History of India, as Told by its own Historians: The Muhammadan Period - The History of India, Volume 5

[THIS is the last work of the historian Khondamír. It records an event in Zí-l ka'da at the end of 940 H., and the writer died in the following year 941 (1534-5 A.D.).¹¹⁶ The book seems to have received little notice, and remains almost unknown. It is in all probability the same as the Kánún-i Humáyúní quoted by Abú-l Fazl in the Akbar-náma. It shows that Khondamír had become quite a courtier in his old age, and had abandoned the studies of the historian to become a royal panegryist. His work also shows that he was high in favour at Court, and he gives specimens of odes and verses which he composed on occasions of royal festivity. He records how various attendants of the Court received titles of honour descriptive of their characters, and that which he received was Amír-i Akhbár, “the noble historian.” Notwithstanding the high-flown strain of eulogy in which the work is written, it contains some points of interest, and a few Extracts follow.

Sir H. Elliot did not procure a copy of the MS., and the Editor has had no copy to consult. The Extracts which follow have been selected from what appears to be a complete translation made by Sir H. Elliot's private munshí from a manuscript in the possession of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.]

When this humble and insignificant slave, Ghiyásu-d dín, son of Humámu-d dín, alias Khondamír,—may God facilitate all difficulties to him!—obtained the honour of meeting this great king, and the rays of royal kindness shone on the surface of his hopes and circumstances, he conceived the desire and entertained the idea in his mind that he would describe, as a memorial for future days, some of the works and inventions of this monarch; because the histories of kings, by means of the black water of ink, which has the effect of the water of life, are immortalized, and the great names and writings of clever authors, by virtue of their praises of celebrated kings, are stamped on the page of time. For instance, the excellencies of Mahmúd were described by 'Utbí and 'Unsurí, and the poems of Mu'izzí and Anwarí celebrated the character of Sanjar.

“Who would remember Hakím Anwarí,
Had he not spoken about Sanjar and his works?
Because 'Utbí conferred praises on Mahmúd,
Therefore he obtained the object of his desire.
Sharaf was celebrated in the world,
Because he wrote the eulogy of Tímúr Gúrgán.”

Although the compiler of this book, on account of his having little knowledge and possessing no ability, withheld his tongue from commencing the history of this renowned monarch's exploits and deeds, and did not allow the pen which possessed two tongues to describe the character of this most prosperous king, yet he always entertained that desire in his faithful heart, and the intention never forsook his mind. One night which was full of light, this insignificant man (the author), having obtained the honour of being present in His Majesty's Court at Gwálior, was ordered to sit down, and the fingers of the generosity of that sun of the heaven of glory opened the gates of kindness to him, and the tongue of that king of kings, who was as dignified as Alexander the Great, pronounced these pleasing words: “It seems proper and desirable that the inventions of my auspicious mind, and the improvements of my enlightened understanding, should be arranged in a series, and written down, in order that in future ages the light of these happy works may shine among the people of countries near and remote.” Consequently the writer, who was wishing for a long time that such an order might pass, engaged, like his pen, in writing these very interesting subjects; and having commenced to mention the wonderful inventions, he has imparted eloquence to the pen which possesses two tongues. He hopes that through the favour of the Almighty God, these pages, which contain useful things, will meet the approbation of the most clever characters of the high Court, and that they will view these lines of the book of eloquence with the eye of acceptance, and overlook the mistakes which may have been committed therein by the deficient tongue of the pen.

Accession of Humáyún.

In the beginning of Jumáda-l awwal, A.H. 937, when the King, who was as dignified as Sulaimán, whose seat is now in Paradise, viz. Zahíru-d dín Muhammad Bábar, left the throne of this world for the eternal heaven, the celestial herald of the Supreme Lord raised the pleasing cry, “We made you king on the earth,” to the ears of this rightful prince, and the hand of the kindness of the Creator of souls and substances put the happy robe of royalty on the person of this able monarch, the Conqueror of the World.

“The hope which was excited by prosperity is now realized;
The desire which the world entertained is satisfied.”

On Friday, the 9th of the said month, in the Jama' masjid at Ágra, the khutba was read in the name and title of this noble king, and the noise of congratulations which arose from the crowd of the people reached beyond the heavens.

Auspicious Omens.

Among the other wonderful accidents which happened to the great Nawáb, one was that in the year in which the late king, who was as dignified as Sulaimán and destined to enter paradise, marched with prosperity from Kábul towards Kandahár, he left this sun of the heaven of royalty and power (Humáyún) in trust of the government duties. One day the latter rode on his horse, and went to ramble about in the forest, hills, gardens, and meadows. On the road he wished to take an omen, and having called the great Mauláná, Masíhu-d dín Rúhu-lla, who was his tutor, he told him it had just entered his mind that he should ask any three persons who might first come before him their names, and take an omen from them. The Mauláná said it would be proper if he asked only one man's name; but the King was firm in his resolution. After they had gone a little distance, they saw a man about forty years of age; and on their asking him his name, he replied, “Murád Khwája.” After him another person, driving an ass loaded with wood, came before them; and when they inquired of him for his name, he said, “Daulat Khwája.” On this it passed from the secret-telling tongue of the King that if the name of the third person who might happen to meet them should be Sa'ádat Khwája, it might be considered a very curious accident; and the star of success, according to the omen, would rise from the horizon of prosperity. At this moment a boy, who was leading cattle to graze, came in sight; and when they asked him what was his name, he answered, “Sa'ádat Khwája.” This excited, of course, great wonder and surprise in all the people who accompanied the King, and they were all sure that this prosperous prince would soon, by the Divine assistance, attain the highest pitch of fortune and glory; and the hand of the favour of God would open to him the gates of success in all his sacred and worldly hopes.

Classification of the People.

When the auspicious throne of royalty was filled by this dignified and brave monarch, all the officers of the State and inhabitants of the kingdom were divided into three classes. The brothers and relations of the King, the nobles and ministers, as well as the military men, were called Ahl-i Daulat (officers of the State), because it is evident that—according to the words, “There can be no dominion without men”—no degree of wealth and prosperity can be attained without the assistance of this class of brave and courageous people; and no one can obtain the throne and power without the aid of warriors and heroes.

“Kings, with the assistance of their army,
Place their feet upon the throne of empires.
He alone can obtain wealth and rank
Who is assisted by his army.”

The holy persons, the great mushaikhs (religious men), the respectable saiyids, the literati, the law officers, the scientific persons, poets, besides other great and respectable men, formed the second class, and were denominated Ahl-i Sa'ádat (good men), because to observe, honour, and regard these people, and to associate with such men, secures eternal prosperity, and enables men to rise to high dignities and ranks.

“Virtue is the gift of God:
It is not in the power of the mighty man to obtain it.
If you wish to obtain fortune,
You must associate with virtuous men.”

Those who possessed beauty and elegance, those who were young and most lovely, also clever musicians and sweet singers, composed the third class, and the appellation of Ahl-i Murád (people of pleasure) was conferred on them, because most people take great delight in the company of such young-looking men, of rosy cheeks and sweet voices, and are pleased by hearing their songs, and the pleasing sound of the musical instruments, such as the harp, the sackbut, and the lute.

“The hope of the heart of lovers
Is never realized but when they meet persons whose
cheeks are rosy.
He who is fond of hearing songs and music
Has the gates of happiness opened for himself.”

Apportionment of Time.

According to this classification, the wise King also divided the days of the week, and appointed one day for each of these three classes. Thus, Saturdays and Thursdays were fixed for pious men, and visits were received on these days from literary and religious persons. On these two days the tree of the hope of this estimable body of the people produced the fruit of prosperity by their obtaining audience in the paradise-resembling Court. The reason why these two days were appointed for this class was, that Saturday is ascribed to Saturn, who is the protector of good and religious men and persons of old respectable families; and Thursday is appropriated to Jupiter, who is the preserver of the saiyids, the learned men, and the strict followers of the Muhammadan law. Sundays and Tuesdays were fixed for the State officers; and all the government business and duties connected with the management of the country were discharged on these days. The King, the destroyer of enemies, sat in the public court, and consequently all the nobles and plebeians were able to obtain the honour of seeing him. The advantage in appointing these two days for opening the Court, and attending to the State affairs was, that Sunday belongs to the Sun, to whom, according to the will of God, is attached the fates of all rulers and kings; and Tuesday is the day of Mars, who is the patron of warriors and brave men. Hence it is evident that to adorn the throne of sovereignty in the public court-hall by his royal sessions on these two days, and to devote himself to the discharge of the government duties, was very proper. Amongst the other customs which were introduced by this just and generous King, and were observed on the days of the sessions, one was, that when he adorned the throne of royalty by sitting on it, drums were beaten, to inform the people, who, immediately on hearing their noise, came to see him; and when he left the Court, the gunners fired guns to let the people know that they might retire. Also on those days the keeper of the wardrobe used to bring some suits of fine apparel, and the treasurer several purses of money, and they placed them in the Court in order that rewards and robes might be given to any one from them, and no delay should take place. Also that several persons who resembled Bahrám, having put on coats of mail, and taken blood-drinking swords in their hands, stood before the throne to seize and punish those who might be proved guilty. Mondays and Wednesdays were allotted for pleasure parties, and on these days some of the old companions and chosen friends were convened, and a band of musicians and singers was called, and they were all satisfied in their wishes. The cause of appointing these days for this purpose was, that Monday is the day of the Moon, and Wednesday of Mercury; and it was therefore reasonable that on these days he should keep company with young men beautiful as the moon, and hear sweet songs and delightful music. On Fridays, as the name (juma') imports, he called together all the assemblies, and sat with them as long as he found leisure from his other duties.

Symbols of Office.

Another invention of this King was, that he got three arrows of gold made, and called them each after the name of the three classes above mentioned. Each of these was given to one of the most confidential persons of the respective classes, and this person was to manage all the affairs of that class. As long as the man who was entrusted with the arrow conducted the duties attached to him with such care as to insure the pleasure of God and satisfaction of the King, he was maintained in the trust. But when he was intoxicated by the effect of the wine of arrogance and pride, or when his foresight was obscured by the dimness of negligence, and he did not look after his business, but through his misfortune thought only of collecting riches, then the arrow of his wishes failed to hit the point of success, and he was ordered to be removed from office by the pen of destiny for his insolent deeds. * * *

Gradations of Rank.

Among the customs introduced by this King, one was, that of the distribution of arrows, by means of which the distinction of ranks and stations among servants of the throne was marked. The pen of eloquence thus writes a full detail of this particular head. According to the different standards of gold, the ranks of all the people composing the three classes were divided into twelve orders or arrows, and every one received a grade and rank suitable to himself. The twelfth arrow, which was made of the purest gold, was put in the auspicious quiver of this powerful King, and nobody could dare to touch it. The eleventh arrow belonged to His Majesty's relations and brethren, and all the Sultáns who were in the government employ. Tenth, to the great mushaikhs, saiyids, and the learned and religious men. Ninth, to the great nobles. Eighth, to the courtiers and some of the King's personal attendants. Seventh, to the attendants in general. Sixth, to the harems and to the well-behaved female attendants. Fifth, to young maid-servants. Fourth, to the treasurers and stewards. Third, to the soldiers. Second, to the menial servants. First, to the palace guards, camel-drivers, and the like. Each of these arrows or orders had three grades; the highest, the middle, and the lowest.

Government Departments.

Another of the arrangements of this King was, that he divided all the affairs of government into four departments, after the number of the four elements, viz. the A'tashí, Hawáí, A'bí, and Khákí; and for conducting the business of these departments he appointed four ministers. The department to which belonged the artillery and the making of arms, weapons of war, and various sorts of engines and other such things in which assistance was taken from fire, was called A'tashí; and the superintendence of this department was placed under Khwája 'Amídu-l Mulk, and the fire of his care inflamed the ovens of the hearts of those who were employed on these works. The duties connected with the wardrobe, kitchen, stable, and other great and important offices belonged to the Hawáí department, and the care of them was entrusted to Khwája Lutf-ulla. The Sharbat-khána, Sújí-khána, the digging of canals, and all the works which related to water and rivers, were comprised in the A'bí department, and its superintendent was Khwája Hasan. Agriculture, erection of buildings, resumption of Khálisa lands, and some household affairs formed a department which was called Khákí, and this was placed under the management of Khwája Jalálu-d dín Mirzá Beg. Formerly one of the nobles was ordered to look after each department. For instance, Amír Násir Kulí supervised the fire department, and he always used to put on red clothes. After his death, the cypress of the garden of dignity and grandeur, Mír Nihál, was appointed to the same duty. But in the days when the compiler wrote these pages, the supervision of all the four departments was entrusted to the care of the best of nobles, the most learned man, Amír Wais Muhammad.

Building of Dínpanáh.

Another great work of this just and generous King was the city of Dínpanáh, which was really the asylum of religious men. The musk-resembling pen perfumes the minds of good people by writing an account of its foundation. In the month of Sha'bán, A.H. 939 (1533 A.D.), when the fort of Gwálior was made the object of envy to the high revolving heavens by the royal presence, the great King one night sat there on the Imperial throne, and having ordered all his great courtiers and learned companions to sit down, conversed with them on various topics. In this discourse he poured from his tongue the secrets of the pearls of these words, that long time since it was his intention to found near the capital of Dehlí a large city, the ramparts of which from their loftiness might open the tongue of reproach and scorn at Khawarnak and Sawír, the palaces of Bahrám, and that the keeper of its bastions might claim equality with Saturn. Also that in this city a magnificent palace of seven storeys should be erected, surrounded by delightful gardens and orchards, of such elegance and beauty, that its fame might draw people from the remotest corners of the world for its inspection. That the city should be the asylum of wise and intelligent persons, and be called Dínpanáh. Those who were present in the assembly which resembled paradise, opened their tongues in approbation and applause of such a scheme. At the same time, it was discovered by the most witty and clever Mauláná Shahábu-d dín Ahmad Mu'ammáí, that the numerical value of the words Shahr-i pádsháh Dínpanáh was 940, and he said that if the city were built in that year it would be a very remarkable fact. The same moment these words were brought to the notice of the King, who, as well as all the officers of the high Court, was greatly struck with them. All persons that were present at the time began to sing with their tongues the following stanza before His Majesty, who understood the excellencies of poetry well:

“The picture which your imagination draws on your mind,
Nothing contrary to it is done by the hand of destiny.
What your understanding writes on a leaf
Agrees with the book of the Will of God.”

In short, the King accordingly fixed the resolution in his enlightened mind. After, under the protection of the Almighty God, he had returned from Gwálior to Ágra, he turned the reins of his world-travelling horse, in the beginning of the month of Zí-l hijja, A.H. 939, towards the city of Dehlí. When he had reached the city, which was as beautiful as heaven, safe under the care of God from all evils, and had taken omens and religious advice, a rising ground adjacent to the banks of the stream of Jumna, about three kos from the city, was selected for the foundation of the city of Dínpanáh.

In the middle of the month of the sacred Muharram, A.H. 940, at an hour which was prescribed by the most clever astrologers and the greatest astronomers, all the great mushaikhs (religious men) the respectable saiyids, the learned persons, and all the elders of the city of Dehlí, accompanied the King, who was as generous as the ocean, to the spot, prayed the Almighty God to finish the happy foundation of that city, and to strengthen the basis of the King's wealth. First, His Majesty with his holy hand put a brick on the earth, and then each person from that concourse of great men placed a stone on the ground, and they all made such a crowd there that the army, people, and the artists, masons, and labourers found no room or time to carry stones and mud to the spot. On the same date work was also commenced in the King's own palace.

At this time, i.e. the latter part of the month of Shawwál of the same year, the walls, bastions, ramparts, and the gates of the city of Dínpanáh are nearly finished.

[THE writer of this valuable work was the son of Muhammad Husain Mirzá, who was the eldest son of Haidar Mirzá Doghlat, Amír of Káshghar. Muhammad Husain married the younger sister of the Emperor Bábar's mother. So our author, Haidar Mirzá, was first cousin of Bábar, and he seems to have inherited from his mother no small share of that ability and vigour which distinguished his more eminent relative. His father, Muhammad Husain, was put to death at Hirát in 914 (1508 A.D.), under the orders of Shaibání Khán. Haidar Mirzá himself was also doomed, but he was concealed and saved. In the following year Bábar sent for him to Kábul, and there received him with considerate and generous affection, of which the Mirzá speaks in the warmest terms of gratitude. “It was a sad day,” says he, “that deprived me of my father; but, through the unremitting kindness of the Emperor, I never felt the loss. * * During the whole time of my stay with him, he always conducted himself towards me with parental observance and affection.”

Haidar Mirzá was as bold and adventurous as Bábar himself, and played a notable part in widely distant places. He was actively engaged as a military leader in Badakhshán and Káshghar, and seems to have there given proofs of eminent military talents. Nor was he at all deficient in that literary ability which distinguished his cousin. He saw much, and he observed and recorded what passed under his own eyes, and what he learnt from diligent inquiry. “The Táríkh-i Rashídí,” says Mr. Erskine,¹²⁸ well deserves to be published in the original or translated. It is the production of a learned and accomplished man; and, in the two latter parts, of a contemporary, intimately acquainted with the men and events he describes.”

“The history of the Kháns of the Mughals, and of the Amírs of Káshghar, subsequent to Tímúr Tughlik Khán, forms the proper subject of the first two books. These details are the more valuable as the succession of the Mughal Kháns and of the Amírs of Káshghar from that period is not contained in any other work with which I am acquainted.” In the writer's own time, “Central Asia was in a transition state, which ended in the settlement of the Uzbeks in Transoxiana, of the Kirghiz confederacy in Mughalistán, and of the Chaghatáí Turks in India. The minute details which the author gives of his own sufferings, and of the sufferings of his nearest relations, during the period that followed the ascendancy of Shaibání Khán in Máwaráu-n nahr and Khurásán, of their escapes, adventures, successes, and discomfitures, let us more into the condition of the country and feelings of the inhabitants of these states and of Káshghar at that crisis, than perhaps any other monument extant. A portion of the last book relates to the history of Kashmír and Hindústán, and the whole work is interspersed with geographical accounts of countries, especially to the east of Máwaráu-n nahr, little known in Europe. The rise and fall of several tribes, or associations of tribes, in the desert, are recorded with much clearness and a perfect acquaintance with their external and internal policy. It would form a most valuable accompaniment to the Commentaries of Bábar, which it illustrates in every page. The two royal cousins are worthy of each other, and do honour to their age.”

Haidar Mirzá's notices of India are fragmentary, and are confined to what passed under his own observation; but they give a vivid picture of the disorder and incapacity which marked the early reign of Humáyún, and were the causes of his downfall. In the course of his adventurous life Haidar Mirzá had served in Kashmír, and while he was acting as governor of Lahore on behalf of Prince Kámrán, a number of malcontent nobles of that country endeavoured to obtain his aid in dethroning their unpopular ruler. He entered warmly into the project, but the troubles of Hindústán delayed its execution. After passing into the service of Humáyún, and witnessing the disastrous rout of Kanauj, described in one of the following Extracts, he endeavoured to induce Humáyún to secure a refuge and a vantage-ground in Kashmír. The Emperor was inclined to follow his advice, and sent some forces to enter upon the conquest of that country. But his plans were thwarted by his brother Kámrán, and he was compelled to fly beyond the Indus. Haidar Mirzá soon showed the practicability of the advice he had tendered. With a force of only 4000 men he marched against Kashmír, and evading the troops drawn up to oppose him, he made his way secretly by unfrequented routes to Srinagar the capital, and captured it without opposition in Rajab, 947 (November, 1540). The whole country fell into his possession, and he successfully resisted the attempts of the dethroned prince to recover his kingdom, although Sher Sháh aided the exile. Haidar Mirzá ruled the land which he had won with great wisdom and ability, and so recruited its resources that it was restored to prosperity and happiness. He reigned for eleven years, and was eventually killed in a night attack by a party of conspirators in 958 (1551 A.D.). To his honour be it recorded, he did not in his prosperity forget his unfortunate kinsman the Emperor Humáyún, but urged him to come to Kashmír, and to make that country a point d'appui for the recovery of his lost empire.

The MS. used is a small 4to. belonging to the Nawab of Jhajjhar, containing 729 pages, of fourteen lines each. There is a transcript of this MS. among Sir H. Elliot's MSS. It seems to differ occasionally from the MS. used by Mr. Erskine, as may be seen by comparing the following Extracts with those given by Mr. Erskine.]

[When all the brothers were assembled, they conferred together upon the state of affairs. The discussion was protracted, but no profitable decision was arrived at; in fact, nothing was proposed that was worthy of the occasion, for as it is said, “When Fortune's adverse, minds are perverse.” Kámrán Mirzá was very anxious to return, but Humayun disregarded all his representations. Seven months were wasted in weary indecision, until the opportunity was lost, and Sher Khán was on the Ganges ready for war. In the midst of this confusion Kámrán Mirzá became very ill. The climate of Hindústán had brought on some serious disorders.¹³⁰ When he had thus suffered for two or three months, he lost the use of his hands and feet. As no medicine or treatment relieved him, he became the more desirous of departing to Lahore. At length his maladies so increased, that he made up his mind to return thither. This departure of Kámrán Mirzá was the turning-point in the rise of Sher Khán and the downfall of the Chaghatáí power. The Emperor greatly urged him to leave some of his officers and forces as auxiliaries, but Kámrán Mirzá, on the contrary, did all he could to induce all the men of Ágra to go away with him, and strenuously rejected the proposal to leave his own army behind. Mír Khwája Kalán, who was his prime minister, also exerted himself to the same purpose. Kámrán Mirzá sent him on in advance, and then followed in person.

While this was passing, Sher Khán advanced to the banks of the Ganges, and passed his army over. Kutb Khán, his son, marched towards Etáwa and Kálpí. These territories were the ikta's of Husain Sultán, who was one of the Uzbek Sultáns, and Yádgár Násir Mirzá, son of Násir Mirzá, the brother of the Emperor Bábar. Part of Kálpí belonged to Kámrán Mirzá, and he had sent to that district Iskandar Sultán as his representative. These three persons marched against Kutb Khán, who was slain in the battle, and they gained a complete victory. The Emperor now marched from Ágra towards the Ganges against Sher Khán. [The writer goes on to explain at length his reasons for leaving Kámrán, and joining the Emperor.] Although Mirzá Kámrán would not consent to my parting from him, I remained behind without his consent. Kámrán Mirzá himself, shamefully leaving only Iskandar Sultán with about 1000 men as auxiliaries, went off to Lahore, taking with him all the men of Ágra he could carry with him; thus giving strength to the enemy and preparing defeat for his friends. The Imperial army reached the banks of the Ganges in the best way that it could. There it encamped and lay for about a month, the Emperor being on one side of the river, and Sher Khán on the other, facing each other. The armies may have amounted to more than 200,000 men. Muhammad Sultán Mirzá, of the house of Tímúr, and grandson by a daughter of Sultán Husain (of Khurásán), had come to India to wait upon the Emperor Bábar, and had been received with every mark of kindness and kingly favour. After Bábar's death he had several times revolted against Humáyún; but being unsuccessful, he had sought forgiveness, and had been pardoned. Now having colluded with Sher Khán, he deserted. A new way was thus opened. Everybody began to desert, and the most surprising part of it was, that many of those who deserted did not go over to Sher Khán, and so could expect no favour from him. A heated feeling ran through the army, and the cry was, “Let us go and rest in our own homes.” A number also of Kámrán's auxiliary forces deserted and fled to Lahore.

Among the equipments which were in the train of the Emperor were 700 carriages (gardún), each dawn by four pairs of bullocks, and carrying a swivel (zarb-zan), which discharged a ball (kalola), of 500 miskáls weight. I myself several times saw that from the top of an eminence they unfailingly (be-khatá) struck horsemen who slightly and unsuspectingly exposed themselves. And there were twenty-one carriages, each drawn by eight pairs of bullocks. Stone balls were of no use in these, but the shots were of molten brass, and weighed 5000 miskáls, and the cost of each was 200 miskáls of silver. They would strike anything that was visible at the distance of a parasang.

As the army had taken to desert, it was judged better to risk a battle than to see it go to ruin without fighting. If the result was unfavourable, in that case we could not at least be accused of having abandoned an empire like Hindústán without striking a blow. Another consideration was, that if we passed the river, desertion would be no longer possible. We therefore crossed over.

Both armies entrenched themselves. Every day skirmishes occurred between the adventurous swaggering spirits of both sides. These proceedings were put an end to by the monsoon rains, which came on and flooded the ground, rendering it unfit for a camp. To move was indispensable. Opinions were expressed that another such a deluge would sink the whole army in the abyss of despair, and it was proposed to move to a rising ground which the inundation could not reach, and which lay in front of the enemy. I went to reconnoitre, and found a place suitable for the purpose. I said that we would on the morrow try the enemy on the touchstone of experience, for he ought not to attack while we were on the march, as the arraying of an army at the time of marching is contrary to sound judgment.¹³² The morrow was the 10th of Muharram, and we must keep our forces well under control until we see if the enemy comes out of his trenches and advances against us. Then at last a regular pitched battle will be fought between us. The proper plan for us is to place the mortars (deg) and swivels (zarb-zan) in front; and the gunners, nearly 5000 in number, must be stationed with the guns. If he does come out to attack us, there is no time or place more suitable than this for battle. If he does not come out of his entrenchments, we must remain drawn up till about mid-day, and then return to our position. Next day we must act just in the same way. Then the baggage must move to the new position, and we must follow and occupy the place. This scheme of mine met with general approbation.

On the 10th Muharram, 948 H., we mounted to carry the plan into effect, and formed our array. As had been determined, the carriages (gardún) and mortars (deg) and small guns (topakchiyán) were placed in the centre. The command of the guns was given to Muhammad Khán Rúmí, the sons of Ustád 'Ali Kulí, Ustád Ahmad Rúmí, and Husain Khalífa. They placed the carriages and mortars (deg) in their proper positions, and stretched chains between them. In other divisions there were amírs of no repute, men who were amírs only in name. They had got possession of the country, but they had not a tincture of prudence or knowledge, or energy or emulation, or nobility of mind or generosity —qualities from which nobility draws its name. The Emperor had posted the author of this work upon his left, so that his right flank should be on the Emperor's left. In the same position he had placed a force of chosen troops. On my left, all my retainers were stationed. I had 400 chosen men, inured to warfare and familiar with battle, fifty of whom were mounted on horses accoutred with armour. Between me and the river (júí-bár) there was a force of twenty-seven amírs, all of whom carried the túgh banner. In this position, also, were the other components of the left wing, and they must be judged of by the others. On the day of battle, when Sher Khán, having formed his divisions, marched out, of all these twenty-seven túgh banners not one was to be seen, for the great nobles had hidden them in the apprehension that the enemy might advance upon them. The soldiership and bravery of the amírs may be conceived from this exhibition of courage.

Sher Khán came out in five divisions of 1000 men each, and in advance of him (peshtar i o) were 3000 men. I estimated the whole as being less than 15,000, but I calculated the Chaghatáí force as about 40,000, all mounted on tipchák horses, and clad in iron armour. They surged like the waves of the sea, but the courage of the amírs and officers of the army was such as I have described. When Sher Khán's army came out of its entrenchments, two divisions (jauk), which seemed to be equal to four divisions, drew up in that place, and three divisions advanced against their opponents. On our side I was leading the centre, to take up the position which I had selected; but when we reached the ground, we were unable to occupy it: for every amír and wazír in the Chaghatáí army, whether he be rich or poor, has his ghuláms. An amír of note with his 100 retainers and followers has 500 servants and ghuláms, who in the day of battle render no assistance to their master and have no control over themselves. So in whatever place there was a conflict, the ghuláms were entirely ungovernable. When they lost their masters, they were seized with panic, and blindly rushed about in terror.¹³⁴ In short it was impossible to hold our ground. They so pressed upon us in the rear, that they drove the centre upon the chains stretched between the chariots, and they and the soldiers dashed each other upon them. Those who were behind so pressed upon those who were in front, that they broke through the chains. The men who were posted by the chains were driven beyond it, and the few who remained behind were broken, so that all formation was destroyed.

Such was the state of the centre. On the right Sher Khán advanced in battle array; but before an arrow was discharged, the camp followers fled like chaff before the wind, and breaking the line they all pressed towards the centre. The ghuláms whom the commanders had sent to the front rushed to the lines of chariots, the whole array was broken, and the mír was separated from his men, and the men from the mír. While the centre was thus thrown into disorder, all the fugitives from the right bore down upon it. So before the enemy had discharged an arrow, the whole army was scattered and defeated. I had estimated the Chaghatáí army as numbering 40,000 men, excluding the camp followers (ghulám) and workmen (shágird-pesha ). They fled before 10,000 men, and Sher Khán gained a victory, and the Chaghatáís were defeated in this battle-field where not a man, either friend or foe, was wounded. Not a gun was fired, and the chariots (gardún) were useless.

When the Chaghatáís took to flight, the distance between their position and the Ganges might be nearly a parasang. All the amírs and braves (bahádurán) fled for safety to the river, without a man of them having received a wound. The enemy pursued them, and the Chaghatáís, having no time to throw off their armour and coats, plunged into the river. The breadth of the river might be about five bowshots. Many illustrious amírs were drowned, and each one remained or went on at his will. When we came out of the river, His Majesty, who at mid-day had 17,000 workmen in attendance upon his Court, was mounted upon a horse which had been given to him by Tardi Beg, and had nothing on his head or feet. “Permanence is from God, and dominion is from God.” Out of 1000 retainers, eight persons came out of the river; the rest had perished in the water. The total loss may be estimated from this fact. When we reached Ágra, we made no tarry, but, broken and dispirited, in a state heart-rending to relate, we went on to Lahore. On the new moon of Rabí'u-l awwal, 947 H., the princes, amírs, and people had drawn together at Lahore. The throng was so great that it was difficult to move about, and still more difficult to find a lodging. Every one acted as his fears or his interests led him.]

THESE are the private Memoirs of the Emperor Humáyún written by his áftábchí, or ewer-bearer, Jauhar. They have been translated into English by Major Stewart, and published by the Oriental Translation Fund Lond. (1832). [The MS. used by Stewart bore the above title, under which the work has become generally known, but in Sir H. Elliot's copy of the MS. the author is made to name the work Humáyún Sháhí. It is also called Táríkh-i Humáyún.] These Memoirs afford much amusement from the naïve and simple style in which they are written. The author was a constant attendant upon the Emperor, both during his adversities and successes, and is so devoted an admirer of his patron, that he rarely sees anything to reproach in his conduct. He gives the most trivial details with the utmost candour and gravity, thinking nothing too insignificant to relate of so great an Emperor. “Let no one,” says Dion, after recording (lib. lxxii. 18, 18) some of the public exposures and debaucheries of Commodus—“Let no one reprove me for degrading the importance of history because I write such things. In another case I would not have written them; but since they were done by an Emperor, and I myself saw and heard them, I thought it right to conceal nothing, and to transmit these matters for the information of posterity, as if they had been of the utmost consequence.”

Of himself Jauhar says, “I was at all times, and in all stations, in constant attendance on the royal person; it therefore occurred to me as desirable that I should write a narrative of all the events to which I had been an eye-witness, that it may remain as a record of the past interesting occurrences. I have endeavoured to explain them to the best of my humble ability, although in a style very inferior to the dignity of the subject. I commenced this work in the year 995 (A.D. 1587), and have named it the Tazkiratu-l Wáki'át, ‘Relation of Occurrences.’ It is not my intention to narrate all the occurrences which have taken place during the late reign, but I shall confine myself to those operations in which His Majesty was personally concerned. I shall therefore commence this work with Humá-yún's ascending the throne, and shall conclude with his return from Persia and his regaining the sovereignty. I shall further explain with what fortitude and perseverance the Emperor encountered so many hardships and difficulties, and through the favour of the Almighty God, thereby recovered his dominions, in the hope that this book may hand down the name of the author to posterity, and inform mankind of these extraordinary events.”

[The Memoirs bear all the appearance of truth and honesty, and are to a great degree exempt from that exaggeration and fulsome eulogy to which Oriental biographers are prone. But the fact of their having been commenced full thirty years after the death of Humáyún greatly diminishes their claim to be considered a faithful and exact account of the occurrences they record. They are not contemporary records of the events as they occurred, but reminiscences of more than thirty years' standing, so that, whatever the sincerity and candour of the writer, time must have toned down his impressions, and memory had doubtless given a favourable colour to the recollections he retained of a well-beloved master. The conversations and observations attributed to the various personages who figure in his Memoirs must therefore contain quite as much of what the author thought they might or ought to have said as of what really was uttered.

When Humáyún recovered Lahore, he immediately divided the appointments of the province among his adherents, and Jauhar was appointed collector of the village of Haibatpúr. Before he departed, the King told him a familiar story as a warning against extortion. Jauhar made a courtly reply, and proceeded to his charge. Upon arriving in the district, he found that it had been the custom of the Afghán farmers to give their wives or children in pledge to the Hindú bankers for money advanced on account of the collections. Therefore, the first thing he did was to collect all the grain that had been hidden in dry pits, and having sold it, he paid the bankers and liberated the families of the peasants. On hearing of this affair, His Majesty was much pleased, and promoted him to the collectorship of the villages belonging to the Afghán chief, Tátár Khán Lodí. Soon after he had an opportunity of displaying his energy and determination. The Panjáb having been left without troops, in consequence of Humáyún's onward march, a body of 400 Afgháns entered the province of Lahore, and began to plunder. The collectors met to consult, and by Jauhar's advice they collected all the men they could, and placing themselves under the command of a brave and active young man, they fell upon them by surprise, defeated them, and took five of their chiefs prisoners. Jauhar does not tell us what position he held when he wrote his Memoirs, but it is evident that he became a man of some mark. Abú-l Fazl mentions his appointment to the district of Haibatpúr, and subsequently speaks of him as “Mihtar Jauhar, treasurer of the Panjáb.”]

His Majesty then inquired from his ministers and nobles what intelligence there was of Sher Khán Afghán, where he was, what he was doing, and what he was intent upon? He was informed that Sher Khán had taken the fort of Rohtás and Bahrkunda, that he had been for some time besieging the capital of Bengal, and was upon the point of taking it. Upon hearing this untoward news, His Majesty exclaimed to his nobles, “To what a pitch the daring of these Afgháns has reached; please God, we will to-morrow march to the fort of Chunár.” His Majesty then questioned Rúmí Khán as to the powers of resistance of the fortress, and he replied that by the Emperor's good fortune, and the favour of the Almighty, they would take the fortress by force. Thereupon the Imperial forces marched towards Chunár, and on the Shab-i barát they came to five kos distance from the fort. The engineer (Rúmí Khán) then debated with himself how he could find out the exact condition of the fortress, what bastion he ought to attack, and on which side he should mine. He had a slave named Khaláfát, whom in furtherance of his plan he so flogged that the weals were visible upon his body. He then directed him to go into the fortress, and say that he was the slave of Rúmí Khán, and that his master had so beaten him without any cause that he had fled and sought protection with them. So he was to find out the particulars of the fortress and return. He acted in accordance with these instructions. When the Afgháns saw his condition, and the marks of the chastisement plainly visible on his body, they believed him, and strove to heal his wounds. One day the slave proposed to the Afgháns, that if they saw no objection they should show him the defences of the fortress, and he would advise as to the best means of resisting the guns which Rúmí Khán had planted, so that the garrison might be safe. The Afgháns complied with this proposition. After staying a few days in the fortress, and making his observations, the slave made his escape, and returned to his master, whom he acquainted with the exact condition of the fortress. He advised him to attack the bastion on the river-side, and to construct a mine on that same side. Rúmí Khán brought up his guns, and battered that bastion, and he placed other batteries under his various officers. * * *

Rúmí Khán then sought His Majesty's permission to construct a floating battery, by means of which he proposed to cut the garrison off from the water, and prevent them from being able to maintain life. The royal order was given for him to do what he deemed expedient. Under this authority he employed himself for six months in constructing a battery upon three boats, so high that on the top of it all the soldiers of the garrison were plainly discernible. When it was completed, he sought the royal authority to move his battery, make it fast to the fortress, and carry the place by storm. Permission being given, the attack was kept up till mid-day, and the royal army lost nearly 700 men. For all their efforts they could not take the place, and the garrison by their fire smashed one portion of the battery.¹⁴⁰ Next morning Rúmí Khán again prepared his battery. The Afgháns saw that the assailants were resolute and vigorous, and that the place must soon fall, so they proposed to capitulate. Under His Majesty's command the garrison marched out, and the royal forces took possession of the fortress. Rúmí Khán, being very irate and furious, cut off both hands of 300 gunners and others who had formed part of the garrison. When His Majesty was informed of this, he was very angry with Rúmí Khán, and declared that no injury ought to be inflicted on men who had surrendered. After the capture of the fort a grand banquet was given and great rejoicings were made; rewards were distributed and great honours were bestowed. His Majesty then asked Rúmí Khán as to the fortress and to the way he would deal with it. The Khán replied, that if the place were in his hands he would not allow a Bengálí to approach within a kos of it. And upon His Majesty asking who ought to be placed in command of it, he replied, that he knew of no one fit for the position but Beg Mírak. Upon this advice His Majesty placed Beg Mírak in command of the fortress. This counsel so incensed all the nobles against Rúmí Khán, that they conspired against him, and caused poison to be placed in his cup, so that he died.

Humáyún in Bengal.¹⁴¹

The King moved forward with the whole army, and in four days with little difficulty took possession of Gaur, the capital of Bengal, and drove away all the Afgháns. After cleansing and repairing the city, the first act of His Majesty was to divide the province into jágírs among his officers; after which he very unaccountably shut himself up in his harem, and abandoned himself to every kind of indulgence and luxury. While the King had thus for several months given himself up to pleasure and indolence, information was at length conveyed to him that Sher Khán had killed 700 Mughals, had laid siege to the fortress of Chunár, and taken the city of Benares; and had also sent forward an army along the bank of the Ganges to take Kanauj; that he had further seized the families of several of the officers, and sent them prisoners to Rohtás.

Defeat of Humáyún at Chúpa-ghát.^141a

As soon as the peace was concluded, the treacherous Sher Khán summoned his principal officers and said to them, “Is there any of you brave enough to go and storm the Mughal camp?” At first not one of the Afghán officers would undertake the task. At length a person called Khawás Khán^141b said, “If he would give him a detachment of good soldiers and a number of war-elephants, he would attempt it, and exert himself to the utmost;” adding, “this is a business of chance; but let us see to whom God will give the victory.”

Sher Khán was much pleased with Khawás Khán's proposal, and gave him his choice of all the troops and several war-elephants; but although the detachment marched from the camp at ten o'clock of the morning,¹⁴² the artful general loitered about till night. In the mean time Shaikh Khalíl sent off a messenger to His Majesty, cautioning him to be on his guard; but “when fate descends, caution is vain.” * * *

The King would not believe the information, or that Sher Khán would be guilty of such a breach of honour and religion, and passed the night without taking any precautions. But just as the sun rose next morning, the Afgháns entered the rear of our encampment, made a dreadful uproar, and caused the greatest confusion both among the troops and followers. His Majesty, on hearing the noise, ordered the kettle-drums to be beaten, and in a short time about 300 cavalry assembled around him. In a few minutes one of the enemy's war-elephants approached; on which His Majesty made a sign to Mír Bajka, who was celebrated for his valour, and who with his two sons, Garg 'Alí and Tatta Beg, one of whom carried the King's double-barrelled gun and the other the royal spear, to attack the elephant; but as none of them had the heart to do it, His Majesty snatched the spear from the hand of Garg 'Alí, spurred on his horse, and struck the elephant with such force on the forehead that he could not draw out the spear again. In the mean time an archer who was seated on the elephant discharged an arrow, which wounded the King in the arm, and the enemy began to surround him. His Majesty then called to his troops to advance and charge the enemy, but no one obeyed; and the Afgháns having succeeded in throwing everything into confusion, one of the King's followers came up, seized his bridle, and said, “There is no time to be lost; when your friends forsake you, flight is the only remedy.” The King then proceeded to the bank of the river, and although followed by one of his own elephants,^142a he urged his horse into the stream, but in a short time the horse sank. On seeing this event, a water-carrier, who had distended his leathern bag (masak) with air, offered it to His Majesty, who by means of the bag swam the river. On reaching the northern bank, he asked the man his name; he said, “Nizám.” The King replied, “I will make your name as celebrated as that of Nizámu-d dín Auliya (a famous saint), and you shall sit on my throne.” * * *

Soon after the King had remounted his throne, the water-carrier who had enabled him to cross the Ganges paid his respects; and His Majesty, remembering his royal promise, seated him for two hours upon the throne, and desired him to ask for whatever he wished.

Humáyún's defeat at Kanauj.¹⁴³

After the battle had raged for some time, information was brought to His Majesty that the Prince Hindál had discomfited the Afgháns opposed to him, but that the left under 'Askarí was compelled to retreat. Mirzá Haidar represented that in order to let the fugitives pass, it was requisite to loose the chains of the carriages ('arába), which formed a barricade in front of the centre. His Majesty unfortunately complied with this advice, and the chains being unloosed, the runaways passed through the line of carriages in files.

During this time, an Afghán clothed in black advanced and struck the King's horse on the forehead with a spear, on which the animal turned round and became unmanageable.^143a

His Majesty afterwards related that as soon as he could control his horse, he saw the Afgháns employed in plundering the carriages, and wished to have charged them, but some person caught the reins of the steed, and led him to the bank of the river. Here, while undetermined how to act, he saw an old elephant which had belonged to the late Emperor. He called to the driver to bring the elephant to him, who did so. He then mounted, and asked a eunuch who was in the howdah, what was his name. He replied, “Kafúr.” His Majesty then ordered the driver to carry him across the river, but the fellow refused, and said the elephant would be drowned. On which the eunuch whispered, that he suspected the driver wished to carry them over to the enemy; it would therefore be advisable to take off the fellow's head. The King said, “How shall we then make the elephant cross the river?” The eunuch replied, that he understood something of driving an elephant. Upon hearing this, His Majesty drew his sword and so wounded the driver that he fell off into the water, and the eunuch stepped down from the howdah on the neck of the animal, and caused him to pass the river. His Majesty further related, that when he arrived near the bank, it was so steep that he could not find a place to ascend. At length, some of the camp colour-men,¹⁴⁴ who were on the look out for him, tied their turbans together, and throwing an end of the cloth to him, he with some difficulty climbed up. They then brought him a horse, on which he mounted and proceeded towards Ágra. * * *

The King having been joined by the Princes Hindál and 'Askarí and the Mirzás Yádgár Násir, etc., proceeded joyfully towards Ágra. When they reached the village of Bhain-gánw, the peasants, who were in the habit of plundering a defeated army, stopped up the road, and one of them wounded Mirzá Yádgár with an arrow. On which the Mirzá said to the Prince 'Askarí, “Do you go on and punish these villagers, while I stop to dress my wound.” The Prince was displeased at this request, and gave the Mirzá some abuse, on which the other retorted in harsher language, and the Prince struck him three times with his horsewhip, which was returned with interest on the other side. When intelligence of this unpleasant fracas reached the King, he said, “They had better have vented their spite on the robbers than on each other. What has happened cannot be recalled, but let us hear no more of it.” In short, the King reached Ágra in safety.

Battle of Kipchák.¹⁴⁵

One of the scoundrels of the enemy approached the King, and struck him on the head with his sword, and was about to repeat the blow, when His Majesty, looking at him, said, “You wretch, how dare you?”—upon which the fellow desisted; and some other officers coming up, led the King out of the battle; but he was so severely wounded, that he became weak from loss of blood, and therefore threw off his jabba (quilted coat), and gave it in charge of an Abyssinian servant; but his servant being obliged to make his escape from the battle, threw away the jabba, which having been found by some of Kámrán's followers, it was brought to the Prince, who immediately proclaimed that the King was killed.

At this time there only remained with His Majesty eleven persons, including servants, and the author of these pages. We therefore took him out of the battle; and as his own horse was unquiet, we mounted him on a small ambling steed, two of the chiefs supporting him on either side, and endeavouring to console him by anecdotes of former princes who had suffered similar adversity, and encouraged him to exert himself, as it was probable the enemy might pursue him. On hearing this, he resumed his fortitude, and proceeded towards the pass of Sirtun. On the march we were joined by some of the chiefs, and at nightfall reached the entrance of Sirtun. As it was then very cold, and His Majesty suffered much from weakness, a sheepskin cloak was brought and put on him.

In the morning we reached the top of the pass; and as it was then getting warm, the King dismounted on the bank of the river, performed his ablutions, and washed his wound; but as there was no carpet for prayer to be found, the humble servant, Jauhar, brought the cover of a stool of scarlet cloth, and spread it for His Majesty, who knelt thereon, and performed his devotions, and sat down facing the kibla (Mecca). * * *

The King again mounted, and rode on to Parwán, where he alighted. At this place the only tent that could be procured was a small shamiyána (canopy), sufficient only to screen one person; under this His Majesty lay down and slept. In the morning the author of these pages awoke His Majesty, and told him it was the hour of morning prayer. He said, “My boy, as I am so severely wounded, I cannot bear to purify myself with cold water.” I represented that I had got some warm water ready for him; he then arose, performed his ablutions, and said his prayers. He afterwards mounted his horse, but had not ridden far when he complained that the clotted blood on his clothes hurt him, and asked of the servants if they had no jáma (coat) they could lend him. Bahádur Khán replied, he “had a jáma, but it was one His Majesty had discarded and given to him, and he had worn it.” The King said, “Never mind that, bring it.” He then put it on, and gave the dress which was stained with blood to this humble servant, Jauhar, the áftábchi, and said, “Take care of this dress, and only wear it on holy days.”

From Parwán we proceeded to Kahamrúd, where Táhir Muhammad had the honour of paying his respects. He had pitched an old tent for the King, and had prepared an entertainment for him; but the blockhead did not bring any present, not even a spare dress. His Majesty ordered his followers to partake of the dinner, but went himself to the edge of a fountain, where they pitched an old tent, grimed with smoke and soot, for him; but as there was no necessary tent, the humble servant went and procured two hurdles, which he fixed up as a privy. At this time an old woman came and offered His Majesty a pair of silk trousers. He said, “Although these are not proper for a man to wear, yet, as my own are defiled with blood, I will put them on.” He then inquired what the woman had for her support; and on being informed, wrote an order to the collector not to demand any tribute from her in future.

Surrender of Kábul to Kámrán.¹⁴⁷

When His Majesty left Kábul, he bestowed the government on Kásim 'Alí, who had formerly been a servant of Kámrán's; but notwithstanding this circumstance, he for some time refused to give up the fortress, till assured by Kámrán that the King was dead, who in proof thereof produced the jabba or quilted coat; in consequence of which the Prince was allowed to enter the fort, and again took possession of the young Akbar. * * After remaining a month and twenty days at Andaráb, * * the King determined on marching to oppose the rebels; but he first assembled all his chiefs, and proposed to them to take the oath of allegiance. Hájí Muhammad Khán said, “It was also incumbent on His Majesty to take the oath of confederacy.” The Prince Hindál said, “Such a proceeding was highly improper.” But the King said, “If the chiefs wished it, he would take the oath to satisfy them.” In short, the oaths were ratified on both sides; and, to give the ceremony more solemnity, the King fasted all that day.

Kámrán surrendered by the Gakhars, and blinded.^147a

The King received letters from Sultán Ádam, chief of the Gakhars, stating that “the Prince Kámrán was now in his territory, and that if His Majesty would take the trouble of coming there, he would give him up.” * * * The Prince arrived, and advanced with great humility. The King, however, received him graciously, and pointed to him to sit down on the bed on his right hand. His Majesty then sat down on the bed also, having the young Prince Akbar on his left hand. Sultán Ádam, 'Abdu-l Ma'álí, and the other chiefs were also seated in due order. After some time, His Majesty called for a water-melon, one-third of which he took and divided with his brother. * * * Preparations having been made for an entertainment, the whole night was passed in jollity and carousing. * * * [Four days after], the business of Mirzá Kámrán was taken into consideration, and it was resolved, in the first place, to remove all his servants from him. Then the King ordered five of his own people [names], and his humble servant Jauhar, to attend upon the Prince, and he said to me, “My boy (ghulám), do you know where you are sent?” I said, “Yes, and I know Your Majesty's (wishes).” He replied, “Your business is to take care of the interior of the tent, you are desired not to sleep for a moment.” * * *

Early in the morning the King marched towards Hindústán, but before his departure determined that the Prince should be blinded, and gave orders accordingly; but the attendants on the Prince disputed among themselves who was to perform the cruel act. Sultán 'Alí, the paymaster, ordered 'Alí Dost to do it. The other replied, “You will not pay a Sháh-Rukhí (3s. 6d.) to any person without the King's directions; therefore, why should I commit this deed without a personal order from His Majesty? Perhaps to-morrow the King may say, ‘Why did you put out the eyes of my brother?’ What answer could I give? Depend upon it I will not do it by your order.” Thus they continued to quarrel for some time. At length, I said, “I will go and inform the King.” On which I with two others galloped after His Majesty. When we came up with him, 'Alí Dost said, in the Chaghatáí Turkí language, “No one will perform the business.” The King replied in the same language, abused him, and said, “Why don't you do it yourself?”

After receiving this command, we returned to the Prince, and Ghulám 'Alí represented to him, in a respectful and condoling manner, that he had received positive orders to blind him. The Prince replied, “I would rather you would at once kill me.” Ghulám 'Alí said, “We dare not exceed our orders.” He then twisted a handkerchief up as a ball for thrusting into the mouth, and he with the farásh seizing the Prince by the hands, pulled him out of the tent, laid him down, and thrust a lancet into his eyes (such was the will of God). This they repeated at least fifty times; but he bore the torture in a manly manner, and did not utter a single groan, except when one of the men who was sitting on his knees pressed him. He then said, “Why do you sit upon my knees? What is the use of adding to my pain?” This was all he said, and he acted with great courage, till they squeezed some (lemon) juice and salt into the sockets of his eyes. He then could not forbear, and called out, “O Lord, O Lord, my God, whatever sins I may have committed have been amply punished in this world, have compassion upon me in the next.” * * * The author of these pages, seeing the Prince in such pain and distress, could no longer remain with him. I therefore went to my own tent, and sat down in a very melancholy mood. The King having seen me, sent Ján Muhammad, the librarian, to ask me, “If the business I had been employed on was finished, and why I had returned without orders?” The humble servant represented that “the business I had been sent on was quite completed.” His Majesty then said, “He need not go back, let him get the water ready for me to bathe.”]

THIS work comprehends a History of Muhammadan nations up to the thousandth year of the Hijra era. It is from this circumstance that it obtains its name, Alf signifying in the Arabic language one thousand. The Emperor Akbar directed its compilation by several learned men,¹⁵⁰ and may have perhaps fixed upon this particular period of one thousand years, in conformity with a notion he is said to have entertained and expressed, that the Muhammadan religion would be abolished, after lasting that period.^150a

At the commencement of the work, many different authors were employed, but, subsequently, the chief labour devolved upon Mauláná Ahmad, the son of the Kází of Thatta,^150b and the author of Khulásatu-l Hayát, “the Essence of Life.” An interesting account of the different parties engaged on it is given by 'Abdu-l Kádir Badáúní in the following passage from his Muntakhabu-t Tawáríkh.

“About this time (A.H. 990), Mullá Ahmad, of Thatta, a bigot, who had the impertinence^150c to call himself a physician, came from the Dekhin, and was presented at Court. His ancestors, who resided in Sind, were Fárúkís of the Hanífah sect, and Mullá Ahmad used, in consequence of his apostacy, to shower anathemas upon those unfortunate persons. * * * In the time of Sháh Tahmásp he associated in 'Irák with some heretic Íránians, but he even exceeded them, notwithstanding their notorious heresy. When Sháh Ism'aíl II. deserted the faith of his father, and became a Sunní, and persecuted the heretic Shí'as, Mullá Ahmad accompanied Makhdúm Sharkí (an uncompromising Sunní, who wrote the Kitábu-n Nawáfiz) on a pilgrimage to Mecca. Thence he proceeded to the Dekhin, and afterwards to Hindústán, and finding no opposition to the prosecution of his designs, he began to teach his absurd doctrines,¹⁵¹ and invite converts to the Shí'a persuasion; but in a short time he met the penalty of his evil deeds. He had as yet had no interview with Shaikh Faízí, and had not yet assumed that air of confidence, with which his intimacy with that minister inspired him, when I saw him one day in the bázár, where some 'Irákis took the opportunity of mentioning my name to him in terms of praise. Upon this, he addressed me, and said, ‘I see the mark of a Shí'a stamped on your forehead.’ ‘Just as much,’ I replied, ‘as I see Sunní stamped upon yours.’ The bystanders laughed, and were much gratified at the retort. I shall, please God! notice the close of his life in the proper place.”

“The year 1000 of the Hijra era, which is in general use, being now completed,^151a the Emperor Akbar ordered a history to be written of all the Muhammadan kings, and directed that such a name should be given to the work as to denote the year of its composition. It was for this reason that the work was entitled Alfí. He further ordered the word Rihlat (death) to be substituted for Hijra (flight) in the different dates, and employed seven persons to undertake the compilation from the date of the decease of the Prophet to the present day, and to mention therein the events of the whole world.”

“He assigned the first year to Nakíb Khán, the second to Sháh Fath-ulla, and so on to Hakím Humám, Hakím 'Alí, Hájí Ibráhím Sirhindí (who had just then arrived from Gujarát), Mirzá Nizámu-d dín, and myself; so that by such distribution thirty-five years were finished in the course of a week.”

“During the period that I was compiling the events of the seventh year, and was engaged on the life of Khalif 'Umar, the model of purity (may God be propitious to him!), I had just completed an account of the foundation of Kúfa, and the destruction of Madá-ín, from the ruins of which the new city was embellished, and the marriage of Ammi Kulsúm, the daughter of the Amíru-l muminín 'Alí¹⁵² (may God be propitious to him!), as well as the institution of five stated times for prayer, the fall of the city of Nasíbín, and the large black scorpions which were made use of to effect its capture, when, one night, Mírzá J'afar Ásaf Khán thought proper to dispute the correctness of these facts.^152a Notwithstanding this, Shaikh Abú-l Fazl and Ghází Khán Badakhshí confirmed my assertions. Shortly afterwards, when I was asked whence I got this information, I replied that I had seen it in books, and had written accordingly, and that it was not my own invention. Immediately the Rauzatu-l Ahbáb and other historical books were called for from the library, and given to Nakíb Khán to verify the accuracy of the statement, which, by God's grace, being found correct, I was relieved from the charge of invention.”

“At the recommendation of Hakím Abú-l Fath, the compilation of the work from the thirty-sixth year was entrusted solely to Mullá Ahmad of Thatta, who, however, wrote whatever coincided with his sectarian prejudices—a fact which is well known. The compilation of two volumes was finished up to the time of Changíz Khán, when Mirzá Fúlád, one night, pretending that the King had sent for Mullá Ahmad, summoned him from his house, and murdered him in a street of Lahore, in revenge for some injury which he had suffered at his hands, as well as because he was violently opposed to him in matters of religion. For this act he was sentenced to death.”

“The remainder of the work was written by Ásaf Khán, up to the year 997¹⁵³ H. In the year 1000 H.^153a I was ordered to proceed to Lahore, to revise the composition, to compare it with other histories, and to arrange the dates in their proper sequence. I compared the first two volumes in one year, and entrusted the third to Ásaf Khán.”^153b

In another part of his History (A.H. 1003), 'Abdu-l Kádir again speaks of the Táríkh-i Alfí being divided into three books, two composed by Mullá Ahmad, “the heretic, may he meet with his deserts!” and the third by Ásaf Khán (J'afar Beg).^153c Major C. Stewart, however, in his Catalogue of Típú Sultán's Library, says it is divided into five books, and that it extends from A.D. 622 to 1592. The error of making it commence from A.D. 622 arises from his supposing that its dates refer to the Flight, instead of the Death, of Muhammad [making a difference of ten years and two months]. This alteration of a universal era, and the substitution of one especially for this work, is a very objectionable feature of the Táríkh-i Alfí, excellent as it is in many other respects.

It will be observed that 'Abdu-l Kádir promised to relate further particulars of Mullá Ahmad in their proper place, and he fulfils that promise in the following passage, which affords as amusing an instance of odium theologicum as is to be met with in any country.

“During this month (Safar, 996 A.H.) Mirzá Fúlád Birlás persuaded the heretic Mullá Ahmad, who was always openly reviling the first Khalifs, to leave his own house at midnight under some pretence, and then assassinated him. The chrono-grams of which event are, ‘Bravo! Fúlád's stiletto!’ and ‘Hellish hog!’¹⁵⁴ and indeed when I saw that dog in the agonies of death, I observed his countenance to be exactly like that of a hog: others also observed the same. (May God protect me from such a dreadful fate!)^154a Mirzá Fúlád, was bound alive to the leg of an elephant in the city of Lahore, and thus attained martyrdom.

“When Hakím Abú-l Fath sent some one to inquire of him, whether sectarian prejudices had induced him to kill Mullá Ahmad, he replied that had that been the reason, he would have selected a more noble victim than the Mullá. The Hakím reported this speech to the King, who remarked that Mirzá Fúlád was an implacable villain, and ought to suffer death. He therefore ordered him to be drawn, while yet living, by an elephant, although he was very nearly obtaining a pardon through the intercession of the ladies¹⁵⁵ of the royal household. The Mullá expired three or four days after the Mirzá.

“It is said, that when the Shí'as were bathing the Mullá previous to burial, they fixed, according to the observances of their religion, a tent peg in his back, and dipped him several times in the river, and that when he was buried, Shaikh Faizí and Shaikh 'Abú-l Fazl appointed watchmen to guard his tomb; notwithstanding which, when the Court departed for Kashmír, the people of Lahore disinterred his vile carcase, and burnt it.”

The author of the Ma-ásiru-l Umará adds a few particulars respecting Mullá Ahmad, in his biography of Fúlád Khán. He says that the accomplice of Mirzá Fúlád personated one of the royal messengers, and summoned the Mullá to the King's presence; that when the Mullá had left his house, he was attacked, and had one of his hands cut off by a sword; that the assassins, mistaking it for his head, ran off, satisfied that their work was accomplished; that he fell from his horse, and when he had recovered a little, picked up his own hand, and went to the house of Hakím Hasan for succour; that when Fúlád Khán was seized, he confessed the crime before Abú-l Fazl, Khán-khánán, and Ásaf Kkán.

He says also that Mullá Ahmad went in his twenty-second year to Meshhed, and thence to Yezd and Shíráz, where, under the instructions of the physicians Kamálu-d dín Husain and Mullá Mirzá Ján, he entered on a course of medical study, and read the Kulyát-i Kánún of Avicenna, and the Sharh-i Tajríd, with all the commentaries. He then went to Kazwín, where he had an interview with Sháh Tahmásp, and when Sháh Ism'áíl the Second was converted to the Sunní doctrine, he went to 'Irák-i 'Arab and Mecca, and after mixing with several celebrated scholars in those parts, proceeded to the Dekhin, to the Court of Kutb Sháh of Golconda, and in the twenty-seventh year of Akbar's reign came to Fathpúr Síkrí, where he received orders to compile the Táríkh-i Alfí.

He used to read out his composition to Akbar, who asked him upon one occasion, why he had dwelt so long upon Khalífa 'Usmán's reign. He replied openly, says the Ma-ásiru-l Umará, before all the Túrání nobles, who were Sunnís, that that period is the “Rauzatu-s Shuhadᔹ⁵⁶ of the Sunnís, and to abridge it would give offence.

The inconvenience respecting the introduction of a novel era in the Táríkh-i Alfí has already been noticed. Another very serious accusation has been laid against this work, of leaving out several important events during the period it embraces; and the omission of the decisive battle of Cadesiah in A.D. 636, which preceded the final subjugation of Persia, has been especially commented on as a proof of carelessness. But a much greater objection to be made to the Táríkh-i Alfí is the plan of the work: it is constructed in the form of Annals, like the tedious Historical Library of Diodorus; and thus we are compelled to turn over page after page of this voluminous history, before we can trace the connexion of events in any particular country which may happen to be the subject of our investigation. Nothing but an excellent Index could remedy such a defect. There is confusion also sometimes about the dates. And protracted affairs are grouped under one year, the exact dates of their various phases not being sufficiently stated.

The compilers appear to have availed themselves of all the best sources of information open to them; for there is no historical work, Arabic or Persian, of any celebrity amongst modern European scholars, which they do not quote; often applying a very judicious criticism in selecting the most trustworthy records, and rejecting the fabulous legends with which so many of them abound. The authorities quoted on Indian affairs are few, but more may be mentioned in the Preface, which was written by Abú-l Fazl, according to his own acknowledgment.

The work is not often quoted, but it was greatly used by Haidar Rázi.

I have seen no notice of the existence of this work in European libraries.¹⁵⁷ Parts of it are to be met with in India, but not one library, which I know of, contains a perfect copy. It is a work of great size. The portion I have seen was a folio of 1646 pages, with 40 lines to a page, and it was very incomplete. At Haidarábád there is a copy in two volumes, which, though imperfect, contains, in the first volume, 1336 pages of 19 lines each, and, in the second, 2066 pages of 31 lines each. One of the best manuscripts is in the possession of the Nawáb of Murshidábád, which is thus described:

The second volume consists of 976 pages of 20 lines, and contains the events from the year 127 to 500, after the death of Muhammad.

The third volume consists of 640 pages of 20 lines, and contains the events from the year 501 to 672.

The fourth volume consists of 1092 pages of 21 lines, and contains the events from the year 673 to 974.

Two more volumes therefore are required to make this work complete. I was anxious to make further inquiries about the Nawáb's copy, but the librarian seemed indisposed to furnish any more information respecting it, and gave evasive answers; evincing thereby a suspicion, which, if anywhere, is certainly excusable in the neighbourhood of Calcutta, where commercial profligacy has brought the European character into very low repute.^157a

[The Extracts which follow afford ample means of judging of the character of the work. The earliest of them, preceding the reign of Akbar, appeared with some others in Sir H. Elliot's original publication, and they record events which have been passed over without notice by the historians quoted in the earlier volumes of the present work. The passages relating to the reign of Akbar have been selected and translated by the Editor as interesting in themselves, and as affording the means for comparing the Táríkh-i Alfí with the Tabakát-i Akbarí. The two works are generally very much in accord, but their language and style are different. Still the resemblance of the two works is such as to induce a belief that one author had access to the work of the other, or that both works were based upon the same original materials. The MSS. used by the Editor have been a small one prepared for Sir H. Elliot, containing only the passages relating to India; and a fine large one belonging to the Library of the East India Office, written in a variety of hands. This commences with the year 485 H., and is not quite complete at the end. Unfortunately the rubrics of the dates have been filled in only in the earlier part of the volume.]

When 'Abdu-lla, the son of Abúbakr, arrived at Nímroz, Hajjáj sent a message, requesting him not to linger in Sijistán, but to march without delay towards Kábul, as signs of rebellion and disaffection had exhibited themselves in the chief, Ráíbal.^159a He had formerly entered into a treaty with the Muhammadans, and agreed to pay a tribute annually into the treasury, and as long as he found the Muhammadans powerful, he paid the tribute, but whenever they were engaged in other affairs, or exhibited weakness, he withheld it. 'Abdu-lla, in obedience to the commands of Hajjáj, turned towards Kábul with the armies of Kúfa and Basra, and as fast as the Muhammadans advanced, Ráíbal retreated towards Hindústán. Dádah Sharaíh, one of the officers of 'Abdu-lla, pursued Ráíbal seventeen parasangs. At this time, the ruler of Kábul sent persons to some of the nobles and well-wishers of the State, desiring them to secure those roads, by which the Muhammadans had entered the country, in such a manner that they should neither obtain any supplies, nor have the opportunity of retracing their steps. The consequence was, that after a few days such a famine broke out in the Muhammadan camp, that every one despaired of life. Upon this, 'Abdu-lla said to Sharaíh Hání, “It is advisable for us to treat with the infidels, and to offer them 70,000¹⁶⁰ dirhams to remove from our way, so that we may betake ourselves to a place of security.” Sharaíh replied, “Whatever amount you offer to the infidels, the díwán will place to your individual account.” 'Abdu-lla rejoined, “Such a demand even would be preferable to the alternative of starvation in these dreadful places.” Sharaíh said, “My age exceeds a hundred years, and I never expected to arrive at this period of existence. It has long been my prayer before the throne of God that I might suffer martyrdom, and the time for its accomplishment has now arrived.” Saying this, he mounted his horse, and exclaimed, “O Musulmáns, ye who have a desire to be martyrs, follow me!” Upon which, a few men came forward, and joined him, and with boldness rushing to the battle-field, they charged the infidels, and kept on fighting till they were slain.

'Abdu-lla, after paying 70,000 dirhams to the enemy, returned with his followers. When they arrived at the Muhammadan frontier, food was served out to them; and so famished were they, that those who satisfied their appetite died immediately. When this was known, they appeased their hunger more moderately, and were thus by degrees restored to their former strength.^160a

Anno 426 after the death of Muhammad^160b

(436 H.=1044 A.D.).

One of the events of this year was, that three of the principal Rájás of Hind, having formed a confederacy, with an intent to deliver Lahore from the Muhammadans who had risen up in rebellion against Maudúd, son of Mas'úd, laid siege to the city. Upon seeing this, the commander of the Muhammadan forces in Lahore again made submission to Maudúd, and collected together the entire Muhammadan force. When the Rájás learnt that the Muhammadans had again submitted to Maudúd, son of Mas'úd, two of them, in dread of him, withdrew to their country, but the third, whose name was Deopál Harnáma, delayed his retreat a little, in order to try his strength with the Muhammadans. The latter, when satisfied of their superiority, made a sally, compelled the Rájá to fly before them, and killed many infidels in the pursuit. The Rájá retired within a stronghold, which the Muhammadans invested and pressed vigorously. The fort was a small one, and the troops which accompanied the Rájá to that place amounted to 5000 horsemen and 70,000 foot soldiers. The infidels found themselves on the verge of destruction, and sent deputies to the Muhammadans begging for quarter; but the Muhammadans would not consent, unless the infidels surrendered every one of their fortresses. At length, when the infidels had no other alternative than to yield, they accepted the conditions, and saved their lives. The property and treasure of all their forts fell into the hands of the Muham-madans, together with 5000 Muhammadans who were imprisoned in them. These, having been set free, joined the victorious army.

When the Muhammadan army had settled affairs with Rájá Deopál Harnáma, who was superior to all the kings of Hind in power and grandeur, they directed their attention to another Rájá, named Máb Bálrí, who, when he received the intelligence thereof, set his troops in order, and advanced with a determination to fight with the Muhammadans. Upon the meeting of the two armies, the fire of battle was kindled; and notwithstanding the inferiority of the Muhammadan forces, which did not amount to one-tenth of those opposed to them, by the help of Providence their victorious banners prevailed. The Rájá was sent to perdition, and 5000 of his army fell on the field of battle. The Muhammadans took considerable booty and many prisoners. When the chiefs of Hind were informed of these circumstances, they gave in their submission, and by assenting to pay tribute, kept themselves free from the destructive swords of the Mu-hammadans.

Anno 471 after the death of Muhammad¹⁶²

(481 H.=1088 A.D.).

When Ibráhím, son of Mas'úd, was satisfied that there was no apprehension of any opposition from the Saljúkians, he despatched an army towards Hindústán, and conquered several places that had not been captured by his predecessors, notwithstanding their power. One of the places which submitted to the conqueror was the fort of Júd,^162a which surpassed all others in strength and extent. It was situated 120 parasangs distant from Lahore, and at the time when Ibráhím commenced operations against the fort, there was a garrison in it of 10,000 men, who fought long and valiantly against the invader. Finding Ibráhím's efforts and resources to capture the fort very great, the garrison became dispirited; and although they had sufficient supplies and plenty of water, they nevertheless surrendered, on condition that their lives should be spared. After capturing this fort, Ibráhím directed his attention towards another, called Damál,^162b which was situated on the summit of a high hill on the borders of Hindústán; on one side of this fort there was a large river, reported to be impassable; and on the other, a large thorny jungle, into which nothing but the rays of the sun could penetrate. The jungle was, moreover, infested with venomous serpents and flies, and abounded with elephants of enormous size. It was inhabited by a race of Hindús of gigantic form, and it was the most celebrated of all the places in Hindústán. At the foot of the hill there was no level ground suited for his operations. Ibráhím, nevertheless, with his usual courage, made an attempt to take the fort, and through the aid of God, soon captured it. He took possession of an immense quantity of property and jewels, the like of which had never been seen.

Ibráhím next marched towards Derapúr, in Hindústán, a place which many great emperors had found it impracticable to conquer. Several trustworthy histories state that this place was inhabited by the descendants of the people of Khurásán, who, for their disloyal and rebellious conduct, had been long before banished the country by Afrásíab, Emperor of Túrán. This place was densely populated, and was of considerable strength. There was a large reservoir of water in it, the diameter of which was half a parasang; and though both men and beasts used to drink of the water throughout the year, yet no decrease was perceptible. During the time the people alluded to dwelt in this place, the rulers of Hindústán never dared to attack it, from a conviction of its impregnable strength. When Sultán Ibráhím heard the account of this country, he resolved to conquer it, and marched against it with a large army. The inhabitants heard of his approach, and made ready to oppose him. A fierce struggle ensued, but Ibráhím at length gained the victory, and slew many of them. Those who escaped fled to the jungles. Nearly 100,000 of their women and children were taken prisoners, and an incalculable amount of booty was secured.

Anno 592 after the death of Muhammad¹⁶³

(602 H.=1205 A.D.).

It is mentioned in authentic histories that when Shahábu-d dín was defeated by the Turks of Khitá, on his return from Khwárizm, it was currently reported throughout the kingdom, that Shahábu-d dín had been missed in the field of battle, and there was no certainty whether he had perished or escaped. Consequently, enemies rose up on all sides, and every one encroached upon his territories. Among other enemies, one named Ráí Sál, who lived in the mountains between Lahore and Kábul, having united with a number of Kokars, who dwelt in those parts and paid tribute to the treasury of Shahábu-d dín, excited a rebellion, began to plunder that tract, and intercepted the communications between Lahore and Ghazní, so that no one could pass from one to the other.

Upon the return of Shahábu-d dín to Ghazní in safety from his campaign, he was informed of these transactions, and consequently resolved to proceed to Hindústán, and punish the rebellious spirits of that country. For this purpose, he sent an order to Amír Muhammad, son of Abí 'Alí, whom he had appointed Governor of Lahore and Múltán, desiring them to despatch the tribute of the year 601 H. as soon as possible, as it was necessary to make preparations for an expedition to Khitá. Muhammad, son of 'Alí, wrote in answer, that the tribute of the year had been collected and was ready, but that the Kokars and Ráí Sál,¹⁶⁴ who were in possession of the hills of Júdí, had stopped the communication between Lahore and Ghazní in such a manner that nobody could travel on the road. When this account reached the ears of Shahábu-d dín, he wrote to Kutbu-d dín, his slave, who was the commander of the army of Hind, desiring him to send some person to the Kokars to dissuade them from persisting in such evil courses, and to inform them, that if they repented of their disobedience and came again under allegiance, he would pardon their past offences.

When Kutbu-d dín Aibak, according to the order of Shahábu-d dín sent a person to the Kokars, desiring them to submit themselves and to be obedient to the Sultán, the son of Kokar^164a replied, that Kutbu-d dín had nothing to do with the matter, that Sultán Shahábu-d dín should have sent a special messenger of his own, and further, that if he were really alive, he should have sent direct for the tribute, when the Kokars would have despatched it to him. The ambassador replied, “You are not of sufficient consequence for Sultán Shahábu-d dín to send any messenger to you; it is a great honour to you that he has sent even me, who am his slave's slave.” The son of Kokar replied, “This is a mere story, Shahábu-d dín is no longer alive.” The ambassador rejoined, “It may easily be ascertained by your sending any one of your confidential servants who can go to Ghazní, and see with his own eyes whether Shahábu-d dín be alive or not.” In short, the son of Kokar being determined not to listen to the ambassador, remained firm in his rebellious disposition. When the ambassador of Kutbu-d dín returned, and gave an account of what he had seen and heard, Kutbu-d dín communicated the circumstances to Sultán Shahábu-d dín, who ordered him to collect the several armies of Hindústán, to proceed against the Kokars, and to utterly exterminate the rebel tribe. When this mandate reached Kutbu-d dín, he was engaged in preparing his forces, and was about to march against that nation. In the mean time, Shahábu-d dín deferred his expedition to Khitá, and caused his army to return. Complaints of the violence and oppression of the Kokars were frequently coming in, accompanied with such accounts of their great and increasing power, that he considered it his duty to repulse these people and punish them severely, before marching his forces to any other quarter. For this reason Shahábu-d dín gave up the idea of proceeding to Khitá, and encamped in the neighbourhood of Ghazní.

On the 5th of Rabí'-ul awwal of the same year, Sultán Shahábu-d dín set forth from Ghazní towards Hindústán. After some days he arrived at Persháwar, and learned that the Kokars had taken up a position between Jílam and Sodra,¹⁶⁵ with a large army. Having marched from Persháwar on Thursday the 25th of the said month, he attacked them unawares, and the battle lasted from morning till the time of afternoon prayer. The Kokars fought so valiantly, that the Sultán, with all his kingly power and glory, was very near being compelled to retreat; but Kutbu-d dín Aibak arrived unexpectedly with the army of Hindústán, and began to make havoc among the Kokars. His forces were fresh and vigorous, and the Kokars, being unable to withstand them, took to flight. The Muhammadans pursuing, dealt slaughter among them in a manner which defies all description. Those who escaped the sword fled to the forest. The Muhammadans set fire to their retreat on all sides, and the infidels, resolving to perish in the flames rather than surrender to the Muhammadans, threw themselves into the fire. In this manner all who had taken refuge in the woods perished. When the mind of the Sultán was relieved from the anxiety of this outbreak, he marched towards Lahore, and gave leave to his soldiers to return to their homes, ordering them to march to Khitá after a few days' repose.¹⁶⁶

Anno 698 after the death of Muhammad^166a

(708 H.=1308 A.D.)

In this year Sultán 'Aláu-d dín, King of Hindústán, proceeded to Siwána^166b on a hunting expedition, when the chief of that place took to his fort and offered opposition. The fort was soon captured, and this was the first occasion that it had been taken. Sámal Deo,^166c the chief (Mukaddam), perished, with several thousands of Hindús. In the same year, the fort of Kálwar came into the possession of 'Aláu-d dín's officers. The detail of the case is this: Káthar Deo, governor of the fort of Kálwar,¹⁶⁷ had upon one occasion gone to the Sultán to pay his respects, when the Sultán boasted that there was no zamíndár at that time in Hindústán who had power to withstand his troops. Upon this, Káthar Deo, with exceeding folly, replied, that he would die rather than submit tacitly to such an assumption. The Sultán being enraged at this, dismissed him, and he returned to his own country. The Sultán then sent a female slave, named Gul Bihisht, against him. Gul Bihisht had a son called Malik Sháhín, who accompanied her on the expedition, and they besieged Káthar Deo. Just as the garrison were beginning to despair, Gul Bihisht happened to die, and Káthar Deo, sallying from the fort, attacked Malik Sháhín and killed him. Upon the death of both the son and mother, the command of the army devolved on Kamálu-d dín, who took the fort, and put Káthar Deo to death.

Gwalior.

[The campaign against Gwalior was one of the events of this year (the third of the reign). The fort of Gwalior is one of the most renowned in Hindústán, and Salím Khán Afghán (Islám Sháh) made it his residence. Up to the present time it remained in the hands of the Afgháns, and 'Adalí had placed Suhail,^167a one of Salím's slaves, in command of it. At this time, when His Majesty took up his residence at Ágra, he gave the parganas in the neighbourhood of Gwalior as a jágír to Kiyá Khán. After a while, the Khán collected an army and invested Gwalior, but the place was so strong that he could make no impression upon it. Suhail was a man of experience, and he saw very clearly that it would be impossible to hold the fort against the growing power of his Imperial neighbour. So he sent a messenger to Rám Sháh, who belonged to the family of Rájá Mán Singh, the old ruler of Gwalior, offering to surrender to him the fort, the ancient seat of his ancestors, on receipt of a suitable payment. Suhail at the same time acknowledged that he was unable to cope with the Imperial forces. Rám Sháh, who had been watching for such a chance, took with him the money that he had, and went to Gwalior. Kiyá Khán, the jágírdar, attacked him, and a battle was fought, in which many on both sides were killed. Rám Sháh was defeated, and escaped with difficulty, and went to the Ráná of (Udipúr)].¹⁶⁸

Málwa.

[In this year the Emperor sent Bahádur Khán, brother of Khán-zamán, to effect the conquest of Málwa, which was in the possession of Báz Bahádur Afghán. Sultán Bahádur Gujarátí had wrested this country out of the hands of the Khiljí monarchs, and the Emperor Humáyún took this country from Gujarát. When, by the will of fate, Hindústán passed into the hands of the Afgháns, Málwa also came into their possession, for the Gujarátís were unable to hold it. Shujáwal Khán,^168a one of the khássa-khail of Sher Khán (Sher Sháh), was appointed governor of the province. After the death of Sher Khán, Shujáwal Khán went to visit Salím Khán (Islám Sháh), and dissensions having arisen between them, he fled to Málwa. Salím Khán marched to Málwa against him, and Shujáwal Khán, being unable to resist, fled to the mountains of Dhúngarpúr. Finally, after vows and compacts were made, he joined Salím Khán, who took him to Hindústán, and divided Málwa among other amírs. In the reign of 'Adalí, Shujáwal Khán recovered Málwa, and there died. He was succeeded by his son Báz Bahádur, and when the Afgháns were scattered over Hindústán by the conquering Chaghatáís, Báz Bahádur established himself as permanent ruler of Málwa. When Bahádur Khán marched against him, the affairs of Bairam Khán-khánán came to a crisis, and the campaign in Málwa was stayed.]

Conquest of Garha (Year 958 Rihlat; 968 H.=1560 A.D.).¹⁶⁹

[Khwája 'Abdu-l Majíd, who had received the title of Ásaf Khán, was appointed governor of Karra, and in that province he rendered good service. One of his services was the conquest of Garha, a territory abounding in hills and jungles, which had never been conquered by any ruler of Hind since the rise of the faith of Islám. At this time it was governed by a woman called Rání, and all the dogs of that country were very faithful and devoted to her. Ásaf Khán had frequently sent emissaries into her country on various pretexts, and when he had learnt all the circumstances and peculiarities of the country, and the position and treasures of the Rání, he levied an army to conquer the country. The Rání came forth to battle with nearly 500 elephants and 20,000 horse. The armies met and both did their best. An arrow struck the Rání, who was in front of her horsemen, and when that noble woman saw that she must be taken prisoner, she seized a dagger from her elephant-driver, and plunged it into her stomach, and so died. Ásaf Khán gained the victory, and stopped his advance at the táluk of Chaurágarh, where the treasures of the rulers of Garha were kept. The son of the Rání shut himself up in the fort, but it was taken the same day, and the youth was trampled to death by horses. So much plunder in jewels, gold, silver, and other things was taken, that it was impossible to compute the tenth part of it. Out of all the plunder, Ásaf Khán sent fifteen elephants to Court, and retained all the rest for himself.]

Capture of Chitor (Year 965 Rihlat; 975 Hijra=1567 A.D.).

[When the Emperor marched from Gágrún against the Ráná, he had only 3000 or 4000 horsemen with him, for he hoped that the smallness of the force might induce the infidel to try the event of a battle. But the Ráná knew his own strength, and while the Emperor was at 100 kos distance from his country, he fled with his family to the distant hills. He felt at ease about Chitor, because the Emperor's force had but little siege apparatus, and it did not seem likely that he would attempt to reduce the place. But the fort was set in order, great quantities of provisions were stored, and the garrison consisted of 8000 veterans, including the Ráná's own men, with their wives and families. When the Emperor entered the Ráná's territory, and was informed of his flight, he wished to pursue him; but he ascertained that the Ráná had gone to a place far in the hills and jungles which it was impossible to reach. So the Emperor determined to attack Chitor, which is an exceedingly strong fortress. When he came near the fort, the rains were so heavy, that for a time the fort was invisible; but as the weather cleared, he got a view of the place. The fortress is situated in the midst of a level plain, which has no other eminences. The circuit of this mountain at its base is six kos, and the ground upon which the walls of the fort stand is nearly three kos. Upon the top of the hill there is a fountain, but not content with that the constructors of the fort formed large reservoirs of stone and mortar, which get filled in the rainy season. So with these supplies the garrison are never short of water. The eastern side of the fort, and towards the north, is faced with hard stone, and the garrison felt quite secure as to that portion. On the other sides if guns (top), swivels (zarb-zan), catapults (sang-r'ad), and manjaníks are able to reach the fortress, they cannot do so much harm. Travellers do not speak of any fortress like this in the whole habitable world. At this time, all the space of three kos at the top of the mountain was full, and the houses of the people rose several storeys over each other. Great numbers of men guarded the battlements at the top of the walls, and great quantities of ammunition were stored in the fortress. His Majesty carefully reconnoitred the place on every side, and saw that it would not fall without a long siege. When the garrison perceived the small number of men with the Emperor, and thought of their fortress being six kos in circumference, they uttered cries of derision. The batteries were apportioned out among the amírs, and bakh-shís were appointed and sent to those amírs who had not yet come up. Every day some one arrived and went to his battery, so that in a short time the whole fort was invested.

Ásaf Khán went under orders to take Rámpúr. He took the place, and having plundered and ravaged the country, he returned victorious. Husain Kuli Khán went to attack Udipúr, the capital of the Ráná and of his ancestors. He ravaged the country with fire and sword, and returned bringing great spoil and numerous prisoners from the fastnesses of the mountains.

From day to day the brave assailants carried their attacks closer to the fort on every side, and a great number of them suffered martyrdom, for the fort was very strong, and made a most excellent defence. Orders were given for digging ditches and for constructing sábáts,¹⁷¹ and nearly 5000 builders, carpenters, stonemasons, smiths, and sappers were collected from all parts. Sábáts are contrivances peculiar to Hindústán; for the strong forts of that country are replete with guns, muskets, and warlike apparatus, and can only be taken by means of sábáts. A sábát is a broad (covered) way, under the shelter of which the assailants approach a fortress secure from the fire of guns and muskets. Two sábáts were accordingly begun. The one which was opposite the royal quarters was so broad that two elephants and two horses could easily pass along it, and so high that an elephant-rider could carry his spear. The sábáts were commenced from the middle of the hill, which is a fortress upon a fortress.^171a The people of the fort had never seen a sábát, and were puzzled, but they endeavoured to stop the work. Seven or eight thousand horsemen and numerous gunners exerted themselves to the utmost in attacking them. And although the sábáts had thick roofs of cow and buffalo hides to protect the workmen, no day passed without a hundred men more or less being killed. The bodies of the slain were used instead of stones and bricks. His Majesty's kindness and justice would not allow any man to be pressed for the work, but heaps of rupees and dáms were scattered as hire, and each man went to work for what he could get. In a short time one sábát reached the walls, and was so high that it overlooked them. On the top of it a seat was constructed for the Emperor, from which he could see at his ease the efforts of his warriors, and from which he could also take a part in the fight if so minded. While the men of the garrison were endeavouring to interrupt the progress of the sábáts, the sappers formed several mines under the walls, and wherever stones were met with, the stonemasons opened a way through with their iron tools. Two bastions in front of the royal battery were completely undermined, and, according to order, both mines were filled with gunpowder. Three or four hundred brave men of the Imperial army were posted ready armed near these bastions, to rush in as soon as the explosion took place, before the defenders could rally to resist them. Both mines were fired, and one which took effect blew the bastion from its foundations into the air, and every stone fell at a distance. A great breach was visible, and the storming party instantly rushed forward shouting their war-cry. A strong party of the garrison came forward to oppose them, and while the contest was at the hottest, and a great number of the faithful and of the infidels were struggling upon the other bastion, the mine exploded, and blew friend and foe together into the air, scattering their limbs in all directions.¹⁷² The quantity of gunpowder used was so enormous that stones of fifty and a hundred mans were hurled to the distance of two and three kos. Many corpses also were found within a radius of two kos. Saiyid Jamálu-d dín and * * * other braves of the Imperial army perished. Vast numbers of the garrison were killed. The vast quantities of dust and smoke prevented all movement in the Imperial army for a time; stones, corpses, and limbs fell from the air, and the eyes of the soldiers were injured. The enemy, concealing their loss, showed a brave front. When the Emperor perceived the state of affairs, he exerted himself more strenuously to take the place. He ordered the sábát in front of Shujá'at Khán's battery to be pushed forward. The garrison was sore distressed, and ready to succumb, but no one had the courage to propose surrender to the Emperor. For he had determined that he would capture by storm this the strongest fortress of Hindústán, so that in future no other fortress should dare to resist the Imperial army. He took his position on the top of the sábát, and his brave soldiers kept up such a discharge from their bows and muskets that no one could escape from the place. His Majesty also had his own musket, deadly as the darts of fate, with which he killed every moving thing that caught his eye. On the 5th Sha'bán, 955, the assault was made by the Emperor's command. The walls had been breached in several places, and the signs of victory were in favour of the assailants. Jaimal, the commandant of the fortress, an infidel yet valiant, all day long struggled bravely in every part, inciting his men to fight and resist. At the time of evening prayer he came in front of the royal battery, where His Majesty, holding his musket, discharged it as often as light blazed out in the bastion. It so often happened that Jaimal was standing in that tower when His Majesty discharged his piece into a lighted place. The ball struck Jaimal in the forehead and killed him on the spot. When the men of the garrison saw their leader fall, they felt that all further resistance was useless; they gave up fighting, and after first burning the body of Jaimal, they performed the jauhar at their own homes. Jauhar is the name of a rite among the Hindus. When they know for certain that there is no escape, they collect their wives and children, goods and chattels, heap fire-wood around the pile, and fire it with their own hands. After the burning is accomplished, they rush into the fight, and give themselves over to death. This they esteem a great act of devotion. The great flames of the jauhar and the lull of the conflict on the bastions and walls showed the assailants that the garrison was reduced to extremity, so they began to make their way into the place in parties. Some of the boldest of the infidels, who had no wives and families, stood to their posts resolved to sell their lives. The Emperor witnessed the prowess of his warriors from the top of the sábát. Under his orders three elephants were taken through the breach into the city, and one of them, named Madkar, on that day killed many infidels, and although he received many wounds, never turned tail. The second elephant, named Jagna, was surrounded by infidels, and died of the numerous wounds he received from spears and swords. In the last watch of the night the assailants forced their way into the fortress in several places, and fell to slaughtering and plundering. At early dawn the Emperor went in mounted on an elephant, attended by his nobles and chiefs on foot. The order was given for a general massacre of the infidels as a punishment. The number of fighting men in the fortress exceeded 8000.¹⁷⁴ Some of them repaired to the idol temple, and there fought to the last. In every street and lane and bázár there was desperate fighting. Every now and then a band of infidels, having thrown away all hope of life, would rush from the temple with swords and shields towards their own homes, and so were the more easily despatched by the warriors they encountered. By mid-day, nearly 2000 had been slain. Under the favour of heaven, Zarb 'Alí Tawáchí was the only person of note in the Imperial army who was killed, which was a very marvellous fact. Those of the fortress who escaped the sword, men and women, were made prisoners, and their property came into the hands of the Musulmáns. The place being cleared of infidels, His Majesty remained there three days, and then departed, leaving the government of the country in the hands of Ásaf Khán.]

Conquest of Rantambhor (966 Rihlat; 976 Hijra=1568 A.D.).

[The Emperor then marched against Rantambhor, and encamped before the fortress at the end of the month of Sha'bán. The place was held by Ráí Súrjan, who had bought it of Hijjáz Khán, a servant of Salím Khán (Islám Sháh). On several occasions before, rulers of Hindústán had besieged this fort for five or six years, and Súrjan Ráí, confident in its strength, stored it with necessaries and closed its gates, but he had the fact of the fall of Chitor before his eyes. The Emperor reconnoitred the fort, gave directions for the placing of batteries, closed the ways of ingress and egress, and commenced the construction of sábáts. Near to the fort is a hill called Ran,¹⁷⁵ which commands it; but in consequence of the height of the hill and the difficulty of the ascent, no one had as yet been able to get guns up on it. His Majesty now directed that some guns (top) and swivels (zarb-zan) should be placed on the hills, such pieces as 200 pairs of bullocks would have drawn with difficulty on heavy ground. In a few days from ten to fifteen guns, capable of discharging stones of fifty, forty, and twenty mans,^175a were dragged up the hill by the labour of porters. The first shot discharged struck the house of Súrjan Ráí, and made him very apprehensive. Every shot destroyed several houses, and the garrison was so frightened that all spirit of resistance disappeared. Súrjan Ráí being helpless, sent his sons Dúdh and Bhoj out to obtain terms. His Majesty, pitying their condition, promised that Súrjan Ráí should be forgiven if he came and waited on the Emperor. Joyfully the two young men returned to their father with the promise of safety. Súrjan Ráí begged that one of the Emperor's amírs should be sent to conduct him to the presence, and Husain Kuli Khán, governor of the Panjáb, was sent into the fort on this duty. On the 3rd Shawwál, Súrjan Ráí came out and waited upon the Emperor. He offered a large tribute, and gave up the keys of the fortress, which were made of gold and silver. He asked for three days' grace for his followers and people to remove their families and property out of the place, which was granted, and at the end of this time the fort with its munitions was surrendered to the royal officers. Thus this strong place was taken in one month, and was placed under the command of Mihtar Khán.]

¹⁷⁷ THE author of this work styled it Tabakát-i Akbar-sháhí, and it is so called by 'Abdu-l Kádir Badáúní in his Muntakhabu-t Tawáríkh; but the name by which it is best known in literary circles is Tabakát-i Akbarí. It is also called, after the name of the author, Táríkh-i Nizámí, and the author himself observes it as a fortunate coincidence that the word Nizámí represents the date of its composition. In the Rauzatu-t Táhirín it seems to be called Táríkh-i Sultán Nizámí.

This is one of the most celebrated histories of India, and is the first that was composed upon a new model, in which India alone forms the subject-matter of the work, to the exclusion of the histories of other Asiatic countries. The work seems to have been recognized by all contemporary historians as a standard history; subsequent writers also have held it in the highest estimation, and have borrowed from it freely. Badáúní, the author of the Muntakhabu-t Tawáríkh, professes his work to be simply an abridgment of this, and acknowledges himself to be chiefly indebted to it for the relation of all events down to A.H. 1002^177a (1593 A.D.). Firishta states that of all the histories he consulted, it is the only one he found complete.

The Ma-ásiru-l Umará says, “This work cost the author much care and reflection in ascertaining facts and collecting materials, and as Mír Ma'súm Bhakarí and other persons of note afforded their assistance in the compilation, it is entitled to much credit. It is the first history which contains a detailed account of all the Muhammadan princes of Hindústán. * * From this work Muhammad Kásim Firishta and others have copiously extracted, and it forms the basis of their histories, deficiencies being supplied by additions of their own; but the Tabakát occasionally seems at variance with the accounts given by the celebrated Abú-l Fazl. It is therefore left to the reader to decide which of the two authors is most entitled to credit.”

European authors also hold the work in high esteem. Mr. Erskine considers Nizámu-d dín to be perhaps the best historian of the period, and Col. Lees is unable to conceive the reason why his work has not attracted more attention.

The Ma-ásiru-l Umará gives the following account of our author.

Khwája Nizámu-d dín Ahmad was the son of Khwája Mukím Harawí, who was one of the dependents of His Majesty Bábar, and who, at the latter part of that king's reign, was raised to the office of díwán of the household.¹⁷⁸ After the death of Bábar, when Gujarát was conquered by Humáyún, and the province of Ahmadábád was entrusted to Mirzá 'Askarí, Khwája Mukím was appointed wazír to the Mirzá. He accompanied Humáyún to Ágra, when that monarch fled with precipitation after his defeat by Sher Khán Súr at Chaunsa. The Khwája subsequently served under Akbar.

His son, Nizámu-d dín, was incomparably upright, and excelled all his contemporaries in administrative knowledge, as well as in the clearness of his intellect. It is stated in the Zakhíratu-l Khawánín, that, at the opening of his career, he was appointed díwán of the household by Akbar, but this statement has not been found in any other work.

In the twenty-ninth year of Akbar's reign, when the government of Gujarát was entrusted to 'Itimad Khán, Khwája Nizámu-d dín was appointed to the office of bakhshí of that province, and when Sultán Muzaffar of Gujarát engaged in hostilities, 'Itimád Khán left the Khwája's son, together with his own, to protect the city, he himself with the Khwája having quitted it, with the object of bringing over Shahábu-d dín Ahmad Khán from Karí, which is situated at the distance of forty miles from Ahmadábád; but during their absence the city fell into the hands of the insurgents, and the house of the Khwája was plundered. After this, in a battle which was fought with those turbulent people, the Khwája used his best exertions to quell the insurrection with his small body of troops, in conjunction with Shahábu-d dín Khán and 'Itimád Khán, but without success; and he therefore retreated to Pattan.

On the occasion of (Mirzá Khán) the Khán-khánán's attack upon Muzaffar Gujarátí, at Bír Ganj, about six miles from Ahmadábád, the Khwája was appointed at the head of a detachment to attack the enemy from the rear, but in this action he again did not achieve any great success, though he used his best exertions. Nizámu-d dín continued for a long time bakhshí of the province of Gujarát, and his services will be found recorded in his history of Akbar's reign.

In 998 A.H., and the thirty-fourth year of the reign (1589-90 A.D.), when the government of Gujarát was entrusted to Khán-i 'Azam the Súbadár of Málwa, and Jaunpúr was bestowed upon Khán-khánán in lieu of his jágír of Gujarát, Nizámu-d dín Ahmad was summoned to the King's presence; upon which occasion, with a number of camel-riders, he accomplished 1,200 miles by forced marches, and arrived at Lahore¹⁷⁹ on the festival of the thirty-fifth anniversary of the coronation. His camel-riders and retinue being an object of great attraction and wonderment, the King expressed a desire to inspect them; and as he was much gratified at this exhibition of the Khwája's taste and ingenuity, he conferred great honours upon him.

In the thirty-seventh year of the reign, when Ásaf Khán Mirzá Ja'far Bakhshí-begí was ordered to destroy Jalála Rau-shání, the Khwája was appointed to the post of bakhshí. In the thirty-ninth year of the reign, corresponding with 1003 H., when the King was out on a hunting excursion, the Khwája was attacked with a severe fever at Shahám 'Alí, which reduced him very much. His sons obtained permission from the King to convey him to Lahore, but as soon as they arrived at the banks of the Ráví, the Khwája expired, and “the crocodile of death dragged him into the sea of annihilation.”

'Ábid Khán, one of Nizámu-d dín's sons, was favoured with frequent marks of distinction by His Majesty Jahángír, and was employed by him in various capacities. The office of bakhshí of the súba of Gujarát, which devolved on him by hereditary right, was resigned, owing to a disagreement between him and 'Abdu-lla Khán Fíroz Jang, governor of that province, by whom he was most shamefully treated. After resigning the appointment, he took only two sheets, the one wrapped round his waist, and the other round his head, as if prepared for burial, and went thus before Jahángír, accompanied by several Tákíya Mughals. This mark of his humiliation was approved of by the King, and he was pardoned. He was afterwards appointed an immediate attendant of the King, through the recommendation of the heir-apparent, and was subsequently promoted to the office of diwán of that prince. While holding this employment, he, with Sharíf Khán Bakhshí, and several others of the body-guard, was killed at Akbar-nagar in Bengal, in a battle fought by the prince on the burial-ground where the body of the son of Ibráhím Khán Fath Jang was interred. 'Ábid Khán had no son. His son-in-law, Muhammad Sharíf, was for a short time governor of a strong fortress in the Dekhin, and was afterwards appointed hájib (chamberlain) of Haidarábád, in which capacity he passed the remainder of his days till his death.¹⁸⁰

'Abdu-l Kádir Badáúní, who, like many others, was as staunch a friend as he was a bitter foe, gives a very favourable account of Nizámu-d dín. He says that in carrying into effect his projects of economy, Nizámu-d dín gave offence to Kálíj Khán, but that he received such unqualified support from the Emperor, who entertained the highest opinion of his zeal and integrity, that his opponent, together with his adherents, were soon provided for in distant posts, instead of being kept at Court, to frustrate the endeavours of Nizámu-d dín to introduce reform into the departments under his control.

“Nizámu-d dín,” continues 'Abdu-l Kádir, “left a good name behind him. I was especially attached to him by the ties both of religion and friendship. When he died, tears of sorrow fell from my eyes, and I beat my breast with the stone of despair. After a short time, I bowed in resignation to the heavenly decree, but was so much afflicted by the bereavement, that I vowed I would never thereafter cultivate a new friendship with any other man. He died on the 23rd of Safar, 1003, and was buried in his own garden at Lahore. There was not a dry eye at his death, and there was no person who did not, on the day of his funeral, call to mind his excellent qualities, and who did not hold between his teeth the back of the hand of grief. The following Chronogram records the date of his death: Mirzá Nizámu-d dín has departed; in haste, but with honour, has he gone to his final doom. His sublime soul has fled to the celestial regions, and Kádirí has found the date of his death in these words, ‘A jewel without price has left this world.’”¹⁸¹

The author of the Tabakát-i Akbarí assigns as his reasons for composing his work, that he had “from his youth, according to the advice of his father, devoted himself to the study of works of history, which are the means of strengthening the understanding of men of education, and of affording instruction by examples to men of observation.” He found that in “the wide plains of Hindústán, which form an empire of vast extent,” the “governing classes had assumed the title and discharged the duties of rulers” in many of its divisions, “such as Dehlí, Gujarát, Málwa, Bengal, and Sindh,” and “the authors of their times have written histories of their affairs, and have bequeathed them as memorials to posterity. * * * It is most extraordinary, therefore, that not a single work containing a complete compendium of the affairs of this (entire) division (of the world) has yet been written by any historian; neither have the events connected with the centre of Hindústán, the seat of government of this Empire, the capital Dehlí, been collected in one book. The work which is best known is the Tabakát-i Násirí which Minháju-s Siráj compiled, commencing with Sultán Mu'izzu-d dín Ghorí, and concluding with Násiru-d dín bin Shamsu-d dín: from thence to the time of Sultán Fíroz is written in the history of Zíá-i Barní; but from that time to to-day, because for the greater portion of the time there was much disturbance in India, and the people had the misfortune to be deprived of a powerful Imperial government, I have only met with a few detached and incomplete compilations. I have not heard of a single history that comprises an account of the whole of India; and now since the whole of the inlying and outlying provinces of Hindústán have been conquered by the world-subduing sword of God's vicegerent, and all the fractions of the earth have been united in one grand whole, and many kingdoms beyond the confines of Hindústán, which none of the great sovereigns who preceded His Majesty had ever acquired, have been included in his Empire, and it is to be hoped that the seven climes will yet come under the shade of the standard of the good fortune of that illustrious personage, and thus be protected and secure peace and prosperity, I conceived the idea of compiling, in a simple style, a history which should embrace an account of all the kingdoms of Hindústán, from the times of Subuktigín, 367 A.H. (which is the date of the introduction of Islám into Hindústán), up to 1001 A.H., or the thirty-seventh year of the Iláhí era, dividing it into chapters, according to the several dynasties which reigned, closing each chapter with an account of the conquest by His Imperial Highness of the particular province under notice. This abridgment of all the victories of His Imperial Highness will be given in the proper place; the account of these victories in full detail being found in the Akbar-náma , which 'Allámí Abú-l Fazl has compiled with so much ability.”¹⁸³ He quotes twenty-nine different works as his standard authorities, and in the instance of the Táríkh-i Mubárak-Sháhí he copied his original very closely.^183a Though he states in his Preface, as above, that he brings down the history to the thirty-seventh year of Akbar's reign (A.H. 1001), in the body of the work he records the events of another year, and expresses a hope that he may live to carry on the work to a later period.

Nizámu-d dín was a good Musulmán, and no allusion is made in his pages to Akbar's wanderings from the fold. But with the information derivable from other sources a tolerably accurate inference may be drawn from the gradual diminution and eventual cessation of the records of Akbar's pilgrimages to the tombs of the saints.

Sir H. Elliot adopted the Table of Contents given by Stewart in his Catalogue of Tipú Sultán's Library, although he found that it contained both more and less than he had seen in other copies. The following table is borrowed from Mr. Morley, who had the advantage of several MSS. to compare. It agrees, as he says, with the author's own account of the contents in his introduction, and the only difference found is in the order of sequence of the books.