WAR OF THE ARMY OF ISLÂM WITH THE BATTÂRYQAH OF
BYZANTIUM.
When some days had elapsed after the interchange of messages, and the countenance of pacification had remained hidden under the veil of concealment, Abu O’baydah drew out his victorious army one morning, after the world-illuminating sun had torn off the cover of darkness from the body of the earth, and took up his position in the centre with Khâled B. Alwolyd and a number of valiant Arabs, appointing Zaid B. Abu Sofiân over the right and Shorahbil B. Hasnah over the left flank. The Byzantine Battâryqah also arranged their troops, raised their standards, displayed their crucifixes; and both armies being ready for the contest, a number of valiant Byzantines made an onslaught upon Zaid B. Abu Sofiân, but were, despite all their efforts, unable to make him budge from the spot on which he had taken up his position. Another crowd attacked Shorahbil B. Hasnah, but was equally unsuccessful. Thereon ten thousand other warriors, ready to sacrifice their lives, hastened to the centre and attacked Khâled B. Alwolyd and the Musalmâns who surrounded him, but they were received with a shower of arrows which staggered them, so that after contending for awhile they retreated, astonished at the bravery of their antagonists. When Abu O’baydah B. Jurrâh had witnessed the bravery of the defenders of the religion, he shouted: ‘Musalmâns, the Lord and Bestower of gifts undoubtedly aids those who fight for the religion and those who walk on the straight path! The professors of hypocrisy and opposition have made repeated onslaughts, and would have moved an iron mountain if they had attacked it; but they have fled from the battle-field and left their place to you! It will now be proper to make a unanimous onslaught! Know it for a certainty that whoever of you attains martyrdom in battle will be eagerly received in the front ranks of paradise, and whoever remains alive will earn praise, comfort and vast booty.’ Khâled and all the Musalmâns, approving of these words, said: ‘The proposal of the Amir is fraught with eternal and temporal advantages!’ When Abu O’baydah rushed forth with the centre, the right and the left flank of the army also sallied forth, and, using their swords, arrows, lances and daggers, broke the lines of the Byzantines, separating them from each other, and sending many to the infernal regions; but those who had fled, returning again, beat their drums, blew their fifes, raised shouts to the skies, and encouraged each other till they again attacked the Musalmâns; and after both parties had commingled in battle the number of the slain became so considerable that horses could no longer move quickly. The Byzantines then retreated from the battle to their former position, but drew out their lines in array, and remained standing. On this occasion Qays B. Hobayrah, who was one of the champions of the victorious army, hastened to the lines of the enemy and fought till his lance broke, whereon he used his sword till it became notched, and it is on record that during this contest Qays broke ten lances, two of his sabres were notched, and that his precious body was wounded forty-seven times; but as the fate of that alligator in the ocean of contest was delayed, he was spared and defended from the effects of the evil eye.9 When, however, Qays had well-nigh expired from the multitude of his wounds, Khâled B. Alwolyd, with Hâshem B. O’tbah Abu Woqqâss sallied forth with a troop of brave men and assailed the Byzantines, breaking up their lines, slaying some of the enemies, wounding others, and thereon returning to their own lines. After the return of Khâled and of Hâshem, the valiant Byzantine leaders set about reorganizing their lines, and after having drawn out seventy of them, they laid poisoned arrows on their bows, and very slowly advanced towards the army of Islâm. Meanwhile, Khâled B. Alwolyd harangued his troops, inciting them to fight, and shouting in a loud voice, said: ‘Be aware that as soon as you hear me uttering the Takbyr [magnification of Allah] I have attacked the foe, whereon you are to reinforce me. I entertain hopes that the zephyr of victory will soon blow upon the standards of Islâm, and the opponents will be at once annihilated.’ One hour afterwards Khâled, having bared his head, rushed against the Byzantines, and so intimidated the Byzantines by his furious shouting that they preferred flight to permanency; and when the world-conquering army overtook them much bloodshed took place. On that battlefield eleven thousand of the enemy were slain, who were devoured by wild beasts and dogs, whilst some of the fugitives took shelter in the fort, and others, fleeing in the direction of Antioch, reached the abode of the Qayssar. Immense booty fell into the hands of the victorious army, and Abu O’baydah, having set apart one-fifth of the property, sent it with a despatch describing the victory to Madinah, and distributed the rest in conformity with the law among the troops. According to the tradition of historians, the forces of Heraclius amounted on that occasion to sixty thousand, but those of the Musalmâns to not more than thirty-seven thousand men. When the rumour of this glorious victory had spread in the surrounding country near and afar, awe of the adherents of Islâm took possession of the minds of the population.
CONQUEST OF THE DISTRICT OF HAMSS.
Let it not be concealed to intelligent and discerning men that the conquest of Hamss took place after the subjugation of the two cities,10 but unwilling to make a gap between the contests of the Byzantine forces and the army of Islâm, the writing reed of explanation has inserted the conquest of Hamss in this place. Historians have narrated that after the conquest of the two cities the people of Hamss had begun to strengthen their fortress, and sent a message to the Qayssar requesting him to despatch twenty thousand cavalry to their aid. When the Musalmâns heard this news they raised a unanimous shout of the Takbyr, and frightened the opponents. Abu O’baydah, however, despatched a letter to O’mar the Commander of the Believers, who thereon sent orders to besiege the town of Hamss. Abu O’baydah accordingly marched, and after traversing the distance, reached Hamss, which he encircled with his troops so closely that nothing whatever could be passed into or out of the town, so that provisions became extremely dear, and the maintenance of the garrison precarious. The people having become so distressed that they cared not for their lives, they sallied out from the town, and drew themselves up in battle array opposite to the victorious army, and both parties using their swords, began to fight valourously, and displayed equal prowess. At last Khâled B. Alwolyd threw his turban off his head and attacked the foes with Yazid B. Abu Sofiân and a number of Musalmâns, slaying countless numbers of those accursed fellows, whom they sent to the infernal regions; others, however, having fled from the battlefield, entered the fort, pleaded for mercy, and sued for quarter. Abu O’baydah having complied with their request, the people of Hamss surrendered the keys of the gates, whereon he sent one-fifth of the spoils with an account of the victory to Madinah; and when the news thereof reached that pleasant city, O’mar rejoiced with all the magnates of Islâm, made prostrations and offered thanks. Fârûq then wrote a letter to Abu O’baydah as follows: ‘I have received thy despatch, understood its contents, and the gladness of my heart was augmented by this great and new victory. It appears also from thy letter that thou hast dispersed some of the army of Islâm to invite the inhabitants of the surrounding districts to accept the upright religion; but if they refuse and demur no respite of slaughter and pillage is to be granted to them. Now, I am of opinion that the victorious army ought again to assemble, dwelling for awhile in peace and comfort, until my orders reach it what to do and where to march. Farewell.’ When the letter of Fârûq reached Abu O’baydah, he again assembled the forces he had sent into the surrounding districts, and remained quietly in the city of Hamss, waiting to see what time would reveal.
THE QAYSSAR APPOINTS MÂHÂN TO FIGHT THE MUSALMÂNS, AND RECORD OF SOME EVENTS WHICH TOOK PLACE AT THAT TIME.
When some of the Amirs of the Qayssar had returned from the battlefield of Hamss and arrived in Antioch, they were followed also by the rumour of the loss of Hamss. When the Qayssar had obtained this information, the city of Antioch seemed, despite its vast extent, to be more narrow in his eyes than the ring of the letter mim. He manifested displeasure and grief, whereon he convoked the Amirs and questioned them thus: ‘Tell me whether the Arabs are human beings like yourselves or not.’ The Battâryqah replied: ‘They are merely a lot of rebels.’ He continued: ‘Are your numbers and appliances greater, or theirs?’ They answered: ‘We are in all matters far superior to those people.’ The Qayssar said: ‘If such be the case, I am astonished that you have run away from the Arabs, and have abandoned your country to the foe.’ The Battâryqah then drooped their heads and remained silent. An aged man, and one of the most intelligent of the period, said: ‘If your majesty will permit I shall give the required explanation.’ The Qayssar having assented, the old man spoke as follows: ‘The Arab army has prevailed over us because the Arabs are pious and we profligate; they are righteous, and we are wicked; they are addicted to many excellent arts, such as fasting, prayers, pilgrimage, and almsgiving. They keep their promises and covenants; they practise kindness and abstain from prohibited things, whereas we oppress the worshippers of God the Most High and keep no covenants; we do forbidden things, commit sodomy, and do not abstain from prohibited and sinful acts; we allow disgraceful acts to be perpetrated, and do not abstain from wicked acts.’ Heraclius said: ‘O Sheikh, I swear by God that thou hast spoken the truth, but why hast thou not revealed it to me ere this?’ The Qayssar thereon, turning his face to the notables of his monarchy, said: ‘I am of opinion that you should leave this country and establish yourselves in another. No good nor profit can come to me from you, as you are addicted to evil acts and wicked practices, the despicable qualities and blamable morals mentioned to me by this old man being inherent in your nature.’ The old man said: ‘O king, we cannot surrender such a district merely on account of the slight wounds inflicted on us, and we cannot abandon our country to the sway of the foe; because in war sometimes victory and sometimes defeat ensues, the gaining of spoils or the loss of property. It will now be proper to use the army upon which the rays of thy consideration, favour and beneficence have been shining in expectation of such an emergency, and to add to this army the tried warriors assembled around thy glorious throne, for the purpose of repelling the Arab forces; and if we succeed in conquering them all will be well, but in the contrary case thou wilt at any rate be excused for abandoning thy country and emigrating from thy fatherland, so that no one will attribute to thee want of intelligence and accuse thee of cowardice or wickedness.’ The Qayssar, having approved of the advice of the far-seeing old man, sent out envoys to various parts of the country, and ordered all the troops scattered about to assemble in the capital. Hereon such a number of full-grown men and blooming youths congregated after a short time in Antioch that the vision of the revolving sphere had in former times and in past generations never beheld even the hundredth part of such an army gathered in one locality. After these forces had assembled the Qayssar ennobled Mâhân—who was distinguished by the ornaments of wisdom and bravery, in which he excelled all his peers and contemporaries—with the diadem and belt [of command], presented him with three hundred thousand dirhems, and ordered him to march, first with five hundred thousand warriors bearing swords and lances, to Hamss, appointing also three Amirs of high dignity, each with one hundred thousand cavalry, to act under his orders. When the report of the intention and of the number of the Byzantine army had reached the noble audition of Abu O’baydah, he became pensive and held a consultation with shrewd and experienced men, on the convenience of abiding or departing, of moving or remaining stationary. Yazid B. Abu Sofiân said: ‘It will be appropriate to leave some of our troops in Hamss, but to march out with the bulk of them, and, encamping near the city, to issue orders to the troops of Damascus, Falesttyn and Ardan to reinforce us, and when they have joined us we shall be enabled to set about annihilating our foes with greater confidence and with success.’ Shorahbil B. Hasnah said: ‘It would not be wise to leave our families and relatives in the city and to trust the Christians, because they may break the treaty, and surrender our people to their co-religionists when opportunity offers.’ Abu O’baydah continued: ‘As the inhabitants of the fort cannot be trusted, we shall expel them, that our people may dwell therein safely and comfortably.’ Shorahbil interposed, saying: ‘To act thus would be dishonest, because we have made a treaty with the inhabitants not to expel them from their dwellings. If it be agreed upon we shall as hitherto all remain in the city, and informing O’mar of the state of affairs, shall wait for his instructions.’ Abu O’baydah said: ‘The time is short, and the foe may possibly be on us ere the courier reaches Madinah.’ Mayeserah B. Masrûf said: ‘O Amir, we are inhabitants of deserts and wastes, we must leave the confinement of the fortress, march towards Damascus, and send a courier with information to O’mar. If he sends us reinforcements, it is just what we desire, but in the contrary case we must attack the enemy at the proper time, and trust in God [for the result].’ The others having mostly approved of the opinion of Mayeserah, the army departed from Hamss to Damascus, but a letter was despatched by a courier to O’mar, informing him of the approach of the Byzantines and of their numbers, and asking for aid. When the letter of Abu O’baydah reached Fârûq, he wrote the following reply: ‘Sofiân B. Moa’qal, the messenger of Abu O’baydah, has arrived and brought his letter, the contents of which I have perused, and approved of the march of the army to Damascus, because Sofiân had assured me that good men had considered this to be necessary, and I entertain hopes that the expedition will terminate prosperously. The multitude of enemies ought not to be dreaded, because generally victory does not depend upon the greatness of numbers, for how often hath a small army discomfited a great one by the permission of Allah!11 If God willeth, I shall send forces after [the departure of] Sofiân to aid the army.’ Sofiân, having left Madinah, travelled till he reached Abu O’baydah, handed him the letter, and said: ‘I swear by God that O’mar was right [when he said]: It was not proper on the part of the adherents of Islâm to march back to Damascus, abandoning to the foe a country which they had conquered with the sword.’ It is related in the ‘Târikh-i Aa’thum Kûfi’ that, after Sofiân had departed, O’mar despatched A´amer B. Hudhym with three thousand men to reinforce Abu O’baydah.
ARRIVAL OF THE BYZANTINES IN HAMSS, AND NARRATIVE
OF SOME EVENTS.
It is recorded in histories that Mâhân departed from Antioch with one hundred thousand men, and arrived, after traversing the distance, at Hamss, where he reproved and chastised the inhabitants for having made a treaty with the professors of Islâm, but they excused themselves as best they could, and submitted themselves to him. Mâhân then departed from Hamss, and after traversing the necessary distance, reached the water of Yarmûk, near which he encamped, and after the expiration of three days three other Amirs, who had been appointed to reinforce him, also joined him one after the other. When the adherents of Islâm had obtained this information, they became dismayed, so that Abu O’baydah despatched a swift messenger to O’mar, informing him of the multitude and boldness of the opponents as well as of the weakness and smallness of the Musalmân forces. The courier arrived in a very brief time in Madinah, and O’mar wept after he had perused the letter of Abu O’baydah, although he sent a cheery answer encouraging him to fight; he, moreover, said to the courier: ‘Convey my salutation to Abu O’baydah, and tell him: O’mar recommends thee to keep up thy spirits, because, if God willeth, his reinforcements will join thee before a battle takes place.’ After O’mar had given leave to the courier to depart, he despatched Sowyd B. Ssâmet Anssâri, with three thousand brave men, to reinforce the Musalmâns.—It is recorded in the ‘Maqssad Aqssa’ that, after the courier of Abu O’baydah had departed, he despatched Sa’d B. A´amer and Abu Sofiân B. Harb with one thousand men to reinforce him. —It is recorded in the ‘Târikh-i Aa’thum Kûfi’ that Sowyd had reached the camp of Abu O’baydah before the arrival of the letter of O’mar, and that the Musalmâns rejoiced.
On this occasion Mâhân held a consultation, after which he sent an envoy to Abu O’baydah with the following message: ‘We have been informed that the man who had ere this been the Amir and commander-in-chief of the army is adorned with the decorations of a noble genealogy. Now we stand in need of an interview with him, that we may communicate to him our intentions and learn what yours are.’ Abu O’baydah, having complied with the request of Mâhân, ordered Khâled next day to pay a visit to the camp of the Byzantines. When the morning dawned Khâled accordingly betook himself to the camp of the opponents, but ordered his red cupola, which he had purchased for three hundred dinârs, to be pitched near the tent of Mâhân, and when the latter entered it the first words he uttered were as follows: ‘This cupola of thine is very elegant, and pleases us greatly. We request thee to give us this tent, for which we shall very gladly pay thee any sum thou askest.’ Khâled said nothing about the cupola, but replied: ‘We have no need of your wares.’ It is said that Mâhân intended by his affable words to pave the way to familiarity with Khâled.—In some chronicles it is related that Mâhân had remained sitting in full pomp in his own tent, and had invited Khâled to enter it. When Khâled arrived, Mâhân rose to his feet, received him with politeness, and spoke with great affability. After these preliminary civilities, he spoke to Khâled as follows: ‘If the acquisition of money be the object of your hostilities, we agree to present to O’mar B. Alkhattâb, the ruler of the Arabs, ten thousand dinârs, to Abu O’baydah five thousand, to thee five thousand, and shall give to one hundred of the chief men of your army one hundred thousand dinârs [to be distributed among them], on condition that you leave our country as soon as you receive the money, and hereafter no more invade our possessions.’—Let it not remain unknown that when in transactions like these the dinâr is mentioned, it implies one mithqâl of gold, and the dirhem is silver.—When Mâhân had finished what he had to say, Khâled B. Alwolyd, having recited some passages in modulated prose and in poetry, added the following sentiments of his own: ‘If it be the wish of the Amir to see the dust raised by contention and strife laid, and to behold the foundations of peace and love which have been destroyed to be built up, he must illuminate the casket of his heart with the light of sincerity, and use the sword of his polished tongue in uttering the words promulged by the [religious] law; if, however, Divine favour is not vouchsafed him to guide him, he will, for the preservation of his family and wealth, have to pay a capitation tax; else hostilities must continue in case of refusal, and the blood-shedding scimitar alone will become the arbiter between us and you.’ Mâhân replied: ‘O Khâled, the Byzantines will never abandon their religion and believe in Muhammad, who was your prophet; nor will they agree to pay the capitation tax, which would be tantamount to a confession of their weakness and imbecility. Do not threaten us with hostilities; and I swear by my life that I have brought the valiant army thou beholdest for the purpose of waging war against you! Arise and depart from me, and prepare for a conflict, because we are also ready for it.’ When Khâled B. Alwolyd heard these words, he stroked down his skirts and departed to report to Abu O’baydah the result of the interview. Mâhân on his part, who had been foiled in his attempts at negotiation, consulted the Battâryqah and men of intellect on the manner of combating the Arabs. Some said: ‘Our forces exceed those of the enemy by many thousands, and amount to more than the double of their number; it would be proper that each day one hundred thousand should attack them, and if victory appears on the mirror of our aspirations all will be well; but in the contrary case— which Allah forbid—another hundred thousand will be ready to encounter the foe.’ Mâhân having demurred to this advice, another man spoke as follows: ‘It will be proper to draw out in battle array the whole Byzantine army opposite to the Arab forces; thus ten of our men will be able to assail each Arab, so that he will undoubtedly be slain or captured.’ Mâhân replied: ‘The correctness of this opinion is evident, because even if two of our men attack one of theirs they will not be able to cope with us, and will not leave their man unsuccoured on the battle-field; we must therefore hold our entire army in readiness, so as to make a unanimous onslaught upon the foe, and endeavour to annihilate our antagonists:
We shall either victoriously place our foot on the head of the sphere,
Or bravely sacrifice our heads to attain our desire.
The Byzantine grandees, having approved of the opinion of Mâhân, determined to act according to it; meanwhile, however, he despatched a letter to the residence of the Qayssar, the contents whereof were as follows: ‘After we had encamped along the bank of the river Yarmûk, I summoned Khâled—some of whose exploits and qualities have reached your noble audition—and peace being at all times preferable to war, have first offered him large sums of money, so that, beguiled by wealth, he might be induced to return to his country; but in vain. Then I threatened him with the numbers of our victorious army, but also ineffectually. As our troops know that the Arabs are desirous of annihilating them, and will be satisfied by nothing except slaying, plundering or capturing them, they are ready to meet death.
‘It is better to be a dead man under a stone,
Than to be a living man under disgrace.
We have now arrived at the determination to fight on an appointed day a battle royal, trusting that Divine favour will grant us victory to increase our prestige. I have, however, one night had a vision in which a person addressed me as follows: “O Mâhân! fight not with the Arab army, or else thou wilt be defeated and slain!” Having been distressed by this announcement, I awoke, but nevertheless determined to consider this dream as a vain hallucination. My weak mind now suggests that the sovereign and asylum of the world [i.e., your majesty] should remove his family and treasures to Constantinople, but to continue to honour Antioch with the presence of his noble person, to see what heaven will bring forth from the womb of futurity.’
It is related that when the hostilities were impending, one of the Battâryqah said to Mâhân: ‘I have had a wonderful dream last night; if you will permit I shall narrate it.’ Mâhân said: ‘Relate it.’ The Battryq said: ‘I dreamt that tall men in white garments and green turbans alighted from the sky on earth, broke off the points of our arrows, drew out our swords from the scabbards, drove us about in all directions, and said: “Flee, or else you will all be slain.” We accordingly ran, and while doing so many of us fell, and many became affected by a condition which disabled them from advancing one step. I also beheld detachments of our army making their appearance after each other and then again vanishing so as to leave no trace of themselves; and while thus fleeing I awoke.’ Mâhân, being displeased and saddened by this tale, exclaimed: ‘Ill-boding man! Let thy perverse eye see no rest, and may thy ear hear no glad tidings! Thy unpleasant dream has distressed my mind! The people thou hast seen falling and those thou hast seen standing will all be killed, and I wish thee to be slain first because thou hast informed us of the impending misery and destruction.’ Strangely enough, Abu O’baydah had also dreamt a dream which, however, pointed to the victory of the Musalmâns over the adherents of aberration, as is narrated in detail in the ‘Târikh-i Aa’thum Kûfi.’
CONFLICT OF THE MUSALMÂNS WITH THE CHRISTIANS,
AND FLIGHT OF THE LATTER.
One morning, when the sovereign of the day, namely, the world-illuminating sun, had, after removing the hosts of the night, risen on the horizon of the east and was ascending to the azure sky, Mâhân appeared before the army and ordered it to be drawn out in twenty corps, each consisting of twenty thousand cavalry. He appointed to the command of each corps a Battryq to direct and to encourage it in the conflict. Having assigned the right flank to Qanâtterah and to Jarjis [Georgios], and the rest to O’lqamah B. Mundher, he himself took up his position in front, having put a diadem on his head, donned a cuirass with gold brocade under it, handled a sabre, the scarf of which was encrusted with precious jewels, and mounted on a black charger, the saddle and reins whereof bore ornaments of pearls and rubies. The Musalmâns were astonished at the handsome appearance of the Byzantines, and Abu O’baydah, having cast a ray of consideration upon the victory-boding army, appointed A’mru B. Ala´ass with Zaid B. Abu Sofiân to the right flank, and gave the command of the left to Moa´adh B. Jabal with Sowyd B. Ssâmet Anssâri. The wing of the right flank he gave to Shorahbil B. Hasnah, and the wing of the left to Sa’d B. A´amer. He ordered O’maru-l-thaqfy to remain in ambush with four thousand cavalry, and, having himself in his noble person taken up a position in the centre, ordered the cavalry of the army not to transgress the advice of Khâled B. Alwolyd, and the infantry to obey the behests of Hâshem B. Otbah and of Abu Woqqâss. The lines of the adherents of Islâm having been arranged, they despaired of their lives, and, ready to sacrifice them, advanced slowly towards their antagonists. They had progressed but a short distance, whereon they considered it proper to halt. Khâled then said to the cavalry: ‘Having taken silence for your motto, speak not to each other, nor attack the enemy before you receive my orders.’ The Byzantine infantry, having raised their standards and taken up their crucifixes, began to move from their position, while their U’lamâ and monks were reciting the Evangel [Enjil] and encouraging the people to fight so that their voices were loud like thunder. Meanwhile an Arab who had made profession of the Christian religion sallied out into the open space between the two armies, and having, as he stood there, uttered some nonsense, asked for a champion. Although several Musalmâns desired to fight him in single combat, Khâled B. Alwolyd kept them off till at last he permitted Qays B. Hobayrah Almarari to attack him, whereon Qays, having drawn his sword and struck his head, prostrated him from his horse to the ground. He then cut off the head of that apostate and erected it on a spear. This event, which took place at the beginning of the contest, disheartened the Byzantines and pleased the Musalmâns so that their minds were comforted. At this time a detachment of brave warriors rushed at a signal from Khâled upon the lines of the Byzantines and broke them, prostrating nearly a thousand men to the ground. After this onslaught a great multitude of the opponents pledged themselves to each other to court death, and began to move like an iron mountain, leaping from their position and hastening towards the centre of the victory-boding army. Then Khâled B. Alwolyd rushed at them, at a signal from Abu O’baydah, with ten thousand celebrated horsemen, who might have stolen the pimple from the face of the moon with the points of their lances, or might have stitched together the two stars near the pole with their arrows, and sent after a hot combat the whole of those accursed caitiffs to hell so that not one of them issued alive from the fight. This dreadful spectacle made a great impression upon the Byzantines, and they became dismayed, but as they were under the necessity of fighting, they put down the foot of permanency, grasped their bows, and poured a rain of arrows upon the army of Islâm. Mâlek B. Hâreth was wounded by an arrow which tore his eyelid—whereon he was surnamed Ashtar12 —and became so incensed that he drew the sword of vengeance from his scabbard, donned the buckler of contention, hastened to the lines of the enemy, and prostrated several champions who had no equals in bravery on the ground of abasement and disgrace. Yazid B. Abu Sofiân and A’mru B. Ala´ass likewise repeatedly assailed the foes, bent on repelling them, and at that time also E’kramah B. Abu Jahl, who was noted for his bravery, alighted from his charger and hastened on foot towards the enemy. Khâled B. Alwolyd said to him: ‘Do not fight on foot! Do not throw thyself into the vortex of perdition, because the loss of thee will become an occasion of distress to the champions of the religion.’ He replied: ‘In the time of ignorance I have committed unworthy acts, and have many a time caused grief to his holy and prophetic lordship. To-day I may perchance accomplish an exploit which will expiate some of my transgressions.’ Having uttered these words, he entered the lines of the enemies, many of whom he sent to Jahannum [Gehenna—hell], but attained at last himself the honour of martyrdom. After E’kramah had fallen, the champions of the religion, those endowed with foresight and those who had the certainty [of salvation], fought so valiantly that they drove the enemies from their position to the banks of the Yarmûk, which is a river of considerable size, so that many of them, hoping to escape the sword, threw themselves into the water, which thus became the vehicle conveying them to the infernal regions.
When the Christian army had fallen into the utmost confusion, Mâhân requested one of the Battâryqah to order a sudden assault to enable him to escape from the whirlpool of annihilation into the open plain. Accordingly, three detachments of valiant men, desirous to renew the fight, turned towards the adherents of Islâm, and succeeded, with the greatest efforts, in making them recoil a few paces. Khâled, however, and all the officers of the army reproved their men, incited them to fight, and said: ‘Most of the heroes and brave men of the period who aided Mâhân have been slain or drowned, and those who have escaped from the sword are trembling like animals about to be slaughtered. Consider this, and unanimously fall upon the caitiffs, that this affair may be fully and satisfactorily terminated.’ The army whose motto is victory, having been encouraged by these words, immediately rushed upon the enemies and routed them, pursuing them with the scimitar of vengeance, so that the grasper of souls [i.e., angel of death] was from morning till evening engaged in the duty to which he had been appointed, and by the time the night had set in countless numbers of the fugitive Bani-l-assfar [i.e., Byzantines, so called from their yellow complexion], who had fallen into watercourses and marshes, surrendered their lives to him:
The yellow-eared ones died in corners13
Ducking their heads in the black waters.
It is recorded that in this battle seventy thousand notable and celebrated Byzantines perished. The corpse of Mâhân was found among the slain, but, despite all efforts, no wound could be discovered on his unhallowed carcase. Great booty and untold wealth also fell into the power of the army; the red cupola, however, which Mâhân had taken from Khâled could not be found, neither could it be ascertained into whose possession it had gone. Abu O’baydah despatched one-fifth of the spoils of this victory, which excelled all previous ones, with an account thereof, to Madinah. When the courier had reached that pleasant region, he gave the letter of Abu O’baydah to O’mar, who perused it and, rejoicing over the great victory, raised, with all present in the assembly, a great shout of the Takbyr, which ascended to the sky. Thanks were thereon offered for the boundless Divine mercy vouchsafed.
ACCOUNT OF THE SUPERIORITY OF THE MUSALMÂNS, AND
RETURN OF HERACLIUS TO CONSTANTINOPLE.
The first man of the fugitives who arrived at the residence of Heraclius, and whom he knew, was an inhabitant of O’moryah. When the eyes of Heraclius alighted on him, he asked: ‘What news hast thou of the army?’ He replied: ‘The people have fled.’ The Qayssar continued: ‘What people?’ The man replied: ‘Our friends.’ The Qayssar, pretending not to have distinctly heard, inquired: ‘Have our friends put the Arab army to flight, or have the Arabs routed our friends?’ Hereon that little man became so confused that he was unable to give any reply. Heraclius then said to the persons standing near his throne: ‘This individual is frightened, and his tongue refuses to tell the tale; bring me another man who is able to speak, and whose words may be trusted.’ Thereon some officials departed from the assembly to meet the arriving fugitives, and found them approaching in the most wretched plight. They asked them what news they possessed of Mâhân and all the notables, and the fugitives replied: ‘May you live for ever! All the Battâryqah have struck the drum of departure.’ The officials then waited again upon Heraclius, and informed him of the true state of affairs. The Qayssar, becoming despondent, now said: ‘What information is this you are giving me? I ask for a man who has been present at the battle, that he may give me a detailed account of it.’ The courtiers, obeying orders, now brought Khozaymah B. A’mru Alshowkhi, who had fled from the battlefield and knew all the circumstances. The Qayssar asked him: ‘What information possessest thou about the state of our army?’ He replied: ‘Information than which there can be no worse.’ The Qayssar exclaimed: ‘The sign of evil and wickedness is manifest on thy countenance.’ Then he continued to inquire about the nobles who had congregated from all quarters to wage war against the Arabs, but to the name of everyone concerning whom he asked Khozaymah replied: ‘May thy life and reign be perpetual! He has not come out alive from the battle.’ Heraclius then, turning to his Amirs, said: ‘Bad news of a bad man.’ He then asked: ‘Art thou Khozaymah?’ and, having received an affirmative reply, continued: ‘Rememberest thou that when Muhammad the Arab sent me a letter14 to accept his religion, and I was ready to do so, thou hast dissuaded me more than others?’ Khozaymah acknowledged that such was the case, but entertained hopes of being pardoned. The Qayssar, however, ordered during that very interview his body to be eased from the load of his head:
The head which is not at the feet of the mighty
Is too heavy a load to remain on the shoulders.
When the Qayssar perceived that it would become impossible for him to reside in Syria, he rode out from Antioch with his courtiers to a high mountain in the vicinity of the town, and, weeping aloud, said: ‘Farewell to thee, O holy land! farewell to thee, O pure country! and farewell to thee, O earth full of comforts, blessings, and benefits! Farewell to thee, O earthly paradise, farewell! He who bids thee adieu is certain that, after taking leave of thee, he will never again behold thee.’ The monarch, fettered by his love of power and wealth, having uttered these and similar expressions from the bottom of his sorrowful heart, then departed on the wings of celerity to Constantinople.
CONQUEST OF ALEPPO, AND MARCH OF MÂLEK ASHTAR TO
THE BOUNDARIES OF RÛM [i.e., BYZANTINE EMPIRE].
When Abu O’baydah B. Jurrâh had terminated the war of Yarmûk, he turned the reins of his intention towards Aleppo. He reached his destination after having performed the distance, and pitched his camp outside the city. The inhabitants of Aleppo negotiated for peace, and agreed to pay the capitation tax; and the gates having been opened, the Musalmâns began to govern the subjugated locality. After Abu O’baydah had taken possession of Aleppo, he ordered Mâlek Ashtar to march towards the frontier passes of Rûm. He obeyed, and when he had progressed a few days, Meysarah B. Masrûf was ordered to reinforce him with one thousand warriors more, and to hasten his march. When Mâlek Ashtar had arrived near the frontier pass [Darband], he learnt that about thirty thousand of the enemy had assembled in that place ready to give battle. When Mâlek became aware of the multitude of opponents, he drew in the reins of his intention till the arrival of Meysarah, whereon they held a consultation, and determined to begin hostilities. Both the opposing armies having arranged their centres, right and left flanks, and straightened their lines, champions issued from both sides roaring and boiling like the waves of the green sea [i.e., Indian Ocean]. On this occasion a hero of the Byzantine army, who was distinguished by his majestic figure, high stature, corpulent body, and firmness of purpose above his peers, placed his foot on the battle-ground and shouted for a champion; and though Mâlek Ashtar exhorted his brave warriors much, not one of them responded to the call. When Mâlek Ashtar perceived his own valiant men to be tardy in entering the lists of combat, he urged forward his charger, issued from the lines, and galloped to the Byzantine, whereon both drew their sabres and attacked each other. The Byzantine champion struck and split the helmet of Mâlek, his sword almost peretrating into the skull. Mâlek also inflicted a blow on the neck of his antagonist, but without much effect. Hereon the two heroes, the one dark-hearted and the other of an illuminated mind, separated from each other, and Ashtar returned to his friends. When he perceived that a rivulet of blood was flowing from his head, Mâlek cursed his sword, exclaiming: ‘I swear by God that if I had no need of it for fighting, I would knock this sabre against stones until it was broken to pieces!’ One of the sons of Mâlek replied: ‘Our sabre is expected only to cut [and not to thrust], and this is perhaps the reason why it has taken no effect.’ Mâlek said: ‘Thou hast spoken the truth.’ Then the son dressed the wound on the head of his father, and bandaged it. Mâlek then said to one of his cousins: ‘Take my sabre and lend me thy sword, that I may return to the conflict and remove that obstinate fellow.’ The cousin of Ashtar replied, however: ‘Kindly excuse me and leave me my sword, because I need it.’ Mâlek rejoined: ‘Grant my request, that I may give thee my daughter Ammu-n-nu’mân in marriage.’ Then he surrendered his sword to Mâlek; but when he desired again to rush into the fray, his relatives restrained him, saying: ‘Do not throw thyself into the vortex of destruction, and have nothing to do with that accursed fellow.’ Mâlek, however, swore by God that as long as a spark of life remained in his body he would not cease to contend with the foe nor don the garment of weakness. When the Amirs perceived that Ashtar would be as good as his word, they withdrew their tongues into their palates, thus taking off the hand of advice from him. Ashtar then hastened towards the enemy, and was struck by the champion, whose sword, however, took no effect; whereon he brought down his own upon the head of the Byzantine, and split it. Then another Byzantine champion sallied out from the lines and attacked Mâlek, who struck his arm with his sword; but the champion caught him by his belt, and while Ashtar struggled to make him let go his hold of it, both warriors tumbled from their horses to the ground, rolling down the declivity towards the river till they came to a halt in a portion of the river-bed which contained at that time no water. Here Ashtar disengaged himself from his antagonist, and killed him with one blow. He then walked out from the river-bed, and joined his friends.
On that day the two armies fought from the morning to the anterior prayers, till at last the eyes of the faithful were illuminated by the beauty of the coveted victory, and the opponents who had escaped the grasp of death took to their heels. Although the Musalmâns had vanquished the foe, they remained watching till dawn, and after they had held their matutinal prayers they received a courier bringing a letter from Abu O’baydah of the following purport: ‘The safety of one Musalmân is more precious to me than the riches of the infidels; therefore Mâlek is to return as soon as this letter reaches him.’ The army of Islâm obeyed this order, marched back, and joined Abu O’baydah after traversing the distance. Having appointed Habyb B. Muslamah to govern Aleppo and Qayssar B. Barr the surrounding districts, Abu O’baydah marched to Damascus, and on arriving there sent a letter to O’mar informing him of the state of affairs. Fârûq thereon sent him the following reply: ‘Let it be known to Abu O’baydah that his letter has arrived, and from the contents thereof the return of the Qayssar to Constantinople, the flight of the Byzantine army, and the arrival of the Musalmân forces in Damascus, have become known. For these propitious events and glorious victories due thanks have been offered to God. Thou who art Abu O’baydah, knowest that yet many forts and strongholds in that country remain to be conquered; at present, however, it is required that thou shouldst for awhile abide in Damascus so as to afford the necessary rest to the victorious army after the fatigues and troubles of war. Let it be further known that now a letter has arrived from Sa’d B. Abu Woqqâss with the information that the Persian army has assembled in a locality named Galûlâ, and we entertain hopes that He who causes affairs to prosper will enable us to vanquish that multitude as well as the other infidels and malefactors.’ When this letter reached Abu O’baydah he remained in Damascus and engaged in the administration of the portion of Syria which had fallen under the sway of the adherents of Islâm and which thereon prospered by his clemency.
MARCH OF ABU O’BAYDAH TO AYLYÂ; AND OF O’MAR TO SYRIA; AND NARRATIVE OF SOME OTHER EVENTS OF THOSE DAYS.
Some chroniclers have narrated that after the army of Islâm had for some time sojourned in Damascus in comfort and tranquillity, an order, to which obedience is due, arrived from the residence of the Khalifate that Abu O’baydah should engage in the conquest of Aylyâ, which is now known by the name of the Holy House [i.e., Jerusalem]. Accordingly, before Abu O’baydah himself marched, he despatched A’mru B. A´ass with a numerous force in that direction. A’mru having according to the injunction of Abu O’baydah marched to his destination, reached the vicinity of Aylyâ after having duly traversed the distance. The inhabitants of that blessed locality had fortified it, and when A’mru laid siege to it, they sent one of the Christian U’lamâ to A’mru to ask for his name, who on learning it said: ‘Withdraw thy hand from the siege and spare thyself further toil, because this city will be conquered by that happy individual whose name consists of three letters, namely, O’m [a]r, whereas thine, being A’mru, consists of four.’ Meanwhile Abu O’baydah marched from Damascus with his brave army and reinforced his friends, but sent immediately a letter to the Battâryqah and the inhabitants of Aylyâ, the contents of which were as follows: ‘If you make profession of our religion, or pay the capitation-tax, I shall not injure you, but in the contrary case I shall send men to attack you who love more to be killed for the sake of their religiou, than you love to eat pork or to drink wine.’ Abu O’baydah halted a few days in the place where he was, but when he heard that the population of Aylyâ was intent on resistance and strife, he joined A’mru. After the arrival of Abu O’baydah a numerous army sallied forth from the town and was drawn up in battle array opposite to the army of Islâm; one hour’s conflict, however, sufficed for killing countless numbers of it and for putting the rest to flight, who took refuge in the fortress. Hereon the Musalmâns again continued the siege with as much energy as possible, so that when the population saw for a certainty that the army of Islâm was not disposed to break the circle it had made around the fortress, a messenger was sent to Abu O’baydah, and delivered to him the following communication: ‘We have arrived at the conclusion to make peace with you and to surrender the city, but as we place no trust nor faith in your words, difficulties will not arise if the prince of the companions [of the prophet], namely, O’mar B. Alkhattâb, will pass over to these regions that we may make a covenant of obedience and submission to him.’ Abu O’baydah thereon communicated the state of affairs to the luminous mind, and when O’mar had ascertained the truth of the circumstances, he held a consultation with the notables, the Anssâr and the Mohâjer, concerning the propriety of remaining at Madinah or departing [to Jerusalem]. O’thmân B. O’ffan advised him to stay, but when O’mar asked A’li B. Abu Ttâleb, the seat of vicarship, he was of a contrary opinion, preferring departure to staying. O’mar, who had from the beginning foreseen the issue of the negotiations, ordered A’bbâs B. A’bdu-l-muttalleb to pitch tents outside the city for a camp, to which the victory-boding companions quickly crowded. When the troops had been collected, O’mar departed to the Holy House [i.e., Jerusalem], leaving A’li the Commander of the Faithful to be his lieutenant in Madinah. After he had in due time entered Syria, Abu O’baydah, having been informed of his approach, got ready for him an Arab charger and white robes as presents, and then went to meet him. In the ‘Târikh-i A´athum Kûfi,’ it is recorded that when Abu O’baydah had come near O’mar, he saw him riding on a camel, dressed in a woollen robe made by himself, with a sword hanging from his shoulder and an arrow by his side. In the ‘Tarjumat Mostaqassa’ it is related that at the time Abu O’baydah waited on O’mar he saw him leading a camel by the bridle and a slave riding it. Abu O’baydah and the notables of the army who accompanied him, beholding this scene with amazement, asked why the Commander of the Faithful was walking and the slave riding. O’mar replied: ‘I am sharing this camel with the slave, and now it is his turn to ride and mine to walk.’ It is related that Abu O’baydah requested O’mar to don the white garments and to mount the horse he had brought. O’mar complied, but after awhile put away the dress, and, alighting from the horse, donned his own old clothes and mounted his camel, saying: ‘I perceived vanity enter my mind after being thus arrayed, and knew it to be an inspiration of Satan.’ Abu O’baydah and Yazid B. Abu Sofiân then excused themselves, saying that if the Amir of the Faithful had retained the clothes it would have been more appropriate to the dignity of the Khalifah. O’mar then replied to their remark with a few kind words of admonition.
When they had arrived at the camp and rested themselves, Abu O’baydah sent a messenger to the inhabitants of Aylyâ to inform them of the arrival of O’mar, whereon the people of the town sent to O’mar an Arab, whose nickname was Abu-l-ja’d,15 to arrange matters concerning the payment of a capitation tax, on condition that no one be compelled to emigrate and leave his country. O’mar, having granted the request of the inhabitants of the Holy House, ordered a treaty to be written on that subject, which having been given to them, the Christians opened the gates and the Musalmâns entered the city. When the time for prayers had arrived, O’mar said to the Muedhdhin Ballâl, who had during the Khalifate of Abu Bakr gone to Syria and settled there: ‘It is a long time since I have heard thy Adhân [i.e., call to prayers]; how would it be if thou wert in this noble country and pleasant region to utter the shout for prayers?’ Ballâl replied: ‘I have decided with myself not to pursue this occupation after separating from the apostle—u. w. bl.—but as obedience to the order of the Khalifah is one of our duties, I cannot excuse myself from submitting to it.’ When Ballâl rose and began to shout the Adhân, the companions [of the prophet] destined for felicity, remembering their association with his holy and prophetic lordship, were moved and wept.
Hemistich: The melody of the Bulbuls again proclaims thy love.
But those of the friends of the apostle of Allah who wept more than all the others—being consumed by the fire of separation, and exhausted in the desert of longing and fatigue—were Abu O’baydan B. Jurrâh and Moa´adh B. Jabal. When Ballâl had finished his call to prayers, O’mar, rising to hold them, stood in front of the notables, each of whom had the following words on his tongue:
To be led by thee in every prayer
Is my desire as long as I live.
After finishing the prescribed orisons he praised and gave thanks to the Most High, and said: ‘The city of the Holy House, which is one of the most honoured in the inhabited quarters of the world, has, without trouble and without the misery of bloodshed, fallen under the sway of the adherents of the prince of existing beings—the most excellent benedictions and salutations to him—may the leader of Divine grace be our associate; we have held our Friday prayers, which are a firm buttress of Musalmânship, in the farthest mosque, which stands not in need of description.’ When O’mar had terminated the most important affairs of Syria, he appointed Abu O’baydah to be the Governor-General of the whole country, and returned to the abode of his own dignity and honour; but Abu O’baydah, Moa´adh B. Jabal, and several other good and righteous men, died three years after the conquest of Aylyâ of the plague which raged in Syria, departing to the upper paradise—may Allah be pleased with them.
KHÂLED B. ALWOLYD DEPARTS FROM SYRIA TO MADINAH.
On this subject a number of traditions have been commingled, the gist of which is that, when by the efforts and activity of Khâled B. Alwolyd the adherents of Islâm had wrested a portion of Syria from the grasp of the Byzantines, the news spread all over Arabia, whereon a famous poet wrote a Qassidah on the subject, and performing the long journey, recited it to Khâled, who, discerning the elegance of the composition and appreciating its beautiful versification, presented him with the sum of ten thousand dirhems. Some persons, imbued with envy, of which despicable feeling perhaps death alone could divest them, reported this act to O’mar, telling him that Khâled, having put his hands into the public treasury of the Musalmâns, sometimes presents ten thousand dirhems to a poet, sometimes a hundred thousand, and also provides a woman with a dowry. Considering what had been reported to him, O’mar thought also of the destruction of Mâlek B. Nuyrah, and the marriage of the daughter of Mojaa’h,16 whereon he despatched the following order to Abu O’baydah: ‘Khâled B. Alwolyd, having thought it licit to spend the property of the adherents of Islâm, and to squander what belongs to them, is to be deprived by thee of one-half of his property, and to be forthwith sent to Madinah.’ When the command (to which obedience is due) of his lordship the refuge of the Khalifate had reached Abu O’baydah, he acted up to it with such strictness that he left one sandal to Khâled and confiscated the other, Khâled himself consenting with great pleasure and the utmost readiness to surrender one-half of everything he possessed, saying: ‘I am not one of those who, following the inspirations of their own nature, would resist the Amir of the Faithful.’ After Abu O’baydah had incorporated into the public treasury one-half of the property of Khâled, the latter departed to Madinah, and having arrived in that honoured locality, was made happy by attaining the honour of waiting upon O’mar, who, nevertheless, issued orders to deprive him of one-half of his remaining property, whereon forty thousand dirhems more were taken from him and disbursed into the public treasury of the Musalmâns. During the fifth year of the Khalifate of O’mar, Khâled was overtaken by a lethal disease, and said in the agony of it: ‘I have during a number of years been fighting and striving for the religion, and expected to be honoured by attaining the dignity of martyrdom, but could not enjoy that happiness despite the numerous wounds and blows I have received.’ He then exclaimed: ‘I am now astonished and sorrowful because I must leave the world and meet death in this manner.’ In that malady he indited the following as his last will: ‘My arms, horse and my slave are to be used in war, because I love nothing more than to exalt the word of Allah.’ When the property he possessed was ascertained after he had died, nothing more could be found except the just-mentioned horse and arms. This having been reported to O’mar, he said: ‘May God the Most High and Glorious have mercy on the father of Suleimân, for we imagined his circumstances to be different from those which have been now revealed.’ When the bier of Khâled was taken up, his sister Fattimah, the daughter of Wolyd Moghyrah, wept bitterly and aloud for her dear brother; and although the lamentations of unhappy persons were distasteful to O’mar, many deplored the death of Khâled, whereon he said: ‘There is no harm in the relatives of Moghyrah shedding tears for Khâled, provided they do not rend their clothes, do not wail aloud, and do not strike their cheeks; because no one was more ready to obey those in command than himself.’ It is said that one day O’mar saw the mother of Khâled singing laudatory verses about her son, and weeping bitterly. He asked: ‘Who is she, and why is she crying?’ Being told that this was the mother of Khâled B. Alwolyd weeping for the loss of her son, he said: ‘I have seen no woman who had given birth to a man like Khâled; but a blessing is ignored when at hand, though appreciated when lost.’
MOTHANNA B. HÂRETHAH GOES TO MADINAH. ABU O’BAYDAH B. MASU’D THAQFY IS APPOINTED TO WAGE WAR AGAINST THE PROFESSORS OF INIQUITY, AND RECORD OF SOME OTHER AFFAIRS.
When information concerning the death of Abu Bakr had reached the Persians, they made preparations for waging war against Mothanna B. Hârethah Alshaybâny, who had for some time watched their proceedings on the part of the Musalmâns, and was at that time victorious in the Arabian E’râq. On this occasion Mothanna dreamt a dream, in which a man handed him a standard, saying: ‘The power of the Persians has come to an end, and the period of the destruction of their monarchy has arrived! Depart to O’mar and ask him to give thee reinforcements to vanquish and annihilate the enemies of the religion.’ When Mothanna awoke, he assembled some notable men and said to them: ‘I have dreamt a certain dream’— narrating it to them—‘what am I to do? Must I ask assistance from O’mar the Commander of the Faithful or not? What is your opinion concerning this subject?’ They advised him to ask for aid, and he departed with some of his most intimate friends to Madinah; but they lost their road while travelling and were confused. In that emergency they heard an invisible herald reciting some verses on the exaltation of the standards of Islâm and the defeat of the adherents of unbelief and darkness. Mothanna with his companions then followed in the direction of the voice of the herald, and, marching as quickly as possible, reached Madinah after traversing the necessary distance. When they had arrived in that pleasant locality, Mothanna inquired for O’mar, and having been informed that he was sitting in the mosque of the prophet with some Mohâjer, Anssâr and other pious followers, he betook himself there, and, entering the place, uttered a salutation, to which O’mar replied, and then asked: ‘Who art thou?’ He replied: ‘I am Mothanna B. Hârethah Alshaybâny.’ O’mar continued: ‘Thou art welcome! I have heard about thee and know thy character. Tell me, now, where thou comest from, and what is the reason of thy arrival?’ Mothanna replied: ‘We were, during the Khalifate of the successor of the apostle of God, engaged in waging war against the Persians, and having wreaked vengeance upon our foes, have attained some of our aspirations. After the demise of his lordship, however, it has become known that the Persians are engaged in making preparations for war, and now I have arrived with the request that some adherents of Islâm, with some companions of the apostle— u. w. bl.—may be despatched by thee to the Arabian E’râq to reinforce the valiant Musalmâns who are there, and to aid them in conquering the residence of the kings of Persia.’ O’mar replied: ‘I have heard thy words, and I grant thy request. Relate to me now some of the peculiarities of the Arabian E’râq.’ Mothanna replied: ‘The land of E’râq is a country noted for prosperity and blessings. It has a multitude of cultivated fields, is replete with wealth, property and sheep. The soil of that country consists of gold, which is so plentiful that it is despised and accounted to be equal in value to dirt.’ Fârûq asked: ‘What is the character of the inhabitants?’ Mothanna continued: ‘Although they are of strong build and high stature, they are very evil-hearted and cowardly.’ After O’mar had made inquiries, he ascended the pulpit, and after giving thanks to God, as well as salutations to Mohammed the elect—u. w. bl.—he addressed the congregation as follows: ‘O ye people, God the Most High and Glorious has promised that the dominions of the kings of Persia and the possessions of the Qayssars of Byzantium will be conquered by the efforts of His people, and that the treasuries and concealed wealth of these two dynasties will be distributed among them. You are now, courageously hoping for conquest, to depart to the kingdom of the Sasanians, because spoils cannot be gained without the inconvenience of journeying, and felicity cannot be attained without suffering hardships. Do not be tardy and apathetic in this matter, because religious wars lead to the attainment of aspirations, and are in accordance with the injunctions of the prophet, leading to the abode of salvation.’ When the Qoraish chiefs had been informed of the pomp, greatness and exorbitant multitudes of the Persians, they imagined that the words, ‘they are endued with mighty strength in war,’ in the glorious Qurân, referred to them, and being dismayed by the words of O’mar, the defenders of Islâm withdrew their tongues into the palate of silence, and replied nothing. After awhile, however, Abu O’baydah B. Masu’d Althaqfy, the father of Mukhtâr, some of whose exploits will be recorded in the beginning of the third part of this work, said: ‘O Amir of the Faithful, the first man who responds to thy wish and obeys thy command will be myself. I and my relatives shall start at any time thou desirest, with the greatest readiness, pleasure and sincerity, girding our loins to wage war for the religion.’ Then Salytt B. Qays, the Anssâri, who was one of those who had fought in the battle of Bedr, likewise assented to the injunction of O’mar. After these two blessed individuals many others agreed to participate in this important enterprise, and requested O’mar to appoint one of the Mohâjer or Anssâr to command them. O’mar replied: ‘He is to be your commander who has forestalled you on the path of obedience, namely, Abu O’baydah B. Masu’d, and he is one of the number of pious followers.’17
It is said that at the time when O’mar was inciting the Musalmâns to wage war against the Persians, and had appointed Abu O’baydah to the important post of commander, A’mru B. Hazm and Mothanna B. Hârethah were engaged in the plains of E’râq in repelling the opponents and enemies in the same way as during the Khalifate of Abu Bakr. At any rate, when O’mar had given the post of commander to Abu O’baydah, he said to him: ‘I have not appointed Salytt B. Qays, who is more deserving than thyself, commander of the army because he is too hasty in fighting, and, knowing this, I feared that he might bring disaster upon the army of Islâm. Thou must, however, respect and honour Salytt, consult him in every important affair, and not deviate from his opinion, which will undoubtedly be fraught with utility.’ After O’mar had given this advice to Abu O’baydah, he took leave of him and started him on the march to Arabian E’râq with his well-prepared army. When Abu O’baydah had arrived in that country, he hastened, together with A’mru B. Hazm, the Anssâri, and Salytt B. Qays and Mothanna B. Hârethah, to attack Jâbân, whom Rastam Farrakhzad had appointed commander of the army of Khorâsân and E’râq, and whom he had sent with two thousand men to watch the frontiers. After the two antagonistic forces had encountered each other, they drew themselves up in battle array, and, according to the tradition of Aa’thum Kûfi, the first man who placed his foot into the lists of the contest and asked for a champion was Jâbân; whereon four of the Mohâjer, who successively fought duels with him, attained martyrdom. Abu O’baydah then said to Salytt: ‘The Anssâr will effect nothing to-day. They are greatly afraid.’ Hereon Salytt extolled and praised the Anssâr people for their courage, and asked them: ‘Who of you will enter the lists and make an end of this Persian?’ Then a man of the Anssâr, Muntzar B. Fudzah by name, sallied forth to attack Jâbân, and both fought with their lances till at last Muntzar wounded Jâbân, and, having prostrated him from his saddle to the ground, sat down on his breast to separate his head from the vehicle of his body. At that moment Jâbân exclaimed: ‘There is no God but Allah!’18 Muntzar then desisted from his purpose, and Jâbân said: ‘Do not slay me, and I shall give thee a slave-boy with a bondmaid, the like of which none of thy friends possess.’ Muntzar then rose from the breast of Jâbân, and having mounted him behind himself, rejoined his friends. The people of the Rabya’h tribe then asked him: ‘Knowest thou thy prisoner?’ Muntzar replied: ‘He is a man of yonder army.’ They continued: ‘He is Jâbân, the commander of this army and governor of this province. What has he promised thee that thou hast spared his life?’ He said: ‘A slave boy and girl.’ They rejoined: ‘If thou hadst asked him for a hundred boys and girls he would have given them to thee.’ Muntzar continued: ‘Having agreed to this condition I cannot break it, and have no excuse for doing so.’ Jâbân thereon apologized, gave to Muntzar two boys with two girls, and having been enrolled among the number of Musalmâns, attained a high dignity and position. From the context of the work of Aa’thum Kûfi, it appears that this event took place during the government of Yazdejerd [King of Persia], but in the ‘Tarjumat Mostaqassa’ the affairs of the army of Islâm [sic] after the conflict with Jâbân are narrated as follows: After these events the Persians marched to Hirah for the purpose of settling the administration of the kingdom, which had at that time fallen into such disorder that a man was appointed Amir one day and removed the next, till the time when the turn of Yazdejerd’s reign arrived, whereon the monarchy was destroyed. The writer of these pages states that on this point the tradition of Aa’thum Kûfi is not void of improbability, because we read in trustworthy books that not only Jâbân’s profession of Islâm, but the battle of the bridge and the death of Abu O’baydah B. Masu’d Thaqfy, had taken place during the time of the government of [the queen] Tûrân [Dukht] and before the accession of Yazdejerd to the throne of Persia.
THE BATTLE OF THE BRIDGE, MARTYRDOM OF ABU O’BAYDAH
THAQFY, AND NARRATIVE OF SOME OTHER AFFAIRS.
It is recorded in some histories that when the capture of Jâbân and his subsequent profession of Islâm had been brought to the notice of Rastam, who was the Amir of Amirs and supreme governor of the kingdom of Persia, he despatched Jâlynûs with a great multitude to wage war against the Musalmâns, while he himself, having collected a numerous army from Fârs, Khozestân and Khorâsân, remained in Madâin, waiting from what direction the bride of victory and conquest might arrive to display her charms upon the throne. When Abu O’baydah heard of the approach of Jâlynûs, he made haste to meet him. When the two armies encountered each other and had been drawn up in battle array, a sanguinary conflict took place wherein Jâlynûs was routed and returned to Madâin. Some have alleged that after the flight of Jâlynûs, Neshrân, the Governor of Adharbâyjan, whilst others assert that Mardânshâh, the chamberlain, who possessed a strong white elephant, marched with Rastam against the Musalmâns. It is recorded in the ‘Ghoniah’ that when Jâlynûs had after his defeat, abased and disappointed, left the battlefield, he went to Rastam, who then inquired for a man capable of resisting the Arabs, and having been told that Bahman Jâdû was worthy to undertake the task, he issued orders that Bahman should march against the Arabs with a number of grandees and Persian officers; he also commanded Jâlynûs to take charge of the vanguard of the army, and in case he should this time again be put to flight and come to Bahman, the latter was to wreak vengeance upon him for his treachery with the gory scimitar. When the Bani Sâsân [i.e., the Persians] had arrived near the Euphrates and had encamped opposite to the Musalmâns, Abu O’baydah, who was the Amir of the army of Islâm, ordered Ebnu-ssalat [sic], the companion of Qaysu-n-nâttef [sic], to construct a bridge across which the victory-boding army might pass and attack the opponents. Although Salytt B. Qays dissuaded Abu O’baydah from this undertaking, and adduced cogent arguments why the army should not cross the river, he was not listened to, so that at last the bridge was built and the army of Islâm passed over it. When the Persians witnessed the eagerness and temerity of the Arabs, they were astonished, commenced to arrange their centre, right and left flank, and erected the standard of Gâvah, which became known as the standard of Gawyân,19 and is described in the ‘Ghoniah’ as having been the Kesri [Chosroes] banner made of tiger-skins, measuring eight cubits in breadth and twelve in length. When both armies had terminated arranging their lines, the first man who stepped into the lists of conflict was Salytt B. Qays, the Anssâri, who, reciting verses in the rajaz measure, rushed against the lines of the enemy, prostrated the champion whom he had attacked, but received himself many wounds which so enfeebled him that he returned to his friends. On this occasion a detachment of the enemy advanced further with an extremely white elephant, who had a howdah made of brocade on his back. A Persian officer, Shehryâr by name, was with several friends seated upon the elephant, who, having killed some men with his trunk and trampled others under foot, rushed about roaring and trumpeting in every direction. This spectacle having dismayed the army of Islâm, Abu O’baydah, having been apprised of the fact, asked what was the lethal portion of this animal’s body. Some people replied: ‘Its long waist is the mortal spot.’ Salytt B. Qays, who had divined the intention of Abu O’baydah, advised him not to have anything to do with this beast of evil omen. Abu O’baydah, however, unwilling to pay attention to his words, exclaimed: ‘I salute the tomb of Muhammad, and I salute his companions.’ Then he alighted from his horse, assailed the elephant, and cut the girth, so that the people sitting on the animal all fell to the ground. The elephant then aimed with his trunk at Abu O’baydah, which he, however, cut in two, but stumbled when intending to retreat to his friends, and the elephant, falling on his breast, crushed him, so that he forthwith bade adieu to life. ‘To Allah we belong, and unto Him we shall surely return.’20 It is on record that in the night before the battle the wife of Abu O’baydah had dreamt that she saw a man descending from heaven holding a vessel full of some beverage in his hands, and Abu O’baydah with a number of professors of Islâm, whom that pious woman knew, drinking from that vessel. When she awoke she recounted this vision to her husband, and Abu O’baydah replied: ‘The interpretation of this dream is that I and those who have drunk with me shall quaff the beverage of martyrdom.’ Then he said to the chief officers of the army: ‘If I am slain in the battle, let such and such a one take the command after me, and if he fall, such and such a one.’ Thus he enumerated all who had been destined to attain martyrdom, and added: ‘Should all these be killed, then Mothanna B. Hârethah is to take command of the army.’ When Abu O’baydah, and those who had after him grasped the standard of command, had, fighting, departed to the gardens of paradise, the Musalmâns had no longer any strength to offer resistance, and retreated. Then Mothanna B. Hârethah, upon whom the commandership devolved, sent O’rwah B. Zaid Hanttal to post himself at the head of the bridge for the purpose of hindering the fugitives to crowd on it, Mothanna himself taking up his position with a small detachment between them and the Persians, and fighting valiantly till they had crossed the bridge.
According to some traditions, a certain Musalmân, seeing that the army was routed, and thinking that if it were impeded from crossing the Euphrates it would be under the necessity to cease fleeing, and continue to fight the infidels, destroyed the bridge. When the fugitives reached the bank and saw no bridge, they threw themselves into the river, so that those who had escaped from the sword lost their lives in the water. Some narrate that when Mothanna B. Hârethah had assumed the command of the army, the remnant of the victory-boding forces again attacked the Persians, and fought with such effect that they scattered them all over the plains. According to one tradition, four thousand of the adherents of Islâm, having been killed or drowned, departed to the next world. After this defeat Mothanna B. Hârethah Shaybâny crossed the river with all his troops, encamped in a place called Tha’lebah, and despatched a letter by O’rwah B. Zaid to O’mar to inform him of the state of affairs. Fârûq wept aloud, and said to O’rwah: ‘Return quickly and tell Mothanna to take rest in the place where he is, until my reinforcements reach him.’ O’rwah accordingly went back, and O’mar summoned the Arab tribes, and in a short time Mukhanaf B. Salym Azdi arrived at the seat of the Khalifate with eight hundred men of his own tribe, Hassyn B. Moa’bd B. Zarârah with one thousand men of the Bani Tamym, and A’dy B. Hatim Ttây with a great multitude of his tribe, and Mundhar B. Hussyn with a considerable crowd of the Bani Monyah, and Ans B. Hallâl with numbers of the Bani Mohr B. Qâsett. When all these forces had arrived in Madinah, O’mar appointed Jaryr B. A’bdullah Bakhly, who was decorated with the ornaments of shrewdness and bravery, to command them, whereon they marched to E’râq. In due course of time Jaryr arrived in Tha’lebah and encamped with Mothanna B. Hârethah. They then marched together to Hirah, whence they sent out detachments to plunder and to lay waste the surrounding country. The news of these proceedings having reached Madâin, Tûrândukht sent with the approbation of Farrahzâd [the general] Mohrân B. Mahruyah and twelve thousand brave men to attack Jaryr B. A’bdullah. When the notables of the Musalmâns obtained cognizance of this expedition, they collected their scattered forces and waited to see what the future would reveal. When Mohrân B. Mahruyah arrived in those regions, Jaryr B. A’bdullah proceeded to encounter him with his troops ready for combat. When the two armies had approached each other, Mothanna B. Hârethah, who was on the right flank, attacked the left of the enemy, and the fire of battle having been kindled, the army of the Persians having drawn out the hand of conflict from the sleeve of bravery, commenced the fray with such effect that the position of the army of Islâm became untenable and it retreated; whereon Mothanna became impatient, and shouted: ‘O Musalmâns, do not reap the shame of flight, but join me, for I am Mothanna B. Hârethah!’ The warriors being thus incited, assembled in the shadow of his banner, while A’dy B. Hâtim impelled the men of the left wing to fight, and Jaryr B. A’bdullah displayed the utmost bravery in steadying the centre of the army, so that at last all the troops, hoping for victory, had recourse to their scimitars. Mohrân B. Mahruyah, who was celebrated for his dexterity in shooting arrows and wielding the sword, had personally engaged in the fight, but was, according to the tradition of the author of the ‘Ghoniah,’ thrown to the ground from his horse by a lance-thrust from Mundhar, whereon his head was severed from his body by Jaryr; according to the statement, however, of Abu Hanifah Dinwari, Mothanna B. Hârethah had slain that obstinate fellow. When the Persian warriors beheld Mohrân prostrate and dead on the battle-ground, they despaired of gaining the victory, and ultimately became so demoralized that they fled. Hereon A’bdullah B. Salym Allazdy and O’rwah B. Zaid Alttây went in pursuit of the fugitives, slaying and capturing numbers of them, whilst some succeeded in reaching Madâin in the worst plight. When Mohrân had with the Persian grandees departed to the abode of perdition, the Musalmâns plundered and devastated the Arabian E’râq, not ceasing for a moment to accumulate wealth and to make prisoners. At that time Mothanna was informed by some inhabitants of the country that there was at no great distance a locality called Baghdâd, where one day every month great crowds assembled from the surrounding districts, and merchants arrived for the purpose of transacting business, selling and purchasing goods, so that if the army of Islâm were to plunder the mart of Baghdâd they could accumulate wealth enough to spend the rest of their lives in affluence and comfort. After obtaining this information the army marched into the district of Anbâr, where the people took refuge in a fort, after besieging which Mothanna granted quarter to the commander of it. The Governor of Anbâr then waited on Mothanna and was made happy by being allowed to kiss the hand of Mothanna, who then privately spoke to him as follows: ‘My intention is to plunder the bazâr of Baghdâd, and I expect thee to send guides with the army of Islâm to show the way, so that we may on the market-day spoil the business of buying and selling. I, moreover, desire thee to construct a bridge across the Euphrates, that I may pass over it with the army and ravage the place by its aid.’ The Governor of Anbâr acted as he had been bidden, so that the army whose war-cry was victory suddenly made its appearance on the appointed day in the market. Then all the merchants of Fârs, of Ahwâz, of Khozistân, and of the surrounding districts, who had left their homes for the sake of gain, took to their heels, so that much ready cash and property, which the swiftly running courier of the imagination would despair to enumerate, fell into the hands of the army. The plundered merchants betook themselves to Madâin, and, assembling at the court of the daughter of Kesra, complained of the injustice done to them. Meanwhile the news arrived from other quarters that Muyd B. Quttbah Ala’jly and O’ttbah B. Ghazwân had, at the instigation of O’mar, obtained possession of the land-tax of several places in Persia, and were disposing thereof. The prevalence of the Arabs having dismayed the minds of the grandees of Persia, the daughter of Kesra, who was at that time reigning, and whose power had been impaired by the presence of the Arabs, now ordered Rastam Farrahzâd, whom Abu Hanifah calls Rastam Hormuz in his chronicle, to gird the loins of vengeance against the Arab army, and to draw the sword of valour from its scabbard. Rastam being displeased with this injunction, privately expressed himself as follows to some notables and great men of Persia: ‘All this confusion and distress has befallen our country because all our power and authority are in the hands of a woman:
‘No dignity remains in a household
In which hens are crowing like cocks.’
The above words having taken effect, the grandees of Persia determined to find one of the progeny of Parviz, and to seat him on the throne of dominion. After a great deal of search and inquiry, the [surviving] concubines and maids of Kesra pointed out to them Yazdejerd B. Shehryâr, who was leading a despondent life in the province of Essttakhar Fârs. This having been ascertained to be really the case, the notables of the kingdom of Persia and the chiefs of the people rejoiced, and despatched couriers in search of Yazdejerd, who thereon started on the wings of celerity, arrived in due time at Madâin, and, having been installed on the couch of dominion, took his seat on the throne of Naushirwân the Just.
YAZDEJERD B. SHEHRYÂR SENDS RASTAM TO ATTACK THE MUSALMÂNS, AND SA’D B. WOQQÂSS MARCHES TO QÂDESYAH.
When Yazdejerd B. Shehryâr had been established on the throne, he ordered the army to be concentrated, whereon such multitudes assembled in Madâin that the plains and mountains could scarcely hold them. When all the forces had been united at the residence of the king of Persia, Yazdejerd appointed Rastam Farrahzâd to be their commander-in-chief, ordered the doors to the treasures which had accumulated in Madâin during past centuries to be opened, distributed largesses to the simple and the gentle according to their various ranks, and sent letters to the inhabitants of the plain of E’râq, ordering them not to spare the life of a single Arab they could get hold of. The landholders and farmers of that country, having obtained cognizance of the state of affairs, left off negotiating for peace with the Musalmâns, and began to kill them. The position of the Persians having thus gained strength, while that of the Arabs was somewhat weakened, Jaryr and Mothanna despatched a courier to Madinah, asking O’mar for instructions. O’mar was just about to start for Mekkah, and sent a reply to Mothanna and Jaryr, the contents of which were as follows: ‘Your report has arrived, and the true state of the events in those parts has become known. If God the Most High and Glorious pleaseth, I shall, after my return from the Hejâz, do my utmost to reinforce the Musalmâns and those who are in the Arabian E’râq engaged in combating the Persians.’ When O’mar had arrived in Mekkah and had terminated the ceremonies of the pilgrimage, he made haste to return to Madinah, and held a consultation, concerning the evil intentions of the opponents, with men of experience and firmness, whether he ought in his noble person himself to lead an army to Madâin, or to send it in command of a man of authority skilled in war. A’bbâs and A’li and Ttolhah—may Allah be pleased with them— who in the beginning of events foresaw the end of them, were of the latter opinion, and with their approval S´ad B. Abu Woqqâss was selected from among the blessed companions [of the prophet] to be the commander-in-chief of the Musalmân forces. Taking leave of Sa’d, O’mar advised him, saying: ‘Thou art in every place where thou haltest, and in every locality from which thou startest, to send me information of the true state of affairs; and when thou reachest Qâdesyah thou art to encamp there, because that district is fertile and well fortified.’ According to one tradition, Sa’d marched with four, and according to another with six, thousand men, and, having travelled from station to station, reached Qâdesyah. After Sa’d had departed, O’mar wrote a letter to Mûsa Asha’ri, who was the governor of some districts, to despatch reinforcements to Sa’d, whereon he sent Moghyrah B. Sha’bah with one thousand cavalry to Qâdesyah, and also Qays B. Hobyrah with as many men, despatching in his company also Hâshem B. O’tbah B. Abu Woqqâss and Sha’th B. Qays and Mâlek Ashtar.—It is on record that twenty-nine men who had been present at Bedr were in the camp of Sa’d; moreover, three hundred warriors who had been in attendance on his holy and prophetic lordship at the time he conquered Mekkah; the sum total of the noble companions—m. A. b. pl. w. t.—amounting to nine hundred men.—It is narrated that Mothanna B. Hârethah Shaybâny had died before the arrival of Sa’d in Qâdesyah, and that the latter married his relict, whose name was Solma.
Most of the trustworthy historians narrate that when Yazdejerd B. Shehryâr had been informed of the arrival of the army of Islâm in Qâdesyah, he despatched an envoy to Sa’d B. Abu Woqqâss, asking him to send some of his notables to Madâin to tell him what they had to say. The request having been complied with, the following men, accompanied by many others, were sent to Madâin: Loqmân B. Moqarn, and Hanttalah B. Alrabyi’ Alyamani, and Farhat B. Hasân, and A’dy B. Alsohal, and U’ttârid B. Alhajâb, and Asha’th B. Qays, and A´assum B. A’mru, and Moghyrah B. Shybah, and A’mru B. Ma’di Karab. These men arrived in due time at their destination. When they had reached the pavilion of Yazdejerd B. Shehryâr and the Persians had ascertained what they wanted, he admitted them to his presence. The Arabs thereon entered, dressed as they were in Yemeni cloaks, with small whips in their hands and nice sandals on their feet. According to the best-known tradition, the interpreter asked, by order of Yazdejerd, Moghyrah B. Shybah, whom Sa’d had appointed spokesman, what they were holding in their hands, and he replied: ‘Whips.’ This word [sûtt] means, however, in Persian, ‘he is burnt’ [sûkht]. Therefore Yazdejerd said: ‘They have burnt Persia; may God the Most High and Glorious burn them!’ In some books on the religious wars it is recorded that he thereon asked about the name of the sandals [na’lyn], and the interpreter said that in Persian this word means lamentation [nâlah]. Yazdejerd said: ‘They have thrown lamentation into our country’; and, addressing the Arabs, continued; ‘O ye Arab people, the Lord Most High has in the exuberance of His favour exalted us, and given us supremacy over the denizens of the world. The stiff-necked people of various portions of the inhabited quarter21 have placed their heads upon the line of our behests, and have not withdrawn their feet from the circle of obedience to us. You were in our sight the smallest, the most despicable, and the basest of all nations. Some of you have been frequenting our realm as envoys, some as merchants, as mendicants, and destitute persons on account of famines, troubles, poverty, and the want of livelihood prevalent among them. When the Arabs, who live in deserts and feed on lizards, ate our wonderfully delicious victuals, drank our sweet water, and had worn our nice garments, they returned to their country and conveyed this information to the other Arabs, who have now entered our land in crowds, desirous of spreading the tenets of a new religion, and depriving us of the wealth which the Giver of all gifts has bestowed on us. The Arabs resemble the fox who had entered the garden of a man and delighted in eating his grapes. The owner of the garden took no notice of this depredation, saying to himself: “What damage can one fox do to this garden, which contains plenty of grapes and an abundance of fruit?” This fox departed at last from the garden, and informed his companions of the good luck which had befallen him, whereon multitudes of foxes entered the garden and began to ruin it. When the master of the garden became aware of this fact, he immediately blocked every outlet, and, punishing the foxes for their evil deeds, killed them all. I do not know any nation more wretched and uncivilized than you. If I like, I can deal with you as the owner of the garden has dealt with the foxes; but I am unwilling to act in the same way, because I am aware that misery, hunger, and the calamities of poverty have impelled you to undertake this bold enterprise. Now it will be proper for you to return to your country. I shall by way of mercy present you with corn sufficient to load all your animals; I shall give plenty of money and clothing to the Arabs, to send them back with glad hearts [to their country]. If they, however, demur to this proposal, my wrath will befall them in such a manner that not one of them will be able to escape alive from this country.’ When Yazdejerd had terminated this harangue, Moghyrah B. Shybah said: ‘I swear by God that the misery of the Arabs had attained such a height as to compel them to feed on the flesh of lizards, and that to avoid being starved to death they were burying each other alive. Some of them maintained life by eating carrion and drinking blood. If one of these persons was able to get hold of his own cousin, he would slay him to obtain possession of his property, considering the opportunity as great good luck. Our food was of the kind reported to the sovereign of the world [i.e., to your majesty], while our garments consisted of the hair of camels and wool of sheep. We made no distinction between what is forbidden or allowed, nor between what is true or false. This was the state of affairs until God the Most High vouchsafed to bestow on us a noble prophet, with a book worthy of honour. Be furthermore aware that some of us accused him [i.e., the prophet] of falsehood, whilst others believed in him. Both parties contended with each other, first in speech and then with scimitars. At last, however, the professors of truth and sincerity vanquished their foes; those, however, of them who had escaped death followed the example of the saved portion, and made profession of the faith of his lordship. The command of this prince, based on the command of God, is that we should wage war against the opponents of our religion; he has also promulged with his wonderfully eloquent tongue that whoever of us is slain fighting for the religion, his dwelling will be in the paradise above, and that whoever remains alive will become the possessor of the treasures of this world. We invite thee to accept the brilliant [religious] law, and if thou assentest, no one shall invade thy country without [our] permission, and nothing will be exacted from thee except the legal alms and one-fifth of any booty gained [for the public treasury]. If, however, the grace [of professing the faith] is not bestowed upon thee, thou must be prepared to pay the capitation tax, or else to fight.’
It is related in the ‘Tarjumat’ [translation] of Aa’thum Kûfi that, conversing with Yazdejerd, Moghyrah said to him also these words: ‘The humiliation is, that when thou payest the capitation tax, thou wilt be standing with a whip above thy head.’ Yazdejerd, incensed by these words, said: ‘I never imagined that I would live long enough to hear such words from persons like you. It was my intention to be beneficent and liberal towards you, but as you are speaking in this manner to my face, I can give you nothing but earth.’ Then he ordered a slave to bring a little earth into the assembly, but he brought a basket full. He told the boy after that to place the basket upon the head of the greatest and most respected of them, adding: ‘Say to your commander: “I shall soon despatch an army which will slay thee with thy friends, and will bury you in the moat of Qâdesyah.”’ A´assum B. Amru Altamymy took the basket, whereon all the Arabs departed from the assembly of Yazdejerd, went back to their camp, and reported to Sa’d B. Abu Woqqâss everything they had heard.—It is recorded in the ‘Ghoniah’ and in the abridgment of Ebn Jauzy, that the above conversation had taken place between No’mân B. Mundhar and Yazdejerd B. Shehryâr; according to the ‘Tarjumat Mostaqassa,’ however, and according to the history of Abu Hanifah Dinwari, conversations like the above had taken place between Moghyrah B. Shybah and Rastam Farrahzâd. Some historians, however, have impugned the correctness of both these traditions.
Abu Hanifah Dinwari and the majority of historians narrate that when Yazdejerd despaired of negotiating for peace, he despatched Rastam Farrahzâd with one hundred and seventy thousand men with lances and daggers to attack the Arabs. It is recorded in the history of Abu Hanifah Dinwari, that when Rastam arrived in Dyr Aa´ur [monoculous convent] he encamped there, whereon Sa’d despatched Ttolhah B. Khowylad, who has been mentioned before in these pages, to make a reconnaissance with a detachment of other brave Arabs. They obeyed orders, and after marching awhile discovered the army of Rastam in the plain. The companions of Ttolhah said to him: ‘Let us all return from this spot, and thou likewise.’ Ttolhah rejoined: ‘I shall certainly approach the Persian army and reconnoitre it.’ They said: ‘We are of opinion that thou wilt become entangled with the Persian troops, and the result of this affair will be known.’ Ttolhah continued: ‘Fear and misgivings have overpowered your minds. Go wherever you like.’ The detachment accordingly returned, and when the night set in Ttolhah entered the Persian camp, and, walking about, caught sight of a warrior whom the Persians reckoned to be equal to a thousand men; but he was asleep, and his horse tied by his side. Ttolhah hereon alighted from his charger, and attaching that of the warrior to his own, mounted again and departed from the camp of Rastam. When the warrior awoke he knew what had taken place, and immediately taking a fleet horse, hastened with two other men after Ttolhah, whom he actually overtook at dawn and attacked; but Ttolhah sent the Persian hero with one blow of his sword to the infernal regions, serving another man in the same way, and capturing the third, whom he mounted behind himself on his horse. When he reached the camp; and the professors of Islâm knew that he had returned safe and sound, they raised a great shout of the Takbyr, and he afterwards related his adventure to Sa’d. It is related that Rastam Farrahzâd had a skilled astrologer, who knew from astronomical indications and from the positions of the stars that the period was at hand for the Persian dynasty to be removed from the important position of sovereignty, and that the turn of the Arabs to occupy it had come; he therefore delayed hostilities, and remained inactive at Dyr Aa´ur during four months, but when he found himself under the necessity of waging war, he prepared his army for it.
THE BATTLE OF QÂDESYAH. DEATH OF RASTAM
FARRAHZÂD, AND FLIGHT OF THE PERSIAN ARMY.
Copyists of histories and recorders of exploits state that when the Arab and Persian forces were on the point of encountering each other to fight, Sa’d B. Abu Woqqâss, who had been attacked by sciatica, ordered Amru B. Ma’di Karab and other champions noted for their eloquence and fluency of speech to go among the troops and to excite them for the coming struggle, while he himself remained, on account of the just-named disease, with his family in the citadel of Qâdesyah, waiting for the breeze of prosperity to blow. On that day Abu-l-mahjan Thaqfy, with whom Esfendyâr and Rastam22 would have been unable to cope in a fight with the lance, happened to be confined for some breach of discipline in the fort of Qâdesyah by order of Sa’d. Rastam Farrahzâd was occupied in arranging the lines of his army, and ordered it to be divided into thirteen corps drawn out in the rear of each other in lines, while the Musalmâns had not more than three lines. The brave warriors of both armies having determined to jeopardize their lives, submitted to Divine predestination, so that the battle commenced in which no other envoys moved except arrows, and [the warriors being ardent to fight] there was no necessity for permission to draw swords:
What permission needs the sword to shed our blood?
The water flows by standing orders to the thirsty people.
It is said that there were thirty-three elephants in the army of Rastam, all of which were in action on that day, each of them carrying on his back nearly twenty champions. When the elephants were put in motion, the relict of Mothanna, whose name was Solma, and who happened on that occasion to be sitting on the rampart of the fortress by the side of her [new] husband, Sa’d B. Abu Woqqâss, looking at the combat, said to him: ‘On a day like this there would be need for one like Mothanna.’ Then the jealousy of Sa’d impelled him to slap her on the face.—In that battle the elephants trampled numerous Musalmâns under foot, and the white one, who was perfect in fighting, had injured them greatly. That elephant had, during the time of Shâpûr Dhu-l-aktâf, been enrolled in the ranks of the royal elephants, and the writer of these lines declares that the words of Sheikh Nizâmi, in his ‘Sikandar Nâmah,’23 which are as follows, are not borne out by facts:
There are three animals which in three abodes
Are all short-lived and must perish soon:
The horse in India, the elephant in Persia, and cat in China.
Cats live long in China and elephants in Persia, because [this white elephant was still alive, although] from the reign of Shâpûr till that of Yazdejerd nearly two centuries and a half had elapsed; it accordingly appears that an elephant is very long-lived, and perhaps attains a thousand years of age in Hindustân, while he lives two hundred in Persia, but Allah knows best the true state of the case.
It is related that when the champions of both sides had come forward, the Persians, having laid their hands upon their bows, poured a great rain of arrows upon the Musalmâns, wounding and capturing also many of them with javelins and the lasso. Qays B. Hobyrah, witnessing this scene, said to Khâleb B. Ghurfatt Khodzaa’yi, who was the Amir of Amirs: ‘Circumstances require that we should unanimously attack the adherents of iniquity.’ Khâled B. Ghurfatt having approved of this opinion, hereon gave the signal for a general assault to the army of Islâm, who then attacked the partisans of wretchedness, and after using lances drew their swords, so that the fire of the conflict blazed. Zaid B. A’bdullah Tukhaghy, the bearer of one of the victorious banners, was, however, killed, and after him also his brother Arttâ, who had taken the banner, attained martyrdom. Hereon A´assum B. A’mru, and A’mru B. Ma’dy Karab, and Jaryr B. A’bdullah Bakhly, with many other brave Arabs, assailed the opponents from various sides, breaking up the positions of their right and left flanks in such a manner that they penetrated into the centre. Rastam Farrahzâd’s vein of bravery having become excited, he alighted from his charger, and being joined by great and noble Persians, hastened towards the Arab army, with success enough to stagger it to some extent. Abu-l-mahjan Thaqfy, whose feet were chained, was sitting in a corner on the top of the Kiosk, and witnessed the scene, and being impressed by the advantage the Persians were gaining, said to Berâm, the son of Sa’d: ‘I hope thou wilt take off the chains from my feet, set me free, give me arms and the piebald horse of Sa’d, to enable me to deal with these unbelievers in such a manner that they will remember it till the day of the resurrection! I swear by God that, if I remain alive and return to this castle, I shall again put the fetters on my feet.’ Berâm, trusting in his words, took off his bonds, gave him the arms and horse of Sa’d, whereon Abu-l-mahjan mounted the piebald charger, bandaged his face, and making his appearance on the battlefield, galloped now to the right and anon to the left, prostrating officers to the ground in every direction, without becoming known to any of the Musalmâns, who were amazed at the alacrity with which he dealt out his blows. All of a sudden, however, the eyes of Sa’d B. Abu Woqqâss alighted on him from the top of the Kiosk, and he asked: ‘Who is this horseman?’ The people replied: ‘We know not more of him than thyself.’ Sa’d continued: ‘If it were customary to the apostle—u. w. bl.—to make his appearance in a battle-field like this, I would suppose this man to be his lordship.’ Whilst, however, running about and prostrating men, he happened to approach the citadel of Qâdesyah, and Sa’d, looking well, exclaimed: ‘The piebald horse on which this fellow is mounted belongs to me, and so does the cuirass he wears. His movements resemble those of Abu-l-mahjan, and if I knew not that he is imprisoned in this Kiosk, I would say this man was Abu-l-mahjan.’ At nightfall Abu-l-mahjan made his appearance at the gate of the fortress and shook the ring of it, whereon a man who was expecting him opened it; Abu-l-mahjan then alighted from his horse, laid aside his arms, and placed chains on his feet. Afterwards the wife of Sa’d asked her husband about the events of the battle, and he replied: ‘The Musalmâns were on the point of being disgracefully routed, when God the Most High and Glorious conferred the favour upon us of sending a horseman to aid us, and I know not whether he was a Jinn or a human being, but he strengthened the courage of the Musalmâns, and made them victorious after they had become weak and despondent.’ She then queried whether he had ascertained anything about his personality, and Sa’d replied: ‘No; but his horse and arms resembled mine.’ Hereon his wife narrated to Sa’d what Abu-l-mahjan had done from first to last, and then he went to Abu-l-mahjan, praised him, ordered his fetters to be taken off, and said: ‘I have determined not to blame thee any more for drinking wine.’ Abu-l-mahjan replied: ‘I have also pledged myself no more to drink wine.’ Some narrate that Abu-l-mahjan was confined in a room of the castle, and that when the drumming and shouting had increased, he asked a slave-girl what the state of the army of Islâm was. She replied that it appeared to be somewhat critical, whereon he became sorrowful, and having through the intervention of the said girl obtained from Solma, the wife of Sa’d, a horse and arms, he got rid of his fetters.
It is narrated that on the said day Sa’d B. Abu Woqqâss had made an arrangement with the Amirs and confidential officers that, on hearing the shout of the Takbyr the first time from the top of the castle, they should draw out the troops in lines, each man standing at his post and ready for the battle; on the second shout they were to lay their hands upon their bows, arrows, swords and lances; and at the third to make an onslaught upon the enemy. They acted according to this injunction, whereon the fire of the battle was kindled. Ghâleb B. A’bdullah Azdy rushed out from the lines and shouted for a champion, whereon a prince wearing a diadem on his head advanced, but was captured by him and taken to Sa’d. A´assum B. A’mru, obtaining possession of the commissariat of Rastam, succeeded in conveying food and confectionery to Sa’d, who found them delicious, and sent them to the lines of his troops for consumption. O Allah, provide for us!—Meanwhile, A’mru B. Ma’di Karab entered the lists, and engaged in a duel with a celebrated Persian warrior; who discharged first an arrow against him, which cut the bow-string of A’mru in two; whereon A’mru, grasping the waist of his antagonist, succeeded in throwing him to the ground, against which he knocked him in such a manner that he broke his neck. When that humbled fellow had departed to hell with a broken neck, A’mru took possession of his turban and brocade-robe, shouting to his adherents: ‘Act also thus!’ But they replied: ‘O father of the bull, who could act as thou hast acted?’
On that day the elephants attacked the right and the left wing of the Musalmâns, frightening the horses of the victorious troops; whereon A´assum B. A’mru rushed with some men of Yamâmah against the elephants, severed the girths with their swords, so that the men mounted on these animals, and fighting bravely, were slain. The millstone of war had from the first till the dormitory prayers been turning with the blood of friend and foe in that action which the chroniclers of religious wars have called ‘the day of extermination.’—According to one tradition, five hundred Musalmâns quaffed on that day the potion of martyrdom. When, however, a part of the night had elapsed, both parties folded up the carpet of contention and craved for repose. At dawn of the next day, which they call ‘the day of lamentation,’ and when the sovereign of luminaries had raised his standard with a garment of blood, Sa’d threw a ray of consideration upon the interment of the martyrs of Qâdesyah; and according to a tradition of many historians, which would imply a deficiency in the account just given, cavalry troops arrived on that day from Syria to reinforce the defenders of Islâm. The details of these events and explanations of these statements are that when Abu O’baydah B. Jurrâh had received the letter of O’mar, requesting him to aid Sa’d B. Abu Woqqâss, he engaged in recruiting rank-breaking forces, and ordered levies of the Rabya’h, of Misser, and brave troops from the Hejâz as well as from Yemen, to march for the purpose of reinforcing Sa’d and repelling the unhallowed foe at Qâdesyah. He entrusted the reins of the command of the victory-portending troops to the grasp of Hâshem B. O’tbah B. Abu Woqqâss, and ordered many notables, such as Qa’qa’ B. A’mru, and Qays B. Hobyrah B. A’bdu-l-ghouth Almurâdy, and Hâreth B. A’mru-l-i’jly, and Ans B. Ala’bbâs to gird their loins of diligence and to accompany him. Therefore, Hâshem marched with six, and according to the tradition of Aa’thum Kûfi with ten, thousand men from Syria, and after travelling for awhile reached the battlefield on the above-mentioned day; whereon Qa’qa’ B. A’mru, with the dust of the road still upon him, stepped into the lists and shouted for a champion, and was forthwith encountered by two Persian magnates, namely, Dhu-l-hâjeb and Bahman Jâdû, and knowing that one of the two was Bahman, he shouted: ‘By the exploits of Abu O’baydah, and of Salytt, and of Qays, and of those who fought in the action of the bridge!’ Then he drew forth his hand from the sleeve of attack and sent Bahman to hell, in which locality Qa’qa’ soon caused also his companion Dhu-l-hâjeb to join him. The Persian army having become dismayed and broken-hearted by the death of these two experienced and iron-shattering heroes, Qa’qa’ remained standing on the battlefield, and again shouted: ‘Is there any champion?’ Whereon at last two antagonists, the one Fyruzân by name, and the other Bandwân, having tied the fillet of impudence to their forehead, turned to Qa’qa’; but also Hâreth B. Ttabyân issued forth from the ranks of the Musalmâns, and, joining Qa’qa’, slew Bandwân, while Qa’qa’ sent Fyruzân to his permanent abode. It is said that on that day Qa’qa’ made thirty onslaughts, in each of which he sent one of the Persians to the infernal regions, the last of them all being Barzachumihr Hamdâny. The author of the ‘Ghoniah,’ after narrating the exploits of Qa’qa’, adds: ‘Then Quttbah Ala´ur, the prince of Sejestân, came forth, and each of the two [just-mentioned Arabs] slew his antagonist.’
It is related that on ‘the day of lamentation’ one thousand of the monotheists attained martyrdom, while ten thousand of the unbelievers hastened in the direction of Jahannum. When the monarch of the host of stars had declined to the western regions, and the illuminated world had donned the garments of the dynasty of A’bbâs,24 and after one-half of the dark night had elapsed, both armies, being exhausted and afflicted by the contest, ceased to fight, each retiring to its position, but leaving detachments to watch each other. On the third day, called ‘the day of immersion,’ the opposing armies again drew themselves up in battle array, attacking each other with their swords, and arrows which could pass through anvils, throwing dismay into the caskets of hearts, to verify the saying:
Let every intelligent man know
That there is a way from heart to heart.
Rivulets of blood flowed in the plain of the battlefield, and the millstone of war was put in motion by the gore of Arabs and Persians:
Attach not thy heart to this revolving dome; for this machine
Is a mill which is turned by the blood of dear people.
During the height of the battle and strife, when the elephants ran in every direction assailing and scattering the adherents of Islâm, Sa’d despatched a message to Qa’qa’ and to his brother, enjoining them to make efforts to bring to an end the injuries which the white elephant, the largest of them, was inflicting. Those two heroes accordingly deprived the two eyes of the said elephant of the power of vision, and in the same way two other men of the victorious army succeeded, by the orders of Sa’d, in disabling another elephant by means of their lances and arrows, whereon these two wounded elephants began to run, and, the others following them in their flight, broke the lines of the Persians, who were confounded by this catastrophe, and the roaring of both armies became so extraordinary that both ceased to fight that fourth night, which is called ‘the night of howling.’ Describing the action, the abridgment of Ebn Jauzy has also the following passage: ‘They fought obstinately till the morning nearly dawned, and this night is called “the night of howling,” because the people left off speaking and howled; and the retreat of the Musalmâns took place without the permission of Sa’d.’ During that night the Arab?? tribes, such as the Bani Tamym, and Nakha, and Nahylah and Kindah, made onslaughts one after the other, by turns, till daylight, and when the sun rose, Qa’qa’ B. A’mru, turning the troops aside, said: ‘Be one hour patient in fighting, because patience and victory are twins; endurance and conquest are companions.’ On this occasion Qays B. Hobyrah, and Sha’th B. Qays, and A’mru B. Ma’dy Karab, and Ebn Dhi-l-sahmyn and Ebn Albard B. Alhalâli crowded around the standards and said: ‘It is proper that the Persians should not be allowed to jeopardize their lives more than we, and to court death more eagerly than we!’ The troops, having been encouraged by these words of the leaders, doubled their efforts, and fought from the morning of the fourth day till the first prayers. At that time a powerful wind commenced to blow, raising clouds of dust, and throwing to the ground the canopy which sheltered Rastam Farrahzâd, whereon he, unable to bear the heat of the sun, left his throne, and took refuge in the shadow of a mule, which was heavily loaded with silver and bullion. On that occasion Qa’qa’ approached the Persian commander with a detachment of troopers, one of whom, Halâl B. O’lqamah by name, cut the belt of the mule in whose shadow Rastam was sitting, so that the load fell on the back of Rastam; the pain he felt and the fear of losing his life impelled him to throw himself into the river, which was flowing near. When Halâl saw a man with a costly diadem on his head, a gold-embroidered belt around his waist, and a large gold-encrusted cuirass on his breast, leap into the water, he knew who he was. Therefore he immediately followed Rastam, and having pulled him out by the feet from the water, severed his proud head from the body, placed it on the top of a spear, mounted the couch on which Rastam had been sitting, and exclaimed, ‘I have killed Rastam, by the Lord of the Ka’bah!’ Most historians are of opinion that Rastam was slain by Halâl, but Abu Hanifah Dinwari alleges that, according to some, Rastam, having been drowned in the river of Qâdesyah, surrendered his life to the owner [of hell]. It is recorded in the ‘Tarjumat Mostaqassa,’ that when Halâl B. O’lqamah arrived he caught sight of Rastam in the battlefield, who discharged an arrow at him, whereon Halâl approached him, killed him with one blow, and plundered him. Sa’d presented Halâl with all the things he had taken, and among them the diadem of Rastam, valued at a hundred thousand dinârs. It is related in some traditions that Zohrah B. Juyah, who was pursuing the fugitives, encountered Jâlynûs, fought a duel with him, killed him with his poisoned sword, and gave the plunder which he had taken to S´ad, who, however, presented him with the whole of it, though it was worth seventy thousand dirhems; he ordered also that anyone killing an idolater might retain the booty taken from him. It is said that on this battlefield Zorâr B. Alkhattab obtained possession of two shields encrusted with jewels, and, not knowing their value, sold them for thirty thousand dirhems, whereas their actual value was two hundred and twenty-two thousand dirhems. It is related in the ‘Mostaqassa’ that after Rastam and Jâlynûs had been slain, the army of the enemies fled, the adherents of Islâm pursuing, capturing and slaying them, so that one hundred thousand of them were either killed or made prisoners, while three thousand men of the victorious army attained martyrdom. It is said that so many goods of all kinds and cash in gold fell into the hands of the Musalmâns that the calculator of imagination would despair of enumerating them, and would confess his inability to do so. It is said that after the Persians had been routed, an Arab asked, ‘Who will give me white pieces in exchange for red ones?’ meaning, ‘Who will give me silver for gold?’ Two donkey-loads of camphor having fallen into the possession of the Arabs, they imagined it to be salt, but when they had learnt the truth they swapped it for salt, weight by weight.’
It is known for certain that in those times Yazdejerd had issued orders to post men from the gate of his castle in a line, as far as the camp of the army, who were to tell each other what was occurring, so as to convey to him information at the very moment anything happened to take place, and in this manner Yazdejerd B. Shahryâr was apprised of the deaths of Persian grandees as well as of the slaughter and captures in the army. Abu Hanifah states that before Rastam had been killed and the Persian army routed, Yazdejerd had despatched Tukhâr Khân, who was distinguished above his peers by intelligence and valour, to reinforce Rastam with numerous troops. When, however, he had encamped at Dyr Ka’b, he met some fugitives who informed him of the result of the battle. Tukhâr Khân then remained on the spot, and took charge of all the fugitives, but when this became known to the victorious army, it marched towards him, and when the interval between the two parties had become small, Tukhâr Khân, drew out his forces in battle array opposite to the Musalmâns, he himself stepping forth in the exuberance of his temerity, and shouting: ‘A man! a man!’ Zohayr B. Selym Alazdy then came out of the ranks of the combatants for the religion, and took his position opposite to Tukhâr Khân, who immediately alighted from his horse on beholding his antagonist, and Zohayr did the same. The duel began with wrestling, and Tukhâr Khân, having succeeded in prostrating Zohayr, sat down on his breast and drew a poniard; at that moment, however, the finger of Tukhâr Khân happened to get into the mouth of Zohayr, who chewed it, so that his antagonist, unable to bear the pain, jerked himself up from the breast of Zohayr, whereon the latter, grasping the poniard of Tukhâr Khân, slew him therewith. He then took the horse, coat, cuirass and belt of his antagonist, and brought them to Sa’d, who ordered him to don the garments of Tukhâr Khân and to mount his horse. It is said that the first Arab who put a bracelet on his hand was Zohayr.
Qays B. Zobeir having attacked the right flank of the Persian army, prostrated Jalûs, who was its chief and commander. The Musalmâns then began to slaughter the unbelievers in all directions, and routed them in such a manner that everyone able to save his life by flight considered himself lucky, and never halted till he reached Madâin. When, by Divine favour, the standards of Islâm had been elevated, and those of the professors of unbelief and of darkness had been depressed, the companions of certainty prevailed over the followers of vanity, so that the saying, ‘The truth will be exalted,’ was verified. Sa’d B. Abu Woqqâss then despatched a messenger on a swift-footed camel with an account of the victory to Madinah, and in those days O’mar was in the habit of walking out nearly one farsakh in the direction of E’râq to make inquiries from travellers concerning the champions of the religion, and one day he happened to meet a fellow riding quickly whom he hailed from a distance, asking him for news. He replied: ‘The Musalmâns have become victorious, and the idolaters abased.’ O’mar was rejoiced, returned in the company of the camel-rider to Madinah, and interrogated him. The man knew not who his questioner was, but on ascertaining it in Madinah, he afterwards asked O’mar: ‘Commander of the Faithful, why hast thou not made thyself known to me?’ He replied: ‘There is no blame on thee.’ He thereon received the letter and read it to the Musalmâns, whereon the simple and the gentle opened their mouths in praises to the Almighty, made prostrations of gratitude to God, and the rich distributed alms to persons worthy of them.
SA’D ABU WOQQÂSS ENTERS MADÂIN AND OBTAINS
TREASURES.
After the Persian army had been routed and Rastam killed, Yazdejerd collected all the ready money and valuables he could, and departed with them from Madâin; and having sent his treasures in the direction of Nehâwend and the mountain-regions, travelled himself to Jalûlâ. When the ray of this news had shone upon the forehead of Sa’d’s luminous mind, he ordered the whole victorious army to assemble on the bank of the Tigris, and tried to devise means for crossing it, because the enemy had removed the boats so that the river could not be easily passed. On this occasion several of the blessed men who had enjoyed the honour of being associated with his holy and prophetic lordship, and had thereby become prominent, said: ‘It being our intention to spread the word of Allah, and to gain Divine approbation, it is possible that the water, which flows by celestial command, will not injure us.’ Hereon, a victory-portending companion entered the water, and was followed by others, but despite the waves of the Tigris and the depth of the river-bed, the water never reached the breast-bands of the horses, so that all the warriors crossed the river, except one, mounted on a piebald horse. When the Persians saw in what manner the Arab army had crossed the river, they raised shouts that demons had arrived. On that occasion Khôrzâd the brother of Rastam Farrahzâd, whom Yazdejerd had left in Madâin to be his lieutenant, arrived with regular troops and drew them up in battle-array opposite to the Musalmâns near the ferry. Being attacked by the Musalmâns, the Persians were routed, and Khôrzâd, departing from the battlefield, shut himself up in the fortress of Madâin, but nevertheless, afterwards perceiving that there was no remedy except flight, he left the city in the middle of the night by the eastern gate with his followers, and departed to Jalûlâ. When Sa’d heard this news, he despatched Ghiâss B. Ghanam Alghurây in pursuit of the fugitives, and himself started to Madâin. When he arrived in the residence of the Sasanian dynasty, and beheld the gilded palaces, the magnificent edifices, with the variety of produce and food of that country, he uttered with his pearl-shedding tongue the blessed verses: ‘How many gardens and fountains and fields of corn, and fair dwellings, and advantages which they enjoyed, did they leave behind them! Thus [we dispossessed them,] and we gave the same for an inheritance to another people.’25 Opening his mouth in praise to the Divine Majesty, he held in the hall of Kesra and Naushirwân the prayers of victory with eight flexions. There is a tradition that in Madâin so many nice goods and wonderful stuffs of cloth fell into the possession of the Musalmâns, that it never entered their minds they would obtain a hundredth part of them. Most of the historians narrate that in Qâdesyah and Madâin donkey-loads of camphor fell into the possession of the Arabs, that they mistook them for salt, and applied themselves to bartering golden plates for pieces of gold. In the ‘Fatûh Sayf’ it is recorded that among the spoils of Madâin there was a carpet which had been embroidered with gold and was found in the treasury of Kesra. It measured sixty by sixty cubits, and had been encrusted by master-artists with rubies and jewels to represent a garden with flowers and various plants in elegant designs. When the mind of Kesra was in the winter season bent on pleasure, drinking, and exhilaration, he sat down on that carpet, which seemed to the beholder to be a surface adorned with thornless roses and a variety of other flowers. Sa’d despatched this carpet to Madinah without in any way injuring it, whereon O’mar ordered it to be cut into small but equal pieces, and to be distributed among the Anssâr and Mohâjer, so that a handful of it fell also to the share of A’li the Commander of the Faithful, but he sold it for twenty thousand dirhems or dinârs. While Sa’d B. Abu Woqqâss was sojourning at Madâin, the news arrived that Yazdejerd had with some troops departed from Jalûlâ and had gone to Jalwân.
BATTLE OF JALÛLÂ AND THE SUCCESS OF THE ARABS OVER THE PERSIANS, BY THE COMMAND OF GOD THE MOST HIGH.
The author of the ‘Ghoniah’ states that when Yazdejerd had departed to Jalwân, he left Mohrân B. Behrâm Râzy with brave troops in Jalûlâ, and ordered great multitudes to join him from Adharbâyjan, Shirwân, and the mountain regions. Mohrân excavated a large fosse around his camp, and scattered quantities of thorns and brambles in the vicinity of it. When the Arabs heard of this concentration of the Persian forces, Sa’d B. Abu Woqqâss despatched his own brother Hâshem with ten thousand sword-striking, lion-conquering men, who loved the battlefield like a voluptuous assembly, to attack Mohrân. Hâshem marched according to command from Madâin, with Qa’qa’ B. Tamym in his vanguard, Sa’d B. Mâlek commanding his right, and A’mru B. Mâlek his left wing.—Abu Hanifah Dinwari says that Khôrzâd, the brother of Rastam Farrahzâd, who had, after the departure of Yazdejerd to Jalwân, encamped with a powerful army at Jalûlâ, sent a courier to Yazdejerd and asked for reinforcements. On this occasion Sa’d despatched A’mru B. Mâlek to be commander of the forces which were to attack Khôrzâd. After A’mru B. Mâlek had traversed the distance, he arrived in Jalûlâ, and encamped near the fosse of the Persians; when, however, the adherents of Islâm perceived that forces from the E’râq were day by day joining Khôrzâd, they considered it proper to quicken hostilities, and after A’mru B. Mâlek had informed O’mar of this circumstance, he despatched Qays B. Hobyrah with one thousand four hundred cavalry and sixty thousand infantry to aid him. After the arrival of the reinforcements, both armies prepared for a conflict, and drew themselves out in battle-array. A’mru gave the command of the right wing to Hejr B. A’dy and the left to Zobeyr B. Juyah, and ordered the whole cavalry not to transgress the orders of A’mru B. M´ady Karab, while all the infantry were to listen with approbation to the behests of Ttollah B. Khowylad. The Arab and the Persian armies began the fight with bows and arrows, and having spent the latter, worked with their lances, betaking themselves lastly to their swords and heavy clubs. When the sun began to decline, the faces of the opponents became yellow, and they stepped into the desert of flight. The number of the Persians slain was so enormous that all the inequalities of the soil vanished and appeared to be a level plain. In the ‘Ghoniah’ it is stated that the corpses blocked up the passages, and that Jalûlâ was thus named on that account. So much property was found in the Persian camp of ready cash, merchandise, and cattle, that the poor soldiers of the army became rich. It is said that Khârejah B. Al-ssalt, having entered a tent of the fugitives, beheld the figure of a golden camel adorned with rubies and pearls; on the saddle of that statute there was a man of pure gold. He conveyed the just-mentioned statute to the man who had been appointed to collect the spoils. After this great victory had been obtained, Sa’d despatched one-fifth of the spoils, with an account of it, to Madinah. In the ‘Tarjumat Mostaqassa’ it is stated that, according to the ‘Fatûh Sayf,’ O’mar had the booty registered in ledgers after its arrival, and wished to distribute it to the faithful in conformity with their positions and ranks. Someone said: ‘O’mar, put thy name at the head of the register.’ He replied, however: ‘How would I begin with myself, considering that the uncle of the apostle—u. w. bl.—is present?’ Accordingly he made arrangements, first for A’bbâs, then for A’li the Commander of the Faithful with his sons Hasan and Husain; after that, he assigned to those who had been present at [the fight of] Bedr five thousand, to those of Hodaybiah four thousand, and to those who had made profession of the Faith after them three thousand to each; to those who had made profession in Qâdesyah one thousand and five hundred, and to others one thousand, and whoever had achieved an exploit obtained five hundred dinârs more as his share. He reckoned Hasan and Husain, and Salmân [the Persian] and Abu Dharr among the combatants of Bedr, although they had not been there. He gave to A’bbâs twenty-five thousand dinârs, and ten thousand to each of the wives of the apostle; but twelve thousand dinârs to A´ayshah [his favourite wife], who, however, was unwilling to accept the surplus, whereon O’mar said: ‘Accept it, for I know the position and dignity thou hast enjoyed with his lordship the prophet, and I am ashamed by the soul of the apostle —u. w. bl.—to account thee as equal to the others. Take the surplus and bestow it on whomsoever thou listest.’ Here ends the statement of the author of the ‘Tarjumat Mostaqassa,’ namely, the accomplished gentleman Mûllânâ Ashrafu-d-din Husain Khavarezmi.
When Yazdejerd B. Shahryâr was apprised of the battle of Jalûlâ, he, having abandoned the government, hastened to Ray, all the multitude of warriors and countless elephants proving of no avail to recoup his fortunes, so that the saying, ‘When the time is fulfilled nothing can intervene,’ became verified with reference to his case; and how beautiful is the distich:
Do not trust short life, and commit no evil.
In the twinkling of an eye thou wilt see its end.
Meanwhile Sa’d received a letter of the following purport from O’mar: ‘Rejoice now in the possession of the Arabian E’râq, and do not allow the Arab troops to pass beyond the limits of Jalwân. Would that mountains of fire were between the enemy and ourselves, so that there would be no need of fighting, because to us single men are more precious than loads of booty.’ Sa’d then fixed his abode in the district of Anbâr, but the climate proving insalubrious, and fever having begun to spread in the army, he reported the state of affairs to O’mar, who wrote in reply: ‘Find a place full of grass proper for the camp of the army.’ After making a reconnaissance and search, the choice fell on Kûfah, where Sa’d encamped and asked permission from O’mar to commence building in the locality, which being refused, he wished to construct houses of reeds and was allowed to do so. The houses having been constructed, a fire broke out which levelled eighty beautiful edifices to the ground. This event Sa’d again communicated to O’mar, and again craved for permission to build. Thereon orders arrived from the abode of the Khalifate allowing the adherents of Islâm to engage in building, on condition, however, that no one should construct more than three houses, not transgressing the ordinances of the Sonna; so that this [compliance] may become the cause of the perpetuation of the dominion and of the increase of glory and prosperity. Hereon the Musalmâns laid foundations for a town, and commenced to build it. At that time O’tbah B. Ghazwah was, by order of the Khalifah of the period, engaged in founding Bossrah, so that in a short time those two magnificent cities came from naught into the plain of existence. It is said that the conquest of Jalûlâ took place in the sixteenth year of the Hejret [i.e., Hegira]26, and by the advice of A’li, the Commander of the Faithful established in this year the era of the Hegira, whereby the confusion of dates was removed from the nation.
BATTLE OF NEHÂWEND, AND THE SUCCESS OF THE ARABS OVER THE PERSIANS BY THE FAVOUR OF THE MAJESTY OF THE LORD.
After the battle of Jalûlâ had taken place, the sovereign of the Arabian E’râq and of Persia, Yazdejerd B. Shahryâr, unable to find a resting-place anywhere, fled with a number of his courtiers and intimate friends in great haste from the swords of the Ghâzis [i.e., combatants for the religion], and marched till he arrived in the country of Ray, and rested himself in the town of that name from the fatigues and toils of the journey. At this time Abu Mûsa went, by order of Fârûq, with troops to Khozestân, purified that country from the filth of the presence of the idolaters, and sent Hormuzd, the governor of that region, to Madinah, as is recorded in detailed histories. When Yazdejerd B. Shahryâr had been informed of the conquest of that country, he knew that the Arabs would attempt to conquer all the other provinces; he therefore despatched couriers to the notables of Essfarân, of Qum, of Kâshân, of Ttabaristân, of Qûmas, of Dâmghân, and of all the provinces under his sway, with the following message: ‘Foes and antagonists have stretched forth their hands to obtain possession of the dominions of the Sasanian dynasty, and having expelled us from the abode of the Sultanate and the residence of our fathers and ancestors, they are bent upon subjugating the whole monarchy to its furthest boundaries. It being incumbent upon all classes, the simple and the gentle, to defend the country, multitudes of them are hereby enjoined to betake themselves to the district of Nehâwend, there to join Fyrûzân, who is one of the princes of the mountains, my plenipotentiary and appointed by me commander-in-chief of all the troops of Khorâsân and of E’raq, so that he may by the favour of God the Most High ward off the enemy from us.’ The chiefs and princes of the various provinces having with the nobles and notables obeyed the behest of Yazdejerd, prepared for hostilities and marched with the greatest readiness to Nehâwend, so that in a short time one hundred and fifty thousand men assembled in the vicinity of Nehâwend in the shadow of the banners of Fyrûzân, who was celebrated in the inhabited quarter of the world for his bravery, intelligence and spirit. When the rumour of the gathering of the opponents had spread far and wide, A’mmâr B. Yâser, who had, after the removal of Sa’d B. Abu Woqqâss, been appointed Governor of Kufah, sent a courier to Madinah to inform O’mar of the assemblage of the opponents and foes. O’mar asked the messenger: ‘What is thy name?’ He replied: ‘Qaryb B. Tzafar’ [meaning, Near, Son of Victory]. O’mar B. Alkhattâb, having obtained certainty of the prevalence of the companions, continued: ‘Victory is near if it pleaseth Allah the Most High.’ Taking afterwards the letter of A’mmâr B. Yâser in his hand, he ascended the pulpit, praised God, and said: ‘O ye Arab people, the Lord of glory and of beneficence has vouchsafed to you the favour and strength to accept Islâm; then He has caused you to vanquish your foes, and has by His grace elevated the banner of your prosperity. Now, it has become known from the letter of A’mmâr that the notables of Persia have fitted out a large army, and having risen to contend with the Musalmâns, are desirous of entering Kûfah and Bossrah; moreover, they intend, after conquering those provinces, to march against the two sanctuaries.27 What is your opinion on this subject? and who of you will undertake to nullify their wicked attempt?’ The first of the noble companions [of the prophet] who spoke was Ttolhah B. A’bdullah, who, extolling the intelligence and shrewdness of O’mar, professed his readiness to follow and obey his decision, but O’thmân said: ‘It is my opinion that thou must issue orders for calling out all the troops of Yemen and of Syria, and must thyself, accompanying the professors of Islâm, march straight to Nehâwend.’ O’mar being displeased with the words of O’thmân, and desirous to be seconded by the luminous mind of A’li the Commander of the Faithful, asked: ‘O father of Hasan, what thinkest thou of this matter?’ The receptacle of the Vicariate replied: ‘If all the inhabitants of Syria28 leave that country, it is probable that the greediness of the Byzantines will become excited, and that they will enter it; and if the denizens of Yemen also leave their habitations empty, it is possible that the undaunted Abyssinians will conceive the intention of occupying that province. If thou appearest in person on the battlefield and the Persians are apprised of the fact, they may say, “If we can destroy the king of the Arabs we shall be delivered of all our troubles,” and may therefore make greater efforts than they otherwise would. If, which God forbid, thy person were to be injured, the calamity could not be remedied. We have in the time of the apostle of Allah—u. w. bl.—and till now, trusted in the favour of God and not to the number of the troops. According to my opinion, one-third of the forces of Yemen, of Syria and of all the countries of Islâm, ought to remain quiet and comfortable in their places, whilst another third ought to engage in fighting the enemy. Thou must appoint a man to command the army who is adorned with the decoration of valour, foresighted in war and experienced in hostilities. If the figure of victory presents itself upon the speculum of our expectations all will be well, and in the contrary case thou wilt, as long as thou remainest sitting upon the couch of health and security, be able to remedy calamities and to engage in levying another army.’ O’mar exclaimed: ‘I swear by God that the words thou hast spoken are true, and the same have also occurred to my mind.’ Also A’bbâs B. A’bdu-l-muttalleb, of whose advice the young and the old stood in need, approved of the opinion of A’li B. Abu Ttâleb, whom O’mar thereon asked: ‘Who, thinkest thou, is of the victory-boding companions worthy of the post of Amir, so that the troops should in the shadow of his banner engage in eradicating the foes?’ His lordship replied: ‘No’mân B. Muqarn Almazany is the fit man for this business.’ Hereon all the notables, the Anssâr and the Mohâjer opened their mouths in approbation of the lion of attack [i.e., A’li], so that the lot of selection fell upon that blessed man, who had also been one of the companions of his holy and prophetic lordship. After due consultation O’mar gave the letters patent, appointing him commander, to No’mân, and said: ‘I entrust thee with the duty of distributing the booty of Nehâwend; thou must keep the road of equity and allot the property which God the Most High will bestow upon the Musalmâns according to merit, and if, which God forbid, a calamity should occur and thou remainest alive, thou art no more to appear in my sight; because if, after a misfortune had befallen those who fight for the religion, my eye should ever alight upon thee, the wound of being separated from them would become fresh.’ He also issued the following injunction: ‘In case No’mân B. Muqarn should attain martyrdom, Hudhayfah Alyamâni is to be the Amir of the troops, and if a calamity befalls him, Jaryr B. A’bd Aljabaly must take the command of the army after him Jaryrah B. Moghyrah B. Sha’bah is to be acknowledged as Amir, and if he be slain the reins of the transaction of affairs are to be in the hands of Asha’th B. Qays Kindy.’ To No’mân he sent the following message: ‘Thou art to cause A’mru B. Ma’dy Karab and Ttolhah B. Khowylad to accompany thee in this expedition, and to consult them in strategical matters.’ When forces from all quarters had assembled in the shadow of the standard of No’mân, they were counted and found to amount to thirty thousand brave men, with whom he thereon marched to Nehâwend. When Fyrûzân obtained cognizance of the approach of the Arab army, he engaged in excavating a fosse, strengthening also the towers and ramparts of Nehâwend. It is recorded in some books that when No’mân had marched the necessary distance and had reached the vicinity of the camp of the army, he halted half a farsakh from it, and that during two months no other hostilities occurred between them except the shooting of arrows; whereon Fyrûzân, annoyed by the prolongation of inactivity, desired a Musalmân to be sent to him for the purpose of declaring his intention to him. No’mân thereon despatched Moghyrah B. Sha’bah as an envoy, who, on reaching the pavilion of Fyrûzân, asked permission to enter. Having been admitted into the assembly, he beheld Fyrûzân with a costly diadem on his head sitting on a golden throne, in front of which many notables were standing, and the first words uttered by Moghyrah were the following: ‘The companions will not return until they have deprived you of this stronghold, of this precious crown, and of this golden throne.’ Having said these words, he leapt up and took his seat by the side of Fyrûzân on the throne, intending to impress the enemies of the religion by his boldness. The attendants of Fyrûzân, however, incensed by this movement, laid hands upon him, whereon Moghyrah said: ‘I do not know your customs! Take off your hands from me, because it is not usual with monarchs to insult envoys.’ Fyrûzân then forbade them to injure Moghyrah, and said to him: ‘There is no nation on the face of the earth more wretched and more famished than the Arabs. Go and tell thy friends to depart from this country and to save their lives. If they have invaded this country for the sake of food and raiment, we shall bestow upon them what they stand in need of, and shall present them with land enough for their support.’ Moghyrah said: ‘We were destitute, but God the Most High has enriched us by causing us to follow His prophet. We were weak and despised, but by accepting the religion of Islâm we have become strong and respected, and the Sasanian dynasty lost its kingdom and prosperity because your king had torn to pieces the letter of the apostle of God.29 The gist of my words is that you must accept Islâm or pay the capitation tax, or else come out from within the fosse that the Righteous Judge may decide between us and you [in battle].’ Fyrûzân, having turned his face to the pillars of state [i.e., grandees], said: ‘This Arab has uttered words which are in conformity with truth and sincerity.’ He then addressed Moghyrah as follows: ‘Return thou, and I shall come out on Wednesday to attack the Arab army.’ He kept his word, marched out on the said day, drew out his army in battle-array and fought bravely. The battle continued on Thursday, and although No’mân B. Muqarn had attained martyrdom on Friday, the army of Islâm prevailed and gained the victory.
Abu Hanifah Dinwari, whose words may be trusted, states in his history that No’mân B. Muqarn had, after marching the requisite distance, halted at three farsakhs from Nehâwend, whereon the Persian army marched under the command of Mardânshâh B. Hormuz boldly towards the victorious forces, halted near the camp of the adherents of Islâm and excavated a deep fosse around their troops. Thus both armies remained for a long time encamped opposite to each other, the Persians never leaving their entrenchments to give occasion for hostilities. No’mân B. Muqarn, wearied and dismayed by this state of affairs, consulted A’mru B. Ma’dy Karab as well as Ttolhah B. Khowylad, and said: ‘The Persian army is daily on the increase by the reinforcements it is receiving, and is, nevertheless, not budging from its camp. They are sitting at ease and in comfort in their own country, whereas we are far from ours. Such being the case, what will be proper to do?’ A’mru replied: ‘I think we ought to spread a rumour freely and publicly that O’mar has reached the proximity of the mercy of God [i.e., has died]. When the Persian army obtain cognizance of this, they will come out from their entrenchments and pursue us whilst we are pretending to be on the march back to our country, but when they have sufficiently approached us, we shall attack them, and perhaps by means of this ruse the countenance of victory will manifest itself on the speculum of our aspirations.’ No’mân, having approved of the suggestion of A’mru, acted in accordance therewith, so that when the Persians were informed of the return of the Arabs, they hastened after them with great eagerness and full confidence, but when the Arabs perceived that the Persian army could not possibly retreat to their first position, they halted. When the Persian grandees had taken notice of this state of affairs, they were under the necessity of meeting the Arab warriors and engaging in hostilities, so that during that night, which resembled in horror the day of the resurrection, the warriors of the Persians, and the champions of the Arabs, those for fear of their lives, and these from their longing for the gardens of paradise, shut their eyes to the dangers of the contest.
Wednesday morning, when the royal cavalier of the revolving spheres hastened with a gory standard into the azure field [i.e., when the sun rose], the notables of the Persians and the chiefs of the Arabs engaged in putting their armies in battle order. According to the tradition of Aa’thum Kûfi, No’mân B. Muqarn Almazany appointed A’mru B. Ma’dy Karab Alzobeydy with a number of brave Arabs to command the centre of the army, giving the right wing in charge of Asha’th B. Qays Kindy with a crowd who would have deemed it disgraceful to flee, and entrusting the left wing to Moghyrah B. Sha’bah Thaqfy with warriors able to disperse foes by means of their swords and spears, but leaving Qays B. Hobyrah Almurary with a detachment in ambush. The warriors of both armies and heroes of both countries became turbulent and stormy, like the waves of the Indian Ocean; the mill of war revolved on that day till the night, and rivers of blood flowed like water on the battlefield. When the night set in, both parties ceased fighting and retreated to their positions. On Thursday the contest was more arduous than it had been on Wednesday; the Arab heroes disabled the elephants of the Persians with their arrows and swords, but many of themselves were also wounded. If the gently ambling steed of the reed were to jot down all the details of these battles, it is likely that prolixity would hinder the account from being perused. In short, on Friday morning No’mân, having donned white garments, mounted a gray charger, engaged in arranging the lines, and waited for the hour in which his holy and prophetic lordship was generally accustomed to begin a fight, namely, at the time of the Friday prayers, when preachers ascend pulpits and begin the devotions with the words: ‘O Allah, help the troops of the Musalmâns.’ On that occasion No’mân said to the troops which resembled the revolving sphere: ‘I shall give signals by means of the Takbyr; when I shout it the first time, you are to get ready by tightly girding your loins and steadying your horses, the second time you must direct your lances towards the breasts of the foes and draw your swords, and when I shout the third time you must unanimously begin extirpating the foes, and attack them with swords and daggers.’
It is recorded in the ‘Mostaqassa’ that on the day of the battle No’mân incited his men to fight for the religion, shouting the name of the Creator, and said: ‘An intimation from the invisible world informs me that I shall this day taste the potion of martyrdom, and shall have the honour of meeting the prince of existing beings—u. w. bl. —and let after me Hudhayfah Alyamâny be the commander, after him Jaryr B. A’bdullah Aljabaly, and after him Moghyrah B. Sha’bah.’ It is related that when the third shout of the Takbyr of No’mân struck the ears of the victory-boding army, it made a unanimous onslaught upon the enemy, on which occasion a lethal arrow struck No’mân B. Muqarn, whereon his spirit departed to the regions of sanctity; then his beloved brother, Sowyd B. Muqarn, having conveyed his body to a tent and dressed it in a robe, shouldered his sword and mounted his charger, and the Musalmâns beholding him appearing thus, took him to be No’mân himself, so that in consequence of the shrewdness of Sowyd the death of No’mân [having remained unknown] caused no change in the army of Islâm. On that day a Persian grandee, Nûshjân by name, made his appearance on the battlefield, intending to fight, but remained on one spot; A’mru B. Mâ’dy Karab, who wanted to slay the elephant, said to his relatives: ‘I shall attack this elephant. If I slash off the trunk of this beast with my sharp sword all will be well; if, on the contrary, the foes approach me and hinder me, do not fail to come to my aid and rescue.’ Having given this injunction, A’mru approached Nûshjân, who, however, discharged several arrows quickly at him and wounded him. Then the relatives of A’mru advanced, and the followers of Nûshjân likewise, whereon both parties assailed each other. Meanwhile A’mru, watching his chance, cut off the trunk of the elephant, who immediately turned back, but fell prostrate after going a few paces, and perished, whereon the Musalmâns obtained access to Nûshjân, and sent him to hell. Then Jaryr B. A’bdullah Aljabaly with Ttolhah B. Khowylad Alasdy incited the troops whose war-cry was victory very eagerly to fight and to make an end of the contest. On this occasion A’mru B. Ma’dy Karab said to his friends: ‘My mind bears witness that I shall this day attain martyrdom, and that of these two armies the one which is sure of salvation will be victorious. I shall gladly sacrifice my life in the path of God, and having made provision for eternity I shall depart.’ Having by these tender words burnt the hearts of his beloved friends and saddened their countenances, the Amir A’mru alighted, tightened the girth of his horse, mounted it again, drew his avenging sword, flourished it, and, reciting some verses appropriate to the occasion, uttered the Takbyr shout, and galloped towards the enemy, the cavalry of the Bani Mudhaj following his example. When the combatants of both parties had commingled, the horse of A’mru B. Ma’dy Karab happened to fall, but ran away as soon as he had disentangled himself; some Persians then attacked him, and in defending himself his sword broke; he had, however, another, Dhi-l-nûn by name, which he drew and used till it likewise became unserviceable. At last, one Behrâm of the opponents inflicted such a blow upon A’mru with his sword that he departed to the gardens of paradise. After that the army of Islâm dislodged the Persians with a desperate struggle, sending many of the accursed fellows to hell. It is related that the number of the Persians slain amounted to eighty thousand, and Fyrûzân took refuge in the mountains with four thousand of his intimate friends; he was, however, pursued by Qa’qa’ B. A’mru, with one thousand rank-breaking warriors, and slain with all his followers. On that occasion much booty was gained, and after setting aside of it one-fifth [for the public treasury of Madinah], every horseman obtained six thousand and every footman two thousand dirhems, Sâyb B. Aqra’ being the distributor.
It is narrated in chronicles that Tukhâr Khân, who was one of the Persian grandees, and enjoyed a high dignity during the reign of Khosru Parviz, had a wife who was the most beautiful woman of the period; Khosru Parviz, however, associated and commingled with her. When Tukhâr Khân knew this, he separated from his wife, and the Kesra [i.e., Khosru Parviz] having obtained the information, said to him, ‘We have heard that thou possessest a sweet spring, but drinkest no water from it.’ Tukhâr Khân replied: ‘O king, I was drinking water from that spring, but one day I saw a lion walking around it, so that I was frightened and returned no more to it.’ Parviz, pleased with the ingenuity of this explanation, went to his castle, and taking all the ornaments of his women, whose number amounted to three thousand, presented them to the wife of Tukhâr Khân, but to him he gave a crown of gold encrusted with rubies and pearls. After Tukhâr Khân had been slain in the battle of Qâdesyah, his children and relatives buried all these gifts in a certain village and suitable spot. When these people had likewise been slain, an agriculturist and landholder went to Sâyb B. Aqra’ and said to him: ‘If thou wilt give quarter, with security of life and property to me, to my children, and to my followers, I shall point out to thee a treasure the value of which exceeds all bounds.’ Sâyb replied: ‘If thy words be true, thy life and property will not be injured.’ Hereon the said individual guided some confidential men of Sâyb to a place where he made them dig up two boxes, one containing the jewelled crown of the Kesra, and the other the ornaments of the women, which had been presented to Tukhâr Khân and to his wife. Hudhayfah Alyamâny sent one-fifth of the booty and the two boxes, in which, according to law, the troops had no share, with Sâyb to Madinah. When O’mar had ascertained the state of affairs, and had given thanks to God, he said [to Sâyb]: ‘By sending me these two boxes, Hudhayfah wants to lead me into temptation! Now go to Kûfah, and after having sold these things, set apart one-fifth of the money [for the public treasury] and distribute the rest of it among the victorious army.’ Sâyb then took the two boxes to Kûfah as he had been commanded, and sold them to A’mru Makhdhûmy for the price of two thousand dirhems, and the writer of these pages says that to poor people like us a sum like this would be sufficient for life.
The Musalmâns surnamed the battle of Nehâwend the ‘victory of victories,’ because after it they never encountered such a multitude of Persians, and when Yazdejerd B. Shahryâr was apprised of the defeat of Fyrûzân and his death, he was dismayed and embarrassed, and wished to depart from Ray to Khorâsân. On this occasion the Governor of Ttaberistân paid him a visit, and, presenting him with many gifts, said: ‘The country in which your servant is dwelling contains many strongholds and fortresses, as well as a multitude of brave warriors; if the sovereign of the world were to honour that region with his presence, efforts would be made to serve him worthily.’ Yazdejerd rejected this proposal, and, after some deliberation, selected the province of Sejestân, where he marched and dwelt for some time, but afterwards departed to Ttûs, in the fortress of which place he desired to find a refuge. The commandant of it, however, although he sent gifts, begged to be excused from admitting him to it. Having been thus disappointed, Yazdejerd went to Merv, but perished in that excellent province, as will be narrated in the account of the Khalifate of O’thmân B. O’ffan.
During the Khalifate of O’mar, the victories of Damascus, of Fahl, of Ba’lbek, of Hamss, of Aleppo, of Qazwyn, were gained, the battle of Yarmûk took place, Aylyâ [Jerusalem] was conquered, with Qyasserah [Cæsarea?] and the cities of Alexandria, Hirah, Madâin, Nehâwend, Dynwar, Essfahân, Ray and Qûms, as well as Ttaberistân, Ahwâz, Khozistân and Kermân, as far as the boundaries of Makrân and Essttakhar Fârs [Persepolis], with other towns and provinces, as the broken - tongued reed has jotted down in the general account of the events of these times. And now the author returns to his task of completing seven volumes, which will be a sufficient excuse to discerning men [for not recording minute events].
MARTYRDOM OF THE PRINCE OF THE COMPANIONS [OF THE PROPHET], O’MAR B. ALKHATTÂB—MAY ALLAH BE PLEASED WITH HIM—AND ACCOUNT OF THE ELECTION [OR CONSULTATION].
The U’lamâ of histories—Allah have mercy on them— have recorded that in the last days of O’mar’s life, Ka’bu-l-âkhbâr had said to him: ‘Prepare for thy journey to the next world and make thy last will, because not more than three days of thy life remain.’ As he felt no weakness nor pain, he was astonished at the words of Ka’b, and asked: ‘Whence hast thou obtained this information?’ Ka’b replied: ‘From the Torathah’ [i.e., Pentateuch]. O’mar continued: ‘Is there any mention of me in the Torathah?’ Ka’b replied: ‘Yes. Some of thy qualities and acts are recorded in that book.’ At that time the slave of Moghyrah B. Sha’bah, whose name was Fyrûz, also called Abu Lûlû, and who was a Christian, laid a complaint before O’mar, saying: ‘My master daily extorts from me a sum unjustly,30 so that I am reduced to great distress. I hope thou wilt order him to reduce it a little.’ O’mar asked: ‘Hast thou any qualifications?’ He replied: ‘I am a carpenter, a painter and a blacksmith.’ O’mar rejoined: ‘Taking into consideration all these abilities of thine, what Moghyrah extracts from thee is but just.’ He also added: ‘Abu Lûlû, I have heard that thou art able to construct a windmill; if thou makest one for me to grind the corn of the public treasury into flour it will be well.’ Abu Lûlû then angrily exclaimed: ‘I shall construct for thee a windmill, which will become known from East to West!’ After this interview had terminated, O’mar said: ‘This slave has threatened to kill me!’ In short, Abu Lûlû, having determined to slay O’mar, ran to the Mahrâb,31 where O’mar was engaged in conducting the morning prayers of the people, and stabbed him six times with a dagger, a blow under the navel taking lethal effect. O’mar having been conveyed to his house, the physician Hâreth B. Kaldah was asked whether the wounds could be cured or not. When Hâreth arrived, he administered a little milk to O’mar, and when it issued with blood under the navel, Hâreth despaired of the life of O’mar, and said: ‘O Amir, make thy last will, because from a medical point of view thy case is a dangerous one.’ On this occasion Ka’bu-l-âkhbâr made his appearance, whereon O’mar recited two distichs, the translation of which is as follows: ‘Ka’b said to me: Of thy life, O O’mar, three days remain, and there is no doubt of it. By Allah! I dread not the loss of my life, but I am apprehensive of the multitude of my sins.’ Then he said to his son A’bdullah: ‘Go to A´ayshah, and do not speak of me as the Amir of the Faithful, because I am not their Amir to-day, but say to her: “O’mar sends thee his greeting, and asks for permission to be interred by the side of his companion”’ [i.e., Abu Bakr]. A’bdullah obeyed, and the request was complied with. O’mar then again said: ‘When I am dead you are again to ask A´ayshah for permission. If she assents it will be well; but if not, then bury me in the cemetery of the Musalmâns.’ On this occasion the chief Mohâjer and Anssâr requested O’mar to appoint a man worthy to be invested with the important office of the Khalifate. O’mar replied: ‘I have taken this heavy burden upon myself in my lifetime, but how can I continue the responsibility for it when I am dead? If I appoint a man to the Khalifate, he ought to be better than myself, namely, one like Abu Bakr [who is, however, dead]; so it will be proper not to appoint anyone, the prince of the sons of Adam, namely, Muhammad the elect, not having himself appointed anyone to succeed him.’ Some of the people present in the assembly then said: ‘A number of the companions [of the prophet] are willing to see thy son A’bdullah, who is endowed with laudable qualities, appointed to the Khalifate.’ He, however, rejoined: ‘I do not think that one of the family of O’mar could bear this heavy burden without becoming obnoxious and subject to reproaches.’ After one of the friends had again insisted on the appointment of A’bdullah to the Khalifate, O’mar said to him: ‘Thou art attached to A’bdullah, but hast no regard for the nation. How could I entrust the affairs of Islâm to a man who is not cognizant of the circumstances under which he may divorce his own wife?’—These words he uttered because during the lifetime of his holy and prophetic lordship A’bdullah had divorced his wife while she was in a state of menstruation; whereon his lordship, having heard of the case, said to him: ‘Take her back, and, if thou art so inclined, divorce her in a state of purity, so as to act in conformity with the Sonna.’—O’mar then said: ‘There are six men worthy to be appointed to the Khalifate, namely, first of all, A’li, then O’thmân, and Sa’d B. Abu Woqqâss, and Ttolhah B. A’bdullah, and Zobeyr, and A’bdu-r-rahman B. A’wuf. The companions [of the prophet] must three days after my decease elect one of their own number to the Khalifate.’ It is related that certain Musulmâns, having heard this injunction of O’mar, lengthened their tongues of disapproval with reference to the [just-enumerated] candidates; and when O’mar received the information he became displeased, and said: ‘I heard the apostle—u. w. bl.—uttering with his wonderfully eloquent mouth the following words: “I am in no place without my hand being in the hand of A’li B. Abu Ttâleb.” His lordship, one day addressing me, said: “O’thmân B. O’ffan is praying in the night, and the angels of the seven heavens are uttering salutations to him.” I asked: “O apostle of Allah, what is the virtue of O’thmân?” He replied: “Indeed, O’thmân is ashamed to commit sin or wrong in the sight of his Nourisher.” As for Ttolhah B. A’bdullah, when he marched one cold night with his holy and prophetic lordship, the baggage of that prince was about to fall, whereon he opened his pearl-dropping mouth in prayer, and said: “O Lord, whoever alights from his saddle, to arrange the saddle of Thy apostle, be Thou so pleased with him as never to be angry with him.” At that moment I saw Ttolhah getting down and putting the baggage right. Thereon his lordship again said to him: “O Ttolhah, here is Jebrâil [i.e., Gabriel] saluting thee, and saying to me: ‘Inform Ttolhah that at the resurrection no mishap will befall him, because I shall be with him.’” One day Zobeyr beheld the apostle—u. w. bl.—sleeping, and flies gathering on his blessed countenance, whereon Zobeyr occupied himself in warding them off. When his lordship awoke and witnessed the service Zobeyr had been doing him, he said: “O Zobeyr, here is Jebrâil, who salutes thee and says to thee: ‘By that God who has sent Muhammad as a prophet, I swear that on the day of resurrection I shall ward off the fire-sparks from thy face.’” As to A’bdu-r-rahman B. A’wuf, his merit appeared as follows: One day the lord of apostleship was sitting in the chamber of A´ayshah, when Fattimah entered with Hasan and Husain, both children crying from hunger, and Fattimah with them. The prophet, witnessing this scene, said: “O Allah, rejoice him who gives food to my children!” Then someone shook the ring of the door, and it being opened, A’bdu-r-rahman B. A’wuf appeared, bearing in his hand a dish full of victuals. His lordship the apostle having given him leave to enter, he said: “O apostle of Allah, this is a gift.” His lordship replied: “A’bdu-r-rahman, Paradise has been made ready for thee, but God the Most High will also in this world bestow blessings and honours upon thee.” Then his holy and prophetic lordship partook of the victuals with the children, and all were filled. As to the merit of Sa’d, he acquired it in the battle of Ohod when serving out arrows to the apostle—u. w. bl.—who shot them at the unbelievers; and on that day I heard him saying thirteen times: “Shoot, O Sa’d; may my father and mother be a sacrifice for thee.” Accordingly, he who entertains evil suspicions concerning these men [i.e., the six candidates] is injuring his own soul.’ It is narrated in some traditions that, certain persons having asked O’mar why he had not himself appointed one of those six men to the Khalifate, he then mentioned a quality of each of them, which the broken-tongued reed, however, considered proper not to record, on grounds of perfect regard for them.
When the appointment to the office of the Khalifate by election [of one of the six candidates proposed by O’mar] had been decided upon, O’mar said to the Anssâri Abu Ttolhah: ‘Islâm has by your aid become exalted and impregnable. Thou must select fifty men of the Anssâr and superintend the candidates, that they may call no one, and thou art to admit no one. Thou must request and incite them to appoint one of themselves to the Khalifate as soon as possible, and if one or two men disagree with four or five men, thou must cause the sharp sword to decide between the opponents. If three men of the six differ [in their votes] from the other three, thou art to second the party to which A’bdu-r-rahman B. A’wuf belongs. My son A’bdullah is to be present at that meeting, but is not to interfere in anything. After my demise the six companions are to wait three days till they appoint a Khalifah.’—It is on record that after O’mar had nominated those six blessed men to be candidates, A’bbâs, who had become aware of the fact, said to A’li the Commander of the Faithful by way of advice: ‘In my opinion it will be better for thee to keep thyself aloof from this matter.’ A’li Murtadza replied: ‘It is repugnant to me to act contrary to the injunction of O’mar.’ A’bbâs continued: ‘Then thou wilt experience something repugnant to thyself.’ When A’li the Amir of the Faithful heard that preference had been given to A’bdu-r-rahman B. A’wuf, he said: ‘I have been deprived of the robe of the Khalifate.’ A’bbâs asked: ‘Whence knowest thou it?’ The Amir replied: ‘Because O’mar has said that if three men of the six are on one side and three on the other, the Musalmâns must follow the decision of A’bdu-r-rahman and not swerve therefrom; and he being the son-in-law of O’mar, they will certainly act according to it; nor will Sa’d B. Abu Woqqâss, who is the cousin of A’bdu-r-rahman, disregard his opinion, so that, supposing Ttolhah and Zobeyr to be with me, we shall not attain our object.’ A’bbâs continued: ‘O A’li, I have often given thee advice, but thou hast not listened to it. In the last sickness of the apostle—bl. u. h.—I told thee to ask him who should after him administer the affairs of the commonwealth, but thou hast demurred. When his lordship had joined the proximity of God’s mercy, I often told thee that if thou covetest the Khalifate thou must make haste to attain it, but thou hast not approved of my suggestion. I have directed thee not to enrol thyself among the candidates, but thou hast not followed my advice. Now the circumstances of the time and the requirements of honour make it necessary that if they propose thee to become Khalifah, thou art not to open the mouth of assent unless they unanimously propose to pay thee allegiance. A’li, take care of the cunning of these people! They wish to remove us, and to seat another on the masnad32 of the government.’
It is known for certain that O’mar departed to the eternal abode at the end of Dhu-l-Hejjah of the year twenty-three.33 According to one tradition, the duration of his Khalifate amounted to ten years, six months, and four days, but a few days less have also been assigned to it; and Ssahyt B. Sanân Rûmy, whom O’mar had appointed Emâm of the people in his days of weakness, held the funeral prayers over him.
In the book ‘Muwaqa’h Assuhâbah’ it is recorded that A’li B. Abu Ttâleb entered the house of O’mar after his death but before his ablution, and said: ‘O O’mar, may God the Most High have mercy on thee, because I know of no one except thyself whose page of deeds is in conformity with the volume of His acts. It is my desire that my meeting the majesty of the Nourisher should be like thine. I am of opinion that God will not separate thee from His beloved one [i.e., Muhammad], and from his friend, namely, Abu Bakr, for I have often heard the apostle—u. w. bl.— say: “I and Abu Bakr and O’mar have done thus, and have walked thus,” and thy name was always the third of them. May God the Most High pardon thee, O son of Khattâb, for thou hast been conversant with His evident signs [i.e., verses of the Qurân], and hast feared no one except Him, whose name be glorified; thou hast held His commands in very great esteem, and hast, in executing His injunctions, been partial to no one. Thou hast been liberal towards God and parsimonious to thyself, and thou hast been poor in mundane goods but rich in eternal prospects.’ When the people had taken up the corpse of O’mar and conveyed it to the door of the chamber of A´ayshah, according to the injunction of O’mar, and again asked for permission [to inter it by the side of her father, Abu Bakr], A´ayshah—may Allah be pleased with her—said: ‘I shall never withdraw my gift.’ She then interlaced her fingers, lifted up her hands, and wailed: ‘O Muhammad! O Abu Bakr! your friend O’mar has come to pay you a visit, and asked for permission to enter.’ The population of Madinah then raised a unanimous shout of lamentation which made the earth and the heavens quake. After that his blessed body was interred by the side of Abu Bakr. When he died, his agent over Mekkah was Nâfi’ B. A’bdullah Khozaa’y; and over Ttâyf, Sofiân B. A’bdullah Thaqfy; and over Bossrah, Abu Mûsa Asha’ry; and over Kûfah, Moghyrah B. Sha’bah; and over Egypt, A’mru B. A´ass; and over Hamss, A’mru B. Sa’d; and over Damascus, Moa’wiah B. Abu Sofiân. The allegation of some chroniclers, that in one of the nights during the election A’mru B. A´ass had an interview with A’li, and beguiled him so that the Khalifate devolved on O’thmân, is rejected by the U’lamâ of histories and considered to be weak. The arranger of the parts [i.e., our author] says that information on the names of the chaste wives of O’mar, the number of his children, and his meritorious acts in detail, is recorded in extensive books on the religious wars and in biographical works.