Muntaḫab al-tavārīḫ - The Muntakhabu-’rukh, Volume 1

Returning from Kābul, a second time fought a fierce battle with Sikandar, and being favoured by fortune⁵⁵⁹ with victory and conquest, restored to the imperial throne fresh lustre, glory and fortune. The following is an epitome of these events: After that the kingdom of Hindūstan slipped from the grasp of that Pādshāh glorious as Jamshīd, like the ring from the hand of Suleimān,^559a and the opposition and strife between his brothers was not changed to amity and concord,^559b and each one took his own way and sought his own asylum, considering his own interests by consultation with advisers, as has already been briefly related,^559c Humāyūn crossed from the Panjāb and attempted to seize Bakkar,^559d making his camp at the township of Lohrī,^559e which is near to Bakkar. Mīrzā Hindāl having left Sind proceeded to the township of Pāṇtar,^559f which is fifty krohs distant from Bakkar, on account of the abundance and cheapness of grain. Humāyūn sent a robe of honour and a horse with a message to Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain Arghūn, governor of Tatta, saying, “I have arrived here driven by necessity and have fully determined upon the conquest of Gujrāt,^559g and this undertaking is dependent upon your advice and guid- ^437. ance.” Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain spent five or six months^559h in temporising, and brought Humāyūn by specious pretexts from the Bakkar territory to the neighbourhood of Tatta, with the intention of doing whatever might be advisable later on.

In this year, 948 H.,⁵⁶⁰ Humāyūn married Ḥamīda Bānū Begam, and coming to Pāṇtar returned to Lohrī. Mīrzā Hindāl started for Qandahār in answer to the summons of Qarācha Beg,^560a the governor of that district, and Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā, who had encamped at a distance of ten krohs from (Humāyūn's) camp also intended to proceed to Qandahār. Humāyūn thereupon sent Mīr Abūl-Baqā,^560b who was one of the most distinguished of the learned men of the time, Persian commentator on Mīr Saiyyid Sharīf, and author of other compositions, to advise him and dissuade him from his purpose, ^560c At the time of crossing the river a party sallied out from the fortress of Bakkar and rained showers of arrows upon the people in the boats. The sainted Mīr was struck by the soul-melting arrow of Fate, and was drowned^560d in the ocean of martyrdom. This event took place in the year 948 H. and the chronogram Surūr-i-kāināt^560e was invented to commemorate it.

Mīrzā Yadgār Nāṣir hearkened to this advice and counsel and remained in Bakkar, and Humāyūn proceeded to Tatta, whereupon many of his soldiers left his camp and joined Mīrzā (Yādgār) and spent their days^560f in comfort by reason of the increased pay they received. In this way Mīrzā gathered strength, and Humāyūn crossing the river laid siege to the fortress of Sīyāhwān.^560g Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain kept sending^560h reinforcements and supplies⁵⁶¹ to the garrison,^561a and embarking on a boat, and^561b coming near to the camp blocked the avenues of supplies (to Humāyūn). The siege lasted for seven months, and victory seemed as far off as ever, while great distress was felt from scarcity of ^438. grain^561c and want of salt.^561d

Verse.

Every feast which is prepared^561e by the hand of heaven
Is either altogether without salt or is altogether so salt (as
to be uneatable).

The soldiers were reduced to such extremities,^561f that they were forced to give up grain and content themselves with the flesh of animals, and finally^561g they had to abandon the hope of even this.

Verse.

The hungry-bellied fastened his eyes on skins,
For fur is the near neighbour of flesh.

Then he sent messengers a second time to Bakkar to summon Mīrzā^561h Yādgār Nāṣir, so that in conjunction with him he might repel Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain and gain possession of the fort. He sent a reinforcement, which was however of no service,⁵⁶¹ⁱ and hearing of the distress which prevailed in the camp he saw no good in going there, so remained in Bakkar.^561j Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain played upon his ambition by false promises of the rule of that kingdom, and of having the Khuṭbah read and the currency issued in his name; he also promised to obey him, and also that he would give him his daughter in marriage, and thus misled him into opposing Humāyūn.⁵⁶² He further took possession of all^562a the boats belonging to Humāyūn, who, in consequence of all these obstacles, any one of which was a sufficient reason,^562b seeing the distress and misery of his army, abandoned the siege^562c of the fortress, and all unwillingly saying, “Retreat is the wisest course,” turned back towards Bakkar, and remaining several days inactive for want of boats, at last by the help of two zamīndārs recovered two boats which Mīrzā had sunk, and reached^562d Bakkar. Mīrzā, as a means of covering^562e the shame he felt, before he came to pay his ^439. respects,^562f marched by forced marches against Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain, and putting to death or taking captive large number of the people of Tatta, who in ignorance of his intentions had left their boats,^562g did a good deal to repair^562h his former defections. Then with shame and confusion he came and had an interview (with Humāyūn) and brought in countless heads of the enemy. His faults were overlooked, but in consequence of certain events which occurred, he again became rebellious, and being deceived by the wiles of Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain, prepared for war. Mun‘im Khān who eventually became Khān-i-Khānān also meditated⁵⁶²ⁱ flight. Both of them, however, became^562j aware of the folly of their design, and realising its heinousness abandoned their iniquitous intention. The men of Humāyūn's force were day by day going over to the side^562k of Mīrzā Yādgār Nāṣir. In the meantime Maldeo, Rāja of the kingdom^562l of Mārwār, who was distinguished above all the zamīndārs of Hindūstān on account of the strength of his following^562m and his exceeding grandeur, again sent letters of summons. Humāyūn not thinking it advisable to remain⁵⁶²ⁿ any longer in the vicinity of Bakkar and Tatta, proceeded by way of Jaisalmīr towards Mārwār. The Rāja of Jaisalmīr blocked the road by which his army was to pass, and fought a battle in which he was defeated. In that waterless desert Humāyūn's army suffered terrible distress, so much so that⁵⁶³ around the wells blood was spilled in place of water among his followers, and most of them^563a from the violence of their thirst cast themselves into the well as though they had been buckets, till it became choked.

In this state of affairs Humāyūn quoted the following maṭla‘, whoever is the author of it:—

Verse.

So many rents did the heavens make in the garments of the
afflicted ones,
That neither could the hand find its sleeve, nor could the
head find its opening.

From Jaisalmīr proceeding by forced marches to Mārwār he ^440. sent Atka Khān to^563b Māldeo, and halted for several days in the vicinity^563c of Jodhpūr, awaiting his arrival. Inasmuch as in those^563d days, Nāgor had fallen into the hands of Sher Shāh, and^563e had inspired Māldeo with the utmost awe of the majesty and power of Humāyūn; accordingly Māldeo, fearing the wrath of Sher Shāh,^563f was afraid to obey that summons, and detaining Atka Khān by some trick, sent a large force under the pretence of welcoming him, with the intention of treacherously attacking Humāyūn and taking him prisoner.^563g Atka Khān [becoming aware of their treachery from its outset]⁵⁶⁴ returned without asking permission, and informed Humāyūn of the real state of affairs. He on the instant started with all haste for Amarkoṭ. It so chanced that two of Māldeo's spies had arrived at that same place, and Humāyūn gave orders for them both to be put to death. In their despair one drew a knife, and the other a dagger,^564a and fell upon (their enemies) like boars wounded by arrows, and killed^564b a large number of living things,^564c men, women and horses, whatever came in their way.^564d Among the number was Humāyūn's charger: Humāyūn thereupon asked Tardī Beg for a few horses and camels,^564e he however behaved meanly, and Humāyūn mounted a camel. After a while^564f Nadīm, his foster-brother,^564g gave the horse which his mother was riding to the king, he himself going on foot in his mother's retinue through that bare desert, which was like an oven for heat.^564h His mother afterwards rode on the camel, and they traversed that road⁵⁶⁴ⁱ which was so terribly difficult, amid constant^564j alarms of the attack of Māldeo, [and with intense labour and distress.^564k In the middle of ^441. the night they reached a place of safety; by chance the Hindūs of Māldeo's army]^564l pursuing them through the night, missed their way,⁵⁶⁵ and in the morning, in a narrow pass, came upon the rearguard of the army, who were two and twenty in number. Mun‘im Khān and Roshan Beg^565a Koka, and another^565b party of men who belonged to that side having arrived, a battle ensued. In the very first onset the leader of the Hindūs went to hell from an arrow-wound, and a large number were killed. They could not withstand the attack, and many camels fell into the hands of the Muslims. This victory was the occasion of great rejoicing.^565c Marching from thence and being without water,^565d after three days they arrived at a halting-place, where, on account of its depth^565e a drum had to be beaten at the mouth of the well, so that its sound might reach the place where the oxen for drawing the water were.^565f For lack of water, a crowd of people in their distress were lost, and^565g disappeared like water in that sandy plain, which was a very river of quicksand, while many horses and camels drinking water after their long and unaccustomed drouth, died⁵⁶⁶ from surfeit of water. And inasmuch as that desert, like the midday mirage,^566a was as interminable as the troubles of the hapless ^566b wretches of the army, perforce they turned aside by a circuitous route^566c towards Amarkoṭ, which lies at a distance of a hundred krohs from Tatta. The governor of Amarkoṭ, named Rānā, came out to meet them accompanied by his sons, and did all in his power^566d to render fitting service.

Humāyūn bestowed^566e all that he had in the treasury upon his followers, while to supply the party who had not yet arrived,^566f he borrowed from Tardī Beg and others by way of assistance, and gave it them. He also made presents of money, and sword-belts^566g to the sons of Rānā, who, for the reason that his father had been put to death by Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain Arghūn, collected a large force^566h from the surrounding country,⁵⁶⁶ⁱ entered the service of Humāyūn, and leaving his baggage and camp equipage in^566j Amarkoṭ under the care and protection of Khwāja Mu‘zam, the brother of Begam,^566k he (Humāyūn) proceeded towards Bakkar.^566l

^442. On Sunday, the fifth of the month Rajab, in the year 949 H. the auspicious birth of the Khalīfah of the age Akbar Pādshāh occurred in a fortunate moment at Amarkoṭ. Tardī Beg Khān conveyed this joyful tidings to Humāyūn at that halting-place, who after giving (the child) that auspicious name,^566m proceeded with all haste towards Bakkar. At the camp of Chaul⁵⁶⁷ he sent for the Prince of auspicious mien, and was rejoiced by the well-omened sight of his son. His soldiers, in whose nature the craft of unfaithfulness was as firmly planted as is deceit in the nature of the times, were one by one, including even Mun‘im Khān, deserting. ^567a At this time Bairām Khān^567b came from Gujrāt and tendered his allegiance. Considering it unadvisable to remain in that country Humāyūn determined to make for Qandahār. Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain thinking this an opportunity not to be lost, in accordance with a requisition^567c sent thirty boats and three hundred camels, and Humāyūn crossed the river Indus. At that time Mīrzā Kāmrān^567d had taken Qandahār^567e from Mīrzā Hindāl and had left it in charge of Mīrzā ‘Askarī, and having given Ghaznīn to Mīrzā Hindāl had read the Khuṭbah in his own name. After some time, however, he changed that also.^567f Mīrzā Hindāl having given up all royal dignity in Kābul used to live like a darvesh,⁸ and Mīrzā Kāmrān yielding to the instigation of Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusaiu wrote to Mīrzā ‘Askarī saying, “Seize the road by which the Pādshāh will proceed and take him prisoner in any way you can contrive.” Accordingly when he arrived at the camp of Shāl Mastāng,^567g Mīrzā ‘Askarī^567h marched by forced marches from Qandahār and sent Chūlī⁵⁶⁸ Bahādur Uzbakī to reconnoitre.^568a He however, went straight off and informed Baīrām Khān, whose camp he reached at midnight, and Baīrām Khān went with all ^443. haste behind the royal tent and represented the state of affairs. Accordingly he gave up all idea of Qandahār and Kābul, and in opposition to his brothers, uttering the formula^568b of separation, took the road to ‘Irāq, accompanied by twenty-two men, among whom were Bairām Khān and Khwāja Mu‘aẓẓam. These two he sent to bring the Queen-consort and the young prince, asking Tardī Beg for the loan of a few horses, who, however, again branding himself^568c with the stigma of meanness and disgrace, refused to comply with this request, and further declined to accompany him. Humāyūn left the young Prince, who was an infant of only one year, in the camp under the charge^568d of Atkah Khān^568e on account of the great heat and the scarcity of water along his route, but took the Queen-consort^568f with him and journeyed by way of Sīstān.

Mīrzā ‘Askarī just then arrived at the royal camp,^568g and alighting and tearing the veil of humanity from the face of modesty, set about appropriating the valuables. He also placed Tardī Beg^568h in rigorous confinement, and carried off the young Prince⁵⁶⁹ to Qandahār, and handed him over to Sulṭān Begam, his own wife, with injunctions to take every care for his kind treatment and protection.^569a In that journey important events took place,^569b which, although they were fully and elaborately detailed in the original,^569c do not admit of relation in this place; and must be rapidly passed over as he did that long stretch of road. These events took place in the year 950 H. (1543 A.D.). In short, leaving Sīstān and journeying to the city of Khurāsān, he had an interview with Sulṭān Muḥammad Mīrzā, the elder son of Shāh Ṭahmasp, who held the rule of that country under the tutelage^569d of Muḥammad Khān Taklū,^569e and receiving all the necessaries of royalty, and requisites for his journey,^569f with all honour and ceremony reached the sacred city of Mashhad (Meshed); and at each succes- ^444. sive stage, by order of the Shāh, the governors of the provinces hastened to welcome him, and made all preparations for entertaining him and shewing him hospitality, escorting him from stage to stage. Bairām Khān proceeded to do homage to the Shāh, and brought with him thence a letter congratulating Humāyūn upon his arrival. The two monarchs met at Pulāq-Surīq ^569g and exchanged the customary honours and courtesies.

In the course of conversation the Shāh asked what had led to his defeat; Humāyūn incautiously^569h replied ‘The opposition of my brothers.’ Bahrām Mīrzā, the brother of the Shāh, who was present, was grieved at this speech, and from that day⁵⁷⁰ forth sowed the seeds of enmity against Humāyūn in his heart, and set himself to overthrow his enterprise, [nay more to overthrow Humāyūn himself as well],^570a and impressed upon Shāh Tahmasp, saying, “This is the son of that self-same father who taking so many thousand Qizilbāsh soldiers to reinforce his army, caused them to be trampled under foot by the Ōzbaks, so that not one of them escaped alive.”^570b This was a reference^570c to that affair in which Bābar Pādshāh took Najm-i-Awwal from Shāh Isma‘īl^570d with seventeen thousand Qizilbāsh cavalry,^570e and led them as an auxiliary force against the Ōzbaks, and at the time of the siege of the fortress of Nakhshab, otherwise known as Kash,^570f (?) wrote the following verse upon an arrow and discharged it into the fort:

Verse.

I made Najm Shāh to turn the Ōzbaks from their path,
If I did wrong, (at any rate) I cleared (my own) path.

The following day when the two armies met^570g he withdrew^570h to one side, and the Qizilbāsh troops met with the treatment which was in store for them; that circumstance⁵⁷⁰ⁱ is notorious.

However, to return from this digression, Sulṭān Begam^570j the sister of the Shāh, whom he regarded as an adviser equal to the promised Mahdī,⁵⁷¹ (who in the belief of the Shi‘ahs lies concealed in a subterranean dwelling in the city of Sāmirah, otherwise known by the name of Surra-man-ra'ā,^571a and when ^445. necessity arises will emerge from thence and inaugurate an era of equity), and with whose opinion and advice all the affairs^571b of State were bound up,^571c dissuaded him from that mistaken step,^571d and by the use of rational argument brought him back^571e to an attitude of kindness and manhood, and induced him to help and assist. His Majesty (Humāyūn) wrote a rubā‘ī (quatrain) of which the following is the last verse.^571f

Verse.

All kings desire the shadow of the Humā,^571g
Behold! the Humā has sought thy shadow.

On a certain occasion he interpolated this verse into a fragment from Salmān,^571h and sent it to the Shāh.

Verse.

I hope that the Shāh will out of kindness treat me,
As ‘Alī treated Salmān in the desert of Arẓhan.⁵⁷²

The Shāh was extremely pleased, and after innumerable banquets and associations in travelling, and hunting expeditions,^572a arranged all preparations on a scale of regal magnificence in Humāyūn's honour, and took much trouble in giving his assent to the religious tenets of the Shī‘ahs, and to that which the later writers of that persuasion say regarding the blessed companions of Muḥammad, may God be pleased with them, and Humāyūn after^572b much ado said “Bring them written upon a sheet of paper.” Accordingly they wrote down all their religious beliefs, and Humāyūn read them with a view to copying them, and gave precedence^572c in the Khuṭbah, after the custom of ‘Irāq, to the recital of the twelve Imāms.^572d Shāh Murād, the son of the Shāh, an infant at the breast, with ten thousand^572e cavalry under the command^572f of Bidāgh Khān Qizilbāsh Afshār,^572g was nominated^572h to reinforce Humāyūn, and it was determined that the Qizilbāsh should march by one route and Humāyūn by another,⁵⁷³ and that Humāyūn should, after gaining the victory, hand over Qandahār to Shāh Murād. Taking leave, and marching rapidly through Ardabīl and Tabrīz, (Humāyūn) again went to Mashhad the holy city,^573a and succeeded in visiting the shrine of the fountain-head of light.^573b

At the time when one night he was walking alone in that sacred ^446. enclosure, one of the pilgrims said in a low voice^573c to his fellow, “This is not Humāyūn Pādshāh.”^573d The other replied “Yes it is.” Then coming close, he said in the ear of Humāyūn “So! you are again laying claim to omnipotence!” This was a reference to the circumstance that Humāyūn used generally in Bangāla to cast^573e a veil over his crown, and when he removed it^573f the people used to say, Light has shined forth! He also washed his sword in the river and said^573g “Upon whom shall I gird the sword?” When he arrived at Āgra he imposed upon the populace a new self-invented form of salutation, and wished them to kiss the ground (before him). At last Mir Abūl Baqā with the Amīrs and Vazīrs paid the due respects, and the Amīrs of the Qizilbāsh coming (by another road)^573h arrived at Garmsīr and took possession of the whole of that territory, and had encamped within view⁵⁷³ⁱ of Qandahār, when^573j after five days Humāyūn arrived, and Mīrzā ‘Askarī was besieged, and for three months continuously^573k fighting was kept up, and a large number were daily killed on both sides. Thereupon Bairām Khān was sent to Kābul as an ambassador to Mīrzā⁵⁷⁴ [Kāmrān in whose behalf Mīrzā ‘Askarī was fighting and Mīrzā Hīndāl and Mīrzā] Suleimān Badakhshī and Mīrzā Yadgār Nāsir^574a who had arrived from Bakkar in a wretched plight;^574b and [since]^574c the idea of the Qizilbāsh was that no sooner would Humāyūn arrive than the Chaghatai would submit to him^574d and would all come in.^574e This, however, did not happen, and the siege became very protracted, and a large^574f number were killed. It was also currently reported that Mīrzā Kāmrān was coming to the assistance of Mīrzā ‘Askarī, they accordingly lost heart and meditated a return to their own country.^574g It so happened that just at that very time certain Amīrs deserted from Mīrzā Kāmrān, namely, Muḥammad Sulṭān Mīrzā, Ulugh Mīrzā, and Mīrzā Ḥusain Khān with other noted commanders, and offered their services to Humāyūn. Mu‘yad Beg, who was a prisoner in the fortress of ^447. Qandahār, escaped^574h from the fort and had an interview with him, meeting with very kind treatment. Mīrzā ‘Askarī in his alarm, sued for quarter, and joined⁵⁷⁴ⁱ the ranks of Humāyūn's followers; his faults were pardoned and he was distinguished by especial marks of favour.

Verse.

There's a sweetness in forgiveness which there is not in
revenge.

He also ordered the Amīrs of Qizilbāsh that for the space of three days they should abstain from interference with the families of the Chaghtā tribe,⁵⁷⁵ and the inhabitants of the city, so as^575a to allow of their all coming out; and although Humāyūn had no territory in his possession, yet on account of the promise which had gone forth he brought Bidāgh Khān and Mīrzā Murād into the fort and made over the whole of that country to them.

Verse.

If a man fulfils the obligation of his promise
That man rises superior to any estimate you may form of
him.

With the exception of Bidāgh Khān and two or three other Amīrs,^575b no one remained in the service of Mīrzā Murād, while the remaining Amīrs of the auxiliaries, all returned to ‘Irāq.

Humāyūn was induced by the coming on of the winter winds, to ask Bidāgh Khān to provide shelter for the followers of his army within the walls of the city, but that inhuman being invariably sent strangely rough answers.^575c On this account some of the Chaghatai Amīrs began^575d to take to flight towards Kābul; among them was Mīrzā ‘Askarī, who was seized in the way and brought to Humāyūn, who imprisoned him. Many stirring events^575e happened in those days, which^575f led to the delivery of Qandahār from the hands of the Qizilbāsh. First among these was this, that the Chaghatai Amīrs urged upon Humāyūn the necessity of seizing Qandahār, on account of the coldness of the weather, saying that after the conquest of Kābul and Badakhshān he ought⁵⁷⁶ to ^448. bestow the greater portion of that place again upon the Qizilbāsh as compensation, so that due requital might be made them.

Secondly, the passing of Mīrzā Murād on that very day,^576a by a natural death, from the world of existence and trouble.

Thirdly, the tyranny and oppression inflicted by Qizilbāsh canaille on^576b the inhabitants of the city, and their preventing the Chaghatai from entering the fort, upon any pretext whatever.^576c

Fourthly, this incident, that a fierce^576d Tabarrā, in accordance with their notoriously brutal manner, in the presence of Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā⁵⁷⁸ [who had fled in concert with Hindāl Mīrzā from Kāmrān Mīrzā] and come thither, uttered foul^578a and improper abuse against the companions of the Prophet,^578b may the peace and blessing of God be upon him and his family, and may God be pleased with them; Mīrzā Yādgār Nāṣir could not endure this, and struck him such a blow with an arrow which he had in his hand that the arrow penetrated his chest up to the wing, and passing through him struck the ground.^578c Hājī Muḥammad Khān Kūkī with two servants first of all entered the fortress of Qandahār together with a train of camels laden (with supplies), and put the guards to the sword; a second party following him, came up, Mīrzā Ulugh Beg and Bāiram Khān were of that number.^578d The Qizilbāsh were astounded,^578e and utterly confounded,^578f and the proverb was exemplified,^578g “Qāẓī, I am an old woman,^578h and if you don't believe me, I can scream just like one, listen!” Their haughtiness was humbled, and Humāyūn⁵⁷⁸ⁱ entering the fort^578j allowed Bidāgh Khān, who had come to him^578k in trepidation and anxiety, to proceed towards ‘Irāq. Notwithstanding this, all the inhabitants of the city, who were heartily sick of them, killed the Qizilbāsh in every street. After he had settled Qandahār to his satisfaction,^578l he made over charge of that district to Baīrām Khān and determined to attempt the conquest of Kābul. Mīrzā Kāmrān also came out to meet him with the intention^578m of fighting. Every day one or two⁵⁷⁸ⁿ of his noted Amīrs deserted and joined the army of Humāyūn. In very truth the greater part of the inhabitants of the world⁵⁷⁹ are like a flock of sheep, wherever one goes, the others immediately follow.^579a Mīrzā ^449. Kāmrān, losing the clue of all independent action, availed himself of the services of the Shaikhs and ‘Ulamā to sue for pardon. Humāyūn, upon condition of personal submission, effaced the record of his transgressions from the page of his mind with the water of forgiveness. Mīrzā, in accordance with the saying “The traitor is a coward,”^579b would not consent to an interview, and took refuge in the citadel of Kābul, where he entrenched himself, and fled thence in the dead of night to Ghaznīn. The whole of his army^579c came over to the camp of Humāyūn, who appointed Mīrzā Hindāl to pursue him, and came himself to Kābul, and the hidden meaning of the sacred word “Verily, He who hath ordained the Qur'ān for thee will restore thee to thy returning place”^579d was revealed, and he refreshed to the full his eyes with the sight of the noble Prince his son. This victory was gained on the tenth of the month of Ramazān the blessed,^579e in the year 952 H. (A.D. 1545),^579f and the following hemistich was written as a record of the date:—

“He took the kingdom of Kābul from him without fighting.” And inasmuch as others are responsible for the relation of these events, and the compiler of this Muntakhab has only adapted his record from them, now however much he may desire to epitomise,^579h the thread of his discourse⁵⁸⁰ has involuntarily become lengthened (in accordance with the saying). Narration has many bye-paths.^580a

To make a long story short when Mīrzā Kāmrān proceeded to Ghaznīn and was unable to enter it,^580b he departed towards Bakkar, and Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain, who had given him his daughter (in marriage), came forward to assist him.

Humāyūn put to death Mīrzā Yādgār Nāṣir who was meditating flight, and proceeded with the intention of conquering Badakh-sh ān. Suleimān Mīrzā gave him battle, and was defeated, and ^450. Kāmrān Mīrzā coming up in Humāyūn's absence took possession of Kābul, placing guards over the ladies^580c of high degree, and over the young Prince.

Humāyūn, after relieving Mīrzā Hindāl of the government of Badakhshān, wrote a patent conferring it upon Mīrzā Suleimān, and making over^580d the government of that country to him returned with all speed to Kābul. Mīrzā Kāmrān, after the defeat of his forces, remained entrenched in Kābul, and when he found himself in straits, out of sheer cruelty several times gave orders for the young Prince to be placed upon the ramparts of the fort within range of both artillery and musketry fire, but Māham Ānka^580e made her own body a shield for him against the arrows of calamity.

Verse.

If the sword of the world leaps from its sheath,
It can sever no vessel till God permits.

The Sardārs and Amīrs, on account of the heat of the contest in which they were engaged, began to traffic in hypocrisy,⁵⁸¹ and kept coming backwards and forwards, now in one direction now in another. Many of them on both sides were killed. At last,^581a Mīrzā,^581b having made a hole in the wall of the fort, came out in disguise,^581c and when Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān, who had been detailed with a party of men to pursue him, came up with Mīrzā,^581d Mīrzā said to him “What if I have killed your father Bābā Qashaqa?” Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān, who was a vetera soldier, energetic and experienced, pretending not to understand him, returned, and the Prince reached his father Humāyūn safe and sound, and the part returned to the whole.^581e

Mayest thou live a thousand years, and a thousand years^581f
beside,
For in the prolongation of thy life are a thousand advantages.

And Mīrzā Kāmrān took refuge with Pīr Muḥammad Khān, ^451. Governor of Balkh, and asking his assistance^581g seized certain of the provinces of Badakhshān without a struggle from Suleimān Mīrzā and his son Ibrāhīm Mīrzā, and took possession of them; and Qurācha Khān,^581h who had done notable service, together with certain other grasping⁵⁸¹ⁱ Amīrs, entertained extravagant expectations from Humāyūn, and when their iniquitous desires were not realised betook themselves to Badakhshān and Kābul.

Within those few years the earth had quitted its accustomed state of repose, and had undergone tremblings and agitations. A certain witty writer^581j says with reference to this:

The fortress of Kābul which in height surpasses the seventh
heaven;⁵⁸²
Like the Kite which is six months female and six months^582a
male.

On several occasions it happened that Mīrzā Kāmrān came to pay his respects to Humāyūn and had a personal interview with him. Humāyūn, out of natural kindness and innate good-will pardoned his shortcomings, and cleared his heart of all rancour against him,^582b and after he had sought permission to leave to make the pilgrimage to the sacred city of Makka, bestowed upon him the country of Badakhshān,^582c and himself going up against Balkh, fought with Pīr Muḥammad Khān and ‘Abu-l-‘Aziz Khān, the son of ‘Abdu-llah Khān,^582d the Ozbak king, and defeated them after a sharp engagement. But following the bad advice of his Amīrs, who were treacherous hypocrites,^582e and in alarm about Mīrzā Kāmrān, he turned back and came to Kābul.^582f Mīrzā Kāmrān^582g once more broke^582h his treaty obligations, and inasmuch as the untrustworthy leaders on both sides began to practise unfaithfulness, and led him out of the way,⁵⁸²ⁱ and he had to fight numerous battles,^582j he eventually sought aid from Islem Shāh, but, meeting with disappointment,⁵⁸³ and returning thence, was delivered into the hands of Humāyūn by the machinations of Sulṭān Ādam Ghakkar at Pashāla.^583a Notwithstanding all his repeated rebellions his life was spared, but ^452. the jewel of sight was taken from him,^583b (as has already been stated), and he was permitted to depart for the sacred Makka. He had the good fortune to make the Hajj four times, and thus made amends for his past evil deeds, and there delivered up the life that had been entrusted to him.

Verse.^583c

Never in the garden of Faith has a blade fulfilled its promise,
Never has a shaft aimed by Heaven failed to strike the mark.
The tailor of Fate has never clothed any man in a garment
which it has not afterwards torn from him.
The Age has never given any coin which it has not changed.
The Time has never played any piece without practising
deception with it.
Whom has the Heaven placed in safety beneath the Sun,
That it has not made short-lived like the shining dawn.
Khāqānī! cast dust into the eyes of the world,
For it has caused thee pain in the eyes and has given thee
no remedy.

Verse.

Kāmrān,^584a than whom no man has been found more fitted for
sovereignty,
Went from Kābul to the Ka‘bah, and there committed his soul
to God, and his body to the dust.
Kāhī spake this as a tārīkh to commemorate his death,
Pādshāh Kāmrān died at the Ka‘bah.^584b

And the poet Waisī^584c wrote:

Verse.

Shāh Kāmrān the renowned Khusrū,
Who in majesty raised his head to Kaiwān.
Faithfully served the holy temple four years
And entirely freed his heart from worldly bonds.
^453. After performing his fourth pilgrimage
In pilgrim garb, he yielded up his soul to his Lord.
One night as Waisī was holden with sleep,
He visited him and called him towards himself,
And said, “If they ask thee concerning my death
Reply, “The pardoned Shāh remained in Makka.”⁵⁸⁵

Mīrzā Kāmrān was as a king, brave and ambitious, liberal and good-natured, sound of religion and clear of faith. He used always to associate with the ‘Ulamā and learned doctors. His poems are well-known. At one time he held such strong views of probity that he gave orders to exterminate grapes from his kingdom, but afterwards became such a slave to wine that he was not ashamed of the after effects of debauch; eventually he left the world penitent and devout. All's well that ends well.^585a

This event took place in the year^585b 964 H.

Mīrzā ‘Askarī, after Qarrācha Khān was slain in the last battle before Kābul, fell a prisoner into the hands of Humāyūn's soldiery, and Khwāja Jalālu-d-Dīn^585c Maḥmūd Dīwān conveyed him to Badakhshān and made him over to Mīrzā Suleimān. He was kept in confinement for some time,^585d and then was released, and Mīrzā Suleimān despatched him to Balkh, by which route he purposed journeying to the two sacred cities.^585e When he reached a valley which lies between Shām^585f and the sacred city of Makka, without accomplishing his object he hastened from^585g that desert to the true Ka‘bah which is the bourn of all mankind. The following is the tārīkh of that event:—

Verse.

Why dost thou soil thy fingers with the blood of the world?
For honey is oft mingled with deadly poison.⁵⁸⁵ⁱ

^454. The end of Mīrzā Hindāl was on this wise, that after Mīrzā Kāmrān had suffered defeat in the final engagement, and had taken refuge with the Afghāns, and Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān⁵⁸⁶ Kūkī was executed^586a on account of his numerous misdeeds, one night Mīrzā Kāmrān made a night attack upon the camp.^586b By chance that night the dart of death struck Mīrzā Hindāl in a vital spot, and he drank the draught of martyrdom. This event took place^586c in the year 958 H. and Shabkhūn was found to give the date.^586d

Verse.

When Fate made such a night attack⁵⁸⁷ with the forces of the
world
That the zenith became red like the twilight from bloodshed,
Hindāl the world-conqueror left the world,
And abandoned the world to Shāh Humāyūn;
The young plant-like stature of that shapely palm-tree
Was like a lamp to the sleeping-apartment of the sky.
Wisdom sought for a tārīkh of his death,^587a I said,
Alas! a lamp has been extinguished by reason of a night
attack.

Mīrzā Amānī also wrote^587b the following:—

Shāh Hindāl the cypress of the rose-garden of beauty,
When he left this garden for that of Paradise,^587c
The wailing ring-dove uttered this tārīkh,
“A cypress has gone from the garden of glory.”^587d

And Maulānā Hasan ‘Alī Kharās^587e wrote:

Verse.

Hindāl Muḥammad Shāh of auspicious title
Suddenly was martyred by Fate in the heart of the night; ^455.
Since a night assault (shabkhūn) caused his martyrdom,
Seek the tārīkh of his martyrdom in shabkhūn.

Humāyūn bestowed the horses and retinue of Mīrzā Hindāl upon the young Prince, the asylum of the world, and confirmed to them Ghaznīn with its dependencies as Iqṭā‘ grants.^587f

The Afghāns could no longer protect Mīrzā Kāmrān, and it so happened that Mīrzā went to Islem⁵⁸⁸ Shāh; in the meanwhile the hidden purposes of Heaven were made manifest, so that after hearing the tidings of the death of Islem Shāh, and of the occurrence of extreme confusion and turmoil between the Afghāns of Hindustān and the tribal chiefs, Humāyūn definitely determined upon the attempt of the conquest of Hindustān.^588a In the meantime the lovers of contumacy, that is to say, the envious and riotous, so distorted the appearance of the sincere loyalty of Baīrām Khān, in the clear mirror of the mind of Humāyūn, that it was inverted and he was represented by them as hostile. Accordingly an attack was ordered in the direction of Qandahār. Baīrām Khān came out in person to receive^588b Humāyūn and with all ceremony offered due service. Thereupon the disloyalty of his traducers became apparent. On this occasion Humāyūn was furnished, by the good offices of Baīrām Khān, with the opportunity of meeting that Scion of the Walīs, the offspring of the Saints, the seal of the Shaikhs of the Naqshbandī^588c sect, Maulānā Zainu-d-Dīn Maḥmūd Kamāngar.

The following is a fuller account:—

The aforesaid Maulavī was from Bahdā,^588d which is a village of the dependencies of Khurāsān,^588e and had attained to the companionship of many of the Shaikhs, may God sanctify their spirits, especially Maulavī Makhdūmī ‘Ārif Jāmī, and Maulavī ‘Abdu-l-Ghafūr ^456. Lārī, may God He is exalted^588f sanctify their spirits, who supported themselves by giving instruction and making illustrations, and Bairām Khān having opened tutorial relations with him, used to go to take lessons from him, and now and then when he was reading Yusuf and Zulaikha and other books, they used to say, “Oh, Bairām what is your wish! You yourself are as Yusuf and Zulaikha⁵⁸⁹ in the world.” And Humāyūn having ordered a banquet in honour of the sacred illuminated spirit of the asylum of the seal of prophecy, may the blessing and peace of God be upon him, invited the Ākhūnd,^589a and with his own hands took the ewer, while Bairām Khān took the basin, intending to pour the water over his hands; seeing this the Ākhūnd indicated Mīr Ḥabībullāh, the grandson of Mīr Saiyyid Jamālu-d-Dīn the traditionist, and said,^589b “Do you not know who that person is?” Humāyūn thereupon perforce carried the ewer to the Mīr, who, with the utmost confusion, poured half of the entire contents of the ewer over his hands, after which the Ākhūnd without scruple washed his hands, to their heart's content. At this time Humāyūn enquired,^589c “How much water is enjoined by the Sunnat to be poured over the hands?” They replied, “so much as is necessary to clean the hands;” then first Bairām Khān poured water over the hands of the remainder of the assembly, and was followed in this service by Husain Khān the relation of the Mahdī, son of Qāsim Khān. At last the food was eaten, and Humāyūn found very great delight in their society, and was much benefited thereby. Afterwards he sent a piece of coined gold by the hand of Bairām Khān, saying, “This is a present.”^589d Inasmuch as it was his custom not to take a present from anyone, after great deliberation he accepted it, with excessive reluctance and disgust, and in return for it sent into the presence of the king several bows of his own fashioning, with something over and above (the value of the gold) saying, “Presents^589e must be given on both sides.”

The story goes that one day Bairām Khān caused a garment to be made of handsome Kashmīr shāls,^589f and brought it to him. ^457. He took it in his hand and praised it^589g saying, “What a valuable thing this is!” Bairām Khān said, “As it is a suitable garment for a darvesh, I have brought it as an offering for you.” He thereupon made a sign^589h with two of his fingers, as much as to say I have two of them, come give this one to some one more deserving of it than I. Many⁵⁹⁰ miraculous acts are related of him. Some few of these Shaikh Mu‘īnu-d-Dīn, the grandson of Maulānā Mu‘īn Wāiẓ, who by the order of the Khalīfah of the time was for some time Qāẓī of Lāhor, wrote in a separate treatise: among them this is written, that when archery practice was going on, he used in opposition to his usual habits to come every day^590a to the butts, and give instruction in archery. The youths used to urge and incite Bairām Khān to practise^590b archery, saying that it would surely be useful to him some day. As a fact, the very first^590c defeat of the Afghāns occurred in the fight at Māchīwāra,^590d when the victory was entirely gained by the archers and in all probability that eagerness and instigation had this very end in view.

In that collection of stories also is the following, that when Bairām Khān, after making over Qandahār to Bahādur Khān the brother of ‘Alī Qulī Khān Sīstānī, came to Kābul, he appointed on his own part a tyrannical Turkomān, so that the people groaned under his oppressive hand, and made many complaints to the Ākhūnd, till he became ill as they desired, and they enjoyed a few days' respite from his oppression, and used to bring tidings of him every day to the assembly of the Ākhūnd. At last one day, as one of them was^590e saying “He has risen from his bed,” the Ākhūnd also, looking him in the face, said angrily, “Perhaps he may rise on the morrow of the resurrection.” Three or four days afterwards he again fell ill, and removed the disgrace of his tyranny from the world. It is a saying of their's that the Turk when sleeping is an angel, but when he sleeps the sleep ^458. of death he is superior to the archangels.^590f

Verse.

I saw a tyrant sleeping at mid-day
I said, this is a calamity; It is best that sleep should take
him
And that man who is better when sleeping than when waking
For such an evil liver death were preferable.

Humāyūn, at the time of his return, had some intention of taking Qandahār from Bairām Khān and giving it to Mun‘im Khān. Mun‘im Khān, however, represented that now that the conquest of Hindustān was on the tapis a change of governors would be a source of dissension in the army, and it would be better to wait till after conquering Hindustān, and then to act as circumstances might demand. Accordingly Qandahār was confirmed ⁵⁹¹ to Bairām Khān, and Zamīndāwar to Bahādur Khān. Then coming to Kābul he prepared his army with transport and commissariat, and in Ẕū Ḥijjah 961 H. set out from Kābul to march against Hindustān.^591a And the following qiṭa‘h was written which gives the date in two ways.

Qiṭa‘h.

Khusrū Ghāzī Naṣīru-d-Dīn Humāyūn Shāh
Who without question excelled all former kings,
Advanced from Kābul for the conquest of Hind;
The date of his advance is nuh ṣad wa shast wa yake.^591b

At the halting-place of Parshāwar^591c Bairām Khān arrived from Qandahār^591d and presented himself before the king. By continuous marches they crossed the river Indus^591e and Bairām Khān and Khiẓr Khwāja Khān, with Tardī Beg Khān and ^459. Iskandar⁵⁹² Sulṭān Osbak forming the advance party, went forward ^592a and Tātār Khān Kāsī, governor of the fortress of Rohtās, evacuated the fort^592b and fled. Adam Ghakkar did not present himself on this occasion.^592c

When they arrived at Lāhor, the Afghāns of that place also not being able to withstand him dispersed, and the commanders of the vanguard^592d started off towards [Lāhor and Thānesar]^592e Jalandhar^592f and Sirhind. That country was taken possession of without any trouble; Shahbāz Khān and Naṣīr Khān Afghān however fought a battle near Dīpālpūr with Shāh^592g Abū-l-Ma‘ālī and ‘Alī Qulī Shaibānī, who was eventually Khān-i-zamān,^592h and was defeated. So great was the terror inspired by the Mughuls that thousands⁵⁹²ⁱ upon thousands of Afghāns would flee at the sight of ten of the huge-turbaned horsemen (even although they were Lāhorīs), and never looked behind them. Before Humāyūn's army crossed the river Indus, Sikandar Afghān Sūr gained the upper-hand of Ibrahīm Sūr, and having conquered him^592j formed the intention of leaving Itāwa and marching to attack ‘Adlī. Suddenly, however, tidings arrived that Humāyūn had crossed the Indus, and the Afghāns, wherever they were, set about planning how to save their wives and children; however one did not help the other, each one occupied himself with his own necessities, and they knew well that it was only Islem Shāh who could successfully contend against the Mughuls, no other person had the power. Notwithstanding this however, Sikandar, in the neighbourhood of Jalandhar, first⁵⁹³ appointed^593a Tātār Khān Kāsī with Ḥabīb Khān and Naṣīb Khān Ṭaghūchī with thirty thousand cavalry, to oppose the troops under Humāyūn which had been collected in that district, and he himself came on in their rear.

The Chaghātaī Amīrs^593b crossed the river^593c Sutlej, and the Afghāns followed them; at sundown the two lines met and a fierce battle ensued.^593d The Mughuls set their hands to their bows with such effect that every arrow which they freed from the bowstring bore the message of death to the ears of one or other of the enemy, and the Afghāns, whose weapons of offence ran short,^593e took refuge in^593f a ruined village; and with the object of gaining a better view of the Mughul troops^593g they set fire to the roofs.^593h The result, however, was the very reverse⁵⁹³ⁱ of what they desired, and their stratagem had this result, that the Afghāns remained in the light, while the Mughuls were in the darkness and riddled the Afghāns with arrows. A cry went up from among them, and shouts of Flee! Flee!^593j rose on all sides, and the victory was gained with such ease that but few Mughuls were slain, and horses, elephants, and spoil beyond all computation fell into the hands of Humāyūn's troops. The news of this victory reached ⁵⁹⁴ Humāyūn in Lāhor; thus the whole of the Panjāb and Sirhind and Hissār Fīrūza was entirely^594a subjugated. Thence he marched by forced marches straight for the environs of Dihlī, and Sikandar Sūr with eighty thousand cavalry, and elephants of note, and a strong force of artillery, collected round him the Afghāns from every direction, and came to Sirhind, digging a trench round his camp^594b after the custom^594c of Shīr Shāh. This he fortified, and took up his position; the Amīrs of Humāyūn's army holding a council of war, fortified Sirhind, and as far as they could, shewed they were prepared to defend it, and sending despatches to Lāhor begged Humāyūn to come in person, and then awaited his arrival. Humāyūn with all speed^594d marched and came to Sirhind,^594e and every day fierce contests^594f took place between the more venturesome spirits on both sides. Sometime passed in this way, till the day when the command of the advance-guard of the army fell to the turn of the young Prince of the ^461. world;^594g seizing his opportunity he drew up his line of battle. On one^594h side was the Prince, the Asylum of the world; and on the other side Bairām Khān, Sikandar Khān, ‘Abdu-llāh Khān Osbak, Shāh Abūl-ma‘ālī, ‘Alī Qūlī Khān and Bahādur Khān made manly onslaughts. The Afghāns also, as far as they were able,⁵⁹⁴ⁱ behaved with due bravery and valour,^594j but could not contend^594k against an adverse fate, and after a conflict beyond his strength Sikandar turned and fled.^594l The victorious hosts pursued the enemy for a long distance, reaping a rich harvest of slaughtered Afghāns; wealth and booty beyond all bounds, together with horses and countless elephants fell into their hands: then they turned back and erected with the heads of their enemies a column to which Bairām Khān gave the name⁵⁹⁵ of Sar Manzil, which (name) is in existence at the present day; Time has many memorials of this kind and still more will follow.^595a

Verse.^595b

On the road on which thou seest those particles of dust,^595c
Thou seest (it may be) the dust of Suleimān^595d brought
thither by the wind.^595e

Another says:

Verse.

Every particle of dust which the whirlwind carries away
May be either a Fārīdūn or a Kaiqubād.^595f

The words Shamshīr-i-Humāyūn^595g were found to give the date of this victory, as they say in this Rubā‘i.

The wise writer sought for an auspicious omen,
He sought for the writing of speech from his well-balanced
nature;
When he came to record the conquest of Hindustān,
He sought the date in the words Shamshīr-i-Humāyūn.

Sikandar then proceeded towards the Siwalik hills, while Sikan-dar Khān Osbak turned towards Dihlī, and the royal camp went by way of Samana to the direction^595h of the capital of Hindustān, and a party of the Afghāns⁵⁹⁵ⁱ who were in Dihlī, fled hot-foot^595j for their lives, and were scattered on all sides like a flock of sparrows into whose midst^595k a stone has fallen, and every one was saying to himself, “He who escapes with his head, verily he ^462. is fortunate;” and the hidden^595l meaning of the words “the day when man shall flee from his brother and his mother and his father and his spouse and his sons”⁵⁹⁶ became evident.

Shāh Abū-l-Ma‘ālī was detailed^596a to pursue Sikandar, and in the month of Ramaẓān the blessed, in the year 962 H. the city of Dihlī became the seat of the imperial glory and majesty, and most of the regions of Hindustān for the second time enjoyed the honour of the khuṭbah and sikkah of Humāyūn. No king before this time had ever been so fortunate as to attain to the glory of imperial power a second time,^596b after having suffered defeat; whereas in this case the power of God whose glory is supreme was plainly shewed. And in this year Humāyūn apportioned the greater part of his territories^596c among his faithful adherents, and vowed the pargana of Muṣṭafaābād, the revenue of which reached the sum of thirty or forty laks of tankas, as a votive^596d offering to the Spirit the author of victories, the guardian of prophecy on him and on his family be blessings without end. He also gave Hissār Fīrūza as a reward^596e to the Prince, just as Bābar Padshāh also had conferred it, in the commencement of his victories, as a reward,^596f upon Muḥammad Humāyūn, and the whole of the Panjāb he bestowed upon Shāh Abū-l-Ma‘ālī, and nominated him to oppose Iskandar the Afghān, who, not being able to stand against him, shut himself up in the northern hills, and Shāh Abu-l-Ma‘ālī having reached high rank^596g was living in great pomp in Lāhor; on this account the crow of conceit made its nest in his brain, and brought matters to this pass^596h that after the affair of (the king) whose dwelling is in Paradise, the queen shewed signs of contumacy and rebellious intentions,⁵⁹⁷ as will shortly be described, if God He is exalted^597a so will it. And since Abū-l-Ma‘ālī had treated badly the Amīrs who had been sent to support him, and had (occasionally)^597b interfered in their Aqtā‘s, and not only in these but even in the public ^463. treasury and in the government lands, the Amīrs became disheartened, and Sikandar daily waxed stronger; Bairām Khān was appointed^597c to the office of tutor (Atālīq) to the young prince, and was sent to oppose Iskandar. Shāh Abū-l-Ma‘ālī was appointed to Hiṣṣār Fīrūza, but had not yet started when Qabā Khān Gang was appointed to Āgra, ‘Alī Qulī Khān to Mīraṭh and Sambal, and Qambar Dīwāna to Badāon, and Ḥaidar Muḥammad Khān Ākhta Begī^597d to Baiāna. Ḥaidar Muḥammad Khān kept Ghāzī Khān Sūr,^597e the father of Ibrahīm Sūr, for sometime besieged in the fortress of Baiāna.^597f And inasmuch as the good fortune of the Afghāns was, like their good sense, on the decline; although before the siege and after it also, thoughtful and experienced men urged him to march on Rantanbhor and thence to Gujrāt, he would not listen to them, and fell like a fish into the net.

Verse.^597g

God carries the vessel whithersoever He will.
Though the ship master rends his garments on his body.

The zamīndārs of the fortress of Baiāna sued for quarter, and had an interview with Ḥaidar Muḥammad Khān, binding themselves by oaths^597h to certain treaty conditions, and bringing Ghāzī Khān with his family and relations out of the fort, bestowed him in a safe place in the camp,⁵⁹⁷ⁱ and^597j the following day having made a careful examination of the wealth and treasures,^597k put all the inhabitants to death from the full-grown man to the babe at the breast,⁵⁹⁸ sending^598a the heads to the Emperor, who, however, was displeased with this;^598b accordingly^598c he despatched Mīr Shihābu-d-Dīn ^598d Nīshāpūrī Bakhshī, who received the title of Shihābu-d-Dīn ^464. Aḥmad Khān, to Baiānā to verify the wealth of Ghāzī Khān. Ḥaidar Muḥammad^598e concealed the valuable jewels and shewed only ordinary^598f things. Qambar Dīwāna had collected a large following in the vicinity of Sambal and was saying ‘What has Qambar to do with Sanbal, while ‘Alī Qulī Khān has a lien on the revenue of Sanbal? It is as though the land belonged to one man and the trees to another.’^598g

And before that ‘Alī Qulī Khān could go to Sanbal Qambar Dīwāna went to Badāon, and from thence passing by Kānt o Gola^598h he fought with Rukn Khān Afghān, and gained the day, occupying the country up to the vicinity of the township of Malāūn?,⁵⁹⁸ⁱ but was subsequently defeated by the Afghāns, and having given up a large number to death in that fort^598j arrived at Badāon, where he exercised great cruelty and oppression; and although ‘Alī Qulī Khān sent to summon him,^598k he refused to yield to him and said, “My relations with the Pādshāh are more intimate than yours,^598l this head of mine is twin brother of the imperial crown.” ‘Alī Qulī Khān upon his arrival besieged Badāon, and that madman (Dīwāna)⁵⁹⁹ who knew no moderation, was at that very time preparing to tyrannise over the people even more than before, taking by force the daughter of one and the property of another; and in consequence of his want of trust^599a in the people of the town, used himself to go the rounds by night^599b from bastion to bastion, and see to the proper state of the defences. In spite of this his imagination used to run riot,^599c and his ideas, in consequence of his infatuation, were excited to such a degree, that he used to go for half the night into an empty^599d room and lay his ear upon the ground, and going on^599e from there a few steps would spy about, and then return to his original post; suddenly he called the pioneers and said, “A noise has reached my^599f ears, dig up^599g the ground in this spot.” When they excavated they discovered a mine^599h which ‘Alī Qulī Khān had laid from outside the fortress. ^465. The people who saw those⁵⁹⁹ⁱ mines said that from the side^599j of the fort in whatever direction they struck^599k into the mine they found the foundation of the wall of the fort reached the water, with iron rods, and pillars and baulks of sāl^599l wood arranged under its foundations, bound together^599m for the purpose of strengthening them, with the sole exception of this place which had been excavated.

In fact, had not Qambar been vigilant, the men under ‘Alī Qulī Khān would have blown down the wall by sheer force and have effected an entrance by way of that breach. ‘Alī Qulī Khān was astonished at this degree of vigilance,⁶⁰⁰ and the people of the city by common consent despatched a message to ‘Alī Qulī Khān saying, “On such and such a night let the besiegers make an attack^600a up such and such a bastion, so that we may bring them into the fort by the help of nooses and scaling-ladders.” Accordingly this they did, and having admitted the soldiery of ‘Alī Qulī Khān, Shaikh Ḥabīb Badāonī, who was one of the most notable men^600b of the place, took his place at their head, and leading them to the bastion of the Princes,^600c who were the relations of Shaikh Salīm Chishtī of Fatḥpūr, set fire to it. On the morrow when the sun rose, the sombre-fated Qambar, wearing over his head a black blanket which was an emblem of his wretched fate,^600d came out of the city. They seized him as one would a jackal and brought him in, and although ‘Alī Qulī Khān spoke gently to him,^600e saying “Bow thy head,^600f that I may spare thy life,” that madman, fed on dog's brains gave him an abusive answer, so that he was sent to join the dogs of hell. His tomb is well-known in Badāon. He used to spread plentiful feasts and say (to his guests) “Eat! for wealth is the wealth of God, and life is the life of God, and Qambar Dīwāna is the cook of God.”

When the despatch from ‘Alī Qulī Khān reached the Court together with the head of Qambar, the king, whose refuge is the mercy of God, was extremely annoyed. Just about this time, on the seventh of the month of Rabī‘u-l-Awwal, in the year 963 H., when^600g Humāyūn had ascended to the roof of the library which he had built in the fortress of Dīnpanāh in Dihlī, as he was coming ^466. down, the mu'aẕẕin^600h uttered the call to prayer, and he knelt out of respect for the Aẕān; and as he rose his staff glanced aside and his foot slipped, and he rolled down several steps⁶⁰¹ to the ground. When he recovered a little,^601a Naẓar Shaikh Jūlī^601b was sent to the Panjāb^601c to summon the Prince and to tell him exactly what had happened, and on the fifteenth^601d of the same month (Humāyūn)^601e bade farewell to this inconstant world and took his way to the abode of eternity;^601f and this tārīkh was written to commemorate the event.

Since by the mercy of God he passed to his rest within the
garden of Riẓwān
Bihisht āmad maqām-i-pāk-i-ū gives the date.^601g

and Manlānā Qāsim Kāhī wrote as follows:—

Humāyūn, Pādshāh of the kingdom of reality,
No one remembers such an Emperor as he;
Suddenly he fell from the roof of his palace,
And from that fall his precious life was lost.
Kāhī made a calculation for the tārīkh of that event,
Humāyūn Pādshāh az bām uftād.^601h

The following was also found to give the date:⁶⁰²

Be not ignorant of the year of his death—See!
Humāyūn kujā raft wa iqbāl-i-ū.^602a

The following tārīkh was also found:

Ai! Ah! Pādshāh-i-man az bām uftād.^602b

Verse.

That capital city of the kingdom which thou sawest is laid
waste,
And that Nile of whose bounty thou heardest has become a
mirage,
The sky gave the head of Muḥammad Yaḥya to ruin,
^467. And calamity attended Sinjar the lord of slaves.
The fourth heaven became a house of mourning
The spirit of sanctity came to condole with the Sun.

His age was fifty-one years, and the duration of his reign^602c was twenty-five years and a fraction. He was a man of kingly proportions, adorned with all excellencies and perfections, both of appearance and reality, unequalled in the sciences of astrology and astronomy and all abstruse sciences.^602d He was the preceptor of the followers of excellence and perfection, the refuge of the seekers after piety and rectitude. Fond of poetry and^602e of poets, he used himself to compose good verses; he never remained for an instant without the wuẓū',^602f nor did he ever take⁶⁰³ the name of God nor of the prophet, may the peace and blessing of God be upon him, without Ṭihārat;^603a and if it chanced^603b that the necessity arose for mentioning a name^603c compounded of this word ‘Abd, or one of the Asmāu-l-ḥasna^603d such as ‘Abdu-llāh or the others, in such a case he would confine himself to the word ‘Abd (servant), for example he would call ‘Abdu-l-Haīyy, ‘Abdul simply. In this same way in writing letters in place of the word “huwa”^603e when the necessity arose he used to write two Alifs side by side thus (◌), whose letters thus arranged⁶⁰⁴ have the same value as those of the word” “Huwa.” [In all matters he observed the same reverential caution which was as it were a part of his nature].^604a He always spent his evenings in company and was never niggardly in entertainment, the revenues of the whole of Hindustān would not have sufficed for his expenditure. His vakīls, for fear of (being thought to be greedy for) reward, would never mention ^468. the name^604b of gold in his presence, and like his father he was not engrossed in amassing wealth; no improper word or term of abuse ever passed his lips, and if he were ever very wrath with any person he used just to say ‘You stupid,’ and not a word more.

Whether in the house or in the mosque even by mistake he never placed his left foot down before the right, and if any one placed the left^604c foot in his house he would say, “It is the left foot,” and would make him turn back and bring him in again. From his excessive reserve he never opened his lips in a smile, nor did he ever cast an angry glance at any one. They say that Shāikh Ḥamīd, the commentator of Sanbal, on the occasion of the conquest of Hindustān, for the second time went to Kābul to receive him, and in spite of the extreme confidence which Humāyūn had in him, one day he fell into a passion and said “My king, I see the whole of your army are Rāfiẓī^604d (heretics).” Humāyūn replied, “Shaikh, why do you say such a thing, and what have you to say about it?” He answered “Everywhere the names of your soldiers are of this kind.^604e I find they are all Yār ‘Alī (Friend of ‘Alī), or Kafsh ‘Alī (Shoe of ‘Alī), or Ḥaidar ‘Ali (Lion of ‘Ali), and I have not found a single man bearing the name of any other Companion.” Humāyūn was indignant at this, and dashing his drawing pencil^604f upon the ground in anger, said “The name of my grandfather himself was ‘Umar Shaikh⁶⁰⁵ and I know no more than this,” then he rose and went into the ḥaram and returning, with great gentleness and kindliness informed the Shaikh of the purity of his faith.^605a

Verse.

Preserve a lively faith so that thy reliance thereon may not
falter,
Nothing of a surety delivers the servant from the wrath of
God save a lively faith.

And in order to recount the many virtues of that monarch who has obtained pardon and remission, may his resting-place be happy, a separate record would be necessary. Countless^605b poets, the wonder of the age, sprung from under the skirt of his auspicious reign.^605c Among these, in Badakhshān was Maulānā Junūnī^{605d 469.} Badakhshī the enigmatist, who composed a qaṣīdah made up of thirty-eight couplets in honour of that^605e monarch, whose refuge is the pardon of God, during the time that he was a Mīrzā; and certain tours de force which had escaped the net of the qaṣīdah which Mīr Saiyyid Ẕū-l-fiqār Shirwānī composed in honour of Khwāja Rashīd Vazīr, and the qaṣīdah of Salmān Sāwajī which he wrote in honour of Khwāja Ghīas Vazīr, this poet^605f seized, for example the mu‘ammā,^605g and Iẓhār-i-muẓmar,^605h and the tārīkh,⁶⁰⁵ⁱ and other (tricks) of this kind, and in very truth that work of art is a veritable kārnāma (record of deeds), a miracle in the world of speech. The following are the opening couplet and another, taken from it:

Verse.⁶⁰⁶

Shahanshāhā rukh-i-tū lāla o nasrīn lab-i-tū jān
Hamī bīnam lab-i-tū ghuncha-i-rangīn shuda khandān
Namī gūyam khaṭṭ-i-tū sabza o raiḥān khad-i-tū gul
Shavad ẓāhir qadd-i-tū fitna-i-daurān dam-i-jaulān.

And by taking all the verses of this qaṣīda after the manner of an acrostic,^606a the following opening couplet is formed:—^606b

Shahanshāh-i-dīn pādishāh-i-zamān
Zi bakht-i-Humāyūn shuda kāmrān.

While again, if the ḥashw^606c of the two first couplets are written in red ink, the following opening couplet results, which may be read in three different metres.^606d

Rukh-i-tū lāla o nasrīn khatt-i-tū sabza o raiḥān
Lab-i-tū ghuncha-i-rangīn qadd-i-tū fitna-i-daurān.⁶⁰⁷

And if they be read in reversed order a couplet is formed which may also be referred to three several metres,^607a and with a change of qāfiyah^607b and radīf^607c in the following manner:—^607d

^470.

Khaṭṭ-i-tū sabza o raiḥān, rukh-i-tū lāla o nasrīn
Qadd-i-tū fitna-i-daurān,^607e lab-i-tū ghuncha-i-rangīn.

And from that which remains in black letters, a distinct opening couplet remained.^607f Other tours de force also existed in this opening couplet, which are explained in the marginal notes to the work.

And from the four⁶⁰⁸ couplets of a qaṣīdah^608a some of the words of which are written in red ink, the following qiṭa‘h^608b containing the conquest of Badakhshān may be obtained, and the qiṭa‘h also has a hidden meaning, the explanation of which is obtained from certain verses extracted from these two qaṣīdahs.^608c

Qiṭa‘h.

Tū-ī Shāh-i-Shāhān-i-daurān ki shud
Hamīsha turā kār fatḥ o ẓafar.
Giriftī Badakhshān o tārīkh shud.
Muḥammad Humāyūn Shah-i-baḥr o bar.^608d

Rubā‘ī.^608e

Until the weak body of the beggar became the dust of his
threshold,
His heart on account of his sorrow and vexation, fell desolate.
The life of this helpless one left him because of desire for the
beloved,
His love exceeded all bounds, if haply at that time that king
might summon him.

Gūshwāra.⁶⁰⁹

Tell the good tidings of the victory of the king of my faith.

And if my life should obtain a few days grace from that exacting creditor^609a Death, this qaṣīdah, together with all the qaṣīdahs and such useful information as I have written down in a separate note-book in the course of my travels, shall, should opportunity offer, be included among the contents of the second volume of the Najātu-r-Rashīd^609b which I am anxiously longing to complete, ^471. should God, who facilitates our undertakings, so will it.

Another poet^609c is Wafā‘ī, by which takhalluṣ Shaikh Zainu-d-Dīn Khāfī^609d is commonly known, who was Ṣadr-i-mustaqill (Judge-plenipotentiary) ^609e during the reign of Bābar Pādishāh. There is a mosque in Agra to his memory,⁶¹⁰ and a school situated on the other side of the river Jamna. He was the possessor of excellencies both bodily and mental, and in the construction of enigmas and chronograms, and in extempore versification, and in all the minutiæ of poetry and prose, and in rhetoric, he was unapproachable in his own age.

They say that in the very first assembly in which he made homage to Bābar Pādshāh, he asked, what is your age? Without premeditation he answered, Qabl azīn ba panj sāl chil sāla būdam, wa ḥālān chihal sāla am, wa ba‘d az dū sāl-i-dīgar chihal tamām mī shavad.^610a

It should moreover be known that (Bābar Pādshāh) also asked (a riddle) of the author of this Muntakhab saying: Pīsh azīn ba yak sāl panjah sāla būdam, wa ḥālān panjāh sāla am, wa ba‘d azīn ba dah sāl panjāh sāla mī shavam.^610b

It is well known that one day Shaikh Zain went to visit the brilliant resting-place of Sulṭānu-l-Mashāikh Niẓāmu-d-Dīn Aulīyā may God sanctify him, and having heard that story of the Shaikh about “Al Hidāyā mushtarak wa tanhā khushtarak”^610c repeated this qiṭ‘ah on the spot:

Qiṭ‘ah.

Oh our Shaikh! may there come to thee from God gifts without ceasing,
What am I that I should say “Al Hidāyā mushtarak”
Thou sayest “Tanhā khushtarak” as thou didst say before
Make it “Mushtarak” if thou dost not say

“Tanhā khushtarak.”

Verse.

Grief has seized me by the sleeve, why should I hide my head
in my sleeve?
Desire has grasped my skirt, why should I withdraw my foot ^472.
within my skirt?
Ah! my sleeve in desire for thee and my skirt also are torn
to rags,
Why should I hide my head in my sleeve and withdraw my
foot within my skirt without thee?⁶¹¹

He wrote a tārīkh dealing with the circumstances^611a of the conquest of Hindūstān, and explaining its wonders, in which he did full justice to the claims of erudition.

His death occurred near Chinhār in the year 940 H. and he was buried within the precincts of a college which he himself had founded.

Another (poet) was Maulānā Nādirī-i-Samarqandī, who was one of the wonders of the age, of excellent qualities, and a compendium of perfection.^611b He had a strong attachment for a beautiful youth named Niẓām, and the following well-known solution of an enigmatical meaning, was composed for him:

Verse.

I the broken-hearted tell the praises of Niẓām the famous,
For my heart, when absent from him, lies disordered⁶¹² and
enfeebled.

Rubā‘ī.

I am grieved, and in my heart on thy account I hold a
hundred sorrows,
Without the rubies of thy lips, I am matched against pain
hour by hour;
I am in despair for this life, I the poor, the dejected,
I hope that the road of annihilation may become my refuge.

Gūshwāra.

I sing the praise of the locks of my beloved.

And the following verses are part of the fruit of his fertile genius.

Ghazal.^612a

How wondrous graceful is my loved one's form,
I yield myself a slave to that figure and carriage;
My loved one would not look towards me with compassion,
Perhaps she displayed an inclination towards strangers.
Nādirī! go towards the wineshop
And pledge thy head and turban for wine.

Verse.

^473. Though I remained my whole life-long there at the head of
thy street,
I swear by my life, that I never enjoyed a moment's peace;
Wherever I bowed my head with the intention of obeisance
Thou wert there the Ka‘bah^612b towards which I turned.
A whole world was admitted to intimacy, and yet I remained
forlorn,
All were accepted there but I was rejected;
Why do you ask Nādirī, what is thy condition in that road,
At one time I am unhappy, at another I was happy⁶¹³ there.

He also wrote this Qaṣīdah in honour of the deceased Emperor.

Qaṣīdah.

Thanks be to God that with a settled mind
Intimate^613a friends sat together in pleasure;
The rose-garden is the pleasure-resort of people, for there in
the presence of the rose, the nightingale sorrowful at the
absence of his beloved became rejoiced by its presence.
It may be that the beloved one of the garden had been
stripped naked by Autumn,
So that she has woven a patchwork garment of the hundred
petals of the rose.
The rose and the jasmine, the spikenard and the basil are in
one place,^613b
See! the Emperor of Spring has come with his retinue and
troops.
The birds are singing the praises of the Emperor of heavenly
grandeur^613c
On the branches of the trees, like the preachers from their
pulpits.
The glorious Khāqān, the Emperor of dignity like Jamshīd,
Humāyūn,
Who has a powerful hand and a sturdy heart by the decree
of the Almighty.
From his intelligence springs the wisdom of the learned,
From his insight arises the perception of the men of acute
vision.
Since prohibited things are unlawful by the statutes of religion,
He hastens to perform the deeds for which there is divine
sanction.
^474. There have gathered together, to secure the victory of the
army of Islām,
The unrivalled warriors of his army, the brave men of his
troops,
Beneath his victorious standard, on the field of Fortune,
May the favour of the Everlasting be his protector and ally.
Oh thou by the generosity of whose hand all things have
their being,⁶¹⁴
By the sharpness of whose sword all properties both accidental and essential^614a obtain permanence.
In the first day of eternity, the object of creation for the
Lord of the world was the evolution of thy form from this
revolving sphere,
Should Gabriel a second time be the bearer of revelation,
Pure passages^614b will be revealed in thy glory.
Every subtilty of science which thy ruby lip pronounces
Has become as famous in the world as the uninterrupted
tradition.^614c
It is well-known that this is a commentary on the books of
mathematical science, this wonderful composition of thine
on the discovery of circles.
How can any one deny the vastness of thy knowledge?^614d
None but a stubborn disputant^614e will deny self-evident truths.
I cannot estimate thy perfections, for in every art thou hast
become perfectly skilled;
When compared with thy philosophic intellect and good fortune, the angelic essence becomes as one of the common
material⁶¹⁵ objects.
Thy generosity is of such a nature that at the moment of ^475.
bestowing
Thou knowest without asking all the hidden desires of the
mind.

This enigma upon the name of Kibār^615a is also by him:

Verse.

That face^615b is the Qur'ān, and that down on the cheek is the
sign^615c of tyranny and oppression;
The cheek of that heart-ravishing one has no endowment of
the mole of fidelity.^615d

The death of the aforesaid Maulānā took place in the year 966 H. and Mīr Amānī Kābulī wrote the following tārīkh⁶¹⁶ of the event.

Verse.

Alas! the pity of it, that the discerner of subtilties Nādirī
has departed,
That rare poet^616a who did full justice to eloquence in the world;
I sought to express the date of his death by way of enigma,
Wisdom answered one has gone from among the masters of
speech.^616b

Another is Shaikh Abul Wāḥid^616c Fārighī, who was deeply imbued with the feelings of a darvesh and was^616d renowned for his sweet singing; the following is taken from his poems:

Verse.

So great is the habitual oppression of that seeker after tyranny
That a morsel of mercy from him, seems a great beauty.

And in his impassioned style he says:

Verse.

Praise be to God that I am freed from the love of an ill-
conditioned sot,
Who used to fall, as did his eyes, from drunkenness in every
road,
Who, like the cup, for the sake of a draught, was lip to lip
with every man,
Who like the flagon bent himself to every cup in every place.

The following is also by him. ^476.

Verse.

At that time when my heart was blest with thy companionship,
It did not seem that such a blessing could be expressed;
In short, the whole of my life's reckoning had passed in
separation from thee,
Who can count the joy of meeting! what a store of happiness
it was!
Strangers last night were near you, while Fārighī at an
immense distance was burning like rue⁶¹⁷ upon the fire of
disappointment.

This is also his:

Verse.

Oh my intimate companions do not break the bond of union
In dispersion is distraction, do not break it and depart.

And again he writes:

Verse.

When thou drawest out thine arrow from my breast leave its
point there,
Grant me my heart to yield my life in thy service manfully.

His death occurred in the year 940 H., and he was buried in the monastery^617a of Shaikh Zainu-d-Dīn^617b at Agra, and in consequence of the extremity of their unanimity and concord both left the world in the same year. It is said that at the time when these two eminent men went to Hindūstān, owing to their excessive profligacy they possessed nothing but an old postīn^617c between them. Shaikh Zainu-d-Dīn^617d said to Shaikh Abūl-Wajd, ^617e “I will take this to the bāzār of Kābul upon the condition that you won't come and indulge in any pleasantries.” He agreed, and a purchaser having run it up to a most extravagant figure was ready to give five shahrukhīs⁶¹⁸ but Shaikh Zain kept demanding more. At last Shaikh Abūl-Wajd came up in a disinterested way and was acting as broker, after a deal of haggling he said, ^477. “Ah! you cheat! why this door mat^618a itself contains^618b five Shahrukhīs worth of fleas and lice”! so the bargain was at an end, and Shaikh Zain was annoyed and said, “What sort of time was this for the stupid jokes you are so fond of? We wanted the price of a loaf, and this is the way you're going to pay for^618c it”! Shaikh Abūl-Wajd fell into a fit of laughter.

Another is Jāhī Yatmān,^618d who was from Bukhārā, and having acquired a reputation on this account in Kābul, offered his services at the time when the late Emperor proceeded towards Hindustān^618e obtained great favours from Humāyūn, and rose to a confidential position, and at the time when Shāh Muḥammad Khān Sālū^618f was left in Kābul as revenue commissioner,^618g he treated ^618h the Mulla just like the rest of the people, and caused him serious annoyance. The Mulla accordingly composed an elegant tarkīb band lampooning Sālū,⁶¹⁹ and inasmuch as the Emperor had the daughter of Shāh Muḥammad Sālū^619a in his service, he made an exception^619b in his favour alone, and erased the names of all the members of his family, male and female, consigning them to ignominy. Inasmuch as Humāyūn was also incensed against that ass^619c who had been the source of all this mischief, he had that lampoon read^619d in Sālū's presence by the Mulla in full assembly, and evinced the greatest delight and merriment, and made him give a large sum as a reward. By degrees that lampoon became more and more disgracefully scurrilous, accordingly I have restricted myself to citing one extract from it in this place, which is as follows:—

“I am the poet of Shāh Humāyūn and the dust of his thres- ^478.
hold,
The retinue of my poetic worth casts the moon's brightness
into shade.
My poem is the Emperor, and my noble verses are his cavalry
and soldiery,
I experienced oppression from a fool,^619e without any fault or
crime of mine.
If a fragment of paper has become blackened by my ravings,
If my meditations turn towards^619f satirizing him,
The object is that that these idiotic asses
May have a regard for the honour and dignity of this class.
Alas, for that man who contends with the tribe of poets,
Whoever contends with me contends against calamity.”

The Emperor interfered at this verse saying, “Why do you not word it thus:

“Whoever contends with me contends with God”

The following verses are also by him:—

Verse.

As long as we have existed we have been lovers and have
incurred ignominy,
Yet we have been constant to the true proportions of lovers.

This is also his:—

Verse.

Ye, beauteous ones, are all devoid of love and faithfulness,
Ye treat your captives with tyranny and oppression,
Ye promised to be faithful, but have vowed falsely,
Say truly, why are ye all thus false?
Not in this city alone are we disgraced on your account.
^479. Everywhere ye are the cause of our disgrace,
How often will ye ask what is your object in the world?
I say truly that ye are, ye are, ye are.
Jāhī cannot save his life from your hands
For ye are a calamity of the calamities sent by God.

The following is also by him:

Verse.

Last night the moon of the ‘Īd appeared in the form of a
miṣqal⁶²⁰
Because from the vapours of fasting the mirror of the heart
was clouded.
Was this the new moon? or by reason of the leanness of
their bodies,
Did the bone of the rib of the thirsty-lipped fast-enduring
ones appear?
Or was it that they had fashioned a saddle^620a for the camel of
Lailī?
Or was it the bowed body of Majnūn who had become pale
and wan through grief?
The very heaven wishes to enrol itself among thy servants,
And for that reason has bent the bow in order to string it.⁶²¹
Moreover thy messenger has bound on his bells,^621a and has
placed the feather of distinction on his head,
He is going from Rūm to bear tidings from Zanzibār.

It must be borne in mind that this verse^621b Khwesh rā dar silk-i-khuddāmi tū mīkhwāhad falak. (The very heaven wishes to enrol itself among your servants) he has taken from a couplet of the qaṣīdah of Niẓām Astarābādī, which runs thus,—

Shab nujūm az majma‘-ī-mardum nishān āwarda and
Waz mah i nau tāza ḥarfe darmiyān āwarda and
At night the stars have appeared like an assembly of men
And have brought into their midst a new idea in the shape of
the new moon;
The Shāh of Zangbār has taken his seat upon the throne of ^480.
Empire
And the stars have brought the bow as an offering to him.

Rubā‘ī.

The down which encircles thy cheek is the cause of my distraction,
Thy locks are the cause of my helplessness and distress,
That dusky ringlet is bent upon my undoing,
All these charms are the cause of my distraction.

The following is also his:

Come, for the sky has prepared for your pastime^621c
The sun as the golden gourd, and the crescent-moon as the
hook.^621d

Bairām Khān has a well-known qaṣīdah with this same rhyme, but in a different metre, of which the following is the opening couplet:—

Verse.

Thy shaft has carried away the loop of the qabaq⁶²² from its
hook,
Thy meteor, by the help of the crescent-moon has erased the
form of the Pleiades.

These two opening couplets are derived from the opening couplet of a qaṣīdah by the celebrated Niṯārī Tūnī. The death of Mullā Jāhī took place in the year 956 H. and was due to some poison which a servant introduced into his cup.

Another poet is Ḥaidar Tūniā'ī, a man of parts, and unequalled in the technicalities of harmony, he had a competent faculty for both poetry and music. He spent the greater part of his life in Hindustān. The lampoon upon the Maliku-l-munajjimīn^622a of the ^481. time of Humāyūn Pādshāh, which he wrote at Panjgāh, is one of the marvels of the age, and a rarity for all time.

The following opening couplet which he wrote for his threnody on the death of the saintly martyred Imām,^622b accepted of God, murdered by man, offspring of the Prophet, by descent from the pure^622c Fāṭimah, upon them be peace,^622d is read during the ‘Āshūrā in the assemblies for the commemoration of the death of Husain.^622e

Verse.

The month of Muḥarram has come and our eyes are constrained
to weep,
We let fall tears of blood at the thought of Ḥusain's parched
lips.⁶²³

Rubā‘ī.

Thou art he whom in envy they call the sun and moon,
Thy troops, both horse and foot, they call the moonfaced ones.
Thou art worthy of this, with this grace and beauty of thine,
That all the kings of the age should call thee sovereign lord.

The following is also by him:—

My heart thou hast no friend to compare with sorrow for him,
Thou hast no comfort in life like sympathy for him.

And this:—

Every moment my heart's desire has some fresh allurement,
To bear her coquetry costs my life, what of that? it is her
life.
How can I liken the lips of my love to the bud of the rose,
The bud is tightly pursed it is true, but is dumb and silent.

The son of this man Ḥaidar Tūnī was an arrant coward and spiritless;^623a accordingly in the months^623b of the year 985 H. he had ^482. entered the service of Humāyūn; one day he was describing the circumstances of a journey by boat and its terrors, in such a way that the effects of fear were evident from his behaviour.^623c I asked saying, May be you regret having gone on the Hajj?^623d and I repeated as appropriate to the occasion that verse which his rivals said to the poet Qudsī.^623e

Verse.

From the hardships of the desert path, and its thorns,⁶²⁴
Of the coming to the Ka‘bah you are probably repentant.

He replied instantly, “Yea! verily.” The king said, why should he repent of having visited the Ka‘bah, though he may indeed repent of sitting in a ship. At that same moment Mathīn^624a Khān, the elegant and accomplished mime, in accordance with a hint from the king, made himself up^624b to represent a mad man bitten by a dog, and began to bark like a dog, and seized Ḥaidar,^624c and dragged him forward with his turban flying one way and his shoes another. He began running in all directions,^624d till at last he rolled on the ground, and set them all laughing immoderately. When he learned the truth he was desperately ashamed. The king attempted to console him, but it ended by his being obliged to leave Hindustān. Another is Shāh Ṭāhir Khwāndī^624e Dakkanī, the younger brother of Shāh Ja‘far; the ‘Ulamā of ‘Irāq, however ridicule his pretensions to descent from Khwāndī stock, and have prepared a document bearing upon this question, to which both his opponents and supporters subscribed their signatures,^624f as is mentioned in the Kāmilu-t-tawārīkh of Ibn Aṯīr Jaẓarī,^624g and also in the Lubbu-t-tawārīkh^624h of Qāẓī Yaḥya Qazwīnī, and other works. He claimed to be intimately connected with Shāh Ṭahmasp, but eventually he was led, by the abuse which was heaped upon him in connection with the aforesaid claim to relationship,⁶²⁵ and the excessive annoyance caused him by Mīr Jamālu-d-Dīn Ṣadr Astarābādī, to proceed to the Dakkan, which is famed as the ^483. refuge for the oppressed, where he met with a favourable reception from Niẓām Shāh, the ruler of that country, and was rewarded with considerable advancement, and attaining the highest dignities^625a reached the rank of Jumlatu-l-Mulk (Chief finance-minister of the State). The Shī‘ah tenets spread widely, in fact we may say they were really inaugurated in those regions through the instrumentality of Shāh Ṭāhir.^625b Niẓām Shāh Baḥrī, who was afflicted with an incurable^625c malady of long standing, was cured by the virtue^625d of a charm pronounced over him by Shāh Ja‘far, and that occurrence, which was in reality was of the nature of Istidrāj, he attributed to the miraculous powers (karāmāt) of Shāh Ja‘far,^625e and acting upon his instigation abandoned the religious tenets of Sunnat⁶²⁶ and Jamā‘at,^626a which he held as one of the Mah-dawīyah ,^626b and became a fanatical heretic.^626c What cruel and vexatious treatment as accursed and excommunicate did not these two ill-starred ones^626d inflict upon the ‘Ulamā and Shaikhs of that land! So that at last their disgraceful conduct led to the expulsion of the true Muslims, and heresy^626e from that day again became firmly rooted in that country.

Shāh Ṭāhir was in natural descriptive poetry comparable to Niẓām Astarābādī in astronomical poetry. The following is from one of his qaṣīdahs written in eulogy of Humāyūn Pādshāh. In it he has imitated Anwarī.

Verse.

When the golden litter of the sun enters the resting-place of
Ḥamal,^626f
The tulip lights its lamp, and the narcissus its torch;
Now the mountain is freed from the headache caused by
Bahman and Dai,⁶²⁷
And the spring cloud washes from its forehead the sandal.^627a

The following Qaṣīdah in praise of the Prophet^627b is also his, although the gurīz-gah,^627c nay even the commencement of the Qasīdāh in its entirety, is not suitable to the dignity of the holy ^484. Commander (of the Faithful) on him be peace.^627d

Qaṣīdah.

Once more the time has come when in accordance with the
summons of the sky
The rose spreads its crimson blanket on the couch of the
garden;
The clouds of Naisān, with the keen blood-hued dagger of
the lightning
Erases the word “ice”^627e from the pages of the earth's
surface.
The close-eyed darlings the buds, like an army of Ozbaks,^627f
Make a night-attack at early dawn upon the army of Dai,
Behold the forms of bud and of rose with the sky for a
branch!
The conical shadow of the earth is the bud, the sun in
heaven is the rose.
And for this reason that the assembly of the rose may not be
without a minstrel,
The nightingale has become the lute-player, the rose-branch
with its buds are the lute;
The garment of the rock would have become wet from the
moisture distilled from the clouds
Had not the mountain covered its back with the woollen
cloak⁶²⁸ of verdure.
Had not the lightning smitten its goad upon the head of the
elephant-like cloud
It would have laid in ruins the stately edifice of the sky.
The garden became the table of ‘Īsā, and the dew lying on it^628a
Looked like salt sprinkled here and there upon that table,
In order that the people may not receive base gold from the
hand of the jasmine,
The tulip cambist carries hidden under his arm the touchstone.
Every perfect thing which is not secure from the defects of
decay,
Seems in the sight of the wise and noble but a small thing.
The beloved of the garden is of perfect beauty but it had
been well
^485. If this beauty and comeliness had not been separated from it.
Alas! for that moment when at the instigation of desire the
army of Dai
Became emboldened^628b to lay waste the garden of roses.
The time is near at hand when the staff-bearer of the days of
Autumn
Will knock with his staff at the gate of the rose-garden.
The crow will then hold in derision the impassioned^628c nightingale,
And the withered petals will lie blackened beneath the
hundred petalled rose (the sun).
The wind has cast the diadem from the head of the garden-
glory,⁶²⁹
While the Siparak^629a sets itself up in antagonism to the cheek
of the rose.
With a view to the construction of that courtyard of which
Dai^629b has laid the foundation in the garden,
Everywhere there lie scattered about bricks of ice and mortar
of snow,
[For aged people who have experienced the tyranny of
Autumn
The optician Dai makes spectacles of the crystal ice.
[Soon will it happen that from fear of the staff of the
watchman of Dai
The people of the sweet herbs will take to flight one after
another].^629c
It is better for the wise man that he determine to make the
tour of such a garden
Where the autumn cannot be persuaded to go even by force.
That garden is the rose-garden of the praise of a king of so
high dignity
That the very angels descend from heaven to frequent his
Court.
Murtaẓā^629d the king, both of form and reality, inasmuch as he is
the source of the union of shadow and substance.
That one who, from the impetuosity of his royal falcon's ^486.
talons,
Breaks the wing of the heavenly Eagle⁶³⁰ as though it were a
duck.
Such a king is he that, in the train of the attendants at his
door,
Birjīs^630a bears the name Sa‘d, and ‘Utārid^630b that of Zīrak.
The table-steward of the sky, for the use of his lordly table,
Has brought the Pleiades^630c in his hand as salt-cellar and salt.
The moon has become the censer of his^630d assembly, and the
rays of the moon,^630e
Are the smoke of the aloes-wood which issues from that
censer,
From behind the mirror of the heavens, in accordance with
the rules of approval,
Whatever he said, Fate repeated the same like a parrot.^630f
[Who else is there whom they can bring into his train,
We recognise his other competitors, each one of them.
He bears no relation to tyranny-loving strangers,
The connoisseur perceives the difference between turquoise^630g
and glass beads;
Virtual justice and the decree of courts are mistakes,
For this reason that this question was decided in the case of
Faddak⁶³¹
The widow of time, since she was not meet for marriage,
He divorced her openly and irrevocably, then he left her.]^631a

The following opening couplet of his^631b is also well-known:— ^487.

Verse.

In this grief-populated world joy has departed from my
sorrowful heart,^631c
We are quite accustomed to grief to such an extent has joy
been forgotten.

Verse.

We have been defamed because of the crime of love, as the
devotee is blamed for his hypocrisy;
Both of us are defamed, but what a vast difference there is
between us?

The following is also his:—

Verse.

Come not out, for you will be the calamity^631d of the age,
We shall be slain and you will be disgraced.

The following qaṣīdah also^631e is a very happy production of his:—

Every man who sets his heart upon worldly desires
In the judgment of men of wisdom is not wise;
His death occurred in the year 952 H. in the Dakkan and for
the tārīkh of his decease the words Tābi‘u ahl-i-l-bait⁶³² were
devised.

Another is Khwāja Aiyūb^632a ibn Khwāja Abūl-barakāt,^632b who was one of the hereditary grandees of Mawarā-an-nahr. Both father and son, in spite of their excellencies acquired^632c and inherited, have become proverbial for indifference, the one in ‘Irāq and Khurāsān, and the other in Kābul and Hindustān. This Mun-ta khab has no room to relate their circumstances in detail, but they are related in many other places, and are well-known. It is said that Khwāja Abū-l-barakāt^632d read the following maṭla‘^632e of one of his own poems on the learned men of the age.^632f

Verse.

The field of my hope became parched, and a famine of faithfulness followed.^632g
488. Either this was from the fire of our heart, or that in the cloud
of our eye there remained no rain.

By way of fault-finding some one said to him that the yā (◌) in the last hemistich was meaningless, and in its place he should have written tā (◌). The Khwāja repeated the following qiṭ‘ah extempore by way of excuse:

Qiṭ‘ah.

Whatever comes before men of discrimination,
They do not draw lines by way of criticism.
They take the dots either above or below (as may be required)
Wise men are not bound by simple dots.
They read yā (◌) and carefully consider,
They do not read yā (◌) but make it tā (◌) in error.^632h

He also wrote a qaṣīdah in imitation of Salmān Sāwajī,⁶³³ of which the following is the opening couplet:—

Verse.

I burn with the fever of love, and my head is racked with the
pain of separation,
My soul comes to my lips, but my beloved comes not to me;
[Since the fire of my heart burns in my body like the flame
in a lamp
My skirt has been rent and my garment torn upon my head].^633a

And the following two poems are taken from a qaṣīdah which he wrote to satirise the Qāẓī of Nīshāpūr:—

Verses.

A certain theologian wrote contrary to the religious law of
the Prophet,^633b
There was nothing of that kind written in the books.
He wrote that honey is unlawful and wine lawful to be used
because (said he) the latter is the juice of the vine and the
former the spume of the bee.
To the wife who went^633c to complain of her husband to the ^489.
Qāẓī, saying I get no enjoyment of sense from him,
He replied, If he has become enfeebled and weak,
It is right that he should employ a hireling in his place.

The Khwāja in his poems sometimes uses the takhalluṣ^633d of Ayūb and sometimes that of Firāqī; the following ghazal is by him:—

Verse.

Lovely rose-branch, whose stature is straight as the cypress,
Thou hast twined a line of emerald around thy lips,
Thy form is straight like the letter Alif [may his shadow be
lengthened),
And thine eyebrows are extended like the madda over the
Alif.⁶³⁴
Thou hast cast the die of acceptance on the words of others,
But through the words of lovers thou has drawn the line of
refusal;
Thou endurest troubles, do not attempt to draw her, O painter
of Chīn,
Wert thou to draw a hundred, never would there come eyes
and locks like her's.
Firāqī, be not over-desirous of the wealth of union with her,
Thou hast suffered boundless tyranny and spite at the hands
of thy beloved.^634a

The king, who has now taken refuge in God's pardon, in spite of that unseemly behaviour was excessively fond of the Khwājah.

Accordingly, so^634b desirous was he of his society that he joined him in the marriage-bond to one of the Begams, in the hope^634c that he would adopt the manner of life of people of probity and rectitude, but the Khwājah was held so close a prisoner^634d by his evil habits, that he could not abide companionship with the king.

Verse.

When once evil habits have taken possession of the nature
They will never leave it till the day of death.

^490. He put forward various flimsy pretexts to that end, and not even contenting himself with this, one day while in the king's assembly he was guilty of a breach of decorum which one blushes to mention. The king, out of the exceeding kindliness and goodness of his nature, overlooked his fault, and merely remarked, “My dear Khwāja what sort of manners are these!” The Khwāja sought permission to proceed to Makka the revered, the blessed,^634e and after duly setting in order the requisites for his journey and the requirements for a sea-voyage,⁶³⁵ he bade him farewell. When he embarked he enquired of his companions, what^635a are the advantages of going thither? They replied, “Purification from past sins.” He rejoined, “I will wait then till I have fulfilled the catalogue of sins, and then be purified, so that I may have no further desire to sin.”^635b Thus he remained destitute of that grace, and abandoning himself to his desires, gave the rein to his passions. Sulṭān Bahādur of Gujrāt in consideration of pleasant companionship and good-fellowship, appointed^635c him a daily allowance of one ashrafī^635d for his expenditure. One day when he was passing through the bāzār of Aḥmadābād, seeing the Khwāja in the Tirpauliya mosque,^635e he reined back and with great kindness and empressement asked “How is the Khwāja faring?” He replied “On the fare which you have allotted me, one of my limbs even cannot obtain sufficient sustenance, why do you ask such a question?” Sulṭān Bahādur notwithstanding this rudeness doubled his allowance.^635f

Just at that time too Shāh Ṭāhir Dakkanī came to Gujrāt with all pomp and circumstance on the occasion of his embassage from Niẓām Shāh Dakkanī, and having heard such high praise of the Khwāja, arrived at his house, which had neither a mat nor a pitcher of water. A very pleasant colloquy followed, each reciting his own and hearing the other's verses, and on the next ^491. day, after arranging all the requirements of hospitality, with a khil‘at, a horse, and a bag of coin and valuable gifts in his own lodging, sent the Khwāja an invitation. In the warmth of their meeting and the enthusiasm of their conversation, suddenly the conversation turned upon⁶³⁶ religion and sects. The Khwāja enquired of the Shāh, what is the reason that the Shī‘ahs among you say such unbecoming things regarding the companions of the Prophet on him be peace? He answered ‘Our jurisconsults^636a have decided that cursing (la‘n) is an element of faith (Īmān).’ The Khwāja rejoined, ‘Curses on a faith of which cursing is an element.’ The Shāh was astounded at this, and their colloquy came to an end, and that urbanity and courtesy which he had thought to shew remained hidden by the curtain of his anger, and was lost. Finally he departed thence in wretchedness and ignominy to the Dakkan, and had an interview^636b with Niẓām Shāh, who likewise sent all that was necessary to his honourable reception, and received him cordially, but neither there could the Khwāja remain, owing^636c to his perverse temper and his want of self-restraint, till by leaving the world he freed himself from the torment of existence.

Verse.

My heart, be patient for that stern-hearted friend,
Is sitting and grieving sore^636d at his own unhappy fate.

Verse.

Where was the black horse? whither did I wend?

Who am I, and what words are these? but what can I do, for the rein of my restive, hasty^636e and audacious pen has been turned in this direction, and words have leapt forth beyond the area of my control. Were it not so, I know that it is no virtue to pry into faults, while to carp at the vices of others, shutting one's eyes to one's own defects is the acme of shortsightedness.

Verse.

The wicked sees all the vices of others,
From the pitcher that distils which it contains.⁶³⁷

God He is glorified and exalted, preserves all of us from that ^492. which is wrong and improper, and as at this time^637a the writer has not with him a selection from the anthologies of the eloquent and learned poets, accordingly he has found it necessary to restrict himself^637b to the brief mention of these few poets by way of an example.

Should this inconstant and transitory life give a few days respite, and should the days, in opposition to their usual habit afford assistance, and should Fate give its help, he will make mention of the poets of former times, and the contemporary poets of Hindūstān, especially of those whom he has seen or heard and appreciated in his own lifetime, together with extracts from their poems included in their biographies.

Mine is the endeavour, its perfection is from God.^637c Should this not come to pass, this much will suffice as a memorial of the author.

Qiṭa‘h.

If I remain in life, I will repair
The garment which exile has rent;
If I should die,^637d accept this my excuse,
Many are the hopes which crumble into dust.