TABLE OF CONTENTS.
THE RAUZAT-US-SAFA;
OR,
GARDEN OF PURITY
EDITOR’S PREFACE.
As Abraham, Moses, and King David, Buddha, Ānanda, and King Asoka, Jesus, St. Paul, and the Emperor Constantine, may, from the PRESENT historical point of view, be looked upon as the authors, founders, and establishers of the Jewish, Buddhist, and Christian religions, so Muhammad, Abu Bakr, and O’mar may be regarded as the authors, founders, and establishers of the faith of Islâm. The two preceding volumes of this part have given full details of the life of the prophet from his cradle to his grave; the present volume contains the lives of his four immediate successors, viz., Abu Bakr, O’mar, O’thmân, and A’li.
While traditions alone have to be depended upon in many matters connected with other religions, for Islâm, dates and facts supply the groundwork on which its rise and progress can be faithfully and historically recorded. It was providential in every way that the faith and zeal of Muhammad were followed by the loyalty and steadfastness of Abu Bakr and the boldness and determination of O’mar, rather than by the weakness, vacillation, and favouritism of O’thmân or the procrastination and mildness of A’li.
On the death of Muhammad, in June, A.D. 632, rebellions and insurrections arose throughout Arabia. It was due to the firmness of Abu Bakr that these were promptly put down. His faith in his great master was such that he determined to carry out the ideas and wishes of the prophet even as if he had been still alive. It was this faith which securely laid the foundations of Islâm.
Abu Bakr, duly elected as Khalifah, or successor, in June, 632, ruled for two years and nearly three months, dying of fever in August, 634. The principal events of his reign and of that of his successor, O’mar, may be summarised as follows:
A.H. 11; I.E., MARCH 29TH, 632, TO MARCH 17TH, 633.
Abu Bakr’s election to the Khalifate, June, 632. Expedition to Syrian frontier under the command of Asâmah B. Zaid, and his victorious return in two months, during which time Madinah had been threatened, but was saved by Abu Bakr’s exertions.
Expeditions despatched against the apostate tribes and rebel insurgents throughout Arabia—altogether eleven columns sent out under the commands of Khâled B. Alwolyd and others. All of these were successful in this and the following year, and Islâm was firmly established throughout the land.
A.H. 12; I.E., MARCH 18TH, 633, TO MARCH 6TH, 634.
Campaign in Chaldæa, or Arabian E’râk, first under Mothanna B. Hârethah, and then under Khâled B. Alwolyd, and the victories there.
Campaign in Syria, begun by Khâled Bin Said and others, who were defeated in one action, and did not make any progress against the enemy.
A.H. 13; I.E., MARCH 7TH, 634, TO FEBRUARY 24TH, 635.
Khâled B. Alwolyd transferred from Chaldæa to take the command in Syria. His famous march across the Syrian desert, and reorganization of the armies. Wins a great victory in September, 634.
Further fighting in Arabian E’râk under Mothanna.
Death of Abu Bakr, August, 634. Is succeeded by O’mar B. Alkhattâb, named and appointed by Abu Bakr before his death. O’mar at once removes Khâled B. Al-wolyd from, and appoints Abu O’baydah B. Jurrâh to, the command of the armies in Syria.
Fresh levies for Arabian E’râk, and further fighting and successes there under Abu O’baydah B. Masu’d Thaqfy and Mothanna B. Hârethah. Defeat and death of the former at the Battle of the Bridge. Subsequent victories under Mothanna.
Campaign in Syria continues. Siege of Damascus, December, 634.
A.H. 14; I.E., FEBRUARY 25TH, 635, TO FEBRUARY 13TH, 636.
Capture of Damascus in the summer of 635, and further victories in Syria at Ba’lbek and on the Yarmûk.
Renewed campaign in E’rak. Sad B. Mâlek appointed commander there. Battle of Kâdesyah—a fearful struggle and great Arab victory, November, 635.
Occupation of Hira, January, 636.
A.H. 15; I.E., FEBRUARY 14TH, 636, TO FEBRUARY 1ST, 637.
More fighting in E’râk. Siege of Madâin, which lasted some months.
Campaign in Northern Syria continued. Hamss [Emessa], Aleppo, Antioch, and other towns taken. Heraclius returns to Constantinople. Palestine invaded. Jerusalem besieged and capitulated end of 636, O’mar having come from Madinah to receive the capitulation in person.
A.H. 16; I.E., FEBRUARY 2ND, 637, TO JANUARY 22ND, 638.
The campaign in E’râk continues. Madâin taken March, 637. Jalûlâ captured December, 637. The era of the Hejret, or Hegira, established.
A.H. 17; I.E., JANUARY 23RD, 638, TO JANUARY 11TH, 639.
Kûfah and Bossrah founded. The influence of these two towns on the future destinies of Islâm is described by Sir William Muir in ‘The Caliphate: its Rise, Decline, and Fall,’ p. 135, as follows:
‘Kufa and Bussorah, unique in their origin, had a singular influence on the destinies of the Caliphate and of Islâm at large. The vast majority of the population were of pure Arabian blood. The tribes which, scenting from afar the prey of Chaldæa and Persia, kept streaming into Chaldæa from every corner of Arabia, settled chiefly there. At Kûfa the races from the south of the peninsula predominated; at Bussorah from the north. Rapidly they grew into two great and luxurious capitals, with an Arab population each of from 150,000 to 200,000 souls. On the literature, theology, and politics of Islâm the two cities had a greater influence than the whole Moslem world besides. Service in the field was desultory and intermittent. The intervals were spent in idleness. Excepting when enlivened by the fruits of some new victory, secluded harems afforded their lords little variety of recreation or amusement. Otherwise, the time was whiled away in the converse of social knots; and in these, while they discussed the problems of the day, they loved still more to live in the past—to recall the marvellous story of their faith, and fight their battles over again. Hence tradition and the two great schools of Bussorah and Kûfa. But the debates and gossip of these clubs too often degenerated into tribal rivalry and domestic scandal. The people grew petulant and factious, and both cities became hotbeds of turbulence and sedition. The Bedouin element, conscious of its strength, was jealous of the Coreish, and impatient at whatever checked its own capricious humour. Thus factions sprung up, which, controlled by the strong and wise arm of O’mar, broke loose under weaker Caliphs, rent the unity of Islâm, and brought on disastrous days, that but for its marvellous vitality must have proved fatal to the faith.’
Rising in Northern Syria suppressed, and Cæsarea taken.
A.H. 18; I.E., JANUARY 12TH, 639, TO JANUARY 1ST, 640.
Famine and plague throughout the land. O’mar again goes to Syria. Moa’wiah Bin Abu Sofiân appointed to the chief command there on the death of Abu O’baydah B. Jurrâh.
A.H. 19; I.E., JANUARY 2ND, 640, TO DECEMBER 20TH, 640.
Advance upon Persia. Sus, or Shushan, the ancient capital of Media, taken.
Conquest of Egypt commenced by A’mru Bin A´ass.
A.H. 20; I.E., DECEMBER 21ST, 640, TO DECEMBER 10TH, 641.
Alexandria taken and Egypt conquered.
Persian campaign continued.
A.H. 21; I.E., DECEMBER 11TH, 641, TO NOVEMBER 29TH,
642.
Battle of Nehâwend. A great, decisive, and final victory over the Persians.
A.H. 22; I.E., NOVEMBER 30TH, 642, TO NOVEMBER 18TH,
643.
Conquest of the Persian Empire.
Consolidation of Syria by Moa’wiah, and of Egypt by A’mru.
A.H. 23; I.E., NOVEMBER 19TH, 643, TO NOVEMBER 6TH,
644.
Death of O’mar, assassinated by a Persian slave after a reign of a little more than ten years, November, 644. Is buried by the side of the prophet and Abu Bakr in A´ayshah’s house.
The conquests made during the Khalifate of O’mar are given at page 135 of this volume. It was these campaigns and conquests which established Islâm not only in Arabia, but also in Syria, Egypt, Chaldæa, and Persia. Had the Arabs remained inactive in Arabia, dissensions would have broken out among themselves. Conquest and victory, booty and plunder, brought the tribes together, consolidated them to a certain extent, and laid the foundations of that Arab Empire which, commencing with the foresight of Abu Bakr and O’mar in A.D. 632, ended with the Abbasides at the fall of Baghdad in 1258.
O’mar on his deathbed had named six of the companions as the electors of his successor. These, failing to agree among themselves, placed the election in the hands of one of their number—viz., A’bdu-r-rahman B. A’wuf—who, after deliberation and consultation, appointed O’thmân B. O’ffan as Khalifah the beginning of A.H. 24, or November 7th, A.D. 644.
From the very first affairs did not run smoothly. The jealousy of the family of Hashem and of the family of O’mmaiyah* began to show itself, and O’thmân, weak and vacillating, treated his own relations with too much favour in appointing them to various posts. The recall of Merwân B. Hakum from exile, his marriage with O’thmân’s daughter, the largesses bestowed upon him, and the attention paid to his very bad advice on various occasions, caused great discontent. Again, many of the Bedouin tribes became impatient of the superiority of the Koraish, and factions in Bossrah and Kûfah increased these feelings. The frequent change of governors in these two towns, the inhabitants of which were becoming difficult to manage, also added to O’thmân’s troubles. The recension of the Korân, and a change in some of the ceremonies performed at the Mecca pilgrimage, further raised a feeling of discontent in some places, and added to his unpopularity, which eventually led to his murder after a reign of nearly twelve years, in A.H. 35, or June, 656.
During this period Moa’wiah had held Syria firmly, and consolidated his power there to such an extent that he began to consider himself more as the sovereign than the governor of that province. A’bdullah B. Sa’d Abu Sarj, the successor of A’mru B. A´ass in Egypt, made some conquests in Africa, and gained some naval victories off Cyprus and Alexandria, while A’bdullah B. A´amer conquered Khorâsân, including Nishâbûr, Sarakhs, Merv, Hirat, and other places, to all of which governors were appointed.
On O’thmân’s death A’li Bin Abu Ttâleb was requested by the companions and other notables to assume the reins of government and become their Emâm. To this he consented, and after a little by-play was installed as the fourth Khalifah on June 23rd, 656. His difficulties began at once, and the question as to the punishment of the murderers of O’thmân was continually being raised during the whole of his reign, and was to him a constant source of trouble, though he declined to move in the matter for fear of alienating many of his followers. Against the advice of his best counsellors, A’li determined to remove Moa’wiah and others from their posts without delay. This, and the refusal to punish the regicides, led to the struggles which terminated in the battles of Jamal [i.e., of the camel] and Ssafyn, full details of which, and the events that followed them, will be found in the pages of this volume. Towards the end of his reign the rebellion of the Khowârej, or Kharejites, and the loss of Egypt, wrested from him by A’mru B. A´ass for Moa’wiah, caused him much trouble, annoyance, and grief. But things might have settled down and satisfactory arrangements been made for the future, when A’li passed away, struck down by the hand of the assassin, Ebn Mulajjam, in A.H. 40, or January 25th, A.D. 661.
With the death of A’li ends the second part of Mirkhond’s voluminous history. The third part of it contains the adventures and doings of the twelve Emâms and of the O’mmayad and Abbaside Khalifahs, but it is not proposed to publish the translation of this at present. A summary of the lives of the Emâms, by Mr. E. Rehatsek, will be found in the Indian Antiquary of August, 1876, while Dr. Weil’s ‘Geschichte der Chalifen,’ and Sir William Muir’s ‘The Caliphate: its Rise, Decline, and Fall’ [1892], contain full and interesting information on the subject of the two dynasties mentioned above.
Further translations from Mirkhond may appear hereafter, but the two first parts of his great work are the most valuable. They show how one of the great religions of the world was established with a form of faith simple in the extreme and within the comprehension of even the uncivilized and the uneducated. The Moslem versions of our present Bible stories scattered throughout the Korân are collected and put together by Mirkhond in an interesting way, and show that Muhammad must have been well acquainted with the traditions of the Jewish and Christian religions; but whether he obtained these from oral tradition only, or from oral tradition and from such writings as may have been in existence at that period, it is difficult to say. Anyhow, at present more is supposed to be known about the Korân than about any other sacred writing of the East or West. It was promulgated between the years A.D. 610 and 632, and put together exactly as it is now between the years 632 and 650. We must not suppose that it contains the very words as they fell from Muhammad’s lips in chronological order, for the text was collated in rather a haphazard way, and many of the verses were, perhaps, inserted into chapters to which they did not really belong. Still, making allowance for mistakes, additions, and interpolations by the compilers and copyists, the Korân may fairly be considered as a representation of the ideas which Muhammad wished to convey to his followers and adherents, and as such it has remained unaltered for more than twelve hundred years.
For historical purposes it will be necessary to print and publish later on the biography of Muhammad the apostle according to the tradition of A’bdu-l-Malek B. Hisham as obtained from Muhammad B. Ishâk. These works, written in the eighth and ninth centuries, ought to be compared with Mirkhond’s work, written in the fifteenth century, and the influences of time upon history will then be clearly evident. Moreover, by following the later authors up to the earlier ones, we are brought within a reasonable distance of the life and death of the prophet and the promulgation of the Korân, about which matters the more reliable and trustworthy information we can obtain, the better will it be for general knowledge. The manuscript, containing a complete translation of Ibn Hisham’s work from the original Arabic into English, is now in my possession, and ready for the press.
But the next work to be published by the Oriental Translation Fund, New Series, will be a translation of the latter half of one of the most extraordinary Arabic books in existence; viz., Al-Harìri’s Mukāmāt,’ or Assemblies. The whole work contains fifty stories, or essays, showing the wonderful flexibility and the many-sided meanings of the Arabic language, the richness of its rhetoric, and the wonders of its philology. Of these fifty most interesting productions, twenty-six were translated and published by the late Mr. Thomas Chenery in 1867, and the remaining twenty-four have now been done into English by the well-known Arabic scholar, Dr. F. Steingass. These two volumes will supply a work in the English language which will be well worth the notice of Arabic scholars throughout the world.
F. F. ARBUTHNOT.
22, ALBEMARLE STREET,
LONDON, W.
LIVES OF ABU BAKR, O’MAR, O’THMÂN
AND A’LI.
ACCORDING to the promise given at the commencement of this work, it is now time for the musky reed to engage in recording some accounts of the events and times of the Khalifates and governments of the companions [of the prophet], craving that He who bestows unstinted benefits may vouchsafe me the favour of His grace with the strength of collecting and composing, so that this second part may be terminated by Divine favour after bringing to an end these accounts without exaggeration or diminution.
RECORD OF THE KHALIFATE OF ABU BAKR, WITH SOME
EVENTS WHICH TOOK PLACE DURING IT.
The leading chroniclers—Allah have mercy on them— have narrated that when his holy and prophetic lordship —u. w. bl.—had departed from this world, the abode of misery, to the paradise which is above, the intimate friends and favourites of his lordship assembled in the august mansion, and began to consult with each other on the manner of washing and burying his ambergris body. On this occasion Moghirah B. Sha’bah arrived, and informed O’mar B. Al-Khattâb that the chief Anssâr had congregated in the shed of the Bani Saa’dah, where they were wont to discuss important affairs, and intended to surrender the office of the Khalifate, together with the administration of their own transactions, into the hands of Sa’d B. A’bâdah. O’mar then reported this news to Abu Bakr, whereon both of them, apprehending that injury might result to the foundations of the law and to the palace of the religion, abandoned the corpse of that leader of the world, betook themselves to the shed of the Bani Saa’dah, and were followed by Abu O’baydah B. Jurrâh. The details of this affair are, that when his holy and prophetic lordship—u. w. bl.—departed from this abode of calamities to the other world, those encircled by the garlands of the law became afraid and sorrowful in consequence of the frailty of human nature, because their opponents were numerous and their allies few. Intelligent men became distressed, sorrow for Musalmâns and Musalmânship overpowered the young and the old of them, the flames of envy and jealousy commenced to blaze in the hearts of hypocrites and doubters, all of them propagating rumours, making inquiries, and holding meetings in every corner of Madinah. In the assembly of the Mohâjer and Anssâr, one Abu-l-Hashim B. Altahiân, who was among the twelve chiefs, rose to his feet and recited some poetry to the effect that permanency in this world is impossible, that at present a fearful danger had arisen in consequence of the demise of the lord of apostleship—u. w. bl.—that wise men have become dismayed, and that enemies who had been humbled were now again lifting up their heads because this calamity had taken place; Moseylamah the liar had in Yamâmah, and Ttolhah B. Khowylad had among the Bani Asad, donned the cuirass of rebellion and taken up the buckler of dissension, and although at present the foes are only rejoicing, the future is to be taken into consideration, because the face of to-morrow must be looked upon in the mirror of to-day. ‘Be ye aware,’ said he, ‘for a certainty, and not by way of probability, that unless one of the Qoraish chiefs concerns himself with the Khalifate [i.e., successorship to the prophet], and engages in settling this affair, the people of Muhammad will be more distressed than a flock without a shepherd or a sown field without rain, and I hope that either A’li or Abu Bakr Ssiddiq, or some other man of authority, will address the people on this important matter.’ Then Abu Bakr Ssiddiq made his appearance, and spoke as follows: ‘O ye assembled Mohâjer and Anssâr!1 If any one of you worships Muhammad, he has departed to the vicinity of God the Most High; but if the object of your adoration be the Lord of heaven and earth, namely God the Most High and Holy, He is exempted from annihilation or diminution. If no one is appointed to govern the Musalmâns, the religion will be injured; you must therefore hold a consultation, and elect one who is worthy to be invested with the garland of the administration.’ The adherents of Islâm replied: ‘We shall hold consultation, and adopt whatever measure we may agree upon.’ They then assembled in the shed of the Bani Saa’dah, where Dhu Shahâdatyn Khozaymah B. Thâbet adjured the inhabitants of Madinah to entrust one of the Anssâr with the administration, and not to invest a Qoraishi with the [office of the] Khalifate. The greater part of the people said: ‘Thou hast spoken the truth! We have agreed to be governed by Sa’d B. A’bâdah, and have placed the business of command and prohibition on his neck.’ But Asyd B. Khadzyr demurred to this proposal, extolled the noble qualities of those who had shared the exile [of the prophet], and A’wym B. Saa’dah confirmed what he had said. In short, a difference of opinion having arisen among those people, Abu Bakr, O’mar, and Abu O’baydah made their appearance in the assembly, and beheld Sa’d B. Abâdah—who had on account of some indisposition a blanket on his head—surrounded by a crowd of Anssâr desirous to pay him allegiance. When the noble Mohâjer had entered the shed, and were sitting awhile, Thâbet B. Qays rose to his feet, and having spoken some words concerning the virtues and excellent qualities of the Anssâr, explained that it was necessary to invest one of them with the office of the Khalifate and the administration. Abu Bakr then spoke a few appropriate and cogent words in reply, whereon one of the Anssâr said: ‘Let there be one Amir from us, and one Amir from you.’ As it was, however, evident to all men of experience that it is as impossible for two governors to abide in one place as two swords in one scabbard, Fârûq [i.e., O’mar] desired to speak, but Ssiddiq [i.e., Abu Bakr] beckoned to him to be silent; whereon O’mar withdrew his tongue into his palate, and Abu Bakr said: ‘O ye Anssâr people, we admit your excellence and virtues, neither have we forgotten the strenuous efforts you made in strengthening the foundations of the place of the [religious] law, and spreading out the surface of the religion; but the Qoraish enjoy among the Arabs nobility and excellence not possessed by others. The Arabs will gird their loins of obedience and subservience to nobody except to one of the Qoraish; it will, therefore, be proper that one of us should be the Amir and one of you the Wazir. Be in dread of God the Most High and Glorious, and do not act so as to cause dissension in Islâm, and a breach in the rampart of the noble law!’ Then Moa´an B. A’dy rose and said: ‘O ye Mohâjer people, I swear that we honour and respect you, but I fear that an emergency may arise, which will be against the requirements of justice.’ O’mar said: ‘O crowd of Anssâr, have you not heard the prophet of God say that the leaders must be of the Qoraish, and that this office will be with them only? The Khalifate and Amirate belong to none except to the Qoraish.’ Bashir B. Sa’d said: ‘I swear by God that I have heard this statement from the apostle himself, and I am certain this office will devolve upon one of them.’ Ssiddiq continued: ‘Well done! well done! Thou art a good man, hast spoken properly, and hast perforated the pearl of sense with the diamond of intelligence! I do not covet this dignity for myself, and you must for the good of the professors of Islâm confer it upon one of these two men, namely, O’mar B. Al-Khattâb or Abu O’baydah B. Jurrâh.’ They [both] replied: ‘By no means! The mark of the Amirship is evident on the pages of thy circumstances, and the indications thereof plainly appear in the events of thy life! Thou hast been the companion of the apostle of God in the cave, and the confidant of his secrets. How could we assume this important office despite thy excellence, and thy preceding us in the profession of Islâm?’ After the discussion about the Khalifship had on both sides been protracted till weariness ensued, most of the friends agreed to appoint Ssiddiq Akbar [i.e., Abu Bakr] to the Khalifate and governorship, whereon Bashir B. Sa’d came forward, exclaiming: ‘I swear by God that no one shall forestall me in this act of homage!’ After uttering these words, he placed his hand upon that of Ssiddiq, in acknowledgment of his Khalifship and government. Some have alleged that the first man who paid allegiance to Ssiddiq was Fârûq, whilst others state that he was E’bâd B. Bashir. It is reported in chronicles that when Bashir B. Sa’d paid homage, Habbâb B. Almundher said: ‘O Bashir, why hast thou abandoned the side of Sa’d B. A’bâdah, and hast striven to make him lose his right? All this is the consequence of the envy thou bearest to him.’ Bashir replied: ‘Allah forbid that I should be in this position with reference to my cousin, but I do not consider it allowable to deprive them of the rights of Musalmâns.’ Hereon Habbâb placed his hand on the hilt of his sabre, but a number of the Anssâr having caught hold of Habbâb, pacified him. He then said: ‘What is the use of quieting me? Our opportunity is lost! I fancy I already see your children standing at the doors of these people—i.e., the Mohâjer—and asking for a drink of water, but not receiving it.’ Ssiddiq replied: ‘O Habbâb, acts like these are not to be apprehended from me, or from those who are like me.’ Habbâb, now somewhat abashed, inclined his head, and replied: ‘No, by Allah! As long as we are alive, we shall cultivate friendship and modesty, but such will not be the case in the next generation, when others succeed us and the circumstances change; Allah, however, aids those who trust in Him.’ Having said these words, Habbâb ceased to speak; whereon the Mohâjer and the tribe of Awus eagerly paid allegiance to Ssiddiq, while the Khazraj were greatly dismayed because they had entertained hopes that the office of the Khalifate would be given to their chief, i.e., Sa’d B. A’bâdah. There is a tradition that on the said day the crowding of the people was so great that Sa’d B. A’bâdah was trodden under foot and died, whilst others allege that he was taken to his house alive; and some chroniclers state that Sa’d, having disagreed with the majority, paid no allegiance to Ssiddiq, but departed from Madinah to Syria, where he was some time afterwards killed, at the instigation of one of the magnates of the religion.
It has been recorded in some chronicles that when his holy and prophetic lordship—u. w. bl.—died, the Anssâr unanimously brought out Sa’d B. A’bâdah, who happened to be sick, from his house in order to pay him allegiance, and he spoke to them as follows, after he had praised God the Most High: ‘O ye Anssâr people, you have an advantage of old standing, possessed by none except yourselves, because Muhammad—u. w. bl.—had dwelt more than ten years among his people inviting them to accept Islâm, but they demurred, except only a few of them. At last, however, his lordship threw, by the will of God the Most High, the ray of his inclination upon your country, and made your town his place of refuge and exile, whereon the blessing of the Faith became your share by the grace of the Beneficent Sovereign. You have protected Muhammad—u. w. bl.—and his companions from the wickedness of their foes, jeopardizing your lives and possessions for the sake of God. By this means the affairs of Islâm prospered, and the Arabs submitted to it willingly and unwillingly. When that prince died he was well satisfied with your laudable efforts, and for this reason the office of the Khalifate and Emâmship is due to you.’ The Anssâr replied: ‘What thou hast explained is the very truth, and most suitable! Thou art the best and foremost of us! We know no one except thyself who is worthy of the Khalifate; and if the Mohâjer raise objections on this subject, we shall tell them: “Let there be one Amir from us, and one Amir from you.”’ Sa’d replied: ‘This is the first weakness which you have manifested.’ When O’mar had become aware of this event, he informed Abu Bakr thereof, whereon both of them hastened to the shed of the Bani Saa’dah, where the assembly of the Anssâr was being held, and Abu O’baydah B. Jurrâh accompanied them. O’mar says: ‘I had determined to deliver a speech in that assembly, and when we reached the place I wished to address the people. Abu Bakr, however, interrupted me, and himself began to speak, but, nevertheless, uttered the very sentiments, without exaggeration or diminution, which I had intended to proclaim.’ After Abu Bakr had praised and exalted the Most High, he spoke as follows: ‘God—who be blessed and magnified—has sent the apostle to direct and to guide us to adore Him, leading us to bear testimony to His unity. As the Arabs had been worshipping numerous gods from generation to generation, they found it hard to abandon the religion of their fathers and ancestors, therefore they resisted his lordship secretly and openly, accusing him of falsehood. The Lord, however, who vouchsafes gifts before they are deserved, distinguished the first Mohâjer by instilling into them sincere belief, so that they disregarded the smallness of their own number and the multitude of their opponents, as well as the persecutions and evil intentions of the unbelievers, having no fear of them. They are undoubtedly the men who worshipped God the Most High and Glorious on earth and believed His apostle. They are all of his own tribe, and the most worthy of the Khalifate [i.e., successorship] after the apostle of Allah—u. w. bl.—and no one will wrangle with these men except such as have gone astray from the right path. O ye Anssâr people, we are cognizant of your laudable acts, and of what you have done to promote the bright religion, to elevate the banners of Islâm, and to proclaim the ordinances; this is evident to all our contemporaries, therefore the Amirship is to belong to us and the Wazirship to you, so that no business will be transacted without your consent and consultation.’ Habbâb B. Almundher, being of a contrary opinion, said: ‘O ye Anssâr people, do not allow the reins of selection to be taken from your hands, and do not assent to be governed by others, you being noble and ready. If they demur to this proposal, then let one Amir be from among us and another from you.’ Fârûq then said: ‘Alas! two Amirs will not agree.’ Habbâb replied angrily, using irritating words, and Fârûq retorted in similar terms; at last, however, the office of the Khalifate was by the efforts of Bashir B. Sa’d, the Anssâri, conferred upon Abu Bakr Ssiddiq, as has already been narrated above, and on that day the upper classes paid him allegiance. The next day Ssiddiq Akbar mounted the pulpit and delivered his first harangue; the general public paid him homage, whereon the hearts of the gentle and the simple became confirmed to obey and to follow him.
HOMAGE OF THE COMMANDER OF THE FAITHFUL A’LI—
SALUTATION TO HIM!
It is recorded in some histories that on the second day after the homage to Ssiddiq Akbar, A’li B. Abu Ttâleb was with the approbation of men of intellect brought to a special meeting. When his lordship, the receptacle of vicarship, arrived, he beheld an assembly consisting of prominent Mohâjer and Anssâr, whom he asked why he had been called; whereon O’mar informed him that this had been done for the purpose of his acting in consonance with the companions of the apostle of Allah—u. w. bl.—and likewise paying allegiance to Abu Bakr, as they had done after the latter had been appointed to the Khalifate. A’li said: ‘You have pacified the Anssâr, and elected Abu Bakr to the Khalifate because he is a relative of the prophet— u. w. bl.—and I now, having recourse to the same motive, ask you who in the world is more closely related to his lordship. Fear God the Most High and use no subterfuge, but mete out justice as it has been meted out to you!’ O’mar replied: ‘I shall not let thee go until thou hast paid allegiance to Abu Bakr as others have done.’ The Commander of the Faithful A’li retorted: ‘Why should I care for these words? and I shall not abandon my claim as long as a spark of life remains in me.’ Abu O’baydah B. Jurrâh then said: ‘O father of Hasan, thy excellence and precedence in Islâm are patent to all, therefore thou art meritorious and even more deserving [of this dignity than any other man]; but as the companions of the apostle of Allah—u. w. bl.—have unanimously conferred the Khalifate upon Abu Bakr, thou must likewise consent, and not scratch the face of this arrangement with the nail of opposition.’ A’li replied: ‘O Abu O’baydah, thou, who wast an intimate friend of his lordship and art trusted by the nation, must respect thyself, and not utter words contrary to the truth. Do not act so as to cause the gift bestowed by the Lord of Glory upon the family of the prophet to be transferred to another stock. The Qurân has been revealed in our houses; we are the mine of religious knowledge and of the ordinances promulged by the prince of apostles; we are better acquainted than others with the principles of the law and the tenets of the religion. Do not act according to the inclinations of your nature, because they will injure you.’ Bashir B. Sa’d rejoined: ‘O father of Hasan, I swear by God that if the people had become aware of thy sentiments before the election of Abu Bakr, it is probable that not two men among the companions would have opposed thee; but as thou hast remained sitting in thy house, everyone thought that thou entertainest no aspirations to the government and administration. These words of thine are contrary to the surmise of the people, who have feared that the law might be infringed, and have therefore paid homage to Abu Bakr by surrendering this all-important office into his grasp.’ A’li said: ‘Thou art Bashir, and wouldst have approved of my abandoning the corpse of his lordship the prince of men and quintessence of created beings in the house, caring little how to prepare or to shroud it, and hastening in search of dignity and government.’ Ssiddiq [i.e., Abu Bakr himself] now spoke as follows: ‘O father of Hasan, if I had known that thou wouldst contend with me for this dignity I should not have accepted it. Now the people have paid allegiance to me, and if thou agreest with them, my impression concerning thee was not wrong; but if thou art at present unwilling to pay me allegiance, no trouble awaits thee, and thou mayest return in safety.’ When A’li the Commander of the Faithful had heard these words of Abu Bakr, he departed without paying him homage; but some say that he did so forty days afterwards, and others after the death of Fattimah Zohrah, whilst yet others allege that he paid allegiance after six months.
It is recorded in the ‘Ghoniah’ that when Ali had heard of the unanimous consent of the Musalmâns to pay allegiance to Abu Bakr, he quickly left his house without any clothes except his shirt, and thus went to Ssiddiq to pay him homage. After that he sent a person home to bring his robe into the assembly. According to certain traditions, Abu Sofiân said to A’li before the allegiance: ‘Art thou consenting that the business of government should devolve upon a man of the Bani Jamym? I swear by God that, if thou art willing, I shall fill this valley with cavalry and infantry.’ A’li rejoined: ‘O Abu Sofiân, thou wast always raising disturbances in the time of ignorance, and wishest also now to do so in Islâm; but I know that Abu Bakr is worthy of this dignity.’ It is on record that when Fârûq [i.e., O’mar] had been apprised of Abu Sofiân’s intention to offer assistance they promised to make his son Yazid Governor of Syria, whereon he desisted from his opposition and became loyal.
It is also recorded in the ‘Ghoniah’ that according to some reports Abu Bakr sent the following letter to A’li when the latter refused to pay him homage: ‘From Abu Bakr the Khalifah [i.e. successor] of the apostle of God to A’li B. Abu Ttâleb: But after [the usual compliments I state that]: Verily the Musalmâns have paid allegiance to me and consented to my government; consent thou likewise with them.’ A’li the Commander of the Faithful—peace be on him—wrote in reply as follows: ‘Thou hast written a letter to me, and mentioned therein that the Musalmâns have paid thee homage and consented to thy government; I, however, who have before all other men been ennobled by the happiness of [professing] Islâm and have believed the apostle, take God the Most High and Glorious to witness that I do not assent to thy Khalifate.’ The author of the ‘Ghoniah’ also states that according to some, Borydah B. Alhassyb Aslami having prepared a standard in his tribe, brought it to Madinah and erected it in front of the house of the Lord A’li. O’mar, having been apprised of this event, informed the man that the nation had done homage to Abu Bakr, and asked him why he was acting contrary to this decision; Borydah, however, replied: ‘We pay no allegiance to anyone except to the master of this house.’ After that some companions assembled to interrogate Borydah, and he appeared among them in response to their summons; they asked him what he meant by the words which he was reported to have uttered. He replied: ‘The state of the case is this. Once the apostle of Allah—u. w. bl.—had sent me with Khâled B. Wolyd and other men to march with A’li in the direction of Yemen, and I swear by God that in those days I disliked nothing more than to be near A’li, and liked nothing more than to be far from him. When we had returned from the journey, I first waited upon the apostle of Allah, who asked me how I had left A’li, but I slandered him on account of the aversion I felt towards him in my heart. His lordship felt displeasure, and the signs of it manifested themselves on his blessed countenance, wherein he asked: “O Borydah, do they slander among you the man who will be the foremost after me?” When I heard these words uttered by the wonderfully eloquent tongue of that prince, I said: “O prophet of Allah, I turn back to God and repent of what may be the cause of thy anger; I request thee to pray for me and to ask pardon for me.” His lordship then called out to A’li, who then entered the mosque, and, sitting down in a corner, engaged in arranging his sandals. I then said: “O apostle of Allah, fulfil thy promise, A’li has arrived.” His lordship then said: “O mender of sandals, this is Borydah, who slanders thee and is unfriendly towards thee; but I asked him whether among them a man is slandered who will be the first after me, and he requested me to ask pardon for him.”’ Borydah says: ‘After these words the apostle of Allah— u. w. bl.—prayed for my pardon, and A’li likewise asked forgiveness on my behalf, whereon I returned home.’ It is said that in the battles of Jamal and of Ssafyn Borydah was attending upon A’li.
RECORDS OF ASÂMAH’S GOING TO THE FRONTIERS OF
SYRIA.
When Ssiddiq Akbar had become established in the [dignity of the] Khalifate, he ordered it to be proclaimed in Madinah that none of the troops of Asâmah should lag behind, and that no one whom the apostle of Allah— u. w. bl.—had ordered to march with Asâmah should consider it licit to be tardy. Hereon certain intelligent and discerning companions represented to Ssiddiq that these troops which he was ordering to march with Asâmah on a Ghazâ [expedition] constituted the bulk of the army of Islâm, and that if this became known to certain Arab tribes and Jews dwelling around Mekkah in a state of opposition and rebellion, the departure of Asâmah might become detrimental to the country and the religion, and that therefore it would be better if this expedition could be delayed for awhile. Ssiddiq, however, replied: ‘Though ravenous beasts of prey may tear me to pieces in the absence of Asâmah, I shall nevertheless send him away.’ It is reported that certain Anssâr told Fârûq to ask the Khalifate [i.e. successor] of the apostle of Allah, namely, Abu Bakr, to give the command of these troops to someone more aged and experienced than Asâmah. Fârûq reported this advice to Ssiddiq, who, however, taking hold of the beard of Fârûq, said: ‘May thy mother be childless, O son of Khattâb, the apostle of Allah has appointed him to this part, and thou tellest me to remove him therefrom?’ In fine, Ssiddiq issued orders to Asâmah to hasten to his destination. The latter accordingly mounted his camel and started in the direction of Syria, Ssiddiq accompanying him on foot, despite all the entreaties of Asâmah to mount and allow himself to alight. He ordered the officers of the troops not to commit treachery by slaying children, aged persons or women. They were not to fell fruit-bearing trees, nor to injure monks engaged in churches and monasteries in the adoration of God the Most High. After having completed his admonitions, Ssiddiq returned to Madinah, and Asâmah marched with the troops of Islâm from stage to stage, first attacking the Qodzaa’h tribes according to the injunction of Ssiddiq and plundering them. It is related that in this expedition Asâmah marched as far as the place where his father Zaid had been killed, and he avenged his death upon them. There is also a tradition that having seen no opponents whatever in this Ghazâ, he marched back and safely reached Madinah. It is reported that after the demise of his holy and prophetic lordship— u. w. bl.—factious and perverse men imagined that the adherents of Islâm had no longer sufficient force and power to march forth with an army, and that they might be repelled with ease; when, however, they heard that Asâmah had started from Madinah with so many troops, they were all overpowered by fear, and the Musalmâns rose in their estimation. It is known for a certainty that no one of the army of Asamâh remained behind except Fârûq, and the reason for this was that at the time of leave-taking Ssiddiq informed Asâmah that the presence of O’mar might become necessary in the transaction of important affairs; and that if he thought proper he might give him leave to stay behind, whereon Asâmah complied with the suggestion of Abu Bakr, and O’mar returned to Madinah.
RECORD OF THE MURDER OF ASWAD I’SA BY THE HAND
OF FYRÛZ DYLAMY.
When Bâdhân, the Governor of Yemen, had become a Musalmân, he invited the inhabitants of that country to accept Islâm, whereon they all became Musalmâns, Aswad I’sa being one of them. When Bâdhân departed to the gardens of paradise, his holy and prophetic lordship— u. w. bl.—despatched a number of men to Yemen, each of whom was to take charge of the administration of a place, the details of this affair being as follows: He conferred the governorship of Najrân upon O’mar B. Huzâm, appointed Khâled B. Sa’yd B. Abu-l-a´ass over a place situated between Najrân and Zobeyd, he made A´amer B. Fahyrah Governor of Hamdân, granted the administration of Ssa’na, which is the capital of Yemen, to Shahyr B. Bâdhân, appointed Abu Mûsa over Mâreb, Zyâd B. Wolyd, the Anssari, over the districts of Hadzramant, and in the same manner various places were assigned to O’kâshah B. Thûr, to Mohâjer B. Ommiah and to Ttâher B. Abu Hâlah. He appointed A’li B. Moniah to be commander-in-chief of the whole army, and sent Mo´adh B. Jabal to teach the people of that country the laws and ordinances of Islâm. All these men fulfilled the duties imposed upon them, but when his holy and prophetic lordship—u. w. bl.—returned towards the close of his life from Mekkah and fell sick in Madinah, Aswad I’sa, surnamed A’hylah B. Ka’b, and also called Dhu-l-hamâr, laid claim to prophecy in the districts of Yemen. He was a soothsayer and dexterous in the art of juggling, in which he performed so many strange and wonderful tricks that many persons of the Mudhaj tribe believed him and considered him to be a true prophet. Qays B. A’bd Yaghuth, who was one of the grandees of that country, having strayed from the right path, became his general, and desired to attack Shahyr B. Bâdhân with seven hundred valiant horsemen, and marched for that purpose to Ssa’nâ. Shahyr B. Bâdhân on his part also left the town of Ssa’nâ intending to meet Aswad, and after the two parties had encountered each other, champions sallied forth from both sides, challenged their opponents to fight, and the contest began. The breeze of victory, however, was, at the behest of the Creator of good and evil, wafting in favour of the troops of Aswad, and Shahyr B. Bâdhân lost his life. Hereon Aswad entered Ssa’nâ, took charge of the government of Yemen, and asked the wife of Shahyr B. Bâdhân in marriage, and this woman had a cousin, Fyrûz by name, whom Aswad appointed with another man, called Dâduyah, to govern the Persians settled in Yemen.
It is on record that A’mru B. Ma’dy Kareb, who had waited upon the apostle of Allah and made profession of Islâm, had entertained hopes that his lordship would confer the governorship of Zobeyd upon him; but as that prince had surrendered the reins of the administration of Zobeyd to another, A’mru returned disheartened to his country. When Aswad I’sa laid claim to prophetship and A’mru apostatized, he became an adherent of Aswad, whose affairs prospered by his adherence so that he became master of the whole of Yemen, wherefore the minds of the professors of Islâm became overpowered by fear so that they dispersed, and O’mar [B. Huzâm] returned with Khâled to Madinah, while others gathered around Ttâher B. Abu Hâlah. When his holy and prophetic lordship—u. w. bl.—was apprised of what had taken place, he wrote a letter to his officers commanding them to attack the false pretender. The hearts of the professors of Islâm having been comforted, Mo´adh B. Jabal, who had been in hiding for fear of Aswad, made the greatest efforts to put a stop to the wicked attempts of that accursed fellow.
It is on record that in those days Qays B. A’bd Yaghuth, Fyrûz and Dâduyah, whom Aswad trusted, were dismayed at his perverse actions, so that when the noble letter of the apostle of Allah—u. w. bl.—arrived, these three men agreed to kill Aswad. They looked for an opportunity, and made those who were of the same opinion with them consent to the proposal of slaying him. It is said that Aswad had a Satan who secretly conveyed news to him, so that when he had become aware of what was going to take place he privately summoned Qays, and said to him: ‘Thou hast, with a number of other men, conspired to slay me, but it is possible that such a calamity may befall yourselves.’ Qays hereon swore by the life of Aswad that such a thing was not contemplated, and, leaving Aswad, informed his friends what Aswad said, telling them that they must be on their guard because he might possibly inflict a great injury upon them. Meanwhile a letter from A´amer B. Shahyr and Dhy-l-Kalâgh and from other great Amirs who were discontented arrived, and its contents were as follows: ‘You must make strenuous efforts to ruin and to annihilate Aswad, and we are steadfast in our determination to second your efforts and to aid you.’ Fyrûz says: ‘After that a company of us agreed to kill Aswad. I paid a visit to his wife, who was the daughter of my uncle and a trustworthy Musalmân woman, to inform her of our plot, and that true believing person replied: “I have not seen a worse man than him; he is drinking all night and sleeping till dinner-time, nor does he perform an ablution after the emission of sperm. I have concocted a stratagem that you come to a certain garden at an appointed time when I shall inform you in what house he is going to spend the night, because he is suspicious of his own Amirs and intimates, and his castle is full of watchmen. You must come during the night, dig a hole in the place where he is, surprise him, and slay him.”’ Fyrûz continues: ‘At nightfall I proceeded with Dâduyah and Qays B. A’bd Yaghuth to the appointed place. When we had bored through the wall, I asked which of us was to enter the house, but Dâduyah replied that, being aged, his blow might possibly not produce the desired effect, and when I asked Qays, he said that he felt alarmed whenever he had to fight, and by the awakening of Aswad his attempt to destroy him might be foiled. After my companions had thus disappointed me, I was under the necessity of myself entering the house, but had, in the haste in which I was, forgotten to take my sword; I was inclined to return and to bring it, but, fearing that meanwhile Aswad might awake, I, being at that time a very strong man, rushed upon him, took hold of his beard with one hand, twisting his neck with the other so that it broke and he roared. The watchmen, having heard his unhallowed voice, became confused, assembled at the door, and asked his wife what had befallen their prophet. She beckoned to them to remain quiet, and told them that this was the time of the descent of a Divine revelation, on account of the weight of which the prophet was moaning.’ Fyrûz continues: ‘Then Qays entered the apartment and separated the head of Aswad from his body. We departed to our houses and slept. When the morning dawned I shouted the call to prayers, and many of the adherents of Aswad having heard it, snatched up their arms and rushed at us, whereon we threw the corpse of Aswad before them. When they beheld their lord and prophet in this condition they dispersed, each hiding in a corner. The religion of Islâm having been strengthened and made secure by our swords, Mo´adh B. Jabal and all the other adherents of the Faith of Muhammad who had lain in concealment now came out, and we despatched the news of this victory to the Khalifah [i.e., successor] of the apostle of God.’ It is said that the dominion of Aswad in Yemen lasted three months, and that the first repulse of Islâm in that country had been effected by that accursed fellow.
HARANGUE OF SSIDDIQ, AND ACCOUNT OF SOME
APOSTATES.
Historians have narrated that when Abu Bakr Ssiddiq had become established in the Khalifate, he delivered the following harangue in a select assembly after he had praised God—whose magnificence be exalted: ‘O ye people, be ye aware and apprised that the compact of governing you is established and fixed on my neck. Aid me with your wishes and advice if my life is in conformity with justice and philanthropy, but admonish me when I am remiss or faulty in the execution of my duties. Abstain from flattering and cajoling me, because to speak the truth is honesty, and to utter falsehood is treachery. Be certain that the weakest person is strong enough for me to cause me to mete out justice to him. Be aware that no men are tardy in encountering the opponents of the Faith without becoming abased and despised, nor can any nation be rebellious and forward in opposition without being overtaken by the vicissitudes of time and sudden calamities. You are to obey and follow me as long as I continue to obey the Creator of the world and of its denizens; but if I perpetrate any act contrary to the ordinances of God, you must likewise abandon loyalty and obedience to me. Farewell.’ When Ssiddiq had terminated this allocution, he came down from the pulpit, returned to his house, and engaged with all his might in the discharge of the arduous duties of the Khalifate.
A short time afterwards disheartening news arrived from various quarters, that certain Arabs had not only rebelled and apostatized, but that some were laying claims to prophecy, whilst others kept the dues to the public treasury in abeyance, and others, having addicted themselves to ease, neglected prayers and fasting. Ttolhah B. Khowylad Asdy pretended to be a prophet, and was followed by numbers of the Bani Asad. Also Moseylamah the liar proclaimed himself in Yamâmah as a prophet, and gathered many under his deceitful banner. A number of Arabs having been led astray in Moussul by a woman, Sajâh, the daughter of Mundher, considered her to be their prophetess, and girded up their loins in her service to transgression and apostasy. In the same manner the Bani A´amer and Ghuttafân, the Bani Salym, the Bani Tamym, with numerous Arab tribes, to record whom would be prolix, stepped out from the circle of obedience. If the sweetly ambling courser of the reed were to enter the plain of the details of every event, the account would be greatly prolonged, and therefore it will be recorded in a brief manner. In fine, when Ssiddiq had been informed of the apostasy of the Arabs, he exerted himself with all his might in despatching rank-breaking champions and man-slaying braves to overthrow and conquer the rebels, in order to renovate the tenets of the brilliant law. Of the various commanders whom he sent against the opponents, one was Khâled B. Alwolyd, who marched with three thousand men to attack Ttolhah B. Khowylad Asdy and some other apostates.
RECORD OF THE EXPEDITION OF KHÂLED B. ALWOLYD
AGAINST TTOLHAH B. KHOWYLAD, AND THE KILLING OF
SALMY, A DAUGHTER OF MÂLEK.
When Asâmah had returned from the boundaries of Syria with success and joy, and the legal alms had been recovered from certain tribes who had first demurred to pay them, Abu Bakr occupied himself, in the beginning of the twelfth year of the Hegira,2 in fitting out and preparing the victory-boding army, and started from Madinah with the intention of marching against Ttolhah B. Khowylad. When he had reached Dhy-l-Khalifah, which is one stage from the city, A’li the Commander of the Faithful took hold of the bridle of his camel, and requested him, in conformity with the circumstances of the time, to abandon this expedition and to send another man to attack Ttolhah. Accordingly he appointed Khâled and returned. At that time Ttolhah had stopped at Buzahah, which is a locality near the wells of the Bani Asad, and was there encamped with his army. This same Ttolhah had, during the lifetime of his holy and prophetic lordship, made profession of the Faith and attained the honour of companionship. It is said that Ttolhah returned in the time of the Apostle of Allah from Madinah to his own tribe, where he made apostasy his motto, set himself up as a prophet, excused the people from prayers and fasting, considering also the wearing of a belt [of Judaism] allowable. On account of these facilities and Satanic inspirations, numbers of the Bani Asad believed in his apostleship; he was joined also by Ghotyah B. Hussin, by the Bani Qorârah, and by A’mru B. Ma’dy Kareb. His affairs prospered after the demise of his lordship the asylum of the apostolate—u. w. bl.—and when Khâled B. Alwolyd had approached the army of Ttolhah he sent forth O’Kashah B. Mohassin and Thâbet B. Arqam, who were great companions [of the prophet], to reconnoitre the position of the opponents. These two honoured men departed by order of Khâled to the camp of Ttolhah, and it so happened that while they were on the way, Ttolhah had with his brother Salmah left their camp in order to learn something about Khâled, and they met O’Kâshah with Thâbet. Salmah assaulted Thâbet, killing him outright whilst O’Kâshah and Ttolhah were fighting with each other; but the latter being unable to cope with his antagonist, called out to Salmah, who immediately came to the aid of his brother, and they, having caused also O’Kâshah to taste the beverage of martyrdom, again returned to their camp. When the army of Islâm arrived at the spot of the contest, they found O’Kâshah and Thâbet slain, and felt that they could have recourse to nothing but resignation and submission [to fate]. As both parties were approaching each other, Khâled repeatedly sent messengers to Ttolhah advising him to desist from his antagonism and to abandon this useless strife, but they made no more impression upon him than raindrops on flint-stones. When Khâled despaired of coming to an agreement with Ttolhah, he drew out his forces in lines, appointing A’dy B. Hatim Ttây over the right, and the son of Zaydu-l-hayl to the left flank, he himself taking command of the centre of the army. Ttolhah displayed the forces of the Bani Asad, Ghuttafân, and Qorârah opposite to the army of Islâm, but himself sat down on a spot with a garment over his head, telling the combatants that he was waiting for the descent of Jebrâil [Gabriel]. Then both armies roared like a stormy sea, the dust raised by the cavalry obscured the sun, and Ghotyah B. Hussin approached the army of Khâled with some of the Bani Qorârah, striving to repel it, but ineffectually. When he perceived the firm resistance of the army of Islâm, he was so dismayed that he gave up the attack, went to Ttolhah, and asked him whether Jebrâil had descended, but received a negative answer. Ghotyah then again, willingly or unwillingly, returned to the attack, and after one hour again went to Ttolhah to ask him the same question, and got the same reply. After that Ghotyah returned to the combat, and, fighting till he despaired and was exhausted, again accosted Ttolhah, asking him whether Jebrâil had come. This time he received an affirmative reply, and therefore asked what he had said. Ttolhah answered: ‘Jebrâil spoke the following words to me: Laka rajâ lâ karajâhu, wa hadithâ lâ yunsa.’ The translator of the Târikh Aa’thum Kufy has interpreted the above words as follows: ‘Thy hope will not be illuminated by the hope of Khâled, and between you there is an affair which will not be forgotten.’ Ghotyah said, after listening to the above words: ‘I swear by God that I believe such an affair will befall thee that thou wilt never forget it.’ Then he turned towards his own people, and continued: ‘O Bani Qorârah, place your feet into the desert of flight, because this unfortunate liar is uttering falsehoods.’ Having said these words, Ghotyah departed with the Bani Qorârah from the battlefield.
It is recorded in some chronicles that when Ghotyah perceived that the army of Islâm would be victorious, he desisted from fighting, and prepared to retreat. On that occasion Ttolhah asked him where he was going, and he replied: ‘Our turn to fight has now come to an end; tell Jebrâil to draw out his hand for war and strife, because it is now his turn.’ When the Bani Qorârah had fled, Khâled B. Wolyd broke the lines of the Bani Asad and Ghuttafân by a single onslaught, so that they likewise preferred flight to permanency. When Ttolhah saw that the breeze of victory was blowing in favour of the army of Khâled, he likewise mounted a fleet camel with his wife, left the battle-field, and departed on the road to Syria. Hereon Khâled drew the sword of alacrity from its scabbard and proceeded to slay a number of Arabs, who had, after apostatizing, caused Musalmâns to drink the beverage of martyrdom. After he had wreaked vengeance upon them he ordered the booty to be collected, and when he had finished this business he marched in pursuit of the fugitives, and reached the adherents of Satan in a place called Wâdy-l-ahzâb, where he attacked them, and when they became aware of their inability to resist him, they turned their backs upon his army and fled. Ghotyah Qorâry, who has already been several times mentioned, was captured with Qorrah B. Moslamah, who was likewise one of the leaders of the apostates; but Ttolhah, having saved his life by celerity, reached Syria, and took refuge with the Ghasân chiefs, attaining, however, at last the grace of Faith, and being received into the ranks of the professors of it. When Khâled B. Wolyd’s mind had been freed from all apprehensions with reference to Ttolhah, he despatched Ghotyah and the other Qorârah prisoners in bonds and shackles to Madinah, where they were brought before Ssiddiq in the worst condition, and as soon as his eyes alighted upon them he addressed them in terms full of reproach. They, however, apologized and excused themselves, whereon Ssiddiq accepted their repentance and pardoned their transgressions. It is narrated and recorded in certain histories that, by order of Ssiddiq Akbar, Khâled B. Wolyd first attacked Fujah, who was one of the impure, celebrated, and shameless apostates, and that, when he had punished him, he occupied himself with Ttolhah and his adherents. It is related that after Ttolhah, Salmy, a daughter of Mâlek B. Hudhyqah B. Badr, entertained aspirations to power in her impure mind, and these having engrossed it, she apostatized; she had, however, during the lifetime of his holy and prophetic lordship, been captured in some fight by the army of Islâm, and having been allowed the honour of waiting upon that prince, was ennobled by making profession of the Faith. His lordship, however, had on that occasion predicted to her that she would become an opponent, and when he departed to the proximity of the Most High, Salmy became an apostate, aspired to authority, and many of the tribes of Ghuttafân, Howâzen, Salym, Asad, and Ttay became her adherents. When this information reached the luminous mind of Khâled B. Alwolyd, he marched with a valiant army and his victory-boding standards against Salmy, who, having been apprised of his approach, prepared herself for war. When the two parties met, a sanguinary battle ensued, after which the adherents of Islâm put their opponents to flight, and a number of champions having surrounded the camel which Salmy was riding, slew it, and sent her also to the abode of perdition, and this victory was greater than some others had been.
RECORD OF SAJÂH’S CLAIM TO PROPHECY, AND HER
CONNECTION WITH MOSEYLAMAH THE LIAR.
Sajâh, the daughter of Mundhar, was a Christian woman distinguished by her eloquent explanations and rhetorical power. She acknowledged the prophetship of I’sa [Jesus], and was well acquainted with the tenets of His law; but on account of her ambition to govern and her oratorical attainments, she constantly entertained a desire to lay claim to prophecy and apostleship. While, however, his holy and prophetic lordship was alive, she remained reticent in her aspirations. When that prince stepped from the dunghill of the world into the upper paradise, Sajâh proclaimed her intention, and began to deliver speeches in modulated prose, alleging that they were Divine inspirations and celestial revelations, and a number of the Bani Tha’leb tribe, to which she belonged, became her followers and believed in her claim. Sajâh enjoined her adherents to observe fasts, to pray, to pay voluntary and legal alms, but allowed them to eat pork. When her affairs prospered by means of the Bani Tha’leb, she despatched letters to many Arab tribes, inviting them to accept her religion. Great multitudes placed faith in her allegations, and girded their loins in her service. When her position had become strong, she wrote a letter to Mâlek B. Nuyrah—who was the chief of the Bani Tamym, but professed Islâm—and invited him to pay her allegiance. Mâlek, being of weak intellect and of little experience, assented, and became an apostate; but, despite all her efforts, Sajâh was unable to bring the Bani Rebâb under the yoke of her obedience, so that when certain Arab chiefs who had assembled in the shadow of her banners had represented to her that their opponents were numerous, they asked her whom they ought first to attempt to subjugate. Sajâh then recited to them some records in modulated prose, telling them that they were a revelation from heaven that they should first attack the Bani Rebâb. The misguided army, having assented to the opinion of Sajâh, marched against the Bani Rebâb, attacked them, and slew many of them. After this campaign numerous intelligent and experienced men represented to Sajâh that they had embarked in a great undertaking, and that their opponents were many, wherefore it would be proper first to attack the followers of Muhammad and to destroy the army of Abu Bakr, so that after this important affair had been brought to a successful issue, all the Arabs would willingly or unwillingly obey them. She replied that she was expecting a Divine revelation, and the next night strung together some words in modulated prose to the effect that it would be necessary first to march to Yamâmah in order to arrive at a decision concerning the position of Moseylamah. What she had concocted during the night that she recited in the morning to the officers of the army, which thereon unanimously marched to Yamâmah. Meanwhile Shorahbil B. Hissa and A’kramah B. Abu Jahl had, on the part of the Musalmâns, marched to Yamâmah by order of Abu Bakr to check the wickedness of Moseylamah. Khâled B. Alwolyd had been commanded by Abu Bakr to join them, but when he heard that Sajâh had marched with her army, he considered it proper to wait, and Shorahbil, with A’kramah, having likewise been apprised of the state of affairs, likewise returned to Mekkah to see how the business between Moseylamah and that lying woman would terminate.
When Moseylamah heard that Sajâh was marching against him with a large army, he sent some of his intimate friends as envoys to her, to learn her intention and to return to him. When the envoys had reached Sajâh, they explained the object of their mission, but she replied that God the Most High and Glorious had sent her a revelation ordering her to attack them. Then she recited to them some of her disconnected words, and dismissed them. The envoys immediately left her, and reported to Moseylamah the liar what she had said. Although Moseylamah knew that her claim to prophetship was as false as his own, but fear of the army of Islâm having overpowered his mind, he thought proper to negotiate with her for peace. He therefore again despatched envoys to Sajâh with the message that God the Most High had informed him of His having bestowed one-half of the earth on the Qoraish and the other upon himself, having made him a partner in prophetship with Muhammad; if, however, she would act righteously, the Most High—whose name be glorified—would present her with the half of the Qoraish, and as she was at present receiving celestial revelations, there was no other remedy but to believe and to obey her. He also requested that, as soon as his envoys were honoured by being admitted to her noble presence, she ought to pay him a visit with her courtiers, to enable him to listen to her utterances with an assenting audition, so that he might hear one word from those sweet-spoken lips and remember it till the day of the resurrection. When the messengers waited on Sajâh, she received them with many honours, telling them also that the Lord had sent her a revelation in which He had praised them. She then recited some unconnected words to them, and after contemplating their handsome persons, beautiful countenances, and listening to their pleasing speeches, she said with reference to them: ‘They neither have connection with women, nor drink wine, but they are a congregation of benefactors who worship their Nourisher and keep the fasts.’ The words concerning abstinence from women and wine she had uttered because Moseylamah had prohibited them to his followers, and had told them that according to Divine command some of them should, after an abortion, no more cohabit with their wives. In fine, when the envoys had returned from Sajâh, and recited her modulated prose to him, he said: ‘There is no doubt that Sajâh is divinely inspired.’ Then he informed his envoys that God the Most High had revealed also to him a Surah with reference to them, and he forthwith despatched to Sajâh what he had composed. She then hastened with ten of her courtiers to pay a visit to Moseylamah, and as soon as he was informed of her approach he ordered a tent to be pitched for her outside of his fort, which he left and met Sajâh, who asked him during the conversation whether God the Most High had sent him a verse on this occasion, and, receiving an affirmative answer, asked what it was. Moseylamah then said: ‘God the Most High and Glorious spoke thus: Seest thou not how thy Lord has acted with steeds? The weakest of them are racing with expert animals running in the desert.’ Sajâh then asked what his Nourisher had sent him after this. Hereon Moseylamah recited to her some modulated prose about the commingling of men with women, which having pleased her, she exclaimed: ‘By Allah! thou art an inspired prophet.’ When she perceived his inclination towards her, her concupiscence augmented, and, laying aside the veil of modesty, she said: ‘We are both prophets; why should we not disregard impediments and commingle with each other like milk and sugar? Thou oughtest to marry me and place the reins of choice into my hands.’ Observing that Moseylamah’s stature was handsome, the lust of Sajâh was excited; she gave vent to the following expressions: ‘I possess the secret of my friend this night; I have to deal with thee this night; my tender body I surrender to thee this night. But I am waiting awhile to receive a Divine inspiration.’ When she perceived that the concupiscence of Moseylamah had attained full force, she began to manifest uneasiness, and, pretending that the time of revelation had set in, began after awhile to recite such modulated prose on the subject of connection as her weak mind had indited to her, asking him to have sexual intercourse with her, whereon embraces and kisses immediately followed, coupled with Moseylamah’s enjoyment of her during three days in the Hadikatu-l-rahman [Garden of the Merciful], which became afterwards known by the name of Hadikatu-l-maut [Garden of Death]. After the expiration of the said period of time Sajâh returned to her own people, where Arab chiefs, such as Mâlek B. Nuyrah, Zurqân B. Badr, U’ttarid B. Alhâjeb, and others who happened to be encamped there, interrogated her concerning her interview with Moseylamah. She replied: ‘I found him to be a prophet like myself, and assented by Divine command to marry him.’ They asked her what her marriage-gift would be, but when she replied that nothing had been settled on this point they advised her to return to Yamâmah and to demand from Moseylamah a marriage-gift, because it would be a great shame that she, as a prophetess, should obtain none. Accordingly Sajâh left the encampment of her army and, after performing the journey, reached the gate of the fort of Moseylamah, which he had ordered to be closed, and, mounting to the top of it, asked for the reason of her coming. Sajâh then stated her demand, whereon he asked who her Mueddhin was, and she replied that his name was Shith B. Rub´ay. Moseylamah then asked her to call him, and when he came Moseylamah said: ‘Proclaim among thy people that Moseylamah the apostle of God has absolved them from holding two prayers, namely, those of the morning and of bedtime, which were consonant with the religion of Muhammad.’ Sajâh then returned and brought her army, with which she encamped near the fort of Moseylamah for several days, till he agreed to give her one-half of the date-crop of Yamâmah as a marriage-gift.
It is recorded in chronicles that when the sexual connection of Sajâh with Moseylamah had become known to the Arab chiefs who followed her, they repented of what they had done, and said to each other: ‘We have committed a mistake to come out from our tribes, accepting the religion of this woman and conveying her to the fort of Yamâmah so as to enable Moseylamah to have connection with her. How can we now remedy this affair, and how shall we have the courage to encounter Khâled?’ After having consulted with each other the Arab chiefs dispersed, returned to their tribes, took rest in their homes, and sent letters of apology to Abu Bakr. When Sajâh perceived the turn affairs were taking, she departed with four hundred of her intimate adherents to her own home; but according to some traditions she ultimately became adorned with the decoration of the Faith, and was received into the community of the professors of Islâm.
RECORD OF KHÂLED’S KILLING MÂLEK B. NUYRAH.
Mâlek Bin Nuyrah, upon whom the authority of governing a number of Arabs devolved, and who was one of the friends of O’mar, possessed a wife distinguished by her amiability and intelligence all around the country; and Mâlek had, after separating from Sajâh, established himself in the locality of Battâa’, where he remained till his life came to an end. The details of these affairs are, that when Abu Bakr took leave of Khâled he instructed him to send spies among the Arab tribes, and not to injure any in which the call to prayers could be heard, but to consider them as professing Islâm; and, on the other hand, he was to invite any tribe in which the call to prayers could not be heard to accept Islâm, and if it refused to comply to attack it with his sharp sword. When Khâled heard that the Arab chiefs, having repented of their allegiance to Sajâh, had returned to their tribes, he despatched, according to the injunction of Abu Bakr, scouts in all directions to ascertain the state of affairs. Having sent some to the tribe of Mâlek B. Nuyrah in order to ascertain whether it professed Islâm or unbelief, they acted according to the behest of Khâled, and after their return reported that they had not heard the call to prayers in the tribe of Mâlek B Nuyrah; but Abu Qotâdah, the Anssâri, who had also been with them, bore witness to Khâled that he had heard the call to prayers in that tribe. When a meeting took place between Mâlek and Khâled, it occurred to his mind, every now and then during the conversation, that the man was an apostate, because whenever he spoke about his prophetic lordship—u. w. bl.—he made use of the expression: ‘Your man has said so.’ After these words had been several times used by Mâlek, Khâled raised his head, saying: ‘O dog! The prophet was our man, and not yours.’ Then he gave in that very meeting the signal to strike off his head.
It is recorded in some chronicles that when Mâlek with some of his people had been captured and brought to Khâled, he retained them as prisoners. When the night set in, the weather happened also to become extremely cold, whereon Khâled, being of a very kind disposition, ordered the watchmen to make arrangements for sheltering the prisoners from the cold. According to the proverb, however, that ‘When He willeth a thing, He prepareth the means for effecting it,’ the herald shouted something quite different from the injunction, namely, ‘The Bani Kenânah have arrived,’ which brought on slaughter, because the guards of Mâlek and of his people, although they were more numerous than the Bani Kenânah, grasped their swords as soon as the herald had shouted, and killed all the prisoners. When Khâled was informed of what had taken place, he exclaimed: ‘When Allah willeth a thing He bringeth it to pass.’ And after Mâlek had been slain Khâled married his widow. In short, when the news of the death of Mâlek, and of Khâled’s marriage to his wife, had been reported to O’mar, he was much distressed, and informed Abu Bakr that Khâled had slain Mâlek with his people despite the testimony of Abu Qotâdah that Mâlek and his people were professors of Islâm, and that he had not believed the statement. Abu Qotâdah also swore an oath that he would hereafter take no share in any Ghazâ of which Khâled might be the commander. O’mar then requested Abu Bakr to deprive Khâled of his command, but he replied: ‘Do not blame Khâled, and do not expect him to be degraded, because I shall not sheathe the sword which God the Most High has drawn against the infidels.’ At last, however, Abu Bakr sent a messenger to Khâled on account of the pertinacity of O’mar, commanding him to give an account of the death of Mâlek. Khâled, therefore, obedient to the behest of the successor of the apostle of God, set out for Madinah, and arriving in the vicinity of the town, sent two gold dinârs by way of a gift to the doorkeeper of Abu Bakr, with the request to admit him to his presence alone in a suitable place without allowing any other person to enter with him; the porter accepted the sum and complied with the request, and this is said to have been the first case of bribery which occurred in Islâm. When Khâled B. Alwolyd reached the mosque, which was near the house of Abu Bakr, he met O’mar; but O’mar, who had just come out from the sacred building, drew forth two arrows which he had been carrying on his head according to the usage of Arab champions, from his turban, and broke them, shouting: ‘Thou hast slain a Musalmân and hast married his wife! I swear by God that I shall stone thee!’ Khâled, imagining that he had incurred the displeasure of Abu Bakr, and would be reproved by him, replied nothing, and both walked together to the house of Abu Bakr; the doorkeeper, however, placing his hand on the breast of O’mar, said: ‘No one has permission to enter except Khâled.’ Hereon O’mar, respecting the abode of the Khalifah, went away, but, clapping his hands, said: ‘Alas! the blood of Mâlek has been wantonly shed.’ When Khâled entered the hall of Abu Bakr, the latter said: ‘Thou hast killed a Moslem and wedded his relict!’ Khâled replied: ‘O Khalifah of the apostle of Allah, I adjure thee by God to tell me whether thou hast heard the prophet say: “Khâled is the scimitar of God.”’ Abu Bakr having replied in the affirmative, Khâled continued: ‘The scimitar of God strikes no one except an unbeliever or a hypocrite.’ Abu Bakr said: ‘Then return immediately to thy work.’ Khâled having departed joyfully and pleased from Abu Bakr, perceived O’mar as he sat at the door of the mosque, and said to him: ‘Approach me, O son of the son of Omm Abu Shamlah.’ It is recorded in the history of Tabari that when Khâled had gone away from Abu Bakr he saw O’mar sitting at the door of the mosque, placed his hand on the hilt of his sword, and said: ‘O son of the left hand.’ Muhammad B. Jarir Tabari states that Khâled named O’mar as of the left hand, because he was in the habit of doing that with the left hand which other people did with the right. When O’mar perceived that affairs had taken this turn, he knew that Khâled had excused himself for killing Mâlek, and that Abu Bakr was pleased with him.
RECORD OF THE GOING OF KHÂLED TO YAMÂMAH AND OF
THE KILLING OF MOSEYLAMAH THE LIAR.
When Abu Bakr was satisfied with Khâled B. Alwolyd, he issued orders to him forthwith to attack Moseylamah the liar, and to make the removal of that wicked fellow his chief aim. Khâled hereon departed from Madinah on the wings of celerity, joined his army after traversing the necessary distance, engaged with all his might in preparations for the campaign, and marched with a number of Mohâjer, Anssâr, and others to Yamâmah. On this Ghazâ he appointed Thâbet B. Qays to command the Anssâr, and ordered both these and the Mohâjer not to act contrary to the advice of Abu Khodayfah B. Ghatyah B. Rabya’h and of Zaid B. Al-Khattâb. On that march Khâled happened to catch sight of a number of men, who, holding the bridles of their horses in their hands, had fallen asleep. They were people of Yamâmah, who had gone in pursuit of a man who had slain one of the great men of Yamâmah and had fled to save his own life. The companions of Khâled took those men prisoners, asked them who they were and where they meant to go. After they had given explanations, they were taken to Khâled, who asked those misguided men about their religion, but on their replying, ‘Let there be one prophet on your part and another on ours,’ he gave the signal to strike off their heads. When the turn to be beheaded came to Sâryah B. A´amer and to Mujaa’h, who were grandees of Yamâmah and pillars of the government of Moseylamah, Sâryah said: ‘O Khaled, if thou art desirous to acquire supremacy and to obtain the government of the country, spare the life of Mujaa’h.’ Accordingly Mujaa’h was respited by the advice of Sâryah, but all the others were beheaded. Khâled B. Alwolyd thereon encamped at Ayâdz, which was one of the villages of Yamâmah, being desirous to engage in hostilities after duly considering the state of affairs, because at that time Moseylamah had become very powerful—on account of the false testimony of Nuhâdu-r-rejâl, who was, according to some chronicles, of the Bani A’fuh—and had collected an army of nearly forty thousand combatants. It is related that Nuhâdu-r-rejâl had during the lifetime of his holy and prophetic lordship come to Madinah, had made a profession of the Faith, and learnt the Surah of ‘The Cow’ by heart, but when he returned to Yamâmah he troubled the bright law by enrolling himself among the intimate friends of Moseylamah, at whose instigation he proclaimed in various meetings that he had heard Muhammad say that he had constituted Moseylamah his partner in the office of prophet, on account of which false testimony the Bani Hanifah thereon acknowledged the claims to prophecy of Moseylamah and believed him to be veracious. It is related that one of the confidants of Moseylamah having privately questioned him concerning the truth, he confessed to have received in the darkness of the night visits from a man who was telling him that he was a liar and Muhammad truthful. It has been accepted as authentic that Nuhâdu-r-rejâl instigated Moseylamah to place his hand on the heads of infants, and to insert his fingers into their mouths, to make their lives prosperous in the Bani Hanifah tribe by the blessing of his hand. Moseylamah acted according to the advice of that misguiding councillor, but every infant whom his unhallowed hand had touched on the head became bald from disease, and every child whose palate had been defiled by his ill-boding fingers became a stammerer, and these facts were made public after Moseylamah had perished.
After Khâled had terminated his campaign against Sajâh, he cast the anchor of his sojourn for some time in the country of Battâa’, waiting for directions from Abu Bakr. Meanwhile the adherents of Moseylamah were day by day getting more numerous, and he encouraged them, saying that he should like to know why the Qoraish ought to be considered more worthy of supremacy than themselves, as they excelled them neither in military appliances, nor in numbers, nor in power, nor in courage; moreover, their town was more cultivated and their wealth greater than that of the Qoraish. He also said: ‘Whenever I desire, Jebrâil comes down to me and honours me with a Divine revelation, in the same manner as he descends to Muhammad and brings him a message. Nuhâdu-r-rejâl and Muhakkam B. Alttofayl, both well-known chiefs of Yamâmah, are bearing testimony that Muhammad B. A’bdullah acknowledges me to be his partner in the office of prophecy, and agrees to this arrangement.’ Then a crowd of nobles of the Bani Hanifah paid a visit to those two old sinners, and said: ‘Moseylamah alleges that he is a prophet, and says that you are witnesses to the acknowledgment of his claim by the tongue of Muhammad, so that at present the truth or falsehood of this assertion will depend upon what you will say.’ They replied: ‘Moseylamah is speaking the truth, and we are witnesses to it.’ On account of this testimony the simple and the gentle of that country hastened to various meetings to make profession of this Faith, Moseylamah encouraging them till the time when Khâled approached the country of those impure men with his valiant army.
When the the people of Yamâmah had been apprised of the arrival of Khâled B. Alwolyd, Muhakkam B. Alttofayl convoked the most prominent men of that country and said to them: ‘O ye people, be aware that Khâled intends to wage war against your country with warriors who make no account of their dear lives nor of death in order to gain Divine approbation and eternal life.’ The nobles of Yamâmah replied: ‘We shall on the day of battle so draw out our hands from the sleeve of bravery that Khâled will soon discover the grievous mistake he has committed; but if the grasp of fate spares him and he succeeds in escaping, we shall pursue him till he retraces his steps to Madinah.’ Then Mukakkam B. Alttofayl replied: ‘Well done; you are good men!’ When Khâled B. Alwolyd arrived in Madinah, he set apart two hundred men from his army, and said to them: ‘Enter this country without fear or apprehension, and capture any inhabitants you can.’ They obeyed, and as they were roaming about they happened to meet a number of people whose chief was Mujaa’h B. Amrân, and there was with him also another man of the nobles of Yamâmah, Amâryah B. A´amer by name. The Musalmâns asked them: ‘Who are you?’ They replied: ‘We are of the Bani Hanifah.’ The professors of Islâm continued: ‘May your eyes be darkened, O ye foes of God!’ Then they made all of them prisoners and conveyed them to Khâled, who asked them: ‘What is your belief about Moseylamah?’ They said: ‘Our spokesman is Mujaa’h.’ Then he turned to Mujaa’h, who replied: ‘We went to Madinah in the lifetime of his holy and prophetic lordship, upon whom we had the felicity of attending, and made profession of the Faith, entering into a covenant. Dreading, however, to jeopardize our property and families, we assented to the claims of this liar, and never ventured to make overt resistance to him.’ Amâryah then continued: ‘O Amir, if it be thy intention to subjugate Yamâmah, thou must make me and Mujaa’h thy councillors in the administration.’ Khâled then gave these two individuals in charge of their guard, and ordered all the other prisoners to be killed. Then he continued to march quickly till he halted in a place called Ghafar; Moseylamah having been apprised of the state of affairs, likewise made haste to leave his fort, and marched till he encamped opposite to the army of Khâled. The next day he drew out his forces in lines, appointing experienced warriors to command the right and the left flank of the army, he himself taking his position in the centre with a number of men in whom he trusted. When Khâled had taken cognizance of the readiness and boldness of his opponent, he sent Zaid B. Alkhattâb to take charge of the right and Zaid B. Alkhamâr of the left flank. Thereon champions of both sides issued from their lines and, shouting, rushed against each other, and the first man of the opponents slain was Nuhâdu-r-rejâl, whom Zaid B. Alkhattâb despatched with his sword to the regions of perdition; and it is reported in some traditions that the first lucky man who issued from the ranks of the Musalmâns was Khâled B. Alwolyd himself. He scattered the fire of his Yemani sword, and, having shed much blood of the foes of the religion, again resumed his position after a considerable time; let it, however, not remain unknown that this assertion is contrary to the statement of Tabari. After Khâled B. Alwolyd, O’mmâr B. Yaser sallied forth, challenging antagonists to duelling, in which he despatched a number of foes to the infernal regions; one of them, however, succeeded in slashing off the skin of his head and his ear: he slew him, nevertheless, and then returned to his party, despite so grievous a wound. Then Hâreth B. Alheshâm Al-Makhzûmi rushed against the right flank like a famished wolf, and after slaying a number of enemies or wounding them went back to his own post. In that battle Zaid B. Alkhattâb threw five of his antagonists from their saddles to the ground, and having at last himself been mortally wounded, departed to the gardens of paradise. On that day also Sâlem, the freed man of Abu Khodaifah, obtained the honour of martyrdom. In short, nearly three hundred of the defenders of Islâm tasted the potion of martyrdom. It is said that from the promulgation of Islâm till that time so great a battle had not been fought; and when some foresighted men had struck the drum of retreat despondency overcame the Musalmâns, so that many of them left the battlefield, whereon the enemies rushed into the camp of Khâled, and having hacked his tent to pieces with their swords, entered it with the intention to tear asunder the limbs of Omm Tamym, whom he had married after killing Mâlek B. Nuyrah. Mujaa’h, however, who had been kept prisoner in the same tent, hindered them, saying: ‘I have never experienced anything but great mercy and kindness from this woman.’ Meanwhile, Khâled attacked the intruders with the scimitar of vengeance, prostrating them on the ground of misery, and the carnage lasted till night, so that the blood-quaffing planet Mars was astonished at the atrocity of this contest. Every man in both armies, apprehending a night attack and a renewal of the battle in the morning, held the bridle of his charger in his hand, taking no rest till dawn.
I made a rampart of the lashes of my eyes
That neither thy image may leave, nor sleep enter them.
In the morning, when the sovereign of the fourth climate rose with his golden scimitar from the eastern horizon, raising his standard to conquer the realm of the east, the first man who appeared on the battle-ground was Muhakkam B. Alttofayl, the commander-in-chief of Moseylamah. When Muhakkam was thus standing in front of the adherents of Islâm, he recited verses in the Rajaz measure, expatiating on the virtues, peculiarities and perfections of Moseylamah. Seeing this, Thâbet B. Qays, the Anssâri, who had no peer in bravery, hastened to encounter Muhakkam, assaulted him repeatedly, and at last pierced him with his lance, tearing up the belt. Many chroniclers, however, allege that Muhakkam was slain either by Ebn Mâlek or by A’bdu-r-rahmin B. Abu Bakr after the army of Moseylamah had fled and entered the Hadikatu-l-maut [Garden of Death]. It will soon appear from the context that the author of these pages adduces contradictory statements so that envious persons who are on the watch for errors and finding deficiencies may not blame him, and the members of the exalted assembly of his patron may not charge him with having failed to record various traditions. But let us return to our narrative. The narrator of the first tradition states that after having slain Muhakkam, Thâbet B. Qays capered right and left about the battlefield jeopardizing his life till he lost it. After he had attained martyrdom Habbâb B. Thâbet Ala’wwâm hastened to the contest, but after striving for awhile departed to the gardens of Eden. Thereon Ebn Ghâreb, who will soon be again mentioned, assaulted the lives of the unbelievers and sent many of them to the abode of perdition with his bright scimitar, but again returned safely to his own post after his brave exploits. The opponents being aggrieved by this manœuvre, made an onslaught upon the Musalmâns, and succeeded in checking the advance of the army. Khâled, however, remained fixed in his place, and shouted: ‘O Musalmâns, fear God, and think of the day of requital, lest the shame of having fled might defile the skirts of your honour, and Abu Bakr could no longer meet you with a glance of approbation. If you follow the religion of Muhammad, you must not yield your position to the foe.’ The professors of Islâm who had heard the words of Khâled now perceived it would be best for the advantage of the religion and the world again to renew the strife, and shouting, ‘To return is more laudable!’ they repeatedly assailed the enemies and dismayed them. It is said that when the fire of the contest was ablaze one of those fearless warriors attacked Abu Dujjânah, but the accursed fellow was forthwith cut in twain by him, whereon another fleet rider of those obstinate caitiffs attempted to wreak vengeance, and turned towards Abu Dujjânah, but was at the sight of that lion of bravery so overpowered by fright that he hastened back towards his lines, and Abu Dujjânah ceased not to pursue him till he had maimed both his legs. Then Abu Dujjânah galloped about slaying champions in every direction, and shouting to encourage the Musalmâns: ‘Friends, pay your dues to valour; do not flee, but disperse these malefactors who are so conceited on account of their numbers.’ A number of the army of Islâm, whose hearts were bent on flight, having heard these words, were emboldened to attack the hypocrites, who on their part likewise fought bravely. In short, the champions of each side had more than twenty times issued from their lines and again returned to them. Râfi’ B. Khudia’, the Anssâri, says that on the day when he witnessed this fighting of the Bani Hanifah the meaning of the verse ‘Ye shall be called forth against a mighty and a warlike nation’3 became evident, and there was great probability that the enemies would by their valour and alacrity inflict a shameful defeat upon the Musalmâns which could not be remedied; by the aid of the Lord of lords, however, some who had been present at the battles of Ohod and of the Confederates, as well as other great companions [of the prophet], being determined to defeat and eradicate those accursed caitiffs, unanimously assailed them as if prepared to sacrifice their own lives, whereon the zephyr of Divine aid began to waft upon the standards of Islâm, and those of the unbelievers were turned upside down, so that numberless adherents of Moseylamah were slain, the remnant of them taking refuge in the garden named Hadikatu-l-rahman. There is a tradition that when Khâled B. Alwolyd perceived that some of the companions of the apostle were being killed, he averred that he had never witnessed a more atrocious and dangerous battle than this; but as he knew that the dust raised could not be laid except by shedding the blood of Moseylamah, he shouted, inciting the victory-boding army to renew the contest, whereon the combatants, ready to sacrifice their lives, drew forth the scimitars of vengeance from their scabbards, and the opponents, unable to resist their onslaught, retreated from the battlefield. When Muhakkam B. Alttofayl had perceived the marks of feebleness upon the pages of the demeanour of those who are travelling on the road to Jahannum [Gehenna—hell], he began to lament, urging them to take refuge in the Hadikat, whereon all the wicked fellows who had not been injured by swords followed Moseylamah to that locality and closed its gate, which, however, having been opened by Uns B. Mâlek, the Musalmâns entered.
It is related as an authentic fact that whenever Irah, the brother of Uns B. Mâlek, heard the beginning of an affray, and the sounds of clashing arms struck his ears, he became subject to a fit of trembling, whereon he urinated, fell asleep, and people sat around him, but as soon as he awoke from his trance he threw himself like a furious lion into the mêlée and fought. He was in this condition also on the present occasion, and when he had done urinating perceived rivers of blood flowing on the battlefield. When the foes of the religion had entered the Hadikat, barring its gate, Irah exclaimed: ‘O ye Musalmâns, throw me into the Hadikat and perhaps I shall be able to open the gate.’ This having been done, he engaged with several friends in fighting till other Musalmâns succeeded in opening the door, whereon the oven of the conflict again became heated, and the victorious army caused nearly ten thousand men to surrender their lives to the owner of hell. Among the slain was Muhakkam B. Alttofayl, who, while he was inciting his people to fight, was struck by an arrow which A’bdu-r-rahman B. Abu Bakr had shot at him so that he expired. On that occasion also Moseylamah was slain, whereon the locality became known by the name of Hadikatu-l-maut [Garden of Death].
It is related that Wahshy [the freed slave] said: ‘Having, some time after killing Hamzah [the uncle of the prophet], returned to Madinah, I was made happy by waiting on the apostle of Allah and making profession of the Faith; but as the sight of me was distasteful to his lordship, I spent some time in grief, and forbore from approaching him. When the apostle of Allah had departed from the mansion of frailty to the upper paradise, and the army of Islâm marched to Yamâmah, I took up my javelin, which I had thrown aside, and followed the combatants till we arrived in that country. On the occasion when the antagonists had been routed, and had found an asylum in the Hadikat, I likewise entered that locality in the train of the Musalmâns, and observed in the contest Moseylamah standing with a drawn sword, and inciting the men to fight. When my eyes alighted upon that accursed fellow, I approached him, and he likewise advanced towards me. At that moment, also, Ebn A’m O’mmârah, the Anssâri, came from another direction, and turned towards Moseylâmah; whereon I balanced my javelin, projected it at that liar, and struck him in a tender spot. Ebn A’m O’mmârah also brought his sword down upon him, and it is not hidden from God the Most High that no other men have slain Moseylamah except we two; and praised be Divine predestination, that after I had in the time of ignorance slain one who was the best of men after the apostle of Allah—namely, Hamzah— I also killed in the time of Islâm the worst of men—namely, Moseylamah.’
After Moseylamah had departed to the infernal regions, the Bani Hanifah made a breach in the wall of the Hadikat and fled out from it. All historians agree that seventy thousand [sic] of the opponents without, and seventy thousand [sic] within the Hadikat, departed on the path of annihilation.—It is related that a man of Yamâmah, having cast a glance at the body of Moseylamah, said: ‘I testify that thou art one of the prophets, but of the miserable ones.’—One of the most prominent Musâlmans slain in this conflict was E’bâd B. Bashir, the Anssâri, who had fought in the battle of Bedr; and some chroniclers consider also Abu Dujjânah, the Anssâri, to have been one of the martyrs of Yamâmah, whilst others assert that he was [afterwards] present at the battle of Ssafyn, under the command of A’li, the Amir of the true believers.—According to the first tradition, one thousand two hundred men, three hundred and fifty of whom were Anssâr and Mohâjer, attained the high dignity of martyrdom in the battle of Yamâmah. In this terrible catastrophe also numerous memorizers and readers of the Qurân perished; and it may be adduced, in confirmation of this statement, that when Abu Bakr received this news, he apprehended that in course of time the words of the Lord Most High might gradually be blotted out from the minds of the people, and ordered the Qurân to be published in the form in which it has remained current down to the present time.
When Khâled B. Alwolyd had learnt for a certainty that Moseylamah had departed to hell, he desired to identify his corpse; therefore he summoned Mujâa’h, and walked about with him among the slain. Whilst thus searching, Khâled’s attention was arrested by a very pleasing and corpulent body, and he asked Mujâa’h whether it was not that of his master. He replied in the negative, but added that it was the corpse of one far more excellent—namely, Muhakkam B. Alttofayl. At last they found a man of yellow complexion and weak appearance, whereon Mujâa’h said: ‘This is Moseylamah, who has done good neither to himself nor to us.’ Khâled replied: ‘Woe betide you, as you have abandoned the religion of Islâm for this despicable fellow, and fallen into such a calamity and misery!’ Mujâa’h continued: ‘O Amir, it will be proper for thee to make peace with the Bani Hanifah, because the men who have waged war against you were hasty and precipitate; but this fort is yet replete with warriors.’ While Khâled was meditating upon this suggestion, Mujâa’h despatched a secret message to the garrison of the fort to man the ramparts, and that not only the combatants, but also the women, must appear with drawn swords and bucklers; which having been done, Khâled looked at the scene, and took into consideration that as most of his people were wounded, it would be difficult to lay siege to the place. He therefore determined to conclude peace, and asked Mujâa’h to propose the conditions of it. Mujâa’h said: ‘I am acquainted with the circumstances of the people of this fort, and I know that they will agree to surrender to you all their silver and gold, with their arms, one-third of their cattle, and one-half of their servants and slaves, if you grant them peace.’ Khâled having agreed to this condition, Mujâa’h departed to the fort which was their greatest citadel; and beholding on the rampart a woman lamenting for those who had been slain in the contest, he said to her: ‘Be quiet! I have beguiled Khâled to make peace. Now, tell all the women to remain at their posts till the negotiations for peace have been terminated.’ Mujâa’h then returned, and said to Khâled: ‘The people of the fort are at variance with me concerning the slaves, of whom they are to surrender one-half; but if thou wilt accept one-fourth, they will agree to a treaty of peace, or else remain enemies.’ Khâled, believing the words of Mujâah, assented; but the gate of the place having been opened, he saw on entering it no other garrison besides women and children. He thereon reproached Mujâa’h for having deceived him and uttered lies; but he excused himself, stating that as the majority of his people had been destroyed, he had no other means but this to save the lives of those whom the sword had spared.
ACCOUNT OF THE MARRIAGE OF KHÂLED B. ALWOLYD TO
THE DAUGHTER OF MUJÂA’H AFTER THE CONQUEST OF
YAMÂMAH.
When peace had been concluded, as narrated above, Khâled sued for the hand of the daughter of Mujâa’h; but the latter replied: ‘O Amir, what occasion can there be at the present time for weddings and rejoicings, when a corpse is lying in every one of our houses?’ Khâled rejoined: ‘There is no help for this.’ Khâled was then informed by Mujâa’h that his daughter would lay claim to a marriage-gift of one thousand dirhems; whereon Khâled not only agreed to pay this amount, but forthwith married the daughter of Mujâa’h, and honoured her relatives exceedingly, not regarding the Anssâr and Mohâjer chiefs as equal to them. The noble companions [of the prophet] felt aggrieved by these proceedings, and Hasân B. Thâbet sent a letter of the following purport to Abu Bakr: ‘Allowest thou, who art the successor of the apostle of God, that while the blood on the corpses of the martyrs is not yet dry, Khâled should with his new bride quietly repose in the apartment of joy, whilst the limbs of our friends are up to this time lying scattered about the desert? He is reposing on couches of silk and of brocade, honouring and respecting the relatives of his wife, whom he greets with the utmost cordiality! Had the Bani Hanifah shed the gore even of only one of our companions, no man of intelligence would consider it proper that a monotheist should enter into friendly and matrimonial relations with those people. If thou, who art righteous, deemest the act of Khâled to have been suitable, then inform us, that we may likewise deem it to be such with approbation and gratitude, because thy assent will be followed by ours; or else awaken him, because he is sleeping the sleep of indolence.’ When Abu Bakr had listened to the reading of Hasan’s letter he became angry, and addressed O’mar as follows: ‘Perceivest thou how Khâled has fallen into the bondage of lust, and how little he cares for the calamity which has befallen the adherents of Islâm?’ O’mar replied: ‘We have received news that Khâled is very distressed and melancholy.’ Others, however, have narrated that when the information about the martyrdom of Zaid B. Alkhattâb, with other companions, and the marriage of Khâled, had been brought to the notice of O’mar, he became very excited, and asked that Khâled should be deprived of his command. Whereon Abu Bakr, although not complying with this request, sent him an angry letter to the following effect: ‘O Khâled, thou art perpetually engaged in marrying and commingling with women, so that lust has overpowered thy modesty, and thou carest not for the catastrophe of twelve hundred Musalmâns, seven hundred of whom were readers of the Qurân. Thou hast neither honoured nor honourest the friends of the prophet according to their deserts, and hast added these acts to thy murder of Mâlek B. Nuyrah! A curse be on thee and upon thy base dealings, whereby thou hast incurred the blame of the Bani Makhzum! Farewell.’ When the letter of Abu Bakr reached Khâled, and he had been apprised of its contents, he burst out laughing, and said: ‘These are the words of O’mar, about which Abu Bakr knows nothing.’
When Khâled had terminated his business in Yamâmah, he remained in that country, waiting for the orders Zobeyr might bring him from the seat of the Khalifate. It is recorded in chronicles that his holy and prophetic lordship had said to A’li the Commander of the Faithful: ‘A girl of the Bani Hanifah will fall into thy possession, and when she bears thee a son, call him by my name, and give him my surname.’ When the said girl was brought to Madinah among the prisoners, Abu Bakr surrendered her to A’li Murtadza—u. w. bl.—and she bore him a son, whose name was Muhammad Hanifah.
It is known for a certainty that a short while after the subjugation of Yamâmah, Khâled was ordered to march with the army under his command to Arabian E’râq, and there to engage with the enemies of the religion in peaceable and warlike affairs. Khâled obeyed, and raised there the standards of the brilliant religion, but was afterwards commanded to pass into Syria to assume the government and command the invasion, without being one moment remiss in the energetic discharge of his duty. When these orders reached Khâled, he said: ‘O’mar was unwilling that the residence of the kings of Persia should by my efforts fall into the grasp of the adherents of Islâm, wherefore he implored Abu Bakr to despatch me to Syria.’ Although he thought this command to be odious, he obeyed the behests of the Khalifah, marched with his brave forces to that country, and conquered forts and towns, seeking the approbation of good, and destroying wicked people.
According to the ancient texts, it is recorded that in the beginning of his Khalifate Abu Bakr had given eleven standards to eleven commanders noted for bravery and intelligence, and had despatched them to various countries to invite apostates who had swerved from the right path by means of promises and threats to accept the religion, but in case of refusal to use the bright scimitar and the life-ravishing spear for reducing them to submission. Thus he had sent Khâled B. Alwolyd to attack Ttolhah and other apostates, as has been narrated. He had despatched E’kramah B. Abu Jahl to the boundaries of Yamâmah, but he returned, as has been mentioned in these pages. He appointed Mohâjer B. Ommyah to march to Yemen; ordered Khâled B. Sa’yd B. Ala´ass to go to the eastern portions of Syria; A’mru B. A´amer he selected to depart with troops for governing the Qodzaa’h and some other tribes who had become dispersed in various deserts. Hodhayfah B. Muhassin he despatched to the region of A’rfajah; Hozaymah in the direction of Mohrah; Sowyd B. Muqaran towards Tehâmah; and A’lâ Hadzramy to Bahrayn. In this manner the Amirs of exalted dignity acted according to the orders received, brought the necks of recalcitrant Arabs under the yoke of subjection, gained booty, and realized the legal alms, sending the shares pertaining to the public treasury in Madinah, and spending the remainder of the animate and inanimate acquisitions according to the injunction of the law to defray the necessary expenses. Thus the hostilities and conflicts of the surrounding countries were appeased in a short time; some of the opponents were slain, whilst others dispersed, whilst some professed obedience; but whoever desires to peruse detailed accounts of these affairs must have recourse to extensive works, because nothing more than what has been already recorded in this abridgment can be recorded therein, and now the musky reed will engage in jotting down the account of the homage to O’mar, and briefly recording the Ghazâs which have taken place in his time.
THE DEATH OF ABU BAKR AND HOMAGE TO O’MAR.
When two years and three months of the Khalifate of Abu Bakr had elapsed, he fell sick in the fourth, and ordered O’mar B. Alkhattâb to be the Emâm [i.e., leader] in the five [daily] prayers of the companions. When his malady increased, and he despaired of life, he ordered a document to be composed on the successorship, and appointed a man to make it known to the people. He took that paper [or, rather, papyrus] to the mosque of his lordship the apostle, in which blessed place the low and the noble assembled. Then he said: ‘O ye congregation of Musalmâns, the Khalifah [i.e., successor] of the apostle of the Lord of the denizens of both worlds [the visible and invisible] has written something on a paper and ordered you to consider it! Will you listen to his words with the audition of acquiescence, and act according to his behests or not? The Mohâjer and Anssâr replied: ‘We all follow and obey him! Read out the contents of the writing.’ The man thereon drew out the paper, and said: ‘On this page is written: I have made O’mar your governor and [my] Khalifah [i.e., successor]; you are to obey him, and not to transgress his commands.’ Some of those present in the assembly hereon said, ‘We hear and obey’; others, however, remained silent, saying neither yea nor nay. Of these latter was Ttolhah B. A’bdullah, who afterwards went to Abu Bakr, and said: ‘I have been informed that thou hast placed the reins of the Khalifate into the hands of O’mar, not caring for the consequences of such a step.’ Abu Bakr answered: ‘Perhaps thou considerest him unworthy of the post, but I have fully investigated the matter, and assert that he is worthy thereof.’ Ttolhah replied: ‘O’mar is a rude and ill-humoured man! It is well known how the people have been aggrieved by him during thy lifetime, but if—which Allah forbid—thou departest to the mansion of eternity, and we are deprived of the sight of thy soul-refreshing person, it may be conjectured what his demeanour towards us will be. Thou wilt undoubtedly be asked in the next world how thou hast provided for the affairs of the subjects, and whom thou hast appointed to be their governor and Khalifah.’ Hearing these words of Ttolhah, Abu Bakr was displeased, and answered him, only after a long pause, as follows: ‘O Ttolhah, thou who threatenest me with the disapprobation and wrath of God the Most High and Glorious, and art concerning thyself with the terror and calamity of death, be aware that when I reach my original abode and the Eternal Sovereign asks me how I have left the people and whom I have appointed over the subjects, I shall reply: “I have made the best of men Khalifah over Thy worshippers, and have appointed the most abstemious individual to be the governor of Thy servants.”’ Then Abu Bakr called O’thmân, and dictated to him his last will, as follows: ‘In the name of Allah the merciful, the clement! This is the last will of Abu Bakr, which he indites at the close of his career, to the effect that he has appointed O’mar B. Alkhattâb to be the Khalifah over the people of Muhammad the elect. If he travels on the path of justice, righteousness and honesty, taking truth and goodness for his motto, as I presume he intends to do, all will be well; if, on the contrary, he changes his character —is remiss in the government of the people, gives way to oppression and injustice—his wickedness will pursue him till the day of the resurrection, on which he will have to account for it, and they who act unjustly shall know hereafter with what treatment they shall be treated.’4 Then he called O’mar and uttered pleasant words concerning his investiture with the Khalifate, at the same time adorning his ears with the precious pearls of salutary advice. When O’mar had understood for what purpose he had been summoned, he begged to be excused from accepting so important a post, saying to Abu Bakr: ‘I stand not in need of the Khalifate, but the Khalifate stands in need of one like thee! Thus the throne [masnad] of the Khalifate will remain adorned as if thou wert still thereon, and its pomp and glory will increase.’
With reference to this subject, a statement is on record that when Abu Bakr saw that the time of his departure was at hand he gave a paper bearing his signet to one of his confidants, sending him to the nobles of the Mohâjer and Anssâr with the message that every loyal and obedient Musalmân was to pay homage to the man whose name was written on the said paper. The companions [of the prophet] all assented to this injunction, and when the turn of A’li B. Abu Ttâleb the victorious lion of Allah came, he exclaimed: ‘I pay homage to whoever is mentioned therein, even if O’mar himself has been the writer of the document.’ Some intelligent men, however, are of opinion that these words are not void of improbability.
Some U’lamâ, who were historians—A. h. m. o. t.—have a tradition of Aslam, the freed slave of O’mar, to the effect that O’thmân B. O’ffan being present when the disease of Abu Bakr had become violent, he told him to write the words, ‘The Khalifah after Abu Bakr’; but Abu Bakr having at that moment become unconscious, O’thmân waited awhile, and then added the words, ‘is to be O’mar.’ When Abu Bakr had recovered his consciousness he asked for the paper; he saw the name of O’mar on it, and asked, ‘Who has written this name?’ O’thman having replied that he had done so, Abu Bakr continued: ‘May Allah have mercy on thee and reward thee well! If thou hadst written also thine own name, there would have been no occasion for objections.’ A’li the Commander of the Faithful then said: ‘We shall accept no one except O’mar to be Khalifah.’ Abu Bakr hereon expressed his best wishes for A’li, praised him, and addressed him as follows: ‘We are all officials, but thou art the prince, the Pâdshâh, and the Amir. We are all stars on the firmament of the religion, but thou art the luminous full moon.’ Then he said: ‘I have appointed O’mar to be your governor and Khalifah; no one of you is to withdraw his foot from the circle of obedience to him or to demur to his commands, which deserve to be executed, because he will administer the government skilfully and arrange your affairs perfectly.’
It is said that at the time when Abu Bakr made his last will the notables of the period had assembled near his bedside, and imagined that he would, for the sake of consanguinity, appoint to the throne of the Khalifate Ttolhah, who himself also entertained that ambition. In that assembly Ttolhah and those who disapproved of the successorship of O’mar spoke thus: ‘O Khalifah of the apostle of God, decide this important matter with deliberation, because on the day of the resurrection Khalifahs will be examined concerning the affairs of their subjects.’ A’li said: ‘O Ttolhah, we shall obey no one except O’mar. I swear by God that I know him to be the only man able to bear this heavy load!’ Then he enumerated his good qualities, and, turning to Abu Bakr, said: ‘O Khalifah of the apostle of God, what you approve of we also approve of. It is patent to thy contemporaries that thou hast spent thy life in the handsomest manner, and hast always looked with a merciful eye upon the affairs of the nation. May God the Most High reward thee well, and distinguish thee by His pardon!’
A´ayshah says: ‘When the companions [of the prophet] had departed, we came out from the inner apartment and put him to sleep. While he was thus between wakefulness and sleep he heard some disturbance near the door of the house. He opened his eyes, and said to his son: “See who is on the premises, and what all this noise is about.” My brother went out, and returned saying: “There are some professors of Islâm and friends of the apostle who desire to be honoured by being admitted to a last interview.” Abu Bakr having assented, they entered, and he asked them for the reason of their congregating. They replied: “We have heard that thou hast deemed O’mar worthy of the Khalifate, and hast appointed him to govern us; but he is a man very prone to anger and speaks harshly, whereas an administration cannot prosper without kindness and harmony. What answer wilt thou give on the day of the resurrection, which is the day of reckoning, and what excuse wilt thou offer to the Lord of lords? What argument wilt thou adduce when thou art questioned and reproved on this point?”’ A´ayshah continues: ‘Abu Bakr became so incensed with anger at these words that I have never seen him in such a condition; but after his ebullition of wrath had subsided he exclaimed: “You threaten me with the displeasure of the Nourisher of mankind; but if He asks me to-morrow into whose hands I have surrendered the affairs of government, I shall say: I have appointed the best individual of the nation and the most pious of mankind in existence at that time to be the governor and Khalifah over Thy servants. I have given this dignity to a man who prefers Thy approbation to that of the people, and who will never, for the sake of obtaining it, cease to covet Thine.”’ It is said that Abu Bakr, not being satisfied with these words, further enumerated so many of the good qualities of O’mar that all present lauded him and gladly accepted the last will of Abu Bakr, assenting to the Khalifate of O’mar. They had been, as it were, sparks of fire, the heat of which was extinguished by the aqueous words of Abu Bakr, so that they were full of praise for O’mar, and returned to their homes. When the people had left Abu Bakr, he called O’mar, whom he instructed and admonished, whereon he continued: ‘O’mar, if thou actest according to my injunctions, thou wilt love nothing more than death; but if thou actest contrary to them, thou wilt hate nothing more than death, and thou wilt be unable to overcome the terror of it.’ Then O’mar rose and departed from the chamber of Abu Bakr with eyes full of tears. That very night Abu Bakr surrendered his life to the grasper of souls, carrying away the merits of his acts from the abode of perishableness. It is narrated in some chronicles that when the malady of Abu Bakr had overwhelmed him, he said to A´ayshah: ‘My little daughter, thy father is burdened with some debts; wilt thou deliver his neck from them or not?’ She said: ‘Why should I not do so?’ Then he continued: ‘Daughter, death is at hand; nothing of life remains. When the event inevitable to all mortals takes place, and I have tasted the beverage of death, you are, after having done preparing and shrouding my body, to deposit it near the mausoleum of the lord and refuge of apostleship, and to say, “Abu Bakr, the friend of the apostle of Allah, is at the door and craves admittance.” If you obtain permission, you are to bury me in the garden of the illustrious tomb, and the sign of permission will be the opening of the door of the mausoleum without being touched by anyone. If, however, you do not obtain permission, bury me in the Baqii’ cemetery.’ Thereon he uttered the words: ‘We belong to Allah, and unto Him shall we surely return.’5 These words he had pronounced on a Sunday, and the next day he departed to the proximity of the Lord of both worlds. When the report of his death spread, great confusion took place in the city of Madinah; the lamentations were great, and the sounds of the wailing population reached the zenith of the sky. When the shrouding and prayers had terminated, the people acted as they had been told, and the bier having been conveyed near to the resting-place of the lord of apostleship, the door of the mausoleum [spontaneously] opened, whereon the blessed body was deposited by the side of the perfumed resting-place of the prince of both mansions, and interred there. It is said that O’mar, O’thmân, and A’bdu-r-rahman the son of Abu Bakr entered the grave, buried the corpse, and, having made the surface of the spot smooth, poured water thereon.
It is said that Abu Bakr had died of some poisoned food brought to him by a Jew, he having eaten of it with Hâreth B. Kaldah; both of them died, however, only after the expiration of one year. According to some traditions, the last words spoken by Abu Bakr were the following: ‘Cause me to die a Moslem, and join me to the pious.’ In the versified abridgment of Ebn Jauzy, the following statement occurs [in Arabic]: ‘The Khalifate of Abu Bakr amounted to two years and four months less four nights.’ In the ‘Ghoniah’ it is said [also in Arabic]: ‘The period of his Khalifate amounted to two years and thirteen nights or ten nights. His birth took place three years after the year of the elephant.’6 The name of Abu Bakr was A’bdullah B. O’thmân, whose cognomen was Abu Quhâfah. His holy and prophetic lordship had once said to Abu Bakr, ‘Thou art liberated from hell fire,’ and he was also called A’tyq. It is known for a certainty that Abu Bakr was the most abstemious and humble of the adherents of the people of Muhammad. While he was Khalifah he dressed in woollen clothes, whereas many Arab magnates and princes of Yemen who paid him visits arrived with costly ornaments and wore gold embroidered garments; but when they beheld his ascetic clothing, humility, and dignified presence, they considered it suitable to abandon their ornaments and pomp, and to imitate him. This statement is confirmed by the fact that Dhu-l-Kalagh, the Hemyarite, who was at that time the ruler of the Hemyarites, arrived in Madinah with some of his tribe, his relatives and one thousand of his slaves. He wore elegant clothes, and had a costly diadem on his head; but when he beheld Abu Bakr’s mode of life and simplicity of demeanour, he relinquished all his pomp and ornaments. He went so far that his relatives saw him one day in Madinah walking about with the hide of a sheep thrown over his shoulder. They said: ‘O Mâlek, thou hast put us to shame, and made us despicable among the Arabs! What costume is this which thou hast donned?’ He replied: ‘Your desire is that I should be in Islâm the same vain-glorious prince I was in the time of ignorance! By no manner of means! Let it be known to you that perfect obedience to God is not attainable except by means of humility such as to obtain the approbation of God.’
The virtues and laudable qualities of Abu Bakr are more numerous than the writing reed could enumerate; it will, however, record some expressions of A’li the Commander of the Faithful, which he uttered after the demise but before the interment of Abu Bakr, with his eloquent and pearl-shedding tongue, in the assembly of the Mohâjer and Anssâr, as follows, according to the reports of intelligent men: ‘He excelled everyone in correctness of speech, his intellect was more penetrating than that of others; he was more conversant with the transaction of business and skilled in negotiations, taking upon himself duties as light which others considered burdensome, and speedily arranging affairs in which others were tardy. He was a true friend, faithful companion, and having chosen to associate with the apostle of Allah, spent everything he possessed to serve him. He attained such proficiency and certainty in the religion that his arguments were cogent, and the light of his foresight was marvellous. His heart being void of calumny and hypocrisy, the strong and the weak were equal in his sight when deciding matters of the religious law, and the nearer the contact of anyone was with him, the farther was the possibility of opposing him. He was a Khalifah towards whom no one manifested disloyalty. He was eloquent, but sparing of words when circumstances required it, although even then every word he uttered was salutary, thus confirming the statement of the apostle who had said: “Abu Bakr is of weak body, but strong in his duty to Allah. He is humble and despicable in his own opinion, but great in the sight of Allah, and honoured by the believers. In his behaviour nobody can detect an inclination to calumniate persons or an occasion to be calumniated, as he was a true and sincere friend. His commands were wise and brief, his transactions meek and foresighted, his decisions resolute and learned.” O Khalifah of the apostle of God, thou art more exalted than that we could deplore thy death according to thy merits! Not only the dwellers on earth feel the calamity of thy loss, but even the denizens of the celestial spheres sympathize with us. We belong to Allah, and unto him we shall return. I swear by God that no loss has been more grievous to the professors of Islâm after that of the apostle of Allah than that of thee, and that none more deplorable will take place, nor will there be any mourning harder to bear than the present one; but when the arrow of fate has been discharged, refuge can be obtained only under the shield of resignation. May God the Most High have mercy on thee, and not deprive thee of His reward!’
THE WIVES AND CHILDREN OF ABU BAKR.
He had in the time of ignorance married Qutylah, the daughter of A’bdu-l-a’zyz and Omm Rûmân, the daughter of Jâber B. O’mayrah. His son A’bdullah and [his daughter] Asmâ Dhâtu-n-nattâqyn he had by Qutylah, but A’bdu-r-rahman and A´ayshah [who became the wife of the prophet] he had by Omm Rûmân. In the time of Islâm he married Asmâ, the daughter of O’mys; she bore to him Muhammad, whom A’li brought up, and who engaged so much in prayer that he was surnamed the ascetic of the Quraish, and something about Muhammad B. Abu Bakr will be narrated in these pages. It is said that Abu Quhâfah, the father of Abu Bakr, departed this life during the Khalifate of O’mar, and that he was received into the proximity of divine mercy after ninety-nine years of his age had elapsed.
HIS OFFICIALS.
O’mar B. Alkhattâb was his Qâdzy, O’thmân B. O’ffan and Zaid B. Hâreth were his amanuenses. His official in Mekkah was E’tâb B. Asyd, whom his holy and prophetic lordship had appointed governor after the conquest of that country, and Abu Bakr left him also in that post, but he died on the same day as Abu Bakr. In Ttâyf the agent of Abu Bakr was O’thmân B. Abu-l-a´ass; he had appointed Mohâjer B. Ommyah to Ssa’nâ, Zyâd B. Lobeyd to Hadzramant, A’lâ Hadzramy to Bahrayn, Jaryr B. A’bdullah Aljabali to Najrân; to the Sowâd of E’râq he had appointed Mothanna B. Hâreth, to the country of Syria Abu O’baydah B. Jurrâh and Shorahbil B. Hasnah, and, despite their being governors, the three last-mentioned individuals were under the command of Khâled B. Alwolyd.
RECORD OF THE KHALIFATE OF O’MAR B. ALKHATTÂB.
When O’mar had become established in the Khalifate, he said: ‘Abu Bakr had been called the Khalifah [i.e., successor] of the apostle of God, and it would be a long title to call me the Khalifah of the Khalifah of God.’ The people asked, ‘What expression are we to use to designate thy noble person?’ He replied: ‘You being Believers and I your Amir, call me Amir of the Believers.’ It is related in the ‘Meadows of Gold’ that the first man who called him Amir of the Believers was A’dy B. Hâtim, and also others are mentioned, but Allah knows best. It is said that when the office of the Khalifate had become adorned by the installation of O’mar therein, he sent a letter to the Amirs of Syria, who were at that time engaged in a siege, informing them of the demise of Abu Bakr and his accession to the Khalifate, also that he had removed Khâled B. Alwolyd from the command, and had appointed thereto Abu O’baydah B. Jurrâh in his stead. He despatched also another letter to Abu O’baydah B. Jurrâh, the contents of which were as follows: ‘When thou receivest this writing thou art to convoke the officers of the army and to inform them of thy appointment to, and of the removal of Khâled from, the command, that they may obey and follow thee. The army of Islâm being numerous in those parts, thou art to send back to us the men thou standest not in need of, but to retain those with thee whom thou requirest, and one of the men thou standest in need of is Khâled B. Alwolyd, to whose departure thou art not to consent.’ When Sheddâd B. Aws, who was the envoy of O’mar, arrived in the vicinity of Damascus, he gave both letters to Abu O’baydah, who kept the matter secret, performed the prayers as usual in the rear of Khâled [who was the Emâm], and was too modest to inform him of his removal. Meanwhile the rumour of Abu O’baydah’s appointment had spread, and in conversation people called him Amir. When Khâled heard the rumour in the way just alluded to, he said: ‘May God the Most High and Glorious pardon Abu Bakr; if he were alive he would never have removed me from the command.’ There is a tradition that when the letter appointing Abu O’baydah to the command had arrived, he kept it secret, and Khâled continued as before to administer affairs until a second letter arrived ordering Abu O’baydah to retain a portion of the army and to beleaguer Damascus therewith, but to send the rest in the direction of Hamss, retaining near himself those who were needed, one of them being Khâled B. Alwolyd, whose aid and advice Abu O’baydah could not dispense with. This letter the couriers handed to Khâled, but the manner in which he was informed of his removal is narrated also in another way; when, however, he had heard of it he spoke as follows to Abu O’baydah: ‘Why hast thou up to this time not informed me of the state of affairs?’ Abu O’baydah replied: ‘I never meant to reveal it, because the commandership and Amirate is to intelligent and experienced men not of such value that two brothers should contend for it, envy each other for it, or uselessly grieve for the loss of it. O Khâled, we have appointed thee to be the Amir of the whole cavalry of the army, so that we may bravely and unanimously continue the siege together.’ It is recorded in some histories that when O’mar had become Khalifah, he wrote to the Amirs of Syria: ‘Ask Khâled whether he had slain Mâlek by accident or on purpose. Spare him if he confesses his error, but if not, then take the turban off his head in that very interview and confiscate one half of his property.’ When the Amirs had received the letter, they asked Khâled, and he replied: ‘Give me respite this night that I may consider this matter.’ During that night he held a consultation with his sister Fattimah, who was a very intelligent person, and she said: ‘The desire of O’mar is that thou shouldst confess the killing of Mâlek B. Nuyrah to have been improper, so that he may invite all the Bani Nuyrah to wreak vengeance for their brother and to slay thee.’ The next day Khâled B. Alwolyd gave a suitable answer, and the Amirs acted according to the instructions of O’mar.
THE CONQUEST OF DAMASCUS.
After Abu O’baydah B. Jurrâh had assumed the duties of commander-in-chief, Khâled B. Alwolyd and all the other Amirs applied themselves so diligently and strenuously to the siege of Damascus that the garrison of the fortress was in great distress. After a consultation the Governor of Damascus marched from the city with his brave army and drew it out in lines opposite to the adherents of Islâm. The Musalmâns fought and resisted during an hour, whereon they turned their backs for the sake of convenience and fled. The opponents, imagining that the victory-boding army had returned to its own encampment, and would remain there, pursued it; but the army of Islâm, having marched a short distance, returned, and a terrible conflict ensued between the antagonists. During the fight Ssafuwân B. Mua’ttal Salmy happened to perceive one of the caitiffs, who wore a gilded helmet on his head and a valuable cuirass on his breast. Ssafuwân, watching his opportunity, attacked the man, wounded him with his spear, and, lifting him from the saddle, prostrated him on the ground. Hereon, the wife of this man, being armed, attacked Ssafuwân furiously; but when he perceived his assailant to be a woman, he said to himself, ‘What man is he who is less than a woman?’ and, drawing his sword, intended to defend himself, whereon the woman, seized by fright, returned to her lines. Ssafuwân thereon alighted from his charger, and, depriving her husband of his garments as well as of his arms, went back to the ranks. The army of Islâm, encouraged by the bravery of Ssafuwân, forthwith made an onslaught upon the foe, and, repeating it several times, killed so many that the calculator of imagination would fail to ascertain the number of the people slain on that occasion, confessing his inability to do so. Those who had escaped the sword fled from the battle-field as they best could and threw themselves into the fortress of Damascus, the victorious army pursuing the fugitives till it reached the fortress and continued the siege with the utmost alacrity. In those days the price of grain rose enormously in the city.
There was such a famine in Damascus
That friends forgot to love each other.7
When the siege had lasted a considerable time, the inhabitants of Damascus sent a message to Heraclius, who was then in Antioch, to the following purport: ‘It is nearly a year since the Arab army is closely besieging us, and has reduced us to a state of famine and of misery. We have sallied forth several times from the city, have fought and striven to preserve our honour, but altogether in vain. If his exalted majesty be favourably inclined towards this country, let him make haste to aid it, because we have become so exhausted that we possess no strength; if, on the contrary, delay takes place in this matter, we shall be under the necessity of concluding peace with our foes, because, after having granted us quarter, it will be possible to satisfy them with little.’ The dark-minded Heraclius thereon sent the following reply to the beleaguered inhabitants of Damascus: ‘Your letter has been received and the contents thereof have become known. You are to be strenuous in defending the town, and to ward off the Arabs as much as possible till I arrive and relieve you with an army which I am fitting out. Be aware that the Arabs do not keep their promises, and do not act according to what they have spoken. Be not deceived by their speeches, because after having concluded peace with you and taken possession of the city, they will plunder all your property, and will carry off your families into captivity; therefore you are not to surrender the fortress to them, but to wait for my arrival to aid you.’ When the inhabitants of Damascus had perused the letter of the Qayssar, they were tranquillized and glad. They defended the place for some time longer, passing their days and nights in expectation of relief; but when they perceived the force and courage of the army of Islâm augmenting day by day, and there were no hopes of aid from the Qayssar, the Governor of Damascus sent a number of respectable men to sue for peace. A’bu O’baydah considered it proper to assent to the demand, whereon he wrote a treaty of peace, to which also the simple and the gentle of the town affixed their signatures, after they had consented to pay him one hundred thousand gold dinârs; and, moreover, every male assented to pay annually a capitation tax of four, and every female of two dinârs. The money having been paid and the keys of the gates surrendered to the army of Islâm, Abu O’baydah despatched one-fifth of the sum to Madinah, and informed O’mar the Amir of the Faithful of the glorious victory he had gained, but distributed the rest of the money among the troops. After he had conquered Damascus, Abu O’baydah sent A’mru B. A´ass with troops to the country of Falesttyn [Palestine] and orders to conclude peace if the inhabitants were so inclined, but in the contrary case to pillage them. A’mru B. A´ass acted as he had been commanded, but when the people of that country had heard that Damascus had with the surrounding districts fallen under the sway of the Musalmâns they were sore afraid, congregated in one spot, and made preparations for resistance and war. They despatched couriers to Antioch asking the Qayssar to send them reinforcements, whereon he despatched twenty thousand cavalry, who were lancers, to Falesttyn, who arrived there after duly traversing the distance. When A’mru B. A´ass was informed of the arrival of these troops, as well as that twenty thousand more cavalry of the enemy had been concentrated at Ba’lbek and would join the lancers, he became pensive, and informed Abu O’baydah in a letter of this state of affairs.
MARCH OF KHÂLED B. ALWOLYD TO BA’LBEK, FLIGHT OF
THE OPPONENTS, AND HIS REJOINING THE MUSALMÂNS.
When A’bu O’baydah had obtained information about the massing of the Byzantine troops, he knew that A’mru B. A´ass would not be able to cope with them, and consulted Khâled about the impending calamity. Khâled replied: ‘My opinion is to attack the Christian Byzantines and the Arab apostates in concert with A’mru B. A´ass, Shorahbil B. Hasnah, Zaid B. Abu Sofiân, and other Amirs such as they. Thou must write to them not to be in haste to attack the opponents till I arrive in Ba’lbek, and ascertain who the people are that desire to succour the inhabitants of Falesttyn, whereon I shall draw forth from my sleeve the arm of boldness and shall annihilate the foes.’ Abu O’baydah approved of this opinion, and despatched a courier to A’mru B. A´ass with instructions not to hasten on hostilities until Khâled had reached him. Thereon Abu O’baydah sent Khâled with five thousand cavalry to Ba’lbek, and as soon as the enemies became aware of his approach they drew out their forces in lines, whereon champions sallied forth on both sides and began the contest, which lasted from the rising of the sun till the setting of it. Seeing the boldness of the opponents, Khâled shouted: ‘Musalmân people, I shall attack these forces, and if you will aid me, the breeze of victory may perhaps blow upon the standards of Islâm.’ When the auxiliaries had joined Khâled, the two armies attacked each other, and the Yamani swords having begun their work, dyed the soil with blood, till at last by Divine favour the zephyr of victory commenced to waft over the glorious standards, so that countless numbers of the opponents hastened to the infernal regions, whilst some took refuge in the fort and others hastened in the direction of Falesttyn. The victorious army gained immense booty, all of which Khâled despatched to Abu O’baydah, informing him in a letter of the exploit. Abu O’baydah thereon offered thanks to God, and sent the following letter to Khâled: ‘As thou hast conquered the people of Ba’lbek, and thy mind has been delivered of all apprehensions concerning them, thou art, according to thy promise, to march to Falesttyn and do thy utmost in assisting our friends.’ Khâled acted as he had been bidden, and proceeded in the required direction. When, however, the Byzantines learnt that the adherents of Islâm were day by day receiving reinforcements, and were thus getting more powerful, they abandoned their camp, and retreated to a place called Majal, where they halted. Meanwhile Abu O’baydah, having in conformity with the requirements of the circumstances appointed a man to take his place in Damascus, marched in person with a force of brave men to Falesttyn, where he joined the troops of Khâled B. Alwolyd and of A’mru B. A´ass, after having hastened on day and night. When the Byzantines were informed of the arrival of Abu O’baydah, they sent him the following letter: ‘You must leave this country, or else we shall annihilate you with our brave army, not sparing the life of any Musalmân in our land.’ Abu O’baydah dismissed the envoys with a suitable reply, which having reached the Battâryqah [patriarchs or patricians], fear and complete terror having overpowered their minds, they despatched another messenger, requesting him to send to them a pious Musalmân, so that they might ascertain from him what was the object of the advent of the Musalmâns in their country, and what their eagerness for fighting was based upon. Thereon Abu O’baydah ordered Moa´adh B. Jabal to go and meet them. Moa´adh donned a loose coat-of-mail with a silken lining under it, wound a red turban around his head, mounted a black charger, and departed to the Byzantine army. When he had performed the distance and approached the assembly of the Battâryqah, he alighted from his horse, took the bridle in his hand, advancing further, till the Amirs and Wazirs perceived him and ordered one of their slaves to take charge of his horse. The slave approached and desired to wait on him, but he said that, being himself more worthy to take care of his horse than any other man, he would not surrender it, and continued his way with the bridle of his steed in his hand. When he had come quite close to that assembly, he perceived distinguished and noble Mohâjer [sic] sitting on costly pillows and couches, whereon another man beckoned to him to let go his horse to meet those persons, who were the Amirs and buttresses of the Qayssar’s monarchy, to sit down among them, and to speak to them. Moa´adh, however, replied: ‘Why should I step on their carpet and sit down with them? I intend to tell them in a standing position what I have to say.’ The interpreter said: ‘The Byzantine Battâryqah will be displeased to see thee standing while they sit, and thus to converse with thee.’ Moa´adh continued: ‘As our prophet has forbidden us to stand [humbly] before created beings, I shall not do so, and I dislike to sit on this carpet, which is very ornamental; but as sitting is indispensable, I shall squat on the bare ground.’ The interpreter rejoined: ‘The Byzantines have heard something of thy abstinence and piety; they intend to show thee respect and honour, do not therefore abase thyself by behaving like slaves and bondsmen, whose business it is to sit on the ground.’ Moa´adh continued: ‘Being one of the slaves of the Lord of lords, what harm is there in my sitting on the carpet of my Nourisher?’ The interpreter said: ‘It is known that thou art one of the best Arabs.’ Moa´adh replied: ‘I fear I am one of the worst of them.’ In short, more talk ensued between them than this abridgment can contain, and at last they asked him what was wanted from them. Moa´adh then said: ‘We want you to believe in the book of God— whose magnificence be glorified—and in the apostolate of the Mussttafa, as well as to accept the ordinances of Islâm, such as prayers, fasting, etc., and to abstain from eating pork, drinking wine, and other matters prohibited by the law. If you do not profess the Faith you must pay a capitation tax, and if you agree to neither the sword must decide between us.’ After they had heard these words of Moa´adh they despaired of attaining their object, and said: ‘There is a vast difference between what we say and what you want. There is, however, yet one proposal which we desire to make; if you assent to it all will be well, but if not the affair will be greatly protracted.’ He asked: ‘What is it?’ They replied: ‘Retain the Bulghâr country which you have forcibly taken from us, but abstain from invading any other possessions of ours. If you make a treaty on this subject with us, we shall be your allies against the Persians and other foreigners.’ Moa´adh replied: ‘The Bulghâr country and other districts formerly belonging to you are now in our possession; but it is our intention to deprive you of all the countries, forts, and strongholds over the inhabitants of which you dominate. The wish of the ascetic is one thing, and the melancholy of the lover is another.’8 The Battâryqah of Byzantium, who had listened to these words, became incensed with wrath, threatened, reproached, and then dismissed him, whereon Moa´adh likewise uttered angry words and departed. The Byzantines, however, sent an envoy after him to Abu O’baydah with the following message: ‘We had requested thee to send us a man just in his dealings and conversant with the subtleties of negotiations, but thou hast sent one who possesses no sense of justice, and recoiled from listening to truth, so that how much soever we held forth offers of pacification, he retorted with threats of hostilities, so that we do not know whether he has uttered sentiments approved by thee or not. Now we implore thee to despatch to us another man, that we may tell him a few words profitable to thee as well as to us, or else allow us to send a confidential man to thee, to represent to thee what we have to say.’ Abu O’baydah having assented, the Byzantines sent a very eloquent and oily-tongued envoy, whose negotiations for peace were, however, not approved of by Abu O’baydah, because they were contrary to the law and not in agreement with the Sonna, so that the envoy returned disappointed, and informed them of the state of affairs.