef Khan, who is severely wounded, and dies. — Imad-ool-Moolk, and the regicides of Sikundur Shah, all suffer death. — Great efforts made by the Portuguese to occupy the island of Diù, in which they are repulsed. — Bahadur Shah is invited to aid the King of Berar against the King of Ah-mudnuggur — he proceeds to the south, and causes himself to be recognised King of Ahmudnuggur — makes war with the King of Malwa — conquers his country, and puts the King to death — provokes a war with Hoomayoon, the Great Mogul — is defeated, and loses all his dominions, with the exception of a small portion of Guzerat — is supported by the Portuguese — recovers his kingdom — is killed by the Portuguese in an affray in the harbour of Diù.

ON the first day of the following month Bahadur Shah marched to Champanere, at which place Imad-ool-Moolk still continued. He was, however, much impeded by the heavy rain which fell at that season, and was obliged to halt on the Saburmutty; but very soon after continuing his march, he arrived on the banks of the Mehindry, at the Khanpoor ferry. Imad-ool-Moolk, hearing of the King's approach, dispersed his force over the Baroda district, to distract his attention; but this manœuvre had not the effect of diverting Bahadur Shah from his march on Champanere, where Imad-ool-Moolk and the confederates were eventually seized by Taj Khan. Imad-ool-Moolk, his son, and Seif Khan, together with the other regicides taken, were hanged, and their property confiscated; while Rufut-ool-Moolk, an old servant of Moozuffur Shah, received the title of Imad-ool-Moolk. Azd-ool-Moolk, hearing of the fate of his party, fled from Baroda, leaving his property to be plundered by a party of Kolies. Shumsheer-ool-Moolk was despatched in pursuit of Azd-ool-Moolk, and Nizam-ool-Moolk in pursuit of Mohafiz Khan. Both these chiefs sought refuge with Oody Sing, Raja of Poloh; but they were so closely followed, that the little property they had with them fell into the hands of the King's troops. Most of the officers who adhered to the fortunes of Imad-ool-Moolk were in the end seized, and suffered death: some were hanged, and others blown from guns, while the property of all was confiscated. The Prince Luteef Khan, after having remained for some time concealed in the city of Champanere, fled to the country of Poloh, and Azd-ool-Moolk and Mohafiz Khan to Mutwar.^106a Zeekad 15.
A. H. 932.
August 20.
A. D. 1526. After having gotten rid of all his enemies, Bahadur Shah, on the 15th of Zeekad, went through the form of being again crowned at Champanere, that city having been considered, during the few last reigns, the capital of the kingdom. The Prince Luteef Khan, who had taken post in the Ahwas hills, was joined by several of the discontented nobles; and Alugh Khan was appointed to the command of an army sent against him. Shortly after the departure of these troops, Alugh Khan was represented as being one of the assassins of the late Sikundur Shah. Bahadur Shah was no less enraged than astonished at this information; and having made strict enquiries, and ascertaining that the accusation was false, he ordered the calumniators to be severely punished. In the commencement of

A. H. 933.
A. D. 1526.

the following year, 933, a very serious mutiny broke out among the cavalry; and a large party, headed by nearly two thousand officers, marched to the mosque, and prevented the performance of public worship till they received their arrears of pay. Bahadur Shah, though he could ill brook this conduct, was induced, from motives of policy, to comply with their demands, having good reason for supposing that violent measures would induce them to join the Prince Luteef Khan. Shortly after this event, information arrived, that, in consequence of the advance of the Prince towards Sooltanpoor, the governor Ghazy Khan had marched, attacked, and defeated him, and that although his friends Azd-ool-Moolk and Mohafiz Khan had made their escape, Ray Bheem and his brothers had fallen in the action, and the Prince, being severely wounded, had been taken prisoner. On this news the King deputed Mo-hib-ool-Moolk and some other noblemen to wait on his brother, in order to see that his wounds were properly attended to, and to administer every comfort to him, till he could be removed to the capital. The Prince Luteef, however, never recovered; but shortly after died, and was buried at Halole, near Champanere, by the side of the late Sikundur Shah. During this year, Nuseer Khan, who had formerly assumed the title of Mahmood Shah, also died; and a suitable establishment of holy men was maintained to say daily prayers for the souls of these departed princes.

Meanwhile, Oody Sing, Ray of Poloh, with a band of marauders, marched and laid waste the country of Dohud; and most of the public property fell into their hands. This inroad so much incensed the King, that he ordered Taj Khan, with all the cavalry, consisting of nearly one hundred thousand men, to attack and annihilate these bands. The devastation committed by Taj Khan's army induced the Ray to send ambassadors to sue for mercy on any terms. Taj Khan resolved to act up strictly to his orders, and seemed determined to destroy the whole race. Driven to desperation, the Ray at last took up a strong position, and bore the brunt of an action, in which his troops were defeated and himself killed; but it is a remarkable fact, that on this occasion only one Mahomedan of Taj Khan's army is said to have fallen. His force was shortly after recalled, and himself deputed to Cam-bay, in order to assume the government of that district, as the inhabitants had frequently made complaints against the present governor.

A. H. 934.
A. D. 1528. On the following year, 934, Bahadur Shah marched towards the countries of Idur and Wagur, from whence he returned by Champanere to Baroach, for the purpose of superintending the repairs of that fortress; after which he went in person to Cambay, where having heard that a European vessel had been taken and the crew made prisoners off Diù, he repaired to that place, and was met by Kowam-ool-Moolk. All the Europeans taken on this occasion were circumcised, and became Mahomedans. ^109a On his return to his capital, Bahadur Shah received a letter from his nephew, Meeran Ma-homed Khan, ruler of Kandeish, stating that Ameer Bereed Shah of Bidur and Boorhan Nizam Shah Bheiry of Ahmudnuggur, having entered into a confederacy, had marched to attack Berar; that in consequence Meeran Mahomed Khan had lent his aid to Imad Shah, King of Berar, and opposed them. He stated also that a severe engagement took place, in which the latter had been drawn into an ambuscade by Boorhan Nizam Shah, and his troops defeated; and, moreover, that a number of Meeran Mahomed Khan's elephants had fallen into the hands of the Dec-canies on this occasion; and, lastly, that they had taken the fort of Mahoor by assault, from Imad Shah, so that he begged the aid of Bahadur Shah. Upon this Bahadur Shah desired an answer to be written, stating that during the last year he had sent the governor of Nehrwala to the Dec-can, in order to accommodate the differences which existed, in conformity with the wishes of Imad Shah, in which he happily succeeded; but that as it now appeared the Deccanies had become the aggressors, he should proceed to that quarter in person.

Mohurrum,
A. H. 935.
September,
A. D. 1528. In conformity with the intention expressed in this letter, Bahadur Shah moved, in the month of Mohurrum, of the year 935, with a large force towards the Deccan. On reaching Baroda he was overtaken by Jam Feroze, ruler of Tutta, in Sind, who stated that the Arghoons had made a descent upon his country, and taken it. Bahadur Shah gave to the Jam twelve lacks of rupees ^110a for the present, pledging himself to march hereafter and recover his territory from the Arghoons.

The fame of Bahadur Shah by this act of generosity spread far and near. He was welcomed by the inhabitants of all the countries through which he passed in proceeding to the Deccan; and he was joined by the nephew† ^110b of the Raja of Gualiar with a body of Rajpoots, as also by Sreeputty Ray, the nephew of Rana Sanka, with many chiefs of distinction, as well as by some of the nobles of the Deccan. The movements of this immense army being very slow, and a large portion having halted for some time at Champanere, Imad Shah, King of Berar, became impatient of the delay, and sent his son Jafur Khan to Bahadur Shah, informing him that Boorhan Nizam Shah had shut the doors of negotiation, and that nothing could be effected without the King's presence. Bahadur Shah therefore instantly marched on to the Nerbudda, on the banks of which river he was met by Meeran Mahomed Khan, who entreated him to visit Boorhanpoor, where he entertained him in a sumptuous manner, presenting him with elephants, horses, &c. At this place he was joined by Imad Shah, from Gavulgur. The combined armies of Guzerat, Kandeish, and Berar, under Bahadur Shah, now commenced their march through Berar towards Mahoor, against Boorhan Nizam Shah, who gradually retreating, drew the allies after him as far as Jalna, where the King having manifested intentions of occupying the country of Berar for himself, a secret communication was opened with the enemy, and Boorhan Nizam Shah agreed to restore some of the captured elephants, and also consented to read the Khootba in the name of the King of Guzerat, and even promised to pay tribute, if he would return to his own country. Bahadur Shah continued his march till he reached Dowlutabad, and encamped at the Howz Kootloo, where he halted for some time, in order to refresh his army. The enemy, however, contrived to intercept the supplies from the northward and westward, which caused great distress to his followers and cattle, and occasioned a famine in his camp. Notwithstanding which, Bahadur Shah compelled Boorhan Nizam Shah to acknowledge him King of Ahmud-nuggur and Guzerat; in the former of which places proclamations were made, and public prayers read in his name. In the beginning of the year

A. H. 937.
A. D. 1530.

937 he returned to Guzerat, and remained during the rainy season at Ahmudabad. After the monsoon he marched towards Idur, and despatched Khooda-bunda Khan and Imad-ool-Moolk with a large force to Wagur, himself marching to Cambay. Thence he embarked in a vessel, and sailed to Diù; after which he proceeded to Dongurpoor and Banswara, levied the usual contributions, and returned eventually to Mahomedabad Champanere.

At this period Oomr Khan, Kootb Khan, and many nobles of the Dehly court, having fled from the Emperor Babur, sought protection with Bahadur Shah. The King now went to Mahrasa, where he was met by Khoodabunda Khan, and many other officers; he then marched to Wagur, and having reduced that province, placed civil and military officers in the different towns to collect the tribute. Pursaram, Raja of Wagur, submitted to the King, while his son became a convert to the Mahomedan faith, and was received into the King's household; but Jugut Ray, the brother of the Raja, first fled to the hills, and then joined Rana Ruttun, the son of the late Rana Sanka of Chittoor, with whom he found a temporary asylum. Shortly afterwards, a messenger arrived in camp at Bans-wara from Rana Ruttun, begging terms for Jugut Ray. The King having caused a mosque to be built at a village on the Larky G'hat, gave it over in perpetuity to Jugut Ray. While the Guzerat army remained encamped there, Bahadur Shah received information that Sooltan Mahmood Khiljy (notwithstanding the obligations he had received at the hands of Moozuffur Shah) had sent Shirza Khan, the governor of Mando, to plunder some villages belonging to his ally the Rana of Chittoor, and had proceeded through Oojein to Sarungpoor. At the same time advices were received direct from Rana Ruttun, complaining of the outrage, and requesting the King to take measures to assist him. At this period, also, Silhuddy Rajpoot, and Moyin Khan the son of Sikundur Khan Me-watty, officers of the Malwa court, having intimation of their master's intention upon their lives, fled to Chittoor, and shortly after Bhowput, the son of Silhuddy, arrived in Bahadur Shah's camp. Bhowput was honourably received; and seven horses were presented to him, besides seven hundred gold embroidered dresses to be distributed among his adherents. While the disaffected officers of the King of Malwa sought refuge at the Guzerat court, Sooltan Mahmood himself deputed Duria Khan as envoy to Bahadur Shah; stating, that he had it long in contemplation to pay his respects, but that unforeseen events had occurred to prevent it; that he therefore deputed Duria Khan to ascertain if a visit at present would be agreeable. The King returned a polite answer, saying, that he should halt at Banswara for his arrival. A few days only elapsed before Ruttun, Rana of Chittoor, and Silhuddy Poorby arrived in the Guzerat camp, where being favourably received, they were presented with thirty elephants, and fifteen hundred gold embroidered dresses, when they returned to Chittoor; but most of the Malwa refugees remained with the King. Bahadur Shah now moved to Tandla, where he had agreed to receive the visit of Sooltan Mahmood, after which he intended to have accompanied him as far as the Dydla pass, on his return to Malwa. At Tandla, the King's nephew, Meeran Mahomed Khan ruler of Kandeish, arrived; and Duria Khan, the Malwa envoy, came to say, that Sooltan Mahmood, having broken his arm by a fall from his horse, was unable to visit Bahadur Shah. The latter, doubting the truth of this assertion, flatly told the envoy that he did not believe him, and obliged him at length to confess the real truth, that the King of Malwa was unwilling to come, owing to his having harboured the Prince Chand Khan of Guzerat, who was living under his protection. Bahadur Shah observed, that he had no enmity towards Chand Khan, and therefore that need not be adduced as a reason, and that he therefore expected Sooltan Mahmood would come to his camp and pay his respects. The King continued his march to Depalpoor, when he learned that Sooltan Mahmood only now waited to place his son in charge of the government of Mando during his absence. The delay which this arrangement involved gave the Guzerat courtiers an opportunity of again misrepresenting the conduct of Sooltan Mahmood Khiljy; so that Bahadur Shah marched forthwith to Mando, to which he laid siege. To Meeran Mahomed Khan of Kandeish was intrusted the post of Shahpoor, on the west face of the fort. Lokmun Sing was ordered to occupy Seetulpoor, and the rest of the Poorbies were sent to Julwara. The headquarters of the army occupied Mahomedpoor.

Shaban 9.
A. H. 937.
Feb. 26.
A. D. 1531.

On the night of the 9th of Shaban, in the year 937, Bahadur Shah in person, with a small party of select men, escaladed the fort undiscovered, and was soon followed by a considerable body of Guzerat-ties. Having met with no resistance, the troops, rather than remain quiet till daylight, as had been concerted, proceeded towards Sooltan Mahmood's palace, where the King of Malwa disputed the passage for a time, till being obliged to give way, he was eventually taken prisoner and sent to Champanere, but he died on the road, ^115a while Chand Khan, the Guzerat prince, made his escape during the confusion. The country of Malwa was now partitioned out into districts, and Bahadur Shah occupied Mando. On the following year, the King was prevailed on by his nephew to visit Aseer and Boorhanpoor, where he was met by Boorhan Nizam Shah of Ahmudnuggur, who had not as yet received the royal insignia or title from a sovereign prince.† ^115b Bahadur Shah at that period conferred on him the white canopy and scarlet pavilion, and addressed him with the title of Shah, which he henceforth assumed, under the name of Boorhan Nizam Shah Bheiry. ^116a Bahadur Shah's object in courting the King of Ahmudnuggur had reference to the aid he expected from him in the attack he then meditated on the kingdom of Dehly. He was, however, disappointed; for Boor-han Nizam Shah not only withheld his assistance in the subsequent war with Hoomayoon Padshah, but, on the contrary, deputed a secret agent to the Mogul court, long before the war in question took place, to obtain assistance, for the purpose of attacking Guzerat. During this interchange of civilities at Boorhanpoor, Bahadur Shah became so pleased with Shah Tahir Jooneidy, the minister of Boorhan Nizam Shah, that he used every means in his power to induce him to quit Boorhan Nizam Shah, and reside in Guzerat, but without effect. Some years afterwards, Shah Tahir succeeded in converting Boorhan Nizam Shah II. to the Sheea persuasion, and induced him to exchange the white canopy and scarlet pavilion for the green standard assumed by the followers of Ally. Bahadur Shah, having returned to Mando, appointed Mokbil Khan to command the fortress of Cham-panere, and Yekhtiar Khan being sent with the guns and military stores to deposit them in that gar-

rison, he returned to Mando on the 21st of Rubbee-oos-Sany, of which place he was appointed governor. Silhuddy Poorby, the late prime minister of Sool-tan Gheias-ood-Deen, within late years had occupied Oojein as his own; and the King wanting some excuse to wrest it out of his hands, charged him with maintaining in his seraglio a

Jumad-ool-
Awul 5.
Dec. 18.

number of Mahomedan women. On the 5th of Jumad-ool-Awul the King moved from Mando to Nalcha, when Bhowput the son of Silhuddy, then in Bahadur Shah's service, supposing the King to be on his return to Guzerat, requested permission to go to Oojein and see his father, and to bring him to the presence to pay his respects. The King assented without hesitation, conceiving that Silhuddy

Jumad-ool-
Awul 19.
Jan. 5.

could have no intimation of his design. On the 19th of the same month the King encamped at D'har, where having left the army, he proceeded, as if on a hunting-party, towards Bensrode and Shoojalpoor: at the latter place he was met by Silhuddy, who had left his son Bhowput with his family in Ooojein. Ameer Nuseer, the chief who had been sent to accompany Silhuddy, assured the King that the fidelity of the Hindoo chief was not to be depended on, and that, before he could be persuaded to come at all, Ameer Nuseer had ventured to promise him the government of the district of Cambay and a crore of tunkas, previously to which, Silhuddy had made preparations to fly to Seevas. On the King's return to D'har, having consulted his nobles, he caused Silhuddy to be seized and confined with two of his domestics, one of whom made some resistance; but finding it of no avail, he slew himself with his dagger, and fell dead at his master's feet, after declaring he could not live to witness his disgrace. When this circumstance became known at Oojein, Bhowput, the son of Silhuddy, fled, accompanied by many of his tribe, leaving Oojein to be plundered by the Mahomedans. On the following day Bahadur Shah marched to that city, and having placed Duria Khan, one of the officers of the late Malwa government, in charge, he proceeded to Sarung-poor, the command of which was given to Mulloo Khan, a Guzerat noble, and Hubeeb Khan was made governor of Ashta, which district he soon reduced to subjection. On the King's arrival at Bhilsa, having ascertained that the Mahomedan worship had been discontinued for the last ten years, he caused mosques to be rebuilt, and the exercise of the religion of the true faith to be restored. During his stay at Bhilsa he learned that Bhowput, resolving to resent the disgrace inflicted on his father, had collected troops on the frontier, and had entered into an offensive and defensive alliance with the Rana of Chittoor. The King, anticipating the march of the Rajpoots, deputed Imad-ool-Moolk to attack Bhowput, while himself marched to Raiseen to oppose Lokmun Sing, the brother of Silhuddy, who having raised men in that quarter was waiting the junction of Bhowput and the Rana of Chittoor. On approaching within sight of Raiseen the Rajpoots descended from the hill to attack the King's troops. The advanced guard, consisting of a small body of cavalry, charged the Hindoos without hesitation, and Bahadur Shah with his own hand slew ten men. The main body of the cavalry soon after coming up, the Rajpoots were defeated with heavy loss, and sought safety in flight within the walls of the fort, which was immediately invested, and a regular siege commenced. The Mahomedans, carrying their approaches close to the walls, effected a practicable breach, by means of mines, on the curtain of one face of the fort, and two of the bastions were also levelled by the fire from the batteries. Silhuddy, who was a prisoner in the King's camp, perceiving that it was impossible for the fort to make any longer resistance, offered to become a proselyte to the Mahomedan faith, and then to go to the fort in order to persuade his brother to surrender. The King acceding to the proposal, Silhuddy formally renounced his religion, and being clothed with a dress of honour ate at the royal table, and subsequently accompanied the King with a flag of truce to the walls of the fort, recommending his brother to give up the place. He acquainted him, also, at the same time, of his having become a Mahomedan. Lokmun, the brother of Silhuddy, addressing him in their own provincial dialect, desired him to obtain a respite for a few days, and to make some excuse for not giving up the fort immediately, acquainting him that the Rana of Chittoor and Bhowput, with forty thousand men, were in full march to raise the siege. Sil-huddy, in consequence, made some pretext for allowing the garrison to retain possession of the fort till the next day. This time was granted; but when the period for its surrender arrived further delay was again required; and Silhuddy being permitted to go under the walls in order to enquire the cause, addressed the Rajpoots, saying, that if they remained so blind to their interest, the Maho-medans would, by entering the breaches, put them all to death. This speech was made in the presence of the King's officers, but conveyed a covert reason for holding out, which was sufficiently understood by Lokmun Sing, who, repeating the last words of Silhuddy, showed his countrymen how little they ought to rely on the Mahomedans. He prevailed so far on the troops that, by their exertions, the breaches were repaired during the night; and a party of two thousand men, under Silhuddy's youngest son, then in the fort, marched out to hasten the reinforcements under Bhowput and the Rana of Chittoor. This party being intercepted by the besieged was almost entirely cut off, including the son of Silhuddy who commanded it. The few who escaped death were taken prisoners, and brought in the morning before the King. On the failure of this enterprise, and the death of his son, being related to Silhuddy, he fainted; and the King, now beginning to suspect him, remanded him into confinement under charge of Yekhtiar Khan, to be sent to the fort of Mando.

The force under Bhowput was now approaching rapidly to Raiseen, under the impression that the King had but few troops with him. Bahadur Shah directed Imad-ool-Moolk and Meeran Ma-homed Khan of Kandeish to march and attack the enemy. They had not proceeded far when the Mahomedans were met by Poorunmul, another son of Silhuddy, who commanded the advance, consisting of ten thousand cavalry. The King hearing this news, and that Imad-ool-Moolk had halted, left Yekhtiar-ool-Moolk to conduct the siege of Raiseen, and placing himself at the head of the whole of his cavalry, marched in person and encamped at Gun-grar. The Rajpoots, hearing of the King's approach, commenced their retreat; and Bahadur Shah being shortly after joined by Aluf Khan from Guzerat, with a reinforcement of thirty thousand fresh troops and a large park of artillery, proceeded towards Chittoor, to which place the enemy had retired. Bahadur Shah resolved, in the first instance, to bring the siege of Raiseen to a close; he therefore deferred any attack on Chit-toor till the next year. Upon his return Lokmun, the brother of Silhuddy, perceiving that he could not eventually retain the fort, and that all hopes of succour from Chittoor were at an end, proposed to surrender Raiseen, provided his brother Silhuddy should be released, and again taken into favour. The King acceded to these terms, because he was aware that many Maho-medan females, belonging to Silhuddy, were in the fort, and he knew that in the event of a storm they would all be burnt alive with the Rajpoot women, according to the custom of those people. As a preliminaryto the surrender, therefore, Silhuddy was brought to Raiseen, and Taj Khan, who had come to negotiate on the part of Lokmun, was permitted to return to the fort. Lokmun now brought his own family to the lower fortifications, leaving Taj Khan with some Poorby Rajpoots in possession of the hill, and sent word to Bahadur Shah that above four hundred females belonging to Silhuddy's seraglio were in the fort. Among these was Silhuddy's wife Doorgawutty, the mother of Bhowput; and he begged, therefore, that he should be permitted to go and escort his own family and females; for that his honour would sustain a blemish, if they were seen by the eye of a stranger, or even by his own brother. Silhuddy, under custody of Mullik Ally Sheer, proceeded to the fort; but upon going to take away his family, his wife, Rany Doorgawutty, the daughter of Rana Sanka, reproached both him and his brother Lokmun for not having defended the place. This woman, with an heroic fortitude, invoking curses on the heads of those who should not revenge her cause, set fire to a pile with which she had caused the female apartments to be surrounded, containing seven hundred beautiful women. She plunged into the flames, and they were all consumed. Silhuddy and Lokmun, with one hundred of their blood relations, now putting on their armour, and calling on their adherents to follow them, rushed impetuously on the Guzerat troops, and bravely met their fate; not one Rajpoot surviving, while the Guzeratties only lost four men.

Alum Khan, the governor of Kalpy, who had rebelled against Hoomayoon Padshah of Dehly, happening to be in attendance on the King of Guzerat at this time, received the governments of Bhilsa, Raiseen, and Chundery. Bahadur Shah employed the remainder of that year in hunting elephants, and in marching through the country which formerly acknowledged allegiance to the King of Malwa; and having reduced it to obedience, placed his own governors and officers to collect the revenues, and left troops to support their authority. Early in the next year he deputed Meeran Mahomed Khan to march and reduce the fort of Gagrone, wrested from the late Sooltan Mahmood by the troops of the Rana of Chittoor; but as the place had not yet fallen, the King himself moved in that direction, on which the enemy evacuated it without further resistance. From Gagrone the King returned to Mando, leaving Imad-ool-Moolk and Yekhtiar Khan to reduce Runtunbhore, and shortly after he returned to Guzerat to expel the Europeans who had occupied the island of Diù. Upon his approach, however, the enemy fled, leaving their guns upon the island; one of which was the largest ever before seen in India, and required a machine to be constructed for conveying it to Champanere.^123a

In the year 940 Mahomed Zuman Mirza, ^124a a relative of Hoomayoon Padshah f Dehly, who had been confined in the fort of Byana, making his escape, came to the court of Bahadur Shah. Hoomayoon wrote to the King of Guzerat to deliver him up, threatening, in case of refusal, to march and lay waste Guzerat. Bahadur Shah, little accustomed to comply with demands from any potentate, returned an intemperate and haughty reply (which eventually brought upon him his ruin); and in order to show the contempt in which he held the threats of Hoomayoon he conferred the highest dignities on the Mogul prince, thus wantonly irritating the wound which he had already inflicted. The King returned to Cham-panere from Diù by the route of Cambay and Ahmudabad, and then marched his army to Chittoor, and invested that place for three months. The Rana at last agreed to pay a large sum in specie, to present several horses and elephants, and, among other jewels, the waist-belt† ^124b formerly in possession of the Khiljy family, and which had been taken by Sooltan Mahmood of Malwa from the King of Guzerat's pavilion in the battle of Surkech, near Ahmudabad, on the 1st of Suffur, A. H. 856 (A. D. 1452); after which Bahadur Shah returned to his capital. His success in compelling the Rana of Chittoor to pay tribute, and the expectation he had formed of being shortly joined by the sons of Bheilole Lody, who had pretensions to the crown of Dehly, induced Bahadur Shah to attempt an attack on the capital of Hindoostan. Alla-ood-Deen, the son of Bheilole Padshah, having reached the court, experienced the most honourable reception from Bahadur Shah, and his son Tartar Khan became enrolled among the nobles of the state. So confident was Bahadur Shah of success, that he already began to allot to his officers the different districts of Dehly, before he had even marched his army for its subjection. On the following year a sum of three crores of rupees ^125a was furnished to Imad-ool-Moolk, the governor of Runtunbhore, to provide Tartar Khan with a force of forty thousand men; and this prince opened the campaign by reducing Byana, a fortress near Agra. Hoo-mayoon instantly deputed his brother, Hindal Mirza, to keep Tartar Khan in check till he could come in person; but the Mogul troops had scarcely arrived within a few miles of Tartar Khan's camp at Byana, before the boasting but dastardly Afghans, of which his army was composed, deserted him, leaving him with a force considerably short of twelve thousand men. Tartar Khan, ashamed of the defection of his countrymen (particularly after assuring Bahadur Shah of his confidence in their attachment), refused to retreat before the superior force of Hindal Mirza, but resolved to meet his fate, whatever might be the result. The two armies being drawn out advanced slowly to the attack. Tartar Khan made the first charge, with a few confidential retainers, on the centre of the Dehly line, but his troops were defeated, and he fell covered with wounds. The fort of Byana was also retaken, and the army of Tartar Khan was completely dispersed. Hoomayoon, considering this an auspicious commencement of the campaign, followed up his success by declaring war against Bahadur Shah. At this time Bahadur Shah was engaged in the siege of Chittoor, and wrote to Hoomayoon, saying, that as he was employed against an infidel he expected that the Mahomedan king would not oblige him to raise the siege by invading his country. No answer was sent to this communication; but Hoomayoon continued his march unmolested till he reached Sarungpoor in Malwa; and the King of Guzerat, under an infatuation equally preposterous and impolitic, still continued the siege of Chittoor. Having reduced that place, and put to death many of the Rajpoot garrison, Bahadur Shah distributed largesses to his troops, and marched towards Hoomayoon, who, on hearing of his approach, also advanced with the Dehly army, till the two armies met near the town of Mund-soor. The Guzerat army had scarcely taken up its ground when Syud Ally Khan and Khorassany Khan, who commanded the Guzerat pickets, were driven in, and a panic pervaded the troops even on this partial defeat. Bahadur Shah called a council of war on the spot; and Sufdur Khan, the commandant of cavalry, proposed that the army should be led to the attack on the following day; for (said he) having just gained a victory at Chittoor the sooner the troops are again brought into action the better. Roomy Khan, on the other hand, in command of the artillery, proposed that the army should be entrenched, and stand on the defensive, the Guzerat artillery being preferable to any then in India, owing to the excellent Portuguese guns procured from the shipping captured at Diù. The latter advice was adopted; and it was resolved that as the Guzerat-ties had more fire-arms than the Moguls they should fortify the camp, and in the attempts to storm their lines it was supposed the enemy would suffer so much as to give the Guzerat troops confidence, while it would inspire the Moguls with due respect. At this period the Guzerat army was joined by Alum Khan of Kalpy, who had been invested with the government of Bhilsa and Chundery. Two months elapsed without either army coming to an action, though a few skirmishers daily went forth, and exhibited feats of individual courage. The Mogul horse, though unable to make any impression on the intrench-ments, managed to invest the Guzerat lines so closely as to cut off their supplies. The forage in the vicinity was completely consumed, and no one dared to quit the lines on account of the Mogul archers. A famine consequently ensued. Bahadur Shah, perceiving that he must eventually be starved into a surrender, suddenly left his camp one night, accompanied by five persons only, among whom were Meeran Mahomed Khan governor of Kandeish, and Mulloo Khan governor of Malwa, ^128a and fled to Mando, without providing, in any way for the troops. On the next morning, the army, discovering that the King had departed, broke up, and the enemy commenced an indiscriminate slaughter and plunder. Bahadur Shah, who had escaped to Mando, was pursued into that place by Hindoo Beg and seven hundred Moguls, who entered the fort at night, along with his followers, and obliged Bahadur Shah to continue his flight, with five or six horsemen, to Champanere, from whence he sent the royal jewels to Diù, and himself went to Cambay. Sufdur Khan and Alum Khan (the governors of Kalpy and Raiseen) fled also, but some days afterwards they surrendered to the Emperor's troops. Sufdur Khan, who was wounded, entered into the imperial service, but Alum Khan, having before quitted Kalpy, suffered death. Hoomayoon having placed his officers in the fort of Mando proceeded to Champanere, and sacked the city of Maho-medabad, from whence he made forced marches to Cambay, compelling Bahadur Shah to fly to Diù. After which Hoomayoon returned and took the fortress of Champanere†, ^128b as has been related in the Dehly history.

A. H. 942.
A. D. 1535. In the year 942, the farmers of Guzerat deputed agents to Bahadur Shah, assuring him that they were ready and willing to pay him the revenues, notwithstanding the occupation of the country by the Moguls. He accordingly sent one of his confidential chiefs with a respectable force to collect money in the different districts. The officer selected for this duty was Imad-ool-Moolk, who encamped at Ahmudabad, and collected about him a force consisting of fifty thousand men. Hoomayoon, hearing this, left Tardy Beg Khan with his division to protect the royal treasury at Champanere, and himself marched to Ahmudabad; at the same time sending a detachment, under Mirza Askurry, accompanied by Yadgar Nasir Mirza and Hindoo Beg, in advance. These troops encountered the Guzerat force near the city of Mahmoodabad, within twelve coss of Ahmudabad, where an obstinate engagement took place. Imad-ool-Moolk was defeated, and his troops suffered severely. Hoomayoon now marched on to Ahmudabad, and made the following distribution of his force: In Ahmudabad, he left Mirza Askurry; in Puttun, Yadgar Nasir Mirza; in Baroach, Kasim Hoossein Sooltan; in Baroda, Hindoo Beg; and in Champanere, Tardy Beg Khan. From Guzerat Hoomayoon marched to Boorhanpoor, and thence returned to Mando. At this period Khan Jehan Shirazy, one of the Guzerat nobles, occupying the town of Nowsary, marched in conjunction with Roomy Khan from Surat towards Baroach, which Kasim Hoossein Sooltan, conceiving himself unable to defend, abandoned, and retired to Champanere. This became the signal for a general revolt, and the subversion of the Mogul authority succeeded. Ghuzunfur Beg, one of Mirza Askurry's officers, disgusted with that prince, went to Bahadur Shah, recommending him immediately to march to Ah-mudabad; and Mirza Askurry, perceiving the late arrangements of the King had failed to secure the tranquillity of the conquest, convened a meeting of the Mogul chiefs, and thus addressed them: — “The King is at present at Mando: the arrange-“ments for the occupation of Guzerat not having “succeeded, our presence here can be of no use. “Sheer Khan Poorby, moreover, is collecting troops “in Bengal, with the intention of proclaiming “himself King of Dehly; and I think, therefore, “we cannot do better than march to Champanere, “secure the treasure, and proceed to Agra.” The officers having agreed to this proposal, resolved to proclaim Mirza Askurry King of Agra, and to make Hindoo Beg minister. The Moguls, therefore, left Ahmudabad (which was immediately occupied by Bahadur Shah), and marched to Champanere, where Tardy Beg Khan refused to join in the confederacy, but retained his ground. The other Moguls, however, marched off to Agra, thus abandoning the kingdom of Guzerat, which had been gained by the valour of the Dehly arms in a few months, without attempting to retain it by risking a single engagement. Bahadur Shah now proceeded to wrest Champanere out of the hands of Tardy Beg, who, perceiving he could not defend the fort alone against the whole force of Guzerat, evacuated it hastily, in hopes of gaining something by following the Mogul army towards Agra.

A. H. 943.
A. D. 1536. In the year 943 the Europeans who had made settlements on the coast, were in great force at Goa and Choul. It was, therefore, thought expedient to secure the sea-ports of Guzerat; and Bahadur Shah came to Cambay, where he heard that a fleet, in which were between four and five thousand Europeans, had arrived off the island of Diù. He immediately repaired thither with a reinforcement of troops; but the peaceable disposition the Europeans evinced threw him off his guard. The admiral of the fleet complained of severe indisposition as an excuse for not waiting on the King, while he, on the other hand, thought that their services might eventually be of use in his war with Hoo-mayoon Padshah. Bahadur Shah, therefore, condescended to visit the admiral on board, and was going over the side of the ship on his return, when the boat was shoved off and the King fell into the water. A European, who was leaning over the ship's side at the time, threw a boarding pike at him, which entering his skull he immediately sunk, and was drowned. The Guzerat army, on hearing of the King's death, fled, and left the Europeans in quiet possession of the island of Diù, which they have retained ever since. Thus terminated the life of Bahadur Shah of Guzerat, after a reign of eleven years and three months.

His historian had not time to complete his work, which is to be regretted, as the multiplicity of errors throughout prevents our placing so much reliance on that narrative as a revisal might have ensured.^131a

THE death of Bahadur Shah, who was killed by the Portuguese, is an event at once so remarkable and important that I shall be excused from entering into some detail regarding it. Ferishta, either unwilling to exculpate the Portuguese, or to condemn Bahadur Shah, took little pains to enlighten his readers on a subject which he had the means of investigating, as the circumstance happened within half a century of his own time, and it is certain he had access to the Mirut-Iskundry, because he refers to it in one part of the Guzerat history; but he did not avail himself of it to clear up the very interesting question, as to how Bahadur Shah met with his death.

The Portuguese had for many years been engaged in war with the fleets of the King of Guzerat; and Nuno de Cunha, the governor-general, who arrived in India in 1529, carried out from Portugal positive instructions to make himself master of the island of Diù on the Cambay coast, belonging to the King of Guzerat. Accordingly we find that, in the latter end of the next year, he prepared that formidable expedition, consisting of fifteen thousand six hundred soldiers, embarked on board four hundred vessels of all descriptions, which assembled at Bombay, and which was repulsed off Diù, after repeated vigorous assaults, on the 17th of February, 1531. From that day, the efforts of the Portuguese to obtain a footing on Diù were unceasing; and as they found it in vain to negotiate they endeavoured to effect it by force, never ceasing to seize every vessel either belonging to Guzerat or to any of its allies. They landed, and sacked the towns of Tarapoor, Bulsar, and Surat; and at length received under their protection the Prince Chand Khan, a brother of Bahadur Shah, who having failed to support his pretensions to the throne, sought refuge with the Portuguese, through whom, as they assert, their “governor hoped to compass some consi-“derable advantage.” In the following year, the Portuguese under James de Silveira burned the towns of Puttun Somnat, Pent, Mangalore, Tanna, Tolaja, and Moozuf-furabad, carrying off four thousand slaves from those places, besides killing a great number.

“All this,” observes the Portuguese historian, “encou-“raged Nuno de Cunha to straiten Diù and the King of “Cambaya (Guzerat), that he might be obliged to consent “to the raising a fort in that city.” In prosecution of this object, the Portuguese took and destroyed Bassein, in which place they obtained four hundred pieces of cannon, and much ammunition. They subsequently landed, and burnt Daman, Tanna, and Bombay.

At this time, Bahadur Shah was engaged in war with Hoomayoon, as we have seen, when the Portuguese governor-general deputed an embassy to wait on the latter, in order to endeavour to obtain a promise of the cession of Diù. The object of Nuno de Cunha was, by this means, to work on the fears of Bahadur Shah, and to induce him to yield to them in his distresses what he was averse to do while his power was unshaken. At last, in the year 1534, Bahadur Shah consented to terms of peace, by which he agreed,

1st, To cede in perpetuity the town of Bassein to the King of Portugal.

2dly, Not to construct any ships of war in his ports.

3dly, Not to combine with the Turkish fleets from the Red Sea, or Gulf of Persia, in attacking the Portuguese.

The historian remarks, “There were other articles in fa-“vour of the King, to sweeten the harshness of these, which “were afterwards moderated, when he gave leave to raise “the fort at Diù.” Faria-e-Souza, tome i. part iv. chap. v. The following chapter is occupied in giving an account of the history of Bahadur Shah, and of his war with Hoo-mayoon, which only serves to show how profoundly ignorant the Portuguese were of the interior state of India, and how little they were informed of events passing almost under their own observation.

We know that Bahadur Shah, after having lost all his dominions with the exception only of the province of Sorut, came to Diù in the utmost distress; and there yielding to the importunities of the Portuguese, he gave them permission to build a factory on the island of Diù, which was constructed in the shape of a strong fort. In consideration of this cession the Portuguese afforded Bahadur Shah the aid of five hundred Europeans, of whom fifty “were of note.” This party attended the King on his return to Ahmudabad, when he succeeded in expelling the Moguls, and recovering his throne, which, the Portuguese historian remarks, was effected through their aid alone.

It seems likely that the cession made by Bahadur Shah to the Portuguese was for the purpose of raising a mercantile factory; whereas the latter undoubtedly intended to build, as they in fact did, a formidable fortification. From the moment Bahadur Shah discovered of what nature the building was, and having no longer any motive for keeping on terms with the Portuguese, he resolved to wrest it out of their hands. We find the Mahomedan governor of Diù shortly after constructing a wall with a rampart, calculated to place guns on, across the island, on the plea of separating the Gu-zeratties from the Europeans, but in reality to be used either in defending the town against the fort, or in attacking it if necessary. The construction of this wall led to a vast deal of discussion, and created much ill will between the parties, till at last the King of Guzerat desisted from completing it.

This was the situation of affairs when the event occurred which ended in the death of Bahadur Shah. Ferishta, in following the historian of Bahadur Shah, has related it in a manner very unsatisfactory, and wholly unfavourable to the Portuguese. Abool Fuzl, who wrote a very few years after the event took place, has done them as little justice; but fortunately we have the account of Faria-e-Souza, who was himself in India at the time, and that of the author of the Mirut-Iskundry, whose father was an eye-witness, each endeavouring to make out the most favourable story for his own party. It would be unjust, therefore, not to allow them to tell their own stories.

The Portuguese narrative is selected from Captain John Steevens' translation of Faria-e-Souza, published in 1694; that of the Mirut-Iskundry is translated from a collated manuscript copy of the work now in the East-India House.

Extract from Faria-e-Souza's History of the Portuguese in Asia; translated by Captain John Steevens. London edit. 1694. Tome i. part iv. chapter viii.

“The King of Cambaya, Badur (Bahadur Shah), who, with only the assistance of the Portuguese, had recovered his kingdom, now studied their ruin; and repenting he had granted leave to raise the fort, endeavoured to take it, and kill the commander and all the garrison. Nuno de Cunha understood his wicked design, and began to prepare to prevent it.

“That brave gentleman, Emanuel de Souza, then commanded at Diù. By him Badur designed to begin the execution. On the eighth of October, at night, a Moor came on the wall, and told Souza the King would send for him the next day to kill him; that he would not tell his name, lest it might be thought an invention to get a reward. Emanuel was long in doubt whether to go or stay; at last he resolved to go. Using at other times to have a numerous retinue well armed, he went now with only one servant, being sent for at the hour he had been before warned. The King, seeing him unconcerned, converted his malice for that time into an honourable reception, and Emanuel returned to the fort. The King's mother endeavoured to dissuade him from this wicked intention; and he thought it was better, by often visiting the Captain in the fort, to take off all suspicion, and so murder him there, and seize upon it. He was of a violent nature, and so began his first visit at an unseasonable hour of the night, not regarding the very unseasonableness was enough to render it suspicious. Souza received him upon his guard: they discoursed of things indifferent. The King went away, believing he had ensnared Souza; and he had given him a sufficient caution. ^136a Nuno de Cunha, being advertised by Emanuel de Souza of the posture of affairs at Diù, thought it strange that he had not secured the King when in his power, and his wicked intentions were known; and that he had given out that ships were come from Portugal with great supplies.

“This invention endangered Nuno; for Badur resolved to murder him first, that he might not come to the relief of the fort when Souza was killed. He writ to him, desiring he would come to Diù about important affairs.

“Nuno, though he knew his wicked designs, made no difficulty of going. He set out of Goa on the 9th January, and what with the vessels he carried, and those which followed him, appeared there with near three hundred sail. He put in at Choul, and found that Nizamaluco, induced thereto by Badur, had been there with eight thousand men, pretending it was to divert his women at sea, but in reality with an ill design on that place, which was disappointed by the care of Simon Guedez, who commanded there. At Baçaim (Bassein) he took up his brother-in-law, Anthony di Silveyra, a man of great worth, and left in his place Ruy-vaz Pereyra. King Badur was at that time in the mountains hunting. Nuno sent to visit him; but he who let slip no opportunity, now especially, prevented him by sending to him first one John de St Jago, not long before a Christian, but fallen again, and become a favourite of Badur by the name of Frangue Cham. Cunha was indisposed, and feigned himself worse; so lying off of Diù, he sent to excuse himself to the King for not landing immediately.

“The King feigning great friendship presently enters into a boat, in which he had sent Nuno a present of venison. There went with him thirteen men of quality, and Emanuel de Souza, who had carried the last message from Nuno de Cunha to him. He received him on board the galleon in the best manner he could. Being seated, they discoursed of indifferent things; but the King was surprised to see a page whisper Nuno de Cunha: it was a message from Emanuel de Souza, who believing he was to be there secured, or killed, sent word that some captains were waiting his orders. The King was somewhat quieter seeing Cunha did not mind the page, and soon arose and went away. Cunha had thought it strange that Souza did not secure the King when he had him in the fort alone; and now having him aboard the galleon, he did not detain him. ^137a Nuno ordered all the officers to accompany the King first to his palace, and then Emanuel de Souza to the fort, where he proposed to secure the King when he came to visit him, as the King, on the other side, had resolved to seize him at a dinner he had a design to invite him to, and send him to the great Turk in a cage. Emanuel de Souza was going to invite the King to the fort, while Nuno de Cunha got thither. He came up with the King's catur or barge, and made the offer by the means of Rume Cham, who at the same time advised the King not to go, because he suspected they would secure him. He slighted the caution, and bid Souza come into his barge, who stepping over, fell into the sea, but being taken up, the officers who came with him carried him to the King. At the same time came up another of our barges, and some gentlemen, who, seeing Emanuel de Souza, entered hastily into the King's. He suspecting their hasty coming aboard, together with the caution given by Rume Cham, ordered his officers to kill Emanuel de Souza. James de Mesquita understanding it, flew at, and wounded the King, whilst they killed that valiant captain. There was a bloody fray, in which four of our gentlemen were killed, having slain seven of the enemy. Other of our barges coming up, received some damage from a page, who shot several with the King's bow, till killed with a musket-ball. Three of the King's ships (boats) came up to rescue him. He seeing the danger began to fly, but was stopped by a cannon shot, which killed three of his men that rowed. The King thought now to escape by swimming, but being in danger of drowning, cried out, discovering who he was. Tristan de Payva de Santarem coming up, reached out to him an oar to bring him aboard his vessel, when a soldier struck him across the face with a halbert, and so others, till he was killed. He was a little while above water and then sunk, and neither his nor Emanuel de Souza his body could be found, though Nuno de Cunha caused them to be diligently looked after, to give them the due funeral honours.”

An Account of the mode in which the Portuguese obtained a footing in Diù by stratagem, and of the martyrdom of the King by the hands of the treacherous captain, or governor, of the Portuguese.

“It is stated, that when Bahadur Shah was compelled to fly, owing to the unfortunate events which have been previously related, he came to the port of Diù. The Portuguese made offers of their assistance, and endeavoured to console him, saying, that the sea-ports along the coast were in their hands, and that they were prepared to afford an asylum to the King in any of them he might select for his residence. Bahadur Shah, owing to his distresses, received these offers with thankfulness. One day the Portuguese represented that their merchants, who were in the habit of trading to Diù, were obliged to find warehouses for their goods in separate remote parts of the town; they requested, therefore, that permission might be granted them to occupy a hide of land, on which they might construct an enclosure to contain and protect their goods. This request being acceded to, the King left Diù and proceeded to put down his enemies. The Portuguese, availing themselves of the King's absence, cut the hide of a cow into strips, and measured out a spot equal to the length of the thongs, where they built a strong stone fortification, on which they placed guns, and occupied it with soldiers. The instant the King heard of this, he became much disturbed, and began to consider how he should expel those infidels. He wished, however, to effect it by stratagem, so that the object might be gained with facility. He therefore proceeded from Ahmudabad to Cambay, and thence to Diù. The Portuguese concluded that this step was not undertaken without some treacherous design; and though the King did all in his power to allay their suspicions, they continued to think his conduct was hypocritical. It is stated that when the King arrived at Gogo, on the coast of Diù, he deputed Noor Mahomed Khu-leel, one of the confidential officers of his court, to the Portuguese chief, with instructions to use every artifice to persuade him to come and pay a visit to the King. When this envoy met the Captain, he was thrown off his guard by the abundant civilities and attentions shown to him. While they were drinking wine together, the Captain asked Noor Mahomed Khuleel what were the King's real designs? and the envoy communicated that which ought not to have been told, and exposed the King's secret intentions. The night passed away, and on the morning the Captain said, ‘I am the King's sincere friend; but owing to indisposition, I find it impossible to wait on him in person.’ Noor Mahomed Khuleel returned and delivered the message. The King, supposing that the Captain was deterred from fear, resolved to go on board his vessel, on the plea of enquiring after his health, but in fact to allay his suspicions. He ordered his barge, therefore, and was accompanied by five or six of his favourite officers: such as

Ameer Nus ^140a Farooky,
Shooja Khan,
Lungur Khan, the son of Kadur Shah of Mando,
Alup Khan, the son of Shooja Gukkur,
Sikundur Khan, the governor of Sutwas, and
Kuns Row, the brother of Medny Row.

He directed that his attendants should not even carry arms with them; and although his ministers and officers represented that it was undignified and imprudent in the King to go, it was of no avail: for it is recorded in holy writ, that ‘when death comes, it will not delay for one moment, nor will it be stopped in its progress.’ He placed his foot in the barge, and set off. The Captain having laid his plans for seizing the King, proceeded towards the shore to meet him, and attended him on board his own vessel, where he began to exhibit various apish attentions and politeness, though treachery was at the bottom. Bahadur Shah was also contriving something of the same nature; but fortune did not second his plans, and they failed.

“During a pause in the conversation, the Portuguese dogs made some preconcerted signals to each other. The King perceived that he was betrayed, and that fortune and prosperity had turned their backs on him. His officers addressed him and said, ‘Did not we tell you before that we should all be ruined?’ He replied, ‘If so, fate has ordained it.’ The King now arose, and was attacked on all sides by the Portuguese. They say he was near his own boat, when a Portuguese soldier struck him over the head with a sword, and threw him into the water. Those persons who were with him also shared in the honour of martyrdom.

“This event happened on the 3d of the month of Rum-zan, A. H. 943, (14th of February, A. D. 1537,) and has been commemorated in the following words, comprising the numerals which form the date of the year wherein it occurred; which chronogram was composed by the minister Yekhtiar Khan: —

◌

“‘The king of the land became a martyr at sea.’

“Bahadur Shah was twenty years of age when he ascended the throne, he reigned eleven years, and was, consequently, thirty-one years old when he was killed.”

From these extracts it appears plain, that both Nuno de Cunha and Bahadur Shah were resolved each to seize the other; that the followers of both knew the intentions of their respective masters, and suspected the opposite party; so that nothing was wanting to bring about bloodshed but such an affray as arose, originating entirely out of an accident, which blew the embers of suspicion and mistrust into a blaze, and produced the melancholy result which has been related.

The Turkish historian Ferdi, according to Chevalier du Hammer, relates that when Bahadur Shah was compelled to retreat to Diù, he sent his family and the royal jewels to Medina. They consisted of three hundred iron chests, the accumulated wealth acquired from the Hindoo princes of Joonagur, Champanere, Aboogur, and Chittoor, and also of the property of the King of Malwa. These gorgeous treasures never returned to India, but fell into the hands of the Grand Seignior of Constantinople, who from their possession became entitled to the appellation of Soliman the Magnificent. The celebrated waist-belt, valued at three million of aspers, which had been three times taken and retaken in the wars in India, (vide pp. 39.—83. and 124.) was sent to Soliman by an ambassador whom Bahadur Shah deputed to Constantinople to solicit the aid of the Grand Seignior against Hoomayoon.

ON the death of Bahadur Shah, his mother, Muk-dooma Jehan, left Diù, and repaired to Ahmudabad. On the road she heard of the arrival of Mahomed Zuman Mirza, who had previously proceeded to Lahore for the purpose of causing a diversion on the north-west frontier of Dehly. Having learned the death of the King, this prince put on mourning, and came to condole with the Dowager-queen, for the purpose, as it would appear, of gaining her confidence and plundering the royal treasures. After having been hospitably entertained for several days in the most splendid manner, he one night attacked and defeated the guard over the treasury, and carried away seven hundred boxes of gold, with which he made his escape, and raised a force of twelve thousand men, consisting of Moguls and Hindoostanies. The Guzerat officers, however, convening a meeting, resolved on inviting Meeran Mahomed Khan of Kandeish, nephew of Bahadur Shah, who was then in Malwa, to ascend the throne; and without further hesitation, coins were struck, and public prayers read in his name. Meanwhile Imad-ool-Moolk, at the head of a large force, marched against Mahomed Zu-man Mirza, who though sufficiently ambitious, was so devoted to his pleasures, that he was attacked, and his army defeated, himself making his escape to Sind. After which period he never again interrupted the peace of Guzerat. Meeran Mahomed Shah did not long survive his elevation. Having been taken suddenly ill, on reaching Guzerat, he died after a short reign of six weeks, A. H. 943.

Mahmood, the son of the Prince Luteef Khan, and who had been confined in Aseer for many years, is raised to the throne — is basely assassinated by his minion Boorhan.

ON the death of Meeran Mahomed Shah, there remained no heir to the crown of Guzerat excepting Mahmood Khan the son of Luteef Khan, nephew of the late Bahadur Shah, by whose order he had been confined under Meeran Mahomed Khan Farooky at Boorhanpoor, because during his uncle's reign he once aspired to the crown. In this state of affairs, the Guzerat nobles deputed Mokbil Khan, the brother of Yekhtiar Khan, to Boorhan-poor, inviting Mahmood to the capital, in order to acknowledge him as their sovereign. This measure met with opposition from Meeran Moo-barik Khan, the brother of the late king; but the Guzerat chiefs marched to Boorhanpoor, and demanding the release of the Prince Mahmood, Meeran Moobarik Khan was compelled, from motives of policy, to comply with their wishes. He left

Zeekad 10.
A. H. 944.
April 5.
A. D. 1538.

Boorhanpoor for Guzerat on the 10th of Zeekad, in the year 944, and was formally crowned at Ahmudabad, and Yekh-tiar Khan became prime minister. In the following year, Yekhtiar Khan having lost his life in an affray, Imad-ool-Moolk was created Ameer-ool-Omra, and Duria Khan was raised to the office of prime minister; but in the end of the same year jealousy and dissensions arose between these two nobles. Duria Khan persuaded the King to quit Ahmudabad, and proceeded, on the plea of hunting, towards Champanere. Imad-ool-Moolk being thus separated from the court, collected troops and followed. The soldiers penetrating the secret object of his march demanded an advance of pay; after which they left him in the course of three or four marches, and went over to the King. Imad-ool-Moolk, thus abandoned, was glad to compromise matters with Duria Khan, and agreed to retire quietly to his estate of Burungaum, in the distrct of Sorut, and the King returned to

A. H. 947.
A. D. 1540.

Ahmudabad. In the year 947, Duria Khan, on learning that Imad-ool-Moolk was again raising troops, marched against him, and the latter being defeated fled to Aseer, and placed himself under the protection of Meeran Moobarik Khan Farooky, who espoused his cause. Mahmood Shah Guzeratty now marched into Kan-deish, and was opposed at some distance from Boor-hanpoor, when Meeran Moobarik Khan was defeated and fled to Aseer, and Imad-ool-Moolk sought shelter with Kadur Khan, ruler of Malwa. Mahmood Shah, availing himself of his good fortune, laid waste the country of Kandeish; and Meeran Moobarik Khan was induced to come into the Guzerat camp to ask pardon, accompanied by his most respectable nobles. The minister Duria Khan, who had no competitor at court, exercised unlimited control in the Guzerat councils; and in a short time it became apparent that Mah-mood Shah had dwindled into a mere pageant.

The King, perceiving his degraded condition, made his escape one night to Dundooka, the jageer of Alum Khan Lody, who espousing his cause, collected a force of four thousand cavalry, while Duria Khan, in concert with Mohafiz Khan and some other of his relations, elevated a poor creature of low origin to the throne under the title of Moozuffur Shah, exercising authority in his name. In order to conciliate the nobility, their estates were enlarged, the salaries of public officers were increased, and the pretender with his minister marched with an army to Dowluka, where they were opposed by Alum Khan, who making a desperate charge on the advance of the enemy dispersed it; but on penetrating to the main body, after a bloody action he was obliged to retreat, not having more than five horsemen left with him. In this dilemma, however, he had presence of mind to escape without notice, and reaching the fort of Dowluka, circulated a report that Duria Khan being defeated had fled to Ahmudabad, but that as part of his army still remained firm, it became necessary to secure the gates of the fort. Duria Khan's officers hearing he had fled, lost no time in going over to the opposite party; and he, who conceived he had gained a victory, was surprised to discover that many of his officers had joined the King. Finding affairs had taken this unfavourable turn, Duria Khan conceived it prudent to retire to Boorhanpoor, from whence he eventually joined Sheer Shah at Dehly. Alum Khan, seeing himself without rivals, thought of nothing else than of usurping the crown of Guzerat; but the King, penetrating his design, obliged him to fly, and he also joined Sheer Shah. The King having now recovered his authority, caused a city to be built within twelve coss of Ahmud-abad, and called it Mahmoodabad, but the place was never completed.

In this reign the fort of Surat, on the shore of the sea of Ooman, was completed by Suffy Agha Toork, commonly called Khoodabunda Khan, before which time the Europeans were in the habit of attacking the Mahomedans along that coast. They made several attempts to prevent the building of the fort of Surat, and even brought armed vessels to effect their purpose, but they were generally defeated. The work is strong and well constructed. On the two sides opposed to the land is a ditch sixty feet wide; and the curtain, which is sixty feet high, has a rampart thirty-five yards in width. The whole of the masonry is connected either by bars of iron or lead. Within the town is a beautiful building four stories high, which the Hindoos call Chowkunda, and the Europeans compare it to a Portuguese palace. Finding they could not prevent by force the construction of the fort, the Portuguese offered large sums of money to induce Khoodabunda Khan not to fortify Surat, but their gold was rejected. Mah-mood Shah reigned without opposition till the

year 961, when he was put to death by Dowlut, at the instigation of one Boorhan, while reposing on his couch. The cause which led to this transaction will be found in the following account of the life and adventures of Boorhan: —

Boorhan was the Pesh Nimaz (private chaplain) of Mahmood Shah. The King having reason to be offended with him caused him to be built up in a mud-wall, leaving his head only exposed, with the intention of allowing him to be starved to death. Shortly after, the King passing the place, his eyes fell on Boorhan, and being still alive he made a bow, which induced the King to order him to be dug out; but the contraction of the clay and long fasting had reduced him, and bruised him to that degree that it became necessary to preserve him for a considerable time in cotton, during which the King's physicians attended him until he recovered. In spite of the King's mercy, however, Boorhan always bore malice against his sovereign, and secretly sought his life. Sometime after, during a hunting excursion, the King again became offended with Boorhan. As it is customary in the courts of all monarchs to be in favour at one time and in the back-ground at another, Boorhan was again submitted to degradation, and a second time pardoned. On his return from hunting one day the King lay down on a couch, and it occurred to Boorhan that the present afforded a favourable opportunity for revenge. This officer while in favour at court was intrusted with the command of a band of two hundred men, called the Tiger-killers, no man being embodied in that corps who had not killed a tiger. With this band he hoped to have his revenge, and suggested to his own nephew, Dowlut, that it would be easy to kill the King while asleep, and by that means Boor-han hoped to ascend the throne of Guzerat.

Dowlut assenting to the proposal, and being in the habit of combing the King's hair, which he wore very long, he made preparations for fumigating it according to custom; but finding that the King slept soundly, he tied his locks to the bedpost, and severed his head from his body. The deed being done, Boorhan conceiving he might now reach the throne, took measures accordingly; and having ordered, in the King's name, ten of the tiger-killers into a private apartment, gave them instructions to put to death all who came in. The first persons summoned were Khoodabunda Khan and Asuf Khan, who the moment they entered were put to death. The executioners supposed they acted by the King's orders, and the nobles imagined they were going to a private audience. Many officers thus fell victims to the snare, till at length Etimad Khan being sent for, he refused to go, as also Afzul Khan, an old nobleman, upwards of seventy years of age. Boorhan pretending that the King was offended with Khoodabunda Khan and Asuf Khan, had ordered them to be executed, and stated that Mahmood Shah had appointed Afzul Khan prime minister. To support this assertion he sent Afzul Khan an honorary dress; but the old man, suspecting treachery, refused to wear it till he saw the King. On this, Boorhan, taking him into the private apartment, where the King lay weltering in his blood, said, “Thus have I “slain him, and thus have I killed many of the “most powerful nobles, but I now appoint you my “minister.” Afzul Khan was so affected and shocked at the spectacle, that he burst indignantly into the most virulent curses and imprecations on the head of the wretch who addressed him; and Boorhan, stung with shame, and boiling with rage, drew his sword, and slew that venerable nobleman on the spot. The wretch then addressing the executioners, gave them large presents and titles, and himself sat on the throne, apparently glorying in the bloody scene; after which he continued to lavish large sums of money till the following morning. Next day he gave the elephants and horses of the royal stables to fellows of the lowest description, endeavouring by this means to obtain popularity. The death of the King was no sooner known at the capital than Imad-ool-Moolk, Anwur Khan Abyssinian, and many other officers, assembled a force, and marched to dethrone Boorhan, who came forth to oppose them, having the white canopy borne over his head, and followed by the populace on whom he had bestowed the royal treasures. The conflict was short but sanguinary. On the first charge of the cavalry the mob was dispersed; and the assassin, who styled himself Boorhan Shah, was among the slain; after which his body was dragged through the streets at the foot of an elephant. The reign of Mahmood Shah lasted eighteen years, three months, and some days. In the same year, also, died Sulim, the son of Sheer Shah of Dehly, and Nizam Shah, the King of Ah-mudnuggur.

Mahmood Shah was considered a just prince, fond of encouraging literature, particularly punctual in keeping public festivals, and liberal in the distribution of charity.

The most remarkable work of his age is the park wall, ^151a fourteen miles in circumference, on the banks of the Kary, in which was plenty of game, and many pleasure-houses. Mahmood carried his fancy to such lengths, in the embellishments in this park, as to clothe the trunks of many of the trees round the pleasure-houses with green and scarlet velvets. He left no heir, having given positive instructions to all the attendants in the seraglio, that when any of the ladies became pregnant, medicines should be administered to produce abortions, rather than incur the necessity of infanticide after birth; for he conceived this to be the only means of securing himself from the attacks of his children. It is worthy of remark, that he permitted Etimad Khan, originally a Hindoo slave, who persuaded the King he had destroyed his virility by the use of camphor, to reside within the seraglio without restraint.

The following lines, commemorating the date of the death of the three kings who died in this year, were written by the author's father, Gholam Ally Hindoo Shah: —

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Three kings met with destruction in the same year,
By whose wise rule Hind was the abode of prosperity.
The first was Mahmood Shah of Guzerat,
Who like his own state was in his full prime.
The second was Islam Shah, King of Dehly,
Who in his vast domain was a type of Alexander.
The third was Nizam-ool-Moolk Bheiry,
Who in the territory of the Deccan was an example to other
princes.
As to the period when these three sovereigns died,
Why ask it of me? “It was the destruction of kings.”^152a

Ahmud is raised to the throne by Etimad Khan — he imprudently betrays his hatred of his minister and benefactor — is found dead one morning in the streets.

MAHMOOD SHAH having left no heir, and there being no relation on whom the succession might devolve, Etimad Khan resolved, rather than see the kingdom in absolute anarchy, to elevate a youth, whom he asserted to be the son of the Prince Ahmud, formerly governor of Ahmudabad, and declared him the legal successor to the crown, Etimad Khan and Meeran Syud Moobarik Bokhary assuming the titles of protectors. The boy remained in this state of tutelage for five years; after which, having made a friend of the second protector, Meeran Syud Moobarik Khan, he retired to Mah-moodabad, and there, in concert with some military chieftains, put himself at the head of a force, while Etimad Khan and Imad-ool-Moolk, ^153a with several other officers of Ahmudabad, marched to oppose him. The armies met near Mahmoodabad, where Meeran Syud Moobarik Khan being killed, the King was obliged to fly; but he subsequently returned, and having granted jageers to most of the officers with Etimad Khan, became reconciled to that chief. The power assumed by the minister, however, created jealousy in the mind of the nobles, and a confederacy was formed at the instance of the King, at the head of which was Tartar Khan Ghoory and Imad-ool-Moolk, who one day attacked his palace, and planted cannon against it. Etimad Khan flying, made his escape to the country of Poloh, in the suburbs of the Champanere district, where having collected a force, he returned to Ah-mudabad; and through the intervention of some of the officers was again acknowledged prime minister. He received, at the same time, the whole country lying between the sea and Malwa, and the rivers Mehindry and Nurbudda, in jageer. The King could not conceal his animosity against Etimad Khan; and on one occasion drawing his sword he cut a plaintain tree in twain at a blow, and said, “Would to God it had been Etimad “Khan.” Shortly after this, the King was found assassinated, lying at the foot of the palace wall; and a report was spread the next day, that he had been carrying on an intrigue under the windows of some nobleman's house at night, when the master of the house, without knowing him, ran out,

A. H. 969.
A. D. 1561.

fought him, and put him to death. The weak and inglorious reign of Ahmud Shah lasted eight years.

Etimad Khan raises a supposititious son of Mahmood II. to the throne. — The King remains a pageant in the minister's hands. — The kingdom divided among the nobles into seven provinces. — The rulers of each contend for supremacy. — Civil war in Guzerat. — Arrival of the Mirzas, the sons of Mahomed Sooltan Mirza — their extensive power — they are expelled by Chungiz Khan, governor of the southern provinces. — Chungiz Khan dies. — The Mirzas return from Malwa, and re-occupy their estates. — Etimad Khan invites Akbur into Guzerat. — The Mirzas expelled by Akbur. — Their territory occupied. — Moozuffur Shah abdicates the throne, and retires to Agra. — Moozuffur Shah, after nine years, quits Agra, and re-ascends the throne of Guzerat — is expelled, and eventually taken prisoner, and dies.

A. H. 969.
A. D. 1561.

IMMEDIATELY after the death of Ahmud Shah II., in the year 969, Etimad Khan produced a lad named Hubboo, ^155a whom he stated to be the son of Mahmood Shah II.; asserting that his mother had concealed the circumstance of her pregnancy till the fifth month, when the medicines given to produce an abortion having no effect the child was born, but brought up privately; to which facts he procured witnesses to swear. This testimony being received as sufficiently satisfactory, the boy was duly crowned, under the name of Moozuffur Shah III.; and Etimad Khan was appointed sole protector, with the title of Vizier. The kingdom of Guzerat was now subdivided into separate provinces, and allotted to the several officers in the following manner: —

The Puttun district as far south as Kurry was allotted to Moosy Khan and Sheer Khan Folady.

The districts of Radunpoor, Neriad, and Tehr-wara, as far as Moonjpoor, were made over to Futteh Khan Buloch.

The districts between the Saburmutty and Mehindry rivers were reserved by Etimad Khan for himself.

The province of Surat, and the districts of Nandote and Champanere, to Chungiz Khan.

The province of Baroach to Roostoom Khan, the nephew of Chungiz Khan.

The districts of Dowluka and Dundooka to Syud Meeran, the son of Syud Moobarik Khan Bokhary.

The province of Sorut, including the fort of Joonagur, to Ameer Khan Goony, who afterwards withdrew from the confederacy. Matters being thus arranged, Etimad Khan retained Moozuffur Shah as a sort of state-prisoner; but he was daily exhibited at court sitting upon the throne; and though the minister went through the form of saluting him, many of the chiefs refused to do so. Things continued for some time in this state, till at length Chungiz Khan governor of Surat, and Sheer Khan Folady of Puttun, came to reside at the capital. Sometime after a dispute arising between the civil officers of the Puttun and Ra-dunpoor divisions, the governors in support of their servants made war on each other; and the latter chief being defeated, Futteh Khan Buloch joined Etimad Khan at the capital, who immediately marched to attack Sheer Khan Folady. Sheer Khan, unable to oppose him in the field, took shelter in the fort of Puttun, and made overtures for accommodation; but these not being attended to, the inhabitants of Puttun finding they had no remedy resolved to fight; and marching out with less than three thousand cavalry, attacked Etimad Khan's army, consisting of thirty thousand horse, with a desperation for which the latter were unprepared. Etimad Khan's army was defeated, and sought safety in flight. Hajy Khan, an officer who had joined Etimad Khan from Dehly, and who commanded his troops, abandoned his cause, and joined the Foladies. Notwithstanding the defection of Hajy Khan from his party, he demanded to be allowed to enjoy the revenue of his estate, which was in the hands of Etimad Khan. To this the latter refused his assent, till compelled to do so by the Foladies, who marched to occupy it. The Foladies were opposed by Etimad Khan at Chowt'hana, where he was defeated a second time, and fled to Baroach. Etimad Khan now entreated the assistance of Chungiz Khan, through whose mediation a peace was concluded, and Hajy Khan's estate was restored. The reverses which Etimad Khan had sustained induced Chun-giz Khan to write to him on the subject of the person whom he styled Moozuffur Shah, saying, “You have placed upon the throne a boy “whom nobody knows, but whom you declare to “be the son of Mahmood Shah: if this be true, “how is it you prevent his communicating with “any one but yourself, and how do you venture to “sit in his presence, which I am informed you “are in the habit of doing? If, on the other hand, “he is not the son of Moozuffur Shah, by what “authority did you impose upon the nation, by “swearing that he was heir to the crown?” Eti-mad Khan replied, that it was sufficient that he himself knew the circumstances of his birth; observing that Chungiz Khan's father, if alive, could also swear to the facts alleged by him, and to the identity of the King's person; that it therefore behoved him to treat him with the respect which his father had always paid to the late king. Sheer Khan Folady, becoming acquainted with this correspondence, made overtures to Chungiz Khan to seize Etimad Khan, recommending, in the mean time, that no measures of hostility should yet be undertaken. Chungiz Khan, who had now become acquainted with the timidity of Etimad Khan's character, despised him, and merely demanded an increased portion of territory to support the troops which had collected about him. Etimad Khan, unwilling to refuse, pointed out to him the district of Nundoorbar, on the banks of the Tapty, which had been usurped by the ruler of Kandeish during the late anarchy in Guzerat; observing that the King was entitled to recover it, either by negotiation or by force. The object of Eti-mad Khan was to get rid of the importunities of Chungiz Khan, and to direct his attention towards Kandeish instead of Guzerat; hoping that he would be induced, if successful, to attempt the conquest of Kandeish, or if unsuccessful, that he might be subdued: in either of which cases Etimad Khan would get rid of a formidable rival. Chungiz Khan caught at the

A. H. 974.
A. D. 1566.

idea; and having occupied Nundoorbar in the year 974, was tempted to march on to Talnere, where he learned that Mahomed Shah Farooky, the son of Meeran Moo-barik Shah, accompanied by Toofal Khan, governor of Berar, was in full march to oppose him. Chungiz Khan occupied a strong position among the broken ground and heights near Talnere, and placed his artillery and his baggage carts in the roads which run along the ravines leading towards it. ^159a Meeran Moobarik Shah Farooky arrived at daylight, but delayed attacking till he had reconnoitred Chungiz Khan's position, whom he could by no means induce to quit his advantageous post. At night, however, he commenced his retreat towards Baroach, and was so closely pursued by the Kandeish troops, that all his baggage and artillery fell into their hands. Nundoorbar was immediately retaken, and a strong garrison placed therein. At this period the sons of Mahomed Sooltan Mirza, five in number, who had been confined in the fort of Sumbhul,

A. H. 975.
A. D. 1567.

by order of Akbur Padshah, when that monarch marched in the year 975 for the purpose of subduing Malwa, now made their escape, and sought an asylum with Chungiz Khan at Baroach. In this history they are styled The Mirzas: ^160a their names are as follow: —

Mahomed Hoossein Mirza,
Ibrahim Hoossein Mirza,
Musaood Hoossein Mirza,
Alugh Mirza,
Shah Mirza.

Chungiz Khan conceived that by receiving among his dependents these fugitives he should add to the respectability of his government, and did not hesitate to enrol them among the number of his officers, assigning to them estates out of his own district; and sometime afterwards he marched, accompanied by the Mirzas, to subvert the power of Etimad Khan at the capital. In the first instance he took possession of Baroda without opposition; and having arrived at Mahmood-abad, within fifteen coss of Ahmudabad, he wrote to Etimad Khan, saying, —

“It is well known to all the world that my “attack on Talnere was in consequence of your “advice, and my defeat on that occasion arose “from your withholding reinforcements. I now “write to inform you, that I am thus far on my “road to pay my respects to the King; and “as it seems likely, if you are in the city “of Ahmudabad on my arrival, quarrels may “ensue between our soldiers even in the streets, “I recommend, in order to prevent the oc-“currence of such an event, that you imme-“diately quit the capital and retire to your own “estates, permitting the King to retain around his “person such people only as may be most ac-“ceptable to him.” Etimad Khan, previously to the receipt of this communication, had collected the army, and marched, with Moozuffur Shah at its head, to the town of Kunoory, twelve miles from Mahmoodabad, where his and Chungiz Khan's troops met; but Etimad Khan is said to have been so dismayed at the appearance of Chungiz Khan's force, that he fled to Dongurpoor before the cavalry had even drawn their swords; and his officers, no doubt approving his conduct, followed his good example, and took different routes. A few only remained with the King, and escorted him back to Ahmudabad. Chungiz Khan marching on encamped at Butwa; and the King on the next day flying from his capital, Chungiz Khan entered and took possession. Sheer Khan Folady, who had formerly concerted with Chungiz Khan the downfall of Etimad Khan, apprehensive that the whole of the latter chief's estates would fall into the hands of the former, insisted on an equal partition, and marched to enforce his demand. Chungiz Khan, deeming it imprudent to dispute the point with Sheer Khan, ceded to him all the country westward of the Saburmutty. Meeran Mahomed Khan, who had defeated Chungiz Khan at Talnere, ventured now to penetrate into the centre of Guzerat, and arrived without opposition within a few miles of the capital. Chungiz Khan, however, having attacked and completely defeated him, compelled him to retreat to Aseer. After this event, Chungiz Khan gave up the territory contiguous to Baroach for the support of the Dehly princes, who were shortly after joined by Shurf-ood-Deen Hoossein Mirza, the son-in-law of Hoomayoon Padshah, and who had lately escaped from the court of Akbur. It was not long before the Mirzas began to complain that the estates allotted to them were insufficient for their support, and seized on other places without consulting Chungiz Khan; and he was obliged to oppose them with ten thousand men. The Mirzas did not hesitate to meet this force; and having defeated it, followed up their success, and took many prisoners, both Abyssinians and Guze-ratties. Those who were young and beardless were retained as personal attendants, and the more aged were put to death under the most cruel and indecent tortures; some few only were permitted to depart alive. The Mirzas, however, perceiving that Chungiz Khan was making serious preparations to attack them, marched to Boorhanpoor, and having plundered it, proceeded thence into Malwa. The remaining part of the history of the Mirzas has been related in its proper place. ^162a Shortly after this event, the officers who held the person of the King in subjection delivered him over to Etimad Khan at Dongurpoor, and remained some time with him; but his reduced circumstances having prevented his complying with the demands they made on him, they left Dongurpoor; and Hijaz Khan, Alugh Khan, and Seif-ool-Moolk, with some others, going to Ahmudabad, joined Chungiz Khan. Some time afterwards, a confidential servant informed these officers that Chungiz Khan intended to invite them to play at chowgan ^163a on the next day, when he proposed to seize and put them to death. “If,” said they, “Chungiz Khan should go “to the palace, and send for you there, your cases “will be more desperate, since you will then have “no opportunity to make your escape.” The chiefs had scarcely obtained this information, when a servant of Chungiz Khan entering, said that his excellency proposed going out on the following day to play chowgan, and that he requested they would all be of the party. The officers who had lately abandoned Etimad Khan now concerted measures for their own safety; and on the next day, when they attended at the palace to accompany Chungiz Khan to the chowgan plain, Hijaz Khan took the right hand, and Alugh Khan the left, as they entered the play-ground, when giving each other a nod, Hijaz Khan drew his sword, and galloping up to Chungiz Khan, with a single blow struck off his head. The persons engaged in this transaction were, for the most part, Abyssinians. They immediately left the play-ground, and retiring to their own houses, prepared to oppose Chungiz Khan's party; but his nephew, Roostoom Khan, having collected the troops, caused the corpse of his uncle to be raised on his own elephant, and retired to Baroach, while the successful Abys-synians, plundering the palace, wrote to Etimad Khan, inviting him to join them from Dongur-poor. Etimad Khan shortly after arrived with the King. The Mirzas, who had taken possession of part of the Malwa territory, on hearing of the death of Chungiz Khan, marched to re-occupy the countries of Surat and Baroach. Roostoom Khan defended the estates for two years, but was at last obliged to come to terms with them. On the first intimation of the advance of the Mirzas, Etimad Khan wrote to Sheer Khan Folady of Puttun, asking his advice; on which it was agreed that an army, consisting of three divisions, should be immediately assembled to expel them: that the first division should proceed in advance under Alugh Khan, an Abyssinian; the second under Etimad Khan, and the reserve under Sheer Khan Folady, to bring up the rear. The first division, under Alugh Khan, marched to Mahmoodabad, but Etimad Khan, with his accustomed cowardice, threw obstacles in the progress of the second corps, which he commanded, and refused to move; and Alugh Khan and the Abyssinians, disgusted at his pusillanimity, resolved to provide for themselves, by seizing on the districts of Cambay and Pitlaud. This measure, however, was frustrated by a quarrel which ensued between Alugh Khan and Hijaz Khan. The crafty Etimad Khan, taking advantage of this circumstance, induced Hijaz Khan to come to Ahmudabad, and to leave Alugh Khan to join Sheer Khan Folady. Amid these dissensions the King fled from Ahmudabad, and joined the Foladies at Gheiaspoor, near Sur-kech. Etimad Khan now proposed to Sheer Khan that they should invite the Mirzas, then at Baroach, to assume the reins of government; but Sheer Khan not assenting, Etimad Khan sent an agent to Akbur Padshah of Dehly, inviting him to occupy Guzerat, and add it to the territory of Dehly, as in former times. Akbur

A. H. 980.
A. D. 1572.

having at this period, viz. A. H. 980, reached Nagoor on his march to the southward, detached Peer Mahomed Khan to reduce Sirohy, where he was met by the Guzerat agents, upon which he lost no time in advancing on the capital of that kingdom. Sheer Khan Folady fled, and the Mirzas, who were at Ahmudabad, retired to Baroda and Baroach. Etimad Khan, and Alugh Khan the Abyssinian, alone had the honour of kissing the King's hands, and were enrolled in the list of the Dehly nobility;

Rujub 14.
A. H. 980.
Nov. 20.
A. D. 1572.

while the kingdom of Guzerat was dissolved and re-united to Dehly, as a province of the empire of Hindoostan, on the 14th of Rujub, of the year 980.

Moozuffur Shah abdicated his throne in favour of Akbur, and was sent to Agra in the first instance, but was subsequently given over in charge to Moonyim Khan, to accompany that nobleman on his assuming charge of the government of Bengal. Akbur, however, shortly after, remanded Moo-zuffur Shah into close confinement; from which he not only effected his escape, but flying into Guzerat, collected a respectable force, attacked the viceroy, Kootb-ood-Deen Khan, and slew him in action; and after an imprisonment of nearly nine years re-ascended the throne of Guzerat. His reign was, however, of short duration; for

A. H. 991.
A. D. 1583.

in the year 991, Akbur having deputed Mirza Khan, Khan Khanan, the son of Beiram Khan, to retake the kingdom of Guzerat, Moozuffur Shah was defeated in a pitched battle, and fled to Joonagur. The checkered and unfortunate reign of Moo-zuffur Shah lasted for thirteen years and some months (exclusive of nine years' confinement), and his downfall terminated the dynasty of the Mahome-dan kings of Guzerat; since which period that kingdom has been considered as a province of Dehly, and the Emperor appoints a governor from his own court.

To face page 167. Vol. IV.]

>genealogy<

The origin of his coming to Malwa explained. — He receives Mahmood Toghluk of Dehly after his expulsion by Tamerlane. — Mahmood returns to his capital. — Dilawur assumes the title of Shah, and causes himself to be acknowledged King of Malwa. — Death of Dilawur Shah Ghoory.

THE country of Malwa is extensive, and according to the best authorities has always been governed by independent rajas. It is bounded on the south by the river Nurbudda, on the north it has the Chumbul; ^167a to the west is Guzerat, and on the east are the districts of Bundelkund and Gurra Mundla. The Hindoo histories go back as far as the reign of Bikramajeet†, ^167b after whom reigned Raja Bhoj and many others, who are all mentioned among the rajas of Hindoostan. During the reign of Gheias-ood-Deen Bulbun of Dehly, in the year

A. H. 710.
A. D. 1310.

710, the Mahomedans first invaded and conquered the province of Malwa; after which it acknowledged allegiance to

A. H. 789.
A. D. 1387.

that crown until the reign of Maho-med II., the son of Feroze Toghluk, A. H. 789.

At this period Dilawur Khan Ghoory, whose real name was Hussun, a descendant on his mother's side from Sooltan Shahab-ood-Deen Ghoory of Damascus, was appointed governor of Malwa, previously to the accession of Mahomed the son of Feroze, and he subsequently established his independence. After him eleven princes reigned until the time of Hoomayoon Padshah, in the year 977 (A. D. 1569), at which period Bahadur Shah of Guzerat, and, some years after, Akbur Padshah, made incursions into Malwa; and the latter eventually subdued the kingdom, and attached it again to the Dehly government.

Dilawur Khan on assuming independence took up his residence at D'har, and very shortly afterwards brought under his subjection all the petty rajas of the province; but although he considered D'har as the seat of his government, he frequently visited the city of Mando, remaining there sometimes for months together.

A. H. 801.
A. D. 1398. In the year 801, Mahmood Toghluk being driven from his throne by Ameer Teimoor Korkan, made his escape from Dehly and fled to Guzerat; but not being received by Moozuffur Shah in the manner he expected, he became disgusted, and sought protection in Malwa. On his arrival at the frontier, Dilawur Khan sent some of his relations, and the most respectable officers of his government, to meet the exiled monarch, and to pay him such attentions as were due to the elevated situation from which he had so lately fallen. On his approach within three marches of D'har, Dilawur Khan himself went forward, and meeting him, accompanied him to his capital, where he proffered for his acceptance all his wealth, both in specie and in jewels; declaring they were much at his service, and that both he and all his family considered themselves his Majesty's subjects. Alp Khan, the son of Dilawur Khan, disapproving of these acts of courtesy, quitted D'har on the first intimation of his father's intentions, and retired to Mando, where he remained during the residence of Mahmood Toghluk in Malwa. It was at this time he laid the foundation of that celebrated fortress which was afterwards completed by him. The work is constructed of solid masonry, and is deemed one of the strongest fortifications in that part of the world.

A. H. 804.
A. D. 1401. In the year 804 Mahmood Toghluk, at the instance of the Dehly nobles, quitted Malwa, in order to resume the reins of his own government, taking from Dilawur Khan such a quantity of money and jewels as he deemed requisite. On his departure, Alp Khan returned and joined his father at D'har, after an absence of nearly three years. Dilawur Khan, at the instance of his son, shortly afterwards assumed royal state and titles; such as the white canopy and scarlet pavilion, and coining money: he caused public prayers to be read in his name.

It is said that the grandfather of Dilawur Khan came from Ghoor, and held a high office under the Dehly government; that his father was enrolled among the nobility, and received a title; and that Dilawur Khan himself attained the highest rank in the reign of Feroze Toghluk. During that of his successor, Mahomed, he was nominated to the government of Malwa; and in the reign

A. H. 804.
A. D. 1401.

of Mahmood, in the year 804, he assumed royalty, and divided his kingdom into estates among his officers, whom he ennobled. Dilawur Khan only survived his assumption of the royal titles four years; for

A. H. 808.
A. D. 1405.

in the year 808 he died suddenly; and some historians have even asserted that he was poisoned by his eldest son and successor; but the accusation seems unsupported by any well-authenticated proof, and has been, in consequence, generally doubted.

Ascends his father's throne — is accused of poisoning his father — is attacked by Moozuffur Shah I. King of Guzerat — is taken prisoner, and the government placed in the hands of Noosrut Khan. — The inhabitants of Malwa revolt from Noosrut Khan, who is obliged to fly. — Sooltan Hooshung is released, and restored to his throne — he invades Guzerat, and supports a pretender to the crown. — Ahmud Shah invades Malwa. — Battle of Sarungpoor. — Retreat of Ahmud Shah. Sooltan Hooshung besieges Gualiar — besieges Kalpy, and makes the governor submit to his authority — wrests Kehrla out of the hands of the Hindoo raja. — Sooltan Hooshung appoints his son, Ghizny Khan, his successor, and dies.

AFTER the death of his father, Alp Khan assumed the title of King of Malwa, under the name of Sooltan Hooshung Ghoory, and the nobles coming to court, paid their allegiance; but a rumour being prevalent at the time, that his father had been assassinated by him, ^171a Moozuffur Shah of Guzerat, in consideration of the intimacy which had subsisted between him and the late king, marched against Sooltan Hooshung; and in the beginning

A. H. 810.
A. D. 1407.

of the year 810, Moozuffur Shah reached the fort of D'har without resistance, where Sooltan Hooshung opposed him. The armies came to action on the plain in front of the town, and engaged with mutual ardour; on which occasion Moozuffur Shah was wounded, and Sooltan Hooshung was unhorsed; but the troops still continued to fight desperately, till at length fickle fortune, who does not always favour the bravest, turned the scale in favour of Guzerat. Sooltan Hooshung threw himself into the fort of D'har, wherein he was closely besieged by the Guzeratties; but conceiving himself unable to cope with success against Moozuffur Shah, he surrendered at discretion.

Sooltan Hooshung was delivered over in charge to some of the Guzerat nobles, and Noosrut Khan, ^172a the victorious King's brother, was left in charge of the government of Malwa, with a strong detachment from the Guzerat force; and the Malwa troops were directed to obey him as their leader. Moozuffur Shah then retired to Guzerat. Noosrut Khan, extorting large sums of money, and otherwise oppressing the inhabitants, created universal disaffection; so that Moozuffur Shah had scarcely retired from Malwa when Noosrut Khan, apprehensive of remaining longer in D'har, commenced his retreat to Guzerat; while the Malwa army, taking advantage of the circumstance, attacked and destroyed part of his force. The Malwites, however, dreading the vengeance of Moozuffur Shah, abandoned D'har, and took refuge in Mando, where they considered themselves safe, and created Moosy Khan, nephew of the late Dilawur Khan, their leader. When this information reached Guzerat, Sooltan Hooshung, although a state-prisoner, wrote a letter with his own hand to Moozuffur Shah, saying, “Considering your Majesty as my “father and uncle, I am induced thus to address “you. The insinuations with which interested “persons have assailed your royal ear, I take “God to witness, are false. It is now reported “that the chiefs of Malwa, forgetting their duty “to the respectable Noosrut Khan, have insulted “him by electing Moosy Khan as their leader, “and that having usurped the control over the “territory of Malwa, they breathe the spirit of de-“fiance. If your Majesty will condescend to raise “me from the dust to which I have fallen, it is pos-“sible that I may recover the usurped dominion.” Moozuffur Shah, after imposing certain conditions on Sooltan Hooshung, released him from confinement, and ordered his grandson, the Prince Ahmud,

A. H. 811.
A. D. 1408.

to reinstate him on his throne. In the year 811, Prince Ahmud, accompanied by Sooltan Hooshung, left Guzerat, and proceeded direct to D'har, which they soon reduced; and having reinstated Sooltan Hooshung in his authority, the Prince Ahmud returned to Guzerat. Sooltan Hooshung remained for some days in the city of D'har, where being shortly after joined by many of the Malwa officers, he sent communications to those in Mando, many of whom rejoiced at his arrival, and were ready to join him; but their families being in the fort they were unwilling to abandon them, and were, therefore, unable immediately to form that junction which they so much desired. Sooltan Hooshung collected a small force and laid siege to Mando; but having lost a number of men without gaining any advantage, he conceived it better to disperse his army into separate detachments, in order to occupy the towns in the different districts.

In the mean time, Mullik Mogheis, the cousin of Sooltan Hooshung, held a private consultation with Mullik Khizr, commonly called Meean Agha, saying, “Notwithstanding Moosy Khan is a fine “young man, and is also my cousin, yet in point of “courage, ability, and good judgment, Hooshung “has borne away the palm from the rest of the “family. We have the means of putting him in pos-“session of the throne, and I am desirous of pro-“moting the object, both on account of his cha-“racter and claims, as well as on account of my “affection for him, for he was brought up prin-“cipally under my own mother's charge.” Meean Agha approving of the measure, they both quitted the fort during the night, and came direct to Sooltan Hooshung, who appointed Mullik Mogheis his minister and deputy during his absence, if such ever took place again. Moosy Khan having learned what had occurred, and despairing of maintaining his authority, abandoned the fort to Sooltan Hooshung, who assumed the government of Malwa.

A. H. 813.
A. D. 1410. In the year 813, Moozuffur Shah of Guzerat dying, his grandson, the Prince Ahmud, succeeded to the throne, according to the will of his grandsire. On this occasion Feroze Khan and Heibut Khan, sons ^175a of the late king, and uncles to Ahmud Shah, having determined to oppose him, raised troops in Baroach, and invited Sooltan Hooshung to march to their assistance. Hooshung, unmindful of the generosity of Moozuffur Shah, and forgetting the personal obligations he owed to Ahmud Shah, recollected only the first cause of the invasion of Malwa, and therefore resolved to march and lay waste part of Guzerat. Ahmud Shah having taken timely precautions, marched with a large force direct to Baroach, where the pretender and his brother were reduced to throw themselves on his mercy, while Sooltan Hooshung returned immediately to D'har. But so restless was the disposition of this prince, or so inveterate his enmity to the King of Guzerat, that he shortly afterwards involved himself in a new war.

A. H. 816.
A. D. 1413. In the year 816, having heard that Ahmud Shah had marched against the Raja of Julwara, and invested his capital, Sooltan Hooshung, in spite of the gratitude he owed the King of Guzerat, led an army into his territory, and laid it waste. Ahmud Shah for the present postponed the attack on Julwara, and sent his troops to the east, towards Champanere, when Sooltan Hooshung fled with precipitation to Malwa. At this period, Mullik Nuseer, the elder son of the late ruler of Kan-deish, having seized on Talnere, the hereditary estate of his younger brother, Mahomed Iftikhar, the latter solicited the aid of Sooltan Hooshung, who sent his son Ghizny Khan with fifteen hundred cavalry to the south, when having secured the fort of Talnere, he proceeded to attack Sooltanpoor, a district of Guzerat; but on the approach of Ahmud Shah, the Prince of Malwa retreated. Ahmud Shah had no sooner gone to Sooltanpoor than the rajas of Guzerat, particularly those of Julwara, Champanere, Nandote, and Idur, taking advantage of his absence, wrote letters to Sooltan Hooshung, saying, that although they had not succeeded in their last attempt, yet if he would now invade Guzerat, they were prepared to assist him with all their forces; promising, at the same time, that they would furnish guides to lead his army by an unfrequented route into the centre of Guzerat, without Ah-mud Shah's knowledge. Sooltan Hooshung, resolved to wipe away the stain which his character had sustained in his late unsuccessful invasion of Guzerat, collected his army, and

A. H. 821.
A. D. 1418.

marching in the year 821, entered the country by the route of Mahrasa. Meanwhile, Ahmud Shah having reached Sooltanpoor, Ghizny Khan fled precipitately to Malwa, and Mullik Nuseer to Aseer; but Ahmud Shah was surprised to hear that the King of Malwa had in the interim arrived at Mahrasa. Without a moment's delay, Ahmud Shah commenced his return to Guzerat, in spite of the heavy rain which fell at that time; and by rapid marches arrived in the vicinity of his capital, before information of his approach was brought to Sooltan Hooshung by the rajas. He accordingly sent for those chiefs at whose invitation he had entered into the confederacy, and accused them of treachery in concealing from him the fact of Ahmud Shah's near approach, and made their silence an excuse to retreat by the same route he had advanced, abandoning the rajas, and leaving them to make their way to their different districts, overwhelmed with chagrin and disappointment. On Ahmud Shah's arrival at Mahrasa he halted only a sufficient time to refresh his troops, and then marching into Malwa, he penetrated as far as the town of Calliada near Oojein. Here he was opposed by Sooltan Hooshung, who was defeated, and fled to Mando, pursued by the Guzerat cavalry to the very gates of the fort, while Ahmud Shah followed as far as Nalcha. At this place he halted for some time, sending his light cavalry to scour the country, aware that the fort of Mando was too strong for him to attack with success. Ahmud Shah, therefore, conceived it prudent to confine his operations to D'har, to which place he marched; thence he intended to return to Oojein, but the rainy season setting in, his ministers advised him to defer the conquest of Malwa till the next year, when the campaign

A. H. 822.
A. D. 1419.

might be opened under every advantage; so that he returned to Guzerat in the year 822.

Sooltan Hooshung had long evinced great partiality towards Mullik Mahmood, the son of his cousin Mullik Mogheis, and was at this time induced to confer on him the title of Khan, and the office of his father's deputy. He also directed that whenever he should take the field this young man should accompany him, while Mullik Mog-heis remained at the capital. In the latter end of the year, Ahmud Shah returned for the purpose of completing the conquest of Malwa; but on Sooltan Hooshung sending ambassadors with magnificent presents to appease his wrath, he accepted terms, and returned to Ahmudabad.

A. H. 823.
A. D. 1420. In the year 823, Sooltan Hooshung marched to the fort of Kehrla, on the frontier of Berar, and the Raja, Nursing Ray, opposed him with an army of fifty thousand men. A severe action ensued, wherein the Mahomedans were victorious; and Nursing Ray being slain, they besieged the fort of Sarungur, and took eighty-four elephants, together with all the Ray's treasures. Nursing Ray's son, being in this fort, signed a treaty, by which he consented to pay an annual tribute to the King of Malwa, after which the latter returned to Mando laden with booty.

A. H. 825.
A. D. 1421. In the year 825 he left Mando with one thousand chosen cavalry, assuming the character of a merchant, and marched to Jajnuggur, one month's journey from Malwa. In order the better to conceal his object, he took with him horses of different colours; viz. bright bay, bright chestnut, and different shades of grey, such as the Prince of Jajnug-gur was known to admire most, and many other kinds of merchandise considered scarce in his country, which the King intended to barter for elephants. The pretended merchants having arrived, the Raja, according to the custom of his country, intimated his intention first of all to inspect the linen goods, and then either to purchase them with money, or to barter elephants for them. The appointed day arrived, and the goods were spread out on the ground; but on account of the heavy appearance of the weather, Sooltan Hooshung told the people that the articles would be damaged if rain came on. The Raja's servants, however, insisted on their remaining exposed till their master came; at the same time, the horses also were all saddled for inspection. The Raja at length arrived, and a thunder-storm coming on shortly after, the elephants of his cavalcade trampled over the merchandise, which was much damaged. Sooltan Hooshung, smarting under the loss he had sustained, ordered his followers to mount, and without hesitation attacked the Raja's escort, many of whom were slain, and the Prince himself taken prisoner; after which Sooltan Hooshung informed him of his real rank. Thus situated, the Raja of Jaj-nuggur purchased his liberty with seventy-five large elephants; but Sooltan Hooshung obliged him, as a measure of precaution, to accompany him as far as the confines of his country, whence he permitted him to return, but not without having received from him a few more of his finest elephants. ^179a On his approach to Malwa, Sooltan Hooshung, hearing that Ahmud Shah of Guzerat had invaded the kingdom, and was now absolutely employed in the attack of Mando, entertained fears for the fate of the capital. On his arrival at Kehrla he induced the Raja to join him with his troops, after which Hooshung seized his person, and placed him in close confinement, by which means the King secured the fort of Kehrla, and left a garrison of his own troops therein, in order to ensure a position to fall back upon in case Mando should fall. Having taken these steps he marched to Mando, and entered the fort by the Tarapoor gate, on the south face. This fortification being one of the most extraordinary in the world, I think it proper in this place to give some description of it. It is built on the summit of an insulated mountain, said to be nineteen coss in circumference (28 miles). The place of a regular ditch is supplied by a deep ravine, formed by nature round the fortification, which is so deep that it seems impossible to take the fort by regular approaches. Within the fort is abundance of water and forage, though there is not sufficient space for the purposes of cultivation. Any army besieging Mando must confine its operations chiefly to blockading the roads; for it is scarcely possible to invest a place of such extent. Many of the roads from the fort are steep, and difficult of access. That leading to the south, known by the name of the Tarapoor gate, is so rough and steep that cavalry can with difficulty be led up, and on whatever side it is approached a pass must be surmounted; so that the enemy's force, though it occupies the several accessible roads, is necessarily divided, and one party may be cut off without receiving assistance from another. The road on the north leading to the Dehly gate is by far the most easy of access. Ahmud Shah, finding it useless to besiege a fort of this nature, sent out detachments from the army to occupy the surrounding country, himself marching through Oojein towards Sarungpoor. Sooltan Hooshung took advantage of his retreat to make forced marches by a more direct route; and reaching Sa-rungpoor before him, he sent a communication to the King of Guzerat, in order to delay his approach, saying, “The blood of the faithful depends on us; “let us restrain, then, our hands from mutually “destroying the true believers. I beseech you, “therefore, to desist from this warfare, and return “to Guzerat; meanwhile let hostilities cease, and “receive my ambassador with the usual offerings, “who has power to conclude an eternal peace “between us.” Ahmud Shah, relying with confidence on so solemn an appeal, neglected the ordinary military precautions necessary in an enemy's

Mohurrum 14.
A. H. 826.
Dec. 29.
A. D. 1422.

country; and Sooltan Hooshung, availing himself of the circumstance, marched with his army on the 14th of Mohurrum, in the year 826, and made a night-attack upon the Guzerat camp; the consequence was, that many of the Guzeratties were killed without opposition. The Malwites penetrated to the royal pavilion of Ahmud Shah, which was guarded by five hundred Rajpoots under the command of Savunt Ray, Raja of Dun-dooka, afterwards known by the name of the Kurry Raja. These brave men fought desperately, and were nearly all destroyed. Their gallantry alone enabled Ahmud Shah to make his escape under cover of the night; but he remained on the skirts of the camp, actively employed in collecting his dispersed soldiers, and at day-break he led a small but resolute party against the victorious Malwites. Sooltan Hooshung behaved with great bravery, and fought desperately: both he and Ahmud Shah were wounded; but the King of Malwa, on whom the face of victory never smiled, was defeated, and threw himself into the fort of Sarungpoor. Ahmud Shah, by this event, not only recovered all the property he had lost, but in addition took twenty elephants from Sooltan Hoo-shung, besides seven of those he had lately brought from Jajnuggur, and which conveyed his treasure.

Rubbee-oos-
Sany 4.
A. H. 826.
March 16.
A. D. 1423. On the 4th of Rubbee-oos-Sany Ah-mud Shah commenced his retreat towards Guzerat; and Sooltan Hooshung, elated by this movement, pursued and harassed the rear of his army daily. He compelled him at length to halt, and await the result of an action. The Malwites at first succeeded in breaking one wing of the Guzerat line; but it was so well supported by Ahmud Shah in person, that he repelled the onset, and was at length victorious, obliging Sooltan Hoo-shung to fly to Sarungpoor. The Malwa army lost, in killed, wounded, and missing, on this occasion, four thousand nine hundred men; and Ahmud Shah reached his frontier without further molestation. Sooltan Hooshung repaired to Man-do, and recruited his defeated army. With respect to the journey of Sooltan Hooshung to Jajnuggur, a different account is given of it by one historian; but as I conceive that narrative not to be so authentic as this, and having given both accounts at length in my Guzerat history, I shall content myself with what has been already said on this subject.

Sooltan Hooshung, having recruited his forces, marched to besiege the fort of Gagrone, which shortly fell into his hands; from thence he proceeded to attack Gualiar, and had closely invested it for one month, when he heard that Syud Moobarik, the son of Khizr Khan, was on his march to the assistance of the Raja, by way of Byana. Having raised the siege, Sooltan Hoo-shung advanced as far as Dholpoor to meet him, when, after a few days' negotiation, a peace was concluded, mutual presents were exchanged, and both returned to their respective countries.

A. H. 832.
A. D. 1428. In the year 832, Ahmud Shah Bah-muny, King of the Deccan, made an attack on the fort of Kehrla with a large force. Sooltan Hooshung obtaining information of this event from the late Nursing Ray's son, marched to his assistance; but the Deccanies, hearing of his approach, commenced their retreat, and were pursued by the King of Malwa. Ahmud Shah Bahmuny, however, being hard pressed, caused the army to move on by rapid marches, and remained in the rear with a select body of troops. At length the Deccanies offered Sooltan Hooshung battle. The conflict was not declined; but Ahmud Shah Bahmuny remained in ambush with a select body of cavalry. The King of Malwa (as had been anticipated) attacked the main body with fury, but was steadily received by the Deccanies; and being unprepared for the ambuscade into which he had been drawn by his enemy, was attacked in the rear, and his troops, according to custom, fled in great disorder, leaving in the hands of the enemy all their heavy baggage, and the followers of the army. Among the latter were the females of Sooltan Hooshung's family; to whom, after treating them with every respect, and allowing them a few days' rest, Ahmud Shah Bahmuny gave an escort of five hundred cavalry, with orders to convey them back to Mando.

A. H. 835.
A. D. 1434. In the year 835, Sooltan Hooshung marched for the purpose of taking the fortress of Kalpy, then in charge of one Abdool Kadur, a Dehly officer. On arriving within a few miles of the place, he heard that Ibrahim Shah Shurky of Joonpoor was also on his march to reduce Kalpy; and conceiving it necessary to defeat him in the first instance, Sooltan Hooshung marched to oppose him. The Malwa and Joonpoor armies were within sight of each other, and a battle was hourly expected, when Ibrahim Shah Shurky (hearing that Syud Moo-barik, King of Dehly, was on his march to attack Joonpoor,) commenced his retreat to his capital without delay, leaving Sooltan Hooshung to return to Kalpy, which shortly after surrendered. Having ordered public prayers to be read in his name, and having received homage from Abdool Kadur, Sooltan Hooshung delivered over the charge of the government to him, as before, and returned to Malwa. On the road, he obtained information that a band of daring freebooters from the Jam hills had taken up their abode at the Houz-i-Bheem, and infested the country of Malwa. He consequently marched in that direction; and having destroyed the Houz-i-Bheem, he returned to Mando, from whence he proceeded to Hooshung-abad, where he remained during the rainy season.

It is related, that about this period Sooltan Hooshung, being one day on a hunting-party, lost a ruby from his tiara. On the third day it was found and brought to him by a foot-passenger, who received five hundred tunkas for his honesty. Sooltan Hooshung observed, “This circumstance “puts me in mind of a similar event which hap-“pened to Feroze Toghluk, King of Dehly, pre-“viously to his death. One day that king having “lost a ruby from off his head on a hunting-“party, gave five hundred tunkas to a peasant “who found it. Sometime after, Feroze said, “‘This is a hint to me to prepare for my long “journey into the other world, when I must part “with all the rubies and other jewels which I pos-“sess.’” Sooltan Hooshung also remarked, that he was sure this circumstance portended his own dissolution. The courtiers observed, that he should recollect that when Feroze made this speech he was upwards of ninety years of age, and it was not surprising, therefore, that death very shortly verified his prediction. “Your Majesty,” they said, “is, by the blessing of God, just now in “the prime of life, the circumstances, therefore, “appear altogether different.” He was, however, shortly after afflicted with a violent attack of the stone. On the approach of this dangerous disease, he marched towards Mando, having formally proclaimed his eldest son, the Prince Ghizny Khan, his successor; and laying hold of the young man's hand in public durbar, delivered him into the hands of his favourite minister, Mahmood Khan, who promised to support his right to the throne, even to the last drop of his blood. The King then dismissing the durbar, sent for Mahmood Khan, whom he knew to be ambitious, and suspected that he might some day take advantage of the division of interests among the young princes to usurp the government. He told him plainly of his apprehensions, and made him again swear to defend Ghizny Khan, and also to be vigilant in watching the motions of Ahmud Shah of Guzerat, who, he observed, was “an ambitious and enter-“prizing prince, and contemplated the eventual “conquest of Malwa.” Mahmood Khan swore the most implicit obedience to Ghizny Khan, and the whole of the present royal family; and the King, at his instance, consented to release the young Prince, Oothman Khan, from confinement, and to give him an estate on which he might reside, and have no plea for disturbing the reign of Ghizny Khan. The heir-apparent, having heard what was in contemplation, sent for Mahmood Khan, and proposed that his brother should be required to take the oaths of allegiance to him in the King's presence. Mahmood Khan returned to his own house, where he received a secret deputation from Mullik Oothman Julwany and the Prince Oothman Khan. The agents commenced by flattering Mah-mood Khan, and observing, that they were surprised at a person of his discretion recommending Ghizny Khan as the King's successor, who, although the elder, was by no means to be compared, either in courage or talents, to his younger brother. Mahmood Khan was not disposed to dispute the qualifications ascribed to Oothman Khan, but was unwilling to have his courage or abilities brought in competition with those plans which he himself meditated on the throne; being fully convinced, that neither the disposition nor ability of Ghizny Khan were calculated to withstand the efforts he had resolved to make to forward his own views for the eventual usurpation of the government. Mah-mood Khan therefore replied to the deputies, that it was his business to obey the will of his sovereign, who had declared Ghizny Khan his successor, and remarked that he had never presumed to oppose his wishes.

Zuffur Khan, a person of Prince Oothman's party, despairing of the King's life, fled from camp, in order to induce the keepers of the Prince, then in confinement at Mando, to release him, and give him an opportunity of disputing the crown with his brother. The minister, Mahmood Khan, hearing of this circumstance, informed the heir-apparent, Ghizny Khan, who ordered a party of fifty men of the royal guards to overtake and bring back Zuffur Khan and those who had accompanied him. The officer commanding the guard being well disposed towards the Prince Oothman refused to allow the horses to be saddled without an order from the King himself; and communicating the circumstance to one of the officers of the household, who was also inclined to favour Prince Oothman, he told the master of the horse to speak so loud that the King might overhear him; hoping that he would be provoked with the Prince Ghizny Khan, when he heard that even before his death he had usurped all authority over his own household troops. The scheme succeeded; and Sooltan Hooshung, rousing himself, called for his bow and quiver, and swore he would put the Prince Ghizny Khan to death. On this occasion he summoned all the officers into his presence; but they, fearing he was really dead, and that Ghizny Khan had sent for them, in order to seize those who were unfavourable to his views, declined going. When the Prince heard of this he became much alarmed; and not possessing sufficient judgment to act with propriety, he fled to Ga-grone, three marches from camp. From whence he deputed Oomdut-ool-Moolk to wait on Mah-mood Khan, and to acquaint him with his suspicions of the officers who conspired to raise Prince Oothman to the throne, at the same time assuring the minister, that excepting himself he believed he had no friend. The message went on to say, that the fact of the King calling for his bow and arrows convinced him that his Majesty intended at least to seize and confine him, if not to put him to death. Mahmood Khan was obliged to send several persons to the Prince before he could be induced to return to camp. Meanwhile the King's life was despaired of; and the officers of his household, fearing lest Ghizny Khan should succeed to the crown, consulted together, and resolved to remove the King, even in his weak state, to Mando, where they proposed releasing the Prince Oothman, and placing him on the throne.

Zeehuj 9.
A. H. 835.
Sept. 7.
A. D. 1432.

On the following morning, being the 9th of Zeehuj, they carried their purpose so far into effect, as absolutely to place the King (who was quite senseless) in his palanquin, and to take him away from the camp on the road to Malwa; but they had not gone far before he died, — after a reign of thirty years. Mahmood Khan, accompanied by the Prince Ghizny Khan, followed the King's palanquin to bring it back; but the officers of the household declared that it was his Majesty's pleasure that he should be removed towards Mando, and that they had only acted in compliance with his orders. On the King's death, Mahmood Khan issued a proclamation in the name of the Prince Ghizny Khan, setting forth the circumstance, and declaring the nomination of his eldest son to the succession. After which his Majesty, being laid out in state, was conveyed to Mando, where his body was buried in a stone vault, which is still to be seen. ^190a The date of his death will be found in the three last words of the following distich:—

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When death had sealed the glorious Hooshung's fate,
And he prepared to tread on Lethe's shore,
I asked a poet to record the date,
Who briefly said, “Shah Hooshung is no more.”

The author of his history relates, that water constantly ouses from the sides of his vault, between the apertures of the masonry, which falls in drops; that this phenomenon ceases in the four rainy months, but is unremitting in the dry season; which is absurdly attributed, by the natives of India, to the supernatural intervention of Sooltan Hooshung, for whose death, say they, “the rocks even appear to shed tears.”