Muntaḫab al-tavārīḫ - The Muntakhabu-’rukh, Volume 1

IN presenting this translation of the first volume of Badāonī's Muntakhabu-t-tawārīkh (Selections from Histories) I cannot but be conscious of its many defects.

No one who has not attempted to translate from Persian into English can form the slightest idea of the special difficulties of the task.

The inherent differences of idiom in the two languages, the rich expansiveness of the one, and the rigid inflexibility of the other, render the attempt to fitly represent the glowing colours of Persian in the dull monotone of modern English, all but hopeless. It has been said that the test of a translation is not its literalness but its truth: that is to say, not its fidelity to the author's expression, but its response to his inspiration. It must not merely reproduce the letter, it must embody the spirit of the original composition.

How great is the demand thus made upon the translator must be evident to anyone who is acquainted with both Persian and English: and the difficulties which appear so formidable in prose translation, become insurmountable in the case of poetry.

The various metres of Persian poetry are so entirely characteristic and essential in their nature, that it has appeared to me futile, if not impertinent, to attempt similar metrical renderings in English.

Even where it is possible to reproduce by conjunction of English words, the rhythm and accent of any Persian metre, such a composition no more recalls the original, than does the skeleton of the anatomical museum summon up the living and breathing animal.

For this reason, the poetical portions of Badāonī's work have, in the present translation, almost without exception been rendered, not in verse but in prose, thus preserving the substance while sacrificing the form, as the transparent cube of salt may be crushed so as to be unrecognisable by its crystalline form, but still retains its chemical composition. To render poetry satisfactorily a translator must be both linguist and poet; if he be only a linguist he should not tamper with the finished work of the poet; he can, at best, only hope to outline the subject, leaving the colour-scheme untouched.

I am aware that a high authority^0-2 has expressed himself in favour of the translation of Persian poetry into English verse, but the qualifications which shall render a translator competent to undertake such a task must fall to the lot of very few.

With this full knowledge of the difficulties to be encountered, the present translation was undertaken, and it is presented in the confidence that those who are the best judges of the nature of the task will be the first to make allowances for defects in its performance.

For a life of Badāonī reference should be made to page 117 of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, No. III, 1869, where an excellent biography will be found written by the late Professor Blochmann.

The sources from which this translation has been made are the following:—

1. The “Muntakhab Al-Tawārīkh,” edited by Maulavī Aḥmad Alī, printed at the College Press, Calcutta, 1868, and published in the Bibliotheca Indica of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. I, referred to in the translation as the Text.

2. Manuscript No. 1592 of the Muntakhabu-t-Tawārīkh of ‘Abdu-l-Qādir Mulūk Shāh Badāonī, in the library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Written by one Muḥammad Saiyyid (?), in the year 1255 H. (1839 A.D.). This is referred to in the translation as MS. (A).

3. Manuscript No. A. 44, also from the above library. This is referred to in the translation as MS. (B). The transcriber of this Manuscript is one Muḥammad Nāẓim. It bears no date.

The printed text has been carefully collated with these two manuscripts, and all variant readings noted.

IN THE NAME OF GOD THE COMPASSIONATE, THE MERCIFUL.

Oh thou^1a from whose name spring all other names,

Kings at thy door are suppliant as I at theirs—

When once the impulse of zeal for thee was felt,

No foot remained shod, no head remained crowned.

Emperor of the world! with this unprofitable soul of mine which has become the abode of demons and wild beasts,^1b in what way can I conceive thy praises, and with this worn and foolish tongue of mine, which has become as it were food for cats and dogs, how can I chant thy eulogy.

How can the miserable dust proclaim the Unity of God.

How in this state of defilement praise the Divine Being.

Moreover, the foot of search limps feebly in this unknown road, because of my constant anxiety and habitual fear, while in this limitless desert, my stammering tongue finds the sphere of speech always contracted.

That which my soul knows is but secondary,^1c what my tongue speaks are but particles—(and therefore unintelligible).
How can I know thee in my soul or express thee with my tongue.

This seems best, that I should restrain my pen from travelling ^2. in this valley, and having hidden the head of bewilderment in the cloke² of meditation on men and regions^2a should open the eye of my understanding to the knowledge of Thy all-perfect works and unfading kingdom, and proceeding, through the vicissitudes of affairs of created beings, to the Unity of thy exalted personality, should end with the world of proclaiming and confessing the Unity of God,^2b so that I may see with the eye of certainty—nay more that I may recognize that

In thy excellence there is no room for duality,^2c
Thou and thy majesty make up the universe.

and I have moistened my lips with the pure water of the praise of that chieftain whose name is “praised”^2d whose end is lauded; Lord of the promised fountain,³ and of the praise which is on every tongue^3a (may the blessing and peace of God be upon him and his family) because the mantle of the honour of eternal and everlasting empire lies gracefully upon his noble figure, and the proclamation^3b and stamp of undiminishing power and glorious sovereignty of right belongs to his exalted name.

The monarch of Arabia of whom the world is a manifestation,
The Lord of the earth, whose servant he is, swears by his name.
He was the near neighbour of the Truth for this reason had no shadow^3c
To the end that no one should place a foot on (the shadow of) his head—

Countless^3d praises and eulogies on the elect family and the truth-perceiving companions of the Prophet, especially upon the rightly-guided Khalífahs^3e (may the favour of God be on them all) who, for the elevation of the standard of religion and the promulgation of the word of evident truth^3f risked their lives and laid down their heads as a ransom, and thus cleared the thorns of infidelity and the undergrowth of heresy from the plain of the kingdom of the sacred law.⁴

After the praise of God and of the Lord the protector of the divine missive (may the blessing of God be upon him, his family and his companions, a blessing safe from all termination), we have to declare that the science of History is essentially a ³ lofty science and an elegant branch of learning, because it is the fountain-head of the learning of the experienced, and the source of the experience of the learned and discriminating, and the writers of stories and biographies from the time of Adam to this present time in which we live, have completed reliable compositions and comprehensive works, and have proved the excellence thereof by proofs and demonstrations, but it must not be supposed that the reading and study of this science—as certain lukewarm religionists, and the party of doubt and dissent, shortsighted as they are, are wont to affirm—has been or will be a cause of wandering from the straight path of the illustrious law of Muḥammad (may the blessing and peace of God be upon him and his family), or become the entry into and way of ascent to the fountainheads of scepticism, and drinking places of defilement of the licentious and heretical, and those who have gone astray; because for a body of men who in the very essence of their constitution are devoid of any share in religious principle, the reading of the eternal word which is the key of evident happiness and “a healing and a mercy for the worlds,”^4a becomes a cause of misery and everlasting loss “and if they are not guided by it they say— “this is an antiquated lie.”⁵

If this is the case with the Qurán^5a what chance has History?

“When any man has lost his hearing through melancholia,^5b
He cannot participate in the music of David and its harmony.”

But I address my words to those who are endowed with the qualities of sound intellect and brilliancy of genius, and natural equity—not to those who are not led by the sacred law and who deny all principle, fundamental or derivative,^5c because such men are not worthy of this discourse, nor are they within the pale of the wise, and discreet, and understanding, and how can one absolutely refuse to admit a science which is one-seventh of the ^4. seven sections⁶ upon which the foundation of the establishment of Faith and Certainty is laid.

“And all that we relate to thee of the tidings of the prophets with which we have established your hearts”^6a tells us of this, and a large body of the learned expositors of the traditions and commentators on the Qurán, as for example Imám Bukhárí^6b and Qáẓí Baiẓáwí^6c up to our own times have occupied themselves in writing about this heart-enthralling science, and their words and practice have become an authority for the nations both East and West, in spite of the diversity of their origins and the distinction of their various degrees. While on the other hand an insignificant band of innovators and inventors who with the disgraceful partisanship of greedy mindedness and importunate desires, and shortsightedness as regards both outward and inward qualities, have placed their feet in the valley of audacity, and have introduced interpolations and errors into true and memorable histories, and having abandoned recognised constructions⁷ and explanations, and interpretations of obvious nature, and estimating the conflicts and discussions of the noble companions and mighty followers (of the Prophet) by their own condition, attributed them to mutual contradiction and hatred, and to rivalry in the splendour and amount of their property and family, and having seduced simple minded people of elementary belief, have led them, by their own error and by attributing error to others, to Gehenna, the house of perdition.

“When the crow^7a becomes leader of a tribe, he will surely lead them along the path of destruction.”

And if the eye of a man be instilled with the collyrium of the Divine guidance, and illuminated by the light of truth, and guarded from every calamity which happens in the world of existence and evil, he passes to the Unity of the Creator, the Ancient of days, the Glorious, freed from the stain of innovation, and purified from the blemish of change and alteration. And when I look carefully, I see that the world is itself an ancient archetype which has neither head nor root, its pages are a confused record, and in each page there is a list of the affairs of a section of ^5. mankind who have had the reins of the management of affairs entrusted to their hands.

This ancient Sháhnáma relates the affairs of the kings of the world.
Do thou always look and read therein with circumspection.
The spell of this narrative brings sweet sleep to him
Who is in delirium, and has become distracted with madness of the brain.
But it also wakens him who on account of pride, has fallen into the slumber of carelessness and whom the devil has deceived.

And inasmuch as the invoker of blessing upon all mankind, ‘Abdul Qádir ibn Mulúk Sháh Badáoni (may God erase his name from the book of sins) in the beginning of the year 999⁸ in accordance with the fateful order of his excellency the Khalífah of the time, the shadow of the Deity, Akbar Sháhí^8a when he had finished his selection from the History of Kashmír^8b which, by the soul-inspiring order of that world-conquering Emperor whose throne is the heaven, one of the incomparable doctors of India had translated from the Hindí into Persian, yielded to a liking which he had for this science from youth to maturity, and as it was seldom that he had not been occupied in reading and writing it, either of his own free will and accord or in obedience to orders, it used often to occur to him to write as well an epitome of the affairs of the Emperors of the metropolis of Dehli, from the time of the commencement of Islám to the time of writing, in a concise manner,——

All the world is but a village that (city of Mecca) is the central point^8c (of Islám).

that it might be a memorandum comprising a portion of the events of each reign in brief form, and a memorial for my friends, and a conspectus for the intellectual, and although it might not be a book to be relied upon, or a notable composition, still in accordance with the saying ——

“These ancient pages of the sky whose beauty the stars are, ^6.
Are an ancient hiṣtory of many Emperors whose armies excel the stars in number,”

it may be that from the perusal of this book a messenger from the world of spirits and invisible mysteries may cast a ray of light upon the receptive mind, and thus being a cause of abstraction and seclusion, may wean the soul from the love of this transitory world, and may aid the compiler of these pages in the prosecution of his task, and his hopes may not be blighted; and inasmuch as each day some new grief used to appear, and some vexatious annoyance used to shew itself, helps being few and hindrances many; moreover by reason of fresh toils and temporal changes it was difficult to remain in one place.

“Each day would bring a different place, each night a different roof.”

And besides all this, my sustenance was by no means assured, hanging as it were between heaven and earth, and my heart utterly distracted by separation from kindred and friends; accordingly that commission was only accomplished by fits and starts,⁹ until a kind and complaisant man of wealth, orthodox and religiously disposed, and happily furnished with this world's goods, who was very devoted to me, and for whom I too entertained an indescribable ạffection, having completed the writing of the Táríkh i Niẓámí^9a which is a bulky volume, and which is here being completed by me—removed the furniture of life to the sublime abode of Paradise.

“He has departed—I too follow him.
Each one at last must go the self same way.”

At this juncture, when Time departing from its usual custom, has treated me in the matter of leisure with some sort of liberality, it has come about that I have been able to steal a morsel of ^7. the chequered¹⁰ hours of my life from his grasp, so that I renewed my intention and confirmed my purpose, and on this ground that there is no bygone event which has not left something for the present,

“If the peasant thoroughly clears under the sheaves of wheat
He leaves the sparrow's portion on the ground,”

I have selected and transcribed accurately a portion of the circumstances of some of the autocrat Emperors of Hindustan from the Táríkh i Mubárak Sháhí^10a and the Niẓámu-t-Tawáríkh of Niẓámí^10b which is as it were a drop in the ocean and a bubble of the turbulent floods, and have also added somewhat of my own, and have kept before me the desirability of conciseness and have imposed upon myself the necessity of avoidance of all affectation of style and metaphor, and have named this model composition Muntakhabu-t-Tawáríkh.¹¹ I hope that this imperfect collation and composition, whose object is the perpetuation of the auspicious names of the Emperors of Islám, and the transmission of a memorial thereof in this changing world until the final consummation, may lead to the pardon of the author in the world to come, and not be an augmentation of the crimes laid to his charge.

“And do thou, O Nightingale, as thou roamest through this garden,
With all thy sweetness, abstain from blaming the defects of the crow.”

Since the object of my ambition is to write correctly, if I should by accident let fall from my pen the instrument of my thoughts, or commit in my thoughts, which are the motive agent of my ^8. pen, any slip or error, I hope that He (may He be glorified and exalted) in accordance with his universal mercy which is of old, will overlook and pardon it.

By speaking evil do not change my tongue,
And do not make this tongue of mine my wrong.^11a

And since the first of the Emperors of Islám who were the cause of the conquest of Hindustán—(after Mahomed Qásim,^11b

cousin and son-in-law of Hajjáj-ibn-Yúsuf Ṯaqfí,¹² who in the year, 93 A.H., (711 A.D.), conquered the countries of Sind, Multán and Gujrát, and, by the order of Walíd ibn-‘Abdul Malik Marwání^12a who on an important occasion wrote to him from Damascus and summoned him to his presence, starting from Oodypur in India, and wrapping himself in a raw hide, while on his journey yielded up his life to God, and after him the affairs of Islám in that country lost all order) were Náṣiru-d-din Subuktigín¹³ whose son was Sulṭán Maḥmúd Ghaznaví who every year used to make incursions into India with the object of plundering and engaging in religious warfare, and in the reign of whose sons Lahore became the seat of Government, so that Islám never again lost its hold on that country—accordingly I deemed it right to commence this history with an account of that monarch whose end was glorious, so that it may be fortunate from the first, and lauded at the last—and God is the best of helpers and defenders.

From Sulṭán Náṣiru-d-dín Subuktigín to Khusrau Malik, who, prior to the conquest of Dehli, proclaimed Islám in Hindustán, from the year 367 A.H. (977 A.D.), to the year 582 A.H. (1186 A.D.). Their sovereignty thus lasted two hundred and fifteen years under the sway of fifteen monarchs.

Was of Turkí origin, the slave of Alptigín who was a servant of Amír Manṣúr-ibn-Núḥ Sámání.¹⁴ In the year 367 H. after the death of Abú Iṣḥáq, the son of Alptigín, by common consent of the soldiery and populace he succeeded^14a to the imperial throne in the city of Bust^14b and raised the standard of conquest, and girding up the loins of energy and effort for foray and religious war, he invaded Hindustán on the frontiers of the country of Koh-i-Júd ¹⁵ and having fought a severe battle with Jaipál who was the ^9. ruler of Hindustán, concluded peace with him. Jaipál, however, broke the treaty. Accordingly Náṣiru-d-dín Subuktigín equipped an army composed of 10,000 cavalry and numberless elephants huge as mountains, and engaged in conflict with him a second time, fought a great battle with him in the neighbourhood of Lamghánát,^15a the breeze of victory stirred the banners of Amír Náṣirn-d-dín, the army of Jaipál suffered defeat, and he himself took to flight and sought refuge in Hindustán. Thus Lamghánát came into the possession of Amír Náṣiru-d-dín, the Khutbah was read and the coin struck in his name.^15b Then he proceeded to the assistance of Amír Núḥ-ibn-Manṣúr Sámání^15c and was the means of procuring notable victories in Khurásán and the regions beyond the river.^15d Finally in the month of Sha‘bán^15e of the year 387 A.H. (997 A.D.,) he obediently submitted to the summons of the Almighty, having reigned for twenty years.

When Subuktigín, in the month of Sha‘ban 387 H., while on the road to Ghaznín, receiving the summons of the Almighty responded “Here am I,” he appointed his young son Isma‘íl as his successor.¹⁶ When this news reached Maḥmúd who was the elder son of Subuktigín, he wrote a letter of condolence to his brother and sought a peaceful solution of the difficulty on the following terms: That Isma‘íl should give up Ghaznín to Maḥmúd, receiving in its stead the governorship of Balkh: Isma‘íl refused these terms, and eventually war was declared between the brothers. Maḥmúd was victorious, and after defeating Isma‘íl, ^10. kept him closely besieged in Ghaznín for a space of six months, at the expiration of which time certain of their friends intervened and made peace between them. Isma‘íl then came and had an interview with Maḥmúd, and the sovereignty devolved upon Yamínu-d-Daulat Maḥmúd. After this a quarrel arose between Maḥmúd and Manṣúr ibn-Núḥ Sámání and also his brother ‘Abdu-l-Malik ibn-Núḥ.^16a Eventually Maḥmúd got the upper hand. The Amírs of ‘Abdu-l-Malik also, Fáiq and Baktúzún, who engaged in contest with Maḥmúd, were defeated by him, and the sovereignty of the whole of Khurásán, of Ghaznín, and the frontiers of Hindustán came into the hands of Maḥmúd.

Maḥmúd's mother was the daughter of the ruler of Zábul^16b

[that is to say Qandahár¹⁷] accordingly, he is called Maḥmúd Zábulí—as Firdausí^17a says:

The auspicious court of Maḥmúd Zábulí is an ocean,
An ocean such that no shore can be found for it:
I went to the ocean—I dived but found no pearl
The fault is my fortune's—not that of the ocean.

In the early part of his reign he had some unpleasant correspondence with the Khalífah of Baghdád Al-Qádir billáhi ‘Abbási.^17b Eventually the Khalif despatched a magnificent robe of honour, and many presents of precious things and gems, and conferred on him the title of Amíru-l-Míllat Yamínu-d-Daulat.

Leaving Ghaznín he went to Balkh and Herát, and in 387 A.H., (997 A.D.) he returned to Ghaznín after having settled those provinces, and thence made repeated incursions and forays into Hindustán, and took several fortresses. ‘Asjadí^17c composed the following qaṣída in honour of this expedition:

When the king of kings marched to Somnát^17d
He made his own deeds the standard of miracles.

In the month of Shawwál, 391 A. H., (1000 A.D.) Maḥmúd re- ^11. turned to Hindustán from Ghaznín with ten thousand cavalry, and reduced Pesháwar. He also again drew up his forces on these frontiers for battle with Jaipál who confronted him with large forces of cavalry and infantry and three hundred elephants. Sulṭán Maḥmúd gained the day and Jaipál was taken prisoner together with fifteen of his relatives, his brothers and his sons; and five thousand infidels fell by the sword. Great spoils fell into the hands of the Gházis, among them a pearl necklet which was on the neck of Jaípál, which was worth some hundred and eighty thousand dínárs,¹⁸ and the necklets of the others too, on the same scale. This victory was won on Saturday,¹⁹ the 8th of Muḥarram, 392 H., (1001 A.D.) Leaving this place Maḥmúd proceeded to the fortress of Tabarhindah^19a which was the residence^19b of Jaipál, and conquered that country.

After this in the month of Muḥarram 393 A.H. he left Ghaznín and proceeded to Hindustán by way of Seistán and assaulted Bhátia^19c which is in the vicinity of Multán. The Rájá of that place, Bejí Ráí, fearing the punishment of the Sulṭán killed himself with a dagger, and they brought his head to the Sulṭán. Many Hindús, more than one can number, were hurried along the road to non-existence by the pitiless sword, and Maḥmúd took as spoil two hundred and seventy elephants while Dá‘úd ibn-Naṣr^19d the renegade ruler of Multán, being reduced to submission by the Sulṭán, agreed to pay twenty times twenty thousand dirhams^19e annual tribute.

As he was advancing to Multán, Anandpál, son of Jaipál, rose up against him to oppose the advance of the Sulṭán, but fled after the battle to the mountains of Kashmír, and the Sulṭán reached ^12. Multán by way of Hindustán.²⁰ Those events occurred in 396 A.H. (1005 A.D.) In the following year 397 A.H. (1006 A.D.) a battle was fought at Balkh between Maḥmúd and Ilak Khán^20a king of Máwará an-Nahr.^20b Sulṭán Maḥmúd was victorious; Ilak Khán finally died in the year 403 H. (1012 A.D.)

In the year 398 H. (1007 A.D.) Maḥmúd entered Turkistán, and having settled the affairs of the Turkís, pursued Súkhpál^20c Nabsa, Rájá of Sind (who having embraced Islám had been released from his captivity to Abú ‘Alí Sinjúrí but had again joined the idolators and apostates) overcame him and threw him into prison where he died.

In the year 399 A.H. (1008 A.D.) Maḥmúd a second time entered Hindustán and engaging in battle with the aforesaid Anand Pál defeated him, and betaking himself with his vast spoil to the fortress of Bhímnagar^20d —which nowadays is known as the Thána of Bhím—reduced it by promising quarter to the garrison, and gained possession of the treasure and valuables which had been buried and stored there since the time of Bhím, and in the early part of the year 400 H. he caused several golden and silver thrones to be placed in his court, and ordered that all that boundless and incomputable wealth should be scattered at the foot of his own throne that the people might gaze on it. In the year 401 H. (1010 A.D.) he left Ghaznín and again marched towards Multán, and took possession of the remninder of the country and put to death the greater part of the Karma-tians ²¹ and heretics of that region, and sent the remainder whom he did not put to death to the fort,^21a where they died. He took Dáúd ibn Nasr, the heretic ruler of Multán, to Ghaznín and kept him a prisoner in the fortress of Ghorí,^21b where he died.

In the year 402 H. (1011 A.D.), he set out for Thánesar^21c and ^13. Jaipál, the son of the former Jaipál, offered him a present of fifty elephants and much treasure. The Sulṭán, however, was not to be deterred from his purpose; so refused to accept his present, and seeing Thánesar empty he sacked it and destroyed its idol temples, and took away to Ghaznín, the idol known as Chakar-súm, ²² on account of which the Hindús had been ruined; and having placed it in his court, caused it to be trampled under foot by the people. In the year 403 H. (1012 A.D.), he conquered Ghurjistán,^22a and in the selfsame year an ambassador arrived from the ruler of Egypt, and when the Sulṭán heard that he was of the Bátiní sect,^22b he exposed him to public ridicule^22c and expelled him.

In the year 404 H. (1013 A.D.), he prepared an expeditionary force to attack Nandana,^22d a city situated on the mountains of Bálnáth. Jaipál II^22e left a force to defend that fortress, and himself proceeded to the Kashmír pass. The Sulṭán gained possession of that fortress with promise of quarter, and left Sárégh Kotwál to defend it, while he pursued Jaipál. He took the vast spoils of that mountainous region and put many infidels to death by the sword of holy war, and honoured the rest by admitting them to Islám—a certain number he led captive to Ghaznín.

In the year 406 H. (1015 A.D.), he contemplated the conquest of Kashmír, and besieged the fortress of Lohar Kot,^22f which was a very high fort, but was forced to abandon the siege on account of the severity of the cold and rain, and the constant reinforcements available to the Kashmírís, and returned to Ghaznín. In that year he entered into a contract for the marriage of his sister with Abul Abbás ibn Mámún Khwárazm Sháh,²³ and sent her to Khwárazm.

In the year 407 H. (1016 A.D.), a band of ruffians murdered ^14. Khwárazm Sháh, and Maḥmúd leaving Ghaznín, proceeded first to Balkh and thence to Khwárazm, where a furious battle took place between his forces and those of Khamártásh, the commander-in-chief of Khwárazm. The Sulṭán's forces gained the day and Maḥmúd appointed Altún Tásh governor of that country, investing him with the title of Khwárazm Sháh, he also took vengeance on the murderers of Khwárazm Sháh, and returned (to Ghaznín) after having arranged those important affairs.

In the year 409 H., he marched with the object of subduing Qanauj,^23a and having crossed the seven^23b dangerous rivers of Hindustán, upon his arrival in the neighbourhood of Qanauj, Kúrah,^23c the ruler of Qanauj, offered his submission, and sued for quarter, offering presents. Leaving that place he arrived at the fortress of Barnah²⁴ whose governor Barwat, having entrusted the defence of the fortress to his kinsfolk, retired into seclusion.

The garrison of the fort not being able to withstand Maḥmúd's assault sent a present of a lakh and fifty thousand^24a rupees, with thirty elephants, and thus obtained quarter. From thence Maḥmúd proceeded to the fortress of Maháwun^24b on the banks of the river Jon,^24c where the governor of the fort named Kal Chandar^24d attempted to escape by crossing the river riding on an elephant, but in the meantime the troops of the Sultán arrived, and he destroyed himself by stabbing himself with a dagger—

By that same watery path he went to Hell.
When to live is to fulfil the desires of one's enemies
Death is infinitely preferable to life.

At the taking of the fortress of Qanauj eighty-five elephants and a boundless amount of spoil fell into the hands of the troops. From thence he went to Mathra^24e which is a place of worship of the infidels, and the birth place of Kishan, the son of Basudev, ^15. whom the Hindus worship as a divinity—where there are idol temples without number, and took it without any contest, and rased it to the ground. Great wealth and booty fell into the hands of the Muslims, among the rest they broke up by the orders of the Sulṭán, a golden idol, the weight of which was ninety-eight thousand three hundred miṯgáls²⁵ of refined gold and a piece of sapphire^25a whose weight was four hundred and fifty miṯqáls: besides a celebrated elephant of huge size, like a mountain, belonging to Rájá Gobind Chand, one of the Rájás of Hindustán, which the Sulṭán had long earnestly sought to buy, but which was not to be had. By chance one night, when they were returning, this elephant broke loose and came into the Sultán's camp without a keeper. The Sulṭán was greatly pleased with its capture, and gave it the name of Khudádád.^25b When the spoil reached Ghaznín it was found to amount to over twenty million and fifty-three thousand dirams, and three hundred and fifty odd elephants.^25c

In the year 410 H. (1019 A.D.), Maḥmúd again turned his footsteps towards Hindustán and encountered and fought on the banks of the river Jon with Nandá the Rája of Kálinjar,^25d who had with him 36,000 cavalry and 45,000²⁶ infantry and 640 elephants, and who had put to death the Rájá of Qanauj on the occasion of his submission to the Sulṭán, and who had also come to the help of Jaipál, who had several times fled from before the Sulṭán. The servants of the Sulṭán who had gone forward to ^16. the attack, found the city deserted, and sacked it. A terrible dread overwhelmed the heart of Jaipál, so that leaving all his property and material of war just as they stood, he took to flight with some selected companies. Five hundred and eighty elephants during the pursuit, emerging from a forest, fell into the hands of the Sulṭán's troops. He then returned to Ghaznín.— Many regions passed from the possession of the infidels to the Muslims, moreover the people of that country, either willingly or perforce, made profession of Islám.

In the year 412 H. (1021 A.D.), Máhmud proceeded to Kash-mír and laid siege to the fort of Loharkot for a month, but it held out being exceedingly well fortified. Leaving Loharkot he went to Lahore, and in the beginning of spring returned to Ghaznín.

In the year 413 H. (1022 A.D.), he again made an attempt on the country of Nandá, and when he arrived at the fortress of Gwáliár, having reduced it peaceably and accepted presents from its governor, confirmed him in his governorship. As part of that present there were thirty-five elephants. Leaving that place he went to the fort of Kálinjar, the commander of which first made an offering of three hundred elephants and sought his protection.^26a

He also composed a poem in Hindí in praise of the Sulṭán, and sent it to him, whereupon the Sulṭán read the poem in the presence of the eloquent men of Hindustán and the poets of his own country. They were all loud in their praises of the poem, and the Sulṭán was so proud of it, that he wrote a patent conferring upon him the governorship of fifteen forts as a reward for the poem. Nandá also sent large quantities of property and jewels, and countless articles of value as an offering to Maḥmúd. The Sulṭán victorious and triumphant returned to Ghaznín.

In the year 414 H. (1024 A.D.), Mahmúd went to Balkh, and ^17. passed the river Jaihún.²⁷ The chiefs of the regions beyond the river,^27a hastened to meet him, and Yúsuf Qadr Khán king of the whole of Turkístán, came out to receive him, and visited the Sulṭán. They held great banquets and gave presents to each other, and Alí Tagín, of whose oppression the people of the regions beyond the river had complained, learning what was happening took to flight. The Sulṭán pursued him and having captured him sent him a prisoner to one of the fortresses of Hindustán, then he returned and spent the winter in Ghaznín.

Once more^27b he led his army against Somnát, which is a large city on the coasts of the ocean,^27c a place of worship of the Brahmans who worship a large idol. There are many golden idols there. Although certain historians have called this idol Manát, and say that it is the identical idol which the Arab idolators brought to the coasts of Hindustán in the time of the Lord of the Missive (may the blessing and peace of God be upon him), this story has no foundation, because the Brahmans of India firmly believe that this idol has been in that place since the time of Kishan, that is to say four thousand years and a fraction. Its name too, in the Hindí language, is really Sobha Náth, that is to say Lord of Beauty, and not Manát.²⁸ The reason for this mistake must surely be the resemblance in name, and nothing else. In this expedition, having taken the city of Patan^28a which is known as Naharwála, a city of Gujerát, and having obtained a great supply of provisions from thence, he arrived at Somnát where the garrison closed the gates of the fort against him, and reaped their reward in rapine and plunder. The fort was taken and Maḥmúd broke the idol in fragments and sent it to Ghaznín, where ^18. it was placed at the door of the Jámi‘ Masjid and trodden under foot.^28b

At the time of his return, not considering it expedient to fight with Bairám Dev,^28c one of the mighty Rájás of Hindustán who stood in his way, Maḥmúd turned towards Multán by way of Sindh.²⁹ His army suffered great hardships from scarcity of water and forage, until with great difficulty he reached Ghaznín in the year 417 H.

In that year Al Qádir billáhi^29a the Khalífah, despatched a flag with a letter appointing the Sultán^29b to the Governorship of Khurásán and Hindustán, Nímroz and Khwárazm, and conferred titles of honour upon his brothers and sons, and in the same way assigned the titles of Kahfu-d-Daulat wal Islám to the Sultán, and to his elder son Amír Mas‘úd that of Shahábu-d-Daulat wa Jamálu-l-Millat, and to Amír Muḥammad his younger brother that of Jalálu-d-Daulat, and to Amír Yúsuf that of ‘Aẓdu-d-Daulat— and so forth.

In this year by way of punishing the Jats^29c of the vicinity of Multán, who had committed many acts of disrespect, Maḥmúd brought an army to Multán—and four thousand (some say eight thousand) boats belonging to the Jats laden with their families and property, were sunk in the Multán river on the occasion of a victory obtained by the boats of the Sultán, on which they had arranged some especial contrivance,^29d and the Jats were drowned and sank in the whirlpool of destruction, and the rest became food for the sword, their families were taken captive, and the Sulṭán, victorious and triumphant, returned to Ghaznín.—

In the year 418 H. (1027 A.D.) marching towards Báward,^29e he utterly destroyed the Turkomans of that country, and thence he hastened to Rai³⁰ and laid hands on the treasures and hidden valuables of that country which had been there for many years, and eradicated ^19. the false religionists and Karamanians of that place, and bestowed Rai and Isfahán on Amír Mas‘úd his elder son. He then returned to Ghaznín and shortly afterwards became attacked by consumption, ^30a his weakness day by day increased. Nevertheless he used to take great pains to pretend that he was well and strong, and in that condition went to Balkh and in the spring came to Ghaznín, and died of that disease on Thursday, the 23rd of Rabi‘ul Awwal, 421 A.H.,³¹ and was buried at Ghaznín. His age was sixty years, and he had reigned thirty-one years. They say that when he was dying he ordered them to bring all his wealth and treasures and property before him, he lay looking at them from time to time regretfully sighing at having to part with them. He would not give the smallest trifle to any one.

He had made the journey to Hindustán and engaged in holy war, twelve times. Verily his reckoning is with his Lord; and the story in connection with him and Firdausi³² the poet is well known, and the holy Jámí^32a says:

It is well to recognize merits for when the arched sky
At last discharged the arrows of misfortune,
The glory of Maḥmúd passed away, nothing remained in the world
Save only this saying “He recognized not the worth of Firdausî.

And in the Taẕkira of Muḥammad Ufí,³³ the following Qiṭa‘h has been attributed to the Sulṭán Maḥmúd.

From the dread of the world-winning sword and the fear of the fort-crushing sceptre,
The world became subject to me as I am subjected to reason,
At one time there would I sit serene in my splendour and riches
At another time following Avarice roamed I from country ^20. to country;
Oft would I boastfully say Lo! I am a man of importance,
But now I clearly perceive that the King and the beggar are equals.
I, with one wave of my hand, have conquered a myriad of castles
With one firm plant of my foot I have broken lines without number
When Death made the final assault, naught then did my splendour avail me
Nothing continues but God, God's kingdom alone is a kingdom.

Who was styled Jalálu-d-Daulat, in the aforesaid year, by the provisions of his father's will, and with the acquiescence of Ibn Arsalán^33a a relative of Sulṭán Maḥmúd, succeeded to the royal throne in Ghaznín, and a month and a half after his accession Amír Aiyáz^33b came to terms with the servants, and having mounted horses from the royal stables, took the road to Bust with the object of entering the service of Shahábu-d-Daulah Mas‘úd who was at Sipáhán.³⁴ Amír Muḥammad despatched Súndhí^34a Ráí the Hindú with a large army in pursuit of them, Amír Aiyáz was victorious in the fight, and put to death Súndhí Rái the Hindú with a large number of Hindús, and sent their heads to Amír Muḥammad. Amír Aiyáz joined Amír Mas‘úd at Níshapúr,^34b and four months later Amír Muḥammad moved his camp in the direction of Bust,^34c and came out in full force from Ghaznín with the intention of fighting with his brother, and when he reached Takínábád^34d all his Amírs having revolted against him, put out his eyes and threw him into the fort of Bajj^34e in Majbaristán^34f and having gone over to Amír Mas‘úd with the whole army and treasures, went ^21. to Herát and met him there. The blinded Amír Muḥammad reigned five months, but according to Qázi Baiẓáví^34g it was fourteen years, and the period of his imprisonment was nine years. God knows the truth. The author of the^34h Lubbu-t-Tawárikh writes that Muḥammad ibn Mahmúd wielded sovereignty in Ghazna for four years in the first instance, during the reign of his father, afterwards he was imprisoned for nine years by the command of his brother Mas‘úd, and after the murder of Mas‘úd he reigned for another year and then died.

An Amír in whose palace thou seest thousands of sentinels
Now on the vault of his tomb thou seest ravens keeping watch;
Thou didst see the head of Alp Arslán³⁵ reach the sky in its grandeur,
Come to Mary that thou mayest see the body of Alp Arsláu beneath the dust.

By the consent of the Amírs and Vazírs of Maḥmúd he ascended the imperial throne, and having come from Harí^35a to Balkh, spent the winter there, and summoning Aḥmad ibn Ḥasan Maimandí whom Sulṭán Maḥmúd kept a prisoner in the fort of Kálinjar, made him a Vazír. Then leaving Balkh he came to Ghaznín and thence started for Sipáhán and Rái, and arriving at Herát engaged in war with the Turkománs, and not overcoming them, but on the contrary suffering defeat at their hands, turned back. The Turkománs increased in power day by day owing to his weakness, till affairs assumed the aspect which they eventually did.^35b

In the year 423 H. Aḥmad ibn Ḥasan Maimandí died, and in ^22. the year 424 Sulṭán Mas‘úd having undertaken to conquer Hindustán marched towards the fortress of Sarsatí³⁶ which is situated in the way to Kashmír, laid siege to it and reduced it and made his way to Ghaznín with great booty. Then in 425 H. Sulṭan Mas‘úd reduced Amal^36a and Sári^36b and sending legates to Kálinjar and Tabaristán established his authority there^36c and sent Tughdí Beg and^36d Ḥusain ibn ‘Alí ibn Maikál with a large army from Níshápúr against the Turkománs, and a severe battle ensued in which Ḥusain was taken prisoner and Tughdí Beg fled and returned to the Amír Mas‘úd.

Amír Aḥmad Niyál Tigín^36e the treasurer of Sulṭán Mas‘úd whom Mas‘úd had fined and had sent to Hindústán,^36f on arriving in Hindústán revolted^36g and the Amír Mas‘úd nominated a general of the Hindús named Náhir^36h to oppose him. Aḥmad being overcome in battle fled to Manṣúrah³⁶ⁱ in Sindh and was drowned — his head they sent to Ghaznín. In the year 427 H. (1035 A.D.) a new palace was completed in which they erected a throne inlaid with jewels, and suspended above it a jewelled crown. The Sulṭán took his seat upon that throne and having placed the crown upon his head gave a public audience. And in this self same year he bestowed upon Amír Maudúd ibn Mas‘úd (his son) the drum and ensign,³⁷ and despatched him to Balkh while he himself proceeded with an army against Hindústán—captured the fort of Hánsí^37a and thence proceeded to the fortress of Sonpat.^37b Deipál^37c the commander of ṭhat fortress fled to the forest and lay hid there. They reduced the fort and captured immense booty putting to the sword the greater part of Deipál's army, but he himself escaped alone. From thence Mas‘úd turned his steps towards the valley of Rám^37d who sent a large offering accom- ^23. panied by a written apology for his non-appearance. Amír Mas‘úd accepted his excuses and giving the Amír^37e Abúl-Mujáhid son of Mas‘úd,^37f the drum and standard (of commission) sent him to Lahore and retraced his steps to Ghaznín.

In the year 428 (1036 A.D.) he left Ghaznín for Balkh intending to crush the rebellion of the Turkománs who evacuated Balkh and retired into the surrounding country. The Sulṭán then crossing the Jíḥún occupied the whole of Transoxiána. Dáúd the Turkomán, who had previously defeated Tughdí Beg and Amír Ḥusain, marched with a large force towards Balkh. Amír Mas‘úd thereupon returned from Transoxiána to Balkh and Dáúd the Turkomán³⁸ leaving Balkh went to Merv. In the meantime Tughdí Beg^38a had been acting oppressively in the neighbourhood of Gurgán. When the Amír Mas‘úd perceived the symptoms of his rebellion he ordered him to be impaled. The Amír Mas‘úd then exacted a stipulation and promise from Béghú^38b the Turko-mán who was the chief of that tribe, that henceforward they would never attempt any lawlessness, and having delimited their boundaries in a suitable way left for Herát. While on his way thither a body of the Turkománs fell upon the army of Mas‘úd, killing some and plundering the baggage. The soldiers of the Sulṭán who were told off to attack them made the whole of that party food for the sword, and brought their wives and families together with the heads of the slain into the presence of Amír Mas‘úd who sent asses laden with the heads to Béghú. Béghú apologized, and it so happens that this is the very same Béghú in praise of whom the poet Ẓiáí^38c of Persia has composed several odes from which the following verses are selected—

^24. It is wrong for me to bewail the misfortunes of others than thee,
It is wrong not to weep with thy sorrow.
My occupation day and night is to lament and bewail thy sorrow.
Thou did'st say, “Thou did'st weep for love of me,” but verily there is a difference in shedding blood and shedding tears
At all hours I suffer a thousand pangs for the grief of the love of thee, nor do I weep alone.
I cannot but melt with love of thee, nor is there any remedy for the pain I suffer for thee, save weeping.
A part from thee Fate has nothing in store for me
Save vexation, one day, and weeping the next.
From thy era discord springs, for if not how comes it to pass that the whole world should weep from my time to that of the king?
Béghú Malik Sháh, he who by his sword made the brave warriors to weep openly on the field of battle.
The King Niẓám Dín to whom at the time of his conflict
Came from the tombs of Rustum and Dárá the sound of weeping.
The gems in the depths of the sea or in the heart of the flinty rock were compelled to weep for shame at his eloquence,
The inhabitants of the world above were compelled to weep, cast down by the destroying arrow of his wrath.
From envy of his splendour, which surpasses the sun in its ^25. zenith,
The Gemini were forced to weep constantly in the heavens.
Oh! thou in presence of whose pearl-scattering hand the ocean weeps like a cloud from every pore!
Who in view of thy majesty would dare or desire to weep over the corpse of thy enemy?
Thy sword from very fineness of temper weeps tears of blood over thy enemies in the field of battle,
What is prepared for thine adversary in either world?
There is the torture of hell, here he must weep.
Lo! one who in the madness of his fear at thy displeasure
Seeks to hide himself in a corner and prepares to weep.
Thy enemies have many manifest and hidden projects
But the wound is hidden, the weeping is manifest.
I believe that this must have come into your exalted mind,
After all what use is praise to me with weeping.
When I recite any poem in separation from thee
Both the first and last verses weep for anguish.
Till lovers pass from excess of grief to endurance and to weep like Wámiq and ‘Azrá⁴⁰
May it be thy lot to smile after a happy life,
May it be the fate of thy enemies perforce to weep.

^26. The following is also by him:—

Oh thou whose lip distils sugar^40a at the opening of each smile!
Thy ruby lip when thou smilest, rebukes the soul.
In every movement thy curling locks ravish the heart
In every smile thy ruby lip scatters the life blood.
The trade of thy hyacinthine ringlets is to scatter perfume,
The habit of thy delicate lips is to smile sweetly.
Till thou seest not the cheek of gold thou smilest not,
Every flower smiles from the enjoyment of the gold.
When thou smilest a whole world smiles looking towards thee
For no one before this has seen the sun and moon to smile (at one time.)
I have a great sorrow and lamentation, and endless grief and pain,
I have in separation from thee all of these, but no smile.
What could mankind have learned of the shape of thy mouth
Had'st thou not given them from thine own mouth the news of a smile.
Because of thy cruelty I do not smile, for at the time of mourning
The wise and excellent do not approve of smiling.
All my disorder is due to grief on thy account,
Why then do you smile at me disordered as I am?
It may be that from the crown and canopy of kings thy locks and cheek have learned to smile both morning and evening.
^27. King of the East Malik Sháh who in his feasting is careful always to smile from joy and pride.
Conqueror of infidelity, Niẓámu-ud-Dín, whose friends are always engaged in enjoyment, and only vary it by smiling.
If the seed could receive the good tidings of his approbation, even from the loins of his father would one begin to smile.
A father to whom a son is essential to do him service, smiles from the pleasure he experiences at the success of his son.
It is not strange that from the excess of his joy, the cloud of weeping which shrouded his moist eyes gives place to smiling.
Oh ye obedient ones, since the beauty of the rose is added to your own charms, ye are smiling in this garden⁴¹ of two doors.
Thy charms have power to add sweetness to sugar
Thy words have power to add brilliance to the jewel.
Thy shaft when fitted to the bow has established the custom
In the array of battle to smile at the helmet and shield.
Following after victory when thy sword is furious
There comes to it from the sorceries of heaven, a smile.
Doubtless the enemy of thy grandeur, smiles sweetly
If scattering his heart's blood (in envy) be to smile.

In order that the saffron^41a may fulfil the promise of its properties, namely to bring smiles to the lips of all conditions of men; may the lips of thy enemies be saffron, that their lips may always from fear of thee smile from his want of success.

^28. Then Amír Mas‘úd marched from Herát to Níshápur and thence to Tús⁴² and a body of Turkománs giving him battle met their death, the people of Báward gave up that town to the Turkománs and the Sulṭán having overcome that fortress and having put them all to death spent the winter at Níshápur.^42a

Then in the year 430 H. having set out to attack Tughral^42b the Turkomán who had raised a rebellion in Báward, when Tughral took to flight Amír Mas‘úd turned back and came to Sarakhs⁴³ by way of Mahnah^43a and gave orders to rase the fortress of Mahnah. Then he put to death some of the inhabitants of Mahnah, and cut off the hands and feet of many more and thence went in the direction of Zírqán^43b in which place the Turkománs brought together a large army and fought a severe battle with the Sulṭán. In this battle the majority of the generals of the army of Ghaznín mutinied and went over to the enemy. The Sulṭán remaining all alone on the field, felled several of the Turkomán leaders with sword, spear and mace, and eventually came out of that engagement safely. This event took place on the 8th of Ramaẓán, 431 H. (1039 A. D.). From thence Amír Mas‘úd came to Merv, and several of the soldiery from the neighbouring country having come in at last sided with him. He went to Ghaznín by way of Ghaur,^43c and having fined these chiefs who had not fought and had fled, sent some of them, as for instance ‘Alí Dáya and Ḥájibi-Buzurg, ^43d and Beg Tughdí to Hindustán and imprisoned^43e them in fortresses. All of them died in imprisonment. Amír Mas‘úd now desired to go to India and collect some forces there, and to come from there with a large army against the Turkománs to punish them. With this intention he made Amír Maudúd^43f Amír of ^29. Balkh, and having appointed Muḥammad ibn Abduṣ Ṣamad as his Wazír despatched them thither. He then appointed the Amír Muḥammad⁴⁴ with two thousand soldiers to proceed to Multán, and sent the Amír of that district^44a to the foot of the hills of Ghaznín to restrain the Afgháns of that district who had broken out into rebellion; and having laden camels with the whole of Maḥmúd's treasures which were stored in Ghaznín and the neighbouring fortresses started for Hindustán and despatched mesengers en route to bring his brother Amír Muḥammad who had been blinded^44b and was then confined in the fortress of Bazghand.^44c When Sulṭán Mas‘úd arrived at the frontier fort^44d of Máríkala,^44e his slaves plundered all the treasure-camels. In the meantime the Amír Muḥammad arrived there, and the slaves who recognised that this violence would have no successful issue unless another governor were appointed^44f perforce, approached the Amír Muḥammad, raised him to the Sovereignty and breaking into open riot assaulted Sulṭán Mas‘úd who had taken refuge in that fort. The next day the whole army becoming violent brought Amír Mas‘úd from within the fort of Máríkala and made him prisoner confining him within the fortress of Kírí,^44g till at last in Jamádíu-l-Awwal 432 H. they sent a false message purporting to emanate verbally from Amír Muḥammad ordering him to kill Amír Mas‘úd and to send his head to him. The Kotwál in obedience to this order severed Mas‘úd's head from his body and sent it to Amír Muḥammad.

Of the vicissitudes of time, this much pleased me
That I saw good and bad, right and wrong, pass away
He who at morning time wore on his head a jewelled crown
Him I saw, at the time of evening prayer, with a brick ^30. underneath his head (in the grave).

This story is according to the relation of Nizámi,⁴⁵ but the Qáẓí Baiẓáwí relates that in the year 432 Mas‘úd fled defeated from before the Seljúqs to Ghaznín, and Amír Muḥammad who had consolidated his power during Mas‘úd's absence sent him to a fortress whither his son Aḥmád ibn Muḥammad followed him and murdered him.^45a The Government of Sulṭán Mas‘úd ibn Mahmúd lasted eleven years, but we ought to note that the Qází Baiẓáwí (may God's merey be upon him) assigns the year 433 H. as the date of the death of Mas‘úd, and writes that Muḥammad ibn Maḥmúd reigned in Ghaznín for fourteen years after his father,^45b one year after his father's death, nine years in the lifetime of his brother, and four years after his brother's death, as has already been stated. God alone knows the truth. Apparently this is due to the mistake of a copyist. Among the poets who flourished in the time of Sulṭán Mas‘úd is Manúchihrí⁴⁶ who speaks as follows in a qaṣídah concerning his Wazír.

Couplet.

Shah Mas‘úd is as proud of his rectitude
As is the prophet of Naushirwán^46a the upright.

Ascended the throne of Empire (after the murder of his father in Bámián)^46b with the consent of the Wazírs and Amírs, and with the object of avenging his father purposed to march towards Márí galah, but Abu Naṣr Aḥmád ibn Muḥammad ibn Abduṣ Ṣamad opposed his projected expedition and brought him to Ghaznín, whence he proceeded with a large army to attack his uncle the blind Amír Muḥammad. On arriving at Dípúr^46c he engaged in a severe battle with the Amír Muḥammad and thus ^31. passed the whole day till nightfall when both fell back upon their positions. The next day Sulṭán Maudúd induced the Amír Saiyyid Manṣúr who was one of the trusted (generals) of the Amír Muḥammad to side with him, and engaging in battle took prisoners the Amír Muḥammad and his son Aḥmád and put them all to death. The Amír Maudúd founded there a city which he named Fatḥábád.⁴⁷ This victory was gained in the month Sha‘bán of the year 432 H., or according to another account in the year 434 H.^47a And in the year 433 H. being angry with Khwája Aḥmad ibn Abduṣ Ṣamad he imprisoned him in Ghaznín where he died in prison, and in this same year he sent Abú Naṣr Muḥam-mad bin Aḥmad towards Hindustán to fight with Námí ibn Muḥammad^47b and Námí was killed in the course of that war. And in the year 434 H. Artagín at the order of the Sulṭán proceeded with an army to Tabaristán against Dá‘úd^47c the Turko-mán, and having lost in battle a large number of his men came to Balkh and established the coinage and proclamation of sovereignty in the name of the Amír Maudúd. Afterwards when the Turko-máns attacked him several times in force not being able to contend with them, he quitted Balkh and came to Ghaznín. Then in the year 435 H. Amír Maudúd imprisoned Abú ‘Alí the Kotwál of Ghaznín for a time, but eventually appointed him as the Díwán of the kingdom and Kotwál of Ghaznín, and imprisoned Yasúrí ibn Iyamghúr the Díwán, till at length he died in confinement; he also punished Altigín^47d and in the year 436 H. Khwája Táhir who had succeeded Khwája Aḥmad as Wazír, died, and was succeeded by Khwája Imám Abul Fatḥ ‘Abdur Razzáq.^47e In this same year he sent Tughral Ḥájib in the direction of Bust, who took prisoner Abú Manṣúr Zangí,^47f the brother of Abul Faẓl and brought him to Ghaznín, he then departed for Seistán and having ^32. engaged in conflict with the Turkománs at the Ribáṭ Amír,⁴⁸ put most of them to death after which victory he went to Garm Sír, where he put to death the Turkománs of that district who were known as Red-caps^48a and took many of them prisoner, and brought them to Ghaznín.

In the year 438 H., he sent Tughral to Takínábád who on arrival there revolted. Accordingly Alí bin Rabí‘ was nominated to proceed thither and Tughral fled with a few followers. Alí plundered his army, and having captured some of them brought them to Ghaznín. In the year 439 H. the Amír Qaẓdár raised a rebellion^48b and suffered defeat at the hands of Hájib Buzurg Bártagín^48c and after a time tendered his submission.

And in the year 440 H. having conferred upon his two sons Abul Qásim Maḥmúd and Manṣúr on the same day robes of honour and the drum and ensigns of commission sent one of them towards Lahore and the other towards Parshúr^48d and he sent Abú Alí Hasan Kotwál of Ghaznín to Hindustán to punish the rebels there, and when Ḥasan returned to Ghaznín after having done good service Maudúd made him over to Mírak ibn Ḥasan with orders to imprison him. He died in prison. As a sequel to this, Mírak ibn Ḥasan the Vakíl who had murdered Abú ‘Alí Ḥasan without the orders of Amír Maudúd and had kept it secret, incited the King to proceed to Kábul so that that misdeed of his might remain concealed. When the Amír Maudúd reached the fortress of Siálkoṭ⁴⁹ he was attacked with colic^49a and was forced to return to Ghaznín, and ^33. ordered Mírak to release Abú Alí Kotwál. He accordingly prayed for a week's respite, and in the interim Amír Maudúd departed this life on the 24th of Rajab A. H. 441, having reigned nearly nine years. The Lubbu-t-Tawáríkh^49b states that Sulṭán Maudúd asked in marriage the daughter of Chughz^49c Beg Saljúqí, by whom he had a son whom he named Mas‘úd, that he reigned seven years, and that in the month of Rajab 441 he attempted to go to Khorásán to visit Chughz Beg, but died on the journey of colic.

Ascended the throne in the third year of his age by the machinations of ‘Alí ibn Rabí‘, however his affairs did not prosper and they raised his uncle to the throne after he had reigned only five months.⁵⁰

Ascended the throne by the consent of the nobles, and when ‘Abdu-r-Razzáq ibn Aḥmad Maimandí who had been sent by the Amír Maudúd towards Seistán arrived at a fort between Bust and Isfirár,^50a and learned that Abdu-r-Rashíd ibn Maḥmúd was confined in that fort by the orders of the Amír Maudúd, he brought him back and placed him upon the throne, ‘Alí having reigned for a period of about three months. This event took place in the year 443 H. (1051 A. D.).

^34. Came to the throne, and with the consent of ‘Abdu-r-Razzáq proceeded to Ghaznín. ‘Alí ibn Mas‘úd fled without engaging in battle, and Tughral Ḥájib who was one of the household slaves of Sulṭán Maḥmúd having conquered Seistán turned his steps towards Ghaznín. Amír ‘Abdu-r-Rashíd fortified himself there till Tughral obtaining an opportunity in the year 445 H. (1053 A. D.) put the Amír Abdur Rashíd with all the descendants of Sulṭán Maḥmúd^50b to death and married the daughter of Mas‘úd against her will. One day when he was on the throne a body of determined wrestlers inspired with hatred against him tore him to pieces. ‘Abdu-r-Rashíd's reign lasted for four years, but in the Níẓamu-t-Tawáríkh his reign is said to have lasted for seven years,⁵¹ and in the Lubbu-t-Tawáríkh his death is said to have occurred in the year 445 H. God knows the truth.

Being released from confinement succeeded to the kingdom by consent of the nobles. A body of Saljúqs came up against Ghaznín, and Farrukhzád put most of them to death and overcame them, and made many of them prisoners and sent them to Ghaznín. Alp Arsalán^51a the Saljúq king brought an army against Ghaznín from ‘Iráq and Khorásán, and being victorious in fight conveyed a large number of the notables of Ghaznín to Khorásán. Eventually upon the arrangement of terms of peace the prisoners of both ^35. sides obtained their release, and since Zábulistán had been laid waste the Sulṭán remitted the usual tribute, and treated the inhabitants with kindness. He used to fast three months, and used to spend the greater part of the night in prayer. He died of colic in the year 450 H.^51b The period of his reign was six years.

Ascended the throne. He was a just and devout king, and used to write each year a Qurán with his own hand and despatch it to the holy city of Mekka. He built no house for himself with the exception of a temple and a school to the honour and glory of God. When the affairs of state devolved upon him, he made peace with the Saljúqs and being free from apprehension, went to Hindustán and conquered many fortresses and districts. From one city⁵² the inhabitants of which were of Khurásánian descent, whom (Afrásiáb) had expelled, and who had become a populous community in Hindustán, he took prisoners a hundred thousand persons,^52a and sent them to Ghaznín, with other spoils on the same scale. He built a number of towns, among them Khairábád, and Imánábád and others. He has been described by the title of Saiyyidu-s-Saláṭín, and enjoyed the reputation of being a Wálí.^52b In his reign in Ghaznín, the Dárú-i-Chashm (eye medicine) and other mixtures and medicaments and dietaries for all ^36. diseased folk used to be obtainable from his store-house. His death took place in the year 472 H,^52c after a reign of thirty years. Qáẓí Baiẓáwí says that his reign extended from the year 450 H. to the year 492 H. Mas‘úd Sa‘d Salmán^52d flourished in his time and the following verses are taken from an ode which was written in his honour.

Abúl Qásim Malik Maḥmúd Ibrahím ibn Mas‘úd
In whom four things exult, each of them glories in him
Firstly, his expanded canopy, secondly, his flaunting banner,
Thirdly his golden pen, fourthly his brilliant dagger.

This ode he finished completely in the same style, and in another place he says:—

Emperor of the higher world, from the blessings of whose reign
The sword's lofty occupation is the control of things temporal and spiritual.
Mas‘úd (Fortunatus) because from the fortune of the expanse of kingdom's conquest
He has gone beyond that which comes within the scope of the sword.

Oh thou that hast formed the design of travel and girded the loins of conquest,
Right and left of thee the heavens have opened for thee the doors of conquest,
Mas‘úd, the world-conquering, for whom the age of fortune
Has sent forth every moment the heralds of conquest,
Like a lance point thou hast placed thy head in the direction of battle,
Like an arrow thy waist girds up the loins of conquest,
In sooth, a hundred victories thou winnest, and a hundred years hence
In Hindustán in all directions will be seen the traces of thy ^37. conquest.
So many are thy conquests, that in the expanse of the world
Every day in every place they tell the tale of thy conquests.
Thy spear and thy arrow and thy sword will be
If my fancy limns a line, the painter of the forms of conquest
When thy sword said I will deal a light blow
Its oath lay not heavy save on the head of conquest.

The Ustád Abul Faraj Rúní⁵⁴ too was eulogist of Sulṭán Ibrahím, and also the panegyrist of Sulṭán Mas‘úd, and many odes in their honour are to be found in his Díwán, and Rúín^54a is the name of a village of the dependencies of Lahore, and in these days it is as one may say in ruins, because not a trace of it remains, and the following qiṭa‘h in praise of Sulṭán Ibrahím is by the Ustád Abul Faraj.

Hail to the might of thy powerful sword
Precious as the breath of life, and rare as wisdom itself.
Thou hast imprisoned that lifeless one, as one seizes the throat,
Thou hast made orphan this which has no issue like a peerless pearl.

^38. And Mas‘úd Sa‘d Salmán with that envious nature which is peculiar to poets, bore a grudge against Ustád, who became the cause of Mas‘úd's imprisonment for ten years, he wrote this rubá‘í (quatrain) in prison.^54b

For thy prison such a prisoner as Malik Sháh is necessary
So that thy fetter may chafe the foot of monarchs.⁵⁵
That one who springs from the loins of Sa‘d Salmán
Even were he a serpent would not sting thy realm.

The following verses are also by him:

My heart has become rent in all directions like a comb from regrets
Because I saw a white hair in the tooth of the comb.

There are extant also Díwáns by him in Arabic, Persian and Hindí.

Succeeded after the death of his father and died in the year 508 H. (1114 A. D.), having reigned seventeen years.

By his father's order became king, and reigned for one year. His brother Arsalán Sháh revolted against him and killed him in the year 509 H. (1115 A. D.).

Ascended the throne of sovereignty and seized upon the whole ^39. of his brothers with the exception of Bahrám Sháh who fled and went to Sulṭán Sinjar^55b who was the son of his maternal uncle.^55c In spite of all the apologies for Bahrám Sháh which Sulṭán Sinjar made the subject of several letters, Arsalán Sháh would not listen to him, and eventually Sulṭán Sinjar raised an army against him. He gave battle with thirty thousand cavalry and being defeated went to Hindustán. Sulṭán Sinjar remained forty days in Ghaznín and after presenting that country to Bahrám Sháh retraced his steps. Arsalán Sháh having collected a large army in Hindustán proceeded thence to attack Ghaznín, and Bahrám Sháh not being able to withstand him sought refuge in the fortress of Bámián and with the assistance of Sulṭán Sinjar having again seized Ghaznín and taken Arsalán Sháh captive put him to death in the year 510 H. (1116 A. D,). The reign of Arsalán Sháh had lasted for a period of seven years.⁵⁶

Succeeded to the throne. Hakím Sanáí^56a was his panegyrist. Kalílah Damnah and many other books were composed in his reign and on the day of his accession Saiyyid Hasan Ghaznaví^56b declaimed an ode of which this is the opening couplet.

A shout went forth from the seven heavens, saying
“Bahrám Sháh is Lord of the world.”

And this ode he wrote in his honour, and despatched it from the sacred city of Mekka.

Should it ever be that I again behold the face of the king
^40. I will apply, as a thank-offering, the dust of his feet to both my eyes
Bahrám Sháh for whom may the lives of emperors be the ransom.
May it be that their lives are even worthy of the king
The planets of the sky fall like meteors, if they but place a foot outside the boundary of fidelity to the king.

Bahrám Sháh from desire of whose sweet honied name
The young tree of the kingdom hereafter brings forth parrots, (poets).

And the Ḥadíqatu-l-Ḥaqíqat⁵⁷ of Shaikh Sanáí is written in honour of Bahrám Sháh, it was written during his imprisonment, the reason of which imprisonment was Ghaznévide fanaticism with regard to Sunni doctrine, when this book having reached the capital of Baghdád received the imprimatur of the chief men and nobles, it attested the reality of his faith, and they wrote a memorandum which led to his being released. A short time subsequently he departed this life. It is said that when they accused the worthy Shaikh Sanáí of heresy after he composed the Ḥadíqat, he wrote the following letter to the Sulṭán Bahrám Sháh.

In the name of God the merciful, the compassionate:

Praise be to God the Lord of the worlds, and blessings upon the best of His created beings, Muḥammad, his family and companions all of them. To proceed, it is said in certain traditionary sayings, that two things tend to prolong life, and to cause rain to fall and trees to grow, one of these is to assist the oppressed — the other to repress the tyrannical. An argument which they have advanced in support of this is that the prophet, may the peace and blessing of God be upon him, declared that the heavens are established by righteousness (equity). Equity is like the bird^57a which, wherever it casts its shadow, secures an amplitude of wealth, and the place where it builds its nest becomes the centre of durability, and rain falls from the heaven, while tyranny and ^41. oppression is as a bird⁵⁸ which, wherever it flies, leads to famine and life and modesty are lost from among mankind. And God, may He be glorified and exalted, preserves the Emperor of Islám, and the just king Bahrám Sháh ibn Mas‘úd Sháh ibn Ibráhím Sháh ibn Mas‘úd Sháh ibn Mahmúd Sháh, from iniquity and oppression, and although the whole world should combine to write and describe the stock and supply of grateful acknowledgment of this slave's heart, they would have no power to express it, and the tree which the king of the kingdom planted^58a for the discovery of the secrets of the unseen, even Gabriel and Michäel^58b were precluded from having any share therein: it is certain that in all circumstances the just man is happy and the tyrant is miserable, and the worst of all oppression is this that a small party should read a subject and not understand it, but become arrogant with regard to it and loosen the tongue of censure against the learned. Hence it is that our prophet, may the peace and blessing of God be upon him, said, Pity three people, a rich man who has become poor, the great man of a tribe who is disgraced, and a wise man among fools.^58c A book which is written in the language of the learned in the knowledge of God, demands an acute and discriminating mind such as that of Báyazíd^58d and Shiblí:⁵⁹ these men of wisdom who read that book and appreciate that which is written in it, but who have not the slightest trace of religious knowledge, it must be from spite and ignorance that they find fault with the book, and this is a proof of their blindness of heart that they call the Ál-i-Marwán contemptible, and carry their eulogy of the elect family, may the peace and blessing of God be upon it, beyond bounds while they exalt the commander of the faithful ‘Alí, may God be merciful to him, above the other companions, may God be graciously pleased with them, and they do not see that he has been placed below Síddíq^59a and Fárúq^59b and Zú‘Núrain^59c on the ground of descent ^42. and rightful succession, and there is a true story related of the Lord of the Created beings Muḥammad Muṣṭafá, may the peace and blessing of God be upon him, with reference to the vices of the Ál-i-Marwán and the virtues of the Ál-i-Muḥammad Muṣṭafá, may the peace and blessing of God be upon him. If it is a lie, and most people believe it to be so, reason tells us that it is true, and the word of the true God is this, “Oh God, adorn the world with those learned men who fear thee or who reverence thy people, and do not make me to suffer at the hands of those who are wanderers from the path of thy love, for thy mercy's sake and for thy bounty and beneficence oh Thou most merciful,” and this verse is from the Ḥadíqat.

If the earth is a fit place for any court
It is for the court of Bahrám Sháh that it is fitted.

Then Sulṭán Bahrám Sháh brought up several armies against Hindustán and conquered the cities which his forefathers had not taken, and leaving one of his Amírs of high rank in Hindustán returned to Ghaznín. That Amír revolted, and fought a severe battle with the Sulṭán in the vicinity of Multán, and a bitter conflict ensued; in the end the Sulṭán's enemy fell a prisoner into his hands and was put to death, and a second time the country of Hindustán came into his possession, and ‘Aláu-d-Dín Ḥasan ibn Ḥusain Súrí who is one of the kings of Ghor revolted against him and proceeded to Ghaznín. Bahrám Sháh fled and ‘Aláu-d-Dín left his brother Saifu-d-Dín Súrí in Ghaznín. Bahrám Sháh returned and retook Ghaznín, and having seated Saifu-d-Dín upon a cow, and having exposed him to public ridicule, killed him in the worst possible way. ‘Aláu-d-Dín upon hearing this news was ^43. most distressed and made for Ghaznín with a huge army—before his arrival however Bahrám Sháh had reached the other world and his son was on the throne in his stead.⁶⁰ ‘Aláu-d-Dín by way of avenging his brother carried several loads of the earth of Ghaznín to Ghor^60a and set rivers of blood flowing, he is accordingly famous in his own country. Bahrám Sháh left this world in the year 547 H. (1152 A.D.) the period of his reign was thirty two years.

Mas‘úd S‘ad Salmán wrote the following hexastich in praise of Bahrám Sháh.

Bahrám Sháh became the world conquering king.
He became the Sun of the Age, and the shadow of the glory of God.
His canopy which was auspicious became the glory of the humá.^60b God be He exalted and glorified became his guide.
That polished dagger became of increasing authority.
The face of his enemy became black like his canopy.
As long as the emperor of the world in his time sowed the seeds of justice,
Every criminal that he detected, he passed over his crime,
If the sky placed his praise upon the running water
The flowing water retained⁶¹ his image like an engraving on stone.
He raised^61a true religion and justice to the zenith.
The Emperor, dispenser of justice, lover of truth, and defender of the faith.^61b

Ascended the throne after his father, and ‘Aláu-d-Dín Husain ibn^61c Hasan Ghorí came up against him. Khusrau Sháh fled and came to Lahore, and occupied himself with the empire of Hin- ^44. dústán, and when ‘Aláu-d-Dín, as has been related, returned from Ghaznín successful, he went back and recaptured that country, and after that the tribe of Ghuzz^61d seized Sulṭán Sinjar he turned towards Ghaznín. Khusrau Sháh was not able to withstand him and for the second time returned to Lahore, where he died in the year 555 H., after a reign of eight years. In his time many great poets flourished and wrote odes in praise of him. The following poem is of the kind called Tarjí‘band⁶² and was written by one of them in his honour.

The revered Emperor Khusrau Sháh who with ease
Conquers with sword and mace from Hindústán to Khorásán.

It must be stated, that in the historical works by Qáẓí Baiẓáwí and others^62a it has been written that when ‘Aláu-d-Dín plundered Ghaznah and put many of the inhabitants to death, he left there Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín Abul-fatḥ Muḥammad and Shihábu-d-Dín Abul Muẓaffar who were his nephews. They then with great craft put Khusrau Sháh at his ease with regard to themselves and took up their abode in his city. Khusrau Sháh^62b was imprisoned in the year 555 H., and died in the same year, and the days of the Ghaznévide family came to an end. After a time Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín died, and the whole kingdom remained in the possession of Shihábu-d-Din, but since Khwája Niẓámu-d-Dín Aḥmad deceased, has written in the Táríkh-i-Niẓámí copying from the Rauẓatu-s-Ṣafá ^(45.)) that Khusrau Malik ibn Khusrau Sháh was the last of the kings of the Ghaznévide dynasty, I have followed him—God knows the truth.^62c

Ascended the imperial throne in Lahore after the death of his father, and spent the greater part of his time in luxury and licentiousness, so that in his time great damage found its way into the kingdom, and the dynasty of the Ghaznévíyah was growing old while that of Ghor was in full vigour, accordingly Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín Muḥammad Sám, who is well-known under the title of Sulṭán Shihábu-d-Dín Ghorí, having gained the upper hand and making Ghaznín his capital, brought an army against Hindústán and came with overwhelming force near to Lahore. Khusrau Malik fortified himself there and was compelled to ask for quarter in a personal interview. Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín Mu-ḥammad Sám took him to Ghaznín, from thence sending him to Sulṭán Ghiyáṯu-d-Din, who imprisoned him in Fíroz Koh⁶³ and sent an order, and after ten years' confinement made him taste the cup of destruction.

Set not your heart on this world, for it is without foundation
It is a newly wed bride entangled with many a lover.

This event took place in the year 583 H. (1187 A. D.). He reigned twenty-eight years; the times of the Ghaznévide dynasty came to a close, and the Empire passed from their hands to those of the Sulṭáns of Ghor. “Thou givest the kingdom to whom thou seest fit.”^63a

HEMISTICH.

Nothing endureth but God, God's kingdom alone is a kingdom.

And Qáẓí Baiẓáwí may God's mercy be upon him states that ^46. the duration of the Ghaznévide dynasty from Sulṭán Maḥmúd to Khusrau Sháh was one hundred and sixty-one years in the hands of twelve persons, while Qáẓí Yahya Qaẓwíní, may God's mercy be upon him, says one hundred and fifty-five years in the hands of fourteen persons, and the author of the Tarikh-i-Niẓámí, as has already been quoted above, says two hundred and fifteen years in the hands of fifteen persons, and God knows the real truth of the matter.⁶⁴

Who reigned in Dehlí. This dynasty commences with Sulṭán Shihábu-d-Dín Ghorí^64a who is known as Muizzu-d-Dín Muḥam-mad ibn Sám.

Ascending the throne as regent in place of his elder brother Sulṭán Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín, king of Ghor and ‘Iráq and Khorásán, in the year 569 H., in Ghaznín, had the khutba read and the currency struck in his own name,^64b and in obedience to the command of his brother brought several armies against Hindustán and raised aloft the standard of holy war. Dehli was reduced in his time.

In brief, Sulṭán Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín when he had seized Tagínábád⁶⁵ which was one of the dependencies of Garmsír and had made over the governorship of that place to Sulṭán Shahábu-d-Dín, used continually to bring up armies against Ghaznín, till at last in the abovementioned year Sulṭán Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín brought that country within the circle of his conquests, and drove out of Ghaznín the tribe of Ghuzz, who after the captivity of Sulṭán Sinjar had been in possession of it, and bestowed upon Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín Muḥammad, the title of Sulṭán Shihábu-d-Dín.^65a Sulṭán Shihábu-d-Dín after one year of sovereignty as vicegerent for his brother, in the year 570 H., conquered Kardíz⁶⁶ and in the ^47. year 571 H., took Uchh and Multán and drove out the tribe of the Karmatians from those regions, and utterly destroyed the Bhatí^66a tribe who had fortified themselves in the fortress of Uchh,^66b and having entrusted that country to Alí Kirmáj^66c returned to Ghaznín.

Then in the year 574 H. (1178 A. D.) proceeding by way of Multán^66d he brought an army against Gujrát, and suffered defeat at the hands of Rái Bhím Dev ruler of that country, and with great difficulty reached Ghaznín and obtained relief.

And in the year 575 H. he seized Parshúr,^66e and in the year 580 H. (1184 A. D.) marched against Láhore; Sulṭán Khusrau Malik who was the last of the kings of Ghaznín, shut himself up in the fortress of Lahore as has been related, and after considerable correspondence by letter and messenger, he sent his own son with an elephant as a present, and Sulṭán Shihábu-d-Dín made peace with him, and set about building the town of Síálkot^66f and having left his deputy there, proceeded to Ghaẕnín; and in the year 581 H. he brought an army against Díwal by which is meant Tattah⁶⁷ and having thrown into confusion the cities on the sea shore took a vast amount of plunder and returned.

And in the year 582 H. he came again to Lahore and plundered the surrounding country, and having provided Husain with the means of fortifying and holding Síálkot retraced his steps, and ^48. from Táríkh-i-Nizámí which is the original source of this selection we gather that the building of Síálkot took place in this year, in contradiction to the Mubáraksháhi^67a from which we learn that the building of Síálkot was two years earlier. God knows the truth. And inasmuch as the house of history is, like the house of dreams and other things of that sort, ruinous, apologies must be made for discrepancies; and in that year Khusrau Malik with the assistance of the Khúkhars^67b and other tribes, besieged the fort of Síálkot for a long time, but had to return without attaining his object. In this year also Muizzu-d-Dín again besieged Khusrau Sháh in Láhore, who after striving for some days, found himself unequal to the task, and yielded to the Sulṭán who conveyed him to Ghaznín and sent him to his brother Sulṭán Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín at Fíroza Koh. Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín imprisoned him in one of the fortresses of Ghurjistán, where he died a prisoner, and the plain of Empire once for all passed to the dynasty of Ghor without the thorn of a partner or rival, as has been already mentioned.

QITA‘H.

If you saddle the piebald horse of Circumstance,
and if the white horse of state leads thee beside him,
And if the garden of your pleasure in happiness
copies fair the past memories of Paradise,
Be not proud, for this mean time will unexpectedly
draw its pen through the writing of your fortune.
Time is like a wind, which at the first
draws from the cheek of the rose the veil with all respect,
Then after a week has passed in the midst of the garden,
drags its body with ignominy to the dust.
The world at one time brings forward by turn in the narrow course, the horses of honour and disgrace.
The crafty fowler gives the bird grain, and then draws it into the noose of his artfully laid snare.
One man who has lost all hope, gains honour,
Another who is always hopeful in spite of all is disgraced.
Strange is it if a man who has walked in the shadow of poverty should court a favour from the sun?
^49. Be content, if you have a portion of wisdom,
that the ignorant should be oppressed by the foolish
What of that man who, in the assembly of mirth and merriment quaffs the wine of pleasure from the cup of luxuriousness?
What of him who sitting behind the wall of sorrow suffers from the after effects of sorrow and the worry of toil?
At last the hand of fate takes both of them straight off to the brink of the pit of death.
Happy is the brave hearted man who like Sharaf draws the foot of fidelity beneath the skirt of retirement.

And in this year Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín left Alí Kirmáj⁶⁹ who was governor of Multán, as his Vicegerent in Lahore, and in the year 587 H. coming from Ghaznín he reduced the fort of Tabarhindah^69a which was the capital of the great rájás of Hindustán, and left Malik Ẓiáu-d-Dín Tukilí^69b with a corps d'elite consisting of one thousand two hundred cavalry soldiers, and was contemplating a return. In the meantime Ráí Pathúrá the Governor of Ajmír, and Khandí Ráí his brother who had been Governor of Dehlí before Pathúrá, arrived with a vast army at a place called Taráyan^69c on the banks of the river Sarsuti at a distance of seven krohís^69d from Thánesar. It is now known by the name of Taráwarí^69e and is distant forty krohs^69f from Dehli. A great conflict ensued with the Sulṭán and the Muslim troops were defeated. The Sulṭán evinced great bravery on the field of battle, and in that engagement also Khandí Ráí who was mounted on an elephant at the head of his army, received a spear thrust in his mouth from the hand of the Sulṭán. The Sulṭán also was struck on the head by the Rái's spear, and his arm was also wounded but both escaped in safety. ^50. The Sulṭán got off his horse and taking up his son Khiljí upon his horse and mounting behind him took him off the field; the Sulṭán proceeded to Ghaznín, and Ráí Pathúrá took the fortress of Tabarhindah from Zíáu-d-Dín Tukilí on peaceable terms after a siege of one year and one month. And in the year 588 H. the Sulṭán again came into Hindustán with a large and brave army of 40,000 cavalry, and divided his forces into four army corps, and having given battle time after time in the place above mentioned gained a victory. Pathúrá was taken prisoner and Khandí Ráí having been overcome in battle was killed and hasted to his resting-place in Hell. The Sulṭán then having reduced the fortresses of Sarsutí⁷⁰ and Hánsí proceeded to Ajmír the capital of Pathúrá, reduced it and plundered its environs killing and taking prisoners. From certain other sources we learn that Ḥaẓrat Khwájá Muínu-d-Dín Chishtí^70a may God sanctify his heart, that revered one who is the fountain head of the great and holy men and the dignified elders of the land of Hind, whose blessed tomb is a place of pilgrimage situated in Ajmír, was at that time in the company of the Sulṭán, and this victory occurred through the impulse of the blessed and divine soul of that pillar of holiness. And in this year leaving Sulṭán Malik Quṭbu-d-Dín Aibak who was his servant and adopted son and vicegerent in the town of Kúhrám which is distant seventy krohs from Dehli, he invaded and plundered the Siwálik range which lies to the North of Hindustán, and proceeded to Ghaznín. In the same year too Qutbu-d-Dín having captured Dehli took it away from the kinsmen of Pathúrá and Khandí Ráí. Then in the year 589 H. (1193 ^51. A, D.) Sulṭán Shihábu-d-Dín fought with Rái Jai Chand the governor of Qanauj, on the confines of Chandwár^70b and Aṭáwah,^70c killed him and went to Ghaznín. The fort of Kol^70d fell into the hands of Qutbu-d-Dín Aibak, and he made Dehli his capital and brought its surrounding districts under his sway. From that date Dehli once more became the metropolis of the Sulṭáns. The erection of minarets and other buildings of that kind, such as mosques, was commenced in the reign of Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín Altamash⁷¹ in the year 606 H., as will be related, if God (may He be exalted) so will it, in its own place. And in the year 591 H., he took the fort of Bhangar^71a and Badáon. And in the year 593 H. he conquered Gujerát and took his army to Nahrwálá which is known as Pattan,^71b and having taken vengeance for the Sulṭán on Bhím Raí Dev, and having taken much spoil returned; and in that year Sulṭán Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín removed his effects from the transitory world to the eternal abode,^71c and Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín having heard this news when on the confines of Tús and Sarakhs,^71d turned towards Bádghís and performed the duties of the mourning ceremonies and having divided his brother's dominious among his kindred^71e came to Ghaznín and brought an army against Khwárazm, and on the first occasion Sulṭán Muḥammad Khwárazm Sháh suffered defeat, and the Sulṭán pursued him and fought the Khwárazmians at the head of an aqueduct which they had dug from the eastern bank of the Jaihún, and a number of the noted generals of Ghor were martyred and he could not take Khwárazm; he also fought a great battle with an army of Khiṭái^71f kings of Turkistán who had come to the help of Sulṭán Muḥammad,^71g on the banks of the river Jaihún—he fought right bravely but at last was defeated, and being left with a hundred thousand cavalry soldiers he entered the fortress of Andkhúd where he entrenched himself, and ^52. having asked for quarter⁷² returned to Ghaznín; and at that time the tribe of the Khúkhars in the neighbourhood of Lahore shewed symptoms of revolting the Sulṭán accordingly brought an army against them, and also summoned Quṭbu-d-Dín Aibak from Dehlí, and having given the Khúkhars a severe lesson returned to Ghaznín, and while on the way back was martyred at Damyak,^72a which is the name of a village of the dependencies of Ghaznín, at the hands of Khúkhar bandits—the following qitá‘h has been written to chronicle this event:—^72b

The martyrdom of the king of sea and land Shihábu-d-Dín,
Whose like has never yet been seen since the world began,
On the third day from the first of Sha‘bán, in the year 602
Happened in the road to Ghaznín at the stage Damyak.

The days of his reign from the commencement of the rule of Ghaznín to the end of his life were thirty and two years and some months, and he left no heir save one daughter, but he left behind him much treasure of gold and silver and precious stones, among these latter were five hundred mans^72c of diamonds jewels of great value, besides cash and estates and other property the value of which we may estimate on the same scale. He made expeditions to Hindústán nine times, twice was defeated and seven times was victorious.

Thou didst see Muizzu-d-Dín Muḥammad Sám, who in war
Was stronger in heart and hand than Sám and Narímán
He obtained, like Maḥmúd, from the elephants of Hindústán
Governments of Sásán and many kingdoms of Sámán
He departed this world, and they say (the writer vouches for it)
That there remained of his secret treasure 500 mans of diamonds.

And in his reign many learned doctors and scientists and poets ^53. flourished, of whom was Imám Fakhru-d-Dín Rází⁷³ may God be merciful to him who wrote the Laṭáif-i-Ghiyaṯí and other books in honour of his brother Sulṭán Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín Abú-l-Fatḥ. He remained with the army of Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín Muḥammad Sám, and every week used to stand up to preach, and at the termination of his sermon the Sulṭán used to evince great emotion, and since the Imám got very wearied of this continual coming and going, and everlasting service, one day addressing the Sulṭán from the pulpit he said Oh! Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín, some time hence neither will this greatness and glory of yours remain nor the flattery and hypocrisy of Rází: The following qiṭa‘h is by him:

If an enemy does not agree with you O friend
If behoves you to agree with your enemy,
If not, then have patience for a few days
He will not remain, nor will you, nor the pride of Rází.

And after the assassination of the Sulṭán certain mischief-makers out of envy accused the Imám of having conspired with the Fidáís,^73a and asserted that the Imám was well aware of their hypocrisy. They made an attempt upon the lmám and he fled for refuge to Muaiyyidu-l-Mulk Sinjarí⁷⁴ who was one of the distinguished generals of the Sulṭán; he despatched him in safety to a place of security. A poet has written an ode in praise of him of which the following are two couplets.

Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín Sháh Ghází whose sword in the world has become like the famous Zulfiqár^74a of Alí Murtazá.
The true Sulṭán Muḥammad Sám, he whose love for the people is like the Sun of the friendship of Mustafá.

Another poet says:—

The Emperor of the age, Khusrau Ghází Muizzu-d-Dín ^54.
From whom the glory of crown and diadem gains increase,
The origin of victory, Muḥammad ibn Sám ibn Husain
His very presence has become the mark for princely glory.⁷⁵

And Názukí Marághaí too says in praise of him:—

Sháh Muizzu-d-Dín before whose princely might
The heaven stands girt like a bunch of flowers
He came to the throne like a rose at the time when
The heaven brought the Sun into the Balance.^75a
He in the fire of whose wrath evil doers
Give up their sweet lives like sugarcane.
The sugar of religion and the rose of sovereignty
The revolving sphere has mixed together;
Oh Lord! let this conserve of religion and sovereignty
Be the cause of health to the whole world.

And Qáẓi Ḥamíd⁷⁶ of Balkh says:

Ghází Muizzu-d-Dín wad-Dunyá with whom
On the day of battle victory marches with his auspicious standard,
Bú l Muzaffar⁷⁷ the Ruler of the East for whom in the field of battle
The Humá of his canopy carries as it were victory under its wing.

Who was one of the specially favourite servants of Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín, on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon had a broken little finger,^77a and was known by this soubriquet (Aibak), they also call him Quṭbu-d-Dín^77b Lak bakhsh.^77c With the consent of ^55. the nobles of Hindústán he established himself as Protector of the kingdom of Dehlí, and after the martyrdom of Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín his brother's son, Sulṭán Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín Maḥmúd, the rightful heir of Sulṭán Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín Muḥammad in whose praise they wrote the following verse:—

Sulṭán from East to West, Monarch from West to East
Maḥmúd ibn Muḥammad ibn Sám ibn Ḥusain.

having sent to Malik Quṭbu-d-Dín from Fíroza Koh the canopy and insignia of royalty, addressed him by the title of Sulṭán,⁷⁸ and in the year 602 H. (1295 A.D.) having come from Dehlí to Láhore on Tuesday, the sixteenth of the month of ẔuQa‘dah in the aforesaid year, ascended the throne of empire and became proverbial for his kindness and clemency. He used to bestow upon deserving recipients rewards far in excess of their anticipations, and inaugurated his custom of lak bakhshi (bestowing laks). One of the learned men of the time named Baháu-d-Dín Úshí^78a said in praise of him.

Quatrain.

Oh thou that hast brought into the world the bestowal of laks;
Thy hand has brought the mine into great straits;
From envy of thy liberality the heart of the mine has seized blood drops,
And placed them forward pretending that they are rubies.

And after some time enmity arose between him and Táju-d-Dín Yaldúz, who was one of the slaves of Muizzu-d-Dín and had read the Khuṭba in his own name in Ghaznín, on account of Láhore, and the fire of war and conflict blazed forth on the confines of the Punjáb; Táju-d-Dín was defeated, and went to ^56. Kirmán which was his usual abode. Sulṭán Quṭbu-d-Dín went and took possession of the fort of Ghaznín and staying there for a period of forty days, spent his time in rioting and wantonness and dissipation. Accordingly the people of Ghaznín were annoyed at his behaviour and secretly summoned Táju-d-Dín Yaldúz, who arrived without warning, and Sulṭán Quṭbu-d-Dín not being able to oppose him came to Láhore by way of Sang Surákh^78b

Verse.

When the head of a Sulṭán becomes unsteady from wine
Without warning the crown of Empire falls from his head.

And after wielding power for some time he fell from his horse when playing chaugán at Láhore in the year 607 H., and died⁷⁹ and was buried in that city and his tomb is at present the resort of pilgrims. The period of his reign after the conquest of Hindustán, was twenty years, out of which period he was for four years a Sulṭán.

This ancient revolving heaven has overthrown many heroes;
So far as you are able, place no reliance on the sun and moon and Jupiter.^79a

Seven other individuals of the generals and slaves of Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín reached princely power in Hindústán and Ghaznín and Bengála and other places, whose affairs are written in their proper places; among others Táju-d-Dín Yaldúz on the confines of Taráyan, otherwise known as Taráwarí, having fought with Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín Iyaltamish was taken prisoner. Another is Sulṭán Náṣiru-d-Dín Qabácha^79b who is also one of the slaves of Muizzu-d-Dín, and had married one of the daughters of Táju-d-Dín Yaldúz, the other daughter was married to Sulṭán Quṭbu-d-Dín and Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín during his lifetime had bestowed upon him the governorship of Uchh and Multán. After the death of Sulṭán Quṭbu-d-Dín, he brought the whole country from Uchh⁸⁰ to Sarsutí and Kuhrám under his own rule, and also took possession of Lahore, and having fought with the army of Malik Tájud-Dín who was on his way from Ghaznín, Khwája Mu‘aiyyidu-l-Mulk Sinjarí^80a being in command of that army, was defeated and went to Sindh in which country he obtained great ascendancy.

^57. In the year 611 H. (1214 A. D.) a Moghul army arrived and laid siege to Multán for forty days and the Sulṭán Náṣiru-d-Dín, having opened the doors of the treasury, evinced great bravery and warded off their attacks, and at last after a reign of twenty-two years fell a prisoner into the hands of Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín and trod the way to the next world.^80b Another is Malik Baháu-d-Dín Tughral, when Muizzu-d-Dín Muḥammad Sám reduced the fortress of Bahankar^80c he entrusted the command of it to Malik Baháu-d-Dín Tughral, and he having built a fortress in the country of Bhasiyána^80d elected to reside there^80e and used continually to harass the envirous of Gwáliár, and Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín at the time of his return from Gwáliár had promised to give that fortress to Malik Baháu-d-Dín who accordingly strongly fortified a position at a distance of two krohs from Gwáliár and harassed the garrison of the fort, so that after a year the garrison sending messengers and presents invited Sulṭán Quṭbu-d-Dín and surrendered the fort to him. On this account enmity arose between Malik Quṭbu-d-Dín and Baháu-d-Dín. Malik Baháu-d-Dín died a short time afterwards.⁸¹

Another is Malik Muḥammad Bakhtyár Ghúrí.^81a He was one of the great men of Ghúr and Garmsír, a man adorned with all good qualities who came to Ghaznín in the reign of Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín and from thence went to Hindústán. He did not approve of having to live in Láhore with Sulṭán Quṭbu-d-Dín, and joined hands with Malik Ḥusainu-d-Dín Ughal Beg^81b ruler of the country between the two rivers (The Doáb) and the country beyond the river Ganges, and Kanpilah and Patiálí^81c were allotted as his reward. He proceeded to Oudh and conquered that country, reduced Behár and Munér,⁸² and having taking large booty Sulṭán Quṭbu-d-Dín sent him royal honours and a banner of Sulṭánship. He then brought many presents to the court of the ^58. Sulṭán, and received great favours and distinctions; the grandees of the court seeing they were powerless against him, became envious of him, and instigated the Sulṭán to such an extent that one day he made him fight with a rogue elephant,^82a but he struck the elephant so hard upon the trunk with a heavy club that the elephant turned and fled. The Sulṭán was overwhelmed with astonishment to see this, and nominated and appointed him ruler of the whole country of Lakhnautí^82b in Bengála and sent him away. In the second year after this arrangement Muḥammad Bakhtyár brought an army from Behár towards Lakhnautí and arrived at the town of Núdiyá^82c with a small force, Núdiyá is now in ruins. Ráí Lakhmia (Lakminía)^82d the governor of that town who had heard from astrologers⁸³ the fame of Muḥammad Bakhtyár and his great power, fled thence to Kámrán, and property and booty beyond computation fell into the hands of the Muslims, and Muḥammad Bakhtyár having destroyed the place of worship and idol-temples of the infidels founded Mosques and Monasteries and schools and caused a metropolis to be built called by his own name, which now has the name of Gaur.^83a

VERSE.

There where was heard before the clamour and uproar of heathen.
Now there is heard resounding the shout of “Alláho akbar”

And after having the khuṭbah read and the currency struck in his name,^83b having collected a large body of men, under the command of Amír Alí Masíj^83c (Mích) he attempted to conquer the countries of Tibet and Turkestán and twelve thousand cavalry fully armed and equipped arrived at a city which they call Bardhan.^83d A river here crossed their route called the Brahmanputr,⁸⁴ which they also call Brahmkadí. It is three or four times the size of the Ganges. Sháh Garshasp^84a when he came to Hindustán built a bridge over that river, and crossed it at Kámrúd and went on his way. Muḥam-mad ^59. Bakhtyár crossed by that bridge, and leaving certain of his trusted generals to protect the bridge and command the road, entered the territory of Tibet, and spent ten days among the mountains and difficult roads, and at last arrived at a plain in which was a fort of great strength: the garrison of that fort who were descendants of Gushtasp (that fort too was one of the buildings crected by Gushtasp) came forth to fight, and fought so bravely till nightfall that many men were lost on the side of Muḥammad Bakhtyár. He pitched his camp on that very spot, and coming down received tidings that five farsangs beyond this city there was another city⁸⁵ from which 50,000 Turks all warlike and ready for battle would come to the relief of their city. The following day Muḥammad Bakhtyár not thinking it advisable to remain there, and not being able to oppose them, turned back and came to the head of the bridge. Before his arrival the Generals in charge of the road had fought among themselves, and the infidels had broken two arches of that bridge. The army of Muḥammad Bakhtyár had this bridge in front and the infidels kept coming up in their rear, and fought with determined bravery. In that neighbourhood there was an idol temple of great strength.^85a They passed the night there by some stratagem, and in the morning a ford was found, and a party of men who crossed by the ford found the sand of the river was a sort of quicksand, and the water of the river gradually growing deeper and deeper, the greater part of the soldiers of Muḥammad Bakhtyár were drowned in the ocean of destruction, and the remnant which remained became fuel for the fire of the infidel's sword and attained the exaltation of martyrdom. Muḥammad Bakhtyár, out of many thousand men, arrived at Deo Kot with some three or four hundred only, and fell ill from vexation and was attacked by hectic fever^85b and used to say “no doubt Sulṭan Muḥammad Muizz-ud-Din Sám has met with an accident that fortune has gone so against me.” And when weakness took possession of him ‘Alí Mardán one of Muḥammad Bakhtyár's greatest generals arrived ^60. at Deo Kot from the district of Nárnálí^85c and finding him bedridden, pulled down the sheet from his face and ruthlessly despatched him with one blow of a dagger. This event happened in the year 602 H. after the death of Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín: and after the death of Sulṭán Quṭbu-d-Dín this same Alí Mardán eventually seized the reins of power by great craft, and promulgating the khutba and sikka of Lakhnauti in his own name was styled Sulṭán Aláu-d-Dín, and from the excessive folly and pride and arrogance of his mind sat quietly in Lakhnauti and divided the country of Irán and Túrán among his adherents, and no one dared to say “these dominions are outside the scope of the Sulṭán's power why do you divide them?”⁸⁶ They say that some unfortunate merchant laid a complaint of poverty before Aláu-d-Dín, who asked “where does this fellow come from?” They answered “from Iṣfahán” then he ordered them to write a document to Iṣfahán which should have the force of an assignment of land to him. The merchant would not accept this document, but the Vazírs did not dare to represent this fact and reported “the ruler of Iṣfahán, by reason of his travelling expenses and assembling his retinue for the purpose of subjugating that country, is in difficulties.” He thereupon ordered them to give a large sum of money far beyond his expectations; and when his tyranny and oppression exceeded all bounds the Amírs of Khilj consenting together put him to death and raised to the throne Malik Husámud-Dín Khiljí who was one of the nobles of Khilj and Garmsír and one of the servants of Muḥammad Bakhtyár. The reign of Alí Mardán lasted thirty-two years.^86a

Another was Malik Husainu-d-Dín^86b abovementioned who became possessed of the whole country of Tirhut and Bengála and Jájnagar and Kámrúd and gained the title of Sulṭán Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín, till in the months of the year 622 H., he sent to the Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín Iyaltimish thirty-eight head of elephants and seventy thousand tanqahs⁸⁷ in cash as a present and acknowledged ^61. the Sulṭán's authority, as will be mentioned, if God (be He exalted) so will it. And in the year 624 H. Malik Náṣiru-d-Dín Muḥam-mad ibn^87a Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín went from Oudh to Lakhnautí at the instigation of some of the Amírs,^87b and Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín^87c who at that time had taken an army from Lakhnautí to Kámrúd turned back, and fought a severe battle with Malik Náṣiru-d-Dín and was taken prisoner together with the majority of his generals and was put to death. The duration of his reign was twelve years.^87d The mention of these few kings of the regions of Hindustán incidentally with the affairs of the Sulṭáns of Dehlí was both opportune and necessary, and the affairs of the remaining Muizzíyeh kings who attained to the Sulṭanat of Multán and other kingdoms are mentioned in other places.

After his father, succeeded to the throne.

In the world no family remains without a master
If one departs, another takes his place;
This too is the way with this deceitful world
The father departs, the son's foot is in the stirrup.

By the consent of the Amírs he marched from Lahore to Delhí. In the meantime Malik Shamsu-d-Dín Iyaltimish, who was a servant and adopted son, and son-in-law of Sulṭán Quṭbu-d-Dín, and had tributary relations with Malik Náṣiru-d-Dín Qabáchá, at the invitation of Sipah Sálár Alí Isma‘íl, had come from Hardwár and Badáun to Dehli and had taken possession of the city and its country. When Arám Sháh arrived in the vicinity of Dehlí Malik Shamsu-d-Dín came out against him in battle array, and Arám Sháh was defeated. The duration of his reign was just a year.⁸⁸

^88a All of us young and old are doomed to die
No one remains in this world lastingly
^62. This is the way of the lofty sky. It holds
In one hand a crown in the other a noose.

Called by the title of “Yamín-i-Amír-al-Múminín”
(Right hand of the Commander of the Faithful.)

In the year 607 H. ascended the imperial throne of Dehlí; and the reason of the name Iyaltimish is that his birth occurred on the night of an eclipse of the moon, and the Turks call a child born under these circumstances Iyaltimish.⁸⁹ His father was the chief of many of the tribes of Turkestán. His kinsmen under pretence of taking him for a walk took Iyaltimish into a garden and sold him like Joseph to a merchant, from there he happened to be taken to Bokhárá, and thence in the time of Sulṭán Muḥammad Sám to Ghaznín; and in these days Sulṭán Quṭbud-Dín after the conquest of Nahrwálah and the taking of Gujrát had gone to Ghaznín, and since without permission of Sulṭán Muḥammad Sám no one could purchase Iyaltimish he asked permission from the Sulṭán to sell him. Sulṭán Muḥammad Sám said that since he had given orders that no one there should buy that slave they were to take him to Dehli and sell him there. Sulṭán Quṭbu-d-Dín after his return from Ghaznín bought a slave named Ibak, a namesake of his own, and Iyaltimish, at Dehli for 100,000 tangahs: at first he called him Amír Ṭamghách,^89a and appointed him to the Amírship of Tabarhindah,^89b and at the time when Sulṭán Quṭbu-d-Dín fought with Táju-d-Dín Yaldúz, Ibak his slave tasted the cup of death. At that time he made Iyaltimish an especial favourite, and after the capture of Gwáliár he made him Governor of that place, and subsequently bestowed upon him the rule of Baran^89c and its environs, and since he ^63. began to shew signs of extraordinary hardiness he entrusted the country of Badáún to him, and in the war of Muizzu-d-Dín with the Khúkhars (as has been already related), Iyaltimish having got together a huge army from Badáon and the foot of the hills, joined hands with Sulṭán Muizzu-d Dín in the service of Sulṭan Quṭbu-d-Dín, and armed as he was having forced his horse into the river^89d engaged the enemy bravely several times: Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín bestowed on him fitting honours and distinguished him royally and gave him high recommendations to Malik Quṭbu-d-Dín, and went to the greatest possible lengths in his care for him; and that same day Malik Quṭbu-d-Dín wrote his letter of emancipation, and by degrees raised him to the dignity of Amír-ul-Umará (Chief of the Amírs) till his affairs reached the height they did. And in the beginning of his reign certain of the Muizzíyeh and Quṭbíyeh Amirs rebelled against him and suffered punishment and became food for the pitiless sword. And Malik Táju-d-Dín Yaldúz after he had suffered defeat by the Army of Khwárazm obtained possession of Lahore; Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín coming from Delhi to meet him in the year 612 H. drew up in battle order on the confines of Taráyan which is known as Serái Taláwarí.⁹⁰ After a severe battle Sulṭán Táju-d-Dín Yaldúz being defeated fell a prisoner into the hands of Shamsu-d-Dín who sent him to Badáon. The bird of his soul there escaped from the prison house of the body and took its flight to the nest of the next world. His tomb is in that city.

And in the year 614 H. Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín came into conflict with Sulṭán Náṣiru-d-Dín Qabácha who had married the two daughters of Sulṭán Quṭbu-d-Dín one after the other, and was in possession of Uchh and Multán, and victory rested with Sulṭán ^64. Shamsu-d-Dín, and for the third time^90a Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín went up in person against him. He, having fortified the castle of Uchh, himself went to the fortress of Bhankar, and Nizámul-Mulk Wazír Jandí pursued him while the Sulṭán reduced Uchh. After hearing the news of the capture of Uchh, Náṣiru-d-Dín sent his own son Bahrám Sháh into the presence of the Sulṭán and sued for peace. Bhankar also was captured. And in the year 615 H. Náṣiru-d-Dín was overwhelmed in the sea of destruction in the Punjáb, and surrendered the property of life to the flood of death, and the Sulṭán turning back came to Delhí. In the year 618 H. Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín raised an army against Sulṭán Jalálu-d-Dín Mangburní⁹¹ son of Khwárazm Sháh who having suffered defeat at the hands of Changíz Khán after Táju-d-Dín, came to Ghaznín and thence from fear of the incursions of Changíz Khán had gone to Lahore with his family and relations; and Sulṭán Jalálu-d-Dín not being able to withstand him went towards Sindh and Síwistan and from there by way of Kuch and Makrán arrived at Kirmán and Iráq.^91a

And in the year 622 H.^91b Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín, took an army towards Behár and Lakhnautí and brought Sulṭán Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín Khiljí, who has been before mentioned, into obedience, and having accepted the present above mentioned,^91c established the khuṭba and sikka in his own name^91d and having given his elder son the title of Sulṭán Náṣiru-d-Dín Maḥmúd^91e made him his heir, and having made over that country to him returned to the metropolis of Delhi. Eventually Malik Náṣiru-d-Dín Maḥmúd having fought with Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín on the confines of Lakhnautí got the upper hand, and having taken him prisoner put him to death, and great booty fell into his hands which he divided into portions and sent it as rewards^91f to each of the nobles of Dehlí. ^{65. 92} [It is well known that a poet name Náṣirí arrived in that country from Dehlí in the service of Haẓrat Khwája Quṭbu-d-Dín Ushí^92a may God sanctify him and said I have composed a Qaṣída in praise of Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín. Read the Fátiḥa that I may get the accustomed reward.” They read the Fátiḥa and he having been admitted to the Sulṭán's presence read this Maṭla‘.

Oh thou from dread of whom sedition has sought refuge,
Whose sword has sought from the infidels property and elephants.

The Sulṭán by the mere reading of that maṭla‘ learnt it by heart and repeated it, and when the poem was finished he asked How many couplets does this Qaṣída contain? The answer was fifty and three. He thereupon ordered them to give him fifty-three thousand white tangahs.^92b] Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín in [the year] 623 H. made an attack upon Ranthanbhúr^92c and having brought an army thither reduced that fortress, and in the year 624 H. having detailed a large army to attack and capture the fort of Mandúr,⁹³ brought that fort together with the Siwálik hills into the circle of his conquest and returned to Dehlí, and in this same year Amír Rúḥání^93a who was one of the most learned men of that time came to Dehlí from Bukhárá in the affair of Changíz Khán, and wrote several brilliant odes of congratulation upon these victories, of which the following verses are an extract.

The faithful Gabriel carried the tidings to the dwellers in heaven,
From the record of victories of the Sulṭán of the age Shamsu-d-Dín,
Saying—Oh ye holy angels raise upon the heavens,
Hearing this good tidings, the^93b canopy of adornment.
That from the land of the heretics the Sháhansháh of ^66. Islám
Has conquered a second time the fort resembling the sky;
The Sháh, holy warrior and Ghází, whose hand and sword
The soul of the lion of repeated attacks^93c praises.

And there are also other many charming poems attributed to him, of which the following ode is one:—

From the tongue of the pen my own story I tell in the words of the pen
On the page of my life, though the writing of grief has been traced by the pen
Since I lived in this world with the pen all my days have been black as the pen
And swift as I write my account, so fierce is the point of the pen
That like to my own gentle voice is the sharp loud lament of the pen.
Although in the midst of my loss I reap always rewards from the pen,
Still no one will mention my state to my Lord save the tongue of the pen.
'Tis from Khwája Manṣúr bin Sa‘íd thrives the market of test of the pen
That great one whose words load the burden of truth on the van of the pen.
He has mounted his beautiful thoughts on the steed of his swift running pen.⁹⁴
In the road of just ruling he gallops, light holding the rein of the pen.
His skill hand in hand with his wisdom reveals hidden arts of the pen.

And in the year 626 H. Arab Ambassadors came from Egypt^94a bringing for him a robe of honour and titles, and out of joy at this they built triumphal arches in the city and held banquets. And in this same year the tidings arrived of the death of his son Sulṭán ^67. Náṣiru-d-Dín, Governor of Lakhnautí, and the Sulṭán, after completing the duties of mourning, gave his name (i.e., Náṣiru-d-Dín) to his younger son after whom the Ṭabaqát-i-Náṣirí is named. In the year 627 H., be proceeded against Lakhnautí and quieted the disturbances of those regions, and after entrusting the government of that place to Izzu-l-Mulk Malik ‘Aláu-d-Dín Kháfí^94b returned to the capital and in the year 629 H. reduced the fortress of Gwálíar. Málik Táju-d-Dín the Secretary of State, wrote the following quatrain upon the taking of that fort, and they engraved it upon stone:—

Every fort which the king of kings conquered
He conquered by the help of God and the aid of the faith:
That fortress of Kálewar and that strong castle
He took in the year six hundred and thirty.⁹⁵

It is apparently the date of the siege which accounts for the difference of one year. And in the year 631 H.^95a having made an incursion in the direction of the province of Málwah and taken Bhílsá^95b and also captured the city of Ujain,^95c and having destroyed the idol-temple of Ujain which had been built six hundred years previously, and was called Mahákál, he levelled it to its foundations, and threw down the image of Rái Vikramájít from whom the Hindús reckon their era^95d (the author of this selection, by the order of the Khalifa of the time, the Emperor, the Shadow of the Deity, in the year 972 H and again anew in the year 1003 H^95e with the assistance of Hindú pundits translated 32 stories about him which are a wonder of relation and strange circumstance, from the Hindúi into the Persian tongue and called it Náma-i-Khirad Afzá—) and brought certain other images of cast molten brass placed them on the ground in front of the door of the mosque of old Dehlí^95f and ordered the people ^68. to trample them underfoot and a second time he brought an army against Multán;^95g this expedition was in every way unfortunate for him, and a very severe bodily illness afflicted him, he so returned and came to Dehli, and in the year 633 H, (1235 A D.) left this lodging house of the world for the eternal mansions of the next world. The duration of his sultanate was twenty-six years.

Verse.

For this reason this heart-enthralling palace became cold.
Because when you have warmed the place, they say to you Rise⁹⁶

And the prince of poets^96a (on him be mercy) says:—

^96b [In all Hindustán you saw the dust of the troops of Iyaltimish
Look now drink your wine, others walk in his plain]
It is the same Dehlí one would say, yet where is his victorious canopy?
It is the same kingdom at all events, where has that royal dignity of his gone?
The earth is a house of mourning, and mourns too for its own sake
At the time of the birth of that child whom they see weeping.

It is a well known story that Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín was a man of a cold temperament, and once upon a time he desired to consort with a pretty and comely girl, but found that he had not the power. The same thing happened several times: one day the girl was pouring some oil on the head of the Sulṭán and shed some tears upon the Sulṭán's head. He raised his head and asked the cause of her weeping, after a great deal of hesitation she answered: I had once a brother who was bald like you and that reminded me of him, and I wept. When he had heard the story of his being imprisoned it became evident that she was the own sister of the Sulṭán, and that God be he glorified and exalted had preserved him from this incestuous intercourse. The writer of these pages ^69. heard this story from the lips of the Khalīfah of the world, I mean Akbar Shāh may God make Paradise his kingdom in Fatḥpur and also in Lahore, one evening when he had summoned him into the private apartments of the capital and had conversed with him on certain topics, he said, I heard this story from Sulṭān Ghiyāṯu-d-Dīn Balban and they said that when the Sulṭān wished to have connection with that girl her catamenia used to come on [and this occurrence was at the time of writing].⁹⁷

Who in his father's time had several times been in charge of the districts of Budāon, and afterwards had received the canopy and staff of authority, and while holding the country of Lahore was his heir-apparent, succeeded to the throne by consent of the authorities in the aforesaid year,^97a and Malik Tāju-d-Dīn his secretary^97b wrote this congratulatory ode in honour of his accession—

All hail to the everlasting kingdom,
Above all to the king, in his heyday of youth,
Yamīnu-d-Daulat Ruknu-d-Dīn
Whose door became like the Rukn-i-Yamānī^97c from its auspiciousness.

When he ascended the throne, he opened the doors of the treasury, and gave full scope to his taste for rioting and wantonness and indolence and sloth, and used to spend his precious hours in the company of prostitutes and vagabonds.

When thy heart inclines towards the wine shop
Except the tavern keeper^97d and the musician who will praise thee.

And his mother Turkān Khātūn,⁹⁸ who was a Turkish slave girl, having gained absolute power, used to vex the other concubines of the Sulṭān against whom her envious heart burned, in various ways, and put to death Quṭbu-d-Dīn the eldest son of the Sulṭān by another concubine. The treasury became empty, and ^70. Malik Ghiyāṯu-d-Dīn Muḥammad Shāh the younger brother of the Sulṭān, who was ruler of Oudh, refusing to acknowledge his authority revolted against him, and Malik ‘Izzu-d-Dīn ^98a and Kabīr Khān Sulṭānī governor of Multān, and Malīk Saifu-d-Dīn feudatory of Hānsī, entering into correspondence with one another raised the standard of opposition. Sulṭān Ruknu-d-Dīn Fīroz Shāh had arrived in the neighbourhood of Manṣūrpūr and Tarāyan with the intention of quelling this disturbance, and before this occurrence Niẓāmu-l-Mulk Junaidī the Wazīr and Agent of the territory of Hindustān, fearing the Sulṭān had fled to Kīlūgharī^98b and had gone in the direction of Kol and joined hands with Malik ‘Izzu-d-Dīn Muḥammad Sālārī; and other trusty Amīrs who had remained in the army having fled from the vicinity of Manṣūrpūr went to Dehlī and having sworn^98c fealty to Raẓẓīyah Khātūn who was the eldest daughter of Sulṭān Shamsu-d-Dīn, and his heir apparent according to her father's will, and a woman endowed with excellent qualities, brave, generous, and intelligent, raised her to the throne and imprisoned Turkān Khātūn. When the Sulṭān having returned from the army, arrived at Kīlūkharī, the troops of Sulṭān Raẓẓīyah went out to meet him, and having seized him without fighting imprisoned him, and he died in prison.^98d The duration of his reign was six months and a fraction.

Do not set thy heart upon the world, for it is a stranger
Like the singer who is every day in a new house.

Among the poets of that age [and the master of that time]⁹⁹ of Ruknu-d-Dīn was Shihāb Muhamra Badāoni^99a as Mīr Khusrū^99b on him be mercy says in one of his opening odes

In Budāon Muhamra rises intoxicated from sleep
If there comes forth from this melody the sound of the birds of Dehlī

And Maliku-l-Kalām Fakhru-l-Mulk ‘Amīd Tūlakī^99c mentions him as a master^99d and since the speech of the modern (poets) after the appearance of the cavalcade of the Prince of poets has become like the stars at the time of the raising of the banner of ^71. the glorious sun, and like the seven poems^99e at the time of the descent of the inspired revelation upon the best of men, and the Lord of the world on him be peace, remains concealed as by a curtain—men speak and write less concerning them, nay more they do not even possess them—accordingly in harmony with the saying, The first comer has the best of it, I have thought it incumbent upon me to include a few odes from that eminent author as a benediction and blessing, in this composition of mine, and to leave a memorial for his friends, and to establish my own connection with the master, and to display upon the däis of evidence the excellencies of that doughty knight of the arena of eloquence, and more especially to fulfil the demands of fellow-citizenship. The master poet Shihāb¹⁰⁰ Muhamra [Badāonī] then says as follows:—

I am Alif in the table of existence and of no value as a sign.^100a
My existence depends upon the duration of the existence of
others, my own existence is transitory.
I stand at the end of the row^100b in the hope of obtaining a
better position, having rested from all movement with the
attributes of insignificance.
I have not the attributes of Alif for Alif has no crookedness.^100c
All my writing has become crooked on the page of desire.
There is the song of the nightingale, the rose is happy; while
I am careless like the lily.^100d
Like Alif I have no tongue, what have I to do with ten tongues?¹⁰¹
Since I can seize it^101a while thus at rest, Why should I pursue?
Since I cannot see openly how can I follow a hidden path?
By stratagem, I can recognize no distinction between earth and heaven, although I am like the heaven in my whirling, and like the earth stationary.
I am not like water in freshness, nor like fire in sublimity, nor like the wind in sweetness, nor like the earth in heaviness.
^72. I am not made out of these four elements.¹⁰² I am composed of the effluvia of the kennel. The refuse of the sewer water has boasted of piety.^102a
My wisdom, as though incarnate, seems to have taken to praise my faults; my avarice,^102b huge as a mountain, has girded its loins for taking presents.
I am become fixed in the way of avarice, not a sign of truth remains in me. The oppression of my vices has overwhelmed the mercies of the Sacred Book.
My greediness has so deceived me that the five sensual appetites have taken away from my heart with disgrace the blessings of the readings^102c of the ‘ashars.
My inner nature as well as my body is devoid of meditation and recollection. My eye like my ear is inclined to the singing women and their songs.
I desire brilliant speeches to fall from my tongue which is like a well-tempered sword. My pen has made me bent like a sickle^102d in the pursuit of my daily bread.
My speech has failed me because its glory was in the relation of this story. Yes! all this loss of honour was owing to inordinate desire for bread.
I am that mean one, less than the least, who am not worth a groat,^102e if you think me worth a barleycorn, you will not buy me for nothing.
Oh Shihāb it is strange that you in this road of kingly affairs are neither the Amīr of the Eight Squares¹⁰³ nor the Knight of the Seven Places.^103a
You are not an angel, nor are you a devil, from what workshop are you? You are not a sojourner nor yet a traveller, from what court are you?
Your heart and intellect are careless of the tortures of the grave, you have dressed yourself in Gūrkhānī silk.^103b
You have become utterly regardless from lust, owing to desire ^73. for license, from urgent desire, by means of false accusation you have planted the foot of success.
Sorrow for the tulip-cheeked beloved has shut fast the door of your wisdom. The vein of your eye has shed blood from desire for the cup of red wine.
You are corrupt like the wind, you stand paralysed like the earth. You are a pearl of transitory existence, a shell empty-mouthed.
With breath like the burning lightning you are the enchanter of bad and good: with heart like a flint, you are the whetstone of dry and moist.
Naturally with desire you revolve like the sky in its figure-designing, from your youth hasting with greed, you are like a child in weakness.
You carry the sorrow of the seven (heavens) and the four (elements) in your heart, and every moment from pride you are put to a hundred thousand devices in the performance of one genuflection.
You are as coarse as the earth, and yet your speech is always of the moon in the heavens; you will not reach^103c the dignity of a king from the station of a doorkeeper.
You yourself owing to frivolity have not attained even for a moment, freeing yourself from the imperfections of the world, to the religious duties at stated times.
From the advice of the holy men may you be informed at least once, that in these two worlds at any rate¹⁰⁴ you are famous for creating dissensions.
Perversity springs from your heart as pride springs from foolishness. Evil arises from your body as rashness does from youth.
You are the moisture of the gullet of hypocrisy, the blast of the forge of tyranny, you are the flower of the garden of inordinate desire, and the mud which befouls the reservoir of the soul.
^74. When present you melt the soul, perchance you spring from the heat of Tamūz;^104a in your ode you scatter snow^104b
perchance you are of the breath of autumn.
You like a child seek throughout your life after vain images;
from your fancifulness the sorrows of time have made you
old in your youth.
Poetry is but a desire, and its metre is like the mirage which
is void of water. This breath of life is grief to me, but its
savour is better than the water of life.
When your desire becomes collected that fancy becomes enjoyment, when your breathing is harmonious, it becomes a
scatterer of pearls.
How long this desire of the imagination? make one breath
pearl-scattering in praise of that man whose equal wisdom
has not seen even from the beginning.
The King of the throne of “Kun”¹⁰⁵ is Muḥammad who
pitched the tent of dignity by the side of the door of the
Protector (God) from the house of Ummahānī.^105a
He was a mortal of angelic beauty, a sky with the lowliness
of earth. Like the sky he was pure in body, like the
Angels he was pure in soul.
He was a pearl whose place was in the treasury of God, and
he was a moon whose brightness shone forth from the sky
of eternity.
He was such a pearl that nothing of more value than his
nature was ever produced by the medium of the elements
from the sea of heaven.
He was such a moon that in every early morning the face of
the star of Yaman became black as coal^105b from shame at his
cornelian-like lips.
So sweet tongued a prophet that the salvation of his disciples
comes by faith in his words,^105c from the eloquence of his
utterances.
So eloquent in pearl-like speech that the beauty of his utterance ^75.
makes the heart's blood like the hidden wealth of the mine,
a royal treasure.
The brightness of the eastern sun is shamed by the beauty of
his face, and the stature of the cypress of the garden is
bowed before the perfect uprightness of his form.
By his accountantship he has adopted the way of absolute
monarchy; and by his eloquence he has opened the door of
auspicious government.
The attraction of secret desire, by revelation has drawn him
from the expanse of the natural world to the ocean of
spiritual existence.
By the good tidings of his friend, his heart became intoxicated
with the hope of a meeting. The son of Abū Qahāfah¹⁰⁶ has
drunk from the cup of his friendship.
His speeches have founded a fortress^106a for the decrees of God.^106b
‘Umar by his justice became the builder of it, by right
government.
One, third in order,^106c has placed the footstep in this way,
whose path to the enjoyment of this world was not obstruct-
ed by pride.
His fourth pillar was ‘Alī^106d who at the time of battle made
the face of the sun pale from the glitter of his sword.
Oh, King! I entreat you by your friends deliver me during
the whole of my life^106e by your aid from the calamity of
foolish friends.
He who demanded from me^106f this Qaṣīda, may his life like my
Qaṣīda be ornamented with the jewels of meaning ——.

The following Qaṣīda also he wrote, imposing upon himself the necessity of introducing the words “hair” and “ant,” in a declaration of the unity of God and in praise of the Prophet, may the peace of God be upon him.

Although with my tongue, I split hairs at the time of dis- ^76.
course, still in the praise of God, by reason of amazement, I
am dumb as the ant.
¹⁰⁷ And in the pursuit of the fairy-faced ones with chainlike
locks, through desire often have I bound fast, like the ant,
my life to my waist with my heart.
And for the sake of the ant-eyed and sugar-lipped ones, in my
fancy I have bored the hair of speech a hundred ways by
way of trial.
That I might have a store like the ant,^107a in his praise I have
cleft the hair into halves, and have not received one jot
from any one in recognition.
Henceforth, like the ant, I will gird my loins at the door of
the Incomparable one, and from the root of each hair,^107b with
a hundred tongues will I proclaim his gracious aid.
How can I open my lips, I that am voiceless as an ant and a
fish. Nay rather will I make each hair a tongue to scatter
pearls.
With this ant-like writing and these sugar-like words,^107c by
means of poetical arrangement I will split the hair in the
declaration of the unity of God the discerner of secrets.
That God to whose workmanship each several hair bears
witness, and all that exists, ant and fish and snake, wild
beasts and birds, men and genii.^107d
He who alone is self-existent, and is not within the bounds of
computation, from whose wisdom^107e in both worlds nothing
is hidden, neither the track of the ant nor the point of the
hair.
If, though as a single hair, His favour is shed upon the egg
of an ant, from it there will issue in a single moment a
hundred Jamshīds, each one like a hundred Jamshīds.
If, though as a single hair, he lets fall his wrath upon an
elephant, the elephant will experience that which the
cub of the raging lion suffers from the ant.^108
77. The intellect herein cannot understand, even by a hair's breadth,
the reason why the offspring of the powerful lion should
become the prey of the powerless ant.
In his decree there is not the space of a hair's point open to
criticism, even though he should give the kingdom of a
Solomon to an ant without recompense.^108a
By his decree, the shape of the ant and the lion are
similar, and by his art the colour of hair and bone are
opposites.
By his grace it is that every hair has knowledge of him, and
from his equity it comes to pass that there is a^108b guardian
over every ant, that ^108c dust in the palm is endowed with
chemical properties, and water in the sea becomes converted
into pearl;^108d that the ant appears to the eye as a dragon,
and a hair of the limbs as a spear.^108e
Oh Thou by whose power hair and blood and bone take shape,
Oh Thou¹⁰⁹ who art surety for the daily supply of food to
bird and ant and snake and fish.
In the body of every ant there is an exact account of thy
equity, on the point of each hair there is a boundless praise
of thy bounty.
The eye of thy mercy provides^109a sustenance for every ant and
locust. The hand of thy favour tints the hair of all both
old and young.
The pen of thy skill shews^109b that of which a manifest sign
is shewn on the body of every ant, and appears on the end
of every hair.
The mole on the cheek of the brides appear like spots on a
mirror.
The hair on the face of kings appears like ants upon the
Arghawān.^109c
By thy order it is that the stomachless ant is hungry in
the way.
By this bounty it is that the motionless hair upon the body
is satisfied.
^{78. 110} He who did not turn away^110a his head from your door even by
a hairs' breadth, the ant, although tongueless, began to
praise him like the lizard.^110b
When he like the ant became sleepless and fasting in devotion
to you then without doubt with the sword of the finger he
split the moon into two parts like a hair.^110c
He was a sign like the true dawn, hair-splitting in his speech.
His followers were as successful as ants in opposing the
scorpions of religion.
The silvery body ef the seven heavens, would become (black)
like ants, when he cast aside the covering from his dark
locks.
He lived like ants upon the earth in the midst of poverty,
For this reason the heaven appeared in his eyes as inferior in
value to an eyelash.
In that place where the angels would have always cast their
wings like ants,
If he had placed his foot even one hair's breadth beyond his
abode.
¹¹¹ In intercession from the lightness of his spirit he split a hair,
So that, for the sake of an ant, intercession was not heavy to
him even by the weight of a hair.
If for the sake of an ant one fell into error, he would make
his excuse.
He remained without bounty if he was not thankful in the
least.
On that night when he caught the least glimpse of that
illuminated dwelling
Wings^111a grew upon him like the ant in his desire for the
infinite.
Having cast his eye upon the fat morsel of the world which
perishes like a hair, he closed the avenues of his appetite
against this turquoise-hued table,^111b like the ant.
For the ants of religion he carried away so much provision
that there remained on the point of each hair an evidence
of that bounty¹¹² for ever and ever.
^79. Oh thou Creator, I have made every hair a tongue, but yet
like an ant I complain in my heart of my voicelessness
to sing thy praise.
If thou hadst illumined the eye of the ant like the thread
of hair, without the permission^112a of thy mercy this caravan
would not have passed.
I am like an ant in water, or like a hair in the fire, because
this sugar-scattering mind of mine is not fit for this relation.^112b
I have the foot of effort in the stirrup of devotion to you
like the ant; as long as one single hair remains of me^112c
I will not desist from this endeavour.
How can my burden be in the least degree lightened apart
from thy consent? How can I gird my loins like the ant
through avarice,^112d in the service of this one or that?
Although like the ant I have been crushed by the (iron)
hand of desire
Yet I never contemplated the slightest idea of profit or loss
apart from thee.
Since this is from thee I am happy, although my heart is
distraught and pained; my heart is like the eye of the ant
and my^112e condition is like the hair of the heart-ravishing
one.
If the ant brought the foot of a locust into the presence of
Solomon, Shihāb would have come headlong to thy door
with the feet of his soul about his head as hair.
The ant of thy generous table O Sāliḥ showed him (Shihāb)
that path of rectitude.
O Lord! grant him protection in crossing that hair like
bridge¹¹³ over the fire
On the point of each hair of his you have a hundred favours,
for this reason that the heart of an ant is not vexed by
him by so much as a hair's breadth in the world.
Oh Lord!^113a keep a watch upon the enemy of the king's domi-
nions, for this is best, that he should be as a hair in the fire
and as an ant in the running water.

And he also wrote in praise of Sulṭān Ruknu-d-Dīn Fīroz ^80. imposing upon himself the necessity of introducing four things^113b as follows:—

Every moment this old wolf lion-hearted infant-eating^113c
Does with me that which the elephant and rhinoceros do at
the time of contest.
The elephant-like sky wears away my body as does the
rhinoceros
The time like a lion takes away my patience like a wolf.
I have not the strength of the rhinoceros, and the sky is like
a fierce elephant towards me.
It displays the boldness of a lion like the old wolf of the time.
The elephant did not so treat the rhinoceros, nor did the wolf
so treat the sheep
As the lion-like heaven treated this being who is thin as
hair from oppression.
The Lion of the sky has the craft of the wolf and the strength
of the rhinoceros.
For this cause he heaps pain continually on my heart like the
load of an elephant.
A maddened elephant¹¹⁴ is this wolf-haired rhinoceros.
Even if mankind are like male lions still sooner or later he
effects their ruin.
The sky, the overthrower of the rhinoceros, the conqueror of
the lion, if, in play, like the wolf it brings against the life
of Rustum a strong move like “pīlband.”^114a
The wolf of my patience casts off from him the waterproof
like a lion, if the elephant of this coerulean castle has
made me over to his charge like a rhinoceros.
The lion of the sky, like the elephant in colour, a wolf by a
nature, takes and tears to pieces the armour of my patience
like the hide of the rhinoceros.¹¹⁵
Last night when the lion of the sky became elephant coloured
in the hide of the rhinoceros, countless Josephs^115a appear-
ed from the wolves of the heaven.
My life is in the hands of the lion, and under the foot of the
rhinoceros of pain, until from the elephant bodied sky the ^81.
tail of the wolf^115b became evident.
The claw of the lion and the horn of the rhinoceros, the tears
of the elephant and the hair of the wolf.
Although these four are of use in making the amulet^115c of
heart's attachment.
Of what use are the special properties of the lion and rhino-
ceros and the wolf and the elephant, when that silvery
cheeked one demands from me gold more than the weight of
an elephant.
Since I do not possess the ferocity of the rhinoceros, the
heart of the lion, and the breath of the wolf, I will go to
meet my beloved with an elephant load of sorrow.
In the jaws of the lion and under the foot of the rhinoceros,
and of this old wolf, my beloved one keeps me as though
depicted upon the tear of the elephant on account of
love.
My beloved with the rhinoceros-hilted sword is trotting like
a wolf, I, like the elephant, am following him with a body
thin as thread.
Afterwards the wolf in rhinoceros-like armour, the elephant-
like heaven, the lion-hunter of the sky appeared like the
torch of the king.
The pillar of the world, the elephant-conquering king with
the lion-headed mace, by whose wolf-swift horse the
rhinoceros is fiercely attacked.
The eye of the wolf of the sky is of all colours from his lion-
like mace, the hump of the rhinoceros of the earth is trodden
into hollows by the foot of his elephant.
His elephantine club empties the forest of wolves, his wolf-
swift horse¹¹⁶ seizes the meadow from the lions.
His rhinoceros-like staff of office is in the heart of the wolf
of the sky, his club^116a like a pillar has cleft asunder
the lions.
^82. From the point of his javelin, and lion-headed mace, that
happens to the wolf and elephant which happened to
the life of Gurgsār from the sword of the brazen-bodied
one.^116b
Oh thou from whose lion-headed mace, rhinoceros-destroyer
elephant-crusher, the tomb becomes narrow and dark for
Gurgīn^116c like the pit of Bīzhan.^116d
The reflection of thy elephant coloured¹¹⁷ sword if it falls
upon lion and wolf makes their eyes which are like the
jujubes^117a of Gurgān to become like the pomegranate.
If the breeze of your lion-standard blows upon the dust of
the world the maddened rhinoceros will seek shelter from
the elephant, and the wolf from the sheep.
When thou brandishest^117b thy elephantine mace, the lion
casts away its teeth, the wolf its claws, the rhinoceros its
gall bladder, and the snake its head-stone.^117c
Rhinoceros-like in attack, wolf-like in gait, lion-like in
bravery, elephant-like in body is thy steed, Oh hero! hundreds of thousands like Rustam are thy slaves.
Oh King! in thy praise I have become more powerful than
wolf and rhinoceros, lion and elephant, by the order of the
Lord who rules the sky.
Thou art elephant-bodied, lion-conquering, thy mace if it so
wishes, can place the rhinoceros firmly on the head of the
sky like the tail of the wolf.¹¹⁸
That Wazír who to the punishment of the wolf of the sky
has given his heart, like the rhinoceros and the elephant
and the lion, instead of being confused.
Without the craft of the wolf, and the power of the rhino-
ceros, his determination strikes the head of the elephants
with the driving hook^118a and brings sparks to the eyes of
the lions.
In thy kingdom, Oh King! from the strategy of thy caution the
lion has laid aside its oppression, the wolf its deceit, and
the rhinoceros its disorder through fear of thee.
Oh thou, whose order is like the decree of fate, thou from
whose dignity the Emperor like Fate overcomes the rhino-
ceros, the wolf, the lion and the elephant.
^83. Skin, and horn, and hair, and tear, of wolf, rhinoceros, lion and
elephant will be of use in the way of life, and heart, and
nature, and speech.
For your armour and shoes, when did the wolf-natured sky
select tears and skin from the elephant and lion and
rhinoceros?
For that purpose again and again,¹¹⁹ this old wolf from the
elephant and lion and the rhinoceros, brings as an offering
its hide and skin and teeth as a present of rare value.
The she-wolf drives away the he-lion^119a as a good omen,
If in hunting it comes in sight of your rhinoceros-conquering
elephant.
Elephant-bestower, I desire a desert place in Badāon,
Even though these regions are the abodes of the wolf and
rhinoceros and the lion.
As long as the lion and the elephant are co-partners in awe,
and the wolf and the rhinoceros are alike in writing^119b so
long may your wolf-crafty enemy, Oh rhinoceros-destroyer
and elephant-like in strength,^119c be humbled in the dust
before the lion of your portico.
May your enemies bereft of life become like the lions and
elephants and wolves and rhinoceros at the end of the
stony line in the public baths.^119d

Came to the throne in the year 634 H. (1236 A.D.), and followed the path of equity and the principles of justice; set in order the affairs which had remained in confusion, and set before her the pur- ^84. suit of beneficence, (which is as great a fault in women as stinginess is in men) as the object of her ambition, and made Niẓāmu-l-Mulk Jundī (Junaidī) Chief Wazīr.¹²⁰ Antagonism and strife shewed itself among the Amīrs, and Sulṭān Raẓẓīyah formed an excellent plan, and threw these disloyal Amīrs into confusion so that they fled in all directions, and she having selected certain of them for punishment put them to death,^120a and Niẓāmu-l-Mulk retired to Sir Mūr^120b and took up his abode in the secret place of death, and Khwāja Muhaẕẕab the Deputy succeeded him in office. The kingdom of Raẓẓīyah gained considerable power, she despatched an army to relieve Rantanbhūr,^120c which, after the death of Sulṭān Shamsu-d-Dīn, the Hindūs had invested continuously, and liberated the Muslims from their captivity, and Jamālu-d-Dīn Yāqūt, the Abyssinian, who was Master of the Horse, became her confidant and trusted adviser, to such a point that Sulṭān Raẓẓīyah whenever she rode horse or elephant used to rest upon his arm or shoulder.^120d He became an object of envy to the Amīrs, and the Sulṭān Raẓẓīyah came out from the curtain of chastity^120e and wearing the garments of men, regardless of propriety, used to wear a tunic and kullāh^120f when seated on the throne to rule the kingdom. And in the year 637 H. (1239 A.D.) Malik ‘Izzu-d-Dīn Iyāz, Governor of Lahore, displayed hostility. Sulṭān Raẓẓīyah proceeded against him and having reduced him to obedience added Multān also to his jāegīr,^120g and in the same year she brought up an army against Tabarhindah, and on the way the Turkī Amīrs witnessing her immodest behaviour, rebelled, and seized both Sulṭān Raẓẓīyah and Jamālu-d-Dīn Yāqūt the Abyssinian, who had risen to be the Chief Amīr,¹²¹ and confined them in the fortress of Tabarhindah.^121a

Seek not fidelity to its promise from the indolent world. ^85.
For this old woman is the bride of a thousand lovers.
^121b There is no sign of faithfulness to promise in the smile of
the rose.
Lament, Oh heart-reft nightingale, for here is cause for complaint.

Next succeeded to the throne, and came to Delhī. At this time Malik Ikhtiyāru-d-Dīn Altūnīyah^121d the ruler of Tabarhindah having espoused the Sulṭān Raẓẓīyah, and having gained over certain of the Amīrs and a body of the Jats^121e and Khūkhars, and all the landholders, brought an army towards Delhī. Sulṭān Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn Bahrām Shāh, sent the Malik^121f Balban the younger (who eventually became Sulṭān Ghīyāṯu-d-Dīn) with a vast army to oppose Raẓẓīyah, and a battle ensued in which the forces of Raẓẓīyah were defeated. She then went to Tabarhindah, and a second time collected her forces and rallied her scattered troops, and arrived in the neighbourhood of the village of Katīhal^121g with the intention of conquering Delhī, and again being defeated at the hands of the Malik Balban the younger, took to flight and both she and Altūnīyah fell into the hands of the Kawārs¹²² and were put to death by order of Sulṭān Bahrām Shāh.

This event took place in the year 637 H. (1239 A.D.),^122a and the duration of the reign of Raẓẓīyah was three years six months and six days.

A head which the neck carries loftily
That same head later finds a rope round its neck.

When the sovereign power was firmly established in the hands of Sulṭān Bahrām Shāh, Malik Ikhtiyāru-d-Dīn Ītkīn who was ^86. formerly Hājib and was married to a sister of the Sulṭán, and had got all the affairs of the kingdom into his own hands by the assistance of Niẓāmu-l-Mulk Muhaẕẕabu-d-Dīn, being accustomed always to keep a large elephant tied up at his door, like a king, was murdered in the year 638 H. together with Muhaẕẕabu-d-Dīn Wazīr, by certain Fidāīs,^122b by the orders of the Sulṭān, and in this year the Sulṭān dealt with a party composed of Amīrs and chief men, and leading nobles, and grandees, and judges who used to hold secret meetings to discuss a change of monarchy and the appointment of a new king. Some of them he put to death, and some, as for example Badru-d-Dīn Sangar Amīr Ḥājib¹²³ he sent to Badāon where they died in prison. Among them was Qāẓī Jalālu-d-Dīn Kāshānī, whom they removed from his military command and appointed Qāẓī of Badāon, and Qāẓī Shamsu-d-Dīn the Qāẓī of Mārhira^123a they threw under the feet of an elephant in the same way.

And in the year 639 H. the troops of the Mughūl Changīz Khān came and invested the city of Lahore, and Malik Qarāqash the Governor of Lahore fled one day at midnight and came to Dehlī, where the Sulṭān pledged the Amīrs anew to fealty, and having summoned a conference sent Niẓāmu-l-Mulk^123b Wazīr, who at heart was not friendly to the Sulṭān, to oppose the Mughūl force in the Panjāb. He, with craft and hypocrisy wrote a letter to the Sulṭān and made many complaints of the Amīrs who were with him, and begged the Sulṭān to come. The Sulṭān, however, not thinking it advisable to go in person, wrote a despatch to him in apparent sincerity, saying, “those recalcitrant Amīrs shall meet their punishment in due time, you should treat them with civility^123c till then.” He shewed that despatch in original to the Amīrs and brought them over to his side, and the Sulṭān Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn Bahrām ^87. Shāh sent Ḥaẓrat Shaikhu-l-Islām Khwāja-i-Khwājagān Quṭbu-d-Dīn Bakhtyār Ūshī,^123d may God sanctify him, to the Amīrs to put matters straight and to quell the disturbance, but without success; the Shaikhu-l-Islām returned and came to Dehlī, and just at this juncture Niẓāmu-l-Mulk and the Amīrs also arrived and besieged the Sulṭān in Dehlī,¹²⁴ and taking him captive imprisoned him, and after a few days despatched him to the next world^124a and set up another king in his place.

The times of old have had this habit
To take from this man and give to that.

The duration of his reign was two years and one month and fifteen days.

Having been released from prison by the consent of his uncles Sulṭān Nāṣiru-d-Dīn Maḥmūd and Sulṭān Jalālu-d-Dīn, the sons of Sulṭān Shamsu-d-Dīn Iyaltimish, became king at the end of the year already mentioned (639 H.), after that ‘Izzu-d-Dīn Balban^124b (the elder) had occupied the throne for one day and had issued a proclamation. None of the Maliks or Amīrs had been satisfied with this arrangement and reverted to Sulṭān ‘Alāu-d-Dīn, and appointed Malik Quṭbu-d-Dīn Ḥasan as Deputy, and Malik Muhaẕẕabu-d-Dīn Niẓāmu-l-Mulk Wazīr of the kingdom, and in the year 640 H. the Amīrs of Sulṭān ‘Alāu-d-Dīn Mas‘ūd put to death Niẓāmu-l-Mulk the Wazīr.

One should not desire brief kingship like that of the rose
For a torrent speedily breaks down a bridge.

The Wazīrship was conferred upon Ṣadru-l-Mūlk Najmu-d-Dīn Abū Bakr, and Malik Ghiyāṯu-d-Dīn Balban the younger who had at first been called Ulugh Khān and afterwards attained the dignity of Sulṭān,^124c became Amīr Ḥājib and in succession to him ^88. the governorship of Nāgor and Sind and Ājmīr was conferred permanently upon Malik ‘Izzu-d-Dīn Balban, the elder, Budāon was conferred upon Malik Tāju-d-Dīn; and in this year ‘Izz-ud-Dīn Tughā Khān who had advanced from Karrah¹²⁵ to the neighbourhood of Lakhnautī sent Sharfu-l-Mulk Asha‘rī to the Sulṭān ‘Alāu-d-Dīn with a written despatch, the Sulṭān then sent a red canopy and a special robe of honour in charge of the Governor of Ondh^125a for ‘Izzu-d-Dīn Tughā Khān who was in Lakhnautī, and having brought both his uncles aforementioned out of confinement, assigned the district of Qanauj to Malik Jalālu-d-Dīn, and Bahrāij to Malik Nāṣiru-d-Dīn Maḥmūd, who acquitted themselves in those districts to his satisfaction. And in the year 642 H, the Mughūl forces^125b arrived in the district of Lakhnautī, the assumption is that the Mughūls must have come by way of Tibat and Khiṭā, and Sulṭān ‘Alāu-d-Dīn sent Tīmūr Khān Qarā Beg^125c to the assistance of Tughā Khān and the Mughūls were defeated. Hostility arose between Tughā Khān and Malik Qīrān,^125d Tughā Khān came to Dehlī, and Lakhnautī remained in the hands of Tīmūr Khān.^125e

In this year the Mughūl army¹²⁶ arrived in the vicinity of Uchh and assaulted it, and the Sulṭān proceeding by forced marches with all possible speed, reached the banks of the river Biāh, and the Mughūls raising the siege of Uchh took to flight; the Sulṭān on reaching Delhī took to arresting and putting to death to such an extent that the Amīrs and nobles turned against him, and agreed to summon Malik Nāṣiru-d-Dīn Maḥmūd ibn Shamsu-d-Dīn from Bahrāij, and upon his arrival at Delhī in the year 644 H, they threw Sulṭān ‘Alāu-d-Dīn Mas‘ūd into prison and he speedily^126a exchanged that confinement for the prison house of eternity.

This is the way of the changeable world.
In kindness it gives and it robs you in wrath.

^89. The duration of his reign was four years and one month.

Succeeded to the sovereignty in the year 644 H, (1246 A.D.) and the Wazīrship was conferred upon Ghiyāṯu-d-Dīn Balban the younger, who was in reality great, and was the slave and son-in-law of the father of Nāṣiru-d-dīn.^126b

At the time of his accession great largesse was given, and the poets recited many congratulatory odes from some of which the following verses are taken—

That great Lord who is a Ḥātim in generosity and a Rustum
in energy.
Nāṣir-i-Dunya wa-Dīn Maḥmūd ibn Iyaltimish.
That great world conqueror, the roof of whose palace is the
heaven.
In the height of his dignity this lower sphere is his vesture.
How can we measure the glory the Sikka acquires from his
auspicious titles.¹²⁷
Or how compute the exultation of the Khuṭbah at the mention
of his happy name.

The records of his equity and his laudable qualities are evident from the book called Ṭabaqāt-i-Nāṣirī^127a which was composed in his honour.

The Sulṭān entrusted all the affairs of the kingdom to Ghiyāṯu-d-Dīn Balban and in giving him the title of Ulugh Khān said, “I deliver into thy hands the reins of absolute authority, beware lest thou commit thyself to any evil action,^127b for tomorrow thou wilt be at a loss in the presence of Almighty God and thou wilt bring shame upon me and upon thyself.” The Sulṭān himself would generally retire into his chamber and occupy himself in devotion, and reading the Qur'ān and in repeating the sacred names of God may He be glorified and exalted; and it is currently reported that on the occasion of a public audience he used to clothe himself from head to foot in regal apparel, while in private he used to wear an old ragged garment; and they also say that he used to ^90. devote his time to the copy of the Qur'ān which he was writing,^127c further that he used to write it himself in private so that no one might recognize his handwriting and buy it for more than its fair value, and he used to sell (these) in the Bāzār. They relate also several other strange stories about him, which resemble the narratives regarding the rightly directed Khalifs — among them I have seen it written in a book that one day his wife was complaining of not having a servant, and she said “Whenever I bake bread for you my hands get burned and blistered.” He wept and replied, “The world is passing away, bear your toil for these few days for God Almighty on the morrow of resurrection (we trust in Him and believe in Him) as a reward for this labour, will surely give you a Ḥūrī to wait upon you, as it is, I cannot possibly buy a slave girl for you from the public funds. His wife too, agreed to this.

The world is but a dream in the eyes of the vigilant,
A wise man does not set his heart upon a dream.

And the Sulṭān in the month of Rajab in the year of his accession, took an army towards Multān¹²⁸ and in Zūl Qa‘dah having crossed the river of Lahore (Rāvī) and having appointed Ulugh Khān as leader of the forces,^128a sent him towards the Jūd hills^128b and the country round Nandanah, and he himself halted on the banks of the river Indus. Ulugh Khān having punished that part of the country brought it into subjection, and having given a lesson to the Khūkhars¹²⁹ and other contumacious tribes, joined the Sulṭān and returned to Dehlī, and in the year 645 H., having taken Mīwāt^129a turned his attention to the country of the Doāb, and the same year having sent Ulugh Khān from the confines of Karrah to oppose and overthrow the rebels of that district, arrived at Dehlī with great spoil.

And in the year 646 A.H., he proceeded against Rantanbhūr, and having punished the seditious tribes of those districts he returned, ^91. and in the year 647 H., he married the daughter of Ulugh Khān.

Then in the year 648 H., he took an army towards Multān, and after some days Malik ‘Izzu-d-Dīn Balban-i-Buzurg, the Governor of Nāgor, withdrew his foot from the circle of allegiance and rebelled,^129b but when the Sulṭān proceeded thither, he begged for pardon and joined the Court.

And in the year 649 H. he marched in the direction of Gwāliār and Chandērī and Mālwa, and Jāhir Dev^129c the Rāi of that country with five thousand cavalry and 200,000 infantry came out to meet him and gave battle to the Sulṭān in great force, but was defeated and the fort of Narwar¹³⁰ was taken. And in this year Sher Khān Governor of Multān, and Malik ‘Izzu-d-Dīn Balban who had left Nāgōr with reinforcements for him reduced the fortress of Uchh, and Sher Khān remained in the fortress, while Malik ‘Izzu-d-Dīn Balban came to pay his respects to the king, and received from him as a jāegīr the districts of Budāon and was given the title of Kashlū Khān.

And in the year 650 H. (1252 A.D.) he left Dehlī intending to proceed to Lahore, and from there he went to Multān and Uchh, and in this expedition Kashlū Khān accompanied the Sulṭān as far as the river Biāh.

And in the year 651 H. marching from Dehlī, he detailed forces to act against Tabarhindah and Uchh and Multān of which Sher Khān had lost control, and of which the Sindhīs held possession; and having regained possession of them, handed them over to the charge of Arsalān Khān and returned. And in the year 652 H. having assembled an army on the confines of the country at the foot of the hills^130a of Bijnor, and having crossed the Ganges by the ford of Mīāpūr¹³¹ and hugging the skirt of the mountain, reached the banks of the river Rahab,^131a and having taken much booty and made many prisoners, giving themselves up to rapine and making prisoners,^131b invaded the country of ^92. Kaṭihar^131c going to Badāon and from thence to Oudh, and hastened to the capital. And after some time news arrived that certain of the Amīrs, namely Ulugh Khān-i-A‘zam, and Arsalān Khān and others, in concert with Malik Jalālu-d-Dīn, the brother of the Sulṭān, had commenced hostilities in the vicinity of Tabar-hindah. The Sulṭān thereupon marched from Dehlī, and in the neighbourhood of Tabarhindah and Kuhrām and Kaithal,^131d by the intervention of a party of Amīrs, the Amīrs agreed to peace, and with many protestations and oaths suing for pardon came into submission to the Sulṭān; and the Sulṭān conferred upon Malik Jalālu-d-Dīn the Governorship of Lahore, and proceeded to the capital. And in the year 653 H. the feelings of the Sulṭān underwent a change with respect to his mother Malika-i-Jahān. He gave Qutlugh Khān, to whom Malika-i-Jahān was married, a jāegīr in Oudh,^131e and a short time after turning against him also^131f sent him to Bahrāij. He took fright at this and came to the hill country of Sir Mūr, and Malik ‘Izzu-d-Dīn Kashlū Khān and certain other Amīrs made common cause with him and laid the foundation of revolt; the Sulṭān accordingly detailed Ulugh Khān Balban with a large army¹³² to oppose them, and when the two forces had arrived within a short distance of each other the Shaikhu-l-Islām Saiyyid Quṭbu-d-Dīn and Qāẓī Shamsu-d-Dīn of Bharāij and another party of men incited Qutlugh Khān to come into Dehlī, and inspired him with a desire to possess that country;^132a the inhabitants of Dehlī joined in this instigation. Ulugh Khān represented this at the Sulṭān's court, and the Sulṭān issued an order for every individual of that party to go separately to his own place, and Qutlugh Khān and Malik ‘Izzu-d-Dīn Kashlū Khān after this defeat, traversed the distance of a hundred krohs^132b in two days and came from Sāmāna to Dehlī, but did not find the party ^93. which had been the cause of their being summoned. Qutlugh Khān and Kashlū Khān also were separated, and Ulugh Khān following them arrived in the Sulṭān's presence.^132c And in the year 655 H. the Sulṭān issued an order for the expulsion of certain nobles and grandees from the city of Dehlī, and at the end of this year the Mughūls arrived on the boundaries of Uchh and Multān; Kashlū Khān Balban made common cause with them and the Sulṭān came up in hot haste against them. The Mughūls were not able to stand against him and turned back towards Khurāsān. The Sulṭān also raised the banner of return towards the capital and having bestowed a robe of honour upon Malik Jalālu-d-Dīn Jānī marched towards Lakhnautī.^132d And in the year 656 H. (1258 A.D.) ambassadors came to the Sulṭān from Turkistān, and he sent them back loaded with presents, and in this year Ḥaẓrat Makhdūm Ganjshakar,^132e may God magnify his power and exalt his memory,¹³³ left the lodging house of separation and disappointment for the home of nearness and fulfilment.

And in the year 657 H. elephants and great treasure and jewels and cloths without number, arrived from Lakhnautī as presents, and in Rajab of this year Malik ‘Izzu-d-Dīn Kashlū Khān Balban earning relief from the turmoil of this transitory world, hastened to the next world, and in this year Ghauṯu-l-‘Ālam Ḥaẓrat Shaikh Bahāu-d-Dīn Zakariyāī^133a the Multānī, may God sanctify him, raised the tent of^133b close union with God Almighty, and a celebrated poet wrote this couplet to record the date:

By the arrow of the love of God one was wounded (zakhmī)
the other perished (khūn).^133c

^94. And in the year 658 H. Sulṭān Nāṣiru-d-Dīn Mahmūd, chastised the country of Mīwāt¹³⁴ and the rest of that district, and when he was fully established as Malik in the year 664 H. he fell sick and closed his eyes on the world of dreams and fancies, and went to the eternal kingdom.^134a He left no heir; the duration of his reign was nineteen years, three months and a few days. His tomb is well known in Dehlī, and every year crowds flock to visit it.

Verse.

Come and cast one thoughtful look upon this dust.
For it is the dust of the resting-place of trusted kings.

And of the number of those who sounded the drum of poetry and attained the rank of Maliku-l-Kalām (Lord of Eloquence) during Nāṣiru-d-Dīn's reign, one was Shamsu-d-Dīn Dabīr^134b whose manifest excellencies and perfection are beyond description and need no narration and praise, and Mīr Khusrū,^134c may God sanctify him, who tested the genuineness of his own poems by the touchstone of their acceptability to that other (Shamsu-d-Dīn) used to boast of them, and in the preface to the Ghurratu-l-Kamāl and at the end of the Hasht Bihisht greatly embellished his words in the mention of the praiseworthy qualities and in spreading abroad the excellencies of (that friend of his). And Sulṭān Ghiyāṯu-d-Dīn Balban having at the end of his reign appointed him Secretary for the countries of Bangāla and Kāmrūd had left him in the service of his elder son Nāṣiru-d-Dīn¹³⁵ Bughrā Khān, and these few couplets are from an ode of his.

Oh thou^135a of whom this work of my heart is unworthy
though my ignorance; thou gavest me last night a false
promise of entertainment.
All night I kept my eyes awake and^135b I did not know that
that was longing of that kind which you know to be vain.
I keep my heart^135c exercised thinking of thy face, and wondering why thy colour is so ripe and thy forehead like virgin
silver.
^95. I am overcome with idleness though it urges me on to strenuous endeavour—but there is a loose bond between me and
distraction.
Do not make me prepared with (the fire of) thy love¹³⁶ since I
am thy guest, because it is a great virtue to offer sacrifice of
unprepared flesh.
We said “no Muslim will eat raw flesh,” but look! thy grief
has devoured me raw. Is this your religious devotion.
^136a You call me “raw,” if I cut open my own breast, I will
shew you that the heart which thou considerest raw, is ready.
So amazed am I at thy beauty and the glory of the king that
my imperfect work remains raw from my amazement.
Since the king is a second Khusrū, my work will never remain unfinished, by reason of the kingdom of the second
Khusrū—
Conqueror of the world^136b and of religion, he in view of
whose sovereignty the desire of Emperors for the Kingdom
of Suleimān was vain.
The king Maḥmūd Shāh, that Sulṭān from whose father's
glory the cauldron of one single^136c desire, by reason of his
empire, is not left unfilled.
If the Sun of his benevolence shines in the direction of the
garden no fruit issues from the branches of the garden
unripe.^136d
What resource has the Sky if it does not support the burden
of thy dignity—how can you expect a raw baggage animal
to bear a heavy load!
Thy enemy deserves this that you should sew him in a raw hide^136e
for on the body of an inexperienced man of what use is
it for you to fit a raw-hide.¹³⁷
Thy enemy bathes in blood,^137a instead of the collar of his ^96.
garment the prisoner places on his neck every moment a
raw-hide.
Every deed of thine is like^137b perfected gold, and those who
wish thee evil are imperfect in their work from frivolity
and the assurance of shame.
Thy enemy is that naked demon^137c who has a skin made of
the whole of the Earth, and that too, if you take it off him
is a raw-hide.
If thou dost not spread thy table every day twice before the
people, they will perforce eat raw grain, since the hand of
despair from lack of bread has no other resource.
If thy enemy becomes ruined^137d what fear is there? although
he advances in a futile attack, like the lion of the flag he
is helpless though impotence.^137e
Of what avail^137f is the sorcery of Fara‘ūn since the dragon
of your standard will swallow the fictitious serpent.
Oh Khusrū! Shamsu-d-dīn^137g is thy secretary, strong and
well proved in speech—he is not like the worthless Scribes
an inexperienced scribbler.
He himself is experienced^137h and his verse is like purified
gold—his words are not like the best sayings of Khāqānī
still in the rough.
The sky has prepared a perfect kingdom¹³⁷ⁱ for thee—Oh Lord
in thy favour grant that his perfect work may never revert
to imperfection.

And the King of Kings and of Speech Amīr Fakhru-d-Dīn ‘Amīd Lūmakī¹³⁸ writes in a Qaṣīda of which this is the opening couplet.

When my loved one takes^138a the lute, and binds the plectrum
on her fingernail
Her nail strikes Nāhīd^138b with a hundred wounds in the heart
through envy.
^97. Through envy of her harp fever seizes upon Nāhīd at that
instant.
Her nail becomes altogether blue from the effect of that
fever.^138c
Consider the henna on her nails to be like blood, which at the
time of the springing of the strings from the harp dry
as a reed, has spurted forth and made the nail moist.
If in play my nail has scratched your lip, do not be vexed^138d at
that,
Because now and then they dip the nail into sugar by way of
tasting it.
Keep the point of your nail as sharp as a glance my love, for
the harp has no confidence in the fingers save for the sharpness of their nails.
Bring me consolation by the tenderness of thy kindness,^138e
because compared with thy face, the bride of the moon
has brought blood to its nails through envy.
Give me wine red as the blood of a hare at the remembrance
of the assembly of the king, for his wrath has forced off
the claws from the paws of the male lions.
Shāhanshāh Nāṣir-i-Dunyā wa-Dīn Maḥmūd, by whose equity
the partridge with its beak has torn off the claws of the
swift-flying¹³⁹ hawk.
By the fate-like oppression of his enemy he has fallen in
danger of ruin,^139a just as one's nail is in danger in the hands
of an unskilled barber.^139b
His head is in danger of severance^139c by the sword of the daring,
like the nail at the time of paring, in accordance with the
Ḥadīṯ.^139d
From the dread of the falcon of his equity it behoves that
they should take to flight¹⁴⁰ when the eagle with lancet-like
talons casts his feathers and talons (through fear).
Such a quarry do they see,^140a that from their absence of claws
and their distress, their claw demands as a loan from the
small-clawed partridge its claws.
^98. For this reason that in the presence of his power, the sky
scratches his head for envy, and each month, because of that
power, displays the body of the^140b moon in the shape of a
nail paring (crescent).
Compared with the perfumed dust raised by his charger the
dust-like grains of the musk-bag have become valueless as
the dust which is found under every nail.
You would say his arrow is a finger from the hand of victory
because it appears as though his nail were like a willow-
leaf-bladed soul-destroying spear.
A finger which if he so wills it, like an Indian spear embeds
its nail in the mind of iron and the heart of separation.^140c
The sword of his wrath has imprinted such a scar on the
cheek of his enemy as remains on the cheek of the mother
from the anger^140d of the infant.
Grudging the life of his evil-disposed enemies, lo! the boars
of Fate have sharpened their tusks, and the lions of Destiny
their claws.
Power of the world! when the point of thy sword scratches
the hearts, it has carried away from the paws of the oppression of the dog-natured sky its claws.^140e
How can thy enemy be at all like thee, how can he approach
thy dagger, whereas when he brandishes his dagger it becomes at that moment^140f like a finger nail.
If his pride so misleads him that he finds fault with you, the
tip of his finger becomes as dust in his hand and his nail
as nothing.¹⁴¹
The edge of thy sword protects the face of the world,^141a if
there had not been the nail as a shield behind the back of
the finger tip it had not been well.
If the envier of the nail of thy bravery bears a grudge
against thee, perchance poor fellow it is because he does
not know that the nail is poisonous.
I have brought in the word nail (nākhun) as radīf^141b in this ^99.
poem which is like a charm. Verily it is as useful in
magic, as the hair of the head or the tip of the nail.^141c
Oh king, do not desert me, so long as the spiteful heaven
strikes every moment one nail upon another by way of
producing the notes of my fate.

Inasmuch as the mention arose of ‘Amīd, who was controller of all the states of Hindustān, it is essential to reproduce some thing from poems of his which are rarely met with:

Arise ‘Amīd, if thy heart is not cold and dead
Leave thy love-poems, and speak the praise of the Lord of
the world.
Praise the Court of Heaven, for he has raised on high many
an azure dome without the irksome aid of tools;
He has appointed two kings (the Sun and Moon) to travel
over this blue dome, and has allotted to them the planets
as attendant cavaliers on all sides.
The tiring woman of his skill has displayed a hundred
beauteous stars at nightfall from behind the curtain of
nine folds.¹⁴²
He has ordained for the lady of the world, in Night and Day
two able handmaids with the titles of Rūmī and Hindū
(i.e., fair and dark).
Without any shop-keeper in the small shop of the sky, he has
suspended in one corner a pair of scales with two pans.^142a
His skill has caused the crimson anemone^142b to grow upon the
summit of the mountains, his bounty has caused the Sūrī⁷
and Rāhū⁷ to blossom in the garden.
At one time with the point of the compasses of his bounty
he has limned the form of the mouth: at another with the
pen of his favour he has delineated the two eyebrows.
The face of day by his bounty has become a blaze of whiteness ^100.
The locks of the night by his skill have become a marvel of
blackness.
The kings of the earth¹⁴³ with submission and humility, in
search of honour have rubbed their faces in the dust of
his threshold.
Every month has its moon upon the plain of the sky, at one
time curved like the chaugān,^143a at another round like the ball.
So just is he, that at the time of dispensing justice he has
never injured any one even an hair's breadth by oppression.
That one who sought his food in the heart's blood of grapes
he made on the morrow black with disgrace like the cheek
of the plum.^143b
The partridge with its (weak) claws could attack a hundred
hawks if so many heads of ants give such power to the
partridge.
The morning breeze bestowed out of his all-encompassing
bounty upon Chīn and Khaṭā^143c the perfume of the bag of
the musk deer.
Hear from me oh friend, since you have heard the declaration
of unity, a piece of advice to hearing which both your ear
and mine are attentive.
Beware of giving an ear to the sound of the strings of the harp.
Beware of turning your attention to the flagon fashioned of
earth (wine flask)
Those who in this way live on good terms with their lovers,
such as you, do not say, Where is one of that company?
Do you yourself behold every morning, for the dove on the
garden bough by its song of Kū Kū¹⁴⁴ bears witness to this
beneficent one.
^101. Cast thine eye upon the ground that thou mayest see poured
out there many a friend of kind aspect, and many a sweet-
natured loved one
Do thou ‘Amīd again lay hold of the thread of confession of
unity
And hang it upon the rosary of thy prayers as it were pearls.
Oh Sovereign Lord! world-possessing Deity who art ever-
living
Yet without (the intervention of the vivifying) spirit,^144a and
eloquent without a (material) tongue.
By thy order three daughters have come forth from the soul¹⁴⁵
Without the pangs of childbirth, and without the intermediary
influence of a husband.
Compared with thy ancient order what is Kisrā^145a and what
is Qaiṣar
In face of thy decree what is the Khāqān and what is Halākū?
Without thy command no ant can draw a single breath
of its own will,
Without thy knowledge no sleeper turns from one side to the
other.
Although I like a harp am hump backed and head downwards,¹⁴⁶
Yet in the assembly of thy hope I play the air of Yā Huwa.^146a
On that day when out of awe of thee all the assembly of the
prophets own their allegiance on bended knee,
Oh Lord do thou of thy clemency bestow upon me, wretched
man that I am, forgiveness, for I am defiled with disobedience and engulfed in it on all sides.

His also is the following in praise of the prophet may the peace and blessing of God be upon him^146b

I fashion now a garment of song the embroidery of whose
sleeve, flows gracefully from the^146c adornment of the soul
as the ornament of its divine Creator
^102. I choose the path of thy forming by the ornament of straight-
forward praise,
Because the two worlds are an indication^146d of the embroidery
of its sleeve;
Rose of the garden of the prophetic office, than whose spikenard^146e
the morning breeze has never borne from Chīn to Māchīn¹⁴⁷
a rarer odour from the fragrant musk.
Head of the created beings of the world, by whose glorious
advent, the heaven has brought forth a pearl of great
price from the shell as an offering.
The heaven has placed its two standards firmly planted in the
seventh of its citadels, throughout the length and breadth
of the world in the five stated times of prayer^147a
His onyx-like^147b eye has not cast one glance upon the signet of
Solomon¹⁴⁸ because there is the stamp of his seal upon everything from the moon above to the fish below.^148a
Fate and Destiny are his guardians, Eternity and Hope his
helpers,
Earth^148b and the time are his advocates, angels and heaven
pledged to him.
His lip is honey and his cheek a rose, what an advantage to
both worlds,
His gulangabīn^148c (confection of rose and honey) relieves the
tremor of disobedience,
The mouth of the shell is full of the pearls of his pearl-like
words,
The belt of the horizon is bejewelled with his widespread
faith,
The prosperity of the body of the faithful is in his left hand,
and the good fortune of the face of those who follow the
path of his religion is in his right hand.
The pages of the seven heavens are but an atom of his being,
The two worlds, compared with the stream of his might, are
but a sweat drop from his forehead,
The tongue of a green lizard^148d is one of the marks of his seal,
The web of the spider was a curtain which concealed his
relation,^148e
In the moon-bedecked heaven, one glance of his cleft the ^103.
heart of the moon the beloved of the sky into two halves as
though it were a piece of cloth.¹⁴⁹
Both beasts of prey and birds have girded the loins of faithfulness to him.
Both young babes and old men have opened their lips in his
praise.
The rose and the thorn of fragrant flowers are the fruits of
his love and kindness.
The (sweet) sugar and the (bitter) colocynth are both reminders of his love andwrath.
The garden, in submission^149a to his creative power, like the
violet has scratched its cheek (with vexation), Look!
there is a blue mark upon its jasmine cheek.
His body is composed of spirit of divine sanctity, which is the
purification of^149b the spirit of the human. One cannot reach
to his essential constitution, for his composition is of light.
When Barāq the lightning-fleet came under his stirrup he
leapt towards thehighest heavens so that the curved crescent moon was like the hinder part of his saddle.
When his courser trod the face of the plain of the earth he
placed his foot in such a way that the heaven became like
the earth to him.
One step of his reached to the extremity of the earth from the
house of Ummahānī,¹⁵⁰ the second step reached to the Sidra^150a
from the earth like the angels.
The orb of the sun, the untamed steed, was led along in his
cavalcade.
The moon having stamped a brand upon its quarter with
its horseshoe shaped crescent.
Consider the goodness of his nature in that for our sakes in
the next world, he has long pleaded the cause of his followers with a heart full of pity.
Wisdom, by his favour, is drawn out from the well of superstition by the rope of the cord of Chastity^150b which was his
^104. mighty title
Asad Ullah leaving his lair, with his polished spear has torn
out the heart of the envious cur-hearted ones like the
tongue of a dog.
A band^150c like the ants of the ground travelling fast^150d along a
path slender as a hair.
Shining like the lightning from the brilliancy of the torch
of his religion.^150e
A band (of men lost) like a hair which has fallen into leaven^150f
by reason of his wrath fell into the fire from the bridge,
with their waists bound like the ant in their hostility.
On the surface of the board of his sincerity who can raise his
head in deceit¹⁵¹ since not even the heaven survives the
throw of his two dice.^151a
Seven pillars are established by his four friends, for the
seven heavens which are firmly fastened to the pole.
Of these four stars^151b there are two conjunctions both of which
are fortunate. The Moon and Jupiter^151c are in conjunction,
each one with its own partner.
In the two ears of the four elements how happy is my earring.
From the two earrings^151d sprang eight Paradises with the
two lights which give sight to the eyes.
‘Amīd has devoted his powers in all directions to sing his
praises, if perchance the good and bad of his words may
gain some currency.
How can I boast of my descent, here, when I from my heart
supplicate the intercessor of the day of judgment whose
religion God approves.
From the embroidery of my eulogy, what legality^151e is evident,
in my magic? It is like wine whose pure brilliancy is
enhanced by the crystal cup.^151f
From the sugarcandy of his sayings the lips of the parrots
^105. are imbued with sugar as though from the tray of eloquence they have eaten the crumbs of his wisdom.

What person am I, what parrot am I, I that sing these verses? When I sing his praise it is like the buzzing of a fly. May the breath of the parrots of my soul not fail for a single moment from the singing his praise and proclaiming his triumph.

Oh thou from awe of whose order the heaven is bowed in
submission, the proclamation of thy might is this, Thou
standest alone thou hast no companion.
Thy kingdom is an everlasting kingdom, thy dominion is the
dominion of uprightness.
Thy empire is no changeable empire. Thy rule is not a
divided rule.
The rays of the brightness of thy holiness are the portrayers
of the sun and moon. The recluse of thy kingdom is in
the highest altitude of Simāk reaching even to Samak.^152a
At one time thou givest to the partridge of the day wings
and feathers of fiery hue, at another in the liquid cage of
the heavens thou makest the moon-tailed pigeon of the
night^152b as an angel.^152c
Thou hast broken the cup of the moon at the head and foot
of each month.^152d Thou hast bound thine all-encompassing
contemplation around the star Parak.^152e
Thy power is the gardener, the four quarters of the earth
are his tilth. Thou hast cast around that as the shelter of
an eyelid, the bounty of the seven oceans.¹⁵³
From the midst of the oven of the east, thy order bringeth
forth the loaf of gold of the west after the silvery loaf.^153a
In the garden full of thy skilled works, the hand of the tiring
woman of the morning-breeze rubs on the rouge of adornment like the beauties^153b do over the patches. ^106.153c
The rose with the mark of the mole on its cheek, displayed
its buds. Like the cheek of the beauty the moon displays
its face from the heavens.^153d
On the extremity of the plain of spring, issuing from the door
of thy creation, the tulip sits with a shield, the willow
stands with its arrow.
The jasmine and the rose proclaim thy skill with lip and
cheek.
Thy care preserves the sugar of the confection with salt.^153e
Except thy eternal existence how can any caravan arrive at
secondary existence.^153f
In the eye of truth there is kuḥl^153g (of ornament), in the eye
of infidelity and doubt there is the probe (of destruction).
Whoever has the inscription on his ring in accordance with
thy way¹⁵⁴ verily is saved, but whoever has on his forehead
the brand of opposition to thee verily he is lost.
In the glory of thy approbation why should any one take to
craft? Why should the saw of Nūh ibn Lamak^154a cut down
every tree?
The parrot of my life at the remembrance of thee has remained safe from the snare of grief,^154b just as in the ocean
of Jupiter the Fish is safe from the net.^154c
Like an Ethiopian and a Greek, the day has taken away from
thy threshold a gold embroidered mantle, the night has
despoiled thee of a dress distinguished by a plumed^154d
cap.
One draught of thy kindness is equal to the display of several
rows (of cups).
A morsel of thy favour is for the accountants^154e several laks.
^107. As long as thou drawest him as by the end of the cord, no
one turns away his face from the door. It were better that
the neck of the heaven should be in the noose of the Milky-
way.
Thy wrath drives out the pride of tyrants^154f from their heads,
by means of the point of the sting of a mosquito^154g not by
the advanced guard of an army.
If the drops of the bounty of thy nearness distil upon the
palate of my heart say to the clouds of supplication “Do
not rain” and say to the tear of hope “Do not fall.”
I am fulfilled with thy bounty like a pearl in the cloudy
weather.¹⁵⁵
Not like the wine flask which comes forth from the assembly
after yielding the benefit of its fulness.^155a
I have attained the dignity of eloquence from thy consent.
By thy help it is that this joyful sound^155b has been placed in
my hand by destiny.
How long shall I utter cries of grief round the carpets of
Emperors, because at thy door there is a sustenance-
gaining world free from vexation.^155c
Wine which gives you a headache is better cast on the ground.
A carpet if it be of silk^155d is more fit to be burnt than thorns.

Oh Lord, with that rose of benevolence from the exhalations
of whose excellence the olfactory sense of the angels
is refreshed while the musk of Chīn remains dry as a
husk,
Let me refresh the olfactories of my soul every moment,
until I am on the brink of the grave; that my dust may
be like a rose garden far removed from the pricking of
thistles.
The possession of sincerity, and true equity, the root of
modesty, and the secret¹⁵⁶ of truth, the house of religion
is founded on all of these both by bond and deed.
On the heaven of his prophecy, for the travellers along the
high road of the sacred law, each of these four pillars^156a is a
sign of the injunction Go on thy way and be pure.^156b
108. May every breath of my life be praise and glory, until the
breath of the morning, that each breath may then be a
worthy present for the soul.
Think that the pupils of my two eyes are four in affection,
(i.e., four Khalifs).
Otherwise thou wilt fail to gain Paradise, and art ready for
the door of hell.
What good will apostasy do you when ‘Alī is independent
of you? How can gold shew its perfect purity if the
touchstone does not shew the shine of it?
What blame is it to the body of the lute if during the tune^156c
either its silken string breaks, or its bridge slips down.
Go, and open the letter of the Prophet in all sincerity, that
it may efface from your mind the suspicion as regards
“Faddak.”^156d
And he who like the ill-omened owl¹⁵⁷ boasts of being a Khārijī^157a
compared to the confidant of the cave¹⁵⁸ is like the night-flying
bat^158a in comparison with the standard of the day (the Sun).
Put aside your desire of rebellion, say not a word save in
respect, how can a dog contend with a tawny lion.^158b
What power have you to decide between the companions of
the Prophet, you who from foolishness like a blind man,
seek the softness of ermine from the stoat.^158c
It were better that the skirt of the time was freed by skilful
management, from the impurity of those abomination-
working sects before that this sound reaches their ears
What brought you into hell?^158d
Oh Lord! although for a long time my heart has been afflict-
ed by the darlings of Chigil, and held fast by the rosy-
cheeks of Yamak^158e
Yet in the beginning of the nūn and dāl of my age (54) ^109.
after the year khā and nūn and hā (655 H.),¹⁵⁹ thanks
be to God that the bird of my ambition has burst the
bonds of this net and gone free.
I have washed my hands of the one, and have freed my foot
from the other, springing out of both snares like the clay
pellets from a pea-shooter.^159a
At thy footstool henceforth my constant cry is “I repent,”
my supplication is to thee, my secret thoughts and open
dealings are with thee.
Thou shewest me mercy at that time when by the intoxication of the wineskin of death both my chin and jaws are
cold and shrunken.^159b
When my breath is bound upon the balista of my body like
a missile, then the stone of the balista¹⁶⁰ of death strikes my
body breaking it as though it were an earthen jar.^160a
Grant me a place at the banquet of thy pardoning mercy,
At that time when the Angel of Death says to me “Take
and eat,”^160b
Shewing his helplessness Amīd thy slave offers these verses
in praise of thy excellence to the best of his power.
Accept these few brief words from this vile cur,^160c
For this mangy cur is a partner of your journey.
Thy praise is written on my heart, afterwards comes the praise
of the Prophet. May every word besides these be erased
from my heart.

AN EULOGISTIC QAṢĪDA.

Oh thou upon whose jasmine-like face are the countless toils
of the violet-hued locks.
By whose ruby lips the brilliant pearls are imprisoned.
Thy locks are an armourer who every moment brings forth
Fragrant chains to fetter thy lily-like face.
^110. Thy lily face is better confined by the links of thy spikenard-
hued locks.
Bid the morning breeze as it breathes not to remove the
chains (of thy hair) from thy rosy (cheeks).
Thy mouth is like a delicate bud which bursts into smiles;
Loosen the folds of that bud even if with the point of a
thorn.
Thy rose-petalled cheeks are adorned by the bonds of thy
dark and fragrant locks.
Save on thy rose who has ever seen so becoming a
bond?
Perchance thou didst say, thy face is like the rose and tulip
to look upon, the fragrant down on thy cheek is like the
edging of a bed of tulips.
Thy cheek was not fit for this, why does it bear its chain,
like me who bear my chain in the time of the reign of this
monarch.
The world conquering king Naṣīru-l-Haqq (ally of the truth),
he who places upon the hands and feet of meanuess a
thousand fetters by his generosity.
Wālā Muḥammad Balban, who entangles rebels in the time
of war, in the noose of his wrath.¹⁶¹
Oh king of the age, by whose auspicious fortune the treasurer
of Fate has undone the fastenings of the shell of the mine
of prosperity.
Beneath the saddle of the confusion of thy enemy on the day
of fighting, each girth of thy saddle becomes sixty-four^161a
thongs to bind him.
He is like the opium, provoking quarrels and suspicion,
If his opium remains enclosed within the poppy
head. ^111.161b
When the aromatic odour of thy good qualities removed the
bond from the wrinkled mouth of the musk bag of Tātār,
ambergris gained a fresh odour^161c from its fragrant breeze,
and the rose bud too was loosed from its prison by the
newly arrived spring.
The heaven every moment casts the fetter of intoxication on
those who are drunk with the cup of thy favour, by the
obstruction of their brain.¹⁶²
Thy kingdom is a rivulet flowing from the spring of satisfied
desire; safety, enjoyment and pleasure are the banks of
this stream.
In such a way open the road of equity for the ends of victory,
That by thy justice no fetters may exist in the world save
the locks of lovers' hair.
You see one who has assisted injustice in his soul in whose
path
Destiny places countless^162a obstacles.
Like Naushīrwān when thou knockest at the door of justice,
Thou keepest not the chains firmly fastened on bad and
good.
In thy reign, it behoves that no one in his lifetime should
see any fetter, save on the foot of the cypress and the
finger-bearing leaf of the Chinār.^162b
The knot of the dragon's tail and the dragon's head^162c is a
fetter on the sky, come and relieve the distressed heaven
from its bondage.
That the sun and moon may become relieved of the affliction
of eclipse¹⁶³ in the knot of the dragon's tail,^163a like me who
am in the bond of distress.
Thou hast ordered that the learned should be imprisoned,
Beware that thou layest no bond upon the learned.
Woe is me! Honour them rather out of policy, and on the ^112.
newly wedded bride of eulogy bind the princely pearl
taken from the casket of my heart.
Has ever any monarch placed a bond on literary men out of
love of empire and usurpation?
I, at all events, am a talking parrot, not a hunting falcon,
the hawk's jesses are not rightly placed on the legs of
parrots.
Why do you imprison me, as from my secret heart there is
an evident fastening (of grief) fixed upon the door of my
heart's fortress.
Loose my bonds, and by way of conquering the fortress, fix
the bond of thy heart upon the mercy of the threshold of
the Creator.
My heart was wounded by the tyranny and oppression of the
heaven, now the chain wounds my leg as well as my heart.
No one has seen half a dāng weight of gold in my possession,
And, even if he has, I would not willingly undergo imprisonment for the sake of it.¹⁶⁴
Gold has no value in my sight, how can I pledge it like a
usurer so as to get twelve for every ten.
I have eloquence like pure gold, another man has gold itself,
Open your hand in bounty to me, and keep him imprisoned.
Do not keep me so long in suspense waiting for my release,
My imprisonment has turned my blood to water in this weary
waiting.
At least kill this hapless innocent with the sword of thy
wrath,
^113. But do not imprison me, for imprisonment kills me^164a with its
perpetual agony.
My name has become famous for eloquence from east to west,
Is it fitting to put fetters on the feet of such a famous poet?
Wisdom said to me long ago by way of advice,
Chain thyself at the threshold of the victorious king.
I was indulging in these hopes, when the king himself shewed
kindness and imprisoned this miserable one as though he
were a murderer.
You may be quite sure that imprisonment is not required
in that place in which the seal of the treasury was opened
by his generosity.
First thou didst fasten, then thou didst loosen,^164b Oh! noble
bounty! I carry the fetters from thy door into the presence
of the Almighty as a memorial.
It was the sword of royalty [which loosened them] by the
mercy of the Most Bountiful; had that not been so the
imprisonment would have utterly ruined me.
Since¹⁶⁵ you ‘Amīd girt the loins of loyalty in the service of
the throne, therefore by his care the days of your imprisonment were brought to a happy termination.
As long as the young and sprightly maidens to the distraction
of their lovers, have purposely bound their cheeks with the
chain of youthful bloom.
So long may the door of good fortune be closed in every
direction to your enemies,
And by the sword may the bars of both fortresses be opened.

QAṢĪDA.

My eye is the boundless ocean, the thought of my heart is a
bark,
In sorrow my bark sets forth on the floods as they flow from
my eyes.
Night and day I float in the flood of tears, how can my bark ^114.
live in the midst of the raging billows of blood?
How can I expect to win my desire from the vile world?
How can I launch my bark on the surface of a gutter?
Although my bark in this ocean, now sails on and now lies at
rest, sailing with the seven sails,^165a and resting on the four
anchors.^165b
Of what use to me are those sails and those anchors,
If my bark is suddenly overwhelmed by the billows of
death?
In this age I sought fidelity from the tyrannical,
Who has ever seen a boat on the Jīhūn in the month of
Mehrgān¹⁶⁶
In front of the claws of this crab^166a and the revolution of the
nine heavens, loosen^166b thy four anchors and then launch
thy bark.
The sea-monster of avarice of my soul turns back, otherwise^166c
one might drag the boat to the shore by some contrivance.
With the exception of the philosophers how can anyone
guide the ship out of the whirlpool of this world to its final
haven of refuge.¹⁶⁷
Do not set thy heart upon the ebony ^167a -like world, because a
ship built of ebony is overwhelmed in the sea of this
worthless world.
Do not seek for safety when loaded with boastfulness
For an overloaded ship is speedily wrecked,
Seek security from sorrow at that time when you have been
wise enough to make, as I have, a ship from the planks of
the praise of thy lord.
The centre of kingship of land and sea Tāju-l-Haqq, who ^115.
made a ship of safety for traversing the ocean (Qulzum)
of sorrow.
Sinjar^167b who is like the sky in dignity, in fear of whom
sedition navigated its ship in the direction of the crossing
of the ocean of Qairawān.^167c
From the breeze of his smile in the ocean, the ship produces
from every dry stick the branch of saffron.¹⁶⁸
When his auspicious prow turns towards the ocean the ship
looks like a pearl emerging from the sea.
The heaven offers itself as his ladder when, arriving near the
shore, the ship stands in need of a ladder.
At that time when his ship floats over the crimson tide of the
blood of his brave enemies,
If we look, it appears as though his ship crosses over the dry
(sparkling) water of the points of daggers and spears.
Thy enemy saw his life like a snare (from which he must
escape) and the ship of his desire shattered to pieces by
thy bond-loosening arrow.^168a
By the good fortune of thy arrival the ship sails along on
its breast, on the tops of the waves to the very highest
heavens.^168b
Thy dagger lays open the breast of thy envious enemies just
as, by means of its keel, the ship opens the lips of the
waves and the mouth of the ocean,
At that time when, in pursuit of the punishment of thine
enemies, the morning breezes hasten their march and thy
ship goes with slackened rein.
^116. From this lake Khusrū demanded a ship (ode),
Saying such and such a ship is fit for this wide ocean.
I obediently set it sailing over the face of that ocean,
Although that ship was not fitted for such a sea.
When the sea of my mind burst into waves in thy praise, I
made the word ◌ (kishtī) the radīf by way of trial.
If the ship had not been like a fish, tongueless in its essence
It would not have addressed me except as “Ocean of benevolence and mine of eloquence”
Among the profoundly learned is there anyone better than
‘Amīd who has launched his ship from the Nile of excellence
into this Clysma¹⁶⁹ of eloquence.
Always, as long as in the shape of the crescent moon, with
each new month, the ship appears on the bosom of the
ocean of the sky,
May thy boat of wine, bright as the sun, and liquid as fire,
float upon the water of delight for ever and ever.

Happy art thou! at the sight of whose maddening glances
the stag is intoxicated.
The snood of whose musk-fragrant ringlets puts the stag to
shame.
The eye of the narcissus is embarrassed by thy glances.
The stag is harassed by envy of those muskladen locks.
Though the stag roamed round the garden a hundred times
he saw no bed of violets to equal the bloom on thy cheeks.
What magical power is there in that eye which, with one
glance,^169a captivates hearts from within and hunts the stag ^117.
from without.
From envy of the musk-coloured spot^169b which stands like a
drop of dew upon thy rose-like cheek, the stag without
respite nurses a lacerated heart in his breast.
Needs must that with those two love fascinated eyes,
The stag should endeavour to protect himself from the snares
of thy locks.
When the story of thy fragrant tresses reached him,
The stag curtailed his narration of the bag of musk.
The stag suffered from the effects of the intoxication of thine
eyes,
And he got rid of his headache by drinking of the cup of the
assembly of the world-subduer.
The auspicious lion, protector of the crown of true religion,
Sinjar,
In whose estimation the fierce lion of the sky is but a stage.
The stag thought right to carry a fragrant ball of camphor¹⁷⁰
taken from the dust of his threshold, to Khiṭā as a memorial.
Perhaps it was from the dust of his dignity which became^170a the
ornament of the sun, that the stag obtained superiority
over the wild beasts by reason of his musk-bag.
Happy art thou star-arrowed one, whom the demon-hearted
fear and shun as^170b the stag avoids the lion.
An enemy who falls into thy clutches does not escape;
Who has ever known the stag to escape from the claws of the
lion?
At that time the stag prided himself upon being fleeter than
^118. thy charger, now in sooth the stag is ashamed of his slow-
footedness.
At the time of attack, how can the stag in spite of all his
efforts, reach the dust which is thrown up by thy char-
ger's hoofs?
Think it not strange if from the abundance of his bounty, the
lynx goes slowly on foot, and the stag swiftly like a horse
man.
Compared with the fragrance of thy goodness how can the
stag boast¹⁷¹ of the dried blood of his navel in Tātār.
By the aid of thy words which are like an antidote, I have
no fear, even though the stag shall become like to one
that feeds on snakes.^171a
His food is the snake, but afterwards like the elk, besides the
antidote, the stag offers in every direction the bag of musk.
In the land in which thou art, by reason of thy great justice
the lynx sits sorrowful, and the stag stands to comfort him.
The day that thou pursuest him he shews only his right
shoulder when the stag rushes from the right to the left of
thy army.
In reliance upon thee if a stag were to cherish a young lion in
its bosom it would be no wonder.
What power have two hundred enemies against thy prowess?
What does the hunting leopard think of a head of a thousand
stags?
Thy enemy will be able to engage in conflict with thee.
At that time when the stag's horns are capable of fighting the
lion.
^119. In the meadow of thy favour the stag has never seen his
quarters and sides as thin as his legs.
Conqueror of the world, I have bound “The stag”¹⁷² with
thirty-three couplets in thy praise by way of experiment
as though it were a camel.
It is fitting that the word “musk deer” should be repeated as
radīf a hundred times since thou hast sent me in thy
kindness a stag twice.
Formerly the stag thought of nothing but the musk-bag, now
he makes the glory of thy praise his constant occupation.
‘Amīd has opened the musk-bag of wisdom in singing thy
praises, like the musk-bag upon which the stag pridesitself.^172a
Always, as long as men search for musk on the surface of the
ground, and no musk deer lays aside its power of producing musk,
May the perfection of thy justice reach such a height that
the stag may extract musk from the hunting leopard.
Mayest thou roam at large and enjoy thyself in the meadow
of fortune, just as the stag roams over the meadows in
spring time.
Fasting has made his form which was like the Nārwan^172b
slender as a reed, and has made his face which was red as
the Arghawān^172c pale like the saffron.
How can it be saffron for it has not made me smile.¹⁷³
Fasting has made my cheek yellow like the Zarīr² through
weeping, and my tears red as the Arghawān.
How can it be a tulip, for fasting makes his cheek like the ^120.
Khīrī.^173a
How can it be a cypress, when fasting makes it weak and
tremulous?^173b
His form stately as the Nārwan is bowed like the reed,
Has any one ever seen fasting proceed from the Nārwan and
cypress of the garden?
Till his face, which was like a full-blown rose, drew back again
into the bud there was no certainty that the rose and the
garden had commenced their fast.
Till his full moon once more became a crescent moon¹⁷⁴ who had
clearly seen fasting overtaking the sun and moon of the
heavens.
The shaft of grief is broken in my heart, for his stature has
been brought by fasting from the straight form of an arrow
to the shape of a bent bow.
It is two days since I have seen jar upon jar of sugar^174a in
that very moment when fasting set its seal upon his lips.
I am in astonishment at her sugar-distilling lip which is like
the pistachio, for there is sugar in the jar on each side and
fasting in the middle.
Because of her love her mouth is less than an atom, nay
even less than the minutest atom, can any one imagine that
a minute particle such as this can endure fasting.
Look! how marvellous it is with what skill she imprisons
fasting between those particles of ruby which scatter
sweetness.
With a glance she drinks my heart's blood because she
thinks that by taking a draught of blood she will openly
break her fast.
^121. This heart of mine is faint with longing for her lips.
In this desire that I may break my fast with the seeds of the
pomegranate.^174b
Haply she has hung the amulet on her silvery mouse-like
neck, so that wisdom like a fasting cat has been compelled
to remain fasting.¹⁷⁵
My tongue has become dry like that of one fasting in advising
her.
For thy form is like a fresh blown rose, fasting is the
autumn wind (which withers it).
Although thou openest thy lips like a bud which had been
closed by fasting, just as I broke my fast at the table of
the praise of my Lord;
The ocean of benevolence, champion of the truth, round the
table of whose bounty men and genii broke their fast;
Muḥammad whose vanguard is like destiny, the joints of whose
spear broke their fast with the blood of the enemies
(trickling down) from the point.
He, whose right hand is like that of Isfandiyār, has also, from
the liberality of his hand, caused the age^175a to break its fast
on this side of the seven stages.
Before the generosity of his heart, the ocean and the mine,
have, in their utter poverty, considered fasting to be their
bounden duty.
Hail O King! in whose just reign the wolf, as though it were a
shepherd, has kept its fast to secure the safety of the flock.
Thou art like the two first fingers,^175b a close companion of the
heavens, just as fasting goes hand-in-hand with prayer.
Thy existence is the twin brother of kingdom, just as fasting
is the twin brother of Zakāt, Ḥajj and ‘Umrah.^175c
122. The breeze of thy good qualities like the fragrance of the
perfume of the breath of the faster,¹⁷⁶ has carried fasting
as a special offering to the garden of Paradise.
Thou hast cast out the custom of tyranny from the kingdoms
under thy sway, inasmuch as thou hast relieved waste
countries of taxes, and excused the feeble from fasting.
The spirit of man is often broken by the vicissitudes of the
heavens^176a just as his bodily fast is broken by bread.
In this time no one, from the time of Jamshīd till now, remembers fasting at the table of such a host as thou art.
At the smell of the table of thy bounty the guest has considered it incumbent upon him, whether in the feast or in
the fray, to fast from food of all kinds.
The bird of thy arrow has broken its fast, like the gnat of
Nimrūd on the brain of thy enemy in the cup of the skull
(the cup of vapours).
For the maintenance of thy kingdom, young and old have
fasted, both the old and the new creation.
The revolution of this six-storied world is full of the mention
of thy glory, just as fasting fills the seven members of the
body in this darkness.
On this earth, the worlds children (have fasted) with such
endurance that the spiritual beings will never be able to
break the fast.
I stood before thee with my loins girt in honest service, as
though fasting, because fasting is not one of my objects,
neither openly nor in secret.¹⁷⁷
My manliness actuated by ambition bowed the knee to me ^123.177a
and said,
Imagine that both your pen and your finger tips are fasting.
The claims of thy generosity caused me to break my fast^177b
and consume my time, had it not been for that I would
have speedily imposed a fast upon my words.
Had not the praise of thee been the sustenance of my powers
of speech how could the point of my tongue have broken
its fast by breaking into poetry?
Like the parrot, my first morning food^177c is the sugar of
gratitude to thee, not like the humā do I break my fast
upon bones.
Who is able to break his fast in this way at the time of
bringing in the “radīf” better than ‘Amīd, with the
draught of trial.
He has broken his fast with a feather from the wing of the
bird of praise, because at this time fasting is the best nest
for the bird of praise.
Always, as long as fasting brings as its reward from the
bounty and mercy of God, a hidden treasure worth a
hundred princely treasures,
Mayest thou be famed¹⁷⁸ for generosity and kindness in this
world, for fasting points the way to the highest heaven.

ANOTHER QAṢĪDA.

I, who have made my dwelling in a corner like the Sīmurgh^178a
I have made my nest beyond the axis of earthly sphere.
Why do I bear the shame of every bird in this ill-omened
land?^178b
124. I have gone like the ‘Anqā^178c and have made my resting
place in the mountains.
Until the bird of my ambition swoops down upon the harvest
of the lower world, I have made the harvest field of the
sky full of grain-like stars.
Why does the moon display the halo-harvest when it does
not shew a single grain to any one, whereas I with one single
grain of manliness have bound many a sheaf.
By the light of the knowledge of God, I have made the
newly wedded virgin bride of reality to shine in the
chamber of wisdom with the brilliancy of the day.
The course of the heavenly bodies in the columns of the
almanac of the Creation, I have proved one by one by
comparison with the astronomical tables¹⁷⁹ of intellect.
In the bridle of four rings, that is the trappings of the four
elements, great is the training which I have given the
unruly steed of my passions.
I have made the parrot of my soul, whose cage is the form
of this uncouth body which is like a midden, every moment
to rival the nightingale of the verdant^179a garden.
The parrot has left for the garden, the kite of lust which is
following it circling round and round my nature I have
detained within the midden of the body.
In many an art for which^179b the scientists had no taste
I have made as great progress, hundred fold as they are, as
a man who follows but one art.
My intellect has served to light the lamp of the treasure of
science, I have made my skill the oil which supplies the
light to the wick.^179c
The jewel of the secret of reality has been acquired in such ^125.
a (perfect) way that I have made my mind the storehouse
of the treasury of secret knowledge.
Once by way of vaunting in the rose-garden of desire,
I displayed the brilliancy of my skill particoloured like the
peacock.
The falcon of the Divine indignation smote me with its
talons from its hiding-place, so that I took refuge in a
corner like the pigeon.
They would have shewn me the way (and have bidden me
walk) in this solitary windowless tower
Had not my ambition carried me far beyond the seven
windows (of the sky)
A tower, narrow, ay! at that time even narrower than my
heart, (so narrow that) you would say I am a cord and
have given myself a place in the eye of a needle.
It is the constellation of the Archer, and I am like the Sun,
and have by my cold sighs changed the bright spring of
the world into the bitter cold of winter.¹⁸⁰
This was not all; the good tidings of my bad fortune brought
to me the blacksmith, to whom I said—Strike off my head
in return for the blood which is upon my head.
The splendour and comfort of the golden-throned sun is my
desert,
Whereas I am resting upon a (hard) iron (prison) seat.
The seven-headed dragon (The Sky) hides its head (in astonishment) to see that I have brought this two-headed serpent
(night and day) under my skirt.
They determine for me an imprisonment like that of Bīzhan
in the well of tyranny. I have not seen Manīzha^180a nor
have I committed the crime of Bīzhan.
Patience has the strength of Rustum,¹⁸¹ as one may say,
I have entrusted the strength necessary for my release to the
arm of Rustum-like patience.
All of my companions are free to follow their occupations
while I am fast in prison,
God forbid I should be the only one of all mankind to have ^126.
committed this fault.
The times are out of joint, if not how can the following of
the Ishrāqī philosophy^181a which I followed so excellently
have thrown me into misfortune?
The shaft of the tyrannical heavens passed through and
through from the back, although I had armed my breast
with the cuirass of patience.
My body longs for food in the captivity of sorrow, and I have
prepared for its support my blood as its drink, and my heart
as its meat.
Once I was like the tulip in complaining, but then afterwards
I made myself like the lily ten-tongued (but silent.)^181b
Like the violet I have let my head fall forward (in sorrow)
from dearth of benefactors, and though like the lily I have
ten tongues I am become dumb in thy praise.
I am suffering the punishment of my words, because in my
lying flattery I have made every beggar a king, and have
made the (worthless) Lādan¹⁸² into frankincense.
At one time I have proclaimed Suhā^182a superior in brilliancy
to the moon,
At another I have scorned the river as being inferior to the
drippings of a sieve.^182b
I have made friends with Avarice, like ‘Amīd from the lust
for blood, and for that reason I have made contentment my
enemy.
I have subjected my spirit, which is like a high mettled horse,
to the burthen of labour, because of the tyranny and
meanness of the heavens, see now what a jade he has
become.
^127. I have made barren my truth-adorning heart and my jewel-
producing nature, without the help of Qiṭrān,^182c not now
only but long ago.
This one poem¹⁸³ of mine is worth a whole Dīvān and a
hundred caskets of jewels, nay more, every verse of it
have I made better than particoloured hair^183a
Imprisonment has brought me to lamentation, and from the
delicacy of my speech you see the joy which I have given
in the very midst of my lamentation.
Oh Lord, give me my sustenance from the date-trce of thy
favour, I have made the bird of my heart to sing the
praises of thy Unity.
Present me with the robe of honour of thy protection, for
thy court is my original refuge, lo I have fled to my refuge.
Keep far from the darkness of infidelity,^183b hypocrisy, hatred
and enmity, that heart which I have embellished with the
light of sincerity to Thee.
Keep thou the Sun of Divine knowledge shining within my
heart, for I have made my heart the mine of the jewels of
true belief.

Who had the title of Ulugh Khān, by the consent of the Maliks and Amīrs adorned the throne by his accession in the Qaṣr-i-Safed (the White Palace) in the year 664 H.¹⁸⁴ He was one of the “Forty Slaves” of Sulṭān Shamsu-d-Dīn, each one of whom had attained to the dignity of Amīr. Inasmuch as the reins of government had been in his hands even in the days when he was merely Ulugh Khān, the affairs of the State very quickly came into his grasp. He would not allow people of low origin to have the slightest authority. It is said that a man named Fakhr, who had for years served as chief of the Bāzār, had recourse to one of ^128. the Sulṭān's more intimate attendants, and offered a very large sum^184a on the condition that if the Sulṭān Ghiyaṯu-d-Dīn Balban would speak with him once only, he would give him all this money and valuable property.^184b When this request was represented to the Sulṭān he would not entertain it, and said ‘to converse with people of low and mean extraction will lower my prestige.’ He was altogether opposed to oppression, and, in the early days of his reign, punished certain of his Amīrs on account of some tyranny which they had practised upon their subjects, and having handed over one or two of them^184c he permitted the complainants to exact retaliation, and after that these Amīrs had paid the blood money, for shame they could never come out of their houses as long as they lived, and at last they left the world.

Verse.

Reputation arises from equity and justice;
Oppression and kingship are as the candle and the wind.

And all his praiseworthy qualities may be estimated from this, that he used never to omit the ceremony of purification, and on going into an assembly where one was preaching he used to display emotion, and weep much, while as regards his treatment of sedition and revolt he used to shew himself a merciless repressor.

He laid claim to the glory of an Emperor, because of this
That he adorned the world with wisdom and equity,
In days of retirement he would wear a blanket;
And he strove in prayer and supplication
His eyes fixed upon the ground, his heart boiling like a
cauldron;
A heart eloquent of speech, but a silent tongue;
Till his heart perceived with the eye of secret knowledge
All that was visible of these intricate matters.

In this same year of his reign Tātār Khān the son of Arsalān Khān sent from Lakhnautī sixty-three elephants as a present; and in this year the Sulṭān proceeding to Patīalī¹⁸⁵ and Kanpila, built the forts of Patīalī, Kanpila, Bhojpūr, and certain ^129. other forts, and with five thousand cavalry crossed the Ganges on the pretext of making preparation for an expedition to the Jūd hills. In two days after leaving Dehli he arrived in the midst of the territory of Kāithar^185a and put to death every male, even those of eight years of age, and bound the women, and inflicted such chastisement that up till the reign of Jalālu-d-Dīn the territory of Badāon and Amroha remained safe from the ravages of the Kāitharīs,^185b and he threw open all the roads of Bihār and Jaun-pūr, and all the roads of the Eastern part of India which were closed, and made over the territory of Mīwāt, which lies in the Doāb, to strong handed governors, with orders to put to death the rebels, which they did, imprisoning some. Then he made an attack in the direction of the country at the foot of the Sintūr hills,¹⁸⁶ and built a fort on those boundaries, and having called it Hiṣār-i-Nau (New Castle) proceeded to the Jūd hills, and brought an army^186a towards Lāhor, and rebuilt the castle of Lāhor which had been laid waste by the Mughūls in the reign of Sulṭān Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn Bahrām Shāh. Here he became ill, and the news of his illness^186b reached the confines of Lakhnautī, and Tughral, Nāib of Amīn Khān, who had been appointed to succeed Sher Khān in that district, laid the foundation of rebellion, and fought with his master Amīn Khān and came off victorious, and having imprisoned him gathered round himself the paraphernalia of royalty, and gave himself the title of Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn, and completely defeated some imperial troops which had been sent to oppose him. Sulṭān Ghiyāṯu-d-Dīn brought up an army against Tughral but he went towards Jājnagar and Tārkīla (Nārkīla)^186c and Malik Ikhtiyāru-d-Dīn Beg Birlās^186d was ordered to pursue him, the Rāī of Sunārgām named Dhanūj^186e offering his services to the Sulṭān engaged to bring Tughral, and Malik Ikhtiyāru-d-Dīn proceeding by forced marches found Tughral, who had fled into a a jungle,^186f walking about off his guard, and having put him to ^130. death sent his head to the court. The Sulṭān conferred that kingdom with a canopy and baton of office on his younger son Bughrā Khān, Governor of Sāmāna, who eventually received the title of Sulṭān Nāṣiru-d-Dīn, and then left for the capital. Since, after the death of Sher Khān (who was uncle's son to the Sulṭān and one of the “Forty Slaves” of Sulṭān Shamsu-d-Dīn, and Governor of Lāhor and Dībālpur, and had read the Khuṭbah in Ghaznīn in the name of Sulṭān Nāṣiru-d-Dīn, the Mughūls during his governorship not daring to invade Hindustān) the road of communication had become opened¹⁸⁷ to the Mughūls, accordingly Sulṭān Balban, to remedy this, despatched his elder son Sulṭān Muḥammad, who is known as the Khān-i-Shahīd, and Qāān-i-Mulk, (having first conferred upon him a canopy and baton of office, and the signs and insignia of royalty, and having made him his heir-apparent, and giving over Sind with its dependencies to his care) with full equipment towards Multān, and the country right up to Tattha and the seacoast was in his possession. Amīr Khusrū and Amīr Ḥasan of Dehlī remained in his service for five years in Multān, and were enrolled among his intimate companions. On two occasions he sent large sums of gold from Multān to Shīrāz and begged that Shaikh Sa‘dī,^187a may God have mercy on him, would come to live with him. The Shaikh did not come, excusing himself on the score of old age, but commended Mīr Khusrū to the care of the Sulṭān, writing in excessively laudatory terms concerning him, and sent a collection of autograph poems. Sulṭān Muḥammad used to visit Multān every year to see Sulṭān Balban, and used to return distinguished with robes of honour and all possible rewards and distinctions, and on the last occasion on which they were able to meet, the Sulṭān instructed him in private with excellent counsels and pleasing discourses, which are mentioned in the books of the Histories of Dehlī, and having granted him permission to depart sent him to Multān; and in the same year Ītimar¹⁸⁸ the Mughūl with thirty thousand horsemen having crossed the Rāvī by the ford of Lāhor caused great commotion in those districts, and the Governor of Lāhor sent a ^131. petition to Khān-i-Shahīd^188a telling him of what had occurred. He while in his assembly read 30,000 as 3,000 and, marching with a large force, by rapid and continuous marches arrived at the boundaries of Bāgh-i-Sabz,^188b on the banks of the Lāhor river where he engaged the infidels and attained the dignity of martyrdom. This event took place in Zū-Hijjah of the year 683 H,^188c and Mīr Ḥasan^188d of Dehlī composed a prose lament, and sent it to Dehlī. It is copied here in its very words.

It is an old story that the tyrannous sphere, though it may for a time knit the knot of complaisance, and make a covenant of mutual sincerity, turns from its promise, and that discordant time, although it professes to shew acquiescence, and makes specious promises of fidelity, fails to perform them.

The wanton-eyed heaven, the pupil of whose manliness is sullied by the defect of the mote of meanness, at first, like a drunken man, gives some bounty in a case where there has been no favour received to demand it, but in the end, like the children, takes the gift back again without any treacherous conduct having been committed. The habits and customs of the oppressive times are cast in the same mould, whether by experience or by hearsay, we ^132. see or hear that whomsoever it perceives coming to perfection like the moon, it desires to darken the face of his fulness with the blot of defect, and whomsoever it finds rising like a cloud him it strives to tear to pieces, and to scatter his substance to the extreme boundaries of the horizon. As in this orchard of amazement and garden of regrets, no rose blooms without a thorn so no heart escapes the thorn of sorrow. Alas! for the newly sprung verdure which has become yellow, withered in the bloom of its beauty by the autumn of calamity. Alas! for the many fresh-springing trees which have been laid low in the dust of the ground by the fierce blast of Death.

Consider the winds of Autumn, how chill they are and cold,
The cowardly blows they have dealt alike at the young and
old.

One of the examples of this allegory is the death of the late Emperor Qā‘ān-i-Mulk Ghāzī,¹⁸⁹ may God make manifest his demonstrations and weigh down the scale with his excellencies, on Friday the last day of the month of Ẕū-l-Hijjah in the year 683 A.H., when the moon, like kindness in the heart of infidels, could nowhere be seen, the Sun with the company of the army of Islām came forth to smite with the sword, and the great Prince who was the Sun of the heaven of the kingdom, with the light of holy war shining on his noble brow, and the unchangeable determination of “jihād” firmly planted in his illustrious mind, placed his auspicious foot in the stirrup. By night they submitted to his judgment which solved all difficulties, that Ītimar with the whole of his army had advanced into the plain at a distance of three farsangs. When morning broke, he commenced to march intending to leave that place, and at a distance of one farsang coming face to face with those accursed ones,^189a elected to draw up their forces in a place on the outskirts of Bāgh-i-Sarīr¹⁹⁰ on the banks of the river of Lāhor. Accordingly ^133. he very strongly fortified a large village which was close to the river, and made such dispositions that when the infidels came against it, both rivers^190a should be in the rear of his army, so that neither could any man of his own army turn in flight nor could any injury be inflicted upon his army by that tronblesome horde^190b and in very truth that choice of position was the acme of caution and the very height of skill in that world-conquering Khān, but since when Fate is adverse the thread of all plans becomes tangled, and the orderly row of enterprises becomes disordered,

He who falls in with evil fortune by the way,
His affairs fall out just as his enemies desire.
His Fortune like a mad man loses the right way,
His senses, like the nightblind, fall into the well.

By chance that day the Moon and the Sun, which may be compared to kings, were suspended in the sign of the Fish,^190c and Mars, whose blood-red aspect is entirely due to the blood of the princes of the people, had drawn out from the quiver of that sign the arrow of disappointment and the dart of disobedience against that Orion^190d (white) girdled Khān, who was like Leo coming forth from a watery sign; the house of fear and calamity and the proofs of sedition and signs of harm thus became evidently manifest, while the hint and indication of the proverb “In face of Fate wide becomes strait” became written on the consecutive pages (of his history). In short, at midday just as the courier of the heaven reached the country of noon, and the day of that world-conquering Emperor was approaching its decline, suddenly a band made its appearance from the direction of those infidels. The Khān-i-Ghāzī at that same moment mounted his horse and issued an order in obedience to which all the cavalry and the body servants and retinue and retainers, in accordance with the mandate ‘Kill the infidels all of them’,¹⁹¹ drew up in a line a hundred times stronger than the rampart of Sikandar.^191a After ordering the right wing and dressing the left wing, he himself of noble qualities, stood in the centre like the moon and the host of the stars, ready for the jihād, while the Tātār infidels, let confusion and dismay come upon them, crossed the river of Lāhor, and confronted the ranks of the Muslims. Thereupon these wild- ^134. loving desert-born savages, placing the feathers of the owl^191b upon their illomened heads, while the Ghāzīs of Islām, kings of Turkestan and Khilj and notables of Hindustān, and all the soldiery made the battlefield a place of prayer—as the Holy Apostle, may the blessings and peace of God be upon him, declared that the holy war was closely allied to prayer, saying We return from the lesser holy war to the greater holy war,^191c reciting the takbīr^191d

raised their hands in prayer, and in the first attack they put to the sword a considerable number of ablebodied men of the Mughūl cavalry, and the lances of the Maliks of the Court so wounded the limbs of their enemies that above each of them the blood spurted up like a spear, while sixty selected Turks interweaving their arrows like closely-woven cloth, made it appear as though the weft (of existence) of the Tātārs was being torn to shreds.¹⁹²

In the beginning of the fray the arrow of the king leapt forth
The Tātārs were all laid low.
As often as the great Lord, lion-hearted, wielding the sword,
with a blade as bright as his own faith, sallied forth to
attack from the midst of the ranks.

You would say that the sword was trembling in that battlefield at the excellencies of the monarch, and becoming in its entirety a tongue was saying to him, Up and make an end of these accursed ones, and entrust their discomfiture to thy servants, but do thou thyself refrain from personal action, for the sword is double faced, and the scimitar of Fate pitiless in its wounding—no one can tell what may happen to any one of us from the decree of the All powerful. I close my eyes against the fatal eye.^192a

Go not, that I may bind thy dust upon mine eyes.
Act not, for I greatly fear the evil eye.
The heaven has never seen such a brilliant countenance,
I am as rue upon that fire to guard that eye.^192b

As long as he strenuously performed the duties of fighting and ^135. warfare, each of the weapons as it were entered into colloquy with him — the spear was saying, Oh King! refrain your hand from me this day, for the tongue of my point by reason of constant fighting and slaying is blunted, and I have no power left of opposing the enemy with thrusts, I fear lest I should leap up and should commit some untoward act. The arrow too was saying,

Thou, the knot of whose bowstring opens the knot of the
Jauzhar, do not advance to meet this danger.¹⁹³

I myself in rushing forth to destruction cast dust upon my head, lest the close-eyed beauty of the heaven,^193a who sits on the fifth roof near the door of the eighth mansion,^193b sitting in ambush, out of temerity and spite, should discharge against you the shaft of crror from the bow of fraud and malice; the lasso was saying, to-day the thread of planning should not be let go from the hand of deliberation, for I am contorted with anxiety at this precipitate conflict and ill-considered battle; wait a while! for Islām and the Muslims are like the tent ropes connected with the tent of your favours. Oh God! in dealing with this people, do not so long delay putting the halter round their necks.

I have willingly put my neck in the noose for thy sake
Thou art my lassoer, who takest me with the noose of thy
locks.

In short, that mighty king, the defender of the faith, the uprooter of infidelity, from mid-day till eventide attacked that impious crowd with the whole main body of his army, cheerfully and willingly, while the shouts of the victors in the fight, and the clamour of those eager for the fray^193c deafened the ears of the world and of the sky,^193d and tongues of fire which leapt from the heads of the flashing spears, and tongues of the swords made not a single mistake in even in a letter in transmitting the message of destruction. In that uproar like the day of resurrection every one thought of this Āyat A day when a man will flee from his own ^136. brother,¹⁹⁴ the surface of the earth, like the eyes of old men who have lost their sons^194a was full of blood, and the face of the sky like the head of sons who have killed their fathers, full of dust.

Alas! my father why dost thou submit to the steel of the fire-
like sword
Oh! dost thou wish to inflict the wound of orphanage on my
heart.

In the very midst of this weary conflict, and amid all this pain and anguish, suddenly an arrow shot by Fate struck the wing of that falcon of the field of foray, and the bird of his life took its flight from the cage of the body of that noble one to the gardens of the Compassionate and meadows of Riẓwān^194b

Verily we are God's and verily to Him do we return.^194c

At that same moment the backbone of the religion of Muḥam-mad, may the peace and blessing of God be upon him, broke like the heart of sorrowful orphans, and the rampart of the religion of Muḥammad fell in like the grave of poor people of low origin, and the assistance which the arm of the king alone could give slipped from our grasp, and the confidence which the army of the Muslims had possessed^194d was lost. Exactly at the time of sunset, the sun of the life of that king whose sun was setting sank into the west of extinction, and the heaven, after the habit of mourners, dyed its raiment blue, while falling tears began to course down both its cheeks. Saturn, by way of fulfilling the requirements of fidelity and the demands of mourning, turned its robe to black and bewailed the people of Hindūstān because of his death. Jupiter, in pity for that dust besoiled body and bloodstained mantle rent his garments and cast his turban in the dust.

And Mars, may the hand of his power be tightly closed as the eye of the beauties, and the face of his sustenance be dark as the locks of Ethiopians, sore wounded by compassion for that calamity, with a rankling thorn¹⁹⁵ which brought forth his heart's blood, was trembling like the Fish^195a before the Sun, and like the Ram^195b in the hands of the slaughterer, while the Sun, for shame that it had not striven to avert this calamity and prevent this disaster, came not forth, but sank below the earth, and Venus when she saw what violence the heavenly bodies were undergoing at the hands of Time, played her tambour more vehemently,^195c changed ^137. the tune of the drum, and commenced music in a fresh measure, and because of the death of that slave-cherishing king, others in place of uttering musical strains began to weep, and Mercury^195d who in forage and conquests in accord with the scribe, used to write many records of victory, in that tyranny^195e was blackening his face with the contents of his inkhorn, and was clothing himself in a garment of paper made of the sheets of his own records, while the new moon in the shape of a crescent on the horizon, with bowed stature, in that day of judgment which had visited the earth, was striking its head on the wall and performing all the customary mourning duties.

Thou placest thy cheek in the dust, alas, I wish not this
for thee
Moon of my days, I do not wish thee to pass beneath the
Earth.
If thou goest out to the chase (i.e. diest) thy dust is my life:
My life! is the solitude of thy dust pleasing to thee? I do
not wish it for thee.

May God, be He exalted and blessed, raise the purified and sanctified soul of that warrior prince to lofty heights and high dignities, and give him, from time to time, cups full of the brilliancy of his beauty and glory, and make all the kindness, and clemency, and affection, and care which he evinced towards this broken down worthless one, a means of increasing the dignity and wiping out the faults of that prince. Amen, Oh Lord of the worlds!

And Mīr Khusrū¹⁹⁶ also on that day fell a prisoner into the hands of Lahorī, a servant of the Mughūl, and had to carry a nosebag and horsecloth upon his head. He recounts this circumstance in these words—

I who never even placed a rose upon my head,
He placed a load on my head and said “It is a rose.”^196a

And he composed in poetry and sent to Dehlī two elegies written in tarkīb-band^196b which are found in the anthology known as Ghurralu-l-Kamāl.¹⁹⁷ For a space of a month more or less, folk used to sing those tarkīb-bands and used to chant them as threnodies over their dead from house to house.

The following is one of them:—

Is this the Resurrection day or is it a calamity from heaven ^138.
which has come to light?
Is this a disaster or has the day of Judgment appeared
upon the earth?
That breach which has appeared this year in Hindustān
has given entrance to the flood of sedition below the
foundation of the world.
The assembly of his friends has been scattered like the
petals of the rose before the wind.
Autumn the leaf scatterer has, one would say, appeared in
the garden,^197a
Every eyelash, in the absence of friends, has become a
spear-point to the eye, and each point of the spear has
brought blood spouting forth to a spear's length.
The heart writhes in agony since Time has broken the thread
of companionship;
When the string is broken, the pearls are scattered far and
wide.
Such a flood of tears has been shed by the people on all
sides that five fresh rivers have appeared around Multān.^197b
I wished to bring my heart's fire upon the tongue in the
form of words,
When lo! a hundred tongues of fire appeared within my
mouth.
I dug deep in my breast, empty of all desire, and tears burst
forth from both my eyes; when the earth is hollowed out
then springs of water make their appearance.
Weeping has taken the bloom off my cheek, and disgraced
me, because by reason of it, the skin has left my cheek
and the bones have come in sight.
The planets are all conjoined in my eyes¹⁹⁸ perchance it portends a storm, since in a watery constellation a conjunction of planets is seen.
I only wish for that same collection (of friends) and how
can this be!
^139. It is essentially impossible—how can this Banātu-n-Na‘sh
become the Pleiades^198a (How can mourning become joy).
With what omen^198b did the king lead his army from Multān
and draw the infidel-slaying sword in order to slay the
infidels.
When they brought him tidings of the enemy, with that
strength which he possessed, ruthlessly he displayed his
wrath and unfurled his standards.
That army which was then present sought for no second
army,
For this reason that Rustum must not be indebted to an
armed host.¹⁹⁹
One assault took him from Multān to Lāhor, saying
In my reign can any one rebel against me?
Am I not such a lion, that my sword which is like fire and
water
Has by its slaying turned every year of theirs to dust and
ashes?
Such torrents of blood often have I set flowing over the
earth,
That the vulture flies^199a over the surface of blood like a
duck over the water.
In this year to such an extent do I stain the earth with
their blood,
That the evening twilight reddens with the reflection of
the earth.
He was bent upon this enterprise and did not know that
the Destiny of heaven had drawn the line of fate across
the writing of the page of intention.
His eyes were smitten by the stars; if I have the power
I must heat a needle, and like a shooting star thrust it
into the eye of the seven planets.
The first day of the month became Muḥarram^199b for him, ^140.
not for him only but for all people.
Since at the end of Zūl Hijjah he drove his dagger into
the neck of his enemies.
That the day of ‘Āshūra might arrive he entered the ranks
of holy war like Ḥusain; the dust of his steed served as
collyrium for the eye of the brilliant moon.
What an hour was that when the infidel reached the van of
the army!
One upon another his squadrons passed over the river and
came upon them unawares.²⁰⁰
Thou didst see the king's steed,^200a casting the cloud of dust
to the sky.
The wind-footed courier charging the infidels worthless
as dust.
He raised a turmoil among the stars by the shouts of
his army.
He produced an earthquake in the world by the rushing
of his cavalry,
From the roll of the drums, the neighing of the horses, and
the shouts of their riders, he caused a quaking of the
plain and desert and mountain.
His horses were reeking (with sweat), with shoes as hot as
fire, so that the hoofs of each fiery-shod steed struck
sparks.^200b
What awe was there! at one time drawing up for battle,
What terror was there! at another time raising the battle
cries.^200c
141. From the flash of the sword in his hand he scattered heat
and oppressiveness around him.
While the very thought of his spear pricked the heart like
so many thorns.
The brave-hearted were attacking, bent on consuming their
enemies,
The faint-hearted were plotting intent upon flight.
[Whiles, the king the cherisher of brave men, in that
field of battle,
Was doing deeds of bravery and urging on the warriors].²⁰¹
Striking manfully blow after blow upon the ribs of the
unmanly cowards,
And sending forth flames of fire from his well tempered
sword.
Raising aloft like Jamshīd the standard, to restrain the
demons,
Urging on his steed, like the sun, to capture kingdoms.
Bringing the sky into supplication from that affliction.
Making the sun perform the Tayammum^201a with that dust.
[At that time when there was a distinction between brave
and coward,
Many a one there was whose lips were dry and his cheeks
pale].^201b
The day was cast into darkness when they hurled²⁰² one
upon the other,
The sun became pale when dagger was interweaved with
dagger.
The day was nearing its decline, seeing that the swords^202a
were weaving a sky of rust over the sun of the army.
The rows of swords in both ranks resembled (the teeth of)
a comb,
The combatants are entangled one with the other like hair
with hair.^202b
142. The Earth looked like a sheet of water when cuirass was
knit with cuirass, the plain resembled a rose garden
when shield was woven with shield.
The heaven flies away as though flying from an arrow,
The arrows flying above their heads are thick as the feathers
of a wing.
When half the force of the infidels had their heads swept
off by the sword
Those infidel heads^202c which were matted together like the
locks of black hair.
Ruby-red drops of blood sprang like tears^202d from the sword
So that the gold-woven standards were besprinkled with
the jewels.
Each single head was cleft in twain when the swords
blows met.
The cloven heads became as one again when head was
thrust against head.
The slain were lying on all sides of that verdant plain²⁰³
Like the figures which they weave on the green brocade.
Long had they been striving even from morning till even-
ing, face to face, and hair to hair, and hand to hand.^203a
The king^203b wished to spread the carpet of victory but to
what avail
Since the heavens had woven that carpet in another pattern.
^203c [His auspicious sword did not cease from contest for
one moment.
From the declining day till night in that day of declining
fortune].
Oh Lord! was that blood which flowed over the face of the ^143.
plain
Or was it a river urging its waves toward the lips of the
thirsty.
Just as water drops to the earth when you sift it^203d in
a sieve
So the blood dript from the limbs of the weary warriors.
The mortally wounded lay in the death-agony writhing on
the ground, while from his throat blood burst in billows,
spouting in the air.
The arrows drove the bodies over the sea of blood like
boats,
Plying their oars madly and urging their course onwards.^203e
The river bore those (the infidel enemies) to hell and the
stream bore these (the Muslims) to Paradise, although
the blood of infidel and Muslim was flowing side by side.
The chargers were plunging and the heads of the riders
falling.
The feet of the horses speeding and the heads of the riders
bowling along.
Every spurt of blood which spurted from the body struck
by an arrow
Leapt without restraint like a man who leaps to avoid an
arrow.²⁰⁴
The arrow of every man who from stoutness of heart had
an arm nerved for the fight, fitted accurately to the bow
flew straight to the heart of the enemy's army.
And he who from faint-heartedness has lost command of
his arms and legs, was running now to the water and
now to the plain.
The king, the commander of the army, was urging on the
charger of his fortune, and it galloped with him in drawing up his line, and planning the scheme of action.
^144. The heavens turned Victory backwards seizing it by the
hair,
Although Victory was speeding towards us having left the
accursed (infidels).
^204a [The infidels were expecting the coming of night, to take
to flight,
Suddenly the scale of the balance turned against us].
What a night was that! when the sun had fallen from the
sky!
And demons were hurling fire upon the earth, and the stars
had fallen.
When nothing of day remained for that sun of fortune.^204b
Some little daylight remained when the sun (of royalty)
fell.
Although Ḥusain of the famous Kerbelā²⁰⁵ was in straits for
want of water.
He was the Muḥammad whose end came upon him in the
water.^205a
The heart of mankind became (full of holes like) a fishing
net because, from the craft of the demon the royal signet
which was on the hand of Solomon fell into the water.^205b
The infidels were wallowing in blood as the donkey wallows
in the gutter, the believers lay in the mud like jewels in
the mire.
One army was passing through the water of the flood of
disaster,
The other parched with thirst had fallen in with a mirage.
Each one of them was put down on the tablet of the earth
for this reason that their affairs had fallen into the
account of the day of reckoning.
The skull caps which were lying in the fresh crimson blood
looked like cocoanuts engraved and ornamented with
vermilion.^206
145. The wounds of the heart were weeping tears of blood in
bidding farewell to the soul, and the bodies were lying
desolate owing to separation from life.
Alas! many were the living who were lying among the
dead overcome with terror, their bodies blood-stained and
their eyes sunk in (feigned) sleep.
Look at the deeds of this crafty old wolf (the sky) for lions
were as though bound in chains and elephants in fetters
at the hands of (infidel) dogs.
[This was not a battle, I veriḷy saw that that was the day
of resurrection. If these are the tokens of the resurrection, then I have seen it].^206a
Look at the revolution of the heaven, for it brought about
such a change, that it made the centre of Islām to go
round and round (in perplexity) like the compasses.^206b
Has one ever seen an atom carry off the water of the sun's
spring?
Has one ever seen a stone, which has rivalled the princely
pearl?
When the king entered the cave of the protection of God,
that man is a dog who did not wake the sleepers of the
cave²⁰⁷ with his lamentations.
That he entered the secret cave (of death) when fleeing
from his enemies, is no disgrace.
The elect of God (Muḥammad) fled towards the cave to
avoid the attack of his enemies.^207a
And if a spark reached him from the arrow of his enemies
this too is right^207b for the wrath of Nimrod at last com- ^146.
mitted Abraham to the fire.^207c
And if he went to the holy place (Paradise) do not be vexed
and count it as a shame to him^207d for ‘Īsā through the
spite of the Nazarenes devoted his life on the cross.
And if the (infidel) dogs were crafty as foxes to him, say
this, that it is of a piece with the dog like behaviour
which was shewn to (‘Alī) the Ḥaidār-i-Karrār (lion of
repeated attacks).^207e
And if the demons caused him to drown, then say this that
it is like when a demon drowned Rustum in the ocean.^207f
Every year he used to devote his life and energy to fighting
the Mughūls,
At last he yielded up his precious life in this endeavour.
This is one of the tricks of fate which at one time sheds
blood and at another gives life;²⁰⁸ we are powerless, it is
useless to strive against the all-powerful tyrant (fate).
The mighty lion when stung by the ant roars aloud in
agony.
The infuriated elephant when pricked by a thorn shrieks
from pain.
[It was on Friday, the last day of Zūl Ḥijjah that this battle
took place
At the end of eighty-three and the beginning of eighty-
four].^208a
The sun and moon wept over the face of that one of
auspicious features,
Day and night wept over the youth of that short-lived one.
Like his orders, tears from the eyes, flowed from east to
west
Behold the obedience of the servants^208b who wept without
any master.
In his reign birds and fishes were so happy
^147. That the fishes wept in the water and the birds in the air.
The heavens with its thousand eyes wept over the people
of the earth like vernal showers upon the grass.^208c
The dew which falls every morning from heaven and waters
the earth, consider that as the tears of the stars who are
weeping in the highest heavens.
The people of Multān, men and women, weeping and tearing their hair, in every street, face to face and every
where.
No one could sleep at night for the noise of the wailing,
and the beating of the drums, for in every house the
mourners were weeping bitterly.
They were preparing to perform the waẓū in the water of
their eyes,
Hoping for pardon for that they wept at the time of prayer.
Their tongues were blistered like the feet of prisoners,
So sorely did they weep for the captives of calamity.
Their eyes poured forth blood upon the earth like the
throat of the slain,
So bitterly did each one weep for his own dead.²⁰⁹
And if by chance a captive returned from that bond of
calamity,
Every one seeing his face wept honest tears of sorrow.
[So great was the weeping that the waves of the tears
were greater than those of the Jīhūn.
This was my own condition, the state of the others how can
I describe!]^209a
Shall I wring my hands, or shall I with my own teeth
make my arm livid,
Or shall I wear clothes of a darker blue than this blue ^148.
heaven?^209b
Every man of reputation, tattoos his arm with the needle,
But when I make my arm blue with my teeth, the name of
the king leaps forth on my arm.
Alas! that he by the tyranny of the blue sky, is sleeping
beneath the earth, while^209c because of his sleeping there
the whole horizon has become blue (dark).
There was both the blackness of the Hindū and the whiteness of the Turk, whereas now both Turk and Hindū are
wearing blue (as mourning)
^209d [It was as though the people were tearing the heavens
and dividing them among themselves,
To such an extent was the earth in all directions blue with
mourning garments.]
Now it has become customary to wear blue—so that henceforth it behoves the weavers of white cloth to dye their
thread blue in the shuttle.²¹⁰
In every street^210a of Cairo a river blue like the Nile was
flowing; to such an extent were blue garments being
washed in tears on all sides.
The dyers of blue cloth were as happy as if there was a
bridal in their houses, because so many brides had their
garments dyed blue in mourning for their husbands.^210b
The lovely ones who were smiting their foreheads and
shedding tears of blood had their cheeks below their
eyes red (with blood) while above their eye-brows it was
blue.
The beauties have no need of blue (patches) and redness
(rouge) after this,
For the cheeks are torn till they are red (with blood) and
the face is smitten till it is blue (with bruises).
In such quantities do they tear their hair from their
delicate brows, one and all
That the root of every hair becomes blue from such rough
treatment.
^149. [How long shall I tear out the hair of my head in this
lamentation and mourning!
Nay I will pluck this body of mine like a hair from the
head of my life].^210c
Alas! that my heart has suddenly turned to blood on
account of (the loss of) my friends.
Alas! for that assembly who were a constant fresh joy to
their friends.
The eyes became flooded with water and blood on account
of their friends, so long as I saw my friends in the
midst of blood and water.
Such priceless blood of my friends has the earth swallowed
That it is my right to demand from the Earth the blood
money for my friends.
If it were possible for those who sleep in the dust to arise,
I would devote the remainder of my life to secure the
existence of my friends.
It were a pity that the eye should have its pupil always
with it, and yet that its friends should be out of sight.²¹¹
How can one bear to look at others instead of one's friends,
My friends are gone! How can I embrace a stranger!
How can I clothe any other person in the mantle of any
friends!
I will place their dust in my eyes (as a collyrium). How
can it be right that the dust of my friends' feet should
be so little valued.^211a
In desire for my friends, even though they sever my head
(from my body),
Still the desire for my friends will never be severed from
my^211b head.
Oh my King! whenever thou biddest me I will tear my
garment of life to the very edge in mourning for my
friends.
My life has been torn to shreds in a hundred places through ^150.
grief, how can it be right that I should tear a shred into
shreds for the sake of my friends.^211c
My friends have gone of whom are you talking,
Once for all bring your speech to an ending and breathe
a prayer for my friends.
[Always remember the departed, especially at the time
of prayer,
Because nothing shews you the way to mercy save the
guidance of prayer].²¹²
O Lord may the illumination of the sun of mercy light
upon their souls,^212a
May their souls shine like the sun from the bounty of thy
light.
In the day of battle the Great Khān was their leader,
May the same Khān be also their leader to the Garden of
Paradise.
If an angel flies thither in desire for him it becomes a fly,^212b
May the wings of the peacock of Paradise drive away the
flies from them.
The bounty of mercy is the water of life in the gloom of
the grave,^212c
Oh Lord, in the darkness of the tomb may they have the
water of life.
[When the faces become black from the sun of resurrection
May the wings of the angels cast protecting shade over
their heads].^212d
When they give^212e into their hands the record of their deeds
taken from the book of punishment,
May the record bear as its heading the words “A book for
the right hand.”^212f
May the drops of blood which were shed from their throats
Become the most costly rubies of their crown of pardon.
For the thirsty ones²¹³ whose souls departed for lack of
water,
May the cloud of mercy rain continuously upon their heads.
For the captives^213a who were long subjected to hardships, ^151.
Oh Lord! may the hope of speedy release make their way
light for them.
May the affliction which they suffered in imprisonment, be
to those who have escaped from prison (by death) the
cause of their eternal salvation,
And those who have survived and have returned from
that calamity,
May they experience the mercy of the Author of good,^213b and
may the favour of the Sulṭān be theirs.
Since Muḥammad has departed may the event be happy for
the king. May his son Kaiqubād be most fortunate and
his son Kaikhusrū be blessed.

And the opening [of another threnody]^213c is as follows:

My heart sit silent in sorrow for no trace of joy remains,
Grief, do thou take away the world, for no joy is left
therein.

In the following ode too he refers to the same disastrous occurrence:

Behold this calamity^213d which has be fallen this year on the
frontier of Multan,
The right wing of the believers has been defeated^213e by the
infidel ranks.
How can I explain that day of resurrection, from the
agony of which the Angel of Death would have craved
respite.
How can I describe the way in which the Ghāzīs, attacked
the front of the Khaibarīs, like the Lion of repeated
attacks.
But what help has anyone against the decree of fate which
was ordained by and issued from the Almighty.
^152. What was the condition of the battle field? it was one
load of dead bodies,
So much blood was spilled and the load was lying
upon it.²¹⁴
The blood of martyrs, poured out like a libation, was
mingled with the earth,
The necks of prisoners bound together with ropes in rows,
like rose chains,
The heads strangled in the tight noose of the saddle-
cords,^214a
The necks caught in the toils of the head-ropes.
Although my head escaped that game of strangulation,
Still my neck did not escape that noose of torture.
I was taken captive, and for fear lest they should shed my
blood
My blood dried up, not a single drop remained in my weak
and emaciated body.
I was poured out like water running without beginning
and without end, and like bubbles thousands of blisters
appeared on my feet from much travelling.
The skin was separated from my feet by the blisters,
Like to the seams of a slipper burst open.
My heart, because of affliction, was as hard as the hilt of a
sword
From weakness my body was become wood like the handle
of a club.²¹⁵
Not a breath remained in my wind-pipe by reason of thirst,
My belly was like a drum from the duration of my hunger.^215a
My body was stripped naked like a tree in autumn,
And like a rose torn into a thousand shreds by the thorns.
For sorrow the pupil of my eyes poured forth drops
Like the (scattered pearls) of a necklace broken from the
neck of a bride.
A Qurūna^215b driving me on in front followed along the way ^153.
seated on a horse, like a leopard on a hill range
Fœtor ab isto ore teterrimus axillæ odori similis,
Capilli oris ejus pubi similes usque ad mentum delapsi.^215c
If I lagged behind a step or two through fatigue
He would draw at one time his falchion^215d at another his
javelin.^215e
I kept heaving deep sighs and saying to myself
Alas! I shall never be able to escape from this calamity!
A thousand thanks to God Almighty who liberated me
With my heart free from arrow wounds and my body
unhurt by the sword.
When he desired to make my body a brick for the grave,
Water and clay built up for me anew my palace of years.
But what good to me was my escape from that rope
If snapped like the bond between the Muhājir and Anṣār^215f
All those lives were poured out in the dust like roses
By the fierce blast of misfortune, this is Autumn not Spring.
The world full of roses and the assembly emptied of those
who can smell their perfume,
How should not my heart turn to blood like the rose bud
at this treatment!²¹⁶
Not one of my friends of last year remains to me this year,
It is evident that “this year” also will become “last year.”
Do thou also like me, oh cloud of the newly born spring
Now wash thy hands of water, and rain teardrops of blood.
^154. Give me a cup, that from the depths of my regret
I may empty it of wine, and fill it with bitter tears.
Now that the date is 684 (H.)
To me in my three and thirtieth year comes the good
tidings of the thirty-fourth.
Not thirty-four because if my years should be thirty
thousand, when one comes to the account of Annihilation
neither thirty counts for aught nor a thousand.
I am not a poet, even though I were a magician, still then
I shall become dust.
I am not a Khusrū, even were I a Kaikhusrū, still at that
time my kingdom would be but the grave.

And in the preface to the Ghurratu-l-Kamāl he writes some epitomised poems relating to this circumstance; the gist of the matter is that they brought Tughral to nothing, and the prince who used to pray with lamentation and tears at the footstool of the best of all helpers saying Make me of thy mercy a victorious Emperor rose to such power in the districts of Lakhnautī and Chatar La‘l that his head which touched the stars, reached to the starless expanse of the highest heaven, and Malik Shamsu-d-Dīn Dabīr, and Qāẓī Aṯīr desired to retain me by seizing my garments,²¹⁷ but the separation from my friends seized me by the collar. I was obliged like Joseph to leave that prison pit and turn my steps to^217a the metropolis, and under the shadow of the standard of the Shadow of God I remained in the city. In those very same months, the Khān-i-Buzurg Qāān Malik arrived from the conquest of Damrela,^217b and a rumour came to us that my words had reached him,^217c so that he made enquiries regarding the ripe fruit of my words; unripe fruit as it really was I laid it before him, and it was honoured with acceptance in his private hall of audience, and I was distinguished by a robe of honour and rewards, and I girded my loins in his service and wore the cap of companionship, and I gave for five years more to the Panjāb and Multān water from the sea of my comfortable circumstances, till suddenly, by the potent order of the wise ruler, the star of my glory came into opposition with the inauspicious Mars;^{217d 155.} the time of its decline had arrived when the unlucky cavalcade of those born under the influence of Mars came in sight, and at evening time, the bright sun^217e sank by the revolution of the heaven, a world of brave men struck by arrows had fallen, and the plain of the earth was full of broken cups, and Death itself was saying at that time “Where shall I place my cup and where shall I take my pitcher.” The sky fed upon dust and the sun swallowed a bowl of blood.

How can we describe that day of resurrection,
When even the Angel of Death sought protection from
the fray.

In that forge of calamity the rope of the infidels seized me also by the throat, but inasmuch as God Most High had lengthened the rope of my life, I obtained release, and by the high road I made for the abode of favours, and attained to the sight of the dome of Islām²¹⁸ and at the feet of my mother became (as it were) an inhabitant of Paradise, while as for herself, as soon as her eyes fell upon me the fountain of her milk flowed from tenderness towards me.

Paradise always lies beneath the feet of a mother,
See two streams of milk flow therefrom, the sign of
Paradise.^218a

And I spent some time pleasantly and quietly in seeing my beloved mother and other dear ones in the fort of Mūminpur, otherwise called Patiālī^218b on the banks of the river Ganges.”

In short, when the news of this heart-rending disaster reached the ears of the Sulṭān, having observed the duties of mourning for some days, a great affliction fell upon him, so much so that he could never again gird his loins, but he used to occupy himself ^156. in all matters, and sent a despatch addressed to Bughrā Khān who had acquired the title of Sulṭān Nāṣiru-d-Dīn,^218c to Lakhnautī saying. Since so great a calamity has fallen upon your brother I desire that you should take his place as you are well able to do, that in looking in your face I may be able to forget the numerous sorrows which I suffer on his account. Nāṣiru-d-Dīn who²¹⁹ had acquired permanent and independent control over that district (of Lakhnautī) put off for some time coming to Dihlī, and even after coming to Dihlī at the earnest solicitation of his father was not able to remain there, “the elephant bethought him of Hindustān”^219a so that forgetting the demands of filial, paternal, and brotherly affection he became so restless from staying in that place that one day without his father's permission^219b together with certain of his kinsfolk he went forth on pretence of hunting, and marching by rapid stages reached Lakhnautī and busied himself with his own affairs.

VERSE.

Why should I not betake myself to my own country?
Why should I not be the dust of the sole of the foot of my
friend?
I cannot endure the sorrow of exile and absence from home,
I will go to my own country, and be my own monarch.

Accordingly Sulṭān Balban, who was very depressed and dejected at this occurrence, so that day by day his weakness gathered strength, as he lay on his bed of sickness, being moreover past eighty years of age, conferred upon the eldest son of the Martyred Khān who was called Kaikhusrū, the title of Khusrū Khān, and gave the affairs of Empire into his hands. Multān too was entrusted to him, and he made him the heir-apparent, and made a will to the effect that Kaiqubād the son of Bughrā Khān should be sent to his father in Lakhnautī. After he had relieved his mind of anxiety as to the succession of Kaikhusrū, and the other testamentary dispositions of the government having occupied him three days, he removed the baggage of existence from this world to ^157. the next. This event took place in the year 686 H.²²⁰ He had reigned twenty-two years and some months.

Oh my heart! the world is no place of permanence and stay,
Keep thy hand from the world—for it has no stability.

In the sixteenth year of his age, in succession to his grandfather, by the intervention of Malik Kachhan, who was called Ītimar, and other Amīrs who were disaffected to the Martyred Khān, succeeded to the throne of Empire.^220a Then having bestowed Multān upon Khusrū Khān with his family and dependents, they sent him off there under some pretext and exiled his adherents, and when the Empire became established he appointed all the officers of the state to their old posts in the kingdom, and Malik Niẓāmu-d-Dīn^220b was appointed Dādbeg^220c and they gave Khwāja Khaṭīru-d-Dīn the title of Khwāja-i-Jahān, and Malik Shāhik Amīr Ḥājib that of Wazīr Khān, and Malik Qīyāmu-l-Mulk obtained the post of Wakīldar: and after six months he left Dihlī and founded the palace of Kīlūghaṛī, which is now a ruin, near the ford of Khwāja Khiẓr on the banks of the river Jumna; there he held public audiences, and by craft getting hold of the Mughals who had newly become Moslims, put the majority of them to death, and banished a certain number of them. The chief author and cause of this action was Malik Niẓāmu-d-Dīn ‘Alāqa the ^158. Wazīr (this Niẓāmu-d-Dīn ‘Alāqa is the same in whose honour Muḥammad ‘Aufī composed the books Jāmi‘u-l-Ḥikāyāt and Taẕkiratu-sh-Shu‘arā); and to Malik Chhajū (who eventually became grantee of Karra²²¹ and Manikpūr, and whom Mīr Khusrū eulogises in the Qirānu-s-Sa‘dain in these words,^221a

Khān of Karra Chhajū, conqueror of countries
Who hast encircled thy feet with anklets^221b formed from the
lips of Khāns)

was given Sāmāna, his daughter was united in marriage to Sulṭān Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn Kaiqubād. At the end of the month of Zūl Ḥijjah in the abovementioned year, news arrived that the Tatār infidels whose leader was Ītimar had attacked Lahore and the frontier of Multān. The Sulṭān appointed Shāhik Bārbak with thirty thousand cavalry and giving him the title of Khān-i-Jahān despatched him to oppose them. He pursued the Tatārs as far as the foot of the Jūd hills, and put the greater number of them to the sword, or made them prisoners, and having repulsed them he came to the Court.

Inasmuch as Sulṭān Kaiqubād, during the lifetime of Sulṭān Balban, had not attained the desires of his heart, and learned instructors had been placed in charge of him, at this time when he attained to the Empire finding himself completely unfettered he occupied himself with the full fruition of lustful delights, while the majority of the people took advantage of the luxuriousness of his reign to spend their days in wantonness and license. The ministrants of debauchery, jesters, singers and jugglers were admitted to close intimacy in his Court, in marked contrast to his grandfather's reign, and learning, and piety, and integrity were nothing valued; and Malik Niẓāmu-d-Dīn ‘Alāqa seeing that the Sulṭān was immersed in luxury and enjoyment, and utterly careless of his kingdom's affairs, stretched forth the hand of oppression and went to unwarranted lengths. The vain desire of sovereignty came into his heart, so that he set about devising the downfall of the family of Ghiyāṯu-d-Dīn. In the first instance having instigated Sulṭān Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn to murder Kai Khusrū the son of Sulṭān Muḥammad the Martyr, he summoned him from Multān, and in the town of Rohtak raised him to the dignity of martyrdom and sent him to join his father.

^159. In the same way he accused Khwāja-i-Jahān of an imaginary crime and had him publicly paraded on an ass through the city, he also imprisoned the Amīr and Maliks of the house of Balban who were related to the Mughals who had recently become Moslims, and deported them to distant fortresses, and destroyed the glory of Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn.

Sulṭān Nāṣiru-d-Dīn Bughrā Khān, when the tidings of his son's ruinous condition reached him in Lakhnautī, wrote a letter full of hints couched in the language of enigma and innuendo to Sulṭān Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn warning him of the sinister intentions of Niẓāmu-l-Mulk. Sulṭān Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn out of the hot-headedness of youth, did not act on his father's advice, and after much correspondence it was decided that Sulṭān Nāṣiru-d-Dīn should leave Lakhnautī, and Sulṭān Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn should start from Dihlī and that they should visit each other in Oudh.

From what Mīr Khusrū may the mercy of God be upon him, says in the Qirānu-s-Sa‘dain,²²² and also from the Tārīkh-i-Mubārak Shāhī^222a we learn that Bughrā Khān, on his accession to the throne of Bengāla with the title of Nāṣiru-d-Dīn, was coming with a large gathering to attack Dihlī, and Sulṭān Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn also having collected his forces from the neighbouring districts advanced against him in the direction of Oudh; and since the river Sarū^222b lay between them the son alighted on this side and the father on the other side, and neither was able to cross the river. The Amīrs and Maliks of Ghiyaṯu-d-Dīn's party, intervened with advice to come to peaceful terms, and Sulṭān Nāṣiru-d-Dīn with a party of special retainers crossed the river, as it had been agreed that the son should sit upon the throne, and the father, standing below the throne, should pay the customary dues of reverence and respect to him. Sulṭān Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn from excess of desire forgot that compact, and on the instant his eyes fell upon the splendid presence of his father he came down from his throne and running barefooted, was about to fall at his feet. The father however ^160. would not permit this, whereupon each embraced the other and for a long time they wept bitterly, and in spite of all the father's attempts to take his stand at the foot of the throne, the son forcibly took him by the hand, and led him to the throne and seated him upon it. Then he also took his seat, and after a long time the Sulṭān Nāṣiru-d-Dīn returned to his own camp, and sent as presents to his son a large number of famous elephants and very many extremely valuable presents and curiosities, and priceless treasures from the country of Lakhnauti. The son also sent to his father an equal number of Persian horses, and other kinds of valuable articles and cloth goods, and rare and unique presents such that the accountant of imagination is unable to estimate their number and value; and all sorts of delight and pleasure burst upon the Amīrs of Ghiyāṯu-d-Dīn and Nāṣiru-d-Dīn and Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn, and upon high and low of the armies, and the Maliks of both parties exchanged visits: Mīr Khusrū relates in detail this meeting²²³ in the Qirānu-s-Sa‘dain, and in another place he writes in a qaṣīda:

Hail! to the happy kingdom when two kings are as one.
Hail! to the happy era when two troths are as one.
Behold! the son is a monarch, the father a Sulṭān,
Behold the glorious kingdom now that two kings are as one.
'Tis for the sake of kingship and world enslaving power,
That for the world, two world-protecting kings become
as one.
One is the Nāṣir of the age, the king Maḥmūd Sulṭān,
Whose edict in the four parts of the world is still as one.
The other is Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn the world's king Kaiqubād,
In whose grasp Irān and Turān are welded into one.

And this is his also—

^161. Sulṭān Mu‘izzu-d-Dunyā wad Dīn Kaiqubād Shāh
Hast thou ever seen one who is the light of the eyes of four
kings

On the last day²²⁴ when Sulṭān Nāṣiru-d-Dīn came to bid farewell in the presence of Malik Niẓāmu-l-Mulk and Qiwāmu-l-Mulk, who were both of them counsellors and closely bound up with the Government, he gave Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn many good pieces of useful advice on all subjects, with exhortation, and examples and instances, and first of all warned him against excess in wine and venery, then spoke of his carelessness with regard to state matters, and rebuked him severely for killing his brother Kai Khusrū and the other noted Amīrs and Maliks of the adherents of Ghīyāṯu-d-Dīn; then he exhorted him to be continually given to prayer and to perform the fast of Ramaẓān, and to keep all the principal tenets of the Musulmān religion, and taught him certain fixed rules and essential regulations of sovereignty. At the time of taking his departure he whispered in a low tone telling him to get rid of Niẓāmu-l-Mulk ‘Alāqa as soon as possible, “for” said he “if he gets a chance at you it is small chance you will get” this much he said, and they bid one another farewell with great emotion, and Sulṭān Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn for a few days remembered his father's injunctions, and gave up his vicious pleasures, but when he had travelled a few stages the merry courtesans and all kinds of enticing musicians and enchanting jugglers, subverters of piety, skilled and clever, crowded round him on all sides, and enticed his feet from the firm path of fortitude and self-restraint, by all sorts of gallantries and coquetries, and sense-ravishing gestures and allurements.

The bitter parting advice of his father did not find place in
his heart
For this reason that his heart was inclined to sweets of
pleasure.

And the elephant saw Hindustān²²⁵ in its dreams and he broke through his forced repentance, which was as filmy as the web of a spider, at the first provocation, and used to say, “Which ^162. advice?^225a and what counsel?

I will not give up the delights of to-day for tomorrow
Let tomorrow bring what it may, say to it “Bring it.”

In opposition to this view is the following,

It befits not a king to be drunken with wine
Nor become entangled in lust and desire;
The king should be always the guardian of his people,
It is a sin that a guardian should be drunken.
When the shepherd becomes full of new wine
The flock sleeps in the belly of the wolf.

Heavy cups of wine used he to drink from the hands of the light-living cup bearers, and used to snatch a portion from his short ephemeral existence, and in this state malicious time used to foretell this calamity,^225b

Oh thou whose reign is the reign of faithless friends
From thy love springs hate, from thy honour disgrace,
Thou art as full of turmoil, but as empty, as the drum;
Lasting for one night like the candle, and for one day like
the rose.

In this licentious mode of life he made his way to Dihlī where he arrived in the year 689 H. (1290 A.D.). There certain of his notable Amīrs became suspicious of his intentions, and withdrew to the skirts of the mountains. Sher Khān²²⁶ who was one of their number repented and returned, and was thrown into a prison which he only left to go to the prison house of the grave, the others were punished. They bestowed upon Fīroz Khān ibn Yaghrash the Khiljī, who eventually obtained the title of Sulṭān ^163. Jalālu-d-Dīn, the title of Shāyista Khān,^226a and entrusted the district of Baran^226b to his control; accordingly he formed a plot by which he got Malik Ḥimār Kachhan, who had treacherously attempted to slay him, into his power, and took vengeance on him for the deed which he had failed to accomplish. Then was seen the truth of the proverb “He who digged a pit for his brother is fallen into it himself.

Thou hast digged a pit in the way^226c that thou mayest overthrow others.
Dost thou not fear lest one day thou should'st find thyself
in the midst of it?

This was the plan which Sulṭān Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn carried into effect. He was very anxious to act upon the advice of his father and remove Niẓāmu-l-Mulk ‘Alāqa, so he in the first instance appointed him to Multān, but Niẓāmu-l-Mulk saw through this device, and kept making excuses for delaying his departure, whereupon certain of the king's retainers at a hint from him, poisoned Niẓāmu-l-Mulk's cup, and despatched him to the land of nonexistence. It so happened that this occurrence became a cause of injury to the State. At this same time the Sulṭān was attacked by paralysis^226d from his excesses in wine and venery, in addition to which other deadly ills and chronic diseases obtained the mastery over his body, and his constitution not being able to stand against them, his powers succumbed. The greater number of the Amīrs and Maliks who were well disposed to him raised his son Kai Kāūs who was an infant²²⁷ of tender years to the throne with the title of Shamsu-d-Dīn.

In the year 688 H. (1289 A.D.) they made terms with Shāyista Khān who had distanced all his rivals.^227a Accordingly he ordered all his kinsmen and retainers whom he had summoned from Baran, ^227b and had stationed fully armed and equipped in readiness on the other side of the river, to cross the river Jumna and prepare to contest the day with their enemies. Certain of the Amīrs of the party of Ghiyāṯu-d-Dīn and Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn came out to oppose him with elephants and a large gathering, and having placed a royal umbrella over the head of Sulṭān Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn, who was ^164. reduced to a shadow by weakness and emaciation, displayed him from afar off from the summit of the palace of Kīlūgharī where he was but barely visible, and made obeisance to him.^227c In the meantime Malik Chhajū, brother's son to Sultān Ghiyāṯu-d-Dīn, who had acquired the title of Kishlī Khān cried out “I wish to place Sulṭān Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn upon a boat and take him to his father at Lakhnautī and remain myself in the service of Sulṭān Shamsu-d-Dīn Kai Kāūs”—In spite of this the people of Dihlī, from the highest to the lowest, came to the assistance of Shamsu-d-Dīn, and having assembled in front of the Budāon gate stood up^227d to oppose Shāyista Khān in battle, and since the sons of Maliku-l-Umarā Fakhru-d-Dīn Kotwāl had been taken prisoners in the fight with Shāyista Khān, and Malik Ḥimār Surkha, who had plotted with the servants of Ghiyāṯu-d-Dīn to kill Shāyista Khān and carry off Sulṭān Shamsu-d-Dīn (Kai Kāūs),^227e had fallen by the hand of Ikhtiyāru-d-Dīn son of Shāyista Khān; accordingly Maliku-l-Umarā (Fakhru-d-Dīn) opposed the people and prevented their assembling as they desired, till at last the adherents of Shāyista Khān removed Sulṭān Shamsu-d-Dīn Kai Kāūs from the throne by force and carried him off to Bahāpūr,^227f where Shāyista Khān was; they then ordered²²⁸ a man whose father had been put to death by Sulṭān Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn to go to the palace of Kīlūgharī, which he did, and finding the Sulṭān at his last gasp, he kicked him several times on the head, and then threw him into the river Jumna, and the Empire passed from the dynasty of Ghor, and kingship from the family of Ghiyāṯu-d-Dīn. This occurrence took place in the middle^228a of the month of Muḥarram in the year 689 H. (1209 A.D.).^228b The duration of the sovereignty of Sulṭān Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn was three years and some months.

This is the changeableness of the ancient heaven,
At one time it is like a bow at another like an arrow;
^165. At one time it feeds you with kindness at another poisons
you with enmity,
This is an example of the custom of the revolving heaven.

We learn from the Tārīkh-i-Mubārak Shāhī^228c that Sulṭān Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn, after the capture of the Shāhzāda, was seized while sitting in durbar during that revolt of the populace, and was bound, and died in captivity of hunger and thirst: in the course of his sufferings he wrote this quatrain,

The horse of my excellence has been left far behind on the
plain.
The hand of my generosity has fallen between the hammer
and the anvil.
My eye which used to see the gold of the mine and the
invisible jewel
To-day alas! is blinded for lack of bread.

And when the tumult between Itimar Surkha and the people of Dihlī subsided, and Shāyista Khān had gained his heart's desire and seated the prince upon the throne, and had set the affairs of the kingdom going again, on the second day after this, Sulṭān Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn bade farewell to this transitory^228d unstable world, and realised that all that wanton enjoyment had been but a dream and a phantasy.

Quatrain.

If with your love you have lived in peace your whole life
long,
Should you taste all the sweets the world can give your
whole life long.
Still at the end comes Death to meet you, and then you find
'Tis but a dream you have vainly dreamed your whole life
long.

The son of Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn Kaiqubād nominally ascended the throne²²⁹ in Bahāpūr in the year already mentioned, by the cooperation of Shāyista Khān and Malik Chhajū; and the uncle of Shāyista Khān, named Malik Ḥusain, who had kept quiet at Kīlū-gharī during the disturbances, for the safe custody of Sulṭān Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn, had established great confidence. Shāyista Khān made Malik Chhajū Kishlī Khān undertake the duties of Regent, ^166. and handing over the young prince to his charge, made a request on his own behalf for the districts of Tiberhinda, Debālpur, and Multān, and asked permission to depart thither; Malik yielding up the Regency and Vazīrship to Shāyista Khān^229a asked for the district of Karra for himself. Shāyista Khān immediately acceded to his request, and conferred on him a robe of honour, and some days later allowed him to proceed to Karra, and Maliku-l-Umarā Fakhrud-Dīn Kotwāl having congratulated Shāyista Khān on his accession to such high office and great prosperity was instrumental in obtaining permission for Malik Chhajū to leave.

Shāyista Khān used to bring the prince into the durbār hall and used himself to give audience and to regulate the important affairs of state. After a month or two, he brought Sulṭān Shamsu-d-Dīn on horseback to the palace of Kīlūgharī, and imprisoned him, and giving him as his fellows the inhabitants of the prisonhouse of the grave, sent him to the secret abode of destruction.

The duration of the kingdom of Shamsu-d-Dīn Kāi Kāūs was three months and a few days.²³⁰

The wine of the sky is not unmixed with the brine of
sorrow,
The world's one employment is jugglery—naught else.

Whose name was Malik Fīroz and his title Shāyista Khān, came to the throne in the year 689 H. as has already been said, ^167. with the consent and assistance of Malik Chhajū Kishlī Khān; and inasmuch he had previously been regent and governor of the kingdom^230a the affairs (of state) all devolved upon him.

It must not be forgotten that although Shihābu-d-Dīn Ḥakīm Kirmānī Jaunpūrī,^230b the author of the history called Tabaqāt-i-Maḥmūd Shāhī, deduces the pedigree of Sulṭān Jalālu-d-Dīn and Sulṭān Maḥmūd Mālwī from the stock of Qālij Khān, son-in-law of Changīz Khān, there is a long story connected with this. This at least is clear that this ancestry has no real authority, any one of sound judgment will be able to detect the falsity of his claim to this descent; and as a matter of fact there is no connection whatever between Qālīj and Khalj, in spite of the fact that Qālīj has too rough a sound for the Turki tongue, and if it had any equivalent (of sufficient softness) it would be Qalj^230c with the meaning of a sword and in some histories it is said that Khalj is the name of one of the sous of Yāfiṯ, (Japhet) the son of Nūḥ (Noah) on whom be peace and that the Khiljīs descend from him. God knows the truth of this. To make a long story short, Sulṭān Jalālu-d-Dīn divided the greater portion of the valuable appointments between his sons and brothers, and bestowed the following titles—upon his eldest son the title of Khān Khānān, upon his second son that of Arkalī Khān, and on his youngest son that of Qadr Khān, while he gave to his uncle Malik Ḥusain the title of Tāju-l-Mulk. In this same way he bestowed various titles upon others, and allotted them estates, and having built a new town, and a new garden on the banks of the Jumna opposite to the Mu‘izzī palace he called it a citadel, “The Rocky Citadel”; when it was completed it was called “Shahr-i-nau” (New-town)²³¹ and in Sha‘bān, of the second year after his accession, Malik Chhajū Kishlī Khān went to Karra, and became openly rebellious. The Amīrs of the party of Ghīyāṯu-d-Dīn who held estates in that district joined with him, came to Budāon and crossed the Ganges by the ford of Bijlāna with the intention of attacking Dihlī, waiting for the arrival of Malik Chhajū who was to come by way of Karra,^231a (and)^231b Sulṭān Jalālu-d-Dīn left Khān Khānān in Dihlī and marched against them. Dividing his forces into two army corps he himself went by way of Kol, and reached Budāon,^231c sending Arkalī Khān towards Amroha to oppose Malik Chhajū. Arkalī Khān fought the enemy valiantly in many engagements during several days on the banks of the Rahab. In the meantime the people of Bairām Dev the Raja of Kola, which was also called Koela, gave information to Malik Chhajū that Sulṭān Jalālu-d-Dīn was in pursuit of him, and having frightened him exceedingly, urged him to take to flight. He was in such dread of the Sulṭān, that he did not know his head from his heels, and in the dead of night he made his escape, but eventually fell into the hands of the Kuwārs.^231d Arkalī Khān crossed the Rahab,^231e despatched Bairām Dev to hell, and pursued Malik Chhajū, and took him prisoner together with some of the other Amīrs of the Ghiyāṯi faction. Then he went in the direction of Bahārī and Kasam Kūr, which is the same as Shamsābād,²³² and when they took Malik Chhajū and the other captive Balbanī Amīrs in fetters and chains^232a into the presence of the Sulṭān, he called to mind their old ties of relationship, and loosed them from their bonds, sent them to the baths, clothed them in rich garments of honour, and made them partake of his own table, sending Malik Chhajū with the greatest marks of respect to Multān.

^169. Malik ‘Alāu-d-Dīn who was the brother's son and son-in-law of the Sulṭān,^232b and had been appointed to the district of Karra, and Ilmās Beg, the brother of ‘Alāu-d-Dīn who subsequently became Ulugh Khān^232c was appointed to the post of Akhor Beg. In the mean while, the summons which is distasteful to all reached Khān-i-Khānān. The Sulṭān was greatly distressed at his loss. Mīr Khusrū wrote the following dirge in memory of him:—

What day is this that I see not the sun shining,
If night has come why do I not see the brilliant moon.
Since two days my sun has remained behind the clouds,
So that in my eyes I see nothing but clouds and rain.
In Hindustān an evident danger has appeared,
On every face I see thousands of wrinkles but I do not see
the Khāqān.^232d
The stone of the royal signet is hidden as a stone in the
mine.
My heart has turned to blood like the ruby for that I see
him not.
Lo there is the King, seated on his throne, with his courtiers
standing round him on all sides,
All are there, but still I do not see Khān-i-Khānān.
When I saw fortune blinded, I asked him, Dost thou wish
for sight?
He replied, What could I do with sight, since I cannot see
Maḥmūd Sulṭān!

And in the year following, Arkalī Khān came from Multān to Dihlī, and the Sulṭān leaving him in Dihlī proceeded to Mandāwar, and after his arrival at that stage, having received with anxiety tidings of the revolt of certain of the Ghīyāṯī Amīrs, he made over the district of Budāon to Malik Maghlaṭī,²³³ sent him off at once and appointed Malik Mubārak to Tiberhindah, then after reducing the fortress of Mandāwar proceeded by an uninterrupted ^170. series of marches to Dihlī; and in those days a certain Saiyyid ascetic and recluse, holding close communion with God,^233a relying upon Him, bountiful,^233b adorned with so many excellencies and perfections, Sīdī Maulā^233c by name first came from ‘Ajam (Persia) to Ajūdhan in the service of the pillar of the Saints the master Shaikh Farīd, Ganj-i-Shakkar, may God sanctify his resting place, and sought permission to proceed to the eastern parts of Hin-dustān. They said to him “Beware of crowds of men, and abstain from intercourse with kings.” When he reached Dihlī, Khān-i-Khānān, the eldest son of the Sulṭān, displayed the greatest desire to become his disciple.^233d In the same way the greater number of the deposed Maliks and Amīrs of the Balban party^233e used daily both morning and evening to sit at the table of that darvesh, who would not accept anything from any one. People used to credit him with alchemistic powers, and used to come in such crowds that a thousand mans of fine flour and five hundred mans of freshly skinned meat, and three hundred mans of sugar used to be the daily expenditure of the Shaikh which he expended in alms; the aforesaid Sīdī although he engaged always in vigils²³⁴ and the prayers of the five stated times, was, however, never present at the public prayer on Fridays, nor was he bound by the conditions of public^234a worship in accordance with established custom, and Qāẓī Jalālu-d-Dīn Kāshānī (and)^234b Qāẓī Urdū and men of note, and trusted chiefs, and all both great and small, used continually to worship at his monastery.

When this news reached the Sulṭān, the story goes that one night he went in disguise to his monastery, and saw for himself that he expended even more than was reported. Accordingly the next day he held a grand durbār and ordered Sīdī Maulā with the Qāẓī and the other Amīrs who were his disciples, to be brought before him with ignominious treatment of all kinds, bound in fetters and chains. He enquired into the state of the case, and asked each one whether the Sīdī laid claim to kingly power. The aforesaid Sīdī denied it, and fortified his denial with an oath, but to no purpose. At that time Qāẓī Jalālu-d-Dīn lay under the Sulṭān's displeasure, he also denied the allegation. The Sulṭān ^171. deposed him, and nominated him as Qāẓī of Budāon. In order to verify the claims to Saiyyidship, and to test the miraculous powers of the Sīdī, he had a huge fire like that prepared by Nimrūd (for Abraham) lighted, and wished to have Sīdī Maulā thrown into that temple of fire. The Ulamā of the time, in consideration of the irreligious nature of that order, issued a mandamus which they communicated to the Sulṭān saying, “The essential nature of fire is to consume things, and no one can issue forth from it in safety unhurt.” The Sulṭān accordingly desisted and gave up that ordeal, but he punished the larger number of those Maliks in that same assembly, and some he expatriated; and inasmuch as the answers of Sīdī Maulā^234c were all in accordance with reason, and no fault could be found with him either on the score of religious law or logic, the Sulṭān was reduced to extremity, and suddenly turning to Abū Bakr Tūsī Ḥaidarī who was the chief of the sect of Qalandars, and utterly unscrupulous, he said “Why do not you darveshes avenge me of this tyrant,” thereupon a Qalandar leapt up from their midst, and struck the unfortunate Sīdī several blows with a razor and wounded him, then they shaved off the holy man's whiskers²³⁵ with a knife even to the chin, and stabbed him in the side^235a with sackmakers' needles, and then, by command of Arkalī Khān, the second son of the Sulṭān, an elephant driver drove a rogue elephant over the head of the poor oppressed Sīdī, and martyred him with countless tortures may God be gracious to him. They say that this same Sīdī, for a whole month before this occurrence used to sing these verses at all times, smiling the while he sang:

In the kitchen of love, they slay naught but the good;
The weak natured, and evil disposed they kill not.
If thou art a sincere lover, flee not from slaughter,
He whom they slay not is no better than a corpse.

And just at this time, on the very day of his murder, a whirlwind black with dust arose, and the world was darkened; there ^172. was a scarcity of rain in that year, and such a famine occurred that the Hindūs, from excess of hunger and want, went in bands and joining their hands threw themselves into the river Jumna, and became the portion of the alligator of extinction. Many Muslims also, burning in the flames of hunger, were drowned in the ocean of non-existence, while the rest of the world took these signs and events as proofs of the verity of Sīdī and as evidence of his sincerity. Although no inferences can be drawn from facts of this kind, since they may finally prove to be only coincidences, still I myself have seen with my own eyes examples of such incidents, as shall be related in their proper places if God so will it.

God has never cursed any nation
Until the heart of a holy man has been grieved.

The remainder of the accused, at the intercession of Arkalī Khān, were delivered from the danger which threatened their lives, and from the punishment intended by the Sulṭān; and in this same year the Sulṭān for the second time marched against Rantanbhor, and destroyed the country round it, and overthrew the idols and idol-temples, but returned without attempting to reduce the fort. Arkalī Khān went to Multān without his permission, at which the Sulṭān was very vexed.

In the year 691 H. the Mughuls under Chingīz Khān came up against Hindustān with a very large army, and fought a very severe battle with the Sulṭān's victorious forces in the neighbourhood of Sanām. When the Mughuls became aware of the size of the army of Hindustān they began to make overtures for peace. The Sulṭān thereupon summoned their leader, who was very closely related to Halākū Khān, and also his son, who called the Sulṭān his father. They accordingly had an interview and exchanged gifts and presents and each returned to his own country: ^173. and Alghū²³⁶ the grandson of Chingīz Khān, embraced Islām, and several thousand Mughuls besides followed his example and having learnt to repeat the sacred and blessed formula, elected to remain in the service of the Sulṭān. Alghū was selected for the honour of becoming son-in-law to the Sulṭān. The Mughuls took up their abode in Ghiyāṯpūr in which is now the sacred tomb of the Prince of Holy men Nīẓāmul Auliyā^236a may God sanctify his resting place. It is commonly known as Mughulpūr and those Mughuls were called the “new Muslims.”

At the close of this same year the Sulṭān having gone up against the fort of Mandāwar ravaged and pillaged the country round it and then returned. ‘Alāu-d-Dīn the Governor of Karra, obtained permission in that year to proceed to Bhilsa^236b and attacked that country^236c and brought much booty thence to present to the Sulṭān, and the idol which was the object of worship of the Hindūs, he caused to be cast down in front of the gate of Badāon to be trampled upon by the people.^236d These services of ‘Alāu-d-Dīn being highly approved,^236e the jāgīr of Oudh also was added to his other estates; and since ‘Alāu-d-Dīn was very angry and incensed against the Sulṭān's consort, who was his mother-in-law, and against the daughter of the Sulṭān, because she always made a practice of speaking ill of him to her father, he was anxious, on any pretext whatever, to leave the Sulṭān's dominions and go to a distance, and find some place of refuge for himself; accordingly he provided himself with new servants, and making all preparations as to personal clothing and furniture, he asked the Sulṭān²³⁷ to bestow upon him the district of Chanderī, and leaving Dihlī came to Karra, and from there under the pretence of attacking Chan-derī, he went by way of Illichpūr, and made for the frontiers of the country of Deogīr; leaving Malik ‘Alāu-l-Mulk who was one of his friends, as his deputy in Karra, and having instructed him to temporise with the Sulṭān, went off somewhere unknown to anyone, and when no news could be obtained of Malik ‘Alāu-d-Dīn's whereabouts for a considerable time, the Sulṭān was exceedingly sorry.^237a Suddenly news arrived that ‘Alāu-d-Dīn having gone up against ^174. the rebel Deo Gīr, had conquered the whole of his country as far as the confines of the country of the Deccan, and had taken as spoil much treasure, and elephants and property, several thousands of horses, together with valuables; silk and cloth goods, and jewels, beyond the limits of computation, and that he was making for Karra. This was a source of great gratification to the Sulṭān, but the wise men of those times knew very well, both from analogy and inference, that ‘Alāu-d-Dīn^237b had gone to that country without permission from the Sulṭān, and had suffered much annoyance at the hands of Malika-i-Jahān who was the consort of the Sulṭān, and also from his own wife, and had accordingly faced the world, always nursing in his breast sinister intentions. Now^237c that he was in a position perfectly to put his rebellious ideas into execution, and had not the access to the Court, it was strange that the Sulṭān seemed to suffer no apprehension as regarded him; but no one dared represent these views to the Sulṭān, who was wholly and entirely ignorant of the annoyance which ‘Alāu-d-Dīn had suffered at the hands of the Queen-mother and his own wife, and if by chance they ventured to speak²³⁸ of the possibility of the revolt and treachery of ‘Alāu-d-Dīn, the Sulṭān attributed it to jealousy, and would never allow the idea of his contumacy or rebellion to enter his head.

In short, at the time when the Sulṭān was in the neighbourhood of Gwāliār he summoned a council of his Amīrs to deliberate about ‘Alāu-d-Dīn and said.^238a “What in your opinion is ‘Alāu-d-Dīn's object in coming hither with so great display and circumstance, what will he do and what ought I to do? shall I go to meet him by way of Chanderī or shall I remain where I am, or again shall I return to Dihlī?” Malik Aḥmad Chap who was a Vazīr of sound judgment and ripe experience and loyal to the backbone, did all he could to warn the Sulṭān by adducing logical arguments and quoting precedents, reminding him of the revolt of Malik Chhajū and the mutiny of the inhabitants of Kaṛṛa, events which were of recent occurrence, as testifying to ^175. the probabilities of the present position, and urged him to go out to meet ‘Alāu-d-Dīn on the way by which he would arrive, and to put an end to his ostentatious display and pompous arrogance, to seize his elephants and property, and all the things which were likely to be of use; but the Sulṭān would not listen to his advice, and launching forth into extravagant eulogy of ‘Alāu-d-Dīn declared that his mind was perfectly at ease on his account in every possible way, “for is he not” (said he) “my protégé^238b and foster child, he can never harbour any evil designs against me.” Malik Fakhru-d-Dīn, and the other Amīrs also went with oily speeches to the Sulṭān, and brought forward all sorts of absurd arguments simply to suit the humour of the Sulṭān, and adducing weak examples induced him to return to Dihlī; Malik Aḥmad Chap rose up in wrath from that assembly, and spoke as follows: “If Malik ‘Alāu-d-Dīn with all this^238c pomp and royal display has arrived at Kaṛṛa and crossing the river Sarū makes for Lakhnautī, I do not know what can be done by any one to oppose him,” and lamenting exceedingly the condition of the Sulṭān he repeated the following lines—

A foeman, though small one should never despise,
For a mountain is made up of stones of small size.

The Sulṭān then came from Gwāliār to Dihlī, and ‘Alāu-d-Dīn having reached Kaṛṛa²³⁹ wrote despatches full of craft and cunning to the Court, and worked upon the avarice of the Sulṭān by presents of elephants and endless wealth, and begged for a kindly worded letter summoning him to the Court, while all the time he was engaged in preparations to start for Lakhnautī, and having sent his brother^239a Ẓafar Khān to Oudh ordered him to hold in readiness all the boats on the river Sarū. The simple minded Sulṭān Jalālu-d-Dīn wrote a command with his own hand in accordance with ‘Alāu-d-Dīn's request and sent it^239b by the hand of two confidential and trusted body servants, one of whom was named Imādu-l-Mulk and the other^239c Ẓīāu-d-Dīn. These men when they arrived soon perceived by his manner and ^176. bearing^239d that the face of affairs was altered^239e and ‘Alāu-d-Dīn having prepared the dish for the Sulṭān, and having arranged for its service at a given signal, handed over^239f those two messengers to sentries who were charged to keep them so closely guarded that not even a bird should be able to flap its wings near them, then he wrote a letter to Ilmās Beg his brother, who was also a son-in-law of the Sulṭān,^239g and sent it to Dihlī, couched in these words: “Inasmuch as in the course of this expedition, I have committed many unwarranted acts, in that without taking the orders of the Sulṭān I proceeded to Deogīr, for this reason certain persons have aroused fear in my heart and anxiety—but seeing that I am the loyal servant and son of the Sulṭān, if he will march lightly equipped and by rapid marches come and lay hands upon me, and carry me off I have nothing to urge against imprisonment, and if, as they have said the current rumours are true, and the Sulṭān's mind is in reality turned against me, I must perforce lay violent hands upon myself and efface myself from the world.” When Ilmās Beg laid that²⁴⁰ letter before the Sulṭān, he on the instant sent^240a Ilmās Beg to reassure ‘Alāu-d-Dīn and gave him a promise that he himself would follow. Ilmās Beg embarked in a boat, and going like the wind over the surface of the water,^240b on the seventh day joined Malik ‘Alāu-d-Dīn, and urged him to proceed to Lakhnautī,^240c but certain of the wise and far-seeing companions of ‘Alāu-d-Dīn said, “What need have we to go to Lakhnautī when the Sulṭān by reason of his excessive greed for the wealth of Deogīr, and the elephants and horses of that country will come here lightly equipped^240d in the very height of the rainy season.^240e At that time we will take any steps that may be necessary,^240f and whatever has to be done to meet the emergency, we have it all stored up and we will put an end to him on the spot.”^240g Since the cup of the life of Sulṭān Jalālū-d-Dīn was full^240h and his heart was brim full of lust and greed for that fancied and ill-omened treasure,²⁴⁰ⁱ and Fate too had rendered him deaf and blind, not one of these evil designs was perceived by him:

Verse.

When Fate lets fall from the sky a feather,
^177. All the wise men became^240j blind and deaf.

Casting the advice of his well-wishers behind him,^240k he embarked on a boat with certain of his trusted followers and a thousand sowārs, borrowing his speed from the wind and his haste from the stream, and set out for Kaṛṛa: he sent Malik Aḥmad Chap the Vazīr with an armed force and a body of retainers by land,²⁴¹ Malik Aḥmad Chap was rending his garments but all to no purpose.

Verse.

If the listener will not turn his ear to counsel,
He will reap retribution from the high heaven.

The Sulṭān, whose life's boat had been wrecked by a contrary wind, and had been cast on the shore of destruction, arrived at Kaṛṛa on the 17th of the blessed month of Ramaẓān: and ‘Alāu-d-Dīn, who had kept his forces in readiness, had crossed the river Ganges between Kaṛṛa and Manikpūr and had pitched his camp: then he sent Ilmās Beg to the Sulṭān, sending by him some valuable jewels, with strict orders to use all the means he could devise and all the craft he could command to separate the Sulṭān from his army and bring him to ‘Alāu-d-Dīn. His confederate therefore went and presented himself before the Sulṭān, and with great craftiness and deceit, and with obsequious humility represented that^241a if he had not come ‘Alāu-d-Dīn would have been utterly scared and would have escaped, “and to such an extent” said he, “have the evil speakers stuffed his ears^241b with reports of the unkind and ill-disposed utterances of the Sulṭān, and filled his mind with fear, that even now fear and suspicion is by no means entirely removed from his mind.^241c There is still a probability of that of which I spoke before, unless the Sulṭān should shew him some favour and kindness, and should re-assure him, and going alone, without any retinue, should take him by the hand and lead him here.”

^241d The Sulṭān taking his blood-thirsty words for the truth, ordered the cavalry escort which accompanied him to remain halted where they were, and he himself, together with a small body of retainers armed and ready for battle, proceeded a short distance forward, going forth to meet Death, while the archtraitor ^178. Ilmās Beg further represented ²⁴² saying “my brother is in great fear and awe of the Sulṭān ^242a and is quaking from head to foot; and when he sees even this small body of men, he will be all the more alarmed, and will despair of the Sulṭān's clemency.”^242b Accordingly the Sulṭān ordered this body of retainers to lay aside their arms which they did: those who were closely attached to the Sulṭān were greatly agitated at this foolish decision, but the Sulṭān would not be dissuaded by their objections. When they arrived near the bank of the river, the army of ‘Alāu-d-Dīn was plainly visible drawn up in close order fully armed and equipped, and evidently expecting an engagement. Malik Khur-ram ^242c the Vakīldar said to Ilmās Beg “We left our army behind us at your instigation, and we laid down our arms, what is this that we see an army ready for action?” He replied “my brother wishes to review his army, and following his usual course, he wishes to make a proper display^242d before the Sulṭān, with an eye to future advantage,” the Sulṭān in accordance with the saying “When fate comes the plain becomes narrow”^242e up to that moment even did not discover the deceit of his enemy, but of his own free will walked deliberately into the jaws of the dragon.

Verse.

When the day becomes dark to any man,
He does that which is hurtful to him.

When he said to the stony-hearted Ilmās Beg “In spite of my old age and the weakness due to fasting I came so far,^242f even yet will not your cruel brother's heart induce him^242g to get into a boat and come to me?” Ilmās Beg answered “my brother is unwilling to receive the Sulṭān empty handed^242h and with reserve.

“If thou goest empty handed to visit a Sheikh,
Thou wilt get no profit, nor wilt thou even see him.”

^179. He is busy selecting elephants and valuables and goods to present, and is quite occupied in that service²⁴³ and he has been preparing food for breaking your fast, and to do honour to the arrival of his guest, and is now awaiting the honoured coming of the Sulṭān, so that he may be distinguished among his peers by the honour derived from the royal visit.” The Sulṭān all this time was occupied in reading the sacred volume; they reached the river's bank by the time of afternoon prayer and he took his seat in the place they had made ready for him to sit in, and ‘Alāu-d-Dīn having got every thing ready^243a came with a great gathering to pay his respects to the Sulṭān and fell at his feet.^243b The Sulṭān smiling, with affection and kindness and love smote him a gentle blow on the cheek, and addressing him with great shew of fondness and clemency and warm-heartedness, began to give him words of counsel, and was talking to him affectionately and lovingly, reassuring him in every possible way, and seizing the hand of Malik ‘Alāu-d-Dīn was drawing him near. At this moment when the Sulṭān laid hold of his beard, and, kissing him, was shewing him marks of his special favour, and^243c had given his hand into his, ‘Alāu-d-Dīn seizing the Sulṭān's hand firmly, wrenched it, and gave a signal to a party of men who were confederate and had sworn together to murder the Sulṭān. Then Maḥmūd Sālim who was one of the scum of Sāmāna, aimed a blow with his sword at the Sulṭān and wounded him; on receiving that wound the Sulṭān made for the boat crying out as he ran: “Thou wretch ‘Alāu-d-Dīn, what is this thou hast done!” At this juncture one Ikhti-yāru-d-Dīn who had been a particular protégé of the Sulṭān ran behind him and inflicted a second wound which killed him; he then cut off his head and brought it to ‘Alāu-d-Dīn.^243d By Alāu-d-Dīn's orders, the head of the unfortunate oppressed and martyred monarch was placed upon a spear and carried round Kaṛṛa and Manikpūr: from thence they took it to Oudh; and the body- ^180. servants of the Sulṭān who were in the boat were all put to death, some of them threw themselves into the river, and were drowned in the ocean of destruction. Malik Fakhru-d-Dīn Kūchī fell into their hands alive and was murdered. Malik Aḥmad Chap having made prisoners of the Sulṭān's army brought it to Dihlī and²⁴⁴ pending the arrival of Arkalī Khān from Multān (he was the worthy son of the Sulṭān and fitted to succeed him in the kingdom) as a temporary measure, with the co-operation of Malika-i-Jahān, seated Qadr Khān the youngest son of the Sulṭān, upon the throne of Dihlī, with the title of Ruknu-d-Dīn Ibrāhīm. The Amīrs and Maliks of Jalālu-d-Dīn's party came one and all to swear allegiance to him at his accession. He retained the name of King for one month. Malik ‘Alāu-d-Dīn lost no time,^244a but on the very day of the assassination of the Sulṭān, made open display of the insignia and emblems of royalty, and raising the imperial canopy over his own head^244b was addressed as Sulṭān and^244c in the middle of the rainy season marching uninterruptedly he made straight for the metropolis of Dihlī, and showering dīnārs and dirhems like rain over the heads of the populace, and pelting the people in the streets great and small with golden missiles from balistae and slings,^244d came to his own garden on the banks of the Jumna and alighted there. Day by day the Amīrs of the Jalālī faction joined themselves to him and swore allegiance to him, and by the hope of the red gold, all regret for Jalālu-d-Dīn was completely effaced from their black hearts.

Liberality is the alchemy^244e of the copper of faults;
Liberality is the remedy for all pain.

It is said that by the day when Sulṭān ‘Alāu-d-Dīn reached Badāon sixty thousand sowārs had joined his standard, Malik Raknu-d-Dīn Ibrāhīm seeing that he had not the power to resist him went to Multān to Arkali Khān, with certain chosen Amīrs who remained faithful after the massacre (of Jalālu-d-Dīn), and the whole of the kingdom fell under the dominion of ‘Alāu-d-Dīn.

The kingdom is God's and greatness is His. The massacre of ^181. Sulṭān Jalālu-d-Dīn took place in the seventeenth of the month of Ramaẓān in the year 694 H. (A.D. 1294) and the duration of his reign was seven years and some months.

Verses.

Hast thou seen the acts of the tyrant heaven and its star,
Mention it not; what is the heaven, its revolution, or its
arched vault?
How is it that the revolving heaven has cast the sun of the
kingdom headlong into the dust,
Dust be on the head of his sun of glory.

Sulṭān Jalālu-d-Dīn had a taste for poetry, and Amīr Khusrū after the death of Mu‘izzu-d-Dīn Kaiqubād, came into the service of the Sulṭān Jalālu-d-Dīn, and was honoured by being selected as an intimate companion, and was made Qur'ān-keeper to the Sulṭān, he was presented every year with the robes of honour which were reserved for the Amīrs of the Sulṭān²⁴⁵ and were tokens of special distinction and peculiar trust.

In this same category were Amīr Ḥasan and Muīd Jājarmī and Amīr Arslān Kātibī and Sa‘d-i-Manṭiqī and Bāqī-i-Khaṭīb and Qāẓī Mughīṯ of Hānsī, who is one of the most learned men of the time of Jalālu-d-Dīn and wrote a Ghazal in nineteen metres^245a of which this is the opening:—

Two pearly ears, a stately form, two lovely cheeks, with
fresh youth dight,
Thy glory is the fairy's pride, a fairy thou, at glory's
height.

And the rest of the learned men used to keep the Sulṭān's assembly embellished and adorned with the jewels of poems, and delicate points of learning and philosophy, and the following few verses are the offspring of the Sulṭān's genius:—

^182. I do not wish those flowing locks of thine to be entangled
I do not wish that rosy cheek of thine (with shame) to burn.
I wish that thou one night unclothed may'st come to my
embrace
Yes, loud I cry with all my might, I would not have it
hidden.

And at the time when he was besieging Gwāliār he built a pavilion and a lofty dome²⁴⁶ and wrote this quatrain as an inscription for that building:—

Quatrain.

I whose foot spurns the head of heaven,
How can a heap of stone and earth augment my dignity?
This broken stone I have thus arranged in order that
Some broken heart may haply take comfort from it.

And Sa‘d Manṭiqī and the other poets he ordered to point out to him the defects and beauties of this composition. They all praised it exceedingly and said! It has no fault, but he replied: You are afraid of hurting my feelings, I will point out its defect^246a in this quatrain:

It may be some chance traveller may pass by this spot
Whose tattered garment is the satin mantle of the starless
sky;^246b
Perchance from the felicity of his auspicious footsteps
One atom may fall to my lot: this will suffice me.

On the twenty-ninth^246c of Zūl Hijjah in the year six hundred and ninety-five (695 H.) (A.D. 1295) raised the banner of the Sulṭanate of Dihlī, with the consent of his brother Ilmās Beg, to whom he gave the title of Ulugh Khān²⁴⁷ and to Sinjar, his wife's brother, who was the Mīr-i-Majlis he gave the title of Alp Khān, while to Malik Nuṣrat Jalīsarī he gave that of Nuṣrat Khān, and to Malik Badru-d-Dīn that of Ẓafar Khān,^247a and alighted at the plain of Sīrī, where he pitched his camp, and giving public audience delighted the hearts of the Amīrs and all classes of his subjects by his boundless munificence, then he had the Khuṭbah and the ^183. Sikka promulgated in his own name and conferred^247b appointments and titles upon the Amīrs, and distributing jāgīrs gave his mind first of all to his principal object which was to overthrow the two sons of Sulṭān Jalālu-d-Dīn who were in Multān.^247c

Verse.

As long as the head of the heir to the throne is on his
shoulders,
Disorder is the mantle of the body of the state.

In the Muḥarram 696 A. H. (he sent) Ulugh Khān and Alp Khān against Arkalī Khān and Sulṭān Ruknu-d-Dīn;^247d both these brothers were besieged²⁴⁸ in the fortress of Multān. The inhabitants of the city and the Kotwāl asked for quarter, and made overtures for peace, and the two princes, by the intervention of Shaikh Ruknu-d-Dīn Quraishī may God sanctify his resting place,^248a came forth and had an interview with Ulugh Khān,^248b who treated them with the utmost respect, sending a despatch announcing his victory to Dihlī; and taking the family and tribe of Jalālu-d-Dīn he set out for Dihlī. When they came near Bohar^248c a place in the vicinity of Hānsī, Nuṣrat Khān arrived with an order, in obedience to which they put out the eyes of both the sons^248d of Sulṭān Jalālud-Dīn, of Alghū Khān the Mughul son-in-law to the Sulṭān, and of Malik Aḥmad Chap,^248e and handed over the Sulṭān's sons^248f to the Kotwāl of Hānsī and martyred them together with two sons of Arkalī Khān.^248g They kept the Sulṭān's wives and the rest of his children imprisoned in Dihlī, sending Aḥmad Chap and Alghū the Mughul to the fortress of Gwāliār, and putting out the eyes of some others also, scattered them in all directions and punished them with tortures, and very many of the old families they utterly destroyed and the hidden meaning of Sīdī Maula^248h soon became evident, and (vengeance for) his blood did not long sleep.²⁴⁹ In a short time^249a it became the cause of the shedding of the blood of Sulṭān Jalālu-d-Dīn and his family, and of so many ^184. thousands of others among the people who had been murdered.

The wealth of Qārūn which still sinks down to the bottom
of the earth,
You may have read, that it was a source of envy to the
poor.^249b

And in the year^249c 697 A.H. (1297 A.D.), Nuṣrat Khān having been appointed to the office of Vazīr, used strenuous efforts to recover the money which Sulṭān ‘Alāu-d-Dīn had lavished in the commencement of his reign in order to gain over the affections of the people, and demanding the repayment of very large sums deposited them in the treasury; and having summoned from Kaṛṛa ‘Alāu-l-Mulk the uncle of Zīāu-d-Dīn Barnī, the author of the Tārīkh-i-Fīroz Shāhī (whom Sulṭān ‘Alāu-d-Dīn had removed from the kotwālship of Dihlī and had sent as governor to Kaṛṛa, appointing Naṣrat Khān to the office of Kotwāl) he conferred upon him his old rank, Alp Khān being appointed to Multān. And in the year 698 A. H. (1298 A.D.) one Ṣaldī^249d a Mughul commander, crossing the Indus came towards Hindustān, and Ulugh Khān and Tughlaq Khān the governor of Depālpūr (who is Ghāzī-i-Mulk), were appointed to put down that rising, and offered strong opposition to them^249e on the confines of Jārin Manjhūr.^249f The Mughul army was defeated, some of them were killed and others taken prisoners, and the army of Sulṭān ‘Alāu-d-Dīn returned victorious with many spoils. A second time Qutluq Khwāja, the son of Duā,²⁵⁰ came from Māwarāu-n-nahr with a countless host to attempt the conquest of Hindustān, and penetrated^250a as far as Dihlī, inflicting no injury on the districts through which he passed. In Dihlī itself grain became very dear, and the citizens were in great straits,^250b and Sulṭān ‘Alāu-d-Dīn ^185. placing Ulugh Khān and Ẓafar Khān in command of the forces, sent them with a countless host to oppose the Mughul army, and a severe battle was fought on the frontiers of Gilī.^250c Ẓafar Khān was killed, and the Sulṭān had gained what he wanted in this.^250d Qutluq Khwāja after his defeat made his way to Khurāsān where he died.

A third time Targhī Mughul who was one of the margans,^250e that is to say accurate archers of that country, accompanied by 100,000 infantry and 20,000 valiant and renowned cavalry, seized the fort of the hills, and gaining possession of that country, penetrated as far as the township of Baran, where Malik Fakhru-d-Dīn Amīr Dād the Governor was entrenched; Malik Tughlaq Ghāzī-i-Mulk was sent from the metropolis to put down that disturbance.^250f Malik Fakhru-d-Dīn sallying from the fortress of Baran,^250g joined with Malik Tughlaq, and they jointly made a night attack upon the Mughuls.^250h The Mughul forces being routed, Targhī was taken prisoner and Malik Tughlaq brought him into the royal presence.

A fourth time, Muḥammad Turtāq²⁵⁰ⁱ and ‘Alī Beg Mughul, who were the sons of the royal house of Khurāsān, brought together a very large army, which they divided into two, one bore down upon Nāgor,²⁵¹ while the other seized the fort of the Sirmūr hills and occupied the country as far as the river Biāh which they call Kāli Pāuī.^251a Sulṭān ‘Alāu-d-Dīn appointed Malik Mānik his slave (who is Kāfūr Nāib or Hazār Dīnārī)^251b with Malik Tughlaq Governor of Depālpūr to proceed to Amroha; and while the Mughul army, having succeeded in capturing much spoil and many cattle, was marching to the banks of the river Rahab, Malik Mānik ^186. came up in pursuit^251c and a severe battle ensued. Both the Mughul princes evinced great bravery, but were ultimately taken prisoners, and were put to death, while the greater part of those accursed ones became food for the sword of vengeance, and the remnant of the sword fled panicstricken to their own country. The heads of these two princes were taken to Badāon and impaled upon the battlements of the fort. One of the learned poets of that time wrote the following quatrain which was afterwards inscribed upon the southern gateway of that city.

Quatrain.

Noble fortress! whose helper may the assistance of the
Almighty ever be!
May the victory and conquest of the Emperor ever be thy
standard-bearer!
The Malik of this age became thy builder, and built thee
anew,
May Targhī, like ‘Alī Beg^251d become thy captive.

And Mīr Khusrū^251e has written an account of the fight between Malik Mānik (who had obtained the title of Malik Nāib)^251f in the Tārīkh-i-Khazāīnu-l-Futūḥ²⁵² a marvel of literature, which mortal powers confess themselves impotent to approach or imitate, though to tell the truth all the writings of that king of poets, rightly named Khusrū, are of this excellence, and to praise and crown them is an impertinence and error for any other.

Whenever any thought shines forth from his mind
It is so subtle as to escape comprehension and defy imitation.

On the fifth occasion Iqbālmand and Kapak, Mughuls, brought together an army to take vengeance for Turtāq^252a and ‘Alī Beg, and invaded the frontiers of Multān. The Sulṭān on this occasion also appointed Malik Nāib, and Malik Tughlaq. They proceeded by forced marches while the Mughals were falling back, and pursuing them gave battle. Kapak was taken prisoner, but was ransomed by the infidel Tātārs, with the prisoners and abundant booty which had fallen into their hands.^252b From that day the Mughuls lost their enthusiasm for the conquest of Hindustān, and the teeth of their ambition became blunted.

After these victories, the Sulṭān one night was holding a wine party quite at his ease with his companions, and was quaffing copious draughts of wine. The night, like the circulation of the ^187. wine cup, had come near to an end; suddenly some of the assembled guests began to make signs to each other^252c with hand, and eye, and brow that it was time to break up,^252d the Sulṭān happened to perceive it, he was annoyed and cried out Mutiny! Mutiny! and on the instant gave orders for Bahā (who was one of his boon-companions and choice spirits) to be killed. The rest fled in confusion. On the following morning when he came to realise what had occurred, it was as clear as day to the Sulṭān²⁵³ that his suspicion was groundless.

Wait, till the world removes the veil from the face of events,
And till that thou hast done this evening, tomorrow is
plain to thee.

Then he asked for Qāẓī Bahā.^253a They replied, He was sent into eternity at that very moment.^253b The Sulṭān was very repentant and ashamed at hearing this, and vowed never again to drink wine, and ordered it to be proclaimed that the use of wine should be absolutely abandoned throughout the kingdom. Cask upon cask of wine was poured out in the court till it became a flowing river. Everyone who was discovered intoxicated, was hauled off to prison, and punished by imprisonment^253c and confiscation of property.

Piety and penitence became the order of the day, the taverns were in ruins,^253d and the police officers had plenty of work, and there was no longer any need to purchase vinegar,^253e while the wine bibbers were giving expression by their actions to these verses:

Now he sprinkles the flagon with salt, now he shatters the
cup,^253f
How the policeman disturbs the peace of the tavern in
which we sup.

And in the year 697 H. (1297 A.D.) the Sulṭān becoming suspicious of the newly-converted Muslim Mughuls was contemplating ^188. to murder and eradicate them, and they also for their part, goaded by the extortion of the revenue collectors and their extortionate demands for refunding money,²⁵⁴ were plotting a rebellion whilst the Sulṭān should be hunting and hawking.^254a One of them who was opposed to this scheme made it known to the Sulṭān. Secret orders were written and despatched to the Governors of the country saying that on a certain day^254b they should put to death all the new Muslim Mughuls with one consent wherever they found them.

Accordingly on the appointed date they despatched so many poor hapless Mughuls with the sword of injustice, and sent them on their travels to the kingdom of annihilation, that the mind cannot compute their number, and the name of Mughul no longer survived in Hindustān, although this custom of killing strangers has survived from that time.

And in the commencement of affairs, the fact of so many victories following one another in close succession led to extravagant ambitions in the mind of the Sulṭān; one of these was religious innovation, and moreover by the assistance of these four Ulugh Khān, Nusrat Khān, Ẓafar Khān and Alp Khān he was led to estimate himself as being superior to the Prophet on whom be the peace and blessing of God,^254c and his companions may God be gracious to them all.^254d The second was the conquest of the whole inhabited world like Sikandar; this led to his ordering his name to be inscribed on the currency and mentioned in the proclamation as Sikandar-i-ṯānī.^254e When he sought the advice of ‘Alāu-l-Mulk Kotwāl of Dihlī he restrained the Sulṭān from pursuing both these claims and said, “No one can evolve a religion out of his own brain unless he be aided²⁵⁵ by God, and till he can perform miracles^255a This object cannot be acquired by the strength of dominion, and wealth, and majesty, and splendour, moreover such an attempt may be expected, nay is certain to result in violent disorders and tumults of all kinds, nothing will be gained while disgrace will follow the attempt: as for conquering realms, it is a worthy ambition, but needs the highest qualifications, as well as perfection of rule and a vazīr like Aristotle, none of which are here existent.

If the Sulṭān clears Hindustān of infidels and frees the environs of Dihlī from these contumacious ruffians, this will be in no way inferior to the world conquests of Sikandar.”

The Sulṭān, after due meditation, was greatly pleased with these ^189. proofs deduced from reason and supported by precedent, and bestowed a robe of honour upon ‘Alāu-l-Mulk and gave him large rewards, and abstained from attempting to satisfy either of his ambitions. The Amīrs, who on account of the harshness of the Sulṭān, and the roughness of his temper, were unable to say anything of service, all sent presents of horses and valuables for ‘Alāu-l-Mulk and were loud in praise of him.

Verse.

In my opinion that one is thy well wisher,
Who says that will be a thorn in thy path.

In this year the Sulṭān proceeding to Deogīr gained a fresh conquest^255b and doubled his spoils:

That which he cut after that his sword cut double,
That which he defeated after that his mace defeated again
and again.

And in the year 698 H. (1298 A.D.) he appointed Ulugh Khān to the command of a powerful army, to proceed into the country of Gūjerāt against Rāi Karan who had thirty thousand cavalry, and eighty thousand infantry, and thirty head of elephants. Ulugh Khān, after Rāi Karan was defeated, ravaged and laid waste Nahr-wāla, and pursued him;²⁵⁶ and Rāi Karan took refuge with Rai Rāmdeo^256a who was the ruler of Deogīr, in the country of the Deccan. The family of Rāi Karan, with his treasury and elephants and all his possessions, fell into the hands of the Muslim warrior. Among the ladies of his harem was one Dewalrānī, of whom Khizr ^190. Khān the son of Sulṭān ‘Alāu-d-Dīn ultimately became enamoured. He related the account of his amours to Mīr Khusrū for him to turn into verse, and the book of Khizr Khān and Dewalrānī, which is known as the ‘Ashīqa, is in his name. Ulugh Khān carried off an idol from Nahrwāla (in place of the idol of Somnāt which Sulṭān Maḥmūd had carried^256b to Ghaznin, and the Hindūs had made an object of their worship,) and took it to Dihlī where he caused it to be trampled under foot by the populace; then he pursued Rāi Karan as far as Somnāt, and a second time laid waste the idol temple of Somnāt, and building a mosque there retraced his steps.

Nusrat Khān having proceeded to Kuhanbāyat,^256c a well-known post, seized much spoil of valuable goods and rubies and other jewels from the traders;^256d Kāfūr Hazār Dīnārī whom the Sulṭān Alāu-d-Dīn had latterly taken into close favour, and made Nāibu-l-Mulk, was part of that booty.

When Ulugh Khān arrived on the frontiers of Alwar he occupied himself with verifying the amount of property and spoil which had fallen into the hands of his people during these several battles, and exacted the giving up of much of it with great severity. A certain party of Mughuls who accompanied him thought this rather unfair, and consequently plotted a rebellion, but eventually were dispersed; some of them went off to Rāi Hamīr Dev in Jhāīn,²⁵⁷ which is near Rantanbhor, and some went elsewhere.

Ulugh Khān proceeded by continuous marches to his master at Dihlī, and from this we gather that the massacre of the foreigners (above alluded to) took place after the arrival of Ulugh Khān from Gujrāt. Historians have paid little attention to the due order of events, but God knows the truth.

And in the year 699 H. (1299 A.D.) Ulugh Khān was nominated to proceed against the fortress of Rantanbhor and Jhāīn, which is better known as Naushahr,^257a and Rāi Hamīr Dev, the grandson ¹⁹¹ of Raī Pithora,^257b who had ten thousand cavalry, and countless infantry, and celebrated elephants, gave him battle but was defeated, and with great generalship withdrew the whole of his forces into the fortress of Rantanbhor.

Ulugh Khān having reported^257c the state of affairs to the Court, urged the Sulṭān to capture the fort; the Sulṭān collected his forces^257d and marched against Rantanbhor, and in a short time, by skilful effort, and aided by the energy of his Maliks, completely subdued and took the fortress, and despatched Hamīr Dev to hell. Great booty, and spoil, and treasures fell into his hands. Then he appointed^257e a Kotwāl to hold that fortress, and having bestowed the country of Jhāīn upon Ulugh Khān, left to attack Chitor,^257f and having conquered that place also within a few days, and²⁵⁸ having given it the name of Khiẓrābād, and having bestowed a red canopy upon Khiẓr Khān aforesaid, made Chitor over to him as governor. Among the events which happened in this expedition this was one, that Nuṣrat Khān had come from Karra^258a to Rantanbhor, to reinforce Ulugh Khān before the Sulṭān arrived there;^258b and during the siege one day a stone struck him on the head, and he went without delay to the other world. One arm of the Sulṭān, that is to say Ẓafar Khān, had been broken in the fight with Qutluq Khwāja, and now the second arm was broken also.

When the army was encamped in the neighbourhood of Malhab^258c the Sulṭān one day was engaged in the hunting field;^258d when night came on he remained in the plain, and at dawn of day he posted his troops all round, while he himself with a select following ascended an eminence and was watching the sport.^258e In the meantime the brother's son of the Sulṭān, Akat Khān,^258f together with a band of new-Muslim Mughuls who were engaged in performing ^192. the duties of guards, attacked the Sulṭān relentlessly and smote him with arrows, seized him and wounded his arm. As it was the winter season, and the Sulṭān was wearing a cap^258g stuffed with cotton his wounds were not fatal. Akat Khān wished to alight from his horse and strike off the Sulṭān's head from his body, but some of the attendants pretending to side with him and take his part, cried out, the Sulṭān is killed! Akat Khān was satisfied at hearing this, and made off with all speed to the camp on horseback, and entering the royal hall of audience seated himself upon the throne, and drawing the canopy over his head, the Amīrs, in accordance with ancient custom, gave in their allegiance to him as the rightful king,²⁵⁹ and raised no overt objection. Akat Khān was so overwhelmed by his inordinate lust that on the instant he made an attempt upon the ḥaram,^259a but Malik Dīnar Ḥaramī who was on guard at the entrance to the ḥaram with his men armed and equipped, said, Till you shew me the head of the Sulṭān I will not permit you to set foot within this private chamber. Sulṭān ‘Alāu-d-Dīn, when he had somewhat regained consciousness^259b after that perilous attack, bound up his wounds. He was convinced in his own mind that Akat Khān, in unison with the Amīrs who had revolted, had had the audacity to make this disgraceful attempt upon his life, for that were it not so, he was not the man to attempt it alone.

Accordingly his intention was to make his way to Jhāīn (where Ulugh Khān was) with the fifty or sixty attendants who had remained with him, and see what course Ulugh Khān would recommend. One or two of his confidential retainers pointed out the unwisdom of this course and urged him to go at once to the royal pavilion and kingly court.

Before they arrived at the Court fifty horsemen joined them, and Akat Khān took the road to Afghānpūr, but a body of men ^193. who had been despatched in pursuit of him by forced marches made him prisoner,^259c sent him into the Sulṭān's presence, and then utterly destroyed all his family and relations wherever they found them, among whom Qutluq Khān his brother also perished.^259d

Verse.

One who injures the country is better beheaded

And at that same time ‘Umar Khān and Mangū Khān the two nephews of the Sulṭān, revolted in Badāon: certain of the Amīrs sent from the Court seized them and brought them to the Sulṭān, by whose orders their eyes were put out.²⁶⁰

If thou revoltest against thy benefactor
Even if thou art the sun, thou wilt fall headlong.

This further occurrence took place, namely, when the Sulṭān was engaged in besieging Rantanbhor, a person named Ḥājī Maulā, one of the slaves of Maliku-l-Umarā Kotwāl,^260a gathered together certain ruffians, displayed a counterfeit order in Dihlī,^260b entered the city by the Badāon gate, and sent for one Turmuẓī Kotwāl and in an instant cut his head off,^260c closed the city gates, and sent a messenger to ‘Alāu-l-Mulk^260d a friend of his, who was Kotwāl of the New Castle, saying “An order has come from the Sulṭān, come and read it” ‘Alāu-l-Mulk being fully alive to what was going on^260e did not obey the summons, whereupon the rebel Ḥājī Maulā went to the Ruby Palace, and liberating all the prisoners, gave a horse and arms and a large bag (of gold) out of the treasury to each one, gathered together an immense following; then he seized by force Saiyyid Zāda-i-‘Alawī Shāh Nabsa,^260f who on his mother's side was descended from Sulṭān Shamsu-d-Dīn Altamsh (Iyaltimish), summoning his chief men ^194. and nobles for the purpose, and seated him upon the throne at the entrance to the Red Palace, and compelled the chief men whether they would or no, to swear allegiance to him.

The Sulṭān, when he heard this tidings, did not publish it, nor did he betray any signs of emotion, until he had succeeded by superhuman effort in entirely²⁶¹ reducing the fortress. A week had hardly passed after this exploit of Hājī Maulā when Malik Ḥamīdu Dīn, who was Amīr of Koh, with his sons who were renowned for their valour, and a body of the cavalry of Ẓafar Khān who had come from Amrohā to oppose the Mughuls,^261a engaged Hājī Maulā in fight, and having destroyed him, put to death the hapless Saiyyid Zāda also, and sent their heads to Rantanbhor. The Sulṭān nominated Ulugh Khān to proceed to Dihlī to track out those who had taken part in that^261b rebellion, and bring them to destruction. He also completely eradicated the family and relations of Maliku-l-Umarā on this suspicion that Hājī Maulā would not have embarked on this enterprise without their instigation.^261c

The Sulṭān after adding the fortress of Rantanbhor and its surrounding districts to the jāegīr of Ulugh Khān returned (to Dihlī). Ulugh Khān was taken ill that very day while on the road, and died,^261d and Rantanbhor became for him like the Paradise of Shaddād.^261e

Moreover a band of robbers of Jālor, whose leader was Mīr Muḥammad Shāh, were captured in Rantanbhor after the fort was taken. When the Sulṭān asked Muḥammad Shāh (who had been wounded) ‘If I should spare your life and have you cured, and you should thus escape this deadly danger, how would you treat me in future?’ he replied, ‘If I should get well and should have an opportunity, I would kill you and raise the son of Hamīr Dev to the throne.’ The Sulṭān wondered, and was amazed at ^195. this audacity, and enquired of his most shrewd and astute Amīrs the reason why the people had so turned against him, and why these continual riots and seditions were so constantly occurring, and further sought to know how to set about remedying these evils. They shewed him several paths of conduct which would end naturally in four things. Firstly, that the king should in his own person be aware of the enterprises both good and bad which are going on in his kingdom. Secondly, that he should put an end to wine bibbing, which is the source of so much evil. Thirdly, abandonment by the maliks of their gadding about to each others' houses and holding deliberative meetings.²⁶³ Fourthly, to demand back the money which he had lavished, from all classes, whether soldiery or populace, because it is the fountain head of all riot and sedition, especially upstarts and nouveaux riches,^263a and in a short time these regulations would by their inherent good, be acceptable to the Rāīs, and pass from potentiality to actuality just as has already been related in a former place.

The Sulṭān did away with wine drinking, and brought the other regulations also into force, and also published several new rules of his own, which have never been heard of either before or after his time, whether they were in accordance with religious law or not; one of these rules was that regulating the price of grain, and cloth, and horses, and all necessaries essential to the comfort of the soldiery and populace, and the bestowal of rewards and alms upon all classes of the people, the detail of which is told at some length in the history of Ẓiā-i-Barnī.²⁶⁴ Those laws were the most extraordinary of all: this cheapness of provisions was one of the chief sources of the prosperity of the people, and formed a stout wall of defence against the irruption of the Mughuls. And inasmuch as in mentioning some of these events and occurrences in the original work,^264a the chronological sequence has not been preserved, and they have been only incidentally mentioned as occasion arose, for this reason they have also been recounted here in the same manner.

^196. In the year 700 H. he ordered ‘Ainu-l-Mulk Shihāb Multānī to proceed to Mālwa with a large army [and Kōkā the Rānī who had forty thousand cavalry and 100,000 infantry, not being able to stand against him fled].^264b ‘Ainu-l-Mulk ravaged and pillaged that country and returned victorious with countless spoils.^264c The Khusrū of poets has described this in the ‘Ashīqa, in these words:

He gave ‘Aīnu-l-Mulk a signal with his brow
To turn his face towards the kingdom of Mālwa;
From the clear-sightedness which ‘Ainu-l-Mulk possessed,
That which he ordered was brought into sight.
He marched with an army drawn up in array,
And placed round them sentinels like the eyelashes.^264d

And in the year already mentioned the Sulṭān set out for Sorath^264e on a hunting expedition, and despatched to hell Satal Dev a rebel who had taken refuge in that fortress with a huge army, the Sulṭān's army having before been unable to reduce it, but it now fell into their hands. And in the year 701 H. (1301 A.D.) the fort of Jālor was reduced by Kamālu-d-Dīn Kark and he sent Kanhar Dev, a headstrong rebel to the lowest abyss of hell.

And in the year 702 H. (1302 A.D.) he sent Malik Kāfūr Nāib²⁶⁵ with a large army and complete equipment towards Tilang and Marhaṭ^265a and an immense quantity of treasure with elephants and horses, jewels and cloths, fell as spoil into the hands of the troops.

And in the year 709 (1309 A.D.)^265b Malik Nāib Kāfūr went a second time to Arankal^265c and having taken much treasure and several fine elephants and seven thousand horses as a present from Rāi Nadar Dev the Governor of Arankal made him a regular tributary. And in the year 710 H. (1310 A.D.) the country ^197. of Ma‘bar^265d as far as Dhor^265e Samundar came into the possession of the Muslims.

And in the year 711 H. (1311 A.D.) Malik Nāib brought to court and presented his spoils consisting of three hundred an twelve elephants, and twenty thousand horses, ninety-six thousand mans of gold, and many chests of jewels and pearls besides other booty beyond the limits of computation; Amīr Khusrū who was with that army has given full particulars in the Khazāīnu-l-Futūḥ : some attributed these victories to respite before punishment, and some to the miraculous powers of Sulṭān ‘Alāu-d-Dīn, while others held that the peace and security of that reign were due to the unbounded blessings of the Sulṭānu-l-Mashāikh Niẓāmu-l-Auliyā²⁶⁶ may God^266a sanctify his resting-place.

At length when the Sulṭān's mind was satisfied, and he gained some leisure from the administration of the State, he set himself to provide for the future of his two sons, allotting to each one a province in the neighbourhood, and setting apart districts for them. Among other events was the marriage of Khiẓr Khān to Dewal Rānī, and Girāī's account is of a nature to last to all eternity, and those who have the taste may read the account of that in the ‘Ashīqa;^266b then having bestowed upon Khiẓr Khān the canopy and staff of office, and having made him his heir the Sulṭān sent him away to Hatnāpūr^266c and the foot of the hills. When affairs were settled,^266d and the heavens began to act with their ingrained natural deceit, and commenced displaying those evil traits, and old age overcame the Sulṭān's health, his followers deserted him;

Verse.

In the world, when a king becomes advanced in years
His worshippers grow weary of him;
His head, which is worthy of a crown,
He must recline on musk not on ivory.^266e

^198. Various disorders affected him,^266f and hectic fever which leads^266g to ill-temper, and suspiciousuess, and causes the health to become deranged, gained the mastery over him, and when only such a small amount of health remained that it was like a single lamp to light the whole house, Khiẓr Khān in fulfilment of a vow he had made, in singleness of heart and sincerity of spirit set out from Hatnāpūr²⁶⁷ barefooted upon a pilgrimage to the holy men of Dihlī, and performed his thanksgiving for the restoration of his father's health, but it is a very strange fact that he never once went to visit the Sulṭānu-l-Mashāikh wal Auliyā,

“Shaikh of the sects, Pillar of the faith, Niẓāmu-d-Dīn
Like Khiẓr and Masīḥ, with a breath brings bones to life.”

with whom he was connected by bonds of affection and sanctity.

And Malik Nāib informed the Sulṭān of the coming of Khiẓr Khān with considerable embellishment, saying that Alp Khān, the maternal uncle of Khiẓr Khān, who had arrived from Gujrāt, out of policy and prudence, having regard to the affairs of the State and in his desire to become Nāib and Vakīl, bad himself summoned his sister's son, and further remarked that if this crude idea and immature desire had not fixed itself in the mind of Khiẓr Khān, why had he come unbidden to the Court?

The Sulṭān whose health was upset, and his brain disordered and disposed to entertain absurd prejudices, in according with the saying,^267a “When a man's health is disordered his fancies are disordered,” from his great lack of discrimination taking this suggestion as the actual fact, and regarding this assertion^267b as the truth, instantly gave orders for the execution of Alp Khān.

Malik Nāib and Malik Kamālu-d-Dīn Kark seizing that unhappy wretch like a meek lamb, cut him to pieces inside the Royal palace. After that Malik Nāib induced the Sulṭān (on the ground that Khiẓr Khān had taken alarm at the murder of his uncle and that it was not expedient for him to return to his own place in the court), to issue instructions that, to allow of the restoration^267c of order in the State, he should go for some ^199. time to Amroha till a command should issue summoning him to the presence. In the meantime he might engage in hunting, and he was to return to the Court his canopy and staff of office, and all the other insignia of royalty. Khiẓr Khān having obeyed this order with a sad and distracted heart, after a little while relying upon the sincerity of affection he entertained for his father and the confidence between them, wrote to him to this effect,²⁶⁸ that he had never committed any breach of trust which could cause the Sulṭān to be so wroth with him; then overcome by sorrow he determined to leave Amroha for Dihlī. When he arrived to do obeisance to his father, the chord of fatherly affection was stirred in the heart of the Sulṭān, he clasped his son to his breast, and kissed him several times on the forehead, and motioned to him to go and see his mother. Khiẓr Khān went thither, and Malik Nāib out of villainy,^268a on the instant went back to the Sulṭān and filled his ears with lies, saying,^268b ‘Khiẓr Khān has now come for the second time to the palace with evil intentions without orders, and the Sulṭān takes no notice of the matter.’ The Sulṭān upon this occasion gave orders to send both brothers, Khiẓr Khān and Shādī Khān, to the fortress of Gwāliār.^268c Malik Nāib, after these two heirs had been deported, and the way was clear for Malik Shihābu-d-Dīn, the son of the Sulṭān by another mother, who was yet a lad of tender years, made him heir-apparent and exacted from him an agreement.

After two or three days the Sulṭān's life became intolerable through his affliction, and he would willingly have purchased a breath at the price of a world, but it was not to be had.

Verse.

Sikandar, who held sway over a world,
At the time when he was departing, and was quitting the
world,
^200. It could not be as he wished, though he would have given
a world could they have given him in return the brief
respite of a moment.

The mint of Existence was emptied of the coin of life.

This event took place in the year 715 H. (1316 A.D.).²⁶⁹ The duration of the reign of Sulṭān ‘Alāu-d-Dīn was twenty-one years.

‘Alāu-d-Dīn who struck his stamp upon the golden coin
Subdued a world beneath the palm of his gold-scattering
hand.^269a
By the revolution of the sky, that stamp became changed,
but that gold
Remained the same in appearance, and you may see it now
passing from hand to hand.

[Account of Amīr Khusrū and Mīr Ḥasan may God have mercy on them].^269b

And among the poets^269c by whose existence the reign of Sulṭān ‘Alāu-d-Dīn was adorned and honoured, one was the Khusrū-i-Shā‘irān (Prince of Poets), may God shew him mercy and acceptance, whose writings, whether prose or poetry, have completely filled the world from one remotest end to the other.

He completed his five works, collectively called Khamsa,^269d in the year 698 H. (1298 A. D.), in honour of Sulṭān ‘Alāu-d-Dīn, within the space of two years. Among these works is the Maṭla‘u-l-Anwār ²⁷⁰ which he composed in two weeks as he himself says (in these verses):

The year of this ancient heaven which had passed away
Was after six hundred and ninety eight.
Following on the steps of the sky traversing star^270a
In two weeks did the full moon^270b arrive at completion.

In the Nafaḥāt^270c it is stated upon the authority of Sulṭānu-l-Ma shāikh Niẓāmu-l-Auliyā, may God sanctify his sacred resting-place , that on the day of judgment each individual will boast of some one thing, and my boast (said he) will be of the heart-burnings of this Turk Allāh^270d (God's champion); Mīr Khusrū probably alludes to this when he says:—

Khusrū my friend, strive in the right way
^201. That you may be called Turk-i-Khudā (God's champion).

Another poet was Mīr Ḥasan Dihlavī,^270e whose anthology also has enslaved the east and west of the world. Although in that reign there were other poets who composed anthologies, still by reason of these two eminent poets the mention of the others sinks into insignificance.

The death of Mīr Khusrū took place in the year 725 H. (1325 A.D.). He is buried in Dihlī at the foot of the sacred tomb of his own spiritual instructor²⁷¹ may God shew mercy to them. Maulānā Shihāb^271a wrote an enigmatical chronogram upon that, and having had it engraved upon a tablet of stone had it fixed above the shrine^271b of Mīr Khusrū. It is as follows:—

Mīr Khusrū, the Khusrū of the kingdom of eloquence,
That ocean of excellence, and sea of perfection;
His prose is more attractive than flowing water,
His poetry purer than the most limpid streams;
A sweet-singing nightingale without a rival,
Honey-tongued parrot without an equal:
In tracing the date of the year of his death,
When I placed my head upon the knee of thought,
One phrase ‘Adīmu-l-Miṯl^271c came as the date,
Another was Ṭūṭī-i-Shakar Maqāl.^271d

Mīr Ḥasan, in the year in which Sulṭān Muḥammad having laid waste Dihlī built Daulatābād^271e in the Deccan, died in that country, and was buried in the city of Daulatābād where his tomb is well known, and is visited as a shrine of sanctity.

‘Ārif Jāmī,²⁷² may his resting-place be sanctified, says—

Those two parrots from whose birth
Hindustān was filled with sugar,
Became at last a mark for the arrow of the sky
And were silenced and prisoned in the cage of earth.

^202. Who was a child, ascended the throne as a puppet in the month of Shawwāl, 715 A.H. (1316 A.D.) by the exertions, and with the consent of Malik Nāib, and was styled by the above title. He sent Malik Ikhtiyāru-d-Dīn Sanbal to the fortress of Gwāliār to put out the eyes of Khiẓr Khān and Shādī Khān. He also caused the mother of Khiẓr Khān, Malika-i-Jahān, to be imprisoned, and confiscated all her property, and having thrown the Shāhzāda, whose name was Mubārak Khān, into prison, intended to put out his eyes, but fate did not second his efforts.

When his attempts to uproot the family of ‘Alāu-d-Dīn became known, two sirdars named Mubashshir and Bashīr in concert with a body of pāiks of the garrison of the Hazār Sutūn palace, one night murdered Malik Nāib.²⁷³

Verse.

If thou doest evil, hope not for good,
For never wilt thou gather grapes from thorns;
I do not imagine that thou who hast sown barley in autumn
When harvest comes wilt gather in wheat.

Then, having released Shāhzāda Mubārak Khān from prison, they appointed^273a him to be Nāib to Sulṭān Shihābu-d-Dīn in place of Malik Nāib: Mubārak Khān carried on the affairs of the state for one or two months after that, and succeeded in conciliating the Amīrs and Maliks. Then he sent Sulṭān Shihābu-d-Dīn to the fortress of Gwāliār where he finally died in the year 716 H.^273b

Verse.

No one has ever seen a trace of fidelity in Time,
Everyone who seeks fidelity from Time is in error.

The Sirdārs having put some of these pāiks to death,^273c scattered ^203. the rest of them in all directions.

Verse.

Good requites good, and evil meets with evil,
This is the way of the world: requital of actions.

And the period of the reign of Shihābu-d-Dīn was three months and a few days.

Ascended the throne of Dihlī with the consent of the Amīrs and Vazīrs in the early part of the year 717, H.²⁷⁴ and apportioning appointments and suitable jāegīrs among his most trusted Amīrs, specially distinguished by promoting to high office one Ḥasan, Barāwar bacha,^274a who was very handsome, and had been brought as a captive from Mālwa. He had been the protégé of Malik Shādī Nāib-i-Khāṣṣ, the Hājib of Sulṭān ‘Alāu-d-Dīn. ^274b

He gave him the title of Khusrū Khān. The tribe of Barāwar^274c are a family of servile position in Gujrāt; but now in the kingdom of Dihlī, the Sulṭān, to such an extent was he infatuated by his beautiful face, raised him, in spite of his unfitness for the office, to the trusted post of Vazīr.

Verse.

If thou desirest thy kingdom to be glorious
Give not high office to an upstart;
Unless thou wishest that thy state should be ruined
Entrust not thy affairs to the inexperienced.

And Sulṭān Quṭbu-d-Dīn, inasmuch as he had undergone the affliction of imprisonment, on the very first day of his reign had all the prisoners liberated, and appointed Malik Fakhru-d-Dīn Jūnā the Son of Ghāzī Malik, who eventually was entitled Muḥammad ‘Ādil, to be Mīr Ākhor.^274d

In the first year of his reign he contemplated the conquest of Deogīr otherwise called Daulatābād,^274e but his Amīrs opposed and dissuaded him.

Verse.

It was not deemed expedient, from motives of wisdom,
That the world's king should move from his place;
Who knows, what are the hidden designs of evil wishers, ^204.
Or who, in all sincerity, is well disposed to the king?

In the year 718 H. (1318 A.D.) Sulṭān Quṭbu-d-Dīn sent Sar Salāḥī Kotwāl,²⁷⁵ with orders to proceed to Gwāliār and put to death Khiẓr Khān and Shādī Khān. Having done this he summoned Dewal Rānī and included her in his ḥaram. With reference to this Mīr Khusrū writes:

Verses.

In short one who is acquainted with the secret of this mystery
In this way opened the door of this treasury of secrets,
That when the Sulṭān Mubārak Shāh in cruelty
Turned against his own kith and kin with anger and frowning,
He considered that the interests of the country demanded
their murder,
And thought that they deserved the sharp sword.
His object was to empty the country of noble men by malicious enterprise.
Secretly he sent a messenger to Khiẓr Khān
Making treacherous protestations of hearty good will
Saying, Oh thou shining light who remainest far from the
assembly,
Thy body ill at ease and thy countenance without light;
Thou knowest that this is none of my doing,
The oppressed remains while the oppressor disappears.
If thou art imprisoned, by the Lord of the world
When the time comes he himself will loosen these bonds.
In this matter haste and anxiety are not fitting,
An elephant extricates itself from the mire by patient endeavour.
Now, we too are engaged in plumbing this matter
So that by clever contrivance we may free you from that
captivity.
If thou art fitted to become a king
We will make thee ruler over a wide kingdom.
But the affection for some one which springs in thy heart
Is not fitted for the loftiness of thy ambition.
Dewal Rānī who is but a handmaiden to thee,
For whom even were the moon needed as handmaid this were
an easy matter,
I have heard that she is so dear to thee
That thy cypress-like form stoops to kiss her feet.
This is not fitting that from shortsightedness
The king should be enslaved by a slave.
The gourd is in any case of no account in the garden
^205. That it should attempt to raise its head in emulation of the
Chinār.
A straw which places its foot upon the face of the stream
Is carried hither and thither by the wind and buffeted by the
floods.²⁷⁶
[My heart's desire makes this request, that thou should'st give
up that mistress of thine.]
Since she went from here, send her back hither again
Send her to take her place at the foot of my throne.
When the infatuation of thy mind is somewhat less
We will send her back to thee to be thy handmaid.
When the messenger went and took back the message
Khiẓr Khān's heart no longer enjoyed any rest.
First he wept tears of blood which flooded his eyes and lips,
Then he sent back an answer mingled with blood
Saying, since the Shāh has attained his ambition in becoming
a sovereign,
He must leave Dewal Rānī to me.
If however you desire to deprive me of this wealth
You desire to see me despoiled of wealth and light.
Since this heart's delight holds her head as high as mine
Cut off my head, afterwards thou wilt know.
When the messenger, from that grief-stricken soul
Bore those fiery sighs to the palace of the king,
The Emperor waxed wrath from head to foot
From his heart he smiled, as lightning smiles in the cloud,
The flame of the fire of²⁷⁷ enmity shot forth,
He who sought a pretext, was provided with a new one.^277a
In anger he sent for Sar Salāḥī (the Kotwāl)
Saying you must travel this day before nightfall a hundred
krohs;
Go to Gwāliār at this moment without delay,
And with the sword cut off the heads of the lions of the
country,
That I may be safe from the nobles of the country;
Because this disturbance, small as it is, risks the existence of
the country.
At his order the tyrant set out,
The pigeon was tied^277b by the foot and the hawk hungry.
In that day and night he travelled several leagues
He arrived and again imprisoned him intending (to kill him).^277c
He made known the orders he had received from the throne,
The garrison of the fort set about carrying out this severe
measure;
The ruthless soldiery entered shamelessly^277d into that pure ^206.
place of chastity,
The veiled ladies^277e were thrown into consternation and screamed
so that the roof and doors shook with their cries.
In that palace every arrow-like beam^277f became curved like a
bow,
The day of resurrection became a guest in that Paradise;
From the corners of the rooms in great consternation
The male lions leapt forth in wrath,
The arms had lost their strength, and the bodies their power,
Force was dead, and wit had sunk to sleep.²⁷⁸
Shādī Khān Wālā waxed wrath, and sought aid from the
protection of God most High,
Nimbly he leapt upon the Kotwāl and fought with him for a
long time, threw him to the ground and sought for a sword
wherewith to slay him.
Inasmuch as he had lost his sword of victory
What did that unattainable strength avail him?
Allies ran up to help him from right and left
They fell one after the other and that fallen one rose up.
Each fierce (lion) was attacked by ten dogs,^278a
See how the dogs vent their wrath upon the lions,
Hey for the meanness of the cowardly sky
That permits dogs to hunt lions!
When they had forcibly bound those two prosperous chieftains,
The time bound the hands of fortune and prosperity.
Those wondrous men fell into disgrace,
Blood-reeking swords appeared on every side
When the murderous clashing of daggers was heard,
The blood-thirsty murderer appeared from the door,
Hard as a rock,^278b source of grief, though his name was Shādī
(Joy)
As repulsive as the document of a dowry, and the grief
arising from debt.
Artful enough to depose Dajjāl^278c from his place,
Hideous enough to make Satan forgetful of his own ugliness;
On each side of his face was gathered a dark cloud,²⁷⁹
From every hair sprang a sword.^279a
Fierce wrath as cutting as the executioner's sword, ^207.
A glance as piercing as the chisel of Farhād;^279b
His lips wreathed in an angry smile,
Through wrath seizing|his lips between his teeth
His one desire and wish was revenge and punishment,
From head to foot a statue of hatred and scorn;
When he gave the signal and brandished his sword on all sides²⁸⁰
Not one leapt like lightning from that mass of clouds.
May God have mercy!
How could anyone draw the sword of revenge upon that
crowd of moonlike faces.
Whose heart would not be torn with distracting grief
In pity for so many young and beautiful men?
Oh Lord! may the breast of heaven be rent a hundredfold
To think that it has brought so many noble ones to the dust.
How can you look for pity for the blood he sheds, in the heart
of the butcher?
Whose one desire is to see his knife stained with blood.
When the bloody butcher binds roses upon his head,
Why should he withhold his knife from the rose-like body?
Since no one of them desired that the sword should succeed
in shedding their blood,^280a
There leapt from their midst like a whirlwind
A man of low origin, a Hindū by birth
Dusky of hue, like to Ahriman,^280b
Nay! a thousand Ahrimans would stand aghast at his face;
Grief-increasing like the pleasure of those in distress,
Wrong in judgment like the intellect of young people;
Unlucky to look upon as a young owl,
Like a morning in Dai^280c at Ghaznīn cold and inhospitable;
Like the night of sorrow his forehead full of gloom,
Like the nature of a wicked man, accursed.
A lip like the sole of a ploughman's foot,
A cheek like the mouth of a man with paralysis;
That hideous one had a mouth like a helmet,
His smile like the yawning of a burst shoe;
Long whiskers twisted over his ears
His whiskers taking the place of the ring in the slave's ear;
Lightly he leapt out from the line of warriors,
[You would think that a wave of blood would burst from him, ^208.
His skirt tucked up in his wrathful haste, his sleeves drawn
back for bloodshed.]²⁸¹
He demanded a well-tempered sword from his officer,^281a
Drew it, and tightened up the skirt of his tunic;
[The head of that cypress-like noble fell from his shoulders
He who was renowned for his youth and beauty]^281b
Martyrdom was evident^281c in Khiẓr in that palace;
Just as the tree praises God when its branches put forth leaves
The heaven kept lamenting over his punishment;
The angels continually assisted him in his martyrdom,
Riẓwān threw open the gates of Paradise,
All the Hūrīs began to sing his praises.
From that martyr's shout of triumph which came forth from
the Shāh,
The sun and moon joined in the martyr's song.
When the dagger was raised aloft and the Shāh's face was
seen amid its clustering locks,
Lamentation arose in that assembly like^281d the roll of thunder;
The sun made his body a shield to protect him,
But Fate turned it on one side from before him.
When the sword of Fate severs the cord of Hope,
Neither sun nor moon can become a shield for thee;
With one blow which that ruthless one struck
He made the Shāh's head a guest in his bosom.
To wash away the blood, the revolving water-wheel of the sky
Required that the spring of the sun should yield all its blood;
But, since there was no longer a breath of life in his body,
Of what avail was it to wash the blood from the surface of it.
Dewal Rānī, who was a woman of dignity and beauty,
Was the lifespring of Khiẓr Khān's existence.
Since the Khiẓr of the sky had lain in ambush to slay him
That very well of life²⁸² of his became the sword of enmity.
When we look in this crystal globe carefully
Many life giving springs are also fatal to their Khiẓr.
The soul of the lover was poured out with his life blood,
But still was hovering round about the beloved one.
A rose from which thou ḥast tasted a pearl of dew,
Thou wilt shed thy blood^282a for it a hundred times.
Instead of rose water they drew his heart's blood from that
rose,
See how they (mercilessly) robbed him of his blood!

And when the foundation stone of this edifice of his destruction of the family of ‘Alāu-d-Dīn was laid, the question was asked of a devotee, why this should be? His reply was because ‘Alāu-d-Dīn had cast a firebrand into the family^282b of the uncle of his benefactor, and as a consequence similar treatment had been meted out to his own family.

Verse.

^209. In this full voiced, re-echoing dome (the world)
Whatever speech you utter that same will you hear.

At all events, after the usurpation by Sulṭān Quṭbu-d-Dīn, all the rules and regulations made by ‘Alāu-d-Dīn, each of which embodied some wise purpose or far-seeing design, were thrown into confusion, and dissoluteness and wickedness, contumacy and rebellion sprang anew to life during the reign of Sulṭān Quṭbu-d-Dīn, who threw open the doors of license and gratification of desires to the people; and when Malik Kamālu-d-Dīn Garg, after that Alf Khān had been summoned to the presence and had been executed, proceeded to Gujrāt where he attained martyrdom, ‘Ainu-l-Mulk Multānī was nominated by the Court,^282c and having quelled the disturbance there regained possession^282d of Nahrwāla and all the country of Gujrāt, Sulṭān Quṭbu-d-Dīn married the daughter of Malik Dīnār, and having given²⁸³ him the title of Ẓafar Khān sent him to Gujrāt. He performed^283a the important duties of that province better and more satisfactorily than ‘Ainu-l-Mulk.

In the year 718 H. (1318 A.D.) Sulṭān Quṭbu-d-Dīn marched for Deogīr with a larger army, and the Rāīs of that country were not able to stand against him.

He flayed^283b Harpāl Deo who had rebelled during the time which followed the death of Rām Deo.^283c The country of the Marhattas also fell into the hands of Quṭbu-d-Dīn who, having given Khusrū Khān the canopy and staff of office ordered him to proceed to Ma‘bar, and having left Yaklakhī in Deogīr as Nāib, returned to Dihlī. Near Badra-i-Sakūn^283d Malik Asadu-d-Dīn ibn Yaghrash Khān who was called Malik Khamūsh, and who was the uncle's son of Sulṭān ‘Alāu-d-Dīn, was smitten with the ambition of chieftainship,^283e and plotted a rebellion against the Sulṭān, who however was warned^283f of this design by one of his loyal adherents, and gave orders for the immediate execution of Malik Asadu-d-Dīn. He also sent orders that twenty of the relations of ^210. Yaghrash Khān who were aware of this conspiracy^283g some of whom were children, should be executed, and when he reached Jhāin he sent Shādī Kath^283h his chief captain to Gwaliār to bring the family and relations of the murdered Khiẓr Khān and Shādī Khān with the remainder of the haram of ‘Alāu-d-Dīn to Dihlī, after having killed Sulṭān Shihābu-d-Dīn, which he carried out. Sulṭān Quṭbu-d-Dīn was led by the fact that Khiẓr Khān had been a disciple of the Sulṭānu-l-Mashāikh Niẓāmu-d-Dīn Aulīyā, to regard that holy Shaikh with suspicion and distrust, and in opposition to the wishes of the holy Shaikh, sent for Shaikh Ruknu-d-Dīn from Multān, and honoured Shaikhzada-i-Jām, who was one of the opponents of Shaikh (Niẓāmu-d-Dīn) with special distinction.

Verse.

When God²⁸⁴ desires to openly disgrace any man
He leads him to abuse those of holy and pure nature;
And if God desires to hide the sins of any man
He leads him to talk little about the sins of other sinners.

His habits also underwent great change, and his heart emboldened him to walk in the valley of bloodshed as his father had done, so that rivers of blood began to flow, and he put to death without any cause Ẓafar Khān Walī of Gujerāt.

In the mean while Yaklakhī had prepared a rebellion in Deogīr, and had arranged to assume the insignia of royalty. At last when Khusrū Khān reached Deogīr, the men of the army who had been sent to Deogīr seized Yaklakhī and made him over to Khusrū Khān, who sent him bound to Dihlī where he was executed. The Sulṭān^284a also put to death Malik Shāhīn who was ^211. known by the title of Wafā Malik, without any reason save the representations of some intriguers.

In these days the Sulṭān used generally to array himself in women's garments, and adorning himself like them with gold and jewels, used to give public audience. Moreover he openly indulged in drinking and other forms of vice, inter marem feminamque discrimen nullomodo facere solebat.

Verse.

Statura cujusvis ut littera Alif erecta, idem quod litteræ
Dāl et Nūn incurvescebat, adeo Alif in rimam omnium
inserebat.

He used to command buffoons and jesters to insult with jest and witticisms his most trusted and eminent Amīrs, as for instance ‘Ainul Mulk Multānī and Qarābeg, who held fourteen appointments, and summoning them for that purpose to the roof of the Hazār Sutūn palace, they used to perform low buffooneries, et nudefacti, gestu turpi et obscœno, in vestes nobilium honoratorum mingebant. Thus he prepared everything that was necessary for the downfall of the kingdom.

Verse.

There was the rose, the leaf adorned it too.

And the kingdom seemed to say:—

Oh! King what can come to pass from wine bibbers
What too can come to pass from unrestrained lust
The king maddened by lust, the empire ruined, the enemy
before and behind.

It is only too plain in such a case, what must come to pass. And after the murder of Ẓafar Khān, he raised Husāmu-d-Dīn who was half-brother²⁸⁵ to Khusrū Khān to succeed to the position ^212. enjoyed by Ẓafar Khān and nominated him to proceed to Gujrāt. Husāmu-d-Dīn collected together the Barāwar^285a crew from all parts of that country and nursed a scheme of rebellion in his brain. The Amīrs of Ẓafar Khān's party^285b however seized him and sent him to Dihlī. The Sulṭān led by the feelings he entertained towards Khusrū Khān took no steps to punish him, but had him set at liberty on the instant and gave him extraordinary privileges. Then he appointed Malik Waḥīdu-d-Dīn^285c Quraishī, to Gujrāt in place of Husāmu-d-Dīn. He it was who was the cause of the arrest of Yaklakhī.²⁸⁶ Khusrū Khān having arrived on the frontier of Telinga, and having blockaded the Rāi of that country in one of his fortresses, accepted several head of elephants^286a with treasure and valuables beyond all power of computation as a present from him, and moved his camp towards the Maithilī country,^286b and having gained possession of nine hundred and twenty elephants and a diamond weighing six dirams, came into the country of Ma‘bar, and relying on that^286c wealth entertained the idea of disobedience and rebellion, and obtaining permission to remain there, put to death several Amīrs whom he had with him. Malik Talbīgha Yaghda^286d and Malik Talbīgha Nāgorī and Malik Ḥājī Nāib, with certain other Amīrs of the Sulṭān's party, becoming aware of his secret intentions threw him by force into a litter, and, marching with all haste by forced marches, conveyed him from Deogīr to Dihlī in seven days and acquainted the Sulṭān with his nefarious designs. Khusrū Khān however in the private apartment of the palace where he enjoyed the special companionship of the Sulṭān, gained him over by artful and specious representations, and fully persuaded the Sulṭān of the villainy of the Amīrs.^286e The Sulṭān took his words as Gospel, so greatly was he influenced and controlled by him, and was incensed against the Amīrs, censured them^286f severely and subjected them to many indignities, and although they brought forward many veracious ^213. witnesses in support of their allegations it was all of no use, and the wretched witnesses were severely punished.

The story of Farazdaq the poet fits in with this, namely when he accompanied by his wife, appealed to the Khalīfah of Baghdād, he got Ja‘far the Barmecide, to plead for him, and used his wife Zubeida Khātūn as an intermediary. Hārūn the Khalīfah was favourably disposed towards Zubeida, and passed orders in accordance with the petition of the wife of Farazdaq.²⁸⁷ He accordingly wrote these lines:—

An advocate who appears before thee clothed
Is not like one who comes before thee naked.^287a

That is to say an intercessor who comes near thee wearing drawers will not be so influential as she who comes naked. From that day this became a proverbial saying among the Arabs.

As soon as Khusrū Khān became quite assured in all ways of his predominant influence over the Sulṭān, he gave orders for the assembly of all his tribe from Gujrāt and began to introduce them into the service of the Sulṭān. The Sulṭān reposed entire confidence both in him^287b and in his family, and gave up the reins of Government absolutely into his hands,^287c abandoning himself to rioting and debauchery.^287d

Verse.

Casting aside the Qur‘ān and the sword
^214. Taking instead to the cup and flagon.

The attendants who were loyal to the state were struck dumb and were compelled by the necessity for time-serving to throw themselves upon the protection of Khusrū Khān,

Verse.

If the times give the reins of authority to a wolf,
You must save yourself by saying, God save you Sir!

And the family of Barāwar²⁸⁸ gained entire control of the Court of the Sulṭān, and used to assemble by day and by night at the house of Khusrū Khān to plot sedition and rebellion against the Sulṭān, and when Qāẓī Ẓīāu-d-Dīn, who was known as Qāẓī Khān, made these facts known, the Sulṭān who was the slave of his lust immediately summoned Khusrū Khān in private,^288a and informed him of what had been said, whereupon Khusrū Khān said, the people see the great kindness which the Sulṭān shews me and regard it as excessive, and from motives of jealousy falsely accuse me. The Sulṭān believed him and^288b made over to him the keys of the royal treasury and of all the other store-houses as well: Khusrū Khān^288c regarded this as a proof of his complete ascendency deduced from it a favourable omen for his future:—

Verse.

When he saw his affairs so prosperous
He considered that omen as a proof of victory;
From that favourable omen the heart of Khusrū Khān,
Like a strong mountain, became firmly established.

Eventually, one night the Sulṭān was holding a drinking party in the company of Khusrū Khān, and the Amīrs of the guards withdrew from their posts. Qāẓī Khān came down from the roof of the Hazār Sutūn palace and was engaged in examining if the doors were safe, and the guards posted. In the meantime one Randhol²⁸⁹ the uncle of Khusrū Khān ^215. with a body of the Barāwas, having daggers concealed under their arms came upon Qāẓī Khān, and kept him engaged in talk on one way and another, till, taking him off his guard, they stabbed him and despatched him as a martyr to his abode in Paradise. There was a great uproar,^289a and the Sulṭān, who at that moment had no other companion than Khusrū Khān, enquired what was the tumult. Khusrū Khān rose from beside him and went out to instigate his followers to murder the Sulṭān, then returned and said that some of the horses of the stud had broken loose, and were fighting among themselves. At this moment Jāhirīyā the uncle of Khusrū Khān approached the Hazār Sutūn with a party of his men, and having assassinated Ibrāhim and Isḥāq who were on guard at the palace, made for the Sulṭān. The Sulṭān rising,^289b half intoxicated as he was, ran towards the ḥaram, Khusrū Khān caught him from behind by the hair of his head, and as the Sulṭān was begging him to aid his escape Jāhirīyā arrived, aimed a blow at the Sulṭān wounding him in the side, then with his sword cutting off the Sulṭān's head^289c threw it down below from the roof of the palace.

Verse.

The bed of that dear one was one of thorns
For his brocaded bed led to his ruin.

When the populace saw what had occurred, every one of them went into hiding and there was dismay in all quarters. Putting to death some of the Amīrs at the door of the palace, the Barāwas entered the Sulṭān's ḥaram and tore Farīd Khān and Mangū Khān, the two infant sons of Sulṭān ‘Alāu-d-Dīn, from their mother's arms and cut off their heads, and committed every kind of violence they wished, and in one moment scattered to the four winds all the honour and glory of ‘Alāu-d-Dīn and Quṭbu-d-Dīn.

Verse.

In one hour, in one moment, in one instant ^216.289d
The whole course of the world becomes changed.

And when they had glutted themselves with murder and rapine, they sent for certain of the Amīrs namely ‘Ainu-l-Mulk Multānī, and Malik Fakhru-d-Dīn Jūnā, by whom is meant Sulṭān Muḥam-mad ibn Tughlaq Shāh, and Malik Waḥīdu-d-Dīn Quraishī with the two sons of Qarābeg and other notable Amīrs, and kept them all that night till morning upon the roof of the Haẓār Sutūn; and when it was day they made all the ‘Ulamā and chief men of the city swear allegiance to Khusrū Khān, and read the Khuṭbah in his name. By craft they got the upper hand of a certain party whom they suspected of being opposed to them, and sent them to the world of non-existence, and made over the family of Qāẓī Ẓīāu-d-Dīn Qāẓī Khān,²⁹⁰ all except his wife who fled,^290a to the aforesaid Randhol.^290b

Husāmu-d-Dīn, the brother by the mother's side of Khusrū Khān, was given the title of Khān-i-Khānān and Randhol^290c became Ṛāi-i-Rāiyān, and the ḥarams of Sulṭān Quṭbu-d-Dīn and the other princes and relatives they divided among themselves. Khusrū Khān took to himself^290d in marriage the chief wife of the Sulṭān. These events happened in the year 720, H. (1320 A.D.) and the duration of the reign of Sulṭān Quṭbu-d-Dīn was four^290e years and some months.

Verse.

Since the world began so it has been, and so will always be,
To everyone the end of all things will be as this.

Whose name at the first was Ḥasan Barwabacha, in the aforesaid year sat upon the throne of ‘Alāu-d-Dīn and Quṭbu-d-Dīn, ^217. by the co-operation of his own tribe; and the Amīrs who have already been mentioned, whether they would or no, were constrained to give in their allegiance to him, and addressed him by this title. The rites and ceremonies of Islām tended towards neglect while Hindu customs and heathen observances obtained currency.^290f Idolatry and devastation of mosques became widespread, and although Khusrū Khān, to conciliate the people scattered gold and lavished presents on all sides so that in a short time he squandered the greater part of the treasure of Alāu-d-Dīn and the wealth which Quṭbu-d-Dīn had amassed,

Verse.

Who was it had acquired the wealth,
Who was it squandered it?

still the hearts of great and small were not so attuned to this disloyalty and irreligion of his that he could bring them into harmony with his own.

And in the year 721 A.H. (1321 A.D.) Khusrū Khān put out the eyes of certain of the offspring of ‘Alāu-d-Dīn, for instance Abūbakr Khān, and ‘Alī Khān, and Bahādur Khān,²⁹¹ and gained over^291a certain of the Amīrs, such as ‘Ainul Mulk and some others.

The Hindūs gained ground and increased their influence in most of the provinces, and a torrent of destruction swept suddenly upon the followers of Islām and destroyed their wealth and property, giving their families to the wind of extinction.

The affair of the Ghuzz which had happened in the time of Sulṭān Sinjar^291b was forgotten, and the state of mankind was expressed by this verse—

Verse.

You will never see your fellowmen happy save at the door
of death,
You will never find a virgin save in the womb of earth.

Khusrū Khān^291c issued firmāns to all the outlying districts and invited the people to side with him, he also bestowed upon Yūsuf ^218. Ṣūfī Azlbacha^291d the title of Ṣūfī Khān while Ikhtiyāru-d-Dīn Sanbal was styled Ḥātim Khān. He also made Kamālu-d-Dīn Ṣūfī Wakīldar, and the son of Qurra Qumār ‘Ariẓu-l-Mulk; Malik Fakhru-d-Dīn Jūnā the son of Ghāzī Malik he appointed Ākhur Beg, and was especially desirous of gaining his good will, with the object of using his influence to induce Ghazī Malik also, who was one of the notable Amīrs of ‘Alāu-d-Dīn and was posted to oppose the Mughuls, to leave the frontiers of Dīpālpur and fall into his trap. At that time he put into effect every means he could devise and gave ‘Ainu-l-Mulk Multānī for a time the title of ‘Ālam Khān. At last having gained over Ghāzī Malik, he wrote a letter²⁹² expressing his sincerity of purpose, and desiring him when the day of battle should arrive to flee from Dihlī to his own country, that is Mālwa, and return when the danger had passed.^292a

And of the Amīrs, some sided with Khusrū Khān out of lust for place and property, but some others were rebellious. When Ghāzī Malik heard this startling news his zeal for Islām and for the preservation of the honour of his benefactor was stirred, so that he girded up his loins for vengeance, and sending despatches to the Maliks of the various districts sought their aid in extirpating that ungrateful wretch. Malik Fakhru-d-Dīn sent secretly a letter to his father conveying his intention to fly from Dihlī and asking for post horses,^292b which in the Hindī tongue are called ḍāk chaukī, and for the posting of cavalry escorts at several places along the route.

^219. At last one night by the assistance of the Son of Bahrām Ība^292c the governor of Multān and Uchh^292d he fled from Dihlī with a party of horsemen and made his way by forced marches towards Dīpālpur.

Verse.

Seated upon that fleet Burāq^292e
He hastened steadfastly with unity of purpose.

And Ghāzī Malik himself previously to this had sent two hundred cavalry into the fort of Sarsutī. When Khusrū Khān awoke from his slumber of neglect he recognized that the departure of Malik Fakhru-d-Dīn Jūnā was a strong proof of the decline of his own power:²⁹³ accordingly he despatched the son of Qurra Qumār, whom he had appointed ‘Āriẓ-i-Mamālik,^293a in pursuit of him. He proceeded as far as the town of Sarsutī, but on his arrival there was obliged to retrace his steps without finding an opportunity of accomplishing his object, and conveyed to Khusrū Khān tidings regarding the real state of affairs.

Ghāẓī Malik, after the arrival of his son, was demonstrative^293b in his expressions of satisfaction, and gave effect to the aspirations of the Maliks; further by issuing orders for the commencement of the jihād^293c he made amends for the previous delay, and gave full satisfaction to the demands of bravery by marching in the direction of Dihlī.

Khusrū Khān having bestowed upon his brother Khān-i-Khānān the canopy and staff of office, despatched Ṣūfī Khān with the other Amīrs of this canaille against Ghazī Malik who for many years had done yeoman's service in the various wars with the Mughuls, and had everywhere returned victorious and triumphant. But on the other hand Malik Bahrām Iba, the Governor of Multān and Uchh, arrived to reinforce Ghāzī Malik. The two armies selected as their field of battle a spot near the reservoir of Thānesar.^293d At the first onset the breeze of victory blew favourably for the armies of Islām, the standards of the infidels were overthrown, and the adherents of Khusrū Khān abandoning their elephants and horses, and ammunition and standards ^220. fled precipitately to Dihlī. Ghāzi Malik with all speed pursued and scattered these ungrateful wretches²⁹⁴ and reached Dihlī in one long march.^294a Khusrū Khān having rallied his scattered and panic stricken forces, opened the doors of the treasury and gave his army three and four years' pay together with large rewards and promises of appointments and governorships; and things being as they were, he brought out from confinement in the ḥaram the remainder of the princes of the family of ‘Alāu-d-Dīn whom he had blinded, and put them to death; then, led by hostile Fate, he marched on from the city in great force and proceeded to the Ḥauẓ-i-Khāṣṣ^294b where he encamped, his camp extending in one line of tents from the Ḥauẓ-i-Khāṣṣ to Indrapath,^294c while Ghāzī Malik encamped in the vicinity of the tomb^294d of Sulṭān Raẓẓīya. In the meanwhile ‘Ainu-l-Mulk, in accordance with agreement, having deserted the unsuccessful army of Khusrū Khān fled with haste towards Dhār and Ujjain;^294e his defection was a cause of great despondency to the followers of Khusrū Khān. On the following day the array of battle was drawn up and the followers of the truth engaged in close conflict with the partisans of infidelity, and utterly vanquished the impious horde.

At the outset the army of Khusrū Khān obtained the mastery, and the army of Ghāzī Malik suffered a repulse, but Ghāzī Malik planting firmly the foot of resolution like another Rustum came to the rescue, and with three hundred cavalry, men of tried valour, whom he had kept in concealment in an ambush, utterly discomfited the infidel horde²⁹⁵ and Malik Talbagha^295a Nāgor, and the son of Qurra Qumār^295b with the other nobles of that ignoble kingdom, in that battle became food for the sword,^295c as such hypocritical knaves should. Khusrū Khān brought to bear all temerity and manliness in spite of his unmanly character, and fought bravely till the close of the day, but^295d at last finding he was unable to withstand these lionhearted warriors, he turned ^221. his back in flight, and made for Talpath; his canopy and standards and borrowed^295e retinue fell into the hands of Ghāzī Malik.

Khusrū Khān returning from Talpath came to the tomb of Malik Shādī^295f who was an old patron of his, alone and distraught, and hid himself there in despair, but the following day they laid hands upon him, treating him with all possible indignity, and brought him to Ghāzī Malik,^295g so that he reaped the reward of his infamous and abominable deeds.

Verse.

The tree thou didst nurture has borne its fruit,
Dost thou not see even now its fruit in its bosom,
If it has borne thorns it is thou who didst plant them,
If it has brought thee silk attire it is of thy own spinning.

And the following day Ghāzī Malik left Indrapath^295h and alighted at Kūshk Sabzī.²⁹⁵ⁱ Great and small came out to welcome his coming, and gave vent to expressions of congratulation. The day following he went on to the city of Dihlī, where tidings was brought to him that the rascal Khān-i-Khānān had crept into the corner of a garden,²⁹⁶ where he was lying concealed.

Malik Fakhru-d-Dīn proceeded by order of Ghāzī Malik, and having mutilated and disgraced him^296a paraded him about the city where he met with condign punishment. This event took place in the year 720 A.H. (1321. A. D). The duration of Khusrū Khān's rule was four months and a few days.

Verse.

That which thou doest they will shew thee again,
That which thou givest, they will return thee the like.

Who is the same as Ghāzī Malik, ascended the throne in the year 720 A.H. (1321 A.D.) by the consent of the Amīrs and nobles and was styled by this title. In the space of one week ^222. he ordered and regulated the important affairs of the state with a perfection unattainable to others in the course of years.^296d

He appointed his own relations to various posts and showing many favours to the Amīrs of ‘Alāu-d-Dīn and to some of the Maliks of Quṭbū-d-Dīn gave them districts. Then he directed his ambition to the rebuilding of the fortress of Tughlaqābād and all the lofty edifices, and set about it (without delay)^296e and Badr Shā‘ir Shāshī^296f invented as a chronogram for the date of building the fort (of Tughlaqābād)²⁹⁷ the following: “Enter then her gates.”^297a He brought to punishment also a body of men^297b who during the glorious reign of Sulṭan Quṭbu-d-Dīn had joined hands with Khusrū Khān and had aided and abetted the band of ruffians and scoundrels. He also gave the title of Ulugh Khān to Malik Fakhru-d-Dīn Jūnā^297c who shewed marked signs of discretion and kingly dignity,^297d and conferred on him a canopy and the other insignia of royalty, making him his heir-apparent; he also raised Bahrām Ība,^297e who was the adopted brother of the Sulṭān,^297f to the dignity of the title of Kishlū Khān, and entrusted to him the district of Multān and the whole of Sind. To his other four sons he gave the titles of Bahrām Khān, Ẓafar Khān, Maḥmūd Khān and Nuṣrat Khan.^297g

And in the year 721 A. H. [he appointed] Ulugh Khān [to proceed in command of his troops which were at Chandēri and Badāon and in the other eastern districts of Hindustān, towards Deogīr and Tilang, and Ulugh Khān]^297h taking with him the army of Deogīr, invested the fortress of Arankal which for the past seven hundred years had been the capital of Rai Sadar Mahadco and his ancestors, and having gained possession of the clay-built citadel forming the outer line of defence, was on the point of reducing the inner stone citadel also. In the meantime²⁹⁸ ‘Ubaid Rākātī^298a the poet, a turbulent fellow, the notorious^298b opponent of Mir Khusrū (on whom be mercy) who rascal that he was wrote the following famous verses:

^223. Khusrū's own verse was very raw, so by mistake he took
Nīzāmi's^298c saucepan by mistake, his flummery^298d to cook.

(Mīr Khusrū in many of his compositions complains bitterly against him and Sa‘d Falsafī) joining with Shaikhzāda Dimishqī on the occasion of the late arrival of the stage from Dihlī, spread a false report that the Sulṭān Tughlaq was no more, where- upon great dismay spread through the Muslims. ‘Ubaid also terrified the Amīrs by his account of Ulugh Khān, and infidels springing up put to death many of the soldiers of the army;^298e Malik Tigīn and other revolutionary Amīrs planned an insurrection against Ulugh Khān who with fifty sowārs came by rapid marches to the metropolis, whereupon the Amīrs took themselves off, each to his own district; and Malik Tigīn who had gone to the country between Multān and Jaisalmīr^298f was taken prisoner with his family, and Tāju-d-Dīn Ṭālaqānī, the son-in-law of Malik Tigīn who had escaped from prison, was captured^298g on the banks of the river Sarū, and Ubaid (the poet)^298h also was captured in the same way in a wretched plight. All this party with their families and friends, they cast under the feet of elephants, and those who escaped this fate met their death wherever they went.

And in the year 723 A. H. (1323 A.D.) Ulugh Khān for the second time marched towards Tilang; and Rāi Ladar Mahādeo again shut himself up in the fort.

Ulugh Khān gained possession of both the outer and inner citadels²⁹⁹ by force of arms, and took the Rāi prisoner together with his family and followers, and leaving commissioners there drew off his army to Jājnagar^299a and Bīdar,^299b and having taken as spoil many elephants and other property with jewels and valuables without number [sent them] to Dihlī [and despatched Rāe Ladhar also to the capital and having given to Arankal the name of Sulṭānpūr] returned to Dihlī.^299c

And in the year 724 A.H. (1324 A.D.), Sulṭān Ghiyāṯu-d- ^224. Dīn Tughlaq Shāh, upon the occasion of the tyranny of the governors of Bengal, left Ulugh Khān as his viceroy in the capital Tughlaqābād which had been built in the space of three years and a fraction, entrusting to his sound judgment the whole civil administration, and left for Lakhnautī with a firm intention of setting things straight; Sulṭān Nāṣiru-d-Dīn the ruler of Lakhnautī, with the notable princes of those districts hastened to meet the Sulṭān and placed their necks under his yoke; Sulṭān Tughlaq Shah conferred upon Sulṭān Naṣiru-d-Dīn the canopy and staff of office and all other insignia of royalty, entrusted Lakhnautī once more to his control and sent a despatch announcing his success to Dihlī; then he sent on in advance Tātār Khān his adopted son, the Governor of Ẓafarābād who brought Bahādur Shāh otherwise known as Tūda (? Nūda) the Governor of Sunār Gānw who was boasting his independence, with a chain around his neck, and accompanied by all his elephants into the royal presence at the Court.

Sulṭān Tughlaq Shāh taking Bahādur Shāh with him, victorious and triumphant returned to Dihlī, and proceeding by double stages made forced marches. Ulugh Khān upon hearing this news gave immediate orders for the erection of a lofty and noble palace near Afghānpur which is at a distance of three krohs from Tughlaqābād. It was completed in three days, so that Sulṭān Tughlaq Shāh might alight there,³⁰⁰ and having passed the night in it and having rested might depart thence at an auspicious moment and alight at Tughlaqābād.

The Sulṭān arrived there and Ulugh Khān having gone out to meet him with all the nobles and grandees, spread a banquet of welcome. The Sulṭān gave orders for the elephants which he had brought with him from Bengal to be raced, and as the foundation of the New Palace was new and unsettled the palace began to shake and totter with the tramp of the elephants. When the people became aware that the Sulṭān was mounting with all ^225. haste, they hurriedly came out from the palace, without even washing their hands. The Sulṭān Tughlaq Shāh was engaged in washing his hands^300a and so did not come out. In consequence he washed his hands of life and the palace fell in upon him.^300b

We should not lose sight of the fact that from having built a palace such as this, which was quite unnecessary, there is a suspicion that Ulugh Khān may have built the palace^300c without foundations³⁰¹ as was currently rumoured, but the author of the Tārīkh-i-Fīroz Shāhī makes no mention of this although this may possibly be due to a desire to flatter Fīroz Shāh and out of regard for him.

This event took place in the year 725 A.H. (1325 A.D.) and the duration of the reign of Sulṭān Ghiyāṯu-d-Dīn Tughlaq Shāh was four years and some months.

Verse.

If thou placest the world beneath thy feet
Thou wilt not sleep at last in thine own place.

It is currently reported among the people of India that Sulṭān Ghiyāṯu-d-Dīn Tughlaq, on account of the ill will he bore to Sulṭānu-l-Mashāikh, sent a message to the Shaikh while on the way to Lakhnauti to this effect, “After my arrival at Dihlī, either the Shaikh will be (ruler) there or I.”^301a The Shaikh replied, “Dihlī is still some way off.”^301b This saying became proverbial from that day and gained currency.

The Tughlaq Nāma of Mīr Khusrū which was the latest of his works, was written in verse in honour of the Sulṭān and in obedience to his order.

The death of the Sulṭānu-l-Mashāikh and also of Mïr Khusrū occurred in the same year as has already been stated.

That is to say Ulugh Khān, by the agreement of the Amīrs and officers of the Court ascended the royal throne in the year 725 ^226. A.H. (1325 A.D.),³⁰² and after performing the ceremonial mourning for the space of forty days,^302a went to the treasure house of the kings of former ages, and gave largesse such as exceeds all bounds of description, and having distributed appointments and offices among the Amīrs, he made Malik Fīroz his uncle's son (who is the same person as Sulṭān Fīroz) Nāibu-l-Mulk, and advanced the dignity of his near relations in the same manner. Ḥamīd Lawīkī, too, was raised to an exalted position and Malik Sartez obtained the title of ‘Imādu-l-Mulk, Malik Khurram that of Ẓahīru-l-Juyū sh (Inspector of the Forces) Malik Pindār Khiljī was given the title of Qadr Khān, and Malik Izzu-d-Dīn Yahyā that of Ā‘ẓamu-l-Mulk, the district of Satgānw being also confirmed to him.

And in the year 727 A.H. (1326-1327 A.D.) the Sulṭān having formed the design of proceeding to Deogīr, posted a chain of dhāwa,^302b that is to say pāiks, or runners, as guards at distances of one kroh along the whole road^302c from Dihlī to Deogīr, built a palace and a monastery at each stage and appointed^302d a Shaikh to each. They used to keep in constant readiness food and drink, betel-leaf^302e and all provisions for hospitality; and in both³⁰³ (palaces and monasteries) guides were stationed who were ordered to see that travellers suffered no annoyance. The traces of these (rest-houses) remained for many years. He gave Deogīr the name of Daulatābād^303a and considering it as the centre of his dominions^303b made it the metropolis, and conveyed Makhdūma-i-Jahān his mother, with all his family and relations, the Amīrs and Maliks, the notables of the city, his servants and dependents, and all his treasure to Daulatābād: all the Saiyyids and Shaikhs and ‘Ulamā^303c also proceeded thither in the following of Makhdūma-i-Jahān, and the stipends and emoluments of all of them were doubled, but in accordance with the saying “Exile is the gravest of all calamities and banishment is the sorest of all afflictions” this desolation of Dihlī and its desertion was a source of great discomfort to the inhabitants, large numbers of the feeble and widows, the helpless and indigent perished by the way, while even those who arrived in safety, could not settle there; and towards the end of the above-mentioned year Malik Bahādur Gurshasp ^227. the Inspector-General of the Forces, raised a rebellion in Dihlī,³⁰⁴ and Malik Aiyāz, who held the title of Khwāja-i-Jahān, fought with Bahādur and defeated him. Bahādur was taken prisoner and brought before the Sulṭān and met his punishment. After that, Malik Bahrām Ība the adopted brother of Sulṭān Tughlaq raised a rebellion in Multān,^304a and put to death ‘Alī Khaṭaṭī who had been sent from Dihlī to summon him thither. The Sulṭān, in order to put down this rebellion, left Daulatābād for Dihlī and thence by uninterrupted marches reached Multān. Bahrām having come out^304b against him fought with him, but was defeated and eventually put to death, his head was brought to the Sulṭān who intended to set the blood of the Multānīs flowing like rivers on account of his crime, but when the Shaikhu-l-Islām Quṭbu-l-‘Ālam Shaikh Ruknu-l-Haqq wau-d-Dīn Quraishī,^304c may God sanctify his holy resting place, having bared his venerable head presented himself at the Court of the Sulṭān and made intercession, the Sulṭān pardoned the offences of the people.

Verse.

From the earliest times of Adam till the days of the king.
Great men have shewn mercy^304d mean men have committed
faults.

And the Sulṭān having bestowed Multān upon Qiwāmu-l-Mulk Maqbūl retraced his steps, but after some little time^304e having turned against him despatched Behzād to replace him, but Shāhū Lodi the Afghān³⁰⁵ killed Behzād and broke out into open rebellion. The Sulṭān on his arrival at Dīpālpūr found that Shāhū had fled into the hill country,^305a so he turned back.

And in the year 729 A.H. (1329 A.D.) Narma Shīrīn the Mughul,^305b the brother of Qutlugh Khwāja the Mughul King of Khurāsān who had formerly invaded Hindūstān, having entered ^228. the Dihlī territory^305c with an enormous army, reduced the majority of the forts, and proceeded slaughtering and taking captives from Lāhor and Sāmāna and Indarī to the borders of Badāon; and when the victorious troops of Islām came up with him, he retreated as they advanced; the Sulṭān pursued him^305d as far as the frontier of Kālānor and defeated him, and leaving the destruction of that fort in the hands of Mujīru-d-Dīn Abūrijā returned in the direction of Dihlī. At this time the Sulṭān formed the opinion that in consequence of the refractory conduct of his subjects in the Doāb it was advisable to double the taxes levied on that country; he also instituted numbering their cattle and a house census, and other vexatious and oppressive measures, which were the cause of the complete ruin and desolation of the country,^305e the weak were utterly destroyed and the strong laid the foundations of rebellion. The Sulṭān gave orders for the remainder of the inhabitants of Dihlī and the adjoining towns to start for Daulatābād, caravan by caravan, the houses were to be purchased from their owners, and the price of them to be paid in cash out of the public treasury, in addition to which large rewards were to be offered. By these means Daulatābād was populated, and Dihlī became so deserted that there was not left even a dog or a cat in the city. The following verse describes its condition:—

Verse.

There where the heart-ravishing one used to toy with her
friends in the garden,
The wolf and the fox had their home, and the rhinoceros
and vulture their abode.

This state of affairs also led to a diminution of the public funds. Among other sources of loss to the treasury was this that the Sulṭān enacted that the muhar³⁰⁶ of copper should become current on an equal footing with the muhar of silver, and any one who shewed reluctance to receive it used to be instantly punished severely. This enactment led to many corrupt practices in the kingdom as a matter of course, and unscrupulous and ^229. contumacious rascals used everywhere in their own houses to set up mints and stamp coins,^306a and taking them into the cities used to purchase with them silver and horses, weapons and fine things, and thus rose to great wealth and dignity. But inasmuch as copper had no value as a currency in places at a distance and one tanka of gold rose to the value of fifty or sixty copper coins, the Sulṭān perceived the worthlessness of the copper coinage, and issued an edict to the effect that every one who had in his house a copper tanka should, if he brought them to the public treasury, receive for them golden tankas in equal value.^306b The people profited greatly by this arrangement, till at last copper became copper and silver silver, and those copper tankas were lying in heaps in Tughlaqābād as late as the time of Sulṭān Mubārak Shāh according to the author of the Tārīkh-i-Mubārak Shāhī, and had no more value than stones. God knows the truth.

And in the year³⁰⁷ 738 A.H. (1337 A.D.) he despatched a force of eighty thousand^307a cavalry under eminent commanders to capture the mountain of Himāchal^307b which stands between the country of Chīn and Hindustān, and which they also call Qarāchal^307c with orders to leave garrisons in each successive place so that the line of communications for transport and supplies might remain open and the road of return might be easy. After the entry of this army into this country, by reason of the peculiar features of that mountain, on which heavy clouds form and rain pours in torrents at the sound of men's voices and their shouts and the neighing of horses, in consequence also of the narrowness of the paths and the scarcity of fodder, the patrols were not able to stand to their posts, and the hill tribes getting the upper hand drove back the army, and falling upon the rear of the force killed many of them with poisoned arrows and stone showers, and sending the most of them to the eternal world enabled them to attain martyrdom, taking the rest prisoners.³⁰⁸ For a long time they wandered helplessly among the mountains, and those who escaped after countless hardships the Sulṭān visited with condign punishment.^308a And after this calamity so great an army never gathered round ^230. the Sulṭān and all that money expended in their pay was thrown away.

And in the year 739 A.H. (1338 A.D.) Bahrām Khān Governor of Sunargānw died, and Malik Fakhru-d-Dīn Silāḥdār became rebellious and assumed the title of Sulṭān, and having fought with Qadr Khān the ruler of Lakhnautī in conjunction with Malik Ḥusamu-d-Dīn Abūrijā the Mustaufī, and ‘Izzu-d-Dīn Yahyā A‘ẓamu-l-Mulk, was defeated, and all his sources of grandeur, his treasure and his retainers fell into the hands of Qadr Khān; and when the rainy season had arrived the horses belonging to Qadr Khān died, and he had collected much money^308b and had stored it up in heaps in his own house with the object of presenting it to the Sulṭān. In spite of all that Ḥusāmu-d-Dīn Aburjā could do to dissuade him from amassing wealth and inducing men to covet it and thus leading to disorder, Qadr Khān would not listen, till eventually the very result predicted by Ḥusamu-d-Dīn ensued; Malik Fakhru-d-Dīn returned, and the soldiery of Ḥusā-mu-d-Dīn joined him and killed their own master, and all the money fell to the lot of Fakhru-d-Dīn. The absolute control of Sunārgānw was given him; he appointed one Mukhliṣ a servant of his, to Lakhnautī, and ‘Alī Mubārak Inspector of Troops; Qadr Khān put Mukhliṣ to death and aspired at independence, writing diplomatic letters to the court of the Sulṭān. The Sulṭān appointed Malik Yūsuf, but he died by the way, and the Sulṭān, having other affairs to attend to, omitted to send any one else to that district.^308c At this juncture ‘Alī Mubārak by reason of the enmity he bore to Fakhru-d-Dīn, displayed the insignia of royalty, and assumed the title of Sulṭān ‘Alāu-d-Dīn, and Malik Ilyās Ḥäjī who was a man of family and retinue, after a few days put ‘Alāu-d-Dīn to death with the assistance of some of the Amīrs and Maliks of Lakh-nautī, and himself assumed the title of Sulṭān Shamsu-d-Dīn. ^231.

And in the year 741 A.H. (1340 A.D.) Sulṭān Muḥammad having left with the object of reducing Sunārgānw, seized Fakhru-d-Dīn and brought him prisoner to Lakhnautī, where he put him to death and returned. Shamsu-d-Dīn became absolute monarch of that region, and the kingly power and authority over that country descended for a lengthened period in the hands of his sons,³⁰⁹ and never again returned to the possession of Sulṭān Muḥammad ‘Ādil.

And in the year 742 A.H. (1341 A.D.) Saiyyid Ḥasan Kaithalï the father of Malik Ibrāhīm a feofee of the Sulṭān, who was generally known as Ḥasan Kāngū, and who eventually obtained the sovereignty of the Deccan with the title of ‘Alāu-d-Dīn Bahman Shāh, fermented a revolt in Ma‘bar on the grounds of the severity of the Sulṭān's governors, and the innovations introduced in the laws, and the number of executions,^309a and gained over to his own party nearly all the great men of Dihlī who had been appointed to that district. He put to death the leaders of the opposite party. The Sulṭān proceeded from Lakhnautī to Deogīr for the purpose of quelling that disturbance, and on his arrival at Tilang was taken ill, and was forced to return by uninterrupted marches to Dihlī. He left Qutlugh Khān in Daulatābād; thus the rebellion in Ma‘bar remained unchecked and Ḥasan's influence increased rapidly.

And in the year 743 (1342 A.D.) they put to death by treachery Malik Halājun and Kul Chander Khākhar and Malik Tātār Khurd, the Governor of Lāhore,^309b and when Khwāja-i-Jahān came up against them,^309c they came cut to do battle with him, but the scoundrels suffered a severe defeat and were sorely punished.

And in the year 744 A.H. (1343 A.D.) the Sulṭān passing through Sanām and Sāmāna gave orders to the Saiyyids and all ^232. the Muslims in opposition to the advice of Ḥasan Kānkū, for a general massacre, but he kept the chief men of those districts in their posts, conveyed them to the suburbs of the city, and conferred upon them villages and districts, and bestowing many rich robes of honour, and purses of gold gave them a place of abode there; and when a general famine arose he issued an edict that any one who wished should proceed to the eastern part of Hindustān and spend the days of dearness and scarcity there, without let or hindrance, and in the same way if any person wishing to give up living in Daulatābād should return to Dihlī, no one would molest him. Moreover in that year so many people arrived in Hindustān from the countries of Khurāsān and ‘Irāq and Samarqand, in the hope of receiving the bounty of the Sulṭān, that hardly any other races were to be seen in that country.

And in this year Ḥājī Sa‘īd Ṣarṣarī³¹⁰ arrived from Egypt bearing the diploma of the Khalīfah^310a with a banner and a robe of honour, conferring upon the Sulṭān the title of Nāṣir-i-Amīru-l-Mū'minīn from the Khalīfah of the Abbāsides who were still extant. The Sulṭān ordered decorations and illuminations in the city, and proceeded with all the Shaikhs and Saiyyids and his retainers to give him an honourable reception, then, dismounting, he kissed the feet of Hājī Sa‘īd and joined his retinue. He then re-established the Friday prayers and the ‘Īd, which all this time he had kept in abeyance waiting for the orders and sanction of the Khalīfah, he read the Khuṭbah in the name of the Khalīfah, and struck out the names of those kings who had not received authority from the Dār-ul-Khilāfah, with the exception of Sulṭān Maḥmūd. He then gave largesse^310b of money and valuables to such an extent that his treasury became exhausted, he also despatched to Egypt a precious jewel, the like of which he had not in his treasury, by the hands of Hāji Barq‘aī, with other rarities and presents; and having become, in his own opinion, the rightful Khalīfah, and keeping constantly placed before him the Qur'ān³¹¹ and the honorary presents and the patent of the Khalīfah, would issue commands as though he were the Khalīfah, and used to say ^233. “The Khalīfah says” this or that. He compelled the people to profess allegiance to the Khalīfah, and went to Sarkdawārī which is in the vicinity of Shamsābād, and on two or three occasions^311a in Barūj and Kanbhāyat also^311b he received patents from the Khalīfah, and a second time the Makhdūmzāda-i-Baghdādī^311c came to visit him, and the Sulṭān went on foot to Pālam to receive him; and when he saw him from afar off he advanced to meet him, and seated him upon the throne beside himself and made over to him without reservation, the city of Kīlī^311d with the garden and the palace and all the buildings.

And in the year 745 A. H. (1344 A.D.) Malik Niẓāmu-l-Mulk governor of Karra, raised a rebellion, Shahr-u-llah the brother of ‘Ainu-l-Mulk brought up an army against him from Oudh and took him prisoner, but the rebellion was quelled. Then Shihābu-d-dīn Sulṭān waxed riotous in Bīdar, and Qutlugh Khān was despatched against him, and Shihābu-d-dīn coming out with his son to do battle was besieged in the fortress, and Qutlugh Khān inducing him to come out by promises of quarter, sent him to the royal presence.

And in the year 746 A.H. (1345 A D.) ‘Alī Sher sister's son to Ẓafar Khān ‘Alā‘ī gained possession of Gulbarga^311e in strong force, having put to death the ruler of Bīdar, and taking much spoil, fought with Qutlugh Khān, but was defeated and obliged to retreat to the fortress of Bīdar where he shut himself up. Qutlugh Khān however took him also prisoner, and sent him to Sarkdawārī which was the camp of the Sulṭān's army. The Sulṭān in the first instance sent the captives to Ghaznīn in exile, but afterwards recalled them thence and put them all to death.

And in the year 747 A.H. (1346 A.D.) at the time when the ^234. Sulṭān had made Sarkdawārī his camp, ‘Ainu-l-Mulk arrived at the Court, bringing from Ẓafarābād and Oudh much property and rarities of great value as presents; then the Sulṭān came to the conclusion that it was advisable to recall Qutlugh Khān from the Dakkan, and send ‘Ainu-l-Mulk to replace him. ‘Ainu-l-Mulk got some idea into his head, and fled by night from Sarkdawārī and crossing the river Ganges made for Oudh, and his brothor Shahru-llāh laid hands upon certain of the elephants and horses³¹² belonging to the king, which had been left behind to graze, and carried them off. The Sulṭān went in pursuit of them as far as Qanauj, and ‘Ainu-l-Mulk, at the instigation of his brothers and a party of the followers of Malik Fīroz Nāib Barbak, who had been placed in charge of the elephants and horses, crossed the river Ganges and coming over to this side^312a attacked the army of the Sulṭān, and like the thieves and Gawārs (of India)^312b took to the woods and fought on foot, but not being ablo to stand against the elephants and archers of the king took to flight,^312c and Shahru-llah and his other brother together with the majority of the sirdārs of ‘Ainu-l-Mulk were drowned, and the remainder fell by the swords of the soldiers, and the fugitives were taken prisoners by the Gawārs, who having found ‘Ainu-l-Mulk alive took him on their shoulders^312d and brought him bareheaded^312e to the court and gave him a few days respite,^312f and the Sulṭān in consideration of his excellent services gave him his freedom, and in accordance with his former custom treated him well, and giving him a district sent him back to Dihlī; then he recalled Qutlugh Khān from the Dakkan, but inasmuch as Qutlugh Khān had reduced that country to excellent order and had gained the good will of the people, his recall was the cause of great discontent (and disaffection)³¹³ and ‘Azīz Khumār^313a who was one of the canaille, proceeding to Mālwa put to death many centurions (or Amīrs of a hundred) which is the meaning of the word Yūzbāshī^313b in accordance with the Sulṭān's orders, and thence arose many insurrections.

And in the year 748 A.H. (1347 A.D.) the captains of hundreds, ^235. stirred up rebellion and sedition in Gujrāt against Muqbil the servant of Khwāja-i-Jahān who was nāib-vazīr of Gujrāt, and was bringing treasure to the Court, and attacked him by night, getting possession of the treasure and horses and property belonging to the king. The Sulṭān arrived at Gujrāt with the object of quelling this rebellion, and sent some of the trustworthy Amīrs as for instance Malik ‘Alī Sarjāndār, and Aḥmad Lāchīn to Daulatābād to bind the Amīrs of hundreds who were there and bring them to Court. As soon as Malīk Aḥmad Lāchīn arrived at the pass of Manikganj, the Amīrs of hundreds in their alarm^313c came to a common understanding, and put Malīk Aḥmad Lāchīn to death; Azīz Khumār who had gone from Gujrāt to oppose the Amīrs of hundreds of Dabho‘ī^313d and Baroda, on coming face to face with the insurgents lost his head,^313e fell from his horse and was taken prisoner. This news had reached the Sulṭān and had augmented his wrath considerably. And after the defeat of Muqbil and the murder of ‘Azīz, the Amīrs of hundreds waxed bold, and sent for their families and relations from all directions, and with one consent turned against the Sulṭān^313f and having captured the fortress of Daulatābād from the the governors of Malik ‘Alam took possession of it, and raising to the throne one Isma‘īl Fatḥ gave him the title of Sulṭān Nāṣiru-d-Dīn. After this the Amīrs of hundreds of Dabho'ī and Baroda over whom the Sulṭān had appointed other Amīrs, being defeated by the army opposed to them joined hands with the Amīrs of hundreds of Daulatābād. When the Sulṭān went to Daulatābād Isma‘īl Fatḥ prepared to give him battle, but being defeated shut himself up in the fortress of Dhārānagar by which is meant the citadel³¹⁴ of Daulatābād; many Muslims of Daulatābād were slain in this rebellion, or were made prisoners, and Malik^314a ‘Imādul Mulk Sartez was ordered to pursue^314b the ^236. fngitive Amīrs of hundreds towards Bīdar. In the meantime tidings arrived of the rebellion in Gujrāt of Malik Taghī, who, having put to death Malik Muẓaffar the governor of that place, had obtained possession^314c of a large number of horses and much property. Thereupon the Sulṭān leaving in Dhārānagar Malik Jauhar and Khudāwandzāda Qiwāmu-d-Dīn and Shaikh Burhānu-d-Dīn Balārāmī^314d left to quell the rebellion of Taghī;^314e the army which had fled from Daulatābād under the leadership of Ḥasan Kāngū, coming out of hiding attacked^314f ‘Imādu-l-Mulk Sartez. ‘Imādu-l-Mulk was slain, and his army fled to Daulatābād and sought shelter there, and Malik Jauhar with Khudāwandzāda Qiwāmu-d-Dīn and the other Amīrs not being able to withstand Ḥasan in Daulatābād evacuated those districts and made for Dhārānagar. Ḥasan Kāngū pursued them and came to Daulatābād,^314g and having driven out Isma‘īl Fatḥ assumed the title of ‘Alāu-d-Dīn and usurped the government, and from that time forward the rule of the districts of Daulatābād and the sovereignty of that kingdom remained in his family. The history called Futūḥu-s-Salāṭīn^314h was written in his honour. And Taghī the rebel, after the arrival of the Sulṭān at Gujrāt, ventured a second time to fight with him and was again defeated, and giving himself up to brigandage roamed about from place to place, the Sulṭān however continued to pursue him and followed him wherever he went. And in this expedition the Sulṭān having sent for Malik Fīroz from Dihlī attached him to his Court; and³¹⁵ in this year Malik Gīr the son of Malik Qabūl Khālīfatī, to whom the Sulṭān had delegated the control of all his important affairs, and on whose behalf he had written a letter expressing submis- ^237. sion to the Egyptian Khalīfah, and had sent it by the hand of Hājī Barqa‘ī, died, and Aḥmad Aiyāz, who is also called Khwāja-i-Jahān, and Malik Qabūl Qiwāmu-l-Mulk were carrying on the government in Dihlī. Towards the end of the reign of Muḥam-mad, disaffection and rebellion, mischief and sedition became increasedly evident day by day,^315a so that if he turned his attention to curing one evil, another was not wanting to supply its place,^315b and matters were past all remedy,^315c and the glory^315d of the kingdom, and prosperity^315e of the country was entirely subverted. Tyranny supplanted equity, and infidelity flourished in place of Islām. There were many reasons for this, which by their cooperation led to ruin and dissension, and the decline of the kingdom. These causes are given in detail in the original history^315f the Firozshāhī, and also in the Mubārakshāhī. The results are here given in brief arranged under seven heads. Firstly.—The greater part of the people and inhabitauts of the towns and districts were ruined by the rapine of Tarma Shīrīn, and never again recovered their prosperity. Secondly.—The tribute to be paid by the inhabitants of the Doāb, which district comprises some of the chief towns of Hindustān, was increased from ten per cent. to twenty per cent., besides which there was the numbering of the cattle, and the house-census, and other taxes³¹⁶ over and above these, and^316a in this way the more needy portion of the people left their property and cattle and attached themselves^316b to the richer folk, while the wealthier subjects plotted rebellion and sedition and took to highway robbery, and pillaged the country in all directions^316c so that from all these causes the revenue of the country began to dwindle.^316d Thirdly.—An universal famine, and (consequent) dearness of grain, for it so happened that for seven whole years not a single drop of rain fell from heaven. It should be remembered that this statement has been copied as it stands from the Mubārakshāhī, but I cannot say whether the author of that work has been guilty of exaggeration or if in reality the facts were as ^238. stated.^316e Fourthly.—the desertion of Dihlī, and the population of Daulatābād, because after Dihlī was laid waste they brought people from the towns and other places into that city and populated it, and then again removed them thence to Daulatābād, so that all their hereditary estates and family holdings, and all the property and effects^316f they possessed were wasted and dissipated, so that they never saw anything more of them. Fifthly.—The massacre of the eighty thousand cavalry in a body in the hills of Himāchal, and the consequent desolation of their families. Sixthly.—The daily occurrence of rebellion and mutiny in every place where people were in dread of their lives, some of them fell in battle but the greater number were put to death with their families upon false charges, so that in every way that wretched country was being ruined. Seventhly.—The blood thirstiness of the Sulṭān, and his system of Government of his people, which made Saiyyids, ‘Ulamā, Shaikhs, ragamuffins and scoundrels, artisans,³¹⁷ peasants,^317a and soldiers, all alike in his eyes. Moreover there was constantly in front of his royal pavilion and his Civil Court a mound of dead bodies and a heap of corpses, while the sweepers and executioners were wearied out with their work of dragging (the wretched victims) and putting them to death in crowds. So that^317b the people were never tired of rebelling nor the king of punishing (the rebels).^317c At last the Sulṭān was at his wit's end what to do, but for all this he did not keep his foot out of the stirrup, nor did his sword rest from punishment, but all to no purpose, till the flood of sedition waxed violent, and the nobles of the kingdom by degrees grew^317d feeble, at length disease overcame him, and the Sulṭān was freed from his people and the people from their Sulṭān.

Verse.

Of all the people of the world, although most of them ^239.
Are gone astray, and few of them are in the right path,
Do thou so live that when thou diest thou mayest escape
(punishment),
Not so that when thou diest the people may escape (thy
tyranny).

They relate an extraordinary story of one of the irregular acts of the Sulṭān which was that he kept such strict watch over all matters involving punishment, that he used to keep four Muftīs^317e to whom he allotted quarters in the precincts of his own palace, and used to see that they kept to their appointed places,^317f so that when anyone who was arrested upon any charge, he might in the first place argue with the Muftīs about his due punishment, so far as he was able,³¹⁸ and had said, Be very careful that you do not fail in the slightest degree by defect in speaking that which you consider right, because if any one should be put to death wrongfully and the oversight should have been on your side, the blood of that man will be upon your head. Then if after long discussion they convicted (the prisoner), even though it were midnight^318a he would pass orders for his execution,^318b and if he himself found for conviction ^318c he would refer it to another meeting, and would endeavour to find a means of upsetting their arguments,^318d and would come and make a speech, and when the Muftīs were at a loss for a further argument, he would put (the prisoner) to death on the instant or else release him on the spot.

They say^318e that one day Sulṭān^318f Muḥammad wearing his shoes went on foot into the Court of Justice^318g of Qāẓī Kamālu-d-Dīn Ṣadr-i-Jahān and said, The Shaikhzāda-i-Jāmī has called me a tyrant, send for him that he may substantiate his charge of tyranny against me, or, if he fails, that you may pronounce^318h against him the sentence of such punishment according to law as the case may require. When the Shaikhzāda was summoned he confessed (to having said it) and the Sulṭān enquired (what his grounds were). He replied, every one whom you punish (with death) lawfully or unlawfully, that is your prerogative, but that you should hand over his wife ^240. and children to the executioners as you do, to do what they will with them, in what religion and under what sacred law do you find this? The Sulṭān was silent and rose up from the Court,³¹⁸ⁱ and ordered that the Shaikhzāda should be bound; this order was carried out and he was put into an iron cage; then he had him carried in that very way on the journey to Daulatābād on the back of an elephant. When he returned and arrived at Dihlī, he brought him before the same Court,^318j and bringing him out of the cage gave orders in obedience to which the poor wretch was cut in two in his presence. From this it is clear that the Sulṭān was a mixture of opposites, and^318k for this reason his name has been handed down in tradition, aye and even in some books also as “the Bloody” not as “the Just.” There are many stories bearing upon this which I have heard, but to write or speak of them would lead me too far afield. So “Take example from it ye that are endowed with sight.”³¹⁹ In short^319a after great havoc had been wrought in the affairs of the state by the excessive tyranny and oppression of the Sulṭān, which he however regarded as the essence of justice, and great breaches had been which the wise and learned were powerless to repair,^319b by reason of his various toils and his evil designs, the disease of Phthisis^319c found its way to his constitution; notwithstanding this he set himself to follow up Taghī, and in the hope of exterminating him set out for the kingdom of Thatha where³²⁰ Taghī had fled for safety; and^320a in that expedition Qarghan Nāib of the king of Khurāsān sent Altūn Bahādur with five thousand cavalry to assist the Sulṭān. The Sulṭān's illness was at that time slightly less urgent^320b and when he arrived at Thatha he fasted on the day of the ‘Āshūra,^320c which was in the very middle of the hot season, and after breaking his fast he ate some fish, whereupon his illness returned, and on the twenty-first of Muḥarram in the year 752 H. (1351 A.D.) he took his way to the next world,^320d the duration of his reign having been twenty-seven years.

When the Empire of justice arose with ease, like the sun.
The land of Hindustān came under his sway like that of ^241.
Khurāsān;
A fortress like that of the Haft Khwān³²¹ he built of Haft
Jūsh^321a which in loftiness
Would need the Nasr-i-Ṭāir^321b to fly to its pinnacle inaccessible
as Harumān.^321c
So strong that it registered a vow to last till the Resurrection-
day, but by reason of the vicissitudes of time, it became
destroyed in many places like the web of a spider.
You will find nothing upon the top of its walls but the voice
of the owl.
In its topmost garden you will see nothing by the ill-omened
raven.
It befits the duration and pride of Empire that its condition
should become in accordance with the words “God most
High is far above all that the tyrants of men say of Him.”^321d

And among the celebrated poets of the time of Sulṭān Muḥam-mad is Badar Shāshī^321e who wrote a Shāhnāma in his honour, of some thousand verses^321f and for the very reason that it is a history in poetry it is a valuable acquisition.

Who was the brother's son of Sulṭān Ghīyāṯu-d-Dīn Tughlaq and uncle's son of Sulṭān Muḥammad ‘Ādil, in accordance with the authority appointing him the heir-apparent of Sulṭān Muḥammad ascended the throne of sovereignty and state, by the consent of the chiefs of the Shaikhs and the leading Amīrs and Vazīrs in the aforesaid year, in the vicinity of Thatha. It is said that the Makhdūmzāda-i-‘Abbāsi of Baghdād, and Shaikh Naṣīru-d-Dīn Chirāgh-i-Dihlī may God sanctify their sacred resting places were³²² the cause of the allegiance thus sworn to Sulṭān Fīroz, and it is currently reported that [Makhdūm Shaikh Naṣīru-d-Dīn Chirāgh-i-Dihlī ^242. may God sanctify his resting place]^322a had secretly made Malik Fīroz King during the absence of Sulṭān Muḥammad. Some of the Muftīs informed the Sulṭān of this, and his orders were that those two, master and disciple^322b were to be taken in confinement from Dihlī and brought to the camp. This was carried out,^322c and Malik Fīroz in some way or other gained over the guards, and made his way, just as he was, to the neighbourhood of Hānsī to Shaikh Badru-d-Dīn who was one of the descendants of Shaikh Jamālu-d-Dīn of Hānsī^322d may God sanctify theìr resting-places. That holy man exclaimed “Great God! a man has been made prisoner and taken off to be Sulṭān, and he wots not of it”! When they arrived^322e at the camp of the Sulṭān in the vicinity of Thatha and the tidings of the arrival of these two holy men reached him^322f he gave orders that they were to be put to death the instant of their arrival, and with that he lapsed into a state of intoxication. A son of his had gone on a hunting expedition, accordingly when the guards saw^322g this state of affairs, they liberated the holy Shaikh and the Sulṭān;^322h then Sulṭān Fīroz by the consent of the nobles raised the banner of sovereignty and got the Sulṭān's son out of the way by some crafty scheme, and after that³²³ he had returned to Dihlī he made the pargana of Chaurāsī in the district of Hānsī a present to the monastery and rest house of Shaikh Badru-d-Dīn, whom I have mentioned. This is what I have heard—God alone knows the real truth. They also say that Sulṭān Muḥammad ibn Tughlaq Shāh took the reverend Shaikh under his protection, till one day the Shaikh, may God sanctify his resting-place, tied a knot upon one of the Sulṭān's robes and said “Naṣīru-d-Dīn fastens and God opens” and that very day the Sulṭān died.

Verse.

The only kingdom which sorrows not for the affliction of its
decline,
Hear my words freely spoken, is the kingdom of the darvesh. ^243.

However this may be, the Sulṭān Firoz at the outset of his reign issued this order that the Mughuls who had obtained influence over the soldiery should be brought apart from the camp, and inasmuch as their mutinous conduct had passed all bounds, the Sulṭān himself saw to their safe custody, and punishing these Mughuls effectually put a stop to their interfering with the discipline of the army.

Verse.

Far better than giving a Mughul a hint to plunder
Is it that you should rejoice him with a sight of Paradise.

Then he brought his army in safety into security, and proceeding by way of Sīwistān made for Dihlī by continuous marches, and Aḥmad Aiyāz, styled Khwāja-i-Jahān, who in the absence^323a of the Sulṭān had urged the claims of an obscure child^323b to the throne, and had given him the title of Ghiyāṣu-d-Dīn Maḥmūd Shāh, appointing himself Vakīl, after considerable argument,³²⁴ and much correspondence, by reason of his helplessness and dejection, by the mediation of Ashraful-Mulk and the other nobles and grandees, came with bared head, casting his turban on his neck, to the neighbourhood of Hānsī, and had an interview with the Sulṭān, who washed out the writing of his fault with the water of forgiveness, and made him over to the Kotwāl of Hānsī, and as for the party who had been his companions in this faction and opposition, he dispersed them all in different directions. At Sarsutī tidings arrived of the birth of Shāhzāda Fatḥ Khān,^324a whose son eventually became Tughlaq Shāh, and the news of the death^324b of Taghī Tāghī also reached him there from Gujrāt; and on the second of Rajab in the aforesaid year, he graced the throne of Dihlī by his accession and made a fresh distribution of appointments.

^244. And in the year 753 H. (1352 A.D.) he went to the Sirmūr hills for the purpose of relaxation and sport, and returned thence, and in the month of Rajab of this year Shāhzāda Muḥammad Khān, who eventually obtained the title of Nāṣiru-d-Dīn Muḥammad Shāh, was born.

And in the year 754 H. (1353 A.D.) he returned from Kalānor whither he had gone on a hunting expedition, and built a lofty building on the banks of the river Sarsutī and [gave it to Shaikh Ṣadru-d-Dīn Multānī, may God sanctify his resting place, the Shaikhu-l-Islām] and Malik Qubūl^324c Nāib Vazīr he made Khān-i-Jahān ,^324d and at the close of this year he went to Lakhnautī with the intention of putting down the rebellion of Ḥājī Ilyās who had assumed the title of Shamsu-d-Dīn. He accordingly took refuge in the fort of Ikdāla,^324e which is the strongest of the forts of Bangāla, and after a desultory³²⁵ defence fought for a very short time, and threw his elephants and his material of war, with his servants and retainers to the winds, and all of them fell into the hands of the Sulṭān who, having made peace with him because of the rainy season,^325a retraced his steps.

And in the year 755 H. (1354 A.D.) having crossed by the ford of Manikpūr he arrived at Dihlī and built Fīrozābād^325b on the banks of the Jamna. And in the year 756 H. (1355 A.D.) he went to Dīpālpūr and bringing a canal from the river Satlaj³²⁶ led it as far as the Jahjar which is forty-eight kroh from there.

In the year 757 A.H. (1356 A.D.) he conducted a stream from the river Jamna from the vicinity of Mandūī (Mandilī) and ^245. Sarūr,^326a and having led seven other canals into it took it to Hānsī and thence to Rās³²⁷ where he built a fortress which he called Hiṣār Fīroza, and dug^327a a spacious reservoir beneath the palace which was in that fortress, and filled it with water from the canal; he also led another stream from the canal of the Ghaghar underneath the fortress of Sarsutī, and from thence to Birnī Kheṛa,^327b and in the space between them he built a fortress^327c and named it Fīrozābād.^327d At the end of this year on the occasion of the ‘Īdu-ẓ-Ẓuhā a robe of honour arrived for the Sulṭān from the Khalīfah Al-Hākim bi amrillāhi Abūl Fatḥ Abū Bakr ibn Abil Rabī‘ Suleimān^327e from the Dārul Khilāfat of Egypt, with a patent conferring upon him the whole of Hindustān: and^327f in this same year messengers from Ḥājī Ilyās the ruler of Lakhnautī, having arrived bearing splendid presents and offerings, were distinguished with countless favours and kindnesses, after which they returned, and it was ordered that in return for these presents (handsome) elephants^327g should be sent. The whole of Hindustān was now in possession of Sulṭān Fīroz with the exception of Lakhnautī which was held by Ḥajī Ilyās,^327h who had come to terms with the Sulṭān,³²⁷ⁱ and with the exception also of the Deccan, which, after the death of Sulṭān Muḥammad, had come into the possession of Ḥasan Kāngū.

And in the year 759 H. (1358 A.D.) having gone to Samāna, he appointed Malik Qabūl Sarbardadār³²⁸ to proceed against^328a the Mughuls who had arrived on the frontier of Dīpālpūr. The Mughuls upon hearing particulars of the Sulṭān's army turned back ^246. and went to their own country, and the Sulṭān returned to Dihlī;^328b and in this year the Sulṭān despatched some Arabian horses and foreign fruits^328c with all kinds of choice presents by the hands of the messengers of Sulṭān Shamsu-d-Dīn of Lakhnautī who had arrived at his Court bearing many presents,^328d and at Bihār they heard that the Sulṭān Shamsu-d-Dīn had died, and Sulṭān Sikandar his son had ascended the throne in the room of his father, so they sent the horses in accordance with orders to the Court at Bihār and conducted the messengers back to Kaṛṛa.

^328e And in the year 760 H., the Sulṭān having formed the design of attacking Lakhnautī with a vast army, left Khān-i-Jahān in Dehli, and after deputing Tātār Khān, that is to say Malik Tātār, to proceed from Ghaznīn to Multān, set out and passed the rainy season in Ẓafarābād, and at this place, Ā‘ẓam Malik Shaikhzāda-i-Busṭāmī ^328f who had become intimate during his absence with Malik Aḥmad Aiyāz, and by the orders of the Sulṭān had been banished, brought from the Dārul Khilāfat of Egypt a robe of honour for the Sulṭān and received the title of A‘ẓam Khān. Saiyyid Rusūldār was sent with the messengers of Lakhnautī^328g to the Sulṭān Sikan-dar at Lakhnautī, and Sikandar despatched five fine elephants with other costly presents and offerings to the Court. The Sulṭān when the rains were over leaving Ẓafarābād shaped his course for Lakhnautī, and while on the way set apart the requirements of kingship, and elephants and a store of rubies which at that time were held in great estimation, for the Shābzāda Fatḥ Khān, they ^247. also struck coins in his name. When they arrived at the confines of Panḍūah, Sulṭān Sikandar shut himself up in the castle of Ikdāla³²⁹ whither his father had been in the habit of going for refuge, and after the Sulṭān had laid siege to that fortress Sulṭān Sikandar asked for quarter, and sent thirty-seven elephants with other costly presents as his humble service.

And in the year 761 H. (1359-60 A.D.) the Sulṭān proceeded by continuous marches by way of Pauḍūah^329a to Jaunpūr where he spent the rains, and at the close of this year he marched with a lightly equipped force^329b by way of Behār towards Jājnagar, and sent his elephants and baggage to Kaṛṛa, and by uninterrupted marches arrived at Satgaṛh^329c the Rāi of which place^329d withdrew, and thence he came to Bārānasī^329e which was the abode of the Chief Rāi, and crossed the river Mahandūrī,^329f and the Rāi of Bārānasī having taken to flight made with all haste for Tilang. The Sulṭān pursued him part of the way turned back to hunt,^329g and arrived at the country of Rāi Parīhān Dev^329h who sent a present of thirty-two ³²⁹ⁱ elephants and other costly offerings. From thence the Sulṭān coming to Padmāwatī and Param Talāo^329j which was the haunt of elephants of enormous size, engaged in hunting them and killed two [and they took the other three alive]^329k and Malik Ẓīau-l-Mulk^329l wrote a quatrain upon this:

Verse.

The Shāh who of right³³⁰ assumed a lasting kingdom
Seized the ends of the earth like the glorious Sun
To hunt elephants he came to Jājnagar,
Two he killed and thirty-three^330a he took alive.

And thence by way of Kaṛṛa he returned with all possible haste.^330b

^248. And in the year 762 H. (1360-61 A.D.) victorious and triumphant he came to Dehli, and after a short time he gave orders for an expedition to the river Salīma,^330c which is a river issuing from a large mound of sand and falling into the river Sutlej which they also call Satlaz.^330d The Salīma is also called the Sarsuti,^330e and this river consists of two large streams which are always flowing, and situated between these two streams there is a high mound or dyke, and if this were dug through the water of the Sarsuti would flow into this stream, and it flows through Sihrind and Mansūrpūr and Sāmāna.^330f

The Sulṭān gave orders for fifty thousand men with spades to be collected and to occupy themselves in digging through that barrier. Out of it they obtained many bones of elephants and human beings. Every bone belonging to the arm of a man was three gaz^330g (in length). They were partly converted into stone and had partly remained bone, just as they were. That stream however could not be diverted,³³¹ and^331a in the meantime he made Sihrind and for ten krohs beyond into one district, which he put under the control of Ẓīāul Mulk Shamsu-d-Dīn Abū Rijā, and ordered them to build a fort there and called it Fīrūzpūr which is in fact Sihrind,^331b and the Sulṭān from thence, went to Nagarkoṭ whose Rājā after a siege and some fighting came in and submitted and met with royal treatment.^331c The Sulṭān gave to Nagarkoṭ the name of Muḥammadābād after the deceased Sulṭān Muḥam-mad; and when they brought the Sulṭān ice on that mountain fort he said,^331d “when Sulṭān Muḥammad, who is now dead and whom I regarded as a god, arrived in this place they brought him a sharbat mixed with ice, but he had^331e no inclination for that beverage because I was not with him.” Accordingly they made an iced sharbat with several elephant and camel loads of cane-sugar which was carried with Sulṭān Fīrūz, and he ordered them to read the whole of the Qur'ān for the soul of Sulṭān Maḥammad and distribute the sharbat among the entire army. Under these cir- ^249. cumstances they informed the Sulṭān^331f that from the time when Sulṭān Sikandar Zūl Qarnain arrived at this place the people of that city have preserved an image of Noshāba^331g and keep it in a room, where they worship it. There are one thousand three hundred books of the Brahmans of olden time in that idol temple which is commonly known as Jawālamukhī;^331h a flame of fire rises from it towards heaven and is not to be extinguished, No, not by thousands of mashks³³¹ⁱ of water. The Sulṭān having summoned the Brahmans, ordered some of his translators to translate some of those books³³² into Persian. Among those translators ‘Izzu-d-Dīn Khālid Khānī,^332a who was one of the poets and mūnshīs of the time of Fīrūz wrote in verse a translation of a book on the risings and settings of the seven planets, and their good and evil import, and of auguries and omens. Its name is called up to the present day^332b Dalāil-i-Fīrūzī, and the author of this Muntakhab read it in Lāhor in the year 1000 H. (1591-92 A.D.) from beginning to end. It is moderately good, neither free from beauties nor defects; and I saw some other books before that also which were translated in the name of Sulṭān Fīrūz, some of them on the Science of “Pingal”^332c that is to say on Music, and the kinds of Akhāra^332d which they call Pātur bāzī, and some on other subjects. I found most of them to be profitless, and their paucity of interest is for the most part due to the triviality of their subject matter, and the difficulty of explaining it, as is evident.

The Sulṭān leaving there proceeded to Thatha, and the Jām,^332e by which title the ruler of Thatha is called, entrenched himself so that the Sulṭān was induced by the vehemence of the rainy season, and the amount of water which was out, as well as by the dearness of grain, to abandon the siege and make with all haste for Gujrāt,³³³ which country he placed under the control of Ẓafar Khān; then having deposed Niẓāmu-l Mulk^333a and appointed him Nāib Wazīr of Dihlī, he returned to Thatha; and on this occasion the Jām asking for quarter^333b had an interview with the Sulṭān, and with all the Zamīndārs accompanied him to Dihlī, and from there took ^250. his leave after being kindly treated and confirmed on his former footing as ruler of Thatha.^333c In the year 772 H. (1370 A.D.) Khān-i-jahān the Vazīr, died, and his son Jūnā Shāh obtained that title;^333d and the book Chandāban^333e which is a Maṯnavī in the Hindī language relating the loves of Lūrak and Chāndā, a lover and his mistress, a very graphic work, was put into verse in his honour by Maulānā Dā'ūd. There is no need for me to praise it because of its great fame in that country, and Makhdūm Shaikh^333f Taqīu-d-Dīn Wāiẓ Rabbānī used to read some occasional poems of his from the pulpit,^333g and the people used to be strangely influenced by hearing them, and^333h when certain learned men of that time asked the Shaikh³³³ⁱ saying, what is the reason for this Hindī Maṯnavī being selected? he answered, the whole of it is divine truth and pleasing in subject, worthy of the ecstatic contemplation of devout lovers, and conformable to the interpretation of some of the Āyats of the Qur‘ān, and the sweet singers of Hindūstān. Moreover by its public recitation human hearts are taken captive.

In the year 773 H. (1371-72 A.D.) Ẓafar Khān died and the control of that province was confirmed to his son.^333j

Then in the year 776 H. (1374-75 A.D.) an event distressing to the people (death) happened to Fatḥ Khān; and in this year Shamsu-d-Dīn Dāmaghāni having obtained the yellow girdle and the Chanḍol of silver, that is to say, the palanquin of honour, was appointed governor of Gujrāt in place of Ẓafar Khān; and since he had boasted when accepting the post on his departure, that he would send to the Court every year a hundred splendid elephants, two hundred Arab horses, and four hundred slaves, Muqaddam-zādas ³³⁴ and Abyssinians, together with valuables and money, when ^251. he found that he could not perform his promises he was compelled to rebel.

And in the year 778 H. (1376-77 A.D.) the Amīrs of hundreds^334a of Gujrāt put him to death and sent his head to the Court; thus that rebellion was quelled, and thereafter Gujrāt was put under the control of Farḥatu-l-Mulk, otherwise known as Malik Mufarriḥ Sulṭānī.^334b

And in the year 779 H. (1377-78 A.D.) he marched towards Itāwa and Akchak^334c and having sent the Rāis of these districts with their families to Dihlī, built many fortresses on these frontiers; then having left Fīrozpūr and Batlāhī,^334d in charge of the son of Malik Tāju-d-Dīn, and having given Akchak to Malik Afghān returned to Dihlī. In this year also Malik Niẓāmu-d-Dīn the ruler of Oudh, who was in attendance on the Sulṭān, died, and the governorship of that province devolved upon Malik Ṣaifu-d-Dīn his eldest son.

In the year 781 H. (1379 A.D.) having gone^334e to Sāmāna and passing through Shāhābād and Ambāla, he came to the country at the foot of Sintūr hills,^334f and receiving many presents from the Rāis and Governors and Commissioners, arrived at the capital and summoning Maliku-sh-Sharq Marwān-i-Daulat, who held the title of Nuṣrat Khān,³³⁵ from the district of Karra and Mahoba, appointed him to the Multān district,^335a with a view to close the door to Mughul intrigues: he then confirmed Karra and^335b Mahoba together with all their dependencies upon the son of Maliku-sh-Sharq^335c Suleimān the son of Malik Marwān, whose adopted son was Saiyyid Khizr Khān, the grandfather of Sulṭān ‘Alāu-d-Dīn Badāonī who eventually succeeded to the kingdom of Dihli.

And in the year 782 H. (1380 A.D) he raised the standard for an expedition with the intention of taking vengeance on the Khūkhar Rāi Chief of Kaithar,^335d who had invited and put to death by ^252. treachery both Saiyyid Muḥammad and Saiyyid ‘Alāu-d-Dīn his brother,^335e who were Governors of Badāon. The rebellious Khūkhar^335f fled towards the hills of Kumāon, accordingly after laying waste and plundering the whole of his country, he left Malik Khiṭāb the Afghān in the country of Sambhal^335g to deal with the rebellion of Khūkhar, and turned back after having made over Badāon to Malik Qabūl; Qabūlpūra which at present is a quarter of Badāon lying outside the fort is called after his name; also he used to come every year for the purpose of sport and lay utterly waste the Kaithal^335h country.

And in the year 787 H. he built a fortified town in a place called Babūlī³³⁵ⁱ which is seven krohs from Badāon and is better known as Mawās,³³⁶ and gave it the name^336a of Fīrūzpūr, and since in later times no other building was ever erected by the Sulṭān it became commonly known as Ākhirīnpūr.^336b Now-a-days although not a trace of that building remains, still from the old bricks and the foundations and general lie of that high ground it is evident that once upon a time there was a building on that site.^336c The age of the Sulṭān was now nearly ninety years, and how truly had these verses come to pass—

When thou reachest eighty or ninety years
Great is the vexation thou reapest from the world;
And going further when thou reachest the hundredth stage
Death will then be to thee a form of life.

Khān-i-Jahān^336d the Vazīr who had obtained great influence in the affairs of the state, and was in a position to overthrow those who opposed his schemes of self-aggrandisement, at a hint from the Sulṭān destroyed one party and put to death another, and making ^253. accusations of conspiracy against Shāhzāda Muḥammad Khān and some of the other Maliks who were hand in glove with him, by this means turned the Sulṭān against him, and gave him a fixed idea^336e that this confederacy had for their object to raise the Shāhzāda to the throne; accordingly the Sulṭān set his heart upon the defeat and extinction of those Amīrs. The Shāhzāda, however, after that he had been in terror for some days and had omitted to pay his respects to the Sulṭān, one day in private^336f came into the Sulṭān's presence and loyally told him the whole truth, and informed him also of the treacherous designs of Khān-i-Jahān, so that the tables were turned.^336g Obtaining carte blanche from the Sulṭān to defeat and exterminate Khān-i-Jahān, and having brought over to his side³³⁷ the Fīrūzī Amīrs and the mass of the people, in the month of Rajab 789 H. (1387 A.D.) he started with a strong force to attack Khān-i-Jahān, and having wounded him plundered his house and family. Khān-i-Jahān fled^337a with a few followers towards Mīwāt, and took refuge there with one Kūkā a Zamīndār;^337b and the Shāhzāda destroyed certain of the Amīrs who had been well-disposed to Khān-i-Jahān. Subsequently to this the Shāh-zāda became Vazīr with full uncontrolled powers, and the Sulṭān having given him all the apparatus of royalty, elephants and horses, servants and insignia, and conferring upon him the title of Nāṣiru-d-Dīn wa-ud Dunyā Muḥammad Shāh, in the month of Sha‘bān of the above mentioned year raised him to the throne, and betook himself to devotion and worship of the Most High, so that in the Friday Khuṭbah the names of both kings used to be mentioned;^337c Sulṭān Muḥammad ordered upon a new scale the appointments and salaries of the Amīrs, and confirmed the distribution of districts, and having given Malik Ya‘qūb the title^337d of Sikandar Khān appointed him to attack Khān-i-Jahān in Mīwāt; Kūkā Chūhān a Zamīndār of Mīwāt^337e bound Khān-i-Jahān and sent him to Sikandar Khān, who put him to death,^337f and having sent ^254. his head as a present to the Court of Muḥammad Shāh set out^337g for Gujrat.

And in the year 790 H. (1388 A.D.) Muḥammad Shāh arrived on a hunting expedition at the Sirmūr hills, and Malik Mufarriḥ who was in Gujrāt, in unison with the Amīrs of hundreds put Sikandar Khān to death, and the whole of his army being utterly despoiled came with the Sipahsālār to Dihlī; Muḥammad Shāh, returning from the hill country, with the great carelessness which charac-terises youth took no thought for avenging Sikandar Khān, but spent his time in enjoyment and luxury, so that the affairs of the kingdom fell into great disorder; and the Sulṭān's soldiery by reason of their enmity and jealousy against Samāu-d-Dīn and Kamālu-d-Dīn, who were the protégés of Muḥammad Shāh, set themselves up in opposition to them, and assembled in a spacious plain, and stoned and wounded Malik Ẓahīru-d-Dīn Lāhorī whom the Shāhzāda had sent to admonish them. He came in that state before Muḥammad Shāh and informed him of what had happened, whereupon the Shāhzāda having collected forces set out to do battle with that party. The army of the Shāhzāda was victorious at first, and bore back the army of the Sulṭān, so that they took refuge with the Sulṭān Fīrūz. The battle raged fiercely for two days and when the Sulṭān's body servants found themselves in straits, they bore the Sulṭān, who was little more than a puppet, to the field of battle and displayed him there, and when the troops of Muḥammad Shāh and his elephant drivers set eyes upon Sulṭān Fīrūz they left fighting and came over to the Sulṭān. Muḥammad Shāh with the small following which remained to him, went towards the Sirmūr hills, and the army of the Sulṭān, which was near a hundred thousand cavalry and infantry, fell upon the camp of Muḥammad Shāh, and entering his private apartments sacked them and swept them away. The Sulṭān at the instigation of some interested persons, unwillingly deposed Muḥammad Shāh ^255. from his position as heir apparent, and conferring upon Tughlaq Khān³³⁸ the son of Fatḥ Khān, his grandson, the title of Tughlaq Shāh raised him to the position of heir-apparent. Tughlaq Shāh beheaded Mīr Ḥasan the son-in-law of the Sulṭān, who was a special favourite of Muḥammad Shāh, and having exiled Ghālib Khān the governor of Sāmāna, sent him to the country of Bihār. On the sixteenth of Ramaẓān in the year 790 H. Sulṭān Fīrūz attained deliverance from the tortures of existence, and hastened to the world of permanence, and was buried on the borders of the Hauẓ-i-Khāṣṣ, over his tomb a lofty dome was erected which is well-known. They devised two chronograms for the date of his death Wafāt-i-Fīrūz and Naql-i-Fīrūz Shāh, the second of these is deficient by one unit.³³⁹ The duration of his reign was thirty-eight years and some months.^339a

All good fortune is till death and no longer,
In the dust one man is no better than another.
When a drop is thrown into the river
It cannot again be recognized.
The nature of the Heavens is to overthrow,
It is of no use to oppose the decree of Fate.
Who knows with the blood of what hearts
This stirred up dust has been mixed!
Every road, if the wise man is not blinded,
Is the hide of the elk, and shagreen from the wild ass.^339b

Among the poets of the reign of Fīrūz Shāh and his boon-companions, is Malik Aḥmad, the son of Amīr Khusrū, may God have ^256. mercy upon him, and although there is no famous anthology of his, still there are some imitations of the writings of the earlier poets which are entered in the writings of some of the learned men; and are well-known. Among them is an imitation of this poem of Ẓahīr^339c

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^339d◌

Hail! thou whose cap of empire snatched in its exaltation the
cap of empire of the heaven, by craftiness.

And it is said that in the first hemistich we should read

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Hail to thee! the blow of whose wrath, in thy supreme power