When Nasír-Addín died, and the government was settled upon Ismaïl, the army extended the neck of covetousness, and began to seek the largesse of investiture. And he divided amongst them the treasures of the earth, but his belt became too narrow to embrace that office, and the enervation of his strength and the debility of his disposition became apparent, and he was not able to abide firmly by the rules of the government, and of the mastery of others. There were two causes of this, one, that he was in the vigour of youth, and possessed no experience, and saw not what was right or wrong, and knew nothing of the management of affairs; and the second was, that he had no confidence in his brother, and was acquainted with his perfect haughtiness and severe manners, and was aware of his powerful intellect, his great virtues, his unbounded vigour, strength, and majesty. And when the army perceived his inefficiency and weakness they began to stretch out the skirt of intemperance and importunity, and to ask for allowances and payments beyond their due, and became eager for increased pay and allowances, until the whole of the accumulated treasures left behind by Nasír-Addín were swallowed up in the supply of their cravings, and the treasury became empty. And the Amír Ismaïl extended his hand to seize upon the treasures of the citadel, and the trust-money of Ghazna, and if the period of his government had been extended, he would have broken up the whole system of administration and of revenue, for most of the Court attached themselves to divide and tear up. And when Saif-Addoulat received intelligence of that which had happened to his father, he (first) adhered to the usual rules of mourning, and sent a letter of condolence to his brother, and dispatched Abul-Hasán-Hamúlí* on a mission to convey it, (and in this letter he said), “Our father who was the Paradise of affairs and the pillar of events hath departed, and now there is not for me upon the face of the earth any one more honoured than thee, and nothing dearer to me than thy sweet life, and thy bright eyes; and whatever thy wish, or the desire of thy inclination might seek to obtain, as regards authority, and command, and treasure, and slaves, and goods, and troops, I feel no regret that you should possess them. Notwithstanding this, my power and my experience in the events of fortune, and my knowledge of the minutest points relating to military command, and my acquaintance with the management of troops, and my practical experience in the manners of the world, may prove a well-compacted foundation, and a strong means of support for the establishment of thy kingdom, and for the perpetuity of thy authority, and if thy supreme power and authority should perform what is expected of thee in the transaction of these affairs, and should display firmness in that which appertains unto the throne, and should exhibit liberality in the settlement of these matters, I will be the most obedient and the most satisfied of all men, although our father made a will which was affronting to me, on account of the distance between us, and on account of the dread of calamity, and on account of his being separated from a composed mind and a state of volition. It would seem therefore fit that thou shouldst entertain thoughts of foresight, and shouldst recognize the way of equity, and that thou shouldst relinquish to me Ghazna, which is the rising star of fortune, and the starting point of government, and the strength of the chiefs of the State; whilst we, on our part, will relinquish for thee the territory of Balkh, or we will settle upon thee the government and generalship of the armies of Khurasán.”
The Amír Ismaïl did not receive these words favourably, and that which was unfortunate and afflicting in his road seized hold of the border of his prosperity, and he remained interdicted from the enjoyment of fortune. The Governor of Jurján stood up to mediate between them, and chided them much, giving them many good counsels and pieces of advice, if by any means he might have held them to the observance of the rules of fraternity and friendship, and might expel from the minds of each of them the serpent of malignity, by means of kindness and benevolence. And said thus to them: “Kindred when so near should display mutual affection. It is right that you two brothers should be inclined to each other, and should regard each other, and by personal conversation and hearing each other should bring forth that affection, and regard, and attention to entreaty, which remains concealed within your secret souls, and that you should keep entirely apart from all that might conduce to the injury of your houses, and the diminution of your dignity, and to blind anger, and to the gratification of your enemies.” This advice was favourably received by the Amír Saif-Addoulat, and he yielded to it a gracious ear, and he was satisfied with and concurred with it. But with respect to the Amír Ismaïl, on account of his apprehension, and his distrust and suspicion, he would not surrender himself, and turned aside from these good counsels, and he saw the waste of his most precious treasures, and the overbearing force of a corrupted army preponderate over the preservation of his family, and the friendship of his brother, and of his subjects, and over all sound conduct. On account of the depravity which had obtained the mastery over his better soul, and of the fancy which was newly conceived in the border of his mind, because he had removed the reins of quietness and repose from his hand. And Utbi* relates as follows— I conveyed to the hearing of the Amír Ismaïl certain verses which Saif-Addoulat-Hamadáni had spoken upon the subject of his brother Nasir-Addoulat, in order that he might if possible smooth the way to the establishment of the foundations of friendship, and might establish those brotherly relations becoming their condition, whereby all motive for unkindness and aversion might be abolished. But these verses did not stand before him on the wheels of fortune, and did not attach themselves unto the resting point (fulcrum) of gracious acceptance. And the verses were these that follow (Verse)
And the Amír Saif-Addoulat remained unequal to apply a remedy to these matters, or to discover a way of deliverance and escape from these difficulties, since his quiet disposition and kind nature, and gravity, and gentleness was averse from taking the first step into the gate of extremities, or from taking the lead in opposition and determination; particularly in reference to a brother who was the apple of his eye and a part of the liver of his body and soul, and the fruit of his heart, and the flower of the garden of his enjoyment, and the maintenance of the days of his life; but he could not succeed in his endeavours to seek the means of mending this torn garment, nor could he find any way to reconcile this quarrel. And in him was exemplified the text which says, “The last remedy is the actual cautery,” and he began to be convinced that when the hand, which is the pillar of the body, and the most precious limb for seizing, wounding, or attacking, is bitten by a serpent, and the rest of the body, on account of its dependence upon it, begins to perish, there are no means of cure except by cutting it off; and also the teeth which compose the mill of the body, and by the strength of which the meals which support life are broken up, when they become eaten through by decay, and when through the pain which they cause, the delights of life become impracticable, there is no other remedy with respect to them except to extract them, and to destroy them.
Hereupon he sent a letter to the Amír Abul-Harith, and intimated to him the state of affairs, and informed him that to proceed to Ghazna was a matter of necessity, and that to march down to that quarter was an act which was indispensable. He therefore set off, and turned his face towards Ghazna, and when he arrived at Herát he betook himself to write, and he brought forward words and fair promises, and both in kind and harsh (expressions) brought prominently forward the most minute points in apology for his measures. But nothing profitable resulted, and nothing useful ensued, so that the mediation between these powers, and the cutting off of this strife, fell to the sword, and the sword produced perils, and slaughter, and battles (Verse)
And Saif-Addoulat mentioned his grief to Bagrajak, and offered proposals of mutual friendship and support, and he undertook to do him service without stipulating for any fixed reward, and he sought to aid him with the ensigns of war, and came to Bost to help him. And the Amír Nasr-’bn-Nasír-Addín* was at that place. He also, with the most sincere friendship and the most pure feeling of brotherhood proceeded without delay to the service of his fortunate standard, and girded up the loins of obedience and readiness in the support of his design, and with the utmost candour, and without the least hypocrisy, became one of his followers.
And when the Amír Ismaïl received the news of the march of Saif-Addoulat, and of his intention to proceed towards Ghazna, he used great expedition, and proceeded from Balkh to Ghazna. And the nobles of the kingdom, and the chiefs of his Highness, dispatched messages of kindness to the Amír Saif-Addoulat, and represented the sincerity of their obedience, and began to enter into proposals of reconciliation and friendship, and the rejection of variance. And the envoys and intercessors used their utmost endeavours for the settlement of friendship; but the dispensation of heaven proved victorious, and the sparks of iniquity blazed into a flame, and the Amír Saif-Addoulat advanced his forces, and put his regiments in array.
And he arranged rightly his left and right wing, and the warriors of the troops and the chiefs of the armies came into the field of battle like fierce lions, who strike the talons of war into the neck of fate at the time of battle when the wheel of fortune is suspended in the air (Verse)
And the Amír Ismaïl came to meet him with his own guards and slaves, and with the comrades and followers of his father, and he supported the centre and the wing with elephants of an enormous size, like dark-coloured mountains. And when the two armies came together, the sword becoming capable of speech, mounting upon the lofty pulpit to utter forth the decrees of destiny, summoned the wielders of the spear, and said, “The spear, although he is a strong serpent, when he comes upon the eye of a ring of a coat of mail, quivers and trembles, and I am a Hindú of good family,* and I so bore into the eye of the body-clothing-armour that I enter into the object which I seek, namely, the red face (of warriors). By every flash of mine which pierces from the depth of my vigour I see into the treasury of the breast, and with every edge which is attached to my belt I have drawn blood (as) from the mouth of the gad-fly.” All threw the darts and drew out the swords, and so great a battle ensued that the iron-hearted weapon wept blood at the noise of the exploits of the youthful combatants of the war, and the scorpion in the sky burnt his heart, and battles succeeded battles, and Arcturus shot forth javelins, and the two dog-stars began to weep, and the sky drew over her head the blue garment of mourning, and from the fire of battle the moon singed her cheek, and the expanse of the heavens became bent in the back from anxiety, and the stars spread their pillows upon the carpet of the milky way, and the morning tore her garment (Verse)
And the Amír Saif-Addoulat made a charge, and from the mist of his sword superinduced a dark-coloured mantle of blood over the hills and on the plains, and from the blood of throats converted the surface of the green turf into a rose-coloured parterre of the Argwan (Verse)
And the leavings of the sword sought the road of safety and the way of security upon the cliffs of the mountains, and the Amír Ismaïl fled into the castle of Ghazna, and in one of the towers of that stronghold was guarded against the misfortunes of his chiefs and the mischances of his officers, and the Amír Saif Addoulat, when his anger was appeased and the battle at an end, and the flame of war had gone down, forgave him, and received him under the guardianship of his protection and support, and forgot what was past; and the fidelity of brotherhood and the sincerity of affection was again placed upon a secure foundation. Truly God is most wise in equity.*
Abul-Kasim-Simjúr, after the death of Fakhr-Addoulat, became settled at Jurjan, in the Court of his son Majd-Addoulat, and appeared constant in his obedience and service to him, and the most eminent of the servants and the most important of the courtiers of the family of Simjúr betook themselves to him from Khurasán, and a considerable army was collected together with him, and all his affairs were well ordered, both as regards the compactness of the army, and the liberal supply of stores and men, and Faik, on account of the irritation which he felt against Begtuzum, wrote soothing letters to Abul-Kásim, and stirred him up to march against Begtuzum, and excited him, and induced him to request the office of general of the army, which was the ancient dignity belonging to the family of Simjur, until he began to inhale this breath (of flattery) and to buy this coquetry (of deception) and forgetfully to sell ready money for credit, and, according to the proverb, “The den is the lodging for the lion,” he set his heart upon being separated from Jurjan, and he proceeded to oppress and vex Begtuzúm, and thus all things happened according to the saying (Verse)
And he sent on in advance the lawyer* Abu-Ali-’bn-Abil-Kasim. And he, when he came to Isfárayin, arrived at a place where a detachment from the army of Begtuzúm had taken up its position. He gave them battle and broke through them, and went on their rear as far as to Nishapúr, and, when they arrived at Nishapúr, Begtuzúm sent a message to Abul-Kasim, to the following effect, that the business of war rests upon no security, and its issue is behind the veil of mystery, and to support one’s self upon the prop of force and grandeur, and to become cheated and flattered by fortunate circumstances and propitious events, is a proceeding far removed from the system of good sense and the way of rectitude. And a man falls into the difficulties of war who finds no possible means of returning into the spacious and unconfined plain of peace. This is the most advisable proceeding, that you should halt at Kohistán, which is the (ancient) portion of the house of Simjúr, until I send to the king, and obtain a grant and concession (for you) of the province of Herat and the districts bordering upon those coasts.
Abul-Kasim, however, did not incline himself to these words and was entirely deceived by his victory over those timid youths and by the number of his followers, and he placed his entire reliance upon his force and strength, and remained indifferent to the consequences of self-will and carelessness, and to the issue of rebellion and peevishness, and therefore he put his troops in array and prepared for war. And Bektuzúm, when he saw his stubbornness in folly and in error, and that, through his recklessness, like the moth flying into the flame, he had fallen into the narrow passage of ruin, began also to prepare the necessaries of war; and he made a prosperous commencement of the undertaking and set his face to carry on the war, and they fell upon each other at the moist desert at the gate of Nishapúr, and they made the social round of the cup of vengeance to each other, until their swords had drank well (of the streams of blood). And the sun, in terror at that battle, drew his round shield over his face, and the sword struck in attacking the young warriors, and the eastern rays of the sun, from shame at the western flash of the swords, became veiled, and the battle-axe recorded upon the helmet historical tales and exploits (Verse)
(Arabic Verse)
And at last Bektuzum obtained the victory and Simjur took to flight, and Abul-Kasim, the Divine, who was the pillar of the army and the support of affairs, together with the whole company of the other chiefs of the people, were taken prisoners, and Simjúr proceeded to Kohistán. This event happened in the month Rebia-Al-Awwal, in the year 388, and Bektuzum caused to run, in all directions, swift messengers, and gave information of the victory which had been gained; and the chiefs of the State were exalted at that joyful news and proof of God’s goodness, except Fáík, who was sorry thereat, and from vexation thereat gnawed the finger of spitefulness and rage. And with regard to Simjur he remained quiet at Kohistan, and began to recover from that misfortune, and was engaged in the business of his investiture, and urged on the collectors of taxes to be active in gathering the dues; and Bektuzum began to turn his attention unto him, in order that he might wrest that province from his grasp; and, when an engagement between them was nearly approaching, all who were around them interposed to mediate between them and to arrange the dispute, and they contrived to procure a meeting between them, and Abul-Kasim gave his son ’Bn-Abu-Sahl to Bektuzum, as an hostage, and the chief matter of dispute was thus cut off. And Abul-Kasim came to Kohistán and Bektuzum proceeded to Nishapur. This accommodation took place in the month Rejib, in the year 388.
But that grudge which had existed between Faik and the Vizir Abul-Muzaffar broke out afresh, and Abul-Muzaffar, from his dread of Faik, flew to the chief capital, and found safety in transferring his allegiance to the Amír Abul-Hareth. And Fáík sent a person and demanded him again, in an overbearing and contentious manner; and the Amír Abul Hareth returned a sharp answer, and Fáík, in disgust, quitted the Governor’s palace, and resolved to proceed towards the Turkish provinces, but the senators of Bukhárá exerted themselves to restore friendship, and they appeased the mind of the Amír Abul-Hareth, and they prevailed upon Fáík to relax his fury, and, for the sake of peace, they sent Abul-Muzaffar, for a time, to the coast of Jurján, and they conferred the office of Vizir upon Abul-Kasim-Barmakí,* and the skilful lyre of Abu-Shanji thus sings of this equitable arrangement, in these verses, where he says (Verse)
And Abul-Kasim Barmaki was virtuous, efficient, and intelligent, but, however, the spirit of avarice had obtained a mastery over his disposition, and, when he took possession of the office of Vizir, he betook himself to the course of injustice and of close calculation and scantiness towards the Turkish guards and officers of the army, with respect to their wages, and rations, and clothing. He was suddenly killed, by two or three of the guards; and these verses (following upon the subject) are remarkable for their beauty, their cadence, and their pleasing expression (Verse)
The Amír Saif-Addoulat brought down his brother, by professions of peace, and kindness, and friendship, from the citadel of Ghazna, and extorted from him the keys of the Treasury, and converted to his own use the property and the deposits of the citadel, and the state of weakness into which the army had recently fallen was remedied and a state of security was restored. And he placed his own surveyors and collectors at Ghazna, over the revenue, and he replaced a strong guard of horse, for the purpose of guarding and protecting the treasure in the castle, and he came, with his army laden with booty, to Balkh, and communicated to His Highness (his Suzerain)* an account of his condition and of his famous victory, and of his complete arrangement of his brother’s affair, and of his return unto Khurasán, under the canopy of prosperity, and he gave a message, to the following effect, “If my father, who was the guardian of the kingdom and the protector of the State, hath made a removal from the transitory unto the everlasting world, we nevertheless, in the service of the throne and in the maintenance of the rules of obedience, are our father’s heir, and we have stood firmly in maintaining our former duty to the King Ridha-Núh-’bn-Mansur, and in adhering to the rights of Abul-Hareth, who is the next link in the chain of royalty, and the heir of his crown and of his throne, and to him we bind up the loins of service, and we will charge ourselves with the duty of supporting the chiefs of the State, and of humbling the enemies of His Highness.”
The Amír Abul-Hareth sent unto him the Sayyad Abul-Hasan-Alawy-Hamadání, and, in order to congratulate him upon his arrival, sent by his hand a royal letter patent, confirming to him the government of Balkh, and Harát, and Bost, and Sarmadh. But, as to the question of Nishapúr and the prince-generalship of the troops, he, with great kindness and regard, observed, “Bektuzún225a is a servant of the State and one who was piously well disposed and inclined to fulfil his ancient duties, and for me, without some new cause and the allegation of some excuse, to issue a royal order for his removal, and thus to cut off his bread, would be an action far removed from the rules of generosity and justice.” The Amir Saif-Addoulat charged this proceeding with the accusation that it had been dictated by envious and malicious opponents; and he sent Abul-Hasam-Hamwali with a message to him and despatched by him, the particulars of his charge, informing him that both the pens of his writers and the intellects of his accountants were unable to define or to compute that communication. He expressed his expectation that the exalted mind would not change or alter the settlement to which he was engaged, or that the extension of mutual assistance, according to the rules of friendly intercourse, should receive no diminution. He said, “Those ties which have been established between us and our father, for the service of the royal throne, ought not to be destroyed by the violence or the cavils of enemies, nor ought the bracelet of affection be broken, or the foundation of mutual aid and support be split asunder, and that strength which has resulted and has enabled us to obtain a firm mastery over Khurasán, and to regulate all the affairs of the army, ought not to be ruined and undone.”
And when Hamwali arrived at Bukhárá the cushion of the Vizárat was vacant, and they proposed to him the gratification of this office. With this office he was so much overjoyed and flattered that he began to overlook the mission on which he had been sent, and the negotiation with which he had been charged and to which he had been engaged. And his condition resembled that of which the wise speak (Verse)
He in this office betook himself to labour hard in what was sinful, and to struggle in affecting that which was impossible, and he fancied that, by his own capabilities and management, he could untie a knot which by the revolutions of the sky (time) had been firmly fixed, and that, by his skill and wisdom, he could restore those systems which had arrived at old age to the freshness of youth, and that, through the manœuvreing and attention of ingenuity, he could restore newness and sweetness to the robe which, by constant wear in the streets and amongst the people, had become a tattered beggar’s garment, and was far from thinking of the proverb, “That which time has made offensive the perfumer will never make fresh.” And truly does the lyre of Boshanji say of him (Verse)
And when the Amír Saif-Addoulat received by testimony the representation of affairs, and an account of his weak understanding, and his failing judgment, and of the clashing of interests, and of the bad guidance of the people, and understood that the kingdom was on the verge of ruin and the path of destruction, and that all those persons who are the most eminent of the State, and the chief officers of the Court, were engaged in benefiting their own condition, and in compassing their own ends, he set his face towards Nishapúr, in order to keep watch over his ancient dignity, and that he might remove those defacings which through mismanagement had appeared upon the structure of his honour. And Bektuzún, when he became convinced of his intention and design, hurried out of the way of the course of the torrent, and conveyed himself and his property, and his household, and his army out of danger, and removed from Nishapúr, and sent a letter to his Highness of Bukhárá and intimated his condition. And the Amír Abul-Hareth through the intoxication of youth, and the foolishness of boyhood, and because he had not experienced the changes of fortune, or tasted of the coldness or the warmth of time, collected a considerable army, and proceeded from Bukhárá unto the province of Khurasán, with the intention of opposition, and with the design of repelling him,* and came by successive marches to Sarakhs.* And the Amír Saif-Addoulat knew well that this proceeding was caused by folly, and by disregard to the opinion of people of judgment, and an evidence of a departure from right advice and counsel, since this body of men were not possessed of much strength, nor were a match for his forces, for that they all would be annihilated by one attack of the torrent of his sea, and by one charge of his reserved guard would be reduced to nothing. However he was unwilling to tear the curtain of his bashfulness,† or to rend his veil, or that the glory of that kingdom should pass away by his means, and that the claims of friendship should be destroyed or set aside for one fault. Therefore he exhibited some delay and procrastination in advancing his standards to battle, and he went slowly to Merú and returned to Nishapúr, in order that at another time he might arrange that dispute by means of cutting wrangling, and clear argument, and brilliant apologies, that thus the darts of the envious, and the reproaches of the opposite party, should find no occasion for attacking him, and that both the learned and the ignorant, the high and the humble, might perceive that he had a sufficient excuse for his proceedings, therefore he proceeded from Merurúd unto the bridge Zaghúl, and remained quiet at that place, and occupied himself in the regulations of his affairs, and in meditating upon the most equitable method of proceeding. And Bektuzún proceeded to the Court of the Amír Abul-Hareth, where Fáík remained in the service of the throne. And Bektuzún had entertained expectations that the honours of his reception by the Amír Abul-Hareth would be greater than he perceived them (really to be), and he submitted to Fáík a complaint upon the subject; and Fáík on his side re-echoed the complaint, and both of them used their utmost endeavours to fix upon him* the imputation of errors and reprehensible actions, and of harshness of disposition, and roughness of deportment, and of a want of popular manners. Their projects soon obtained favour, and they prevailed upon the commonalty to make a demand for his deprivation and removal from office, and they found in all a ready hearing to their directions, and obedience to their guidance; and they engaged together in a plot, and Bektuzún made a petition, and alleged a certain important affair, for which there was need of the assistance and advice of Abul-Hareth, and by this contrivance they procured his presence at a Court, and they seized him and put out his world-seeing eyes, and tore his delicate beauty and his form like the new moon. Nor can they be considered free from the imputation of infamy, nor their dress pure from the stain of ingratitude for benefits. But what was most wonderful was that in this condition he earnestly besought them for three necessary indulgences by way of existence. One was that they should deposit with him his wife, for the purpose of aid, conversation, and society, that he might not endure all the burden of the penalty, and severity, and misery of his offence;* but they, through the excess of their harshness and the fault of their disposition, did not grant that request, but they resisted in a grudging and vacillating manner and through these restrictions and vain longings the fire of his sighs and the wind of his hardship, became increased.
And they placed his brother Abd-Almalik-Ibn-Núh upon the throne, and he was in the season of infancy and the time of perversity, and in the period of weakness and intellectual deficiency. And both high and low, humble and noble, stretched forth the tongue of reproof against this unjust action and shameful measure, and displayed the utmost aversion to this audacious proceeding. But no sooner had intelligence arrived that the Amír Saif-Addoulat had marched to the bridge of Zaghúl than all that party began to fly away in terror, like a flock of sheep from the violence of the lion, or a sparrow from the onset of the hawk, and they did not stop at any place until they arrived at Merú. And the Amír Saif-Addoulat sent a person to Fáík and Bektuzún, and made unmeasured complaints against them, for their infringement of the rights of their benefactor, and their diminution of the reverence due to him. And they betook themselves to deception, and obtained a justification of their proceedings from the mouth of Abdul-Malik-’bn-Núh, and promised additional subjects, and augmented power, and made liberal offers, for the purpose of detaching him (from the opposite party), and exciting avarice in the country of his enlarged soul and liberal feelings. But the Amír Saif-Addoulat, on account of his veneration for Islam and his jealousy for the faith, did not consider it lawful to connive at this shameful conduct, and persisted in resisting these tyrants and sycophants, and marched out with his army and came to Merú, in order that this affair might arrive at examination and these words might be brought to an end by a discussion face to face. But upon the arrival of his stirrup (suite) all this party were struck with confusion, and various kinds of terror and of dread obtained the mastery over their temperament, and they were ashamed of what they had done. And when they fell into their hands, and saw that they had erred, they said, “Unless our Lord has mercy upon us, and forgives us, we shall certainly be among the wretched.”
And the Lord inflicted upon them vengeance, by means of Saif-Addoulat, and made them all examples and (proofs of) misery, according to their deeds and to the wickedness of their actions, and he stripped and pierced them all through with the anguish of their treachery, and with the vileness of their malice,* according to that verse of the Koran: “Thus hath thy Lord seized thee, when he seized thy back, and this is wretchedness, that a great calamity hath seized you.”
And Fáík and Bektuzún took their coursers and went down to meet Saif-Addoulat, and instead of obstinacy drew the veil over the head of confusion, and carried depression of mind and weakness of heart upon the loins of repentance, because they thought that that was a sea beyond the measure of their swimming, and that that was a burden beyond their power and strength. And from that reflection perplexity obtained the mastery, and fear and terror became conquerors, and all the world became blocked up, no means of departing from place to place, no means of seeking flight, and no way of providing assistance (Verse)
And they began to understand that to wrestle with a torrent is to risk one’s life, and to butt against a mountain is to give one’s head to the winds, and that to strike a blow upon a bodkin* is to expose the hand to destruction. In this helpless condition they sent messengers, and requested delay, and with the most perfect humility offered proposals of peace.
And Saif-Addoulat although he was well acquainted with the corruption of their hearts, and the depravity of their conduct, and although he well knew the depth of their baseness and treachery, yet in order to quiet all dispute, and establish an excuse (for his own conduct), to remove all appearance of suspicion, and to redeem himself from the stigma of rebellion, and the imputation of obstruction and enmity, regarded their petition with favour, and returned a favourable answer to their application, and consented to depart. He accordingly marched, and when his heavy furniture and baggage was on the route the low followers and mob of their camp began to lay the hand of violence and enmity upon the rear of his army, and they plundered some portion of his baggage. And the regular troops of Saif-Addoulat, with their excess of strength and augmented majesty, made a charge; and they (thus) put their foot upon the serpent’s tail and threw themselves into the way of destruction. And when Saif-Addoulat witnessed them thus falling into the ruin of error, and precipitating themselves into the den of fate, and beheld their overpowering greediness and false covetousness in the plundering and rapine of their followers, and that the chiefs and officers did nothing to repress the folly of their low followers, or the oscitancy of their mob, he began to understand that their limbs were in his power, and that their stillness and silence* would become examples of the saying, “The fool becomes determined when misfortune compels him.” He accordingly ordered that a company of his troops should surround these mob-followers and put them all to death (Verse)
And the army formed itself, and arguments of steel ran throughout the battle field, and well-ordered ranks faced the enemy (Verse)
And with them the two brothers Nasr and Ismaïl, and their uncle Begrajak, stood in their centre, and there is a place in the verses of Abu-Farash which contains a description of their condition (Verse)
And the disaffected commonalty, on account of the advance of his standards and the onward pressure of his flags, beheld terrific sights like those of the day of judgment, and their affairs were abundantly supplied with vexation and repentance, and they began to blame each other for these reprehensible acts, and for having undertaken so shameful an affair. And being in the intricate narrowness of this difficulty they could not discover the egress of good advice, and being thus without remedy they came out from the city in gaudy cloaks, and splendid coats, and new festival dresses, and the insignia of holiday making, for they had a great opinion of their troops collected from the provinces of Khurasán and Máwarannahr. Horse and foot then assembling, drew up in rank on the front of Saif-Addoulat, and they took their stand opposite his army, and on both sides the hand embraced the sword and a great slaughter ensued (Verse)
And the punishment of these vile infidels and of these traitors to the fidelity due to their master came upon them, and at one charge the army of Saif-Addoulat broke through them, and they took the road of flight, and if night had not come as a veil over their affairs, and as a fresh resource to them, all would have been involved in the rope of destruction, and cast down the precipice of sudden ruin (Verse)
And Abdul-Malik-Ibn-Núh and Fáík halted after that defeat at Bukhárá, and Bektuzún came to Nishapúr, and Abul-Kasim-Simjur went to Kohistán, and the star of the happiness of Saif-Addoulat arrived at the zenith of glory, and the height of his dignity, and the perfection of his good fortune exceeded that of the pinnacle of the skies; and the kingdom of Khurasán and the inheritance of the royalty of the family of Sámán became prepared and concocted for him, and his rivals and opponents became dispersed and torn to tatters in the various provinces and asylums of the world (Verse)
And after this event he marched towards Tús, lest Bektuzún and Simjur should unite together, and lest from their union some new injury should arise, and that confusion might not be produced; and Bektuzún through fear of this proceeding went on towards Jurjan, and the Sultán sent Arslán-Jadhib after him, in order that he might go upon his track, like the shooting stars after the foot-marks of evil spirits, and expel him from the regions of Khurasán. And he betook himself to this service; but the Sultán had included Tús in his computations, and therefore with most of his army left him for Tús, and went on his way, in order that he might inspect the revenue collectors, and renew fidelity in those districts.
And Bektuzún seized the opportunity of the absence of the Sultán, and returned to Nishapúr, and began to advance the pretensions of Abdul-Malik to royalty, not recognizing the truth, that when the supporting columns of a kingdom have become decayed by the changeful hand of time, and when its foundations have become destroyed by reason of the lapse of many ages, no vain exertion and no fruitless endeavour can restore it; and that when the natural conformation differs from the usual symmetry it is impossible to restore it permanently to the common figure. And the result of all these proceedings was this, that the Sultán was compelled to endure renewed trouble and reiterated annoyance, lest they should by one blow gain head and preserve it. And he went out by the way of Abiward, and the army of the Sultán went on his track, so that he turned towards the road through the desert in the direction of Merú, and desired to fix himself in that city, and to entrench himself in that fortification; but the people of Merú having made opposition he plundered the city, and proceeded from the desert of Amil to Bukhárá, and when the plain of Khurasán was free from Bektuzún* and his followers, the Sultán sent Arslan-Jadhib unto Kohistan, that he might expel Abul-Kasim-Simjúr from those coasts, and might break down his expectation of restoration and prosperity whilst the cup was at his lips. Arslan then proceeded to Kohistan, and gave him battle, and defeating him expelled him unto the coasts of Tús; and the Sultán conferred the generalship of the army upon his brother Nasr-Ibn-Nasír-Addín, and sent him to Nishapúr, and proceeded to Balkh, and made Balkh his capital, and there took his seat upon the royal throne. And in this journey he went one day with certain of his guards on a hunting expedition to the frontiers of Meruward, and the Amír Ismaïl and Noshtagin-Káj, who was one of the nobles of Nasír-Addin, was in attendance, and the Sultán happened to look round and saw Noshtagin holding his hand ready upon his sword, and looking out for a signal and intimation from the Amír Ismaïl, and the Sultán by that action of Noshtagin discovered the treachery of the Amír Ismaïl, and perceived the hint he gave by a glance and the winking of his eye. However he (the Amír Ismaïl) had spread the carpet of hesitation upon that consultation, and the evidences of his doubt were manifest.
And the Sultán, when he returned, put Noshtagin to death and summoned his brother before him, and began to search into the particulars of the affair. And the Amír Ismaïl began craftily to extenuate the deceit of that traitor, and the vile mysteriousness of that deceiver. In consequence of this much discussion and conversation took place between them, and the Sultán perceived that it would conduce to the preservation of the State and to the peace of the times to deposit Ismaïl with certain of the nobles of the Court in some place where he could be kept safely and be well guarded, knowing that two swords cannot be contained in one sheath, and that dissensions arise from the concurrence of two kings even upon one sheet of paper,* and that if there are two rams in one flock they will begin to butt at one-another. And the Sultán, at the time when the Amír Ismaïl had been removed from the castle of Ghazna, had, at an entertainment, entered upon free conversation with him, and had entered upon a gradual enquiry into his most hidden thoughts, and asked of him thus,— “If the accident of victory and the fortunate opportunity which has happened to me had happened to thee, and I had become a prisoner in thy hands, what course wouldest thou have pursued with me? and in what way wouldest thou have thought to have acted towards me?” The Amír Ismaïl, through the extreme mildness of his heart and equity of his disposition, replied, “I had this intention respecting you, to send you to some mountain-castle and to settle upon you whatever you might wish or desire with respect to your furniture, your attendants, your wives, and all the conveniences and comforts of life; and if you felt any inclination, or wish, or desire for anything whatever I should have freely granted it to you.” The Sultán, therefore, took the same measures with regard to him, and acted towards him according to the judgment of his own intention, and committed him to the care of the governor of Jurjan, and gave order that he should be guarded, but liberally provided with all comforts, and settled and commanded that all the means of enjoyment should be supplied to him, in the measure of his own will. And truly the Sultán was a man of perfect generosity and amiable disposition, with which virtues his royal garment was adorned and the robe of his intentions wonderfully embroidered; and he never alienated his brother from that place in his affections which was due to the feelings of kindred and of fraternal connection. And, moreover, in his treatment of individuals who were obviously guilty of great crimes and treachery, and who, in opposing him and acting contumaciously against him had been foremost, and had rendered themselves liable to pay the penalty of offences and shameful crimes, he, in the time of power and opportunity, would slacken the fire of anger and indignation with the water of mildness and forgiveness, and would overlook and receive excuses, and pass over errors and offences; and, if ever he took any strong proceedings in the way of punishing offenders, he proceeded according to that blessed proverb, that a wise king ought to act with such prudence that, in a state of anger, he should inflict injury upon a man in such a way as that, in a state of good humour, he may be able to repair the wrong; for, in the destroying of anything, let Him only be active who is almighty to create, since it is impossible to make reparation when the spirit is overpowered and life destroyed, and destruction will not be formed again (Verse)
The Commander of the Faithful, Al-Kàdir-Billáh sent to the Sultán a precious robe and a valuable jewel, such as no other king or sultán had been honoured with, from the palace of the spiritual sovereign, and granted to him the surname of Yamín-Addoulat-wa-Amin-Al-millat,* a surname which had been treasured up in the treasury of the clement lord, and had been carefully preserved, for his sake, from being shared with others. And the Sultán was clothed with that robe of honour which had been woven for his exalted stature, and had been brought from that prophetical presence and abode of the Khiláfat for that object of generosity and happiness. And he sat down on the royal throne, and the nobles of Khurasán and the chiefs of the provinces at his levees, were arranged in ranks, and stood before his throne, and girded up their loins in service and obedience; and he gratified every one with due marks of favour and substantial ornaments, and he honoured them with valuable dresses and innumerable gifts. And the royal and kingly authority became established upon a firm basis, and the hearts of the nobles and the people, of the humble and of the great, became confirmed in obedience to him, and his circumstances became well arranged and under the canopy of his rule and the excellence of his system the affairs of the provinces of Khurasán were well settled, and happiness was sought under the good fortune of his government, and the benefits of his service, and the sanction of the Khiláfat, and the porch of security, and the splendid authority of the people of the house (of God) and the manifestation of the word of truth, exhibited its mission amongst the subjects of this kingly family; for every year Ghazna made, in the provinces of Hindostán, a free-will offering, by giving victory to the princes of faith, and by causing the depression of the enemies of Islam, and it became unto them the cause of the settlement of the State and of the establishment of the government, and of the security of his affairs, according to that which hath been uttered by the exalted and glorious Koran: “O ye who believe, if ye support the cause of God He will support you and will strengthen your feet.”
When Abdul-Malik-Ibn-Nuh and Fáík arrived, after that defeat at Bukhárá, and Bektuzún formed a union with them, and the opposing armies became united, then the dream of recovery, and the hope of renewed success, and the desire of prosperity, again obtained the mastery over their minds, and they again began to entertain thoughts of renewing the quarrel and recommencing the fight; but, in the midst of this affair, Fáík, who was the upper packet in the matter, and the fringe of the garment, and the column of the whole building, succumbed to death, and thereby all their secret intentions were frustrated, and various indications of weakness and imbecility became visible in their counsels. And Ilek-Khán came to Bukhárá, and, for the purpose of plotting and deceiving, pretended to display friendship and attachment to Abdul-Malik, and said, “In adversity we make ill-will disappear. Although, in former times, the uprisings of these demons have succeeded, to a certain degree, in injuring the bands of affection and destroying the basis of intimacy, and hence some disagreeable events have arisen. ‘Truly he hath eaten his brother’s meat and hath not invited him to eat of it.’ On account of my kindred to this house and on account of the establishment of causes for friendship I feel it incumbent upon me to guard the safety of this royal dynasty, and to experience anger and indignation on account of the entrance of misfortune upon the plains of this province. And since foreigners* have now entered the province, and are stretching forth the neck of desire over the ancient house and inherited throne of the family of Saman, it is incumbent upon me to repulse such an attack, and to oppose it is one of the necessary duties of my allegiance.” They bought up these blandishments and became fascinated with his gilded words, and infatuating actions. And Begtuzún and Yanaltagín, and other generals and nobles, proceeded to meet him, and whilst they were sitting confidently he seized and bound them all, and gave up all their wealth, and beasts of burden, and furniture, to plunder. And Abdul-Malik, through his anguish, on account of this stratagem, and his vexation at this sudden event became distracted, and possessed no resource, except to take flight and to hang his hand in the lap of trouble. And Ilek-Khan, upon Saturday, in the month Zil-Kaadat, in the year 389, arrived at Bukhárá and alighted at the government residence, and sent out spies who were charged to deliver Abdul-Malik into his hands. And he took him and sent him to Urgand, and he was kept guarded at that place; and thus the flame of the grandeur of the family of Sámán, at one blow, became lowered and their affairs approached destruction. “The foregoing ordinance of God is fulfilled in those who are destitute, nor can any change be found in that which God ordains.”
When Ilek-Khan took Bukhárá, Abu-Alhareth, and Abdul-Malik, and Ibrahim, and Abu-Yakub, the sons of Núh-’bn-Mansúr, fell into his hands; and he, moreover, took their uncles, Abu-Zakaria and Abu-Salih, and all the other branches of the family of Sámán; and he retained possession of them all and separated the brothers from each other, and kept them apart in prison, lest, if they had been together, they should have began to plot and to seek the means of escaping. And Ibrahim took the robe* of a certain female who was employed about the household, and drew it over his head, and by means of that dress he fled from his residence, and his condition resembled the condition of that (person)† who dressed himself in female clothes and escaped from confinement, and who wrote these verses (Verse)
And Muntasir,‡ when he had escaped from prison, took refuge in the house of a certain old woman of Bukhárá, until the first heat of the news and the first impression of the event was a little abated, and until those who were seeking him put on the dress of despair and no longer felt anxious to find him. Then he went in this disguise to Khwarizm; and, when he was in safety, he resolved to seek revenge. And the rest of the chiefs of the dynasty of the family of Sámán betook themselves to him, and collected a complete army; and Arslán-Balú, who was his Chamberlain, made him return to Bukhárá, where he took prisoner Jafartagin, with seventeen other of the principal lords and khans, and sent them to Jurjan. Upon this the others became dispirited and departed to join Ilek-Khan, and Arslán-Balú proceeded closely upon their track, as far as the borders of Samarkand, and there they came to blows, and, when he arrived at the bridge of Kohak, Tagin-Khan, Governor of Samarkand, on behalf of Ilek-Khán, was posted there, with a complete army, and some forces, which had been driven from Bukhárá (i. e., by Arslán) had joined him; and they with one accord directed their course towards Arslán, nor did Arslán turn aside from them, but stood firmly to attack and engage them. And he broke through their ranks and carried away their property and heavy baggage as booty. And Muntasir came to Bukhárá, and the people of Bukhárá made great rejoicings at his arrival, and they congratulated one another.
And when Ilek-Khan observed these events he assembled his army and resolved to return. And Arslan-Balu came to His Highness Muntasir, and they perceived that the proceeding most suitable for that conjuncture and the most prudent resolution was this, that they should proceed to Amil-Shatt, and should collect the revenues of those provinces, and should direct their march, by the way of the desert, to Abiward. And they also seized for their own use the troops of Abiward and the territory. And from that place they came to Nishapúr, and outside the gates of Nishapúr there arose battles between them and the Amír Nasr-’bn-Násir-Addin, but the Amír Nasr, on account of the number of their forces and the crowded multitude of their troops, resolved as a measure of bulwarking security, that, like a brilliant sun,* he would be veiled under the canopy of the family of Abbas. He set his face towards Merú on the dusky chariot of night, and passing by Nishapúr, travelled during all that night at an elephant’s pace, under the young star of darkness, until, when the first streak of the dawn of morning appeared on the eastern horizon, he arrived at the frontiers of Jurjan, and from that place proceeded to Herát (Verse)
And when intelligence of this event reached the Sultán he forthwith marched, and came by a quick road to Nishapúr, and Muntasir when he received the news of the prospercus success of his standard went forward, and proceeded to Isfarain, and wished to obtain some profit by selling the revenue and forestalling the taxes of that province; but he did not succeed, and finding it impossible to remain there, he proceeded towards the province of Shams-Almuálí-Kabús, and applied himself to procure succour from his Excellency Shams-Almuálí, who, on account of his former eminent dignity and venerable rank, was extremely pleased, and sent to him certain presents and donations, part of which consisted of ten Arabian horses with silver trappings, and with the upper part of the reins covered with gold, and thirty others with trappings of silver lace, and thirty housings of silk, and twenty mules with ornaments of gold and silver; and thirty mules of burden laden with precious carpets and rare merchandize, and with the productions of Tabaristán, and with furniture and vessels fit for royalty; and one thousand bales, each containing one thousand royal direms, and thirty thousand dinars of red gold, and fifty wardrobes adorned with splendid tapestry, (and cups with concealed handles*) (?) and precious trappings, and raw silks folded up, and Egyptian books. And the army gave unto him twenty well-prepared guards, who should be ready to fulfil his wishes, and his intentions, and (supply) his needs. And he said to him thus, “The most advisable plan at present is this, that thou shouldest proceed to Ray, whilst I send my sons Dará and Manuchhar to serve under your flag, since the throne of the kingdom of Ray is now undecorated (by a prince), and the affairs of that province are in confusion, and that province needs a victorious King, and a successful Emperor, and that a King should arise amidst them who might be the belt of the State. And as the army in that region is wavering, through differences of feelings, the confusion of the times, and the breaking off of authority, it is needful to use the stirrup of severity, and to reduce those provinces again under our rule, and for one to be seated upon the throne of command, whilst I here quietly enter upon arrangements, and think of some means of your returning to Khurasán, and how to claim your hereditary house.” This intimation was favourably received, and, after offering the prayer for success, he gave orders to march, and he came down over against Ray, and the soldiers who were quartered in the city of Ray came into his camp, and brought pavilions to meet him. And Arslan-Balu and Abúl-Kasim-Simjur, and the other nobles of the State, sent traitors and beguiled them with gifts of ready money, and professions of service, until all began to disagree. And they diverted Muntasir from that plan, and said, “Thy glory and renown is too great for thee that thou should have any (ill) relations with or opposition to a community who are thy subjects, and desire the happiness of serving thy flag, and who are affectionately disposed towards thee by the obligations of near kindred, or who have armed and joined thee as allies and feudatories” And with respect to them the opinion of a man of judgment was listened to who said, “Kabús would take us by the hand of thy chiefs and supporters, and would knead his scarcely-leavened dough in the oven which shall be found in the hand of thy followers and warriors; so that if the affair turns out according to his wishes, advantage may accrue unto him, or if (which God forbid some evil eye should blight the undertaking, or some cause of weakness supervene, the fault may rest upon some person of the Court.” Muntasir received this coloured and deceitful speech with favour, and marched from Ray, and proceeded by the way of Dámghán. And Dará and Manuchahar separated themselves again from his society, and proceeded to Jurján. Thus this design became abortive, and this decree was fulfilled, “Truly when God wills evil upon a people, then there are no means of repelling Him; nor is there for them any mediating deputy under Him.”
And when Muntasir arrived at Nishapúr, the Amír Nasr was there, and he (Nasr) thought that if he refrained from then opposing Muntasir and delayed awhile, it would be impossible that any evil eye should interrupt his project, as upon occasion of the first collision and the past occurrence. He therefore rose up and retreated towards Jurján. Thus in the month Shawal, in the year 391, Muntasir again took up his position at Nishapúr, and sent for the collectors of taxes, and began to demand money, and the produce of the revenue. And the General of the Army, Nasr-Ibn-Násir-Addín requested some men from the Sultán, who sent to his assistance the Chamberlain Altontash, who was Governor of Herát, with a complete army. And when he was reinforced by these troops he went towards Nishapúr; and Muntasir sent Arslan-Balú and Abúl-Kasim-Simjúr to fight with him, and between them there ensued many blows, and much slaughter; and the army of the Amír Nasr took vengeance on the army of Muntasir, and defeated them. “Yes, they have turned their backs in flight, and the word of God hath become effectually supreme.” And the Amír Nasr came into Nishapúr, and the men of the city displayed gladness, and arranged ceremonies of triumph; and they scattered gifts of gold and silver like drops of rain. And Muntasir went by the way of Abiward, and the army of the Amír Nasr went after him, until they had driven him as far as the frontiers of Jurjan. And the Amír Shams-Alumuáli* sent on to repulse him two thousand men of the Kurdish tribes, that they might give him his answer, and expel him from the frontiers of the kingdom. Into this misfortune did Muntasir fall, and did not consider that he had committed a great fault in his determination at Ray, and that in opposing Kabús, and rejecting his sound advice he had lost the right road. And he became alienated from Arslan-Balu on account of the contentions which he caused, and on account of his assumed imperiousness over the affairs of the kingdom and in matters of importance. And through his injustice disputing words ensued, and this ill-feeling and malevolence obtained a firm and settled hold upon the mind of Muntasir, and they objected to him another fault which took place in the defeat of Nishapúr, saying that through the calumnies and envy of Abúl-Kasim-Simjúr he refused to renew the fight, but resolved upon inactivity. And this was the pretext for the augmentation of the ill-will of Muntasir, and his hatred increased to such a degree that he put Arslan-Balu to death. This event threw the whole army into confusion, and all moved the tongue of disavowal and aversion towards Muntasir. And Abúl-Kasim-Simjúr exerted himself to repair that state of affairs, and to mend that ragged cloak, and succeeded in quenching that fire, and extinguishing those burning embers, until all was quiet. And this uproar and disturbance was diminished, and they agreed to a design to be carried out in the direction of Sarkhas. And the Prince of that country, who is called by the name of Pír*-Fakih, who was an ally and supporter of Muntasir, made in his favour offers of service, and gave him money, and provisions, and several regiments. And when they arrived at Sarkhas, and had been replaced in a prosperous condition by the money and revenues and property of Sarkhas, and by the assistance and abundance and liberality of the Prince,† (literally the bailiff), the Amír, commander of the army, Nasr, was convinced that their stay in that place was caused by their grasping covetousness and base designs; therefore he turned against them with his army, and Muntasir confronted him with his forces. A severe engagement ensued between the two parties, but the heavenly decree, and the Divine determination respecting changing the state of affairs, and altering all that could be altered was triumphant, and the happy breeze of the good fortune of the Amír Nasr blew from the benign quarter of the heaven above, and he struck the army of Muntasir against the wall of ruin, and scattered them into dust. And they brought Abúl-Kasim-Simjúr bound with a halter before the Amír Nasr; and in like manner the chamberlain Toztásh, who was the arm, and the efficient friend, and the faithful supporter of Muntasir, was taken prisoner. And the greater portion of the army were also taken captive, and all conducted to Ghazna in the robes of reproach and shame. And Muntasir, thus disgraced and ruined by repeated unlucky strokes of fortune, and by successive blows, became an undone wanderer; whilst the Amír Nasr, placing himself under the canopy of prosperity and might, the pledge of stability and victory, applied himself to the consolidation of his power. And Abu-Mansur-Thaalibi thus speaks in commemoration of this event (Verse)
And also this fragment was composed by Abu-Said, his friend (Verse)
And Muntasir after this defeat betook himself to the Gozz-Turks. These people greatly boasted of their fidelity to the family of Sámán, and had been forward in favour and support unto them. They vied with each other in affording him a kind reception, and entered into his design with the utmost anxiety and respect, and girded up their loins to assist and defend him, and encouraged each other in a ready and zealous recognition of the glory of his ancient house and renowned grandeur. They accordingly proceeded in the service of his standard to the country of Ilek-Khán. And Ilek-Khán, when he received intelligence of the approach of Muntasir arose to resist him, and assembled a considerable body of troops out of the Turkish tribes, and came to the frontiers of Samarkand. The army of the Gozz-Turks thought upon the matter, and the result of their arrangements and resolution was this, that they chaunted the following (Verse)
And they made a night attack upon Ilek-Khán, and when the ship of the morning arrived from the whirlpool of darkness at the shore of the horizon, they fell upon his soldiers, and they made prisoners of all his officers, and put all the other men to the sword, and plundered and seized their furniture and tent baggage, and collecting together all their spoil, and the wealth and property which they had obtained they returned, and they delivered up the prisoners which they had taken into the hand of Muntasir. Then a report arose that they wished to be reconciled (with the enemy), and Muntasir was alarmed and uneasy at the thought, and in the night-time he selected seven hundred of the most excellent and trusty of his cavalry, and departed from amongst the Ghozzes. And when they came to the banks of the river Jihún it was entirely frozen over, therefore he ordered that they should strew straw over the surface— thus they passed. And when the army of the Ghozzes arrived it was daylight, and the sun had risen and entirely scorched (and melted away) the marks of their passage, and destroyed them. Thus Muntasir arrived at Amil-Shatt, and sent a letter to the Sultán, in which he reminded him of the rights of his ancestors, and of the Sultán’s feudal relation to them, and expressed many complaints of the heavy floods of sorrow and the large measures of extreme distress which had been his portion, and took refuge under the canopy of his kindness and humanity, and under the shadow of his compassion and favour, and gave the reins of obedience and guidance into the hand of his will and pleasure, and said (Verse)
“If by means of the law of thy clemency and the volume of thy generosity I should become partaker of the water of life, I will wear the ring of slavery in my ear, and I shall gird up the waistband of obedience around my loins, and if thou wouldest retain the darkness of my misfortunes under the shadow of the State, then shall I stand unmoved, like the sun, in thy light-streaming Court.” In this manner did he paint the pages of this volume, and thus did he decorate the construction of the volume of this letter with royal pearls taken from the treasury of the imagination. But,† from the alarm which arose at the dread of the violence of the Ghozz Turks, he removed, and went to Merú, and sent a person to Abu-Jaafar, son of Khahar, seeking assistance in restoring his affairs and relieving his necessity, requesting him to supply him with the gift of arms and necessaries. But he was one of that crowd of base and vile persons who had arrived at power in the days of the government of the family of Sámán, and had obtained worldly wealth and prosperity. His ignoble disposition, mean notions, and low-born baseness, restrained him from performing the good action of shewing pity unto, and zealously bestirring himself in the service of, so royal a Prince; therefore he drew the hand of rejection over the face of his request; nor was he satisfied until he had departed, and he came out and displayed opposition to him. And the guards of Muntasir in a furious and tempestuous onset broke him up, and dissevered his troops like the letters of words separated from one another. Muntasir therefore betook himself unto the direction of Abiward, and arrived alone at Abiward, in the year 394. And the Sultán displayed the most striking proofs of compassion, and the splendour of a most generous disposition, and exhibited the most glorious purity and sincerity in receiving his message, and treating his messenger with honour, and allowing him the recognition which he had hoped for. He sent to him the number of troops that were required, and gave a commission to the son of Kháhir-Zadah to perform all that was necessary for his service. And by dint of necessity, and at the end of his teeth, girded up his loins to assist Muntasir. He therefore attained his wish, without paying and without praising; but the spot of disgrace thus became apparent upon the face of his fortune, so that the consequences of his error and fault lasted many years. And Abú-Nasr, one of the lord chamberlains of the Sultán was posted at that place;* and when Muntasir arrived at those borders he rose up to support his pretensions, and displayed the utmost zeal in the service of his standard. But the mind of the people of Nissa† was averse to this end; they suspected that this movement of Abú-Nasr would not give content, and they wished to beware of the imputation of participating in his offence. They therefore sent a letter to the King of Khwarízm, and requested assistance. He accordingly sent Abú-Fazl, a chamberlain, who was one of the most distinguished men of his Court, in order that he might effect a repulse of the danger, and act as an expedient rectifier of the injury of that army. Upon this Abú-Nasr removed the veil from his head, and openly appearing in the service of the flag of Muntasir, they proceeded together side by side against the enemy. And in the middle of a gloomy night, when a cold and strong wind discharged the eyesight from the office of discerning individuals and distinguishing bodies (forms), and when the darkness blocked up the pupil of the eye, a battle took place between them and the army of Khwarízm under Abú-Fazl. And until the falcon of the morning opened his wings from the nest of the horizon they continued to cast at each other swords, and arrows, and spears. And when the bride of day washed off the black dye of the darkness, Abú-Nasr, the chamberlain, and the son of Hisám-Addoulat Tásh, with a considerable body of the allies of Muntasir, lay slain upon the field of battle, and the remainder were dispersed. And Muntasir went to Isfarayin, the inhabitants of which place, dreading the trouble into which they would be exposed by aiding him, rose up against him. Muntasir therefore quitted that city, and with a body of men who adhered as closely to him as a mill-working bullock to his mill, went on, and by the most direct roads proceeded on his return, until he arrived at the confines of Sarkas. Here they halted for a day, until the soldiers who had been separated from him came up to him, when he passed over the Jihún, and arrived at the shore of the Kayta. And the General commanding the cavalry at Bukhárá went out to meet him and oppose him, and he not possessing any means of escape halted to engage him. A severe battle ensued, and Muntasir himself by great exertion narrowly escaped with his life. And the General of that place (Bukhárá?)* . . . . and took with him the army stationed there, and therewith again expelled Muntasir from the city of Darbandpúr. And the thread that united his troops in a body was broken, and they were all dispersed. But the son of Ibn-Dar, who was Military Governor of Samarkand, arose to support Muntasir, and joined him with three thousand men. And the principal citizens of Samarkand sent unto him three hundred chosen Turkish soldiers, with a large sum of money, for the purpose of effecting a junction with him; and a body of the Ghozz tribe also joined him. And thus by their aid he again became strong, and the flame of his affairs again mounted high. And when Ilek-Khán received information of the recovery of his power, and of the consequent shaking of his own authority, he applied himself to repulse him. The armies engaged at the village Burband, on the border of the territory of Samarkand, when the Khán was put to flight, and the army of the Ghozzes collected abundant booty and treasure beyond computation. This event occurred in the month of Shaaban, in the year 394. The Khán retreated to his own territory, where he reassembled his army, and again proceeded to attack Muntasir. (But by this time the tribes of the Ghozzes had separated from him, and taken the road unto their own homes and residences, and were occupied in the division of the spoil.) The troops engaged in a plain which is between Darak and Javas. And just as the two armies engaged, and the two bodies of troops met, Abul-Hasan-Ták, with five thousand men of his army, treacherously betrayed Muntasir, and deserted to the party of the Khán, and Muntasir deprived of all hope was routed, yet he continued to resist the Khán and his army, for the purpose of vengeance. And from the clouds of (striking) swords the hills and the plains became full of torrents of blood, and from that body of men a perfect satiety of gluttony and a rich banquet resulted for the lions and the vultures. And Muntasir came to the bank of the Jihún, and finding no boat, he joined some trees together, and thus escaped from the army of the Khán, and passed over the water. And he seized all that he found in those coasts and cultivated lands, and shared it with his army. And he himself went by the way of the wilderness to the bridge of Zaghul. They informed the Sultán* of his arrival, who commanded that they should speedily resist him, before he could arrange affairs, or draw the matter to a head. He therefore came to Balkh. And he sent Farighún-’bn-Muhammad, with forty standards of select officers, to banish his band, and cut down his iniquity. And Muntasir retreated from them, and went in the direction of Kohistan. But in all the world he found no place of refuge and no prospect towards which he could direct himself, for wherever he turned his face he found the dragon of misfortune opening his mouth against him, and on all sides to which he could hasten the lion of misery extended his claws against him. Thus he ran round in a circle, and when he arrived at Kohistan, the General of the troops, Nasr, and Arslan-Jazib, Prince of Tús, and Toghanjak, Prince of Sarkhas, hurried after him. For fear of them he directed his course to Jumand, and from that place came to Borstam. And Shams-Almuáli-Kabits sent two thousand men of the royal body-guards to repulse him, in order that they might hurry him away from those countries. He accordingly retreated to Bibar, and from thence came to Nisa; but the son of Sarkhak-Samáni wrote a letter to him, and deceived him with lying promises, and treacherous words, and promised him the assistance and support and friendship of Ilek-Khán. He, beguiled with the hope which these blandishments afforded, marched into the province of Bukhárá, and when he arrived at Chah-Hamad his army became wearied with their lengthened marches, and with the constant opposition of unlucky fortune, and becoming dispirited with the long continuance of war and battles they deserted him, and went to Sulaiman and Safi, who were chamberlains of Ilek-Khán, and informed him of the weak state of his horses, and the low ebb of his supplies, and scanty means of resistance, and of the stopping up of all sources of succour. And when Muntasir heard of this, and when many of the soldiers came around his tent, he for a short time remained as if intending to await them and resist them; but he afterwards betook himself to flight. And they took his brothers and his chief friends and officers prisoners and carried them to Urkand. And Muntasir retreated to the encampment of Ibn-Bahaj-Arabi. Here one named Máh-Rói had been placed over them, on behalf of the Sultán. This man incited (the tribe) to pursue him. And when night arrived the vile Arabs of this Arab made a sudden attack upon him, and gave his precious life to the wind, and spilt his noble blood upon the ground. His fate is described in the following verses of Abu-Tamám (Verse)
And they buried his remains in the marshy ground in the irrigated country of Mardam. This event happened on the first day of the month Rabiah, in the year 395.
And when the news of this occurrence reached the Sultán, he seized the perpetrator and put him to a cruel death, and plundered the encampment of Ibn-Bahaj. Thus at one blow the lofty flame of the house of the Sámánides sunk down, and the star of their empire fell. But God directs all things according to his fore-knowledge.*
The duration of the reign and authority of the family of Sámán over Khurasán, and Mawaralnahr, and over certain other territories of Sistán, and Karman, and Jurján, and Ray, and Tabaristán, as far as to the borders of Ispahan, which were under their government for various periods of time was one hundred and two years and sixteen days. The first King of this family was Ismaíl-Ibn-Ahmad, who seized upon Amr-Lays, in the territory of Balkh, and succeeded to the kingdom early on Saturday, in the middle of the month Rabia, the last in the year 287. He possessed the kingdom for the space of eight years, and he succumbed (died) at Bukhárá, on the night of Tuesday, the fourteenth of the month Safar, in the year 295. His son Abu-Nasr-Ahmad-Ibn-Ismaïl took his seat upon the throne in his stead. He was King six years and six months, and was killed by his guards on the night of Thursday, the twenty-sixth day of the month Jumadhi-Al-Akhar, in the year 302. His son, Nasr-Ibn-Ahmad was his heir and successor, who for thirty years prosperously held the highest station and the chief authority. After him his son Núh-’bn-Nasr, surnamed Al-Hamid, took his seat upon the royal throne, reigning eight years, three months, and seven days, and deceasing at Bukhárá, on Tuesday, the nineteenth day of Rabia-Al-Akbar, in the year 343, his dignity devolved upon his son, Abdul-Malik-’bn-Núh, who governed seven years, six months, and eleven days; and on Thursday, the eleventh Shawwál, in the year 350, he fell from his horse and resigned his life. His son Mansúr-’bn-Abdul-Malik, surnamed Sadid, succeeded, and struck the relief guard (drum) of royalty for fifteen years and nine months, dying at Bukhárá, on Tuesday, the eleventh Shawwál, in the year 365. His son Núh-’bn-Mansúr, surnamed Ar-Ridha, sat on the musnard, reigning twenty-one years and nine months. He went to the neighbourhood of mercy, on Friday, the thirteenth of Rajib, in the year 387, and his son Abul-Harith-Mansúr-’bn-Núh became King. He reigned one year and seven months, and on Wednesday, the eighteenth of Safar, in the year 389, was blinded and imprisoned by the hand of Baktúzún, at Sarkhas, and the investiture was conferred upon his brother Abdul-Malik-’bn-Núh, who brought the city to the ground, until Bukhárá was taken by the hand of Ilek-Khán, and the kingdom of Máwaránnahr fell from his hand, and the duration of his affair was eight months and seven days. During these days the victories of the kingdom and royalty of Yamin-Addoulat and Amin-Almillat commenced; and subsequently as time advanced, the tablet of his kingdom was gladdened, and the flame of his empire blazed, and the star of his prosperity rose to a degree of happiness and power, until the pulpits of Islám became illuminated by the might of his august surnames, and his decree was current as destiny in all tracts and portions of the world; for God maketh royalty to come unto whom He willeth, and God is bounteous and wise! (Verse)
The retreat of Khalaf-Ahmad and his banishment from his home, and the anxious endeavours of the Amír Sadid-Mansur-Ibn-Núh, for the defence and support, and preservation of his kingdom, have already been brought out to manifestation, up to those days when the affairs of Khurasán became confused and shaken, and the whole kingdom was disturbed. But he remained sitting in perfect quietude, in his own land, and was eminent for his worldly treasures. And the way of perverseness obtained the mastery over his intellect, and brought him from a condition of vigour and virtue into a state of crime. And when the King of India entertained designs against the dwellings of Islam, and Nasir-Addin rose up to repulse them, in the manner described in the contents of this book, then since Khalaf-’bn-Ahmad found Bost empty, he sent an army to that place, and caused the public prayers to be offered and the coin struck in his name therein, and seized upon all the money which had been collected as the revenue of that country. But when Nasir-Addin returned from that battle with Mansúr, and drew near to Bost, the chiefs of the city deserted Khalaf and departed. And Nasir-Addin was angry, on account of his carelessness and his treachery, and entertained an intention of proceeding towards Sistán. But Khalaf sent a person and sought to win him by soothing excuses and by unacceptable words and said, “This audacity proceeded from the most sincere duty, and even if a garrison of cavalry did enter the city of Bost from me, it was done for the sake of guarding thy territory and protecting thy subjects; and if the produce of the taxes were taken it was taken for the sake of thy treasury. But if, on this account, some dust has settled upon the border of the illustrious mind, I shall regard myself as obliged to offer expiation for this crime and to pay a tax for this impertinence.” Nasir-Addin, from his extreme generosity, mild goodness, and amiable disposition, took the path of indifference and of holding himself above taking notice of such things, and replaced the sword of vengeance in its sheath, and returned to his usual state of contentment. But he asked for the return of the revenue-money of Bost, which property the other sent back with a good-will. Thus the state of affection was cleansed from the smears of hatred, and the distinguished mind was settled, until those days when Abu-Ali-Simjur gave battle at the gate of Nishapúr, in the manner which has been declared. And Khalaf displayed words of friendship, offering the aid of friends and the conquest of enemies, and good evidences of a desire for the alliance and prosperity of Nasir-Addin. And he girded up his loins and devoted himself and his army, and his property and his goods, to the vindication of the rights of Nasir-Addin. But, however he might outwardly assist and favour the success of Nasir-Addin, his inward object was Abú-Alí, and his aim was to obtain vengeance for the mutual injuries which had long since occurred between them. And Khalaf proceeded in the service and in the aid of the flag of Nasir-Addin, as far as to Bushanj. And Nasir-Addin left him at that place, and commanded him to repose himself from the trouble of the journey, and from all annoyance of mind. And he took his army with himself, and went to Tús, to fight with Abú-Alí, until he defeated him. And his mind became at rest from that affair, and he sent back the army of Khalaf with honour and caresses, and flattering words. And thus the path of their affection and the fountains of their friendship remained free from the mutations of time and the pollution of accident, from the disputes of deceit and the impurities of dissimulation, until the time when Nasir-Addin proceeded towards Mawaralnahr, for the purpose of assisting the Prince Ridha-Núh-’bn-Mansúr, and in order to repulse Ilek-Khán. And, under his direction, affairs, by the benignity of peace and security, remained free from open rent or violence. But Khalaf, in the midst of this state of things, wrote kind letters to Ilek-Khán, and began to deceive him and lead him astray, and to stir him up to attack and estrange himself from Nasir-Addin. And he began to stretch forth the neck of covetousness for the territory of Bost and the provinces annexed thereto, and it was reported that an expression publicly fell from him, that he repented of his enmity to Abú-Alí, and that, in this point, he blamed Nasir-Addin, and said, “To attack noble princes and ancient royal families (is an act) which will never be blest, and to advance upon help-requiring and needy kings is odious and culpable.”
At these reproaches, Nasir-Addin was in a rage and determined to seize upon the territory of Sistán. But Abul-Fath-Bosti used his utmost endeavours, by means of various acts of kindness and indications of attachment, to put a stop to this ill-will and to banish this suspicion. And he attributed all these reports to the malice of false speakers, and said, “Some hearts are like birds which fly in the air, and whom we cannot suppose that we shall capture, except by the use of craft; but when they fall into the snare and our object is joined to attainment then there is a further necessity for exertion, to preclude the opportunity of their escape or of letting them fly away, and that we may not have the annoyance of losing them. Such is the case with the hearts of friends, who may come to our hand by skill, by the diffusion of manœuvreings and by the employment of management, and who have become bound to us by benefits and kindness. For one heart-burn they are alienated and the highways of affection are darkened.” He then brought forward, in proof of his assertion, the following text of the Koran, “O ye who believe there comes to you some false prophet, then ye become rebellious and place yourselves in the way of folly, so that you wake one morning full of repentance for that which you have done.” He then mentioned to him the interpretation of these verses and further confirmed them, by the evidence of various histories and tales, so that he began to recover of his hatred, and laid aside his haste for meeting and exposing him. And Abul-Fath-Bosti recorded these verses in confirmation of these counsels, and as a gloss upon these events (Verse)
And Khalaf, upon this point, sent letters to His Highness Nasir-Addin, filled with excuses for these transactions, and with endeavours to smooth down his declarations. And the Amír Nasir-Addin listened to these apologies with a favourable ear, and turned round upon him the head of sincere friendship and ancient regard. And for the rest of the life of Nasir-Addin all the offices of affection remained settled between them, and all the demonstrations of fidelity and devotion were preserved with unshaken truth. But after the event (death) of Nasir-Addin, they brought to the hearing of the Sultán his former intention (respecting attacking Sistán), and intimated that, in his subsequent conduct to Khalaf, he had only put on the guise of satisfaction, and that he could be spoken of as figured in these verses (Verse)
These words made a deep impression upon the mind of the Sultán, and the arrow of this scandalous remark fully reached the middle of the target, and he kept these words within his heart, until the time when an opportunity of alluding to it occurred. And when the kingdom of Khurasán became settled in the possession of the Sultán, and meddlers were removed, and the various parts of the kingdom were freed from the dust of uproar and confusion (Khalaf) then, during the sickness that prevailed in the kingdom, and at the time of the last illness that befell Nasir-Addin, sent his son Tahir to Kohistan, and obtained possession of Kohistan and Bushanj. Now Bushanj was one of the annexations of Herát, and was numbered as one of the estates of Bagrajak, the uncle of the Sultán; and, as it was one of his best sources of revenue, Bagrajak requested assistance from the Sultán, that he might release his territory from the hand of violence, and return a reply of opposition and expulsion. To this the Sultán consented, and Bagrajak went to Bushanj, and Tahir came out to oppose him. A sharp contest ensued between them, but the end of the affair was that Tahir took to flight, and Bagrajak proceeded after him and killed his guards, and plundered his goods and heavy baggage. But, having drank several cups of wine, the fantasies of drunkenness obtained the mastery over him, and the eyes of clear vision and of self-command, through the carelessness of intoxication, became unable to fight with any one, so that he cast himself into the precipice of folly and error. And Tahir wheeled round his horse and cast him down from his saddle, at one blow, and came down and took his head. Upon this, both armies became dispersed and put to flight; but Tahir collected his own troops and came to Kohistan. And the Sultán was extremely disturbed upon the intelligence of this event, and was grieved at the affair of the son of Khalaf, and at the thought of his being hemmed in by sorrow, and darkly walking amidst the dangers of calamity, and falling headlong into the deep fissures of care, and that he should be like an ant, whose wing is the cause of its injury, or like the serpent, which, although the wrestler of death, struts as a poet in the streets (i. e., dances to music).* And he wrote these parabolic verses (Verse)
And, in the new moon of the year 390, he came to Sistán, in order to take vengeance for this occurrence. But Khalaf took refuge in the citadel of the fortress of Asphabad, a fortress which was the companion of the sign Arcturus and a comrade of the skies; the clouds pitched their tents upon the lap of its basement, and the stars revolved around the edge of its summit; the new moon was like the gilded ball (or finial) upon the top, and the planet Saturn was like the star-shaped ornament inserted into the threshold of this castle (Verse)
And Khalaf remained hemmed in within this citadel, without comfort, and bade adieu to the delights of life and to sleep of the eyes, and, through the darkness of these circumstances and the horror of these events, lost all tranquillity and saw no means of arranging the affair, except by lamentation, and the resignation of his kingdom, and humiliation. He therefore offered to the Sultán, by way of a preliminary offering, six thousand dinars of red gold, and, in addition, any suitable pledge, and, at the same time, entreated an accommodation. The Sultán, although he was determined to obtain full possession of Sistán, yet, for the present, in order to secure a better time for the design of conquest which he entertained, resolved to accommodate that affair, and accepted that redemption money from Khalaf, and loosened the reins, and turned his face towards the countries of India, and set forward unto the territory over against Parshawar,* in the midst of the land of Hindustan. And intelligence reached him that Jaibal had collected and equipped an army, and had set forward to meet the standards of Islám. Upon this, the Sultán marched forward, for the protection and support of Islám and religion, with fifteen thousand chosen cavalry, and proceeded onwards with firm intention and sincere confidence. But this vile infidel advanced in opposition to the standards of the Sultán with eight thousand cavalry and thirty thousand infantry, and three hundred elephants. The earth groaned under the pain of their boots. And he was bewitched by the multitude of his troops and the strength of his army and forces, so as to forget the victorious power and strength of God (may His majesty be glorified), and the wondrous influence of that verse of the Koran, “As for you with a small troop you have vanquished a large troop by the word of God.” And when the distance between the two armies was but small, the infidel began to delay the commencement of the battle and the onset, in order that the rear of the troops, and those men of the army who were coming up behind the others should arrive. The Sultán perceived this stratagem, and hasted forward, and wrested the power of choice from his hand. Upon this, the ranks arranged themselves, and prepared to march forward, and begin the fight. Throughout the atmosphere a veil of pitch proceeding from the hands of the balancing warriors was drawn overhead, and the wishes of the male spears of Islám, in demanding in marriage as wives the lives of all on that field, received a perfect accomplishment, and their earnest intentions in thrusting through the breasts, and in pressing forward the front ranks of those accursed wretches attained reality. Thus at the time of mid-day nearly five thousand carcases of the infidels cut in half by the sword lay upon the field of battle, as food for dogs, and as a gift for wolves, and fifty elephants were cut down by the stroke of arrows and of swords. Moreover, they seized Jaibal, with all his family and children and kindred, and a considerable number of his intimate officers, in the snaring rope of violence, and brought them as prisoners before the Sultán. (Verse)
And so many necklaces were taken from the necks of the children, set with precious stones, glittering pearls, and valuable rubies, that the appraisers valued them at two hundred thousand dinars of red gold. In like manner, similar precious stones were found on the necks of the wounded and the slain, so that the army of Islám obtained abundant wealth and unlimited riches from their booty, and from their spoil, and near a hundred thousand children and young people and girls were obtained from that country, and all those provinces of India submitted to the Sultán which are on the side of Khurasán, inclining towards the kingdoms of the west. This victory took place on Thursday, the eighth of the month Muharram, in the year 392, and the news of it proceeded through the most distant horizons. And after the cessation of the blaze of war and the extinguishing of the coals of engagement, the Sultán was of opinion that he might dismiss the cursed one, with the brand of disgrace and the robe of loss and captivity, into the provinces and huts of his country. And he made friendship with him, and took fifty head of elephants from him, and took his son as a hostage for the confirmation of his promise, and dismissed him to his own country. And when he arrived at the midst of his own territory a letter came to his son, stating that his father had become afflicted with the disease of regret, and that he had clothed himself with the robe of calamity, and that his fortune had become polluted with the spot of inferiority and the distortion of shame, and that he would drink the cup of death, and be boiled in the hot water of hell. Now in mid-India it had been a long time established as a rule that if any king fell as a prisoner into the hands of the Muslíms he should no longer hold his kingdom, and that no more allegiance or duty should effectually appertain to him. Jaibal for this reason drew away his skirt from the power of holding the kingdom, and shaved his head, and threw himself into the fire, and went unto the lowest of the pits of hell. And the Sultán for the second time renewed the enjoyment of the racy wine of conquest and the gladness of sacred warfare, and desired to add a fellow to that victory, and a pledge to that golden deed. He therefore commanded the army to fly forth into the provinces of Hindustan, and took possession of those territories. And with regard to all the soldiers of India in the hills and the castles of those frontiers who stirred up violence, and wickedness, and perverseness, he made them all the food of swords and the subjects of justice; and he claimed the imputation of merit for having entirely purified those places from their filthy ungodliness, and thus with glorious victories, and illustrious conduct, and solid power, and distinguished conquest, he arrived at his capital, making the rosy cheek of Islám brilliant with the rosy blush of victory, and he broke the back of these innovators* and idolators with the sword of vengeance.
In the midst of all these transactions, Khalaf-’bn-Ahmad appointed his son Tahir to be his heir, and entrusted unto him the keys of his treasuries, and gave him up the keys of his provinces, and became a hermit, and betook himself to the service of God, and requested to be allowed the ragged habit, and asked to be released from the kingly office; for he saw that this was the only contrivance whereby the cup of the calamity-encircling (anger) of the Sultán might be driven far away from him. But, when these events were passed, he began to repent of what he had done, and felt remorse and shame for having left royalty and declined the throne, and felt unable to endure or to support the public declaration and revelation of his error which had taken place, and of the event which had occurred. He, therefore, contrived another trick, and feigned himself sick, and called his son before him, in order to renew his will, and in order to communicate some explanations, together with his last farewell. And he placed some of his chief officers in ambush, until the time of his arrival; and they came like a dream to the edge of the mountain-path, and bound him fast, and cast him into a dungeon. And one day they took him dead out of that prison, and said that he had killed himself. But Tahir-’bn-Zainab, and the other chiefs and generals who beheld that event, began to be extremely averse in their minds from Khalaf, and in their inmost hearts inclined to hatred to him and his family, and bound around their foreheads the garland of rebellion against him, and seized upon the city which was the seat of his government, and caused the public prayers to be celebrated, and the coin to be struck decorated with the titles of the Sultán,* and published a document, recognising his claim. And they sent a declaration of all these events to the Sultán, and implored him to afford them the opportunity of entering into his permanent service. And the Sultán received their entreaty with favour, and he called them all to his presence, and addressed kind words to them. And, in the year 393, all these provinces became enrolled in the royal registry and taxation-books of the Sultán.* And he entertained a design of proceeding in the direction of Sistán, in order to cut off the primary source of these disputes.
(And he especially addressed himself to the destruction) of certain lofty fortresses, each so high that from its summit the sign of the virgin could be seen, and the angelic hymns could be heard, and surrounding each a moat or ditch of immense depth was dug, that if the crane were to penetrate to its bottom he could reach to the fountain-reservoir of the waters that supply the whole globe of the earth. And the army of the Sultán surrounded this fortress, as exactly as a circumference encircles the centre, and, by the assistance of their own hands, they heaped together abundance of thousands of handsfull of dirt, and branches and arms of the trees which were around that place, and filled up the depth of that ditch, and enlarged it so as to be a pleasant circus* for cavalry and infantry; and the horses and the elephants of the Sultán earnestly exerted themselves for the destruction of that castle, and in making a breach in that wall, and each one of them put on the girdle of unparalleled zeal in his endeavours to seize that fortress. But the followers of Khalaf exerted themselves to repulse them, and all the excess of iniquity blazed forth; but the greater number of the elephants joining together dragged away the gate of the citadel by mere force, and cast it up into the air, and a considerable number of the officers of Khalaf were slain, but the rest fled into the interior (keep), and stood up to repel the attack. And Khalaf came from the place where he was to contemplate the event, and to witness the affair. And he saw the ruin of the place, and the obstinate defence of the forts, perceiving that the whole surface of the earth was like a stormy sea of waves of human demons, and embodied devils. And he saw that every one of the elephants took with his trunk before his eyes an individual by his decorated back and threw them up into the air the height of two spears, and when they descended they divided them whilst in the air into two parts, and crushed them beneath their feet; and they made a fulcrum with their shoulder, and struck against the fortress, and took it from its basis. And when Khalaf saw all this transaction, his soul nearly went out of his body, from his extreme fear and terror, and he cried out for help and asked for quarter. And the Sultán, through the generosity that was innate in his pure disposition, gave him quarter, and placed the sword of vengeance in the sheath. And Khalaf stretched forth his hand full of jewels and ornaments and gifts, and cast himself before the Sultán, and rubbed his white hairs in the dust, and filled the carpet of the presence chamber with the offerings of jewels, and scattered around so many pearls that the light veiled the brilliancy of the sun, and made the eyes dim-sighted. And moreover, in praising the good actions of the Sultán, and in expatiating upon his renewed mercy and returning favour, Khalaf unfolded the book of self-blame and the exhibition of his Majesty’s pardon and forgiveness to the utmost degree. And the Sultán, in the generosity of his dignity and in the exaltation of his rank, displayed the marks of his merciful breath, and restored Khalaf to his honours, and drew the pen of forgetfulness over the surface of past evil deeds, and he relinquished to him all the claim to the treasures in the citadel. And he resigned to him the chief part of the property and provisions of that place, in order that he might carry out whatsoever he wished, according to his free choice, and might make himself happy in his residence, and in his abode, and (consented) that his home might be in any of the provinces of the Sultán that he might wish, and they left it to the convenience of his choice, and to the computation of his preference, and to the calculation of his fortune. And he chose the territory of Jurján,* on account of the convenience of the air and the water of that country. And the Sultán sent him to that place with the utmost respect, and he reposed for a space of four years under the shadow of that peacefully-quiet region. And after that time the flattering advance which he had written unto Ilek became known, and the Sultán, in order to preserve the peace of the State, sent him unto the fortress of Jurdin, and there he remained until his appointed time according to the Almighty’s will arrived, and the volume of his life received its last seal in the month of Rajib, in the year 399. And the Sultán gave a royal order that all the property which he had left behind him should be given up unto his son Amír Abu-Hass. And Abu-Mansur-Thaalabi in his poem, descriptive of all these affairs of the diminishing of the dignity and the diminution of the kingdom of Khalaf, says thus (Verse)
The Amír Khalaf was one of the greatest kings of the world, celebrated for a generous, noble, and liberal brilliancy of glory; his gifts rendered his Court useful and profitable to the wise and ingenious, and the worthies and poets of the world opened out the tongue in praising and commending him, and the renown of his merits dwelt on the tongue of the high and low. He assembled the learned of his time, in order that they might make a complete collection of interpretations of the glorious Korán, compiled from the words of interpreters, and the expositions of ancient and modern commentators, with the explanation of the reasons of readings, the cause of grammatical constructions, and the derivations of words. It was laden with witnessing examples and verses, and interwoven with the citation of tales and stories, and it was reported from confidential quarters of the Court, that he had sunk twenty thousand dinars of red gold in providing for the compilation and composition of this book. A volume of this interpretation was treasured up at the Sabúní College at Nishapúr, until the occurrence of the conquest took place. At present this perfect and complete volume is at Ispahan, among the books of the family of Khajand (Heaven help true Moslems by their survivors, and have mercy upon their fathers who have passed away). This poor author (i. e. Utbi), at the time when he had been expelled his native place, and was for some time settled at Ispahan, became familiarly acquainted with this gainful garden, and borrowed light from the beams of its subtleties and mysteries. This is a book of one hundred volumes, written in different hands, so that a lifetime would be absorbed in the endeavour to copy it, nor could such a result be possible except in long years, nor could it be successfully carried out but by the assistance of copiers and writers in divers characters. Utbi thus avers, the Shaikh Abúl-Fath-Busti told me, once it happened that there fell into my mind three verses in his praise, which I had no intention should reach his Highness. They fell into men’s mouths, and reached him by the tongue of quotation. One day, a confidential officer came to me from him, and brought me a present of three hundred dinars of red gold, as a reward for these verses, and he requested me to excuse him for the amount; the verses were as follows (Poem)
I replied, this story is similar to that which occurred with regard to Ibrahún-Sábi to whom, at Bagdad, a messenger came on the part of Saif-Addoulat-Hamadúnï, requesting a poem from him, expressing verbally the sincere desire of Saif-Addoulat (for this poem). Sábi delayed preparing it, until the time for the departure of the messenger drew near, when the latter came to Sábi, and as a matter of great need, urged him to comply with his request, and to accomplish the object sought. Sábi speedily improvised these three verses (Verse)
The next time that the messenger came to Bagdad he presented him with three hundred dinars of red gold as a reward. The Shaikh Abúl-Fath-Busti composed this Kasidah in his praise (Verse)
Utbi says— “I have heard from Abú-Jafar that the following was written upon the door of his palace: ‘Let him who has been gladdened by the sight of Paradise but look at these porticoes.’ ‘If he has been delighted by the Heaven of works, let him by the aid of his eyes only look at this building.’”
And when the Sultán had obtained firm possession of Sajastán, when the stars of confusion had set, and the state of that country was peaceful and secure, and the longings of the children and kindred of variance was cut short, the Sultán came to Ghazna, the fame of this important victory spread through the lands, all allowing that at no time, and for no king, had such fortunate events occurred with regard to captured fortresses and portioned kingdoms. And Abú-Mansúr-Thaalabi thus speaks of the conquest of Sistán (Verse)
And the Sultán appointed to the Vízïrat of Sajasthán, Kanají, the Chamberlain, who had been one of his privy counsellors and royal deputies. He, in guiding the subjects and ruling the country, displayed vestiges of justice and equity, and exhibited good morals and pleasing manners. Then a company of vile wretches and odious scoundrels, through their agreeable condition, and wide field (of comfort), and the insolence of ease, and their devilish rebelliousness, rubbed themselves upon the wall of misfortune, and became receivers of trouble and misery, and in their ill-will, and iniquity and opposition, drew the sword from the sheath, and openly declared themselves rebels to the Sultán. And when the Sultán knew that the course of the government of his Nuwwáb was traitorously interrupted by the ugly wickedness of those lost ones, he came to Sistán with ten thousand men. And the Amír Nasr-’bn-Nasir-Addin, and Altontash-Hájib, and Abú-Abdullah-Táí, an Arabian chief, assembled beneath the shadow of his standard, and he besieged those men in the citadel of Ark. And when he had brought the strength of his army to surround them, and had consigned the sides of the fort and the troops of their chief to the singular Amírs and special heroes of his army, upon Friday, at mid-day, in the month Dhúl-Hajjah, and in the year 390, the battle began. And the generals for a time returned the onset, but when they beheld the eminent strength and incomparable fury of the Sultán’s army they were frightened, and fled within the walls of the fort, and when the Dhúl-Karanin (the Alexander) of the sun descended into the darkness of night, and black streaks began to appear upon the white cheek of day, all of them submitted to the Sultán’s will, and his soldiers shouted at the watchword of his royalty, and the enemy leaving the way free, they fell upon the castle, and scattered heads down from the fort like the leaves of autumn. “Then they were like demons after the morning draught.” “And they wore the amulets from the carcases of the slain.” And the rest cast their swords into the wells and fountains of the land. And this country was delivered from their foulness and iniquity, and these tribes of malignity fled from the streets and pools of the kingdom, and these coasts were emptied from the power of these scorpions, and the noxiousness of these locusts. A certain ingenious person says, in narrating this victory, “Oh! thou art a king who strikest out a high flame from thy tinder. Thy mouth never ceased its vigour (in encouragement) until thou didst win the pass.”
And the Sultán gave the country of Sistán unto his brother Nasr-’bn-Nasir-Addin, and annexed it to the territory of Nishapúr, and the crown of Khurasán. And the Amír Nasr appointed as his deputy in that administration his Vízíer Nasr-’bn-Ishak, who distinguished himself in the government of this country, and the regulation of those deserts, by vestiges of peace, by the lights of protection, the niceties of administration, and the regulations of security. But the Sultán returned to his capital at Balkh, with the intention of a war which, if God will and ordain, shall appear in its place.
Shams-al-Muálí-Kabús remained eight years at Khurasán, and displayed patient attention to the transaction of affairs, and thus passed his days and the events of his life. He was not deficient in manliness or highmindedness, and lost nothing of the splendour of his station, or the perfume of his position. There was none of the great lords of Khurasán, or notables of the State, who was not courted by his gratifications and recipients of his favours, and no one saluted him on the road who was not rendered happy with some gifts, liberalities and portions, and there was not one either of the nobles or of the people, who did not clothe himself in a dress of glory or honour from him, or who had not drank of the cup of his gifts in places and dignities. And the Princes of the house of Sámán endeavoured to raise him to their own desirable state and grandeur, and that they might make his happiness and eminence lasting, and that by promoting his power and affairs, he might wrest the sceptre of precedence from the Kings of the earth and Sultáns of the world. But by reason of the heaven-descending calamities, the eventual trials, and hindrances of the times, and the contingencies of fortune, the arrow of their intention never attained the desired object. He stood indeed like a mountain against the force of the hurricanes, and the beating of the moving waters. And he knew by experience, that the disquiet of the pain of suffering is an overflowing disquiet, and from the wrestlings of the world’s events nothing but distress and anguish are produced. And these distiches are the result of his thoughts, and the effect of his reflections (Verse)
And when the Amír Nasir-Addin arrived at Khurasán, and had sent out Abú-Alí from thence, he displayed gladness at a meeting with Kabús, and wished to establish and preserve his rule by his aid and assistance. A journey to Balkh intercepted his intentions, and the occupations of his time hindered him, until the affair of Abú-Alí arrived at cessation, and by reason of Abúl-Kasim-Simjúr, an opportunity for returning to Khurasán again fell out; there was a fresh treaty of aid, and they displayed great kindnesses on each other’s behalf. And Fakr-Addoulat-Alí-’bn-Boyah, who was the possessor of Jurján, had a powerful army, and came with a great army of Kurds to support Badr-’bn-Husnaví, and Nasir-Addin wished, in order to meet them, to bring an army of Turks. And for the purpose of assisting and supporting them in the promotion of this affair, in a stronger manner, he sent the Grand Chamberlain, Altonbásh, to Ilek-Khan, and asked an auxiliary force of two thousand horse, so that he might send them to Jurján, with Shams-al-Muálí, and himself depart to his capital of Balkh. And he remained looking for and expecting the arrival of these auxiliaries. But the Divine decree coincided not with his proposal, and Nasir-Addin, before the return of his messenger, changed his abode for Paradise. And between the Sultán and Shams-al-Muálí, by means of a great quantity of money, a reconciliation was defined, that the Sultán should hold his territory at peace from the inconvenience of rivals, and that he should confirm the possession of his rank and dignity to the other. It was also stipulated that this sum should be delivered to the Sultán’s treasury after two months. He asked a delay of this space of time, because some of this settled amount must be obtained from the revenues of Jurján, and Shams-al-muálí did not wish to squander the ryots’ money by collecting those customs then. And the Sultán, on account of the death of his father, and the disturbed state of Ghazni, desisted from that proposal, and went to Ghazni, and his wish was thus delayed. And Abúl-Kasim-Simjúr was established at Koms, and when Fakr-Addoulát died, he sent one to Kábús, and communicated the news of his death, and of the flame that was spreading over the surface of the country, and expressed a wish to settle the country peacefully upon him. And they had sent Fírzán-’bn-Al-Hasan, from Ray to Jurján, with a great army of Kurds and Dalamites. But when Kabús came near to Jurján, they wrote from Bukhárá a letter to Abúl-Kasim-Simjúr, and gave unto him the country of Kohistán. And he then abandoned Kábús, and acted contrary to his promises, and cared not for the path of contention and repugnance to his engagement, and the falsification of his word. So he came to Isfardín, and thus Kabús returned privately,* and came to Nishapúr, and there remained in expectation of happier days, and a more decided opportunity. And when he became aware that the affairs of the family of Sámán were day by day falling to ruin, and from every corner and every side new imbecility and decay existed, and that to hold on in expectation of their good fortune was to be deceived by the glitter of the mirage, and that to be occupied with their affairs was to engrave upon the surface of the water, he sent As-Afhahad-Shariár-’bn-Sharwín to the country of Sharíar, to seize upon that country, and Rastam Marz-bán,† Khal-Maj-Addoulat, Abu-Talib Rustam-’bn-Fakh-Addoulát was posted at that place. And Asafahad engaged him and defeated him, and obtained great plunder from his army. And in those coasts the Khutbah was offered in the name of Shams-al-Muálí. And Baní-’bn-Said in the midst of a troop of cavalry was fixed at Isfand-Yár, and often double-heartedness appeared in them, and his heart and soul were full of ill-feeling to Shams-al-muali-Kabús. And Nasr-’bn-Al-Hasan-Fírúzán, by reason of a famine which had lately appeared in the land of Dilem, fell upon their country, and became rapacious there. And he sent an army against them, and expelled them all. And he took Asafahad-Abul-Fadhl and imprisoned him, and he was in prison until he found an opportunity (of escape). And Bání became a friend with Nasr, and both placed their heart upon the possession of Amíl. Now Abúl-Abbás, the Chamberlain, was at Amíl, and with him one thousand men of the army. And when Abúl-Abbás was too weak to resist them, and was defeated, they took Amíl by stratagem. And Bání wrote a letter to Kabús, and gave him an account of the particulars of that victory, and expressed a readiness to submit to him, and as a mark of true attachment intimated to him an intention of uniting their standards. And Bání separated from Nasr, and came to Isterábád, and declared for the claim of Kábús. And of the cavalry army all who were inclined to Kábús presented themselves before him. And Shams-al-Muálí-Kabús wrote to Asafahad that he should proceed to Bání, and give his whole attention to the task of repairing the friendship and re-uniting the favour of his Highness to Bání. And Asafahad, pursuant to this order, reconciled Kábús with Bání.
And when Fírúzán-’bn-Al-Hasan heard the intelligence of their alliance and union, he set out from Jurján, with a view to make war with them. A sharp battle took place, in the plain of Isterábád, and Bání was very nearly defeated, until a body of Kurds and Arabs, from the army of Fírúzán, shouted forth the war-cry of Shams-al-muálí, and joined the side of Bání; and the army of Bání came after him, and took Fírúzán, with twenty of his chiefs and generals. The remainder of the army took the road to Jurján, and, when they arrived there, Salár-Kharkás, who was one of the kindred of Kabús, came there, and stood up to oppose (the fugitives).
And they were defeated; and these good tidings came to Kabús, and he became happy and glad in heart, and was conscious that the days of sorrow had passed over, and the time of fortune had arrived; and, with heart at ease and exhilarated breast, he turned his face to Júrján; and he took his seat upon the musnud of his empire and settled grandeur, in Shaabín; and, in the year 388, one of the poets of the time says, in congratulating him (Verse)
And when this army in their flight returned to Rai they met with much blame, and they cast disgraceful reproach and finger-pointing scorn in their faces. And Abú-Ali-Husain-’bn-Hamúlah was Vizíer; he collected two thousand men, Turks and Arabs, and natives of Dilam, and Manúchhar ’bn-Kábús, and Bayaston-’bn-Kardoyah, and Abúl-Abbás-’bn-Jáhí, and Abdul-Malik-bn-Bákán, &c., proceeded to Jurján, to join his standard. And this army consisted of the nobles of the State and nawwabs of the people of Dilem. When, then, they came to the country of Shahriar, Shams-Al-Muálí fixed his heart upon meeting them, and his hope upon the assistance of the Almighty and His favour to the fortunes of his empire. And Abú-Ali-Hamúlah felt uneasy, on account of Nasr-’bn Al-Hasan-Fírúzán, and his aid and friendship unto Kabús, and, to secure his favour and support, employed subtlety and repentance, and said, “The various relations of kindred that exist between you and Majd-ad-doulah-Abú-Talib render it imperative that you should resolve to preserve his well-being and his dominions. And you should not make a difficulty in helping and aiding him, and if you thoroughly come into this design and exhibit a wish to shrink from that party to which you now adhere, and draw off from the string of his service, whatever may happen in the way of position, fulfilment of your desires, honours, gifts, dignities, and pre-eminences may be acquired, and the condition of Koms will be exalted by your support, so that you will be established there, and the ideas of benefits, with regard to yourself, will be perfected.” With this glance of lightning (i. e., hint), Nasr-’bn-Al-Hasan became a mutilated limb (i. e., a detached member) and decamped. And when he arrived at Sáríah he passed Jurján on the left, and came on the right side; and, when he arrived at Koms, he openly declared the secret of his thoughts, and laid before his followers the idea which he entertained within, with respect to embracing obedience to Majduldoulah. But their voices were discrepant, so that some went to Isfandiar and some towards Jurján, and Nasr, with the rest of his army, proceeded to Koms. And Abú-Ali-Hamúlah sent a person and requested a fort from him, that he might protect himself therein, and might send his baggage and his heavy furniture and money thither. Therefore he gave him the castle of Jomund, and he went and sent his packages there.* But when Abú-Alí heard of this defection, which was the consummating victory of his usual ills and hard calamities, he betook himself to Saniyah, with a design to pass by Jurján; and, when he arrived at that place, Manuchhar sent one secretly to him and expressed a readiness to shun the exhibition of disobedience, and neglect of duty. And Abú-Alí felt some apprehension respecting Bayaston-’bn-Bejásab and his followers, on account of his kindred with Kábús and their having been brought up together, as well as on account of the interwoven relations between them, in the connexion of former artfulness and inclinations, and his past affection to Kábús, so he seized him and sent him to Rai. And he went on to Jurján, and the people there presented a strong heart for struggling and fighting, and from morning to evening they were engaged in measuring the garment of strength and pushing the cups of perfect (bravery). Two months passed in repeated endeavours to transact this business;* and a famine arose in the trenches of Jurján, and no food was found, and the allies of Kábús, in this distress, contented their noble souls with a scanty portion, and whatever they had succeeded in obtaining they stored up. But the army, on the part of the martyrdom-seeker,† on account of their straitened condition and scarcity of provisions, and the intercepting of supplies, sat down before Muhammadabad, in order that they might be able to fill their hands from the magazines of pay.‡ But, by reason of the continual rains and the difficulty of the roads, cares and anxieties replaced the search for pay and provision; but a storm arose, and they became too weak to contrive or arrange the means of conveying maintenance or fodder, and the force of thunder and lightning, and the vehemency of the west and north winds, overthrew the tents. And when the partizans of Kábús saw them in this confusion and distress, they came out from the citadel, and, with edges of their well arranged swords cut off the cheeks and necks of this multitude, and, with furious and repeated strokes, inundated the fountains of their livers, and with the sickles of battle cut off the members of these wretches from their united frame, until sixteen hundred men became bedfellows of the tombs, and food for vultures and crows. And they took prisoners, Asfahsálár-’bn-Gorangíz, and Zarín-Ghol, and Saján-’bn-Askali, and his brother, Hajder-’bn-Sálár, and Muhammad-’bn-Masúd, and they obtained as booty all the followers and horses of the army of Dilam, which the finger of confiscation sufficed not to estimate; but its reality was less than its reported value. And Shams-al-Muáli, in attending to the wounded of the army, and in care of the sick, and the regulation of prisoners, and the liberal distribution of generosities and honours, and the special assignment of all kinds of gifts, displayed the conjunction of the footsteps of generosity and the lights of disposition (i. e., his inherent generosity and enlightened disposition) and the true decree and foreknowing order of the Almighty was displayed in the most beautiful manner, in ordaining and bringing success upon this happy event. And Abú-Mansúr-Thaálabí, in commemorating this victory, says—
And when Abú-Ali-Hamula arrived from that defeat at Koms he wrote a letter to Nasr-’bn-Al-Hasan-’bn-Fírúzán, and summoned him to come by the road of celerity, in order that he might occupy himself in expediting the matter and fulfilling the affair, and in beginning the preparation for battle. And he invited him also zealously to stop up all the recent fractures (and excisions); but he could not do so, on account of his dread of the army of Kábús, at Koms, so he decamped and came to Rai, and Nasr-’bn-Hasan came as far as Basmanán. And when he arrived at Abi there he halted, and wrote to Majdaddoulah and requested support. He (Majdaddoulah) however, postponed the effectuation of this proposition and remained some time waiting, until, after a long period, they sent the son of Yaktagin, the Chamberlain, with six hundred Turkish cavalry, unto him, who succoured his position. And Kábús sent Bání-’bn-Saíd to join in the war against them, and wrote to Shahníar that he should set himself in array, in company with him. And Bání marched against Nasr, but was persevering and cautious, and was never slothfully forgetful of the most trifling minutiæ of circumspection and self-command. And Nasr, perceiving that manœuvreing would not effect his object, fell back and observed the roads prepared and zealous for battle, when suddenly Bání arrived, and the army which was with him had no intelligence of the halt of Nasr, and was careless and divided, and in the rear confused and broken, so his army, by the hand of Nasr and his chiefs, came to ruin. This victory made a deep impression upon Majdaddoulah. But the position and rank of Nasr was established, and Majdaddoulah sent his uncle, Rustam-’bn-Marzbán, with six thousand men in aid.
And Asafabad obtained the possession of the country of Sharejar, and Nasr came to meet him, as far as Damáward, opposing and resisting him, so that the country was taken from him. But Asafabad proceeded to Shahryar, and took refuge with Manuchabar-’bn-Shams-al-Muáli. And, in the midst of the people of Karim, a great scarcity appeared, on account of the passage and re-passage of the armies, and the searching and plundering of harvests and provisions, without money and without a request. And for this cause Nasr held off from Rustam, and separated himself from association with him; and Asphabad, when he found that Rustam was deprived of the support and assistance of Nasr, began to turn round against him, and expelled him from his country. He came, afflicted and hurried, to Rai, and Asphabad possessed himself of and seated himself in the land. And, in these days, Abú-Nasr-’bn-Mahmúd-’bn Hájib, for one reason out of several, had betaken himself to the country of Shams-al-Muáli; and Shams-al-Muáli, in dealing with him, displayed eminent artifice and bribery, assisting him with much wealth and many bounties, and, in circumstances both of need and prosperity, displayed the thoughts of an exalted temperament, and sent him to oppose Nasr; and he betook himself to this emergency, with strong heart and faithful eagerness, and several times ran against the chief troops of Nasr, until he dispersed and scattered his soldiers. And he took prisoners Hasán-’bn-Ráí and Pisar Hindú (or the Hindú son) with several of his nobles, and Nasr, in his flight, halted at Samnán. Now Nasr-’bn-al-Hasan, on account of the splendour of his ancestry, and the antiquity of his rank, and the number of the bands of his comrades, exercised tyranny, and was known and noted for rebellion and inimical conduct; and his country lay in the road of the Grand Kaaba, and the honoured Haram (Temples of Hatím and Zamzam); and he every year oppressed the companies and caravans of the pilgrimage by various kinds of delaying requisitions, and successive imposts, until his ill-name became dispersed abroad throughout all the lands of the earth, and foul shame was written upon the page of his illustrious lineage and splendid rank. And in the confusion and tumult of his affairs, the prayer of pilgrims, and the aversion of the wronged, became a marked cause of his humiliation, and of the shame of his* empire’s flag. But after this failure he wrote letters continually to Rê, and implored protection through aid and support. And they wrote in reply letters of great length, and admonitions of extensions (Verse)
And after the establishment of peace between Majdaddouláh and Kábús, the subject of Nasr was brought before them, and for their reconciliation with each other it was deemed a desirable device that they should seize Nasr. And they arrived at a complete understanding with regard to his affairs. But Nasr was observing these transactions, and began to be suspicious of their faithfulness. But in the midst of these events, news arrived that Arslan, the Hindú, son of the Prince of Kohistán, who was one of the lords and chiefs of the Sultán, had assaulted the head-quarters of Abúl-Kasim-Símjúr, and had cast him into the country of Jundbudh. Nasr went after him, and sought aid from an alliance with him, and incited him to march in the direction of Rê, and deluded him with an idea of his power of successfully opposing Majdaddoulat. And Abúl-Kasim was deceived by this crafty arrangement, and gave the reins into the hand of Nasr, and so came to ruin. He marched from Rê with a complete army before him, but the possibility of restraining these heroic servants and lion-cub soldiers by his own will was embarrassed and hindered. And when he witnessed the ranks of those lions, and the onset of those braves, he began to bite the finger of repentance, and experienced the shame and remorse of the words “pauperized,” “injured.” And Shams-al-Muáli sent a party of those tracking demons and biting devils to meet him, and they cut them off from those frontiers. And when they arrived at the borders of despair, and the world was narrow to them, they fixed their heart upon the service of the Sultán, and upon preserving themselves by the rope of his strength, and therefore betook themselves to his presence. But the circumstances of Abúl-Kasim, in the service of the Sultán, came to that point, that he fled from the presence, for a reason which will be given in the sequel of this exposition. Nasr however remained long attached to the service, and the Sultán gave him Bíár and Jundbudh. He went to his fiefs, but found the extent of the country confining to his immense nobleness, and lofty ideas, and could not be content therewith, and through this aimless notion he made a disturbance, until they of Rê beguiled him with various kinds of contrivance and deceit, and drew him into the snare of treachery, and bound him when sentenced by the rope of captivity, and sent him to the fortress of Astonáwand. And Shams-al-Muáli prepared to recover the fortresses of those regions, and obtained possession of the whole, and by means of his faithful ones his wish was accomplished, by seizing the head and the forelocks of those citadels into his grasp.
And Asphabad-Shahyár in the midst of all these affairs began to pour out the drops of the rivulet of strife, and became deludedly fascinated by his numerous army and abundant wealth, and collected numerous sepoys. To engage him they sent from Rê, Rustam, warden of the Marches, with the Princes of Dilem; and they sent Byaston-’bn-Bajásab, who had before been taken as being well-affected to the pretensions of Kábús, in the body of this army. They defeated Asphahad, and took him prisoner. And Rustam, the March Warden, proclaimed the formularies of the acknowledgment of Kábús, and on account of the savage hatred which he entertained in his heart towards the people of Rê, he interwove the Khutbah with the decoration of the name of Shams-al-Muáli. He wrote also to Kábús, narrating his proceedings in securing obedience to him, and true fidelity, and by these affairs Byaston found the pupils of his eyes gladdening his soul, and became happy in heart by his return to his native land, and the restoration of his people and citizens, and his association with the service of the prince of generosity. And he annexed the kingdom of the country of Gílán to those of Jurján and Tabristán. But Shams-al-Muáli gave Gílán to Manuchhar, his son. After this the province of Rumán and Sálús, and the borders of Isfandiyah were entirely recovered, and became adorned by justice, generosity, and peace in the efficient right hand, and excellent government of Shams-al-Muáli. And Shams-al-Muáli occupied himself in founding an edifice of affection, and strengthening the motives of love with the Sultán. And he sent envoys to arrange a state of friendship, and expressed his wish to concur and aid in a care for the empire, and a reverence for the honour of the Sultán. And that the bond of friendship and regard might be firmly decreed, he transmitted gifts and presents. He thus united and arranged the causes of confidence and sincerity. Thus Jurján and Tabristán, and the country of Dilem, as far as the sea-coast,* became subject to his decree, commanding or forbidding, binding or loosing. And Shams-al-Muáli-Kábús in his days was highly renowned amongst all other princes of provinces and chiefs of territories, on account of his noble soul, generous disposition, enlarged intellect, excellent character, perfect virtues, and brilliant energy. He was distinguished for expanded judgment, and abundant religion. And from his inclination to all kind of pure and liberal notions of external and internal (religion) recognized the truth that amusement and sovereignty are opposed to each other, and that their union, according to unchangeable and eternal rules cannot be idealized. Abú-Bosti, in confirming this sentiment, says (Verse)
And Shams-al-Muáli-Kábús was adorned with the impress of justice, kindness, and equity. In zeal in the welfare of his ryots, and in attention to the advantage of his dependents, he was eager, and in various sciences of learning and morals he was profound. He was unparalleled for uniting skill with the sword and skill in the pen. His epistles were famed and celebrated throughout the regions and coasts of the world, and his perfect eloquence and excellence in adorning and embellishing his words were well known, &c.*
When the Sultán had cleansed the Court of Khurásán from his adversaries, and had reduced the enemies of the family of Sámán to non-existence, Ilek-Khán succeeded to Máwaráhnnahr, and obtained the princes of the family of Sámán, their children and comrades. And these regions were entirely stripped of all that race and pearl-stock. And he wrote to the Sultán, and congratulated him on his inheritance of the kingdom of Khurásán, and proposed a reparation of good-will and the thread of friendship. An alliance was made between them, and motives of good inclination and attachment were established. And his discriminating nature advanced from a sincere affection to a sincere unity; and, at the time when the Sultán went to repulse the attack at Nishápúr, he had sent the Imám Abúl-Taíb-Sahal-’bn-Sulaimán-Assalaoki, who was Imám of Hadis (or of the sacred traditions) upon an embassy to Ilek-Khán, and sent (also) Tugánjuk, Prince of Sarkas, to him, and expressed a desire for a noble alliance with his nobles (or noble race) and presented before his greatness, his army and his fortress, curious valuables of pieces of pure gold, with jacinths and rubies, and chains of great and small pearls, and gifts of robes and eggs of amber, and vessels of gold and silver full of perfumes of camphor, and other productions of the provinces of India, made from frankincense-bearing trees, and Damascus scimitars, and war elephants adorned with many-coloured trappings and jewelled bits, in describing all which gems the mind would be confused, and in specifying all which incomparable things the eyes would become turbid. And celebrated horses, with ornaments and head-trappings of gold, and various other choice and desirable things. And when the Imám Abúl-Taíb arrived at the Turkish territory they exhibited much agitation and eagerness at his approach, and expressed extreme readiness to pay homage and respect to his dignity, partly on account of their honour toward His Majesty the Sultán, and partly on account of the superabundant and excelling virtues of (the envoy) in all kinds of science, he being the singular scholar of his age. He was sound in controversial tact, and in casuistical divinity, and lunar calculations. He thus attained to the object desired,* caused seeking to be joined with finding, and returned, having with diligent industry fully accomplished his pilgrimage; and he presented the unequalled pearl, which, as a diver, he had sought and found in Turkistán, before the Sultán’s presence, with valuable specimens of the purchased articles of Turkistán, pure gold and silver, sweet musk, high-bred horses, moon-faced slaves, well-featured girls, white falcons, packets of peacock-feathers, ermines, and tawny skins, with exquisite china vessels, and many other beautiful fabrics, so that, between the two kingdoms, an interwoven alliance and affinity became fastened, as with nails, and between them, as between artificers and officers, a partnership was established in the adjustment of benefits and union. For a long period affairs continued to be fitly ordered and duly arranged between these Courts, until, through the hateful anger of fate, the straight road of affection became damaged by ill-will, and by the interlopings of Satan the stream of the fountains of love became diminished, and the bonds of that sincere regard became untied. Some of the beauteous words of Abúl-Taíb have been cited, and at the end of this chronicle several of the subject-nobles of the Sultán (who in their paths were like bright stars, and in their fixed (orbits) like constellations, each one being a star of the stars of the age, and a moon of the moons of virtue, and a column of the pillars of science) will be commemorated. And these words are from many of the niceties of the judgment and novelties of the language of Abúl-Taíb: “He who offers himself before his time offers himself to the air.” And this apothegm is taken from “The Words” of Abu Mansur, the divine: “Even a dog has high thoughts, and he is of the lowest extremity of baseness in whom there is a seeking for power before the times of power,” &c., &c.318a
Or Hamwali.
↩Author of these Memoirs (the Arabic original text).
↩Brother of the two princes, Ismail and Mahmúd.
↩i. e. A sword of Indian steel.
↩i. e. Death, when referred to Mussalmáns.
↩Abul Farajius informs us that Mahmúd and Ismaïl divided the kingdom between them, which may probably have been the case for some time.
↩Or theologian, priest.
↩Barashi.— De Sacy.
↩It was grievous to have the glutton for Vizir but it was better to have the flea, for we soon afterwards had Barmaki.
↩The Prince of Bukhárá was still Mahmúd’s superior lord.
↩Freely rendered.
↩i. e. Mahmúd, at present entitled Saif-Addoulat.
↩For an account of Sarakhs and Merú, or Merv, see Burne’s Travels in Bukhárá.
↩i. e. Disabuse him and mortify his youthful pride, remove his bashfulness, by collision with others, or dishonour him, by encountering him in the field.
↩i. e. The Amír of Bukhárá.
↩The other two requests are not mentioned.
↩MS. confused here.
↩ “
i. e. Their indifference to the conduct of the plunderers.
↩i. e. The bodies of the dead.
↩i. e. Blood.
↩i. e. Confounded at sixes and sevens.
↩The MS. repeatedly gives Yektuzún, but De Sacy prefers Bektuzún.
↩Or from the association of two kings upon one carpet, or board, or floor, &c., &c.
↩i. e. Right hand of the empire and guardian of the religion.
↩Alluding to Mahmúd, who had now, by the Khalif’s grant, assumed the suzerainty.
↩Or veil, shawl.
↩
That is, Abú-Ibrahim (Muntasir).
↩Or like Jemshid. Here is some historical allusion.
↩(Young) horseman, &c., here horse.
↩MS. doubtful.
↩i. e. Kabús, indignant that Muntasir should have rejected his advice and listened to the calumnies of the people of Ray.
↩Pír, literally, old man, but it is the usual name for the Mussulman saints in India and Affghanistân. (See the interesting pamphlet of M. Gascin de Tassy, “Sur la religion Musulmane dans l’Inde”).— Fakih, theologian, priest.
↩He appears to have been a kind of ecclesiastical prince. The Amír of Bukhárá still regards himself in that point of view.
↩i. e. Meanwhile, before he received the Sultan’s reply.
↩i. e. Abiward.
↩Probably situated on the site where the ruins of Oodecnuggar are now seen, near the modern village of Darapúr, on the banks of the Hydaspes.— Burnes.
↩Some obscurity in the Persian MS.; but, from the Arabic, it seems that he again approached Bukhárá, “fell into the mouth of the fire,” and moved about, harassed and confused, until Ibn-Dar joined him; but the translator found difficulty in this passage.
↩The Sultán considered himself delivered from all relations of feudal allegiance, by the conduct of Muntasir, in ravaging his territory.
↩It is to be presumed that the remaining princes of the family of Sámán were massacred by Ilek-Khán and the Sultán Mahmúd.
↩That is, greater success and happiness in this world will be the cause of greater happiness hereafter. Mahmúd, therefore, desired to carry out his father’s design, that the merit of suggesting it might profit him. This appears to be rather a Hindú than a Muhammadan notion.
↩i. e. Sports with ruin.
↩
Parshawar or Parashawar, i. e., Peshawir.
↩The Musalmáns declare that idolatry is an innovation upon original Monotheism.
↩The history of Khalaf has been extracted from Mirkhond and published; Mirkhond quotes Utbi and his Persian Translator.
↩Thus Sistán, as well as Bukhárá, fell to the Sultán, but he addressed himself to complete his conquests by the capture of the forts.
↩i. e. Open clear battle-field or area.
↩Rather Juzjan, both here and elsewhere, on the authority of M. de Sacy, who declares that Jurján is a great error in the MSS. Juzjan is on the road between Herát and Balkh.
↩Privately, MS. doubtful.
↩Marz-bán, Guardian of the Marches, Marquis.
↩This was probably before Nasr’s treason was known.
↩i. e. To take Jurján.
↩The martyrdom-seeker, i. e., of the besieger.
↩i. e. Food, allowances, &c., as part of pay.
↩His, i. e., Majdaddoulah’s flag, Nasr being a vassal of Majdaddoulah.
↩Caspian Sea.
↩An elaborate Arabic epistle here follows, which is omitted.
↩i. e. To demand a daughter of Ilek-Khán for the Sultán, in marriage.
↩Bektuzún, or Bektuzúm, or Begtuzún, or Yektuzún, or Bekturún. In a work of such antiquity as the Kitábi Yamini it is sometimes difficult to ascertain the precise orthography of proper names, on account of the paucity of MSS. and the difficulty of historical collations. The Translator finally adopted Bektuzún.
↩“Drawing his eye over his rough standards” (in the text erroneously printed standard) i. e., Surveying his standards carried by hardy warriors.
↩The idea which has become a quality of the Muhammadan character is apathetic patience. Muslims appear to regard it as a crime to suffer deterioration from hope delayed, or even (as here) to entertain aspirations beyond their present circumstances.
↩