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The following Memoirs are translated from the Persian version of the Arabic work composed by Abúl-Nasr-Muhammad’-bn-Muhammad-Al-Jabbar-Al-Utbí. He was descended from the family of Utba, which had occupied important dignities and offices under the Princes of the house of Sámán (Kings of Khurasán, and nominally feudatories of the Khálifs of Bagdad). Of this family two are mentioned in the present Memoir, one, Abúl-Hasan-Utbí, was Grand Vizier of the Samanide Amir Mansúr-’bn-Núh, and the other, Abu-Jaafar-al-Utbí, was the nobleman to whom the Chamberlain Abúl-Abhás-Tásh was originally a slave; our author himself, as he was evidently attached to the person of Sabaktagin and his son, doubtless filled some eminent post at Court, he possessed, therefore, the best facilities and opportunities for the compilation of these historical Memoirs, which comprise the whole of the reign of Sabaktagin, and are carried on to the 14th year, at least,* of the reign of the Sultan Mahmúd. It is probable, therefore, that Utbí did not long survive the date at which his Memoirs terminate. It is to be regretted that this history, being thus cotemporary and personal, does not extend to the whole of that remarkable reign; it, however, comprises that portion of it which was most stirring and eventful. It must be observed, however, that if the dates given by Dow, in his History of India, and probably taken from Ferishta, be correct, Utbí must have survived to a very late period of Mahmúd’s reign, as some of the transactions recorded by him appear to coincide with those mentioned by the above author. There are difficulties, however, attending the hypothesis of Dow’s correctness, and possibly the authority of a contemporary writer may be more appropriately preferred, at least by his translator.
The translation of this work into Persian was undertaken by Abúl Sharaf of Jabardicán, under the circumstances which he mentions in his preface, that is, in order to amuse the faithful Ulúgh-Barik , a feudatory prince of the Atábegs, and at the same time to instruct and warn him by the example of Sabaktagin and Mahmúd, upon the subject of the advantages of righteous government, and of the ruin inevitably consequent upon oppression on the one side and disloyalty on the other. The Translator derived the name Jarbadécáni from his birth-place, the town of Jabardicán, between Hamadan and Isfahan, in Persia. His work was executed in the year a.h. 582, corresponding with a.d. 1186, the very period when the dynasty of Mahmúd Sabaktagin was expelled from the throne of Ghazna, and succeeded by the family of Gúr. The Persian MS. from which the present English version is rendered is a copy of one deposited in the Bibliothèque Impériale at Paris. It was beautifully, and the Translator is convinced, accurately taken by Monsieur Kasimirski, lately Imperial Interpreter to the Persian Envoy at the Court of the Emperor of the French.
It may reasonably be demanded, why the Translator did not elect to render this history from the Arabic original text rather than from the Persian version? In replying to this question, the Translator will not only allege the greater difficulty of the Arabic language as the ground of his selection; for the Persian easy indefiniteness possesses its own occasional perplexities, especially in the finer turns and phrases, and he would not have grudged the labour that would have been involved in translating from the Arabic M.S., since he would have thereby augmented his acquaintance with that most interesting language. Arabic is the only classical dialect which still survives and is spoken; it appears to have nearly absorbed and replaced all its kindred tongues. Hebrew exists but in the sacred volume, Syriac almost entirely in ecclesiastical documents alone; but Arabic still exists in all its fullness, and supplies us with an immense copia verborum whereby to illustrate and explain any obscurities that must necessarily arise in languages of a restricted and limited character. The highest truths are presented to us in words which have been chosen by the sacred writers out of the whole mass of secular utterances as best adapted to represent the ideas which they designed to express. That mass or body still survives in the Arabic, and it is evident that the nicer and finer hues, shades, and synonyms of the sacred tongues must be mainly sought in that mass. It is vain, also, to expect the attainment of a scientific, satisfactory and sound acquaintance with the Persian, Turkish, or perhaps of the Hindustáni languages, without some knowledge of Arabic. Yet, notwithstanding these great and obvious advantages, the study of Arabic generally tasks the patience of all except sincere lovers of labour; and the study of some Arabic compositions would deter many who are unwilling to devote a large portion of life and exertion to that pursuit. The difficulty of the grammatical rules, so precise and numerous, the copiousness of the epithets, the minute shades of signification which distinguish different words, the forms and conjugations of the same word, and, above all, the extensive degree in which logical and rhetorical constructions are admitted into the laws of syntax, afford an agreeable exercise for ingenuity and reflexion in tracing out these intricate windings, and arresting the thoughts of any author, unless his subject and his style be obvious and simple. But in translating from such a language into another so dissimilar as our own, there is some danger, with most, of falling into obscurity and harshness. Not that the language is itself at all obscure; on the contrary, if the numerous laws of grammar be rightly used, all is clear; the treasures are soon found by those who possess the keys of the various recesses in which they are deposited. The opinion attributed to Bishop Warburton, “that the translators of the Old Testament would not have been able to ascertain a definite sense from the Hebrew, if they had not ascertained it from the Septuagint version,” would not, at the present time, be well founded; for the labours of the last century have now, chiefly by reason of the Arabic, rescued the Hebrew from all cloudiness, and perplexity, and placed the laws of its construction upon as firm and evident a foundation as those of Greek.
It was not therefore only on account of the general abstruseness of the language, that the Translator of the present work, having proceeded some distance on his labours, resolved to transfer them to the Persian version. It was because the original work of Utbí is designedly and unusually difficult, and would have occupied far more time than the Persian. It is a misfortune, that several of the most esteemed Arabic authors have sought fame and reputation in exaggerating the peculiarities of their language, and have exercised their ingenuity by the employment of far-fetched terms and words with uncommon, involved methods of grammatical construction, so as to render it necessary, even for their own co-linguists to use some research before they could fully ascertain the due meaning of the composition. The Kitáb-al-Yamíní-al-Utbi,* was said to be one of these productions of exceptional difficulty, and various commentators have found it advisable to explain it, in order to facilitate its perusal by native students. The Translator, therefore, under these circumstances, after some hesitation and with some regret, unwilling to incur additional delay, decided to render the whole work from the Persic version. The Translator, moreover, deemed it requisite to abridge time and labour also with respect to the Arabic verses of various authors quoted and interspersed throughout the work.* There is here another difficulty to contend with, the difficulty that is of always obtaining a correct reading, on account of the paucity of MSS. and the impossibility of collation. To those who are aware how long and carefully Arabic verses must be examined and pondered before the sense and scope of the poet appears plainly— can be disentangled, seized, and embodied in English words— this difficulty will be allowed to be formidable. The Persian Translator also, by no means adheres to the original in transferring the verses before him, but frequently and avowedly substitutes others for those cited by Al-Utbí. The Translator has therefore contented himself with giving all the Persian verses, all the short Arabic verses, and a specimen of each of the longer poems. It is impossible to transpose Arabic poetry perfectly into English, and he imagined that the above proportion would suffice to afford the English reader some idea of the nature of these curious productions. The Translator having rendered several chapters of the work from the Arabic original text, is enabled to believe that the Persian version is generally faithful, and occasionally verbally so. It appears to have been collated with the Arabic by the learned transcriber, M. Kasimirski, of Paris, for whose useful little notices in the margin, and suggestions of emendations in the text, the writer offers his sincere acknowledgments.*
A summary of this historical memoir (from the Persian), by the late eminent orientalist, M. Silvestre de Sacy, appeared in the 4th Volume of the “Notices et Extraits,” published in the year 7 of the Republic.
It omitted a portion, as not immediately referring to the Ghaznevide history, and was so much abridged, as to afford but little assistance in the labour of translation. But from the remarks and notes of this illustrious scholar, the Translator received great benefit, and it is from the latter that he has chiefly borrowed the short geographical explanations which are occasionally subjoined.*
In estimating the value of the present contribution to Eastern history, as it must be allowed that many of the incidents herein comprised are already to be found in Ferishta and other authors, so others appear to be unknown or attended with varying particulars and circumstances: the personal narrative also of a contemporary probably conveys a more correct impression of events, even because it is somewhat diffuse, since character and motives are obtained from details. Dow, one of the earliest English authors who treated of the history of Hindustán, complains of the dry brevity and conciseness of Ferishta; Al-Utbí may occasionally overlay his facts with too much that is extraneous, but as he more frequently prefers a plain recital,† the Translator resolved not to abridge any part of the prose narrative. He is supported in this resolution by the high authority of the Asiatic Society of Paris, who in their Report for 1841, drawn up by M. Mohl, remark, with reference to the question of curtailments and abridgments in oriental translations, “En y réfléchissant sérieusement, on se convaincra peut être que le système des traductions intégrales offre néanmoins des inconvénients moindres que celui des traductions incompletes. On produit par cette dernière méthode un ouvrage plus agréable à lire,” (with our present author this would not be the case, the translation reads more smoothly if it flow on uninterruptedly,) “mais ceux qui veulent faire des recherches ne s’en serviront jamais qu’avec défiance, parce qu’ils ne peuvent pas savoir si le traducteur n’à pas omis les faits qui dans leurs recherches particuliers leur importent le plus.”
The value, then, of Al-Utbí’s memoirs consists partly in that character of special authenticity which their occasional diffuseness and digressions tends rather to develope than to impair; but this historical fragment is also very interesting in itself; it exhibits the identity of the Oriental mind, especially as developed in the tribes of Affghan or Turkoman, or Bukharian blood. Their shrewdness and acumen, the readiness with which they yield to impulses, and their unaccountable spirit of fickleness, appear to have remained unchanged during eight or nine centuries, so that some of the events recorded by Utbí find their parallel in those of the recent mutiny in India.
But this chronicle is also highly interesting as an historical notice of one of the most remarkable empires ever founded on earth, and which, if it had been permanent, consolidated and extended, would have turned the current of the world’s history into a direction different from that in which it has flowed, for this empire was formed in Central Asia— in a land for the most part fruitful and temperate, the native country of the vine— possibly the cradle of the human race. A right line drawn from the mouths of the Indus, through Almora to Tibet, may express the boundary of this empire towards the south; but the territory, from this limit towards the north and north-west, including the provinces on two sides of the Caspian, Affghanistan, Khurasán, Bukhárá, and the greater part of modern Persia, &c., passed by degrees to Mahmúd’s immediate and direct sovereignty, and his power as Emperor Suzerain extended beyond these boundaries. He appears to have included amongst his vassals the princes of the family of Boíah, or Boyah, who, in addition to various provinces of Persia, including Kirman on the Persian Gulph, and others bordering on the Caspian and Oxus, enjoyed the office of hereditary Vizír of the Khálifs of Bagdad, and Amír of Mesopotamia, &c., and who, in fact, disposed of the Khálifat, and nominated and deposed those ecclesiastical rulers at their pleasure; so that Mahmúd in this, his extended sway, may well be said to have mingled the Euphrates with the Ganges.0-24a His empire was nearly placed at the point of junction of Europe and Asia; it nearly possessed the advantages of position which adapted Byzantium to become New Rome, and, moreover, included India within the sphere of its influence. Such an empire might have become powerful and enduring— might have reached the shores of the Mediterranean, and have been thus connected with Europe. It really did gain a wide authority and renown, and its real strength existed at least as long as that of any other dynasty which has been supreme in Hindustán. Perhaps one cause of its stability may have been the sagacity of Mahmúd in not establishing* his capital in India, in not withdrawing from Ghazna, and not remaining isolated amidst conquered and hostile nations, at a distance from his resources. The supreme power was thus external, any check was retrievable, and the pride and zeal of Muhammadan fanaticism was soon aroused to suppress any revolts amongst the Hindús, with whom the Ghaznevide subjects were not as yet blended.
It is interesting to observe how rapidly, and yet how readily, this empire grew on, how all events fell out to advance it, how all contingencies coincided to effect its augmentation. Sabaktagin and Mahmúd are led into war, or take up arms, sometimes being in the right, sometimes in the wrong, but they always succeed; they capture Bost and Kasdar, they overcome Dilam, they intrigue in Bukhárá, and so manage that upon the extinction of the Sámánides the possessions of that family accrue to their own, and they had very early become feudal lords over the princes of Boyah.† It is not surprising that Mahmúd should have regarded those who opposed him as not only rebellious, but impious; he saw events around him so wonderfully controlled and directed by Providence to concur towards the aggrandizement of his empire and the furtherance of his projects, that he may almost be pardoned for regarding himself not only as the instrument and agent, but also as the favorite of Heaven.
It appears, indeed, that Mahmúd of Ghazna was respected as an eminent theologian as well as an illustrious warrior, and he flourished at a time when there existed ample opportunity for the exercise of his ingenuity as a Muhammadan divine. He was a contemporary of the eccentric Egyptian Khálif Hakim-biamr-Illah, during whose reign the whole Muhammadan world was in a ferment, through the pretensions of the Sayyads, or descendants of Muhammad, and the doctrines of the Batenians, the maintainers of the Tashbiah, and the followers of the remarkable tenets of Ali-Ilahia; the coalesceing fusion of all which peculiar notions at last formed the grand section of Muhammadanism— the Shiites, and the philosophical school of the Sáfis,— and also established a ground for that curious fact, the blending or partial reconciliation of Islám with Hindúism. The Sayyads or Saids caused some trouble to Mahmúd. It was wisely ordered that all traces of the kindred of the Messiah should soon disappear from Christian history, and indeed the discussions and dissensions which arose respecting His divinity might tend to discountenance much regard to all that was associated with His humanity.
But numberless descendants, real or pretended, of Muhammad, through his daughter Fatima, and his cousin Ali, have been the source of continual trouble and weakness to his religion, not only through the disgrace which an hereditary race of arrogant, ignorant, and prejudiced idlers, would naturally often produce, but also because they would, as might be supposed, be inclined to maintain and encourage those doctrines which tended most to promote their own importance and dignity. They therefore possessed most influence amongst the Shiites, and they supported more or less the doctrines which possessed most affinity with those of that great sect. These doctrines were such as were professed, in various degrees, by the adherents of the Tashbiah, and of the Ali-Ilahia, doctrines which have always been deeply offensive to the Sunnite Muhammadans, and not without good cause, for, if tolerated and carried out, they might found a Preparatio Evangelica, a platform for Christianity. They were probably originally Christian doctrines, deeply disguised. It is not likely that the Christians of the Greek Empire, of Armenia, of Parthia, of Chaldea, and of Egypt, so forcibly converted to Muhammadanism, would lose all Christian persuasion and habit of thought in that cold and barren phase of unsympathizing monotheism.* They still retained much of the geniality of Christian doctrine, as regards the relation of Deity to man. But as they dared not hint at any point directly Christian, they were compelled to disguise their feelings under a dark esoteric veil. Those who adhered to these suspected notions were termed generally Batenians, or interiors. “These are so called,” remarks M. de Sacy, “because they establish an interior sense of the Scripture besides the exterior; they say, whoever attaches himself to the exterior fatigues himself with vain practices, whilst he who follows the interior may dispense with all actions— they give to faith a preference over Islamism.”
A specific branch of these Batenians is the sect of Tashbiah, Assimilation, who (besides a kind of Platonism), assert theologically, “that there is a connexion between God and the other beings; that the age is never destitute of a prophet or of law, that it is never destitute of an Imám, or his authority, and that the existence of an Imám through all times is necessary, whether manifest or concealed.” All this would greatly infringe upon various positions and organic maxims of the Kurán. But the maintainers of the Ali-Ilahia advance far beyond these assertions. These sectaries are numerous in India, but they seem to have abounded also in Syria, Egypt, &c., during the first six or seven centuries of the Hejira; they teach, “that it is necessary to the Almighty God and eternal Lord, that He should descend from the dignity of purity and from the station of unity and absoluteness, and that according to the abundance of His clemency, He should, in every period and revolution of time unite His spirit with a bodily frame, in order that his creatures may behold this glorious and exalted Lord; and in whatever manner He ordains, acknowledge and reverence Him.” “That it is determined that a pure spirit may assume a bodily likeness.”— (See Dabistan, vol. 2, by Shea and Troyer.)0-29a
Opinions like these would at once set aside the exclusiveness of Muhammadanism, and with its exclusiveness its main column, and doubtless Mahmúd regarded a deadly onset against them to be as meritorious as the sacred war upon infidels. What would he have said, if he had beheld such doctrines so permeate and so prevail throughout India, that there are now saints whom all parties claim and reverence, that the cries of Rama and Allah Akbar have been blended, and that Muhammadans have enjoined the idolatrous reverence for the cow?
The Translator has been unable to discover any distinct allusion to artillery and fire-arms, which are, however, supposed to have been in some form not entirely unknown in those early times. It appears certain that Greek fire and rockets were employed, as well as slinging and stoning machines, and the allusion in one of the poems to the “fire-eyed rocket” is plain. The use of such projectiles aproximates to that of artillery.0-31a But the beseiged in the citadel of Ark cast on the besiegers pots full of scorpions and serpents, and the gates of a fortress were forced open by means of elephants. However, if these engines of war were at all known, they would scarcely have been acceptable. Inventors must meet with men and times ready to receive and value their discoveries, as well as produce new facts and combinations. It was probably not so much bards who were wanting in the earliest age to sing the praises of heroes, as heroes who would delight in their strains, and if such machines became universal, who could hope to be a Rustâm, or rise to royalty by the sword?
The Translator connot discover any allusion to Ferdusi, or to the envious Vizir who injured him. He cannot find the word Somnath, or the story respecting the idol broken by Mahmúd, although the expedition in which this event is alleged to have occurred, appears to be included in this Chronicle of Utbí. It is not however, possible, to decide with regard to omissions, without the assistance of additional manuscripts.*
There is another point to which it is desired to advert: the order and arrangement of early Eastern Histories or Chronicles is but rough and imperfect. Like those of the middle ages in Europe, they are often composed of chapters containing facts, without any intimation of the bearing or relation of these chapters to one another, or to the whole narrative. Thus, in the present work, various chapters contain the history of the several provinces from which the Ghaznevide Empire was ultimately made up, but no intimation is afforded with regard to the point where the thread of these episodical, yet essential accounts joins that of the main narration; how, for example, the affairs of Dilam or of Bukhárá became involved with those of Ghazna. The Translator has occasionally supplied this information, but in general the reader must be left to judge what portion belongs to recapitulation, what to explanatory anticipation, and what to the grand current of the story. There is also a confusion and obscurity in literal translation, which arises from too loose and liberal employment of pronouns, or even their entire omission. The Translator has in these instances been contented to offer a close rendering to the reader, without adding an explanation which is sometimes as embarrassing as the text.
Whilst this work was passing through the press, the attention of the Translator was invited, by the obliging courtesy of Professor G. Fluëgel, of Dresden, to a Paper read in January, 1850, before the Imperial Academy of Sciences, at Vienna, upon the subject of the Kitáb-i-Yamini, by Dr. T. Nöldecke. The learned author of this Paper communicates his discovery in the Imperial Library of two MSS. of the Arabic original, and of two MSS. of the Persian Translation, as well as of a Commentary. If this discovery had been made at an earlier period, the Translator might possibly have endeavoured to obtain a copy of the best of the two Arabic MSS. in order to translate from it, yet he doubts whether this communication would have altered his resolution to adopt the Persian: the Arabic MSS. of Dr. Nöldecke’s notice are, both of them modern, one dated a.d. 1772, the other 1747, whereas the two copies of the MSS. of the Persian version are dated, the one a.d. 1316, the other 1321, about 150 years, that is, from the publication. If, therefore, the Translator had possessed the advantage of an acquaintance with these MSS., he would probably still have availed himself of the assistance of the ancient Persian, whereupon to ground an English version, rather than have adopted MSS. which may possibly prove to be of minor authority.
If, however, the Arabic original text and that of the Persian version should ever be published, and the publication by authority appears to be almost a duty, these four MSS., and the critical remarks of Dr. Nöldecke, will be most valuable, and will doubtless be duly consulted.
This learned dissertation comprises two extracts from the Arabic, one from the Persian version, and a specimen of the Comment, &c.
The Translator feels it incumbent upon him to offer his best acknowledgements to the Committee of the Oriental Translation Fund, for their liberality in publishing the present volumes. He has felt much interest in pursuing a subject so congenial to a profession which is bound so especially to trace out and diffuse every ray of “Light from the East,”— light now so sadly obscured and divided in its original glorious abode from its primeval sources. The credit obtained by these studies is not general, but that disadvantage will be fully compensated if they be in any degree useful, and the Translator will be rewarded if he win the approbation of those who are so well qualified to judge upon points of Oriental literature, with whom he has had the honour and pleasure of being so long officially connected, and to whom he is bound by so much kindness and attention.
This Book is the composition of Abú ’Sharaf Mauláná Násih ’bn Zafar ’bn Saád Almunshí al-Jarbadkáni.
The most fitting thing which the speaking tongue should love, and towards which the reins of the will should be turned, is the praise and celebration of the Creator. May His might be glorified and His word be exalted! It was He who distinguished man by the garment of intellect and superiority, who adorned his exterior with splendid form, and perfect figure, and who distinguished and illuminated his interior with the light of knowledge. Man hath thus received the happy gift of being enabled, with clear view and penetrating reflection, to contemplate the wonders of Omnipotence and the mysteries of creation, and to know that this brocaded surface, coloured with brilliant groupings, and this variegated curtain decorated with the lights of the stars, received not visible form without a wise Ordainer and a preventing Framer; that this green expanse, set with jewels of flowers, and this carpet of dust, streaked with flowing streams, became possible only through an Omniscient Creator and a powerful Disposer: and with respect to man’s being, which is a little world, the Creator carefully provided that this stamp of nature which He delineated and brought from nothing unto the basis of being, should, in the darkness of the womb be ordered and arranged into different members and parts, and He enlightened this his darkened form with the flame of life, and sent forth a glance from His useful light to guard the basis of his existence, and to protect the line of his being.
And when the leavening of his clay, and the arrangement of his beauty was completed, and the time for marching forth and the period for advancing unto the plain and field of battle drew near, He sent many divine endowments attached to his being, and many delights corresponding with his construction, into the conduit of the garden of his special (frame), and bound by a strong link every one of the comforts and gratifications of the world to his several members, and framed his various limbs into causes of utility and profit, so that by the force of sight he receives enjoyment from colour and from pleasing and charming objects, and by the sense of hearing might derive intelligence from the voices and cries of animals, and by the intensity of taste might relish different kinds of meats and drinks, and by the strength of articulate speech, his secrets and his will might be declared, so that his Vizir, the Sight, and his General, Apprehension, received all that was sufficient in the world of intelligence for his consideration and for the regulation of his comforts and conduct, in order that the highway of profit or of harm might be enlightened before his eyes, and that he might write the lesson of good or evil upon the tablet of his thought (Kurán, xxxi. 10), “This is the creation of God, show me what they have created, who are worshipped besides him.”
Next, salutation to the Sacred Spirit, to the flowery garden, to the pure earth of Muhammad Mustafá, the Elect, the Seal of Prophets, and Chief of the Mighty Saints, the blessing and peace of God be upon him, the dawn of whose apostleship purified the court of the world from the darkness of error, and by the polish of his guidance gave brilliancy to the sullied mirror of hearts, and freed mankind from the participation of idolatry. A hundred thousand invocations of mercy, and rest, and salutation and peace be upon his glorious caste, and pure progeny and family, the source of the morning light, and the keys of mysteries. Unto his companions and followers, and comrades and associates, be respect, may their stock be perfumed with the gale of the breeze of eternity, and their stability affixed by the nails of everlasting joists, for with God is protection and grace.
Thus saith the servant of the preserver, and orator of the everlasting, Abú Ashsharaf Nasih ’bn Zafar ’bn Saad Almunshi Aljarbádakání. When the Almighty adorned with the region of Irák, or indeed with the whole extent of the horizon, him the fortunate in counsel and in judgment, the splendour of the zenith of empire, and gave lofty rank, heavenly expansion, and penetration for his commands and prohibitions (to distant regions), and all that pertains to perfect empire, unto the Just Sovereign, the Wise, the Maintainer, the Successful, the Victorious, the Warrior for Religion, the Consolidator of the Glory of the State and Religion, he who gave victory to Islám and to Muslims, Supreme Prince over both Worlds, Pacificator of the Earth, Ulúgh Barík Ulláh, (God exalt his power, and raise his might and magnify his victories), and when God distinguished him with special qualities — with justice, with expansion of the wings of liberality and mercy, with bounteous benefits and advantages unto high and low, with overflowing generous kindnesses and volumes of good actions, in a glorious station, then his happy days became a pledge for the firm establishment of good things, and for strengthening the bonds of neighbourhood, and caused the eager and generous expenditure of wealth and jewels upon objects of piety and charity, and upon the construction of foundations and bridges, and mosques and minarets, and in an age which was a season of violence and a time of tyranny; the plain of his guardianship and the veil of his government and aid became the asylum of the weak, the resource of the poor, the refuge of the injured, and the retreat of the oppressed; so that when any where the foot of any one failed through the slippery vibration of affairs, he laid his hand upon the handle of the solid judgment of his majestic court, and sought to hold firmly by his assuring neighbourhood and his protecting patronage, and whenever any one was wounded by the arrow of adversity from the bow of the times, he sought to heal the scar of his wound with the plaister of his liberal and compassionate government; and whosoever, through the vicissitudes of change became ailing from the poison of care, obtained a remedy from the antidote of his pity.
Now in the second month of the year 582, when the Nabob-Sultanat of the family of Seljúk came to an end, and the great Atábeg Azim Muhammad, son of the Atabeg Assaíd Shams Addoula wa Addín Ildegiz (Allah sanctify his mighty spirit), who was the pillar of that kingdom, and the regulator of that empire, and the shepherd of that flock and the protector of all, had been caught in the snare of fate, and the government had thus passed away from his decorated mind and experience, and strength and power, and dread mastership, and the affairs of Irák were all in disturbance and confusion, and the devils of Turks came forth from the bottle of coercion, and nearly one hundred chiefs of his principal subjects, every one of whom was a demon of demon race, and a Pharaoh of rebels in the flesh, quitted the high road of right, and every one fixed his craving upon the kingdom of Irák, and fortified themselves in every side in castles, and left the road free for criminals and corrupted men, so that the impress of the force of these verses were written upon the page of its condition (Verses)
And several of the household of the Prince went forth and sought refuge with the disobedient ones of the State, and used words of tumult, and confusion, and division, and for nearly twenty years the extension of this strife and the source of this wretchedness increased, so that ancient houses departed and nothing remained on the right or left, and people of substance became distressed with poverty and want, the poor were in straits, and the slaves perished, so that labourers came to destruction, and cultivators and sowers were dispersed, and their dwellings and abodes became the dens of wild beasts and tigers. But this king (long may he live!) in these days of their butting violence, drew his foot into the skirt of honour and remained dwelling quietly in the protected city of Kaswín, which is the splendour of the world, and, with firm foot and unshaken greatness, exhibited his inclination to be well affected towards and to preserve the sovereign Atabegs (Heaven support them!) and paid his due tribute, and attempted to be master in nothing, and was content with certain duties assigned by the díván, and knew that they would all be bound by their errors and wounded by punishment. Until the time approached that the State became freed from their injuries, and some, caught in the snare of their covetousness, were ruined and destroyed; many became a mark for the arrow of the plaint of the oppressed, and a portion remained humiliated and lost captives in the desert of infidels, and the hell of those who are disobedient to the Lord of Favours, until the very great Prince, the magnified King, Shums-addoulah waaddín, Victory of Islám and of Muslims, King of kings, Chief of the East and West, Itagmash (may God guard his splendour and double his prosperity!) who was the very unsurpassed strength and mighty column of the state, and pillar and prop of the kingdom, by alliance with the noble ones of that king who was the cream of Turks and flower of dominion, happily gave help, and by his support the joining of the ropes of his fortune and empire proceeded, and by the right hand of affinity and alliance, and by the support of his advice and judgment, an answer was given to all those who wounded and disputed in the kingdom, and by their associating and interweaving with one another the house of the master-son, the Lord Alim, Sultan Azim, Victory both in worldly and religious matters, refuge of Islam and of Muslims, the Sultan of Sultans, AbnBakr, son of Alátábeg Alazim, son of Abn Iaafar Muhammad, son of the Atábeg Abu Sair Ildagiz (Heaven eternize his rule!) became settled by them, and they drove back the covetous necks and gaping beaks of the armies of Syria, and Armenia, and Diarbeker, and Khurásán, and Khawarizm, and other places, who had placed their hosts in the cities and provinces of Irák, and cleansed the laws of the kingdom from the intermixture of malice by the dread of the swords of these two eminent kings, from the utmost to the nearest parts of the world. The wolf was prevented from attacking the deer, and the partridge sought aid in the patronage of the falcon, the eyes of confusion were in sweet sleep, and justice was awake, and the carpet of confidence and trust was spread (Verse)
And at this day, praise be to God, from the fortune of these two will-effecting princes and these two command-issuing kings the foundation of justice and equity hath been laid, and the rule of innovation, and oppression and violence, rejected and put away. May the Almighty establish for unnumbered years, through their empire and royalty this common gain, this shade of their justice and compassion over weak subjects. “God hath mercy on the servant who saith Amen.”
Now forasmuch as that scanty territory which is the native country of this poor compiler, was in the possession of the court of this prince, and honoured by his fortunate vicinity, and he commanded (residence) there for many times and exalted years, and was attached to the open country of that plain, for the enjoyment of hunting, when my turn came to stand before his happy stirrup, there passed into my mind (Verse)
a passage, which may the Solomon of the kingdom realize, that as a mouse it may perchance be of service, and with this writing like a locust’s foot transcribe a volume, and that in this way might form a composition of the histories and names of kings, and of the chronicles of emperors, and might convey it as a gift to the high presence, in order that, at times of leisure and hours of privacy, he might receive recreation from hearing it, and might derive example from the vicissitudes of circumstances and the changes of the eminent; And upon this subject I requested the advice of the just lord, Múíd Mansúr-Muzfir-Mahdí-addunya-wa-addín, glory of Islam and of Muslims, Sayyad of Viziers in both worlds, generous, learned, Abúl Kasim ’bn Muhammad ’bn Abi Hanífá (Allah guard his splendour and perpetuate his destiny!) who was the Asaph of the kingdom and pillar of the empire. I requested a reply upon the point. He gave me the most extreme encouragement, and indicated that “the Kitáb Yamini, compiled by ’Utbi, is a useful book, and is comprised in few sections and light bulk, being an explanation of the events and incidents of Sultán Mahmúd Sabaktagín, with much of the affairs of the family of Sámán and a little of the days of the family of Boyah, and which contains also some of the histories and traces of the kings of those countries, and lords of those regions.” It would be fitting (he said) in order that these (historical) exemplars should approach nigh unto the understanding, and that Turks and citizens should be directed thereby, that you should translate it into the Persian, and not be higher than the frame of the book’s style, and avoid ruggedness and ambitious phrases, and not regard it incumbent upon you to employ uncouth Arabic words and expressions, but whatsoever the intelligent mind and generous nature approves, to be therewith content, so that I may act as father to this bride, and may make the unsaleable goods of this stock pass freely with the Amír. For, at the present day, two particular kinds of advantage will accrue from this book: one, that this Prince (may his fortune last for ever!) when he contemplates the circumstances and the territories of the kings and sultans, his predecessors, the extent of their empire, the distance to which their authority penetrated, the glory of their power, autocracy, and commandments, may also know that their declining fortune, and the transference of cities and peoples, rendered them not permanent, and all their state has decayed, and there remaineth nothing of them, except their good name, their virtues, their generous acts, their examples, and their mercy. His eyesight, by passing over these subjects of thought, may become firmer, and his wishes, by traversing these chapters, may become more true; And, secondly, that people of virtue, excellence, and honour may know that these kings caused to circulate amongst the people of the sword the valuables of earth and the riches of the world, and to their subjects brought valuable property to support the kingdom’s slenderness, making them sharers and partners in the possessions of the earth, And none of them deceased before the full space of life, or was not useful even after the consummation of the days of his age, And a writer, with five folds of paper and a long ball (of ink) which cost (but) two drachms of silver, hath painted their memorials in a volume of annals, and, having placed their impress upon the forehead of time, hath rendered their name perennial unto perpetuity everlasting, and hath adorned the interior of his volume and the contents of his book with the commemoration of their days, their words, and their deeds. Nearly three hundred years* have elapsed since they framed histories in praise of Mahmúd Sabaktagin, and spoke as friends of the family of Boyah (Verse)
As to the Seljúks, from whose eminent kingdoms these two princes were but a distillation, and the rule of these two sovereigns but a drop in the sea of their royalty and empire, they are no longer preserved for any sufficient period, and their name will be blotted from the books of minds; and as in their days people of virtue found no success, and derived no aid from their diffused grandeurs, ordinances, or victories, no one preserved their memory, and no memorial remained of the vestiges of their elevation.
I accepted this intimation of the Sahib, the just, Heaven augment its help to him, and exhibited to him this exemplifying parable, and I appended this (proposed) arrangement to the (other) successive aids and marks of favour, and gifts, and presents, which in the course of my life I have found from that court of his brilliancy, and portico of his merits and endowments, and I translated this book from Arabic into Persian.
Men of information and intelligence are aware that in the barbarian (Persian) dialect there is no power of affording much gratification, and Abú an Nasar Al Utbi, in the narration and composition of this book exhibited lawful magic, and displayed wonderful novelties, and if any one from the zenith of eloquence and delicacy of that model, and the copiousness of those expressions, should contemplate the low cellars* of this translation and the wretchedness of these words nothing but a blush of shame would be the result. I am convinced of the fact of my deficiencies, and in my poor mansion (of mind) and confusion of intellect well know both the scantiness of my capital stock and the deficiency of my workmanship. However my apology comes to light upon two grounds; one is that I wished not that the intricacies and niceties of the aims and drifts of the book should remain under the veil of obscurity, and that the arrow of understanding should never attain unto it; and the second that I wished the Arabian plain (of language) to possess a perfect amplitude and complete space, and if any one will peruse the writings of this poor author in Persian verse and rhythms perhaps water* may again come upon the face of his labour, and there may ensue pacification towards the standard of these words, and reconciliation to the motes of these idle tales, and it may thus be known that, although my Persian hackney be restive, my Arab charger is a pleasant goer, and although my striped Persian robe is in tatters yet my Arabian embroidered garment is fair and new;14b and if, in the time of the family of Sámán and the days of the house of Boyah, which was a time of the Bázár of virtue and excellence, when the divers of good manners and arts found valuable pearls and choice jewels, in the sea of their humanity and liberality, and in the gardens of their protection, and science possessed fields of sugar-cane, and delightful parterres, and were blessed with their rich society and admirable nobleness, if in the gardens of their generous benefits they struck up (songs) like the sweet-toned nightingale, and like the starling warbled by the border of the rose-garden— no matter, At present, when the breeze favourable to virtue hath passed away, when the fire of pride in heroes is stanched, when excellence is superfluous and men are wearied with the learned, and the tree of their art would be without fruit, unless these last breathings of dying generosity, these relics of liberality from the just Sahib, the Chief of Viziers (Heaven add lengthened reserves to the remnants of his life!) gave them heart again, and commanded a liveliness to commerce in their lofty occupation, and a ready sale in their market. It is forbidden then to draw a black pen over this whiteness, but esteem should be in our minds for this magazine of books. This poor author hath composed nearly two thousand verses, in praise and commendation of this nobleman (Allah encircle him with glory). The greater portion is concealed in the collection known as “The Gardens of Melancholy,” but some more seasonably placed in the volume of “The Flame of Souls.” The following is a Kasidah, which was compiled in praise of his blessed feet, at a time when he came, having composed something.* I have a perfect confidence in the generosity and liberality of the Maulawi, the great Sahib Chief of Viziers (may Allah perpetuate it!) that he will draw the line of indulgence over these blunders and errors, and cover with the train of the robe of mercy and pardon these slips and mistakes,
If, however, in the explication of the glories and wisdom of this generous Lord and unparalleled Vizier, one should enter into detail, the widest stream would afford no footing in its abyss of pages, and in seeking to express his perfection neither length nor breadth would be powerful enough to celebrate but a small portion thereof; and in these days, which are one year of scarcity as regards virtue and the virtuous, and when cruel fate is perhaps enslaved to a hatred of good manners and of the means of honour, and the stars of ingenuity are settled in the retirement of depression, and folly finds friends, the perfect merit, the lofty intellect, the liberal breast, the wide ocean and good fortune of mind, the true fortitude, the noble patronage, the wide plain of determined and dignified authority, the well-ordered conduct, sweet disposition, special ingenuousness, and innate beauties of this surpassing heart of super-eminence and this favoured lord of favour, hath arrived as the pardon-pleader of fortune, and the fault-coverer of the times. People of distinction, in emigrating from these flames and in purifying from this distress, have covered themselves with his overshadowing veil and have fled to the strong fortification and powerful munition of his reflecting care; and one of the beneficial qualities of his nature is, that he hath obtained a thorough knowledge of the chronicles, the origin and the state of peoples, the condition and whatever deserves to be known of the kings of Arabia and Persia, and their tribes, and hath become deep and powerful in this science, and aware of the vicissitudes of events, and his mind hath solidly occupied itself in pursuing this knowledge, and hath been engaged in acquiring the experience of history, so that his enlightened understanding and perfumed mind hath become a bright mirror, before which the converse of secrets and the fallacies of thoughts, and the sequences of affairs, and the ends of actions, are clear and shining as the sun-ray (Verse)
And another of his praiseworthy practices and agreeable rules is, that not one twinkling of an eye of his life (may its extension be conjoined with the extension of time!) is wasted, and although most of his time is spent in watching over the affairs of State and in promoting the peace of Muslims, when he finds a moment of leisure he seeks recreation in the perusal of books and the conversation of the wise, and the society of the learned, and in discussing the nice points of science, and the quaint intricacies of knowledge, and in acquiring information upon the rules of religious and eternal wisdom, and his soul and time becomes deeply immersed in these things; and if I may put forth an assertion it is that the curved umbrella of the sky overcast its shadow on the forehead of such greatness, and in the four quarters of the world there hath never sat upon the four-cornered seat of the Vizarat a Minister like him. May he be supported in the perfection of his discernment and the testimony of his far-sightedness, and may he be recorded so to be by evident arguments and clear proofs (Verse)
Whoso hath entered the winter-house which is the mansion of his greatness, the point of contact of his happiness, and the fountain of his government, and should see his benevolent foundations and his conduit-pipes of alms, and should witness his religious houses, his treasuries of books, and other curious and strange things, his library bookcases, his choice volumes and appended pages therein assembled, and should be aware of the hospital for the sick, and the valuable bottles, with various kinds of medicines and remedies, and their divisions for the poor and humble, he would know to what an extent his lofty mind hath attained varied kinds of excellence, by the avenues of goodness and the utilization of knowledge and reflection, and in the power of the Almighty, will be convinced, by proof, that neither the world in its youth, or creatures in their greatness, or Paradise in its nature, or ocean in its seas, could produce his equal (Verse)
And doubtless it is through his fortunate forelock and blessed counsel that the just Prince, the pacificator of the world, Ulugh Barík, hath passed so long a period in such power, comfort, peace, repose, and affluence, and hath found such an abundant hold of his royalty and empire; and the hope of his servants is this, that he may still continue in the freshness of the youth and vigour of his fortune, in increase of years and influence of power, that overflowing happiness and great establishment, as regards his life, his possessions, his wishes, and his years, may yet remain for him, and that many long years may pass under His Majesty, his children, and his descendants (who are the apple of the State’s eye, and the liver-corner of the empire) under the protecting shadow and guardianship of his fortunate standard, may they arrive at command and hold the world, and for eternity may the elevation of the office of Vizier and the seat of the empire’s dignity be adorned and illuminated by this great centre, this bright moon, this phœnix of time, this sun of generosity, this sea of munificence, this world of knowledge, and this earth of intelligence, if thus God will and His definitions (concur).
The Amír Násir-ad-dín was a Turk by origin, adorned by special favours of God, a mirror of royalty and authority, in the day of battle furious as a lion, then, liberal as the showers, he still distributed favours and kindnesses unto all. Like the wind he blew upon the strong and the weak, and like the sun he shone upon the humble and the noble. In mind he was like the sea, which, in its liberality, thinks not of its bounds, and in rage like the torrent-flood, which regards not ascent or descent. During dark events his counsel was like a path-directing star; his sword, in cutting through his enemies, was like the globe-disclosing fate. The marks of nobility and generosity were bright and brilliant in his disposition, and the evidences of good fortune and happiness were plain, whether they were at rest or in motion. Abúl Hasin Khazin says, the Amir Nasiraddín, during the time of the reign of Mansúr ’bn Núh Sámáni, came into the wardrobe (household) service of Abú Ishak ’bn Ileptagin, who was Commander of the Troops of Khurásán. He received the post of Chamberlain, and the binding and loosing (i. e., the whole direction) of the officers and servants, the attendants and the troops, was conferred upon him. The nobles and chiefs of that prince became acquainted with his high efficiency and ingenuity, and learnt and knew his enlightened guidance in transacting this affair; and when they sent Abú Ishak Alptagín, who was Commander of the Army, to Ghazna, and relinquished the rule of that territory unto him, they consigned the reins of the guidance and direction of the business thereof, and the disposal and settlement of the transactions thereof, to the weighty intellect and powerful understanding of Nasiraddín.
And when they sent Abú Ishak Aluptagin to Ghazna in a short space of time he was consigned (to the tomb) and answered the claim of (nature’s) debt, and there was no one of his family who possessed a fitness for empire, and superiors and chiefs, free and bondmen, needed some one who should be apt and capable for their sovereignty, And whomsoever they preferred, when brought to the touchstone of estimation, possessed not the perfect standard, until all became of one associated mind and one conjoined voice in agreeing that in no one was there such worthiness, qualifications for rule, better or nobler specialities than in Násir-addín Sabaktagín. They gave their assent, therefore, to him, as ruler and governor. They covenanted to accept his sway and rule, and they inaugurated him, and Násir-ad-dín Sabaktagín took all under his protecting pastorate. He settled upon a firm basis the safety of the State and the prosperity of all, and every one by his powerful plans and happy arrangement obtained secure portions (fiefs) and arranged comforts. Then he turned his face unto the sacred warfare with the infidels and the humiliation of the enemies of the faith, and began to make war upon the country of Hindústán, whose inhabitants are universally enemies of Islám, and worshippers of images and idols. He turned then upon these regions and provinces, and extinguished, by the water of his sword-wounds, the sparks of idolatry struck from their fire-altars, and gave to the winds the temples and the meeting-places of those base ones, and in their room placed fabrics of mosques and shrines. He received those who believed into the protection of quarter, and caught the idolaters in the net of destruction, and between him and the rebellious contests of those cursed ones, and the resistance of those devils, lamentable affairs occurred, the record of which will remain upon the page of time until the last day; and the Amir, in enduring the difficulties of those weighty affairs and the intense stubbornness of those actions displayed a front of patience and endurance under which human strength would have failed, unless the aid of the mercy and power of the Lord had provided an egress. These verses form a recital and picture of his words and deeds:—
At a time when he was compiling an account of the course of these expeditions and had commanded a history of the transactions of those events, it fell into the fortunate (speech) phrase of the Sultan (to mention) that “once when I was, during those hostilities, in the ranks of the army, and the enemy had been reinforced in great and overflowing numbers, and we by a great proportion fewer than they, and that sacred war had been drawn out to a great length, and all the splendour and means which we possessed remained no longer, and the road of assistance or of seeking aid was stopped, and for long we had remained in the difficulties of that distress and the anguish of that affliction, and the captains of those troops and the chiefs of those people sought relief from their want of strength, and the means of sustaining life, and how they should discover the path of patience under that misery, and endurance under that hardship, I had no remedy except that there was a small remaining quantity of winnowed wheat, which I had for the delicacies of the kitchen: this I divided and shared amongst them all, and every day provided a little, according to their need, until God gave victory and fulfilled the promise contained in the exalted word of Truth, so that, of those accursed ones, some became the food of the sword, most were captive in the chains of captivity, and many took to flight in the robes of disgrace and shame.” And, in like manner, Abúl Hasan Khazin relates (from Hasan) his good order and management thus: When, upon two occasions, I held office under the Amír, he possessed not ample means, and if he wished in the week to entertain as guests, once or twice, the lords of the empire, he provided liberally from his private allowance, that he might thus be enabled to adhere firmly to the rules whereby a good name and fame are preserved. But by all such means his fortunes were enlarged, until the extent of his territory and empire became wide, and he increased his expenditure in proportion to his rank and wealth, until his presence became the Kaaba of hope and the Kiblah of prosperity (Verse)
The first victory which in his happy age appeared was the conquest of Bost.*
It originated in the following circumstances: One named Tufán was prince of this territory, and another, whose name was Báítúz, wrested the country from him by force, and expelled him, Túfán, incapable of resistance, possessed no resource except to retire from the land, and fled for refuge, in his distress, to the protection of Násir-ad-dín. Of him Tufán requested troops, to recover his estate from his enemy, proffering his services and engaging himself to the distinguished Government, by a promise that he would every year send a fixed tribute to the Treasury, and, in case of need, would assist the Amír with his army of chiefs and nobles, and would fulfil the customs of service, and settle his son with Násir-ad-dín, as an hostage for his obedience. The Amír, being of a kind and generous nature, assented to this petition, and sat down before Bost with a complete army. In this war great efforts were made on both sides, and the Amír Násir-ad-dín charged with the centre body of his troops and scattered the enemy’s army into the narrow abodes of the city. Many were wounded and the rest fled. Tufán was restored to his kingdom and expressed his thanks for the generous and fortunate aid of Násir-ad-dín, yet he began to delay and evade the services to which he had agreed, meditating a falling short in and a retreat from the full completion of his treaty, until the proofs of his treachery and deceit became daily more evident; and one day, when together in the field, Násir-ad-dín addressed to him some bitter reproaches; he returned an unbecoming answer, which drew on a dispute; and this went so far that Tufán put his hand to his sword and wounded Násir-ad-dín; and the Amír, witnessing this graceless act, clapped his hand upon his sword and inflicted upon Tufán a great wound. He wished to repeat it, but was forcibly restrained by the soldiers Násir-ad-dín hereon commanded his troops to march forth upon that plain and cleanse the tablet (of life) from their odious existence. In the space of one hour of the day all that country was conquered. Túfán and Báítúz took the path of Kirmán and never saw that country again, even in their dreams, nor admitted a thought of that subject into their minds. But of all the advantages which resulted to the Amír Násir-ad-dín, from that victory (one of the most important) was the acquisition of the services of the Shaikh Abúl-Fath-Bustí , who was without an equal in virtue, acquirements, understanding, and eloquence. He was Secretary to Báítúz, and when the two Amírs betook themselves away from that country Abúl-Fath remained behind and concealed himself within the city. They made known unto Násir-ad-dín his excellent qualifications, who intimated a wish for his presence. When he offered his respects the Amír received him generously and honourably, confirming his former rank and giving him good promises, and commanding that so respectable an individual should be inscribed in the books of accounts, for the same amount of allowances as he had received in the service of Báítúz. He gave him the same place and committed to his guidance the same business as he had before directed. The Shaikh Abúl-Fath-Bustí thus relates:— “When the Amír Násir-ad-dín valued me as worthy of such good fortune and honoured me with such special favour, committing to me the portfolio of requests, which is the treasury of secrets, I began to think, This king cannot have full confidence in my deeds or words: he has but recently given me pardon and protection, whilst he in whose service I have been was his marked enemy and opponent. If, therefore, some envious or ill-wishing person distort and confuse my conduct it is possible that the arrow of malignity may reach the mark. I therefore went to pay my respects to him and said, There can exist no higher office or mark than that with which the Sovereign has been graciously pleased to distinguish this servant; yet this servant deems it fitting that he should for a while find His Majesty’s permission (to retire) and to remain under the shadow of the King’s protection, in some place appointed for that purpose, until the Sovereign have fully arranged all affairs relating to this dishonourable Páítúz,* and the kingdom be at rest from disturbances and changes, and the centre-point of affairs revolve with stability; then this servant will kiss the distinguished hand and will look this office in the face, when he shall have become justified from and cured of this mark of disgrace, and note of suspicion, and shall be fixed and settled in the high road of confidence and the way of reputation.”
The Amír Násir-ad-dín approved this remark and thus signified his commands:— “You must depart unto the land of Rukháj and there remain an expectant of favour, until the summons shall proceed from our presence, when you shall without delay enter upon our service.” “The Amír accordingly sent a royal rescript, and transmitted directions respecting me to the officers of the country. I began to journey towards the place, and enjoyed myself in the highest degree in traversing that plain.”
The Shaikh further relates: “One night I was returning thanks for the accomplishment of a portion of the journey and the passing of that stage, and I passed the whole night considering and observing the stars and the constellations, until the streak of the kohol (eye-lash dye) of morning appeared in the openings of the clouds of night, and the bright flash of day rose upon the destiny of darkened mankind. I descended, for the purpose of performing the appointed duty of prayer, and when I had fulfilled my devotions and the light of day had removed the dark veil from before my obscured eye, I looked upon the beauty and the delights of that wilderness, which resembled a cultivated field. It was fair as the cheek of heart-stealers and bedecked like the enchanting gardens of Paradise. Brilliant as the peacock’s feathers and as the banquet of Kaykáús were the running streams, and the upland plains, and the boundless wilds. Then this verse passed into my mind, ‘Your father Adam was one of the rebellious, but in knowledge you partake with angels.’ Hereupon it fell into my mind to cast the sacred lot, whether I should go forward or remain. I produced a book I carried with me for the purpose of divination, and the first line of the volume was this, ‘When thou hast fully arrived at thy point of safety go not beyond it.’ Hereon I said unto myself, what lot can be more sure than this? and no place can be more suitable than this. I therefore commanded that my baggage waggons and furniture should be turned towards this spot, and here, for a princely time, I remained in this country, enjoying the cool shade of repose, and on this chess-board I paraded like the queen, in the enclosure of security and refreshment, until the adorned letters arrived, with the exalted rescript to summon me. I hastened to the royal service and, amidst the confidential officers of His Highness, I attained to what I attained.”
For, after this occurrence, the Office of Requests was conferred upon this personage, until the latter period of the reign of Násir-ad-dín, and the Sultán Yamín-ad-doulah committed unto him, during the early part of his reign, the office of President of Investitures, whence all letters of victory and the contents of rescripts, volumes, and account-books, were by his elegant composition adorned, polished, promulgated, and finally recorded. He was retained in this advantageous and lucrative office until for some cause he quitted the presence and retired into the land of the Turks. He died whilst there absent.
The Amír Násir-ad-dín having brought this country to peaceful submission appointed a vice-governor and began to meditate an attack upon Kasdar.* This place was nigh the Amír’s territory. The prince of that country was hemmed in by strong fortresses and enclosed in a fruitful and plentiful land. Hence he imagined that the wheel of altered fortune could not possibly turn against him, and that the hand of the vicissitudes of life could never reach the collar of his prosperity, and knew not how utterly the King, favoured of the moonlit Heaven, despised him, and, like an eagle, could catch the winds by the arrow of might, until one night, at the hour when the bud of dawn begins to blow and the bride of morning is proudly proceeding from the darkened net-work of her couch, the Sultán came with his irresistible, encircling, faithful army and at one blow rendered him ruined and a prisoner (Verse)
For the state of the destruction of that morning recalled the saying, “He took him as the butcher takes the sheep.” Afterwards, through his gentle and humane disposition, the Amír decided that the Prince of that land should be confirmed in the possession of his territory, appointing unto him a fixed tribute, to be paid year by year, into the Treasury, and enjoining that the coin and the public buildings should be decorated with the blessed name and the happy surname of Násir-ad-dín.
Násir-ad-dín having completed the conquest of Kasdar, directed his thoughts towards the conquest of infidels. He turned his face towards India and meditated striking a blow at those accursed, and coming on the rear of that land of unbelievers. With sincere fervour and pure design of pleasing God he undertook the hardship of that sacred war and displayed unshaken resolution in patiently prosecuting it, until he had utterly conquered and possessed himself of many castles and strongholds of those far lands, whither the standards of Islám had never penetrated and upon which the bright signs of truth had never glanced. He, by these fortified holds and territories, augmented the boundaries of his kingdom. But when Jaipál,* King of Hindústan, observed these things and saw the line of his frontier continually diminishing, and, immeasurable fractures and losses every moment caused in his States, that grievance rendered him disturbed and inconsolable. He represented to himself that if he should allow himself to be remiss and slothful under so great a cause for anxiety, and so signal a misfortune, nor set his face to resist it, his hereditary kingdom would go to the winds, and, in such an horrible event, the world would be severe upon him. He saw no remedy, except in beginning to act and to take up arms. He assembled, therefore, all his princes, feudatories, nobles, and allies, and with a great army. approached the Musalmán territory, hoping that the awe of his force would procure him retribution, and that the chasm which by the powerful army of Islám had been so visibly made in his coasts and his country would be removed, and the wound which the gleaming sword of Násir-ad-dín had inflicted upon the iniquitous infidels would be closed up; and in him was exemplified the text, “They wish to extinguish the light of God in their hearts, but God forbid that his light should not be perfected, although the idolaters abhor it.” He left Lamghân, in full reliance upon the valour of his troops and in expectation of victory, through his conquering army and allies. In his head was the intoxication of confidence and in his heart the blackness of vain conceit (Verse)
And when the Amír Násir-ad-dín perceived this he began the work vigorously, and marched from Ghazna against Jaipál. They came together upon the frontiers of each state. Each army mutually attacked the other, fought and resisted in every way, until the face of the earth was stained red with the blood of the slain, and the lions and warriors of both armies and nations were worn out and reduced to despair. Then the Sultán Yamín-ad-doulah Mahmúd,* in this contingency, remarked that all skill and intelligence was unequal to the subjugation of this fort, and that all human power fell short against it. And he remarked, further, that in that region, wherein was the encampment of the accursed, the water of a spring was pure and bright, whilst free from any unclean substances, but whenever any impure thing* was thrown therein a great flash of lightning shone forth, and furious winds arose, and a bitter cold succeeded, so that no one could at all endure to remain there. The Amír Nasir-ad-dín therefore commanded that they should cast some wine-flasks into the fountain.36b Immediately a great darkness spread over the land and the bright day became obscured, and the atmosphere, from the sharpness of the extreme cold, drew over itself a grey mist, so that patience could no longer endure such sufferings, and they were near unto the fate of death. Hereupon Jaipál sent a messenger, seeking a truce and asking pardon, and engaged to surrender at discretion, and to send every year a fitting tribute to the Treasury, and accept the authority of the Amír over his States, and to present gifts of homage, such as a marbit (yoke) of elephants, or any other propitiating gifts he might command. The Amír Nasir-ad-dín, through his ingenuous and generous disposition, was content with this proposal, and wished to compose this affair, and to grant unto his chiefs and army some gratifying gifts out of these splendid cessions. But the Sultán Yamín-ad-doulah Mahmúd gave not in to this, but resolutely refused, and said, You cannot bring this affair to an end, except by storming out, and to grant a truce in their calamitous state would be unbecoming and unworthy the glory of Islám. “Cry not for peace nor demand it, for you are the highest and God is with you, and will not suffer your affairs to fail.” When then the messenger returned hopeless, and intimated the state of things, exposing the reply he had received and the disappointment of their expectations, Jaipál saw that there was no resource except in returning to means of extremity and despair. He sent back the messenger and said (in accordance with the proverb) “When they desire terms grant terms, for that is better than fighting. Do not by fighting deliver them from their weakness (difficulty) for they can destroy lives but once.”
The substance of his message was as follows: “You have heard and know the nobleness of Indians, how that, in seasons of extremity, they fear not death or destruction. They run the edge of the sword over those who wrong them, when there is no means of escaping the blade. In affairs of honour and renown we would place ourselves upon the fire like roast meat, and upon the dagger like the sunrays.” If this disinclination to show us the favour of a truce and capitulation proceed from desire of the enjoyment of our wealth, our elephants, our damsels, or our children, then, when the crocodile (of extreme distress) arrive and the wish for safety becomes a (frustrated) desire, then we shall throw all that pertains unto us, our riches and our possessions, alive and dead, into the fire, and destroy them, and afterwards kill ourselves, so that nothing but dust and ashes will remain. “The fire will consume, nor will they war with the dead and the refuse.”
The Amír Nasir-ad-dín hearing this, and thinking it horrible that they should fulfil their threat, diverted his views from the project of expulsion by storm and directed them towards peace and kindness. He interceded with Yamín-ad-doulah Mahmúd and prevailed upon him to give up his project of revenge. He was content that the enemy should present, by way of ransom, one thousand packets each of one thousand dínars sterling, and five stables full of elephants, and should cede some cities of Hindustán and some fortresses within the heart of his kingdom, and that both himself, his courtiers, and the principal officers of his army should give their sons as hostages, until the terms of the treaty should be carried into effect and the chiefs and dependants of the conquered party should have acceded to them, when the territories and fortresses should be restored.
To the whole of this they agreed, and both sides separated from one another, and, when Jaipál had gone a few stages and was in safety, and was secure in the midst of his kingdom, his base and evil nature led him to infringe the treaty. He entered upon measures contrary thereto, and as certain persons were with him, by way of doing him honour and for the purpose of taking possession of the fortresses and territories ceded by the agreement, he threw them into prison, by way of reprisal for some of his comrades and company, who were detained at the Amír’s Court, as a measure of retaliation. When intelligence of this was brought to the Amír he would not receive it, but thought it a mere rumour, until the news was repeatedly confirmed, when the deceit and treachery of that belier of kindness was manifested, and the truth of his perfidy came forth from the veil of report.
The fire of jealousy then rose high in his heart, and the purpose of revenge wholly possessed him. He proceeded to the country of the infidel traitor, and wheresoever he came he plundered and sacked the country until it was annihilated. He dug up and burnt down all its buildings, and killed those deceivers and infidels, carrying away their children and cattle as booty. He made the territory of Lamgan (in Kashmir), which had been the most populous and flourishing of all that country, entirely stript and bare. He mastered several other territories, and, destroying their temples, their sacred buildings, and their churches, built mosques in their stead, making the light of Islám visible.
News of these victories and intelligence of these exploits spread through all the world, and all the people of Islám rejoiced exceedingly, and he returned to Ghazna, on the wing of victory and of success (Verse)
And when Jaipál witnessed the destruction of his kingdom and experienced the consequences of his treacherous infraction of the treaty, seeing the glory of his kingdom taken from him and his confederates made a prey to the lion, he was deeply chagrined and perplexed in finding a remedy for this misfortune. He found himself powerless to do anything, except to invoke help, and therefore dispatched letters, seeking succour, to the various provinces of India, imploring aid. He thus assembled nearly 100,000 horse and directed his march towards the capital of Islám. When the Amír received intelligence of his return he, in full and strong hope, advanced the standards of Islám to meet him, resolute and relying upon the goodness of the Creator (His name be magnified) and looking for the fulfilment of His promise made respecting the gift of success to His Word and exalting the standard verses of the faith, i. e., “Kill them, God will chastise them by your hands and will pierce them through, and give you victory over them and comfort the hearts of believing people.” And when the armies were near to one another the Amír went into a thicket, in disguise, in order to reconnoitre the number of these accursed people. He saw that they were like an immense ocean, and their army like a host of innumerable ants and locusts. However he was like a lion, who foresees a feast when he beholds numerous huntsmen, or like a wolf, more bold as the company of horsemen is greater. Assembling his ardent and brave warriors he intimated to them their glorious and noble lot, exhorting them to destroy and vanquish those wretches. All appeared ready and eager for the affair, all hearts being encouraged by a liberal distribution of rewards, honours, and promotions. The Amír Násir-ad-dín commanded that a company of five hundred men, a portion of similar successive reserves, should make an attack upon the enemy, and should maintain their position with their utmost efforts and exertions, and that when these had done their utmost and had fulfilled their designed duty another company of five hundred should succeed in their room, and that all should push forward in that manner. They followed his directions, and in this manner, they made their way onward, until they terrified the infidels. Then they made one simultaneous charge upon them and made some prisoners, but the rest betook themselves to flight, throwing away all their arms, and weapons, and incumbrances, and so quitted the land. “The judgment of God is upon those who stray from him and this judgment cannot be evaded.”
From this time the Hindús drew in their tails and sought no more to invade the land, and were content that they were suffered to dwell in peace in the more distant parts of their country, in order that no trouble should happen to them from the house of Islám. And this territory was entirely annexed to the lands of Islám, was adorned by the brilliancy of the true worship, and its inhabitants included in the efficient, excellent, and prosperous vice-royalty of Násir-ad-dín, being brought beneath the wing of his pastoral care. And all his subjects and servants girded up their loins in his behalf, and whenever he needed aid, or entered upon any design or expedition, a thousand horse attended his stirrup and were bound to follow his victorious banner.
This affair being concluded the Amír Ridha-Abul-Kasím-Núh, Ibn Mansúr, Sámány, King of Khurásán, cast his eye upon Nasir-ad-dín, and sought assistance, in order to meet an army which was troubling him, which proceeded from the Turkish provinces, which was disturbing him in his enjoyment of territories that had long belonged to his throne, and was coveting his hereditary kingdom, that, by such aid, he might confirm that kingdom to his race. The Amír Násir-ad-din, induced by that generosity which God had implanted within his august nature, thought himself obliged to assent to this request, and to aid a king thus unjustly exposed to be shaken from his ancient house, to restore his kingdom, to avenge him upon his enemies, and, by coming to his succour, to fulfil the just obligation of repressing those who injure one’s connexions, thus perpetuating the record of his glory in the volume of time. Doubtless the Creator made his zeal to be the cause of the confirmation of the empire unto him and unto his posterity, poured constant benefits upon this energetic warrior and his children, and retained his successors in the possession of that dominion. “God, the possessor of the greatest good, grants His favours unto whomsoever He willeth.”
In the course of the year 365 the Amír Sadíd-Mansúr-Ibn-Núh had deceased, and his throne and seat became vacant. The nobles and chiefs of the state assembled and inaugurated his son, the Amír Ridha-Núh-Ibn-Mansúr into that dignity. He was in the waywardness of early youth, when he was thus adorned with the splendour of government the majesty of royalty, and the grandeur of power. As soon as he was firmly seated upon the throne he opened his treasury, and expended that wealth and those precious jewels and ornaments which his bygone ancestors and the grand viziers had accumulated, upon the chiefs of his army and his troops, and the various ranks of his servants, gratifying every one of his dependents and companions, who was well-affected towards him, with valuable presents and royal gifts, so that their hearts became firm in obedience and devotion to him, and the directors of the world placed their heads upon the signature of his commands, holding fealty to him, and seeking his will and direction. Abul-Hasan-Símjúr, General of the Army,* was at Nishapúr. Unto him Nuh-Ibn-Mansúr sent a commission, as Commander-in-Chief of the troops, and intimated to him the late events, his accession to his hereditary kingdom, and his inauguration by the whole army. He gratified him with various proofs of kindness, generous favours, and augmented rank, and promised an increase in his share of benefits, so that Simjur expressed the greatest friendship for him and fully assented to his accession. The Vizárat was confirmed to Abul-Hasan-Utbi, who, by his excellent understanding, knowledge, and intellect, arranged all the affairs of the State in due order, exhibiting himself as a mirror of justice and equity. This Vizír rendered the chiefs of the State firm and constant guardians of its interests, and held the restive by the bridle of obedience, so that the fame of the good order and magnificence of that kingdom was diffused throughout the world, and the chiefs of the provinces regularly discharged the due tributes and the accustomed services, and the Amír-Adhad-ad-doulat,45a on account of the eminent rank, noble renown, strict conduct, strong kingdom, and noble bearing of His Highness, considered his good-will worth seeking, and determined upon measures of fidelity and obedience, and scrupulously fulfilled the requests offered from that quarter. Sometimes, indeed, he evaded certain directions of His Highness, and a spirit of opposition and resistance prevailed, and he exhibited a wish to decline some requisitions, but when he carefully considered the effects of rebellion and the consequences of strife he resisted this temptation and adhered to the rules of peace, and kept his mind in repose by the bond of wisdom and the advantage of friendship. “There is always good in the tractable, but never look for service in a fool until the sun shines at night.” Ahmad Khawárazmy was one of the confidential officers of Núh Mansúr Sámány, and the Amír sent through him every year gifts to the glorious Kaaba and to the honoured Medína (God perpetuate their splendour) in order to spend them duly in honouring the two sacred places and the holy men, thus to obtain rank and merit. This officer relates thus:— “Once, when I came from Khurásán, on the pilgrimage, when I arrived at the abode of Islám, I, as usual, presented my respects at the Court of Adhaad-doulat.* He received me very kindly and made me describe the state of affairs in Khurásán, the mode in which business was settled and security obtained, and the vizárat of Abul-Hasan-Utbí. He displayed a full acquaintance of the manner in which this Vizír transacted and arranged the government,” and he said “If any service was enjoined by His Highness or any request be made you may present it.” Hereupon I presented a memorandum, given to me by the Shaikh Abul Hasan, containing the requisitions of the gifts assigned to him to pay. These in the whole were one thousand robe-pieces, embroidered with the name Amír, Said, Malik, Mansúr, Wali-Au-naan, Abul-Kasim-Nuh-’bn Mansúr, Wali Amír-Almúminín, and five hundred embroidered with the name Shaikh Jalíl Said, Abul-Hasan, Abd-Allah-Ibn-Ahmad, and five hundred plain, in the name of the Chamberlain Hisám-ad-doulat, Abul-Abbás-Tash. When he had read this memorandum he became excited, angry, and jealous, and dropped the bridle of self-command from his hand. He turned his face upon me and said, If the son of Utbi would be content with the government of Khurásán and draw his foot into the skirt of peace, and think of moderation it would be happier for him and for his master, than these degrading directions which he proposes to me. However I, with my sharp blood-drawing sword, will let the proud breeze into his brain, and with the fire of my noble horses will scatter fire-ashes from the depths of the Jihún. For, with our lion-warriors and brave soldiers, we will go forth to the chase, until he shall know his place and no longer present to me thus authoritatively such exorbitant demands as these. “Return to them, we will surely bring an army against them, and we will surely compel them to come forth, to receive scorn thereby. They are vile,” Ahmad Khawárazmy says, “My limbs were full of terror at him: I arose and left the durbár, and, in my apprehension and dread, left all to his good faith. When the season for marching forth on the pilgrimage arrived he sent and called me back, and addressed me with great kindness and respect, and said, I have issued an order, in accordance with the memorandum, in order that you may receive the whole. I am unwilling that, on account of such a matter, any ill-will should enter the mind of Abúl Hasan, or any vexation find its way unto him; therefore you must go to the robe-makers and give orders for the robes, in such numbers and in such amount as you desire, so that when you return all may be done and laid up ready for you. So I went and ordered the robes, as directed by the requisition, and, when I returned, conveyed them to Bukhárá, with other gifts and offerings of friendship.” Abul Hasan Utbi carried away the prize (literally staff of precedency) from all his equals in high-mindedness, virtue, and generosity. The most eminent poets of the age were zealous in his praise, and composed sets of encomiastic stanzas upon him, in particular Abú-Tali Mahúny, who arranged many good verses in commendation of him (Verse)
The office of Great Chamberlain was given to Abúl-Abbás Tásh, who, upon his investment with the office, exhibited good points of conduct, and in conciliating hearts, rendering dispositions friendly and directing the various ranks of the army, displayed an unsullied hand, exhibiting becoming zeal in supplying the wants and fulfilling the wishes of every one, being ready to aid and intercede for all. The Shaikh Abúl-Hasan-Utbi earnestly endeavoured also to promote his welfare and dignity, opening to him various opportunities of advantage and profit, until he became remarkable for wealth and jewels. The cause of the authority which he possessed in the State and the army was this, viz., because Abúl Abbás Tásh was one of the slaves of Abú Jabar Utbi. He was eminently adorned with intellect, possessing traces of a noble and generous disposition, whence he profited by the instructions of his master, and became an excellent and accomplished man. Abu Jafar Utbi perceived him, therefore, to be well fitted for the service of the Amír Sadíd Mansúr Núh, and sent him as a present to that Prince. And when the Shaikh Abúl-Hasan-Utbi, who knew him intimately and possessed perfect confidence in his fortunate superiority, good judgment, wisdom, and influence, acceded to office he admitted him to a full share of the administration of affairs, and raised him so high in office that the great men of the world found it necessary to inscribe themselves as attached to his service and to wear the badge of obedience to him. The Amír then gave the office of Chamberlain* to Fáík, who had also been a slave of Mansúr-ibn-Núh, and had obtained great influence and power with that Prince, becoming his arm and breastplate, through his strict probity and merit. The command of the army of Khurásán was confirmed to Abúl Hasan Simjúr, and these two officers exerted themselves to the utmost in consolidating the splendour of the kingdom and protecting the garden of the State. The affairs of His Highness, by means of their union and concord, arose in dignity up to the star Capella, until the sidelong crooked eye of fate marked him, and with wounding glance caused fortune to change, so that a foundation so well supported and a throne so solidly founded in dignity, began to be challenged and disturbed by the hand of novelty. “When the command is fulfilled decay draws near; we may look for ruin when it is said ‘It is done.’” The origin of the disgrace and injury of this kingdom is to be found in the affairs of Sistán.
Khalaf Ahmad, King of Sístán, undertook, in the year 354, the pilgrimage to Mecca, and left his kinsman, Táhir-ibn-Hussain, Viceroy of his territories. This man set himself up in rivalry to the King, seduced the army of Khalaf, seized his strongholds and treasures, and desired to possess himself of the throne of Sístán. When Khalaf returned he found his kingdom in confusion and his return to his capital intercepted. He fled to Mansúr-ibn-Núh, Sámány, and implored his aid, to deliver his kingdom from the grasp of Táhir. Mansúr was disposed, as he was a kinsman, to favour him, and sent his army with him towards Sístán, in order to restore him to his country and remove his grief. Táhir, when he received intelligence of the succour given by Mansúr’s army, left the country and fixed himself at Isfaráín, so that Khalaf repossessed himself of his kingdom, and the generals and supporting troops of His Highness Mansúr returned content. Then Táhir rushed upon him, defeated him, and compelled him to fly to Bádghíz.* Khalaf, in his distress, again betook himself to His Highness Mansúr, and earnestly implored his succour and help. Mansúr received him with generosity and esteemed it a duty to afford him honourable regard and effectual aid. He therefore dispatched a chosen army of warriors, to assist him. When Khalaf came to Sístán with that army Táhir had died, and his son Hussain had succeeded him in his opposition to Khalaf. He commenced an obstinate resistance and took up a strong position, in one of the fortresses of Sístán. Khalaf besieged him in the citadel of Ark. Many battles took place and many of the soldiers of Hussain, son of Táhir, were slain. Hussain, in this extremity, sent a person to His Highness Mansúr, requesting that he might be freed from the stigma of rebellion, and offering service and submission. He further entreated that access might be opened for him to His Highness, and that a safe conduct might be granted him through the beleaguering troops, that he might present his respects at the Court and obtain the honour of kissing hands. Mansúr accepted his excuses and issued a rescript, according to his demand, for his admission to the presence. Khalaf was reinstated in his kingdom and his authority was established upon the former basis. Thus he passed many years, until excess of pride and wealth affected his mind, and he forgot what he owed unto that dynasty, and began to delay and refuse transmitting tribute and customs to the government of Bukhárá. The Amír reproved him in rescripts and letters, filled with good advice, and reminding him of the assistance formerly rendered to him; but he, through the intoxication of rebellion and the vapour of sedition, was carried onward in his career, and proceeded in strengthening and rooting himself, and in looking more acutely with the eye of undutifulness, until Hussain-Ibn-Táhir was sent against him, with all the warriors and heroes of Khurasán, who besieged him in the fortress of Ark. This siege lasted a long time, and the Vizér Abul Hasan Al Utbi sent messengers continually, and expressed to the chiefs and nobles his eager desire for the completion of the enterprize; but, after all efforts, the realization of his wish never came forth from the veil of Providence, and his aim never reached the mark. The affair remained unaccomplished for years, because the height of this castle was so great as to be as unknown as the secrets of Heaven, and every voice was (united) with the voice of angels. Its roof reached the plain of Arcturus, and the sentinel could hear the distant angelic hymns, and from its noble summit brilliancy spread and the clouds wore a delicate robe for its height (Verse)
And around it was a great moat, in whose depth imagination could find no footing, and in fording which every foot would sink in mud. Like the crocodile it conveyed away horseman and footman, and, like fate, it allowed stability neither to clay or hard earth (Verse)
And Khalaf, by various skilful sidelong strokes and crafty blows, continually troubled the besiegers, and upon every place where they stood cast at them pots full of serpents and scorpions, from slinging machines, and made whatever they confided in a place of ambuscade, and made their nights sleepless. Seven years were thus consumed, through the stubbornness of this hero, and the resistance of this crafty one, and the men remained unable to accomplish the affair, and property, and treasure, and horses, and men, and arms were wasted. The vestiges of the weakness and the indications of the debility of the army of Khurásán became unfolded and published, and the honour and the exultation of the enemy, and the strength of the opponents became manifest, and every look and every day afforded room for some fresh blow and some new injury to the Prince’s warriors. But there is an end to everything and a limit to every kingdom, to every condition happens decay and to every dynasty applies the quotation, “God erases and establishes whatsoever He willeth, and with Him is the book of Fate.”
And when Abúl Hasan Símjúr became sensible of the badness of this business and the dulness of this market he attached himself to traitorous determinations, and he constructed the measure of self-protection, and from preserving the good state of the kingdom, and establishing conservative regulations, betook himself to laxity and indifference, and fell into the habit of leaving and carelessly neglecting the duty of the accumulation of reinforcements and the thickening of the army, and the strokes of the billows of troops (Verse)
So that the sons of the dynasty and the advisers of the presence extended the tongue of reproof, and found a wide field for correction and attack, and said— “Marks of support, of attachment, of honour, from the family of Sámán, have been more conspicuous with regard to none of the princes and officers than with regard to the son of Símjúr, and unto no other subject did the Amír Sadíd Ibn Mansúr Ibn Núh exhibit a more tender regard and preference; and he conferred upon him the province of Khurásán, which is the white of the State’s eyes and the best portion of the kingdom, in order that, when trial should arise and misfortune attack, he might prove a fervent heat and a powerful column, and, in fulfilling the obligations of gratitude for this favour, might devote his head and his life, and prove a protecting veil to the King, his heirs and successors. Now, since he begins to belie his favours and displays connivance and indifference in the performance of the obligations of duty, and in the defence of the honour of the throne, it may be necessary to issue a document for his removal, and to give his rank and allowance to another of the servants of the State, who, in the efficiency of his orders, in the stopping up outbreaks, and in the conciliation of all may exhibit firmness.” And they dispatched from His Highness a document, for his removal from his government and from the command of the army of Khurasán, and settled his dignity and office upon Hisám-ad-doulat Tásh. And when this document came to Abul Hasan Símjúr the sinfulness of pride withdrew the bridle of self-command from his hand, so that he gave a peevish reply and openly uttered a rebellious word, and rejected the rescript of His Highness. Afterwards, finding the eye of understanding, he looked into the issue of affairs and thought that any rebellion against the master of his prosperity would meet with unpleasant consequences, and that to draw upon the records of Símjúr the mark of treachery and the path of disobedience would be the cause of reproof and repentances, expose himself to vexation and difficulty, and bring upon himself misfortune instead of plenty, and that to taste the poison upon the bow is not the part of the wise. Wherefore he assembled his children, chiefs, and followers, and calmed them with various kinds of good counsel and chapters of advice, and said (Verse)
And he assured every one of them that, to be content with the determination of God and to betake himself to the path of humility, as (submitting to all that proceeded) from the master of his prosperity, would be the assurance of safety. And (for thee, they said) not to take consequent measures for these injuries, or reprisals for this enmity, will be more fitting than to render thyself a recipient of misfortune and to distract thyself with care, and to rub the side against the wall of strife. He therefore summoned the messenger back, and, having submitted, he expressed penitence and made apologies, and begged acceptance of his excuses, and said, “I am a young shoot of a tree, planted by the King and supported by the water of his generosity and the floodgates of his benefits, and under the canopy of his beneficence and the veil of his generosities, I sprouted forth and exhibited myself, and having in his fortunate garden drawn out my branches and become fruit-bearing, if he suffer my service for the sake of fruit, and confirm his extended favour and his esteemed goodness, for that may he be praised and thanked, or if he pluck me up from the root and make me fuel for the fire, for that may he be excused and pardoned.” So he sent back the messenger, with all obedience, and he rose up from the surface of the kingdom of Khurásán and removed to the borders of Kohistan, and there awaited for that which should arrive from His Highness, upon the subject of the rescript, who commanded that he must go to the borders of Sístán, and to make an efficient manifestation of good order, bravery, and excellence in the affairs of that place, where all has fallen into confusion, like a knot of crimes, and in these urgent matters which remain in perplexity, like the square-root of the surd, and to release the army from the difficulties of distance and the vacillations of anxiety.
Abúl Hasan Simjúr went then to Sístán, and between him and Khalaf the grounds of their old affection, concord, love, and friendship became strengthened and settled. When he arrived at that place he immediately sent some one to him, and intimated the path of agreement, saying thus, “The residence of His Excellency in this country hath been of long continuance, and many injuries have arisen in portions of the kingdom; and since that regarding which we are eager and for the preservation of which, in its dignity, we have devoted our head and our life, i. e., your principality, is going to the wind and is becoming impracticable, our efforts (to serve you) are stopped and our pains fruitless, therefore this is the way, i. e., that thou shouldest rise up from this place and shouldest remove to another place, whilst I conduct away this army from this country, under the pretence of obtaining that which they seek and of receiving that which they request,* and when the field is clear that will be the fittest time to arrange presents and to settle tribute.” Khalaf listened to this advice and accepted it, and acknowledged that these words proceeded from the source of safety and security. Therefore he departed from the fortress of Ark and went to the Castle Ták, and Abul-Hasan and the chief men of the State entered within the citadel and sent the good tidings (of success) and dispatched letters of victory to His Highness and to all parts, and performed the Khuttah and decorated the coined money with the surname of Nuh-Mansúr. And they directed their path towards Khurasan; but the full explication of that which after this affair happened anew between Khalaf and Husain-ibn-Táhir will fully come in its place, and be presented, please God!
Then they sent to Hisám-Addoulat-Tásh, at Nishapúr, a commission for the rank of Commander-in-Chief and General of the Army, and they committed unto his faithful and brave hand the reins of loosing and binding, of letting go and holding fast, of urgency and deficiency, and they attached unto him, for the sake of assistance and support, Faík-Khás. And a company of the chiefs and nobles and eminent men of the State were dispatched to follow his standard, and they abundantly furnished him with money, and horses, and arms, and stores, and military necessaries. And when he arrived at Nishapúr he spread open the carpet of justice, equity, and kindness, and placed upon the thread of good order the affairs of the Treasury and of the Custom-houses, and impressed the footsteps of liberality, and lessened from the poor subjects the want of food, and, by the security of his armies, before and behind, settled, confirmed, and fixed the marks of government, and the laws of authority and power, in the most distant places.
And, at this period, Sháms-Almwáli-Kabús-Ibn-Wasamgír and Fakhr-Addoulat-Ali-bn-Búyah arrived at Kharasán, on account of the opposition which existed between them and Muwid-Addoulat. And the cause of this state of things was that Rukn-Addoulat had three sons, who each possessed a fitness for government, Azd-Addoulat-Abu-Shujaa, and Muwid-Addoulat-Buwayyah, and Fakhr-Addoulat-Alí. And he divided into three parts some territories of Irák and some part of Khurasán, and Fars, and Karmán, and other territories which were on his Treasury list, and he assigned to each of them his portion.
At this period Wathíkí wrote upon this subject, in the part relating to the Sabæans (apostates ) given in his published work, the Kitáb-Attágí. And when Rukn-Addoulat died Azd-Addoulat coveted and contended for that territory which had been assigned unto Fakhr-Addoulat, and hindered him from obtaining it, and defeated his army. He (therefore) betook himself to recover his country and transfer it unto himself, and he fixed himself at Hamadán, the capital of the kingdom. And when the two princes drew near to engage one another, the chiefs of the army of Fakhr-Addoulat became treacherous and went to Azd Addoulat, and joined themselves to the body of his troops, and he, in this condition, began to dread and to think upon the severe disposition, and the bad temper, and the depth of deceit of Azd-Addoulat. For, not long previously, he, by the hands of his soldiers, had murdered Bakhtiár, his uncle’s son. Therefore Fakhr-Addoulat began to fear and proceeded from the midst of the army, with some of his own private attendants, to the country of Dilam and went towards Jurjan, and attached himself to Shams-al-Muálí-Kabús-Ibn-Washamgír, and took refuge under his care and protection.
And Shams-Al-Muáli made his rank exalted, his state respected, and his condition happy, in the utmost degree; nay he exchanged his own power for his safety and prosperity, so that, through his care and generous disposition, he played away his ancient kingdom, which was the most noble of his jewels and the most precious object of his affection. The explanation of this remark is as follows: Azd-Addoulat and Muwid-Addoulat sent a messenger to Shams-Al-Muálí, and entreated him to give up Fakhr-Addoulat into their hands, and they promised much in return for that: they promised treasure in money, and gifts in revenue, and that part of the territories of the (fugitive prince) which they had left to him, and they made representations to him respecting alliances and treaties for union, and for the preservation of independance, and respecting his becoming involved and implicated in cares and troubles. Shams-Al-Muálí gave answer: “In the law of manliness and in the rules of preserving honour it is forbidden to diminish promises, or to infringe truth and generosity, and what crime can be baser than this, that when such a prince has taken refuge in a place, and in this place expects to receive generosity and protection, to make him see trouble to betray him, and to sell him for some small worldly goods, and not rather to strive, at the expense of his own life, to preserve his dignity and to keep his life safe; and, for my part, I think that when in the midst of a troop of cavalry and at the time when men exposed their lives in the heat of battle, and when they grieve not to strike with the sword, then (only) may this proposal be carried out. For if this thought passed over the mind it would have no effect except this, that Kabús will be renowned, and that, with the flaming voice of victory, the men of Gilán, with their bright sharp spears, will bring him upon the place of honour.”
And when this answer came to Azd-Addoulat he was angry, and entertained an intention of opposing and subduing Kabús, and he wrote to Muwid-Addoulat that it was necessary to make preparations and to set forward to try the strength of Kabús. And he sent unto him the men whom he required as soldiers, and all necessaries and provisions, and whatsoever was requisite to expedite the affair. And he marched from the city Ray* and set forward to Dilám, in the direction of Jurján,† with a great army of Turks and Arabians, and wherever he came he devastated the territory of Kabús, and sent in his own Treasury collectors, and took possession of everything, until he marched upon the city of Asterabad.‡ And Shams-Al-Muálí made haste, in order that he might preserve the city of Karkán, which was his capital city, from their attack, and when Muwayyad-Addoulat had arranged their troops in order of battle on the road, then blood began to flow from the sword like rain from the clouds, and from the blood of the slain the field of battle became like a bed of tulips (Verse)
Defeat, however, befell his cavalry (i. e., that of Kabús) and the enemy drove him into the midst of the forests, and, having thus put him to flight, gained a great booty. And Kabús went to one of his castles and there was maintained upon his treasures and concealed property for a time, but he made a removal in alarm and went to Nishapúr. And Fakhr-Addoulat joined him, by the road of Istawa,* and their separated armies fell in with them. And they wrote a letter to His Highness, at Bukhárá, and intimated to him what had befallen them, and they represented unto him that they were well acquainted with the excellent goodness and compassion of His Highness, in assisting the oppressed and in succouring the wretched. And they informed him of the injustice that had happened to each of them, through the violence of their enemies, and of their struggle for their hereditary kingdom and their ancient house, and that they would conjecture no hope of restoration or happiness except by his help and assistance, for that to remedy and rectify their losses would be impossible, unless by the concurrence and countenance of His Majesty.
Núh-Ibn-Mansúr gave an answer full of all kinds of generosity and professions of service, befitting the principles of generosity, and agreeable to the rules of attention and respect, and he sent a royal order to Hisám-Addoulat-Tásh, that he should hold both of them in honour, and see that they were treated with the utmost dignity and respect, and that he should restore them to their hereditary kingdom, and that he should exert himself to oppose their enemies and to repulse those who disturbed them. Hisám-Addoulat-Tásh fully obeyed the royal order and took the way which had been commanded, and rendered them becoming service, and assembled the dispersed army, and marched forth from Nishapúr, to the district of Jurjan, in order that he might first recover Jurjan, where was the capital city of Kabús, and might deliver his mind from any anxiety respecting himself, and then might attend to the affairs of Fakhr-Addoulat.
And he commanded Fáík that he should set off by the road of Koms, in the direction of Ray, and that he should intercept the assisting forces and auxiliaries of Muwayyad-Addoulat, in order that, when he should see an army before him and behind him, and when his heart should be occupied on both sides, his weakness of spirits and feebleness of condition might become increased. But when Fáík had gone two or three marches on that road he began to repent and to consider the division of his army, and the diminution of the total number of the body of his troops, which would result from the constant attention, the restraint, and the harassing vigilance of a distant expedition. And he thought it expedient to recall Fáík, and the two other princes came back with him. And Muwayyad-Addoulat went into the city and entrenched himself strongly, by means of gates, and walls, and moats, and in this fortress he waited patiently for nearly two months. And the army of Dilám, when this news arrived, halted and set forward on their return to the city; and in these skirmishes they never turned away from striking with the sword, and they ran hither and thither, like the breathing (that flutters) before death, and split upon the point of an arrow and the edge of a hair,* and in these contests their battles were like sword-cutting destiny and like life-devouring time. And when the period of the stay of the army at Karkan had become extended a scarcity arose and the means of strength, which is the support of life, became cut off, and the matter came to that point that they kneaded their grains of corn with clay, for leaven, and, by this expedient, just preserved themselves from starvation. And Utbi relates: “I have seen the soldiers’ bread made of this leaven.” He says this in the middle of his volume, for the purpose of pointing out their condition and the scantiness of their means of subsistance. And when the delay had become injurious and unfortunate, and when they could be patient no longer, they came out from the fortress and arranged in order of battle, and Fakhr-Addoulat, with the best part of the army of Khurasán, opposed Ali-Ramah, who was the general of the army of Muwayyad-Addoulat, and, at one attack, drove him from the field and, putting him to flight, proceeded unto Astarábád; and if the army of Khurasán had given sufficient support to Fakhr-Addoulat, all that army would have been broken up and that hand cut off. However they displayed slothfulness, in order to (indulge) their covetousness and their evil disposition, and (the enemy, therefore) returned back again and, detaching themselves from the main body of the army of the soldiers of Dilam, they made an attack upon the followers and the rear of the army of Khurasán, which was occupied with plunder, and made them all the food of the sword. And in the midst of the army with Abu-Al-Abas-Tásh, Abu-Sayad was distinguished, and a company of the troops of Kh’arazm, whose arrows, like the destiny of slaughter, never missed the mark, and many companies of the army of Dilam were swept away by their hand.
And Abu-Alfazb, a man who was astrologer to Muwayyad-Addoulat, had made a calculation (and advised him) that at that conjuncture he ought to delay, until the planet Mars began to decline from the zenith, and then resolve upon battle, and use his utmost endeavours upon the field, and that if victory ensued, in accordance with his wishes, well, but if not that he should sally forth with his troops, from that confined place, unto the open plain, and commit the event to destiny. And Muwayyad kept this a concealed secret and made arrangements for the affair, until the time appointed and the period defined (namely) on the fourth day of the week of the month Ramadhan, in the year 371, when he went forth with the whole body of his army. And the army of Khurasán thought that they were attacking them, in the same manner as they had done on former days, and that they were coming out of the fortress with a portion of their troops. And the soldiers commonly said that Muwayyad-Addoulat had secretly beguiled Fáík and had carried him out of the (right) way by many gifts and great presents. For this reason, at the appointed fortunate time, he displayed inactivity, and when the army of Dilám made a charge, at the usual time, Fáík turned his back, Hisám-Addoulat and Fakhr-Addoulat kept their ground in the centre, and displayed great firmness, until the greater part of their army was broken and night approached, and a powerful and spirited enemy came up. Then Fakhr-Addoulat said, “It is not expedient that we should remain longer, since the enemy hath gained the superiority and have obtained reinforcements, and no one remains with us, since the elephants, which were the protection of our centre, and some troops who were not engulphed in the torrent, have now turned their back and given up with all the others. And (since those who are striving for the safety of their lives do not regard advantage,) they left all their elephants and chanted (that verse of the Koran) “He who hath saved his head surely he had gained.” They therefore deserted their camp, with its immense treasures, and many valuables, and innumerable jewels and slaves, and abundance of embroidered cloths, and different kinds of fruits and grains; and, until they arrived at Nishapúr, they halted and delayed at no place. And they informed His Highness of Bukhárá of the state of affairs, and gave intelligence of this untoward and incredible news. And at Bukhárá they first comforted them and gave them, according to their promise (the) assistance (of troops). And Sahile-Kafy-Ismáíl-Ibn-Abád dispatched the messengers of good news to the extremities and capital cities of the provinces, and transmitted letters of victory unto all parts and meridians of the world. And the poets of that age and the learned of that time originated elegant verses and pure compositions, in the description of this event. And the poet Bajalay thus speaks upon the affair of Muwayyad-Addoulat (Verse)
And Abul-Husain-Utbi called the troops from Khurasán and Mawaralnahr, and appointed them to assemble together at Marú*, for that that place should be the place appointed for the rendezvous of all the army, until that he himself should be able to move, and by his own means should be able to rectify his own injuries, and should place upon a firm foundation the dignity of the kingdom and the freshness of the State. Núh-Mansúr gave him a khilaat of great value, and provisions and necessaries for the soldiers, and the rank of General, with the designation to the office of Vízér and of Generalissimo were annexed to the khilaat. But, as some have said (Verse)
When his affairs had arrived at the highest dignity, and the deepest authority, and the most perfect prosperity, and the utmost fruition of hope, he began to set his face downward, and that khilaat was the cause of the unfastening of the rope of his life. And the cause of this event was as follows: Abul-Husain-Simjúr always attributed his removal from the government of Khurasán unto Utbí, and was continually preparing together with Fáík, for attacking and obstructing his dignity, and was constantly exerting himself to injure his condition, by means of underhand aspersions, until Faik kept in a citadel for that object all his well-disposed youths, and for that purpose placed them close to one-another, and associated them together. And they jealously watched an opportunity of assisting him, until they prepared a fit time for accomplishing the matter. But Abul-Husain became aware of this state of things and became alarmed, and signified the state of the matter to Núh-Mansúr, who entrusted a body of his chosen troops with the care of him, in order that they might be continuously attached to him, in the way of protection. And they did keep him preserved and guarded from the snares of the enemy, until a certain night, when he was going towards the palace, when a troop of these young soldiers followed behind him, and they gave him wounds at every step, and blows without respect, and gave to the winds his life, which was the fodder of generosity, and spilt upon the ground the virtues of his unrivalled disposition. And the troop who were his guards left him the captive of misfortune and the victim of distress, as some poets have said (Verse)
And they left him upon the road, bathed in his blood; afterwards they removed him to a garden, in order that they might bring assistance to him, in the manner in which His Highness should command. At the dawn, when the morning breeze blew upon him, he groaned: the gardener, when he heard his groan, ran to His Highness’s palace and announced that his master was at the point of death. They sent several persons and conveyed him to the building called Hahandaz. A multitude of physicians were appointed for him, in order that they might cure him; but the arrangement of that affair had passed away from the hand of the physician, for at that very time his soul was released, and the field of the world of the exalted and the wise became empty. The office of Vizír in him received its last seal and the kingdom of Khurásán never saw another Vizír, and never did a nobleman like him sit upon the cushion of justice, and in no history is it mentioned that any of those vizérs who have been distinguished and commended possessed such perfect excellence and beneficence, or such abundant skill in guiding and governing, as were united in him. And Ibn-Jafar-Jami says thus, in his panegyric (Verse)
Some of the ingenious had written on the door of his visiting chamber as follows (Verse)
And Hisám-Addoulat-Tásh and Shams-Al-Mualy-Kabús, and Fakhr-Addoulat (had) detained their army on the road at Nishapúr, in order to receive intelligence respecting his, i. e., the Vizér’s joining them, and Abu-Nasr-Utbi, who was deputy-governor of Níshapúr, relates, as follows:—
“One day Hisám-Addoulat-Tash called for me, and when I went to His Excellency I saw the gentlemen of the privy chamber assemble together, and a private audience was being given: all were giving their opinion, and they thought it convenient that they should by some means obtain some assistance in this war, and some means of repulsing the enemy. And when they saw me they welcomed me eagerly and confided to me the subject of their consultation, and requested that I would intimate to His Excellency the Vizír the recent state of their affairs, in order that he might not lay down the path of delay and procrastination in their business, but should hasten to provide for troops and to cause them to enjoy tranquillity of mind. And Shams-Al-Muálí-Kabús lifted up his head from among them and said, according to that mystical writing (of the Korán) “War is a water-bucket,”* the affairs of the kingdom are entirely distracted by war, and there is no stability either in the front or in the rear of the State, and at the present our affairs are bound in the knot of difficulty, and our wishes are withdrawn under the veil of disappointment, and our desires beneath the curtain of error, but another time Heaven may untie this knot, and this desire may be joined to accomplishment, and this hope may be crowned by prosperity. For a prudent man seeks for the means of entering into victory and success, by his efforts and exertions, and arrives at the desired effect by means of patience and resolution, whilst the weak-minded man remains depressed, amidst weakness and vexation, and his wishes and desires are ruined, through confusion and delay, and you may regard the maxim contained in this writing as a quotation almost prophetic (Verse)
Abu-Nasr-Utbi said, “I have good proof of the purity of his elegance and of the excellence of his disposition, which in depth and abundance surpasses the sea, and as to the greatness of his thoughts and the expansiveness of his intellect I have known the perfection of their acuteness and vivacity.”
And, at the conclusion of this affair, the news of this afflicting difficulty and the report of this fire-burning distress arrived;* and their affairs became broken in their hand, and the arrangement of their transactions and of their hopes declined, and their inclination to sorrow and their engrossing agitation, on account of this good friend, took possession of their hearts. And they recalled Hisám-Addoulat-Tásh from His Highness of Bukhárá, in order that he might examine into all this wrong and trace out the whole of this affair. And he declined aiding and assisting them,† and adhered to His Highness. And he killed some of the offenders with the sword, and arrested some and made examples of them; but some became dispersed into the distant regions of the world. And the office of Vizír was confirmed to Abú-Al-Hásán. But his disposition was too narrow fully to embrace this office, and, for that reason, he could not fully support that station.
And, in the midst of this affair, Abul-Husain-Sinjúr arrived from Sistán, and came to his place, without permission, and sat down, as a seeker of strife and disturbance, and felt an inclination that, on account of the unfortunate defence of Jurjan, and on account of the defeat which had happened to the army of Bukhárá, there might be some opportunity of disposing of his goods and making his market brisk.* Abúl-Hasán greatly blamed and reproved him, for that attempt, and directed him, by way of counsel and good advice, that he should arise from the plain of Khurasán and should remove into Kohistán, which is in Sistán, until the affairs of those parts should arrive at some final issue, and that the unfortunate events which had taken place, through recent occurrences, should be rectified, and the wind of abundance and the streets of the market should arise to greater estimation. And he promised him that, when the sincerity of his obedience, and his constancy in good service, and his ready firmness in devotion to the State should become conspicuous, he should receive various generous gifts, and that there should be an augmentation of his allowances, and an increase of his rank, and an elevation of his step towards the throne, and that the settlement of his allowances should be doubled.
But when Hisám-Addoulát-Tásh went to Bukhárá and Abú-Alí-’bn-Simjúr found the plain of Khurásán empty, he watched an opportunity and arranged with Fáík the means of sending messages, and of writing, and of alliance, and of fraternity, and entreated him to join in opposition to Tásh and with the followers of his standard, and with those who were well pleased with his superiority and pledges. And he made the Sultán odious to the family of the nobles, inviting them to ally and unite themselves with him. And he succeeded in his evil request. And it happened to him according to the saying, “The intervening space can meet with its measure.”* For between them an alliance and treaty took place, and a sincere unity was apparent. And he seized the officers who were over the revenues of Khurasán, and took every one of the sacred and secular endowments as revenue, for their own expenditure. And the two proceeded unto the city of Merú and actively exerted themselves in raising the revenue of Khurasán, until Tásh found it necessary, on account of the difficulties to which he was reduced, to endeavour to repel them, and to discover some plan which should be sufficient to put a stop to the injury and the wrong which they were inflicting upon his country and his subjects. Therefore he opened his treasures and distributed his well-pre-served jewels, and the most valuable portions of his wealth and his furniture, amongst the whole of his army, and proceeded from Bukhárá, and attacked the revenue-defrauders. And messengers came and went between them, and laboured at the means of agreement and of putting an end to enmity, and extinguishing the causes of strife. And they threatened them with the ruinous effects of contention, and the unpleasant consequences of enmity and provocation. And they arrived at this conclusion, that Nishapúr should belong to Tásh, and Balkh to Fáík, and Herát to Abú-Ali. And upon this foundation they made peace, and each of them went to his own country. And Abú-Bakr-Khawarazmy says, in his poem of congratulation to Abu-Ali, upon his appointment to the province of Herát (Verse)
And Hisam-Addoulat-Tash came to Merú, and, at the time of his setting out from Bukhara, had dismissed Mazni from the office of Vizir, and had given his appointment to his own Chamberlain, Abd-Arrakman-Farsi, because that Mazní well knew the secret plans of Abú-Ali and Fáík, and because that it was notorious that his oil-bottle, i. e., of connivance, was poured upon their affairs and that his delay, during the stirring of their rebellion, was conspicuous. When, however, he arrived at Merú his chamberlain declined the office of Vizír, and that office was committed to Abd-Allah-Ibn-Azíz. He was well known and remarkable for his opposition to the family of Utbi, and had continually expressed a vehement eagerness in attacking, in annoying, counteracting and detesting them. And, as soon as the office of Vizír devolved upon him, he removed Tásh from the charge and Generalship of the army, and gave an order for the appointment and settlement of that dignity upon Abú-Alí-Husain-Simjúr. And since it was evident that the recent weakness and decay, and languor that had taken place in the freshness and vigour of the State was wholly the result of the weak counsels and erroneous system of the Vizérs, and since any rectification of this evil was not to be imagined possible, except by a change and alteration in this system, he therefore sent to Tásh, from His Highness, a royal order, and annulled the right of having his name mentioned in the public prayers, which had been given to that prince by the chiefs and generals of the Army, and ordained that his surnames should be of the same amount as they had been in the time of Amir-Hájibí, and commanded that he should remove from the governor’s place, and depart from the midst of Khurasán, and proceed with his wives and children, and should make his calculation and diminish his province within these two limits, and should exhibit the contentment he formerly exhibited, with his wealth, and emoluments, and titles. And when this royal order reached Tásh he became aware that his ill-wishers had found the means of attacking him, and that the plots of his enemies had arrived at the mark, and that they wished to build the foundation of implacability and to lay the foundation stone, in order that, in the course of time, their hatred might become effectual and that they might cut short the regard which existed between him and the author of his fortune, and might contrive some method of making His Excellency his enemy, so that his former service and his previous duty might become annulled and disregarded. He therefore summoned the chiefs of the army and the officers of the forces, and said, “You well know my usual conduct with respect to my zealous service, my upright intentions, my single-heartedness, my good counsel, and my acknowledgment of the duty which I owe, for the benefits received from His Majesty, and that, for the purpose of establishing the Government and settling his kingdom, I, during the period of my command and trust over you, have displayed myself as one established upon the rules of kindness, and that I have never complained of the fulfilment of my duty, for the advantage of the places belonging to my district, both in strengthening them and advancing their prosperity, and I have employed all my thoughts in endeavouring to secure the best result, and I have extended to all the protection of kindness and of favour, in assisting and benefiting them. Now, under present circumstances, when the opinion of His Majesty has become changed with regard to me, and he hath been pleased to confer my employment upon another, there is nothing remaining for me except obedience and submission, therefore every one of you is entirely at liberty to make your own choice with regard to your own affairs. Every one of you who may prefer to continue associated with me will be honoured and generously treated, and his condition will be specially distinguished by good maintenance, rank, protection, and liberty and freedom, as to times and places; and if any of you wish to separate from me he will meet with no opposition or hindrance, on my part.” Upon this all requested a month’s leave of absence, in order that they might consult with their followers, and give a reply to him with their eyes open, with collected minds, and in the way of duty. And, at another meeting, the result was this (Verse)
(Verse)
And all agreed upon the following opinion (namely) We can have no choice except to remain associated with and attached unto thee, and we cannot dispense with the obligation of passing both our prosperous and unprosperous days, our cold and warm fortune, in thy society and in thy friendship (Verse)
And at last they wrote unto His Highness and reminded him of the unshaken duty and the well-managed arrangements of Hisam-Addoulat, and supplicated him that he should protect him, who was the connecting link of friendship and the confluent fountain of their affairs, from being confounded and distressed, and that he should take care that their face should preserve its ornament and protection, by means of the dignity of his pastorate and the good consequences of his content-giving rule, and that he should make no change or alteration in his rank and office. Abdulláh-Ibn-Azíz gave no answer, except noisy and quarrelsome words, and a perpetual repetition of asperity and reproach, and deluded them with deceit, pretences, and false promises, like the Siráb which the thirsty traveller accounts to be water, until, when he comes to it, he finds it nothing. And they were aware of his double-dealing and falsehood, and they paid no regard to his letters and his exhortations, and they became more zealously inclined to surround and obey Tásh (Verse)
Perhaps to the twentieth year.
↩Was said to be, for the Translator is now inclined to believe that the alleged abstruseness of Utbí referred rather to the poetry interwoven throughout the work, than to the prose composition. A few years’ additional study and experience have removed many difficulties.
↩Some of the merely encomiastic and rhetorical prose is also occasionally abridged or omitted.
↩Acknowledgments are also due to Dr. Aloys Sprenger, late Government Professor at Delhi, who transcribed the Arabic original.
↩De Sacy was confined to the use of Dow’s Ferishta, now superseded by the edition of General Briggs.
↩Perhaps Al-Utbí gives the original simple statement, which has been subsequently exaggerated by Muhammadan writers. If, as is probable, one of the victories recorded in the history be identical with that in which the celebrated temple and idol of Somnath were captured, Al-Utbí’s may be the real statement of facts, although he does not mention the idol Somnath, which, in truth, was not an idol, but a simple cylinder of stone.— See Prof. Wilson, Asiatic Researches, vol. xvii., p. 194, quoted in Elphinstone’s India, vol. i, p., 555.
↩But see Elphinstone’s India, vol. i., pp. 534, 535.
↩See note.— The family of Boyah appear to have invariably assumed the surname “ad-doulat,” as Majd-ad-doulat (Glory of the Empire), Fakhr-addoulat (Pride of the Empire), &c. This is analogous to the titles of the Roman emperors, Fortuna Augusti, Pietas Augusti, &c., only in the former instance the title was assumed by a nominal vassal.
↩Sir John Chardin, in his Travels, mentions that the Prince (in the Kitáb-Yamini termed the Shar) of Georgia, was but nominally a Muhammadan, that he renounced the Christian religion in order to obtain the appointment, that the Catholicos or Patriarch in his (Chardin’s) time, was brother of the Prince, and that with his connivance the people would never permit mosques to be erected in Georgia. May not this juxtaposition of Christianity and Muhammadanism have influenced the latter, and added force to any tendencies of Muhammadan sects in the Christian direction? The Shar of Mahmúd’s time does not appear to have been a very zealous Muhammadan; moreover, the Georgians were probably Eutychians, who confused the divine and human natures in our Saviour, and whose tenets therefore possessed a marked analogy with those of the Shiites. It is to be noted, however, that Mr. Elphinstone, following Ibn-Haukal (by Ouseley), thinks that this province, conquered by Mahmúd, is not identical with Georgia, commonly so called.
↩In the Arabic queries published by the late Lord Munster, several treatises are mentioned bearing upon warlike machines, and a slinging engine is engraved, taken from the Jáma at Tuwárikh of Rashid-addin. But if these machines cast fiery matter, it seems to have been only the Greek fire, naphtha, &c. And see Briggs’ Ferishta.
↩Cor. Two (?)
↩Literally “washing-places.”
↩i.e. Honour.
↩This Kasidah, being obscure, is here omitted.
↩Bost, or Bust, in Sistán or Sajastán, on the borders of Zabulistán.
↩This name is either Baituz or Paituz.
↩Kasdar, or Kustar, in the mountains of Ar Rushaj (Rukhaj?)
↩Jaipál, Jaibál, Haibal, or Hainal.
↩I. e., the Prince Mahmúd, subsequently the Sultán Yamin-ad-doulat.
↩A spring, into which, if a small quantity of a certain drug should be thrown, &c., &c.— Dow’s Hindustán, p. 27.
↩Mansúr ’bn Núh, a prince of the family of Sámán, was (feudal) sovereign of the whole extent of country which lies between the Jaxartes and the Indus.
↩I. e., of Khurasán.
↩Adhaddoulat, being an Amír of the family of Buyah or Boyah, independent sovereigns of the Caspian provinces, was, as will be seen, indignant at the assumption of suzerainty by any prince of the rival family of the Samanides, to which the Ghaznivides ultimately succeeded.
↩I. e., second chamberlain.
↩Badghiz, a town of Khurasán, on the road from Herát to Merúar-Rúd.
↩That is Simjúr prevailed upon Khalaf to retire, and, offering apparent submission, to reserve his troops for more important enterprizes.— De Sacy, Notices et Extraits, &c.
↩Ray, a city in Persian Irák.
↩Jurján, a river of Mazandaran, which falls into the Caspian Sea.
↩Asterabad, a celebrated town on the borders of the Caspian.
↩Istawa, or Istou, probably on the route from Mazanderan to Tús, in Khurasán.
↩The success on both sides, that is, was undecided and small, although the contests were severe.
↩Sáman signifies fat.
↩Meru or Marv.
↩Or water-reservoir, possibly which, if it breaks its dykes, becomes a destructive torrent. So the begining of strife is as the letting out of water, &c.
↩i.e. The intelligence of the assassination of Utbí the Vizér.
↩i.e. The assassins.
↩i. e. Embrace the opportunity of expediting his affairs.
↩i. e. All difficulties may be surmounted.
↩Extract from Abul Farajius, History of Dynasties , p. 195. Ed. Pococke (from the Latin translation). “In the days of (the Khálif) Al-Kahir, began the dynasty of the sons of (Buwwaya) Bowaia, who were three, Ahmad-ad-doulat Ali, Rukn-ad-doulat Al Hasan, and Moez-ad-doulat Ahmad, sons of Abú-Shaja-Bowaia, son of Phanachosrawi, one of the sons of Yazdegírd, son of Shahriar, last King of the Persians. This family is very noble amongst the Persians, and they are doubtless regarded as having sprung from the Dilamites, because they had been long established in that country; Abú-Shaja-Bowaia is said to have been a man in slender circumstances, who dreamed that a fire proceeded from his body, which extended and rose up, until it almost reached the sky, then cleaving itself, was divided into three portions, whence many other portions arose, so that the whole world was illuminated by those fires, and many regions and men bowed down themselves to them; Bowaia went to an astrologer and related his dream. He observed, “this is an important dream, which I will not interpret unless you give me a dress and a horse;” “I have,” replied Bowaia, “only the dress which I wear;” “Give me, then, ten pieces of gold,” said the astrologer;” “I have not even two pieces,” he rejoined. However, he gave something, and the astrologer then said, “Know that three sons of thine shall rule the earth, whose renown shall be resplendent in the countries thereof, and from them shall be born a multitude of kings, according as thou didst behold in the subdivision of the fires;” the three sons of Bowaia subsequently went to Tabaristán, where Mardawij, or Marduanj, received them kindly, and gave Karaj to Imád-ad-doulat-Ali-’bn-Bowaia; he so ingratiated himself there, that the inhabitants made him king. Becoming more powerful, he seized Isfahán, he also possessed Ariana. His brother Rukn-ad-doulat, was sent to Cazrún, whence he obtained great booty, and returned safe. The son of Imad-ad-doulat Bowaia obtained possession of Shiraz, a.h. 322.”
It is not surprizing that so eminent a family, the hereditary vizirs and controllers of the Khálifs, should have endured impatiently the virtual supremacy of Mahmúd. But the sultan retained it, and would not allow them the honours of the khutbah, or coinage, the ensigns of independent sovereignty.
↩The author of the Dahistán, saw a man of this sect, Ali-Ilahia, who asserted that the Kurán, which is amongst them, does not deserve confidence, as it is not the book which Ali-Alah had given to Muhammad, but is the composition of Abú-Bakr, of Omar, and of Othmán. He saw also another, who said, “Certainly the Kurán is the work of Ali-Alah, but having been collected by Othman, it ought not to be read.” Some were seen among them who asserted, that the verse and prose attributed to Omar, were collected by Ali, and inserted in the Kurán. They value these beyond thela tter, as having proceeded directly from Ali-Alah.
↩The following account of the cause of the destruction by fire, of the monastery of Lauresheim, is quoted in Maitland’s Dark Ages, p. 235. “Inter cetera ludorum exercitia, discus in extrema marginis ora (ut solet), accensus, militari manu per aera vibrabatur, qui acriori impulsu circumactus, orbicularem flamma speciem reddens, spectaculi gratiam exhibet.” A disc, set on fire in the usual way, was whirled in the air by a soldier, and set fire to the place. Such a disc, whatever be its precise description, might, when mentioned in Persian, appear to resemble the flight of a cannon ball.
↩The meaning of the Persian Translator apparently is that he excelled both in Persian and Arabic compositions, but chiefly in the latter.
↩Effervescing fountain. The following is from the Dabistán (Translation of Shea and Troyes, Vol. II, p. 167):—
“There are many miraculous things in Kashmír, one of them is Sandebar, and they relate:— In ancient times a holy Brahmin dwelt in a cavern of the mountain, where he devoted himself to the worship of the Almighty God. Once every year he went to the Ganges to bathe. After having passed several years in that way Ganga said to the Brahmin, Thou measurest always such a length of road, on which thou dost set aside the worship of God; my convention with thee is this, that, when the sun reaches the constellation of the Bull, I will three times a day come to thy resting-place. From this time, when the great luminary throws his effulgence towards the constellation of the Bull, the water of the river springs up boiling from the basin of the fountain, which is near the place of his devotion. Sundeberari, in the cavern of the mountain, became celebrated. It is a square basin, and has on its eastern wall an open cavity, from which, as well as from several other vents and holes in the sides of the basin, the water springs up. However steadfastly one may look the bottom cannot be discovered, and in the middle of the eastern side there are seven holes, which the people of Kashmir call Saptarshi, ‘the seven Rishis;’ on the northern side there is an issue, which they call dama bhavani. When the world-illuminating sun begins to enter the constellation of the Bull the water appears there in the following manner: it springs up first from the large cavity, then from the Saptarshi, so the Hindús call seven rakshasas and give their name to the constellation of the Great Bear. Further the water comes up from the dama bhavani, that is, the mansion of Bhavani, the wife of Mahadeo. When the cavity is filled then the water, passing over the borders, runs out, the Sanyasis and other Hindús, who had come from distant places, throw themselves into it, and the people who find no room carry water from it. Afterwards the ebullition declines, in such a manner that there remains not the least trace of the water. In this month the water boils up three times a day, namely, in the morning, at midday, and in the afternoon, at the hour of prayer. After the lapse of this month no more water is seen, until the sun enters again into the sign of the Bull.”
Perhaps, however, the effervescence of the fountain in the text may have been caused by acids or acid wine.
↩Adhad Ad Doulat or Ad Doulah. Ad Doulat is the Arabic form, Ad Doulah the Persian. The Translator has inadvertently confounded them occasionally.
↩