ON Monday,199 the 27th Rabī‘u-l-ākhir, A.H. 1030 (10 March, 1621), the sun that bestows bounty on the world lit up the abode of fortune of Aries with his world-illuminating light, and gladdened the world and its inhabitants. The sixteenth year of the reign of this suppliant at the throne of Allah commenced with gladness and victory, and at the auspicious hour and blessed time I sat on the throne of success in the capital of Agra. On this joy-enhancing day my fortunate son Shahriyār lifted up his head with the honour of the mansab of 8,000 and 4,000 horse. My revered father bestowed, for the first time, this mansab199a on my brothers. It is hoped that in the shadow of my education and in carrying out my pleasure, he may reach the extreme of life and prosperity. On this day Bāqir K. arrayed his men and passed them before me in order. The great Bakhshis recorded (the number as) 1,000 horse and 2,000 foot, and reported to me. Having promoted him to the mansab of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, I entrusted the duties of faujdar of Agra to him.
On Wednesday, together with the ladies seated in a boat. I went to the Nūr-afshān garden, and rested there at night. As the garden belongs to the establishment of Nūr Jahān B., on Thursday, the 4th, she held the royal199b entertainment and presented great offerings. Of jewels, jewelled ornaments, and all sorts of precious goods, I selected what I approved of, of the value of Rs. 100,000. During these days, every day after midday I embarked in a boat, and went to Samo-nagar, 4 koss distant from the city, for sport, returning to the palace at night. Sending Rāja Sārang Deo to my prosperous son Shāh Parwīz, I sent with him a special dress of honour, with a jewelled belt, which contained a sapphire200 and several rubies. As I had given Behar to that son in the place of Muqarrab K., I started off a sazāwul to conduct him from Allahabad to Behar. Mīr Zāhid,200a son-in-law of Muẓaffar K., having come from Thatta, waited on me. As Mīr ‘Aẓudu-d-daula200b had become very old and decrepit, he could not carry out the duties of the camp and his jagir. I released him from the trouble of service and active work. I ordered that he should receive Rs. 4,000 every month out of the public treasury, and living at ease and in comfort at Agra or Lahore, or wherever he wished, should employ himself in prayers for my increased life and welfare.
On the 9th Farwardīn the offering of I‘tibār K. was laid before me. Of jewels, cloths, etc., the value of Rs. 70,000, was accepted, and I returned the remainder to him. Muḥibb ‘Alī and Āqā Beg, envoys of the ruler of Persia, presented twenty-four horses, two mules, three camels, seven greyhounds (sag-i-tāzī), twenty-seven pieces (ṭāq) of brocade, a shamāma200c of ambergris, two pairs of carpets, and two namad takya200d (woollen coverlets). Two mares with foals that my brother had sent with them were also brought before me.
On Thursday, at the request of Āṣaf K., I went to his house with the ladies. Having prepared a grand entertainment, he submitted to me many delicate gems and wonders in cloths, and rare gifts. Choosing out of these to the value of Rs. 130,000, I gave the rest to him. Mukarram K., governor of Orissa, sent by way of offering thirty - two elephants, male and female, and these had the honour of being accepted. At this time I saw a wild ass201 (gūr-khar), exceedingly strange in appearance, exactly like a lion. From the tip of the nose to the end of the tail, and from the point of the ear to the top of the hoof, black markings, large or small, suitable to their position, were seen on it. Round the eyes there was an exceedingly fine black line. One might say the painter of fate, with a strange brush, had left it on the page of the world. As it was strange, some people imagined that it had been coloured. After minute inquiry into the truth, it became known that the Lord of the world was the Creator thereof. As it was a rarity, it was included among the royal gifts sent to my brother Shāh ‘Abbās. Bahādur K. Uzbeg had sent as an offering some tipchāq horses and cloth stuffs from ‘Irāq, and they were produced before me. Dresses of honour for the winter were sent for Ibrāhīm K. Fatḥ-jang and the Amirs of Bengal by Mūmin Shīrāzī. On the 15th the offering of Ṣādiq K. was produced. It was of all sorts. Having taken what was worth Rs. 15,000, I gave the remainder to him. Fāẓil K. on this day also gave an offering according to his condition. Of this a trifle was taken. On Thursday (19th Farwardīn) the feast of the culmination was held, and when two watches and one ghari of the day had passed, I took my seat on the throne. According to the request of Madār-ul-mulk I‘timādu-d-daula, the feast of the culmination was held in his house. He presented a remarkable offering of rare and choice things from all countries. Altogether I took the value of Rs. 138,000. On this day I gave Zambil Beg, the ambassador, a muhar201a equal to 200 tolas in weight. At this time Ibrāhīm K. had sent some eunuchs from Bengal. One of these was a hermaphrodite. Among the offerings of the above-mentioned were two boats made in Bengal, of a very pleasant shape, on the decoration of which a sum of Rs. 10,000 had been expended. They were really kingly boats. Having made Shaikh Qāsim K. governor of Allahabad, I honoured him with the title of Muḥtashim K. and the mansab of 5,000, and gave an order that the Diwans should give him an increase to his jagir out of the unappropriated (maḥāll-i-ghair-i-‘amalī) estates. Rāja Shyām Singh, Zamindar of Srīnagar (in Garhwāl) was given a horse and an elephant.
At this time it was reported to me that Yūsuf K., s. Ḥusain K.,202 had died in the victorious army of the Deccan a sudden death. The report said that when he was at his jagir he had become so fat that he got out of breath with the least exertion. One day when he was paying his respects to Khurram, in coming and going his breathing202a became difficult. When a dress of honour was given him, in putting it on and saluting he became helpless, and a trembling affected all his limbs, and with a hundred labours and exertions he saluted and stumbled out and fell under the shelter of the tent enclosure, and became unconscious. His servants placed him in a palanquin, and took him home, and as he arrived, the messenger of death came also. He received his command, and left his heavy lump of earth in the perishable dustbin. On 1st Urdībihisht, I gave a special dagger to Zambil Beg, the ambassador. On the 4th of the same month the feast of the kār-i-khair (consummation of marriage) of my son Shahriyār increased the joy of my heart. The Ḥinna-bandī (putting on henna) assembly took place in the palace of Maryamu-z-zamānī. The feast of the nikāḥ (marriage) was held in the house of I‘timādu-d-daula. I myself went there with the ladies and adorned the feast of joy. After seven gharis of night had passed, on Friday202b the marriage took place with rejoicings. I hope that it will be propitious to this daily-increasing State. On Tuesday, the 19th, in the Nūr-af shān garden, I presented my son Shahriyār with a jewelled chārqab (coat), with a turban and waist-belt (kamar-band), and two horses, one an ‘Irāqī, with a gold saddle, and the other a Turkī, with an embroidered saddle.
In these days Shāh Shujā‘ had an eruption so violent that water would not go down his throat, and his life was despaired of. As it had been recorded in his father's horoscope that his son would die this year, all the astrologers were unanimous that he would not live, but Jotik Rāy said, on the contrary, that the dust of calamity would not settle on the skirt of his life. I asked: “By what proof?” He said that in the horoscope of my destiny it was recorded that in this year no distress or trouble would find its way to the royal mind from any road, and as I had a great affection for the child, it behoved that no calamity should happen to him, and some other child would die. It came to pass as he said, and he carried his life out of this deadly place, and a son that he (Shāh Jahān) had by the daughter of Shāh-nawāz K., died at Burhanpur. Besides this, many of Jotik Rāy's judgments (aḥkām) turned out correct. This is not without strangeness, and it is therefore recorded in these memoirs. I accordingly ordered him (Jotik Rāy) to be weighed against money and the weight came to Rs. 6,500. This was given him as a reward.
Muḥammad Ḥusain Jābirī was appointed Bakhshi and newswriter of the Subah of Orissa. The mansab of Lāchīn Munajjim (astrologer) Qāqshāl, at the request of Mahābat K., was fixed, original and increased, at 1,000 personal and 500 horse. Muḥammad Ḥusain, brother of Khwāja Jahān, came from Kāngṛa and waited on me. Having presented an elephant to Bahādur K. Uzbeg, I sent it with his Vakil. Hurmuz and Hūshang, grandsons of the asylum of pardon Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥakīm, by reason of the caution that is fitting to rulers, had been imprisoned in the fort of Gwalior. At this time, having summoned them into my presence, I ordered them to remain in Agra, and a daily allowance sufficient for their expenses was allowed for them. At this time a brahman of the name of Rūdar Bhattachāraj, who was one of the learned ones of this caste, and was engaged at Benares in teaching, had the good fortune to pay his respects to me. In truth, he has studied well, both in the rational and traditional sciences, and is perfect in his own line.
One of the strange events of this time204 was that on 30 Farwardīn (about 10 April, 1621) in the present year, in a certain village of the pargana of Jālandhar, in the morning, a terrible noise arose from the East, such that its inhabitants, from fright at that terror-increasing sound, nearly deserted their bodies. Whilst this noise and disturbance were going on, a light fell from above on the ground, and the people thought that fire was raining down from heaven. After a moment, when that noise ceased, and their troubled hearts recovered from their bewilderment and terror, they sent a quick runner to the collector (‘āmil) Muḥammad Sa‘īd, and informed him of what had occurred. He immediately rode there himself, and went to look at the spot. For ten or twelve yards in length and breadth the land was so burnt that no trace of any grass or green was left, and there were still signs of heat and burning. He ordered them to dig up the soil, and the more they dug the greater the heat appeared to be till they came to a place where a piece of heated iron appeared. It was as hot as if it had been taken out of a furnace. After a while it became cold, and taking it up, he conveyed it to his house, and placing it in a kharīṭa (cover), which he sealed, he sent it to Court. I ordered them to weigh it in my presence, and it came to 160 tolas. I ordered Master (Ustād) Dā'ūd204a to make a sword, a dagger, and a knife of it, and bring them to me. He represented that it would not stand below the hammer, and fell to pieces. I told him in that case to mix it with other iron and make use of it. As I had told him, he mixed three parts of lightning-iron and one of other iron, and having made two swords, one dagger, and one knife, brought them to me. From the mixing of other iron he had brought out its quality (watering). According to the manner of the excellent swords of Yaman204b and the South, it could be bent, and became straight again. I ordered them to test it in my presence. It cut very well, equal to true swords. I called one the Shamshīr-i-qāṭi‘ (keen sword) and the other Barq-sirisht (lightning-natured). Bī-badal K. composed a quatrain which demonstrated205 these particulars, and recited it:
By Shāh Jahāngīr the world acquired order.
There fell in his reign raw iron from lightning.
From that iron were made by his world-taking command,
A dagger, a knife, and two scimitars.
And “Spark of royal lightning” gave the date (A.H. 1030).
At this time Rāja Sārang Deo, who had gone to my fortunate son Shāh Parwīz, came and waited on me. Parwīz represented that he, according to order, had proceeded from Allahabad to Behar. I hope he will be prosperous (there). Qāsim K. was dignified with the gift of drums. On this day one ‘Alīmu-d-dīn, a servant of Khurram, brought a report from him containing the good news of the victory, with a jewelled thumbstall (shast, perhaps a ring), which he had sent as nazar. I gave him leave, sending by him a dress of honour. Amīr Beg, brother of Fāẓil Beg. K., was appointed Diwan to my son Shahriyār and Muḥammad Ḥusain, brother of Khwāja Jahān, was made Bakhshi, and Ma‘ṣūm was appointed Mīr-Sāmān. Sayyid Ḥājī obtained leave to go as an axuiliary to the army of the Deccan, and I gave him a horse. Muẓaffar K., was also promoted to the post of Bakhshi.
As at this time the mother205a of Imām-qulī K., the ruler of Tūrān, had sent to Nūr Jahān Begam a letter containing expressions of good will and the dues of acquaintanceship, and sent some rarities from that country, Khwāja Naṣīr, who was one of the old servants and one of my attendants from the time when I was a prince, was sent by way of embassy on the part of Nūr Jahān Begam with a letter, with choice gifts from this country. At the time when the ladies were staying in the Nūr-afshān garden, a rang (ibex) fawn eight days old, jumped down from the terrace of the palace, which is 8 gaz in height, on to the ground, and began to leap about, no sign of injury or pain being perceptible in it.
On the 4th of the Divine month206 of Khurdād, Afẓal K., Khurram's Diwan brought a letter from him containing the good news of his victory, and kissed the threshold. The details are as follows: When the victorious army reached Ujain, a band of the servants of the Court, who were in the fort of Māndū, sent a report that an army of the rebels, putting forward the foot of audacity, had crossed the Nar-badā, and burning several villages that were under206a the fort, were busy with rapine and plunder. Madāru-l-mahāmm Khwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan, with 5,000 cavalry, were appointed to go in all haste and inflict punishment on that vain lot of people. The Khwāja made a night march, and at the dawn of day reached the bank of the Narbadā. When the enemy learnt this, they in one moment threw themselves into the river and reached the bank of safety. The brave cavalry galloped after them, and pursued them for nearly 4 koss,206b and with the sword of vengeance, made many of them travellers on the road of non-existence. The ill-fated rebels did not turn back the reins of haste till they reached Burhanpur. Khurram wrote to Abū-l-Ḥasan to remain on that (the South) side of the river till he came. Soon he, with his army, joined this advanced force, and hastened on, march by march, till he reached Burhanpur. The graceless rebels were still keeping206c their ground, and were encamped round the city. As the imperial servants had been contending with the rebels for two years, they had suffered much hardship from want of land (bī-jāgīrī,207 non-possession of fiefs, landlessness) and scarcity of corn, and their horses were worn out by continued service. Accordingly, they had to delay nine days in order to recruit. During this period, thirty lakhs of rupees and many cuirasses207a were distributed among the soldiers, and sazāwuls had been sent out and had brought many men out of the city (Burhanpur). The gallant troops had not yet put their hands to the work, when the black-fated rebels felt that they could not resist, and scattered like “the daughters of the Bier” (the stars of the constellation of the Great Bear, which are dispersed over the heavens, instead of being clustered like the Pleiades). The brave and swift cavaliers followed them, and with the sword of vengeance cast many of them upon the earth of perdition. They gave them no rest, but smiting and slaying them, pursued them as far as Khirkī, which was the residence of the Niẓāmu-l-mulk and the other rebels. One day before this the ill-starred one (Malik ‘Ambar) had got information of the approach of the imperialists, and had removed the Niẓāmu-l-mulk and his family and effects to the fort of Daulatabad. There he had encamped, with his back resting on the fort, while in front of him there were marshes and quagmires.207b Most of his men became scattered in all directions. The leaders of the victorious army, with their vengeance-seeking soldiers, halted three days in the town of Khirkī, and so destroyed a city which had taken twenty years to build, that it is not known if it will regain its splendour in other twenty years. In fine, after throwing down its buildings, all agreed in opinion that as an army of rebels was still besieging Ahmadnagar, they must at once go there, and inflict condign punishment on the originators of the disturbance, renew the supplies (of the Ahmadnagar garrison), and leave assistance there, and then return. With this view they set out, and came as far as the town of Patan (in Berar, Jarrett II. 233). Meanwhile, the crafty ‘Ambar208 sent agents and officers, and said: “After this I will not drop the thread of service and loyalty from my hand, nor put out my foot beyond orders, and will regard whatever tribute and fine be commanded as a favour, and will send it to the government.” It happened that just then there was great scarcity in the camp in consequence of the dearness of provisions, and also that news came that the rebel force which was besieging Ahmadnagar had withdrawn on hearing of the approach of the imperialists. Accordingly, a force was sent to help Khanjar K. (the governor of Fort Ahmadnagar), and a sum of money for his charges. Thereupon the imperialists were relieved from all anxiety and returned (across the Narbadā?). After much entreaty and lamentation (on the part of ‘Ambar) it was settled that in addition to the territory which of old had belonged to the empire, the rebels should surrender 14 koss of the adjoining country, and should pay into the public treasury fifty lakhs of rupees as tribute.
I gave Afẓal K. (Shāh Jahān's diwan) leave to return, and sent with him, for Khurram, the ruby plume (kalgī-i-la‘lī) which the King of Persia had sent to me, and which has been already described, and I gave to the aforesaid (Afẓal) a dress of honour, an elephant, an inkpot, and a jewelled pen. Khanjar K., who, when besieged in the Fort of Ahmadnagar, had performed approved services, and shown proper activity, was promoted to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 1,000 horse.
Mukarram K., having come by order from Orissa, had, with his brothers, the good fortune to wait upon me. He presented a string of pearls by way of offering. Muẓaffaru-l-mulk, s. Bahāduru-l-mulk, was honoured with the title of Nuṣrat K. A standard was conferred on Ūdā Rām, Dakhanī, and to ‘Azīzu-llah, s. Yūsuf K., was given the mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. On Thursday, the 21st, Muqarrab K. arrived from Behar, and had the good fortune to wait upon me. At this time Āqā ‘Alī, Muḥibb ‘Alī Beg, Ḥājī Beg, and Fāẓil Beg, the envoys of the ruler of Persia, who had come at different times, were allowed to depart. To Āqā Beg I made a present of a dress of honour, a jewelled dagger, and Rs. 40,000 in cash; to Muḥibb ‘Alī Beg a dress of honour and Rs. 30,000; and to the others in the same way I presented gifts according to their positions. I also sent a suitable souvenir by them to my brother. On this day Mukarram K. was appointed Subahdar of Delhi, and faujdar of Mewat. Shajā‘āt K. ‘Arab was dignified with the mansab of 3,000 personal and 2,500 horse, original and increased; Sharza K. with that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse; Girdhar, s. Rāy Sāl Kachhwāha, with that of 1,200 and 900 horse.
On the 29th, Qāsim Beg, an envoy of the ruler of Persia, came and waited on me, bringing a letter from that brother of lofty dignity, containing expressions of sincerity and friendship. What he had sent by way of royal gifts was laid before me. On the 1st of Tīr, I sent a special elephant called Gaj Ratan, for my son (farzand) Khān Jahān. Naẓar Beg, a servant of Khurram, laid before me a letter from him asking for the gift of horses. I ordered Rāja Kishan Dās, the mushrif (accountant) to prepare within fifteen days 1,000 horses from the royal stables, and to send them off with him. I sent to Khurram as a present a horse of the name of Rūm-ratan209 (“the jewel of Turkey”), which the ruler of Persia had sent me out of the spoils of the Turkish camp.
On this day a servant of Irādat K., of the name of Ghiyāṯu-d-dīn, laid before me a report from him containing the good news of his victory. In the preceding pages there has been written with the pen of demonstration an account of the rebellion of the Zamindars of Kishtwār and of the despatch of Jalāl, s. Dilāwar K. As this important matter had not been properly managed by him, an order was given to Irādat K. to hasten to take up that duty, and to inflict severe punishment on the rebels, and make such arrangements in the hill-country that the dust of dispersion and calamity might not settle on its frontiers. He, as ordered, hastened there and did approved service, and the people of sedition and disturbance, having turned their heads towards the desert of exile, escaped half dead. Thus once more was the thorn of calamity and mischief rooted out of that country, and having established the officials and established posts, he returned to Kashmir. As a reward for this service I added 500 horse to his mansab.
As Khwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan had done good service and shown proper activity in the affair of the Deccan, I increased his mansab by 1,000 horse. Aḥmad Beg, nephew of Ibrāhīm K. Fatḥ-jang, being exalted to the Subahdarship of Orissa, was dignified with the title of Khān, and had given him a standard and drums. His mansab also was raised to 2,000 with 500 horse.
As I had often heard of the virtues and good qualities of Qāẓī Naṣīr of Burhanpur, my truth-seeking mind had a desire for his society. At this time he came, according to summons, to the Court. Doing honour to his learning, I paid him great regard. The Qāẓī is one of the unique of the age for rational and traditional sciences, and there are few books that he has not read, but his exterior did not agree with his interior, and I could not be delighted with his company. As I found him much devoted to being a dervish and seclusion, I respected his feelings, and did not give him the trouble of serving me. I gave him Rs. 5,000, and dismissed him to his native country to pass his days in ease.
On the 1st of the Divine month of Amurdād Bāqir K. was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 personal and 1,200 horse, and of the Amirs and royal servants who had distinguished themselves in the conquest of the Deccan, thirty-two individuals were exalted by having their mansabs raised. ‘Abdu-l-’ Azīz K. Naqshbandī, who had been appointed to the governorship of Qandahar at the request of my son Khān Jahān, was promoted to that of 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse. On the 1st Shahrīwār I gave the ambassador Zambil Beg a jewelled sword, and also presented him with a village under the jurisdiction of the capital, the revenue of which was Rs. 16,000.
At this time, knowing that he was unfit for duty on account of his bad temper and want of knowledge, I dismissed Ḥakīm Ruknā,211 and told him he might go wherever he wished. As it was reported to me that Hūshang, the brother's son of Khān ‘Ālam, had committed an unjust murder, having summoned him to my presence, I investigated the charge, and after it was established, gave an order for his execution. God forbid that in such affairs I should consider princes, and far less that I should consider Amirs. I hope that the grace of God may support me in this. On 1st Shahrīwar, at the request of Āṣaf K., I went to his house and bathed in the bath-house that he has lately built. It is beautifully finished. After I had done bathing he laid before me offerings fit for a nazar. I took what I approved of and gave him the rest. The Waẓīfa (pension) of Khiẓr Khān (late ruler) of Khandesh, was fixed at Rs. 30,000,211a original and increased.
At this time it was reported to me that a blacksmith of the name of Kalyān was much in love with a woman of his own caste, and was always laying his head at her feet, and showing symptoms of infatuation. The woman, though she was a widow, would in no way consent to accept him, and the love of this wretch who had given his heart to her made no impression on her. Having summoned both of them into my presence, I cross-examined them, and however much I advised her to unite herself to him, she did not agree. At this time the blacksmith said that if he could make sure that I would211b give her to him, he would throw himself down from the Shāh-burj of the fort. I said by way of jest: “Never mind the Shāh-burj; if your love be genuine, fling yourself from the roof of this house, and I'll make her submit herself to you.” I had not ended before he ran like lightning and threw himself down. When he fell, blood began to flow from his eyes and mouth. I repented myself greatly of that jest, and was grieved in my mind, and bade Āṣaf Khān take him to his house and look after him. As the cup of his life was brimming over, he died from the injury.
The life-sacrificing lover who stood on that threshold
Gave up his life with joy and regarded death as a trifle.
At the request of Mahābat K. the mansab of Lāchīn Qāqshāl, original and increased, was fixed at 1,000 personal and 500 horse.
It has been mentioned212 that on the day of the Dasahara festival in Kashmir, I had perceived in myself a catching and shortness of breath. Briefly, from excessive rain and the dampness of the air, a difficulty in drawing breath showed itself on my left side near the heart. This by degrees increased and became intensified. Of the physicians who were in waiting on me, Ḥakīm Rūḥu-llah first tried his remedies, and for some time warm, soothing medicines were of use, for there was evidently a slight diminution (of the symptoms). When I came down from the hills, they came on again violently. This time for some days I took goats' milk, and again camel's milk, but I found no profit whatever from them. About this time Ḥakīm Ruknā, who had been excused from the journey to Kashmir, and whom I had left at Agra, joined me, and confidently and with a show of power, undertook my cure, and relied on warm and dry medicines. From his remedies, too, I derived no advantage; on the contrary, they appeared to increase the heat and dryness of my brain and temperament, and I became very weak. The disease increased and the pain was prolonged. At such a time and in this state, at which a heart of stone would have burnt (been distressed) about me, Ṣadrā,213 s. Ḥakīm Mīrzā Muḥammad, who was one of the chief physicians of Persia (was in attendance on me). He had come from Persia in the reign of my revered father, and after the throne of rule had been adorned by this suppliant, as he was distinguished above all others by natural skill and experience (taṣarruf-i-ṭabī‘at ), I was attended to by him, and I distinguished him with the title of Masīḥu-z-zamān (Messiah of the Age). I made his position more honourable than that of the other Court-physicians, with the idea that at some crisis he would help me. That ungrateful man, in spite of the claims which I had on him, though he saw me in such a state, did not give me medicines or treat me. Notwithstanding that I distinguished him beyond all the physicians who were waiting on me, he would not undertake my cure. However great attention I showed him and troubled myself to soothe him, he became more obstinate (ṣullab), and said: “I have no such reliance on my knowledge that I can undertake the cure.” It was the same with Ḥakīm Abū-l-Qāsim, s. Ḥakīmu-l-mulk, notwithstanding his being a khānazād, and what was due for his bringing up; he professed himself suspicious and afraid, and that considering the matter in his mind, he was terrified and vexed, and how, then, could he prescribe a remedy? As there was no help for it, I gave them all up, and weaning my heart from all visible remedies, gave myself up to the Supreme Physician. As drinking alleviated my sufferings, I took to it in the daytime, contrary to my habit, and gradually I carried this to excess. When the weather became hot, the evil effects of this increased, and my weakness and laboured breathing were augmented. Nūr Jahān Begam, whose skill and experience are greater than those of the physicians, especially as they are brought to bear through affection and sympathy, endeavoured to diminish the number of my cups, and to carry out the remedies that appeared appropriate to the time, and soothing to the condition. Although previously to this she had approved of the remedies made use of by the physicians, yet at this time I relied on her kindness. She, by degrees, lessened my wine, and kept me from things that did not suit me, and food that disagreed with me. I hope that the True Physician will grant me perfect recovery from the hospital of the hidden world.
On Monday, the 22nd214 of the same month, corresponding with the 25th of Shawwāl, A.H. 1030 (2 September, 1621), the feast of my solar weighing took place auspiciously and happily. As in the past year (of my life) I had suffered from severe illness, I had passed it in continuous pain and trouble. In thankfulness that such a year ended well and in safety, and that in the commencement of the present year the signs of health became apparent, Nūr Jahān Begam begged that her Vakils might make the arrangements for the entertainment (of the solar weighment). In truth, they prepared one which increased the astonishment of beholders. From the date on which Nūr Jahān Begam entered into the bond of marriage with this suppliant, although in all weighing entertainments, both solar and lunar, she had made such arrangements as were becoming to the State, and knew what were the requirements of good fortune and prosperity; yet on this occasion she had paid greater attention than ever to adorn the assembly, and arrange the feast. All the servants of approved service and the domestics who knew my temperament, who in that time of weakness had constantly been present and been ready to sacrifice their lives, and had fluttered round my head like moths, were now honoured with suitable kindnesses, such as dresses of honour, jewelled sword-belts, jewelled daggers, horses, elephants, and trays full of money, each according to their positions. And though the physicians had not done good service, yet in consideration of the slight contempt214a with which they had been treated for two or three days, they received various favours, and on the occasion of this feast also, they received presents in jewels and cash.
After the conclusion of the weighment, trays of gold and silver were poured out by way of niṯār (coin-scattering) into the hope-skirts of the ministers of amusement (ahl-i-nishāṭ), and of the poor. Jotik Rāy, astrologer, who had given the glad news of my recovery and restoration to health, I had weighed against muhars and rupees, and by this method a present was made215 him of 500 muhars and 7,000 rupees. At the end of the entertainment the offerings she (Nūr Jahān) had prepared for me were produced. Of the jewels, jewelled ornaments, cloths and various rarities I selected what I approved of. Altogether the cost of this great entertainment which Nūr Jahān Begam gave was recorded to be two lacs of rupees, exclusive of what she laid before me as offerings. In previous years, when I was in health, I weighed 3 maunds and 1 or 2 seers more or less, but this year, as a result of my weakness and leanness, I was only 2 maunds and 27 seers.
On Thursday, the 1st of the Divine month of Mihr, I‘tiqād K., the Governor of Kashmir, was promoted to the mansab of 4,000 and 2,500 horse, and Rāja Gaj Singh to that of 4,000 and 3,000 horse. When the news of my illness reached my son, Shāh Parwīz, without waiting for a farman he came to see me, being unable to restrain himself. On the 14th215a of the same month (September 25, 1621), at an auspicious hour and propitious time, that fortunate son had the good fortune to kiss the threshold, and went three times round the couch (takht). However much I adjured him and forbade him to do so, he insisted the more in lamentation and importunity. I took him by the hand and drew him towards me, and by way of kindness and affection held him fast in an embrace, and displayed great love to him. I hope that he may enjoy a long life with prosperity.
At this time Rs. 20,00,000 were sent to Khurram for the expenses of the army of the Deccan by Allah-dād K., who was honoured with an elephant and a standard. On the 28th Qiyām K., chief huntsman, died a natural death. He was a confidential servant, and apart from his skill in hunting, looked over every trifling detail relating to it, and consulted my pleasure in it. In short, I was much grieved at this event. I hope that God may grant him forgiveness.
On the 29th the mother of Nūr Jahān Begam died. Of the amiable qualities of this matron (Kad-bānū) of the family of chastity what can I write? Without exaggeration, in purity of disposition and in wisdom and the excellencies that are the ornament of women no Mother of the Age216 was ever born equal to her, and I did not value216a her less than my own mother. With regard to the attachment that I‘timādu-d-daula bore towards her it is certain that no husband was equal to him. Here one must imagine what had happened to that grief-stricken old man. Also with regard to the attachment of Nūr Jahān Begam to her mother what can one write? A son like Āṣaf K., exceedingly intelligent and clever, rent in pieces his robe of patience and left off the dress of men of the social state (lit., men of dependence, or connection). At the sight of his dear son, the grief and sorrow of the father, wounded at heart, increased more and more. However much we admonished him, it had no result. On the day on which I went to condole with him, as the disturbance of his mind and grief of his heart had commenced, I spoke a few words of admonition by way of affection and kindness, but did not urge him. I left him until (the sense of) his calamity should abate. After some days I ministered to his inward wound the balm of kindness, and brought him back to the position of sociable beings. Although in order to please me and satisfy my mind he outwardly controlled himself, and made a show of resignation, yet with regard to his affection for her what resignation could there be?
On the 1st of the Divine month of Abān, Sar-buland K., Jān-sipār K., and Bāqī K., were honoured with the gift of drums. ‘Abdu-llah K. had gone to his jagir without the leave of the Subahdar217 of the Deccan: I accordingly told the Chief Diwans to deprive him of his jagir, and I‘timād Rāy was ordered to act as a sazāwul, and to send him back to the Deccan.
It has been recorded with regard to the case of Masīḥu-z-zamān (Ḥakīm Ṣadrā) that, notwithstanding what was due from him for his bringing-up and my kindness to him, he had not the grace to attend upon me in such an illness, and more strange still is it that he suddenly threw off the veil of modesty and asked for leave to undertake a journey to the Hijaz, and make a pilgrimage to the holy house. Inasmuch as at all times and under all circumstances the reliance of this suppliant is on the Lord, that needs no return, and the gracious Creator, I gave him leave with an open brow. Though he had all kinds of things (for the journey) I made him a present of Rs. 20,000 in aid of his expenses, and I hope that the Supreme Physician, without the assistance of physicians and the means of medicine, may grant this suppliant complete recovery from the Dispensary of His mercy.
As the air of Agra, in consequence of the increase of the temperature, did not agree with me, on Monday, the 13th of the Divine month of Abān and 16th year (of my reign), the standards were raised to go towards the hill country of the North, so that if the air of that quarter should be equable, I might choose some spot of ground on the bank of the River Ganges, and found a city there, to make a permanent place of residence for the hot weather, or else turn the reins of purpose in the direction of Kashmir. Leaving Muẓaffar K. to guard and administer Agra, I dignified him with drums, a horse, and an elephant. Having appointed his nephew, M. Muḥammad faujdar of the city, I gave him the title of Asad K., and selected him for increase of mansab. Having exalted Bāqir K. to the duty of the Subah of Oudh, I dismissed him. On the 26th of the said month my prosperous son Shāh Parwīz obtained leave to proceed from Mathura to Bihar and his jagir. I gave him leave after presenting him with a special dress of honour, a nādirī, a jewelled dagger, a horse, and an elephant. I hope that he may enjoy long life. On 4 Āzar, Mukarram K., governor of Delhi, was exalted with the good fortune of paying his respects. On the 6th I alighted at Delhi, and having halted two days in Salīmgarh I employed myself with the pleasure of sport. At this time it was reported to me that Jādo Rāy Kaitha (or Kathiya), who is one of the leading Sardars of the Deccan, by the guidance of good fortune and reliance on God, had elected for loyalty, and had been enrolled amongst the loyal servants. Bestowing on him a dress of honour and a jewelled dagger, I sent a gracious farman to him by the hand of Narāyan Dās Rāthor. On the 1st of the Divine month of Dai, corresponding with the 7th Ṣafar, A.H. 1031, Maqṣūd, brother of Qāsim K., was honoured with the title of Hāshim K. and Hāshim Beg Khūshī218 with that of Jān-niṯār K.
On the 7th of the same month the camp was pitched at Hardwār on the bank of the Ganges. It is one of the most famous places of worship of the Hindus, and many brahmans and recluses have chosen a corner of retirement in this place and worship God according to the rule of their religion. I gave alms in cash and goods to each of them according to his requirements. As the climate of this skirt of the hills was not approved by me, and I could not see a spot of ground on which to make a permanent residence, I proceeded towards the skirt of the hill country of Jammu and Kāngra.
At this time it was reported to me that Rāja Bhāo Singh had died in the Deccan (become a traveller on the road of nonexistence). From excess of wine-drinking he had become very weak and low. Suddenly a faintness came over him. However much the physicians tried remedies for him and burnt scars on the top of his head, he did not come to his senses: for a night and a day he lay without perception, and died the next day. Two wives and eight concubines burnt themselves in the fire of fidelity for him. Jagat Singh, his elder brother, and Mahā Singh, his nephew, had spent the coin of their lives in the wine-business, and the aforesaid, not taking warning from them, sold sweet life for bitter fluid. He was of very good disposition and sedate. From the days when I was a prince he was constantly in my service, and by the blessing of my education had reached the high rank of 5,000. As he left no son, I dignified the grandson of his elder brother, though of tender years, with the title of Raja, and gave him the mansab of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse. The pargana of Amber, his native place, was assigned to him as jagir, according to former custom, in order that his family might not be dispersed. Aṣālat K., s. Khān Jahān, was promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. On the 20th219 of the same month I halted at the saray of Alwātū.219a As I am constantly engaged in the pleasure of hunting, and the flesh of animals I have killed with my own hand is very much to my taste, in consequence of the suspicions and caution that I have in such matters, I order them to be cleaned in my presence, and myself inspect their stomachs to see what they have eaten and what the food of the animals is. If by chance I see anything to which I have a dislike I forbear from eating the flesh. Before this I was not inclined towards any kind of waterfowl except the sona (golden duck?). When I was at Ajmir I saw a tame sona duck eating horrible worms. From seeing this, my taste turned against it, and I gave up eating tame sona ducks until now, when a duck was caught, and I ordered them to clean it in my presence. From its crop there first came out a small219b fish: after this there appeared a bug219c so large that I could not believe till I saw it with my own eye that it could swallow a thing of such a size. Briefly I this day determined that I would not eat waterfowl. Khān ‘Ālam represented that the flesh of the white heron (‘uqāb-i-safīd) was very delicious and tender. I accordingly sent for a white heron, and ordered them to clean it in my presence. By chance there came out of its crop ten bugs in a manner disgusting to me, at the remembrance of which I am distressed and disgusted.
On the 21st the garden of Sirhind brought joy to my senses, and on the day of halt there I delighted myself by going round and looking at it. At this time Khwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan came from the Deccan, and had the good fortune to wait on me. He had great favour shown him. On the 1st of the Divine month of Bahman I halted at Nūr-Sarāy.220 The mansab of Mu‘tamid K., original and increased, was ordered to be 2,000 personal and 600 horse. Khān ‘Ālam was made governor of Allahabad,220a and having been presented with a horse, a dress of honour, and a jewelled sword, took his leave. Muqarrab K. was selected for the mansab of 5,000 personal and horse. On Thursday, when I was encamped on the bank of the Biyāh (Beās), Qāsim K. came from Lahore, and had the good fortune to wait on me. Hāshim K., his brother, with the Zamindars of the country bordering on the hills, had the honour of kissing the threshold.
Bāso'ī,220b the zamindar of Talwāra, brought me a bird, which the hill-people call jān-bahan. Its tail resembles the tail of the qirqāwul (pheasant), which is also called the tazrū, and its colour is exactly like that of the hen-pheasant, but it is half as large again. The circle round the eyes of this bird is red, while the orbit of the pheasant is white. The said Bāso'ī stated that this bird lived in the snow-mountains, and that its food was grass and other stuff. I have kept pheasants and have reared young ones, and have often eaten the flesh both of young birds and of mature ones. One may say that there is no comparison between the flesh of the pheasant and this bird. The flesh of the latter is much more delicate. Among the birds which I saw in the hill-country one was the phūl-paikār,220c which the Kashmiris call sonlū. It is one-eighth (nīm sawā'ī?) less than a pea-hen. The back, tail, and wings resemble those of the bustard, and are blackish, with white spots. The breast to the end of the bosom is black, with white spots, and some red ones. The ends of the feathers are fiery red, and very lustrous and beautiful. From the end of the back of the neck it is also brilliantly black. On the top of its head it has two fleshy horns of a turquoise colour. The skin of its orbits and round its mouth is red. Below its throat there is skin round it enough to cover the palms of two hands, and in the middle of this the skin is of a violet colour of the size of a hand, with blue spots in the middle. Around it each streak is of a blue colour, consisting of eight plumes; round the blue streak it is red to the breadth of two fingers, like the peach flower, and again round its neck is that blue-coloured streak: it has red legs also. The live bird, which was weighed, came to 152 tolahs. After it was killed and cleaned it weighed 139 tolahs. Another bird is of a golden colour: this the people of Lahore call Shan221 (?) and the Kashmiris pūṭ. Its colour is like that of a peacock's breast. Above its head is a tuft (kākul). Its tail of the width of five fingers is yellow, and is like the long feather (shah-par) of the peacock, and its body as large as that of a goose. The neck of the goose is long and shapeless: that of this one is short, and has a shape.
My brother, Shāh ‘Abbās, had asked for golden birds,221a and I sent some to him by his ambassador. On Monday221b the ceremony of my lunar weighing took place. At this entertainment Nūr Jahān Begam gave dresses of honour to forty-five of the great Amirs and private servants. On the 14th of the same month the camp was pitched at the village of Bahlwan221c belonging to the Sībā district. As I constantly longed for the air of Kāngra and the hill-country above-mentioned, I left the large camp at this place, and proceeded to inspect the said fort with some of my special servants and attendants. As I‘timādu-d-daula was ill I left him in the camp, and kept Ṣādiq K., the chief Bakhshi, there to look after him and guard the camp. The next day news came that his state had undergone a change, and that the signs of hopelessness were apparent. I could not bear the agitation of Nūr Jahān Begam, and, considering the affection which I bore towards him, I reṭurned to the camp. At the end of the day I went to see him. It was the hour of his death agony. Sometimes he became unconscious and sometimes came back to his senses. Nūr Jahān Begam indicated me, and said: “Do you recognise (him)?” At such a time he recited this couplet of Anwarī:
Were a mother-born blind man present
He'd recognise Majesty in the World-Adorner.
I was for two hours at his pillow. Whenever he was conscious, whatever he said was intelligent and rational. In fine, on the 17th of the said month (Bahman) (about the end of January, 1622), after three gharis had passed he attained to eternal mercy. What shall I say about my feelings through this terrible event? He was a wise and perfect Vizier, and a learned and affectionate companion.
By the reckoning of the eye, there's one frame less:
By Wisdom's reckoning, the lessening is more than thousands.
Though the weight of such a kingdom was on his shoulders, and it is not possible for or within the power of a mortal to make everyone contented, yet no one ever went to I‘timādud-daula with a petition or on business who turned from him in an injured frame of mind. He showed loyalty to the sovereign, and yet left pleased and hopeful him who was in need. In fact, this was a speciality of his. From the day on which his companion (his wife) attained to the mercy of God he cared no longer for himself, but melted away from day to day. Although outwardly he looked after the affairs of the kingdom, and taking pains with the ordering of civil matters, did not withdraw his hand from business, yet in his heart he grieved at the separation, and at last, after three months and twenty days, he passed away. The next day I went to condole with his sons and sons-in-law, and, presenting 41 of his children and connections and 12 of his dependents with dresses of honour, I took them out of their mourning garments.
The next day I marched with the same purpose (as before), and went to see the fort of Kāngra. In four stages the camp was pitched at the river Bānganga. Alf K. and Shaikh Faiẓu-llah, the guards of the fort, had the good fortune to pay their respects. At this stage the offering of the Raja of Chamba223 was laid before me. His country is 25 koss beyond Kāngra. There is no greater Zamindari in these hills than this. The country is the asylum of all the Zamindars of the country. It has passes (‘aqabahā) difficult to cross. Untilnow he had not obeyed any king nor sent offerings. His brother also was honoured by paying his respects, and on his part performed the dues of service and loyalty. He seemed to me to be reasonable and intelligent and urbane. I exalted him with all kinds of patronage and favour.
On the 24th223a of the same month I went to see the fort of Kāngra, and gave an order that the Qāẓī, the Chief Justice (Mīr ‘Adl), and other learned men of Islam should accompany me and carry out in the fort whatever was customary, according to the religion of Muḥammad. Briefly, having traversed about one koss, I went up to the top of the fort, and by the grace of God, the call to prayer and the reading of the Khuṭba and the slaughter of a bullock, which had not taken place from the commencement of the building of the fort till now, were carried out in my presence. I prostrated myself in thanksgiving for this great gift, which no king had hoped to receive, and ordered a lofty mosque to be built inside the fort. The fort of Kāngra is situated on a high hill, and is so strong that if furnished with provisions and the necessaries for a fort the hand of force cannot reach its skirt, and the noose of stratagem must fall short of it. Although there are heights (sar-kūbhā) in some places, and guns and muskets might reach (the fort) from them, yet no harm would accrue to the garrison, for they could move to another part of the fort,224 and be safe. It has 23 bastions and seven gates. Its inner circumference is 1 koss and 15 ropes, its length is 1/4 koss and 2 ropes (ṭanāb), its breadth not more than 22 ropes nor less than 15. Its height is 114 cubits. There are two reservoirs inside the fort, one 2 ropes long and 1 1/2 broad; the other is of the same length (?).224a
After going round the fort I went to see the temple of Durgā, which is known as Bhawan.224b A world has here wandered in the desert of error. Setting aside the infidels whose custom is the worship of idols, crowds on crowds of the people of Islam, traversing long distances, bring their offerings and pray to the black stone (image). Near the temple, and on the slope of the hill there is a sulphur-mine (kān), and its heat causes flames to continually burst forth. They call it Jwālā Mukhī224c (Flame-Face or Burning Mouth), and regard it as one of the idol's miracles. In fact, Hindus, while knowing the truth,224d deceive the common people. Hindus say224e that when the life of Mahādeo's wife came to an end and she drank the draught of death, Mahādeo, in his great love and attachment to her, took her dead body on his back, and went about the world carrying her corpse. When some time had passed in this manner, her form dissolved and dropped asunder, and each limb fell in a different place: they give honour and dignity to the place according to the dignity and grace of the member. As the breast, which when compared with other members has the greatest dignity, fell in this place, they hold it more precious than any other. Some maintain that this stone, which is now a place of worship for the vile infidels, is not the stone which was there originally, but that a body of the people225 of Islam came and carried off the original stone, and threw it into the bottom of the river, with the intent that no one could get at it. For a long time the tumult of the infidels and idol-worshippers had died away in the world, till a lying brahman hid a stone for his own ends, and going to the Raja of the time said: “I saw Durgā in a dream, and she said to me: ‘They have thrown me into a certain place: quickly go and take me up.’” The Raja, in the simplicity of his heart, and greedy for the offerings of gold that would come to him, accepted the tale of the brahman, and sent a number of people with him, and brought that stone, and kept it in this place with honour, and started again the shop of error and misleading. But God only knows!
From the temple I went to see the valley which is known as Kūh-i-Madār.225a It is a delightful place. From its climate, the freshness of its verdure, and its delightful position it is a place of pleasure worthy to be seen. There is a waterfall here which pours down water from the top of the hill. I ordered them to put up a symmetrical building there. On the 25th of the month the standards were turned back to return. Having presented Alf K. and Shaikh Faiẓu-llah with horses and elephants I left them to defend the fort. Next day I encamped at the fort of Nūrpūr.226 It was reported to me that in this neighbourhood there were many jungle fowl. As I had never yet caught these, I made a halt of another day, and enjoyed myself with the sport, having caught four. One cannot distinguish them in shape and colour from domestic fowls. One of the peculiarities of these birds is that if they are caught by the feet and turned upside down, wherever they are taken they make no sound, and remain silent, contrary to the domestic fowl, which makes an outcry. Until the domestic fowl is plunged into hot water its feathers do not come off easily. The jungle fowl, like the partridge and podna,226a can be plucked when dry. I ordered them to roast them. It was found that the flesh of the full-grown ones was very tasteless and dry. The chickens had some juiciness, but were not good to eat. They cannot fly farther than a bow-shot. The cock226b is chiefly red, and the hen black and yellow. There are many in this Nūrpūr jungle. The ancient name of Nūrpūr is Dhamerī.226c Since Rāja Bāso built the fort and made houses and gardens they call it Nūrpūr, after my name. About Rs. 30,000 were expended on the building. Certes, the buildings Hindus construct after their fashion, however much they decorate them, are not pleasant. As the place was fit and the locality enchanting, I ordered them to spend Rs. 1,00,000 out of the public treasury, and to erect buildings at it, and to make lofty edifices suited to the spot.
At this time it was reported to me that there was a Sannyāsī Motī226d in the neighbourhood who had entirely renounced control over himself. I ordered them to bring him that I might ascertain the real state of affairs. They call Hindu devotees Sarb bāsī.227 By usage the word has become San-nyāsī (laying down everything). There are many degrees among them, and there are several orders among the Sarb bāsī. Among them there is the Motī order. They put themselves into the figure of a cross (?)(ṣalb ikhtiyār mīkunand) and surrender themselves (taslīm227a mīsāzand). For instance, they never speak. If for ten days and nights they stand in one place, they do not move their feet forwards or backwards; in fact, make no movement at all, and remain like fossils. When he came into my presence I examined him, and found a wonderful state of persistence. It occurred to me that in a state of drunkenness and absence of mind and delirium, some change might be wrought in him. Accordingly I ordered them to give him some cups of spirit (‘araq) of double strength. This was done in royal fashion (liberally?), but not the least change took place, and he remained in the same impassive state. At last his senses left him, and they carried him out like a corpse. God Almighty granted him mercy so that he did not lose his life. Certainly there was great persistence in his nature.
At this time Bī-badal K. presented me with the chronogram of the conquest of Kāngra, and that of the foundation of the mosque which I had ordered. As he had hit it off well, I here record it:
World-gripper, World-giver, World-holder, World-king,
With the sword of ghāzī-ship he conquered this fort.
Wisdom spoke the date “The Jahangiri Fortune opened this fort.”
He composed the chronogram228 of the building of the mosque as follows:
Nūru-d-dīn Shāh Jahāngīr s. Shāh Akbar
Is a king who in the Age hath no equal.
He took Fort Kangra by the aid of God.
A drop from the cloud of his sword is a tempest.
As by his order this illumined mosque was built,
May his forehead shine by his prostration.
A hidden messenger said: “In seeking for the date
(Say) The mosque of Shāh Jahāngīr was illumined.”228a
On the first of the Divine month of Isfandārmuz I gave the establishment and everything belonging to the government and Amirship of I‘timādu-d-daula to Nūr Jahān Begam, and ordered that her drums and orchestra should be sounded after those of the king. On the 4th of the same month I pitched in the neighbourhood of the pargana of Kashhūna.228b On this day Khwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan was raised to the lofty dignity of supreme Diwan. I conferred dresses of honour on 32 individuals of the Deccan Amirs. Abū Sa‘īd, grandson of I‘timādu-d-daula, was raised to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. At this time a report came from Khurram that Khusrau, on the 8th228c (20th) of the month, had died of the disease of colic pains (qūlanj), and gone to the mercy of God.
On the 19th of the month I pitched on the bank of the Bihat (Jhelam). Qāsim K. was raised to the mansab of 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse. Rāja Kishan Dās was selected for the duty of faujdar of Delhi, and his mansab was fixed at 2,000 personal and 500 horse, original and increased. Previously to this, huntsmen and yasāwulān (guards) had been ordered to prepare a jarga (hunting-ring) in the shikār-gāh (hunting-place of) Girjhāk. When it was reported to me that they had brought the game into the enclosure, on the 24th of the month I went out to hunt with some of my special servants. Of hill quchqār (rams?) and gazelles 124229 head were taken. On this day it was reported that Ẓafar K. s. Zain K., had died. I promoted Sa‘ādat Umīd, his son, to the mansab of 800 personal and 400 horse.
ON the eve of Monday, the—,230 of the month of Jumādal-awwal, A.H. 1031, March 10-12, 1622, after one watch, five gharis and a fraction had passed, the sun that illuminates the world lighted the mansion of Aries, and the 17th year of the reign of this suppliant began auspiciously and happily. On this joy-increasing day Āṣaf K. was promoted to the mansab of 6,000 personal and horse. Having given Qāsim K. leave to proceed to the government of the Panjab, I presented him with a horse, an elephant, and a dress of honour. Eighty thousand darbs were given to Zambīl Beg, ambassador of the ruler of Persia. On the 6th of the same month (Far-wardīn) the royal camp was at Rāwalpindī. Fāẓil K. was promoted to the post of Bakhshi. Zambīl Beg was ordered to remain at ease in Lahore until the return of the victorious army from Kashmir. An elephant was conferred on Akbar-qulī K. Gakkar.
At this time I frequently heard that the ruler of Persia had hastened from Khurasan for the purpose of conquering Qandahar. Although looking to our previous and present connections, it appeared very unlikely, and beyond all calculation, that such a great king should entertain such light and crude ideas, and himself come against one of my humble slaves who was in Qandahar with 300 or 400230a servants, yet as caution is one of the duties of a ruler and becoming to a king. I sent Zainu-l-‘Ābidīn, Bakhshi of Aḥadīs, with a gracious farman to Khurram to come and wait on me with all possible speed with a victorious host, and elephants of mountain hugeness, and the numerous artillery that were assigned for his support in that Subah. So that, if these words should be near the truth, he might come and be despatched with an innumerable army and countless treasure, in order that he (the king of Persia) might discover the result of breaking faith and of wrong-doing.
On the 8th I halted at the fountain of Ḥasan Abdāl. Fidā'ī K. was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, and Badī‘u-z-zamān was appointed Bakhshi of the Aḥadīs. On Friday, the 12th, Mahābat K., having come from Kabul, waited on me and had the good fortune to pay his respects, and became the recipient of daily-increasing favours. He presented 100 muhrs as a present and Rs. 10,000 as alms. Khwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan passed his followers before me in review; 2,500 well-horsed cavalry were enrolled, of whom 400 were matchlock men. At this stage a qamurgha hunt was arranged, and I shot231 33 hill qūchqār (mountain sheep), etc. At this time Ḥakīm Mūminā, at the recommendation of the pillar of the State, Mahābat K., had the good fortune to wait on me. With power and courage he undertook my cure, and I hope that his coming may prove auspicious to me. The mansab of Amānu-llah, s. Mahäbat K., was fixed at 2,000 personal and 1,800 horse. On the 19th I encamped near Pakhlī, and the feast of the culmination was held there. Having given Mahābat K. leave to return to Kabul, I gave him a horse, an elephant, and a dress of honour. The mansab of I‘tibār K. was ordered to be 5,000 personal and 4,000 horse. As he was an old servant, and had become very weak and old, I promoted him to the Subah of Agra, and entrusted to him the defence of the fort and the treasury, and, presenting him with an elephant, a horse, and a dress of honour, dismissed him. At the Pass of Kunwar232 Mast, Irādat K. came from Kashmir, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. On the 2nd of the Divine month of Urdībihisht, I entered the enchanting region of Kashmir. Mīr Mīrān was promoted to the mansab of 2,500 personal and 1,400 horse. At this time, in order to ease the condition of the ryots and soldiery, I did away with the faujdari cess, and gave an order that in the whole of my dominions they should not impose anything on account of faujdari. Zabar-dast K., Master of the Ceremonies (Mīr Tūzuk), was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 personal and 700 horse. On the 13th, by the advice of the physicians, and especially of Ḥakīm Mūminā, I was lightened by being bled from my left leg. A present of a dress of honour was made to Muqarrab K., and one of 1,000 darbs to Ḥakīm Mūminā. At the request of Khurram the mansab of ‘Abdu-llah K. was fixed at 6,000. Sar-farāz232a K. was honoured with the gift of drums. Bahādur K. Uzbeg, having come from Qandahar, had the good fortune to pay his respects: by way of nazar he gave 100 muhrs, and by way of charity offered Rs. 4,000. Muṣṭafā K., governor of Thatta, had sent as an offering a Shāh-nāma and a Khamsa (quintet) of Shaikh Niẓāmī illustrated by masters (of painting), along with other presents: these were laid before me. On the 1st of the Divine month of Khurdād Lashkar K. was exalted to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse, and to Mīr Jumla was given that of 2,500 personal and 1,000 horse. Some of the Amirs of the Deccan were similarly honoured with an increase of mansab. Promotion was also given as follows: Sardār K., 3,000 and 2,500 horse; Sar-buland K., 2,500 personal and 2,200 horse; Bāqī K., 2,500 and 2,000 horse; Sharza K., 2,500 and 1,200 horse; Jān-sipār K., 2,000 personal and 2,000 horse; Mīrzā Wālī, 2,500 and 1,000 horse; Mīrzā Badī‘u-z-zamān s. Mīrzā Shāhrukh, 1,500 personal and horse; Zāhid K., 1,500 and 700 horse; ‘Aqīdat K., 1,200 and 300 horse; Ibrāhīm Ḥusain Kāshgharī, 1,200 and 600 horse; and Zū-l-faqār K., 1,000 personal and 500 horse. Rāja Gaj Singh and Himmat K. were selected for drums. On the 2nd of the Divine month of Tīr, Sayyid Bāyazīd was honoured with the title of Muṣṭafā K., and was also presented with drums. At this time Tahawwur K., who is one of the personal servants, was despatched with a gracious farman to summon my fortunate son Shāh Parwīz.
Some days before this, petitions came from the officials in Qandahar reporting the intention of the ruler of Persia to conquer Qandahar, but my mind, which is actuated by sincerity, looking to past and present relations, placed no reliance on the truth of this until the report of my son Khān Jahān arrived that Shāh ‘Abbās, with the armies of Iraq and Khurasan, had come and besieged Qandahar. I ordered them to fix an hour for leaving Kashmir. Khwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan, the Diwan, and Bakhshi Ṣādiq K. hastened to Lahore in advance of the victorious army to expedite the arrival of the princes of high degree with the armies of the Deccan, Gujarat, Bengal, and Behar, and to send on the Amirs who were present with the victorious stirrups, and those who one after another should come in from the districts of their jagirs to my son Khan Jāhān at Multan. At the same time the artillery, with the strings of warlike elephants, and the armoury233 were to be prepared and forwarded. As there was little cultivation between Multan and Qandahar, the despatch of a large army without provisions was not to be thought of. It was therefore decided to encourage the grain-sellers, who in the language of India are called banjārā, and, providing them with money, to take them along with the victorious army, so that there might be no difficulty about supplies. The Banjārās233a are a tribe. Some of them have 1,000 bullocks, and some more or less. They take grain from different districts (bulūkāt) into the towns and sell it. They go along with the armies, and with such an army there would be 100,000 bullocks or more. It is hoped that by the grace of the Creator, the army will be furnished with numbers and arms so that there may be no delay or hesitation until it reach Isfahan, which is his (the Shah's) capital. A farman was sent to Khān Jahān to beware and not start in that direction (Qandahar) from Multan before the arrival of the victorious army, and not be disturbed, but attend to orders. Bahādur K. Uzbeg was selected to go as an auxiliary to the army of Qandahar, and favoured with a horse and dress of honour. Fāẓil K. was given the mansab of 2,000 personal and 750 horse.
As it had been brought to notice that the poor of Kashmir suffer hardships in the winter from the excessive cold, and live with difficulty, I ordered that a village of the rental of Rs. 3,000 or Rs. 4,000 should be entrusted to Mullā Ṭālib Iṣfahānī,234 to be expended in providing clothes for the poor, and for warming water, for purposes of ablution, in the mosques.
As it was reported that the Zamindars of Kishtwar had again raised their heads in disobedience and sin, and engaged in sedition and disturbance, Irādat K. was ordered to proceed hot-foot, before they had time to establish themselves firmly, and having inflicted condign punishment on them to tear up the root of sedition. On this day Zainu-l-‘Ābidīn, who had been sent to summon Khurram, came and waited on me, and reported that the stipulation he made was that he should pass the rainy season in the fort of Māndū, and then come to Court. His report was read. I234a did not like the style of its purport nor the request he made, and, on the contrary, the traces of disloyalty (bī-daulatī) were apparent. There being no remedy, an order was given that as he proposed to come after the rains, he should despatch the great Amirs, the servants of the Court who were employed in assisting him, and especially the Sayyids of Bārha and Bukhara, the Shaikh-zādas, the Afghans, and the Rajputs. Mīrzā Rustam and I‘tiqād K. were ordered to go to Lahore in advance, and assist the army of Qandahar. Rs. 1,00,000 were given them as advance of pay, and I also granted drums to ‘Ināyat K. and I‘timād K. Irādat K., who had hastened to punish the rebels of Kishtwar, having killed many of them and regained the mastery and established himself firmly, returned to duty. Mu‘tamid K. had been appointed Bakhshi to the army of the Deccan. As that matter was over235 he was sent for at his own request. He came on this day, and on his arrival kissed the threshold.
It is a strange thing that when a pearl of the value of Rs. 14,000 or 15,000 was lost in the harem, Jotik Rāy, the astrologer, represented that it would be found in two or three days. Ṣādiq K. Rammāl (soothsayer) represented that in the same two or three days it would come from a place which was perfectly clean and pure, such as the place of worship or oratory. A female soothsayer represented that it would soon be found, and that a woman with white skin would bring it in a state of ecstasy, and give it into the hand of the Ḥaẓrat (the king). It happened that on the third day one of the Turkish girls found it in the oratory, and all in smiles and in a happy frame of mind gave it to me. As the words of all three came true each one was favoured with an acceptable reward. This is written because it is not devoid of strangeness.
At this time I appointed Kaukab and Khidmatgār K., and others to the number of twelve in all, of the familiar servants to be sazāwuls of the Amirs in the Deccan in order that they might exert themselves and send them forward as soon as possible to Court, so that they (the Amīrs) might be sent to the victorious army at Qandahar.235a At this time it was frequently reported to me that Khurram had taken into his possession some of the estates of the jagir of Nūr Jahān Begam and Shahriyār, and especially the pargana of Dholpur, which had by the High Diwan been assigned to Shahriyār, and had sent there an Afghan of the name of Daryā, one of his own servants, with a body of men. Daryā fought with Sharīfu-l-mulk, a servant of Shahriyār, who had been appointed to the faujdari of that region, and many were killed on both sides. Although in consequence of his (Khurram's) remaining in the fort of Māndū, and the unreasonable requests made in his letter it appeared that his reason was turned, yet from hearing this news it became clear that he was unworthy of all the favours and cherishing I had bestowed on him, and that his brain had gone wrong. Accordingly I sent Rāja Rūz-afzūn, who was a confidential servant, to him, and made inquiries as to the cause of this boldness. He was ordered hereafter to behave properly, and not place his foot beyond the path of reasonableness and the high road of politeness, and content himself with the districts of his own jagir that he had obtained from the High Diwan. He must also beware not to form any intention of coming to wait upon me, but to send the body of the servants of the State I had requisitioned on account of the disturbance at Qandahar to the Court. If anything contrary to this order should come to notice, he would repent it.
At this time Mīr Ẓahīru-d-dīn, the grandson of Mīr Mīrān, s. the famous Shāh Ni‘matu-llah, came from Persia and waited on me, and received as a present a dress of honour and 8,000 darbs. Ujālā Dakhanī obtained leave to go to Rāja Bīr Singh Deo with a gracious farman in order that he should act as sazāwul and collect the men. Previously to this, on account of the great regard and abundant affection I bore to Khurram and his sons, at the time when his son (Shujā‘) was very ill, I had determined that if God Almighty would grant him to me I would not again sport with a gun, and would inflict no injury on a living thing with my own hand. Notwithstanding my inclination and love for hunting, especially with a gun, I had given it up for five years. At this time, when I was greatly distressed at his unkind behaviour, I took again to sporting with a gun, and gave orders that nobody should remain in the palace without one. In a short time most of the servants took a liking to shooting with guns, and the archers,237 in order to perform their duties, became cavalry soldiers.
On the 25th of the month, corresponding with the 7th Shawwāl, at the favourable hour that had been chosen. I turned towards Lahore from Kashmir (apparently means Srinagar, the capital). I sent Bihārī Dās Brahman with a gracious farman to Rānā Karan to the effect that he should bring his son with a body of men to pay his respects to me. Mīr Ẓahīru-d-dīn was promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 400 horse. As he represented to me that he was in debt, I made him a present of Rs. 10,000. On the 1st of Shahrīwar I encamped at the fountain of Achbal,237a and on Thursday I had a feast of cups beside the fountain.237b On this auspicious day my fortunate son Shahriyār was appointed to the Qandahar expedition, and was promoted to the mansab of 12,000 personal and 8,000 horse. A special dress of honour, with a nādirī with pearl buttons, was also given him. At this time a merchant had brought two large pearls from the country of Turkey, one of them weighing 1 1/4 miṯqāls, and the second 1 surkh less. Nūr Jahān Begam bought the two for Rs. 60,000, and presented them to me as an offering on the same day. On Friday, the 10th, by the advice of Ḥakīm Mūminā,237c I was relieved by bleeding from the arm. Muqar-rab K., who has great skill in this art, always used to bleed me, and possibly never failed before, but now failed twice. Afterwards Qāsim, his nephew, bled me. I gave him a dress of honour and Rs. 2,000, and gave 1,000 darbs to Ḥakīm Mūminā. Mīr Khān, at the request of Khān Jahān, was promoted to the mansab of 1,500 and 900 horse.
On the 21st of the month the feast of my solar weighing took place, and the 54th year of the age of this suppliant at the throne of God began auspiciously and happily. I hope that the whole of my life will be spent in fulfilling the will of God. On the 28th, I went to see the waterfall of Ashar238 (?). As this spring is famous for its sweetness and agreeable flavour, I weighed it in my presence against Ganges water, and that238a of the valley of Lār. The water of Ashar was 3 māsha heavier than that of the Ganges, and the latter was 1/2 māsha lighter than that of the valley of Lār. On the 30th the camp was at Hīrāpūr. Though Irādat K. had done his duty in Kishtwar well, yet as the ryots and inhabitants of Kashmir complained of his treatment of them, I promoted I‘tiqād K. to the governorship of Kashmir. I bestowed on him a horse, a dress of honour, and a special enemy-piercing238b sword, and appointed Irādat K. to do duty with the army of Qandahar. Having brought Kunwar Singh, the Raja of Kishtwar, out of the fortress of Gwalior, where he was imprisoned, I bestowed Kishtwar on him, and gave him a horse and a dress of honour, with the title of Raja. I sent Ḥaidar Malik to Kashmir (i.e., Srinagar) to bring a canal from the valley of Lār to the Nūr-afzā garden, giving him Rs. 30,000 for the materials and labour. On the 12th of the month I came down from the hill country of Jammū, and pitched at Bhimbhar. The next day I had a qamurgha hunt. To Dāwar-bakhsh, s. Khusrau, I gave the mansab of 5,000 personal and 2,000 horse. On the 24th I crossed the Chenab.238c Mīrzā Rustam came from Lahore, and waited on me. On the same day Afẓal238d K., Khurram's Diwan, bringing a petition from him, waited on me. He had clothed his immoderate acts in the garment of apology, and had sent him with the idea that perhaps he might carry his point by flattery and smooth speeches, and so correct his improprieties. I239 paid no attention, and did not listen to him. The Diwan Khwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan and Ṣādiq K. Bakhshi, who had hastened to Lahore to make provision for the army of Qandahar, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. On the 1st of the Divine month of Ābān, Amānu-llah, s. Mahābat K., was promoted to the mansab of 3,000 personal and 1,700 horse. A gracious farman was sent to summon Mahābat K. At this time ‘Abdu-llah K., whom I had sent for for service at Qandahar, having come from the district of his jagir, paid his respects. On the 4th of the same month I entered the city of Lahore auspiciously and happily. Alf K. was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 and 1,500 horse. I gave239a an order to the chief Diwans to levy the pay of the force of servants of the State who had been appointed for service at Qandahar out of the jagirs of Khurram, which were in the Sarkar of Ḥiṣār, and in the Dū-āb and those regions. In the place of these he might take possession of districts from the Subah of Malwa and the Deccan, and Gujarat and Khandesh, wherever he wished. Presenting Afẓal K. with a dress of honour I gave him leave to go. An order was passed that the Subahs of Gujarat, Malwa, the Deccan and Khandesh should be handed over to him (Khurram), and he might take up a permanent residence wherever he might wish, and employ himself in the administration of those regions. He was to send quickly the sazāwuls who had been appointed to bring the servants of the State who had been summoned to my presence on account of the disturbance at Qandahar. After that he was to look after his own charge, and not depart from order: otherwise, he would repent. On this day I gave the best tipchāq horse that was in my private stable to ‘Abdu-llah K. On the 26th Ḥaidar Beg and Walī Beg, envoys of the ruler of Persia, had an audience. After performing the ceremony of salutation they produced a letter from the Shah. My son Khān Jahān, according to order, having come post from Multan, waited on me. He presented as offerings 1,000 muhrs, 1,000 rupees, and 18 horses. Mahābat K. was promoted to the mansab of 6,000 personal and 5,000 horse. I gave an elephant to Mīrzā Rustam. Rāja Sārang Deo was appointed sazāwul to Rāja Bir Singh Deo. I told him to produce him at Court as quickly as possible. On240 the 7th of the Divine month of Āzar the ambassadors of Shāh ‘Abbās, who had come at different times, were presented with dresses of honour and their expenses, and given leave to go. The letter he had sent by Ḥaidar Beg making excuses in the matter of Qandahar has been given in this record of good fortune (Iqbāl-nāma) along with my reply.
(After compliments, and good wishes for that “brother dear as life” the letter proceeds as follows):
“You will be aware that after the death of the Nawāb Shāh Jannat-makān (Shāh Ṭahmāsp) great misfortunes befel Persia. Many territories which belonged to our saintly family passed out of possession, but when this suppliant at the throne of Grace became sovereign, he, by God's help, and the excellent measures of friends, recovered the hereditary lands which were in the possession of enemies. As Qandahar was held by the agents of your lofty family, I regarded you as myself, and did not make any objection. From feelings of unity and brotherhood we waited, thinking that you would, after the manner of your ancestors240a who are in Paradise, voluntarily take the matter into your consideration. When you neglected to do this, I repeatedly, by writing and verbal messages, directly and indirectly, asked for the disposal of the question, thinking that perhaps that petty country (Qandahar) was not regarded as worthy of your notice. You said several times that by making over the territory to our family, the notions of enemies and censurers would be disposed of, and praters, enviers, and fault-finders would be put to silence. A faction241 formerly delayed the settlement of this matter. As the truth of the affair was known to friends and enemies, and as no clear answer, either of refusal or concession, came from you, it occurred to me that I would go to Qandahar to see it, and to hunt. In this way the agents of my distinguished brother, in accordance with the ties of friendship which exist between us, might welcome us and wait upon us. By this means the relationship of union would be renewed, and would be made evident to the world, and the tongues of the envious and the evil-speaking be shortened. With this view, I set off without apparatus for taking forts, and when I came to Farāh I sent a rescript to the governor of Qandahar, mentioning that I intended to see the place and hunt there. I did this in order that he might treat me as a guest. We also called the honourable Khwāja Bāqī Kurkarāq, and sent a message to the governor and the other officers in the fort to the effect that there was no difference between Your Majesty and ourselves, and that we were aware of each other's territories, and that we were coming to see the country. Therefore they were not to act in such a way as to give umbrage or to vex anyone. They did not receive the conciliatory order and message in the proper way, but showed obstinacy and a rebellious spirit. When I came to the fort I again called the honourable aforesaid (K. Bāqī), and sent him with the message that I had directed my troops not to invest the fort till the lapse of ten days. They did not receive the wholesome advice, and were stubborn in their opposition. As there was nothing more to be done, the Persian army set about taking the fort, though it was in want of appliances, and soon levelled the walls and bastions with the ground. The garrison became straitened, and asked for quarter. We, too, maintained the ties of love which had existed from of old between the two exalted dynasties, and the brotherly relation which was formed between you and me when you were prince (Mīrzā), and which was an object of envy to contemporary sovereigns, and from my innate kindness forgave their errors and offences. Encompassing them with favours, I sent them safe and sound to your Court along with Ḥaidar Beg Qūrbāshī, who is one of the sincere Ṣūfīs of this family. Of a truth, the foundation of love and union, both inherited and acquired, on the part of this seeker after affection, has not grown old or decayed, and is strong so that no rupture in it can take place on account of any things which may have transpired owing to the action of Fate.
Between us and you there cannot be trouble,
There can be naught but love and trust.
“It is hoped that you, too, will preserve your affection for us, and that you will not approve of certain strange actions, and that if any suspicion about friendship arise you will endeavour by your innate goodness and continual love to efface it. May the ever-vernal flower of union and cordiality remain in bloom, and every effort be made to strengthen the foundations of concord, and to cleanse the fountains of agreement which regulate temperaments and territories. You will regard all our dominions as belonging to you, and will extend your friendship to everyone (in them?), and will proclaim that it (Qandahar) has been given up to him (‘Abbās) without any objection, and that such trifles are of no importance, and that though the governor and officers who were in the fort did some things which were obstacles to friendship, yet what took place was done by you and me. They performed the duties of service and life devotion. It is certain, too, that Your Majesty will be gracious to them, and will treat them with royal kindness, and will not shame me before them. What more need I write? May thy star-brushing standards ever be associated with the Divine aids!”
“Unfeigned thanks, and pure thanksgivings are due to the sole object of worship (God) for that the maintenance of the compacts and treaties of great princes is the cause of the order of Creation and the repose of mankind. A proof of this is the harmony and unity which existed between us and the exalted family (of Persia), and which were increased during our time. These things were the envy of contemporary sovereigns. The glorious Shah—the star of heaven's army, the ruler of the nations, the adorner of the Kayānī tiara, the fitting occupant of the throne of Chosroes, the fruitful tree of the gardens of sovereignty, the splendid nursling of the parterres of prophecy and saintship, the cream of the Ṣafawī dynasty—hath without ground or reason, engaged in disturbing the rose-garden of love and friendship and brotherhood in which for long periods there has been no possibility of a breath of confusion. Clearly the methods of union and concord among princes require that they make oaths of friendship to one another, and that there should be perfect spiritual agreement between them. There should be no need of physical contact, and still less should there be any necessity for visiting one another's countries for ‘shooting and spectacle’ (sair u shikār).
Alas, a hundred times for the love passing thought!
“By the arrival of your loving letter apologizing for the ‘spectacle and shooting’ (sair u shikār) of Qandahar, which came with the honourable Ḥaidar Beg and Walī Beg, I became apprised of the bodily health of your angelic personality, and the flowers of joy were scattered over the world. Let it not be hidden from the world-adorning mind of my exalted and prosperous brother that until the arrival of the letter and messages brought by Zambīl Beg no mention had been made by you in letters or verbal messages of your wish for Qandahar. At the time when we were engaged in visiting the delightful land of Kashmir, the Deccan lords, in their shortsightedness, extended their feet beyond the limits of obedience, and trod the path of rebellion. Accordingly it became necessary for me to chastise them. I moved my standards to Lahore, and appointed my worthy243 son Shāh Jāhān to proceed against them with a victorious army. I myself was proceeding to Agra when Zambīl Beg arrived, and produced your loving letter. I took it as a good omen, and went off to Agra to put down the enemies and the rebels. In the jewelled and pearl-dropping letter there was no mention of a wish for Qandahar. It was mentioned verbally by Zambīl Beg. In reply, I said to him that I made no difficulty with regard to anything that my brother wished. Please God, after settling the Deccan affair, I would send him back in a manner suitable to my sovereignty. I also said that as he had made long marches he should repose for some days in Lahore, and that I would afterwards send for him. After coming to Agra, I sent for him and gave him leave to depart. As the favour of God attaches to this suppliant, I withdrew my mind from victories and proceeded to the Panjab. My intention was to send him away, but after disposing of some necessary matters I went to Kashmir on account of the hot weather. After coming there I sent for Zambīl Beg in order to give him his leave. I also wished to show him something of that delightful country. Meanwhile news came that my prosperous brother had come to take Qandahar. This idea had never entered my mind, and I was entirely astonished. What could there be in a petty village that he should set out to take it, and that he should shut his eyes to so much friendship and brotherly feeling? Though truthful reporters sent the news, I could not credit it! When it became certain I immediately gave orders to ‘Abdu-l-‘Azīz K. not to transgress in any way the good pleasure of that prosperous brother. Up to now the relationship of brotherhood stands firm, and I do not value the world in comparison therewith, nor do I consider any gift equal to it. But it would have been right and brotherly that he should have waited till the arrival of the ambassador. Perhaps he would be successful in the object244 and claim for which he had come. When he (‘Abbās) takes such steps before the return of the ambassador, to whom will mankind ascribe the merit of keeping compacts and of preserving the capital of humanity and liberality! May God preserve you at all times!”
After I had given leave to the ambassadors, I devoted all my energy to urging on the Qandahar force, and presented my son Khān Jahān, who had been sent for for certain matters, with an elephant, a special horse, a jewelled sword and dagger, and a dress of honour. I sent him on as an advance guard, and directed him to remain in Multan until the arrival of Prince Shahriyār with the victorious army. Bāqir K., who was faujdar of Multan, was summoned to Court, and I appointed ‘Alī-qulī Beg Darman to assist him (Khān Jahān), and raised him to the mansab of 1,500. In the same manner, having raised M. Rustam to the mansab of 5,000, I appointed him to the duty of assisting that son with the (Qandahar) army. Lashkar K. came from the Deccan, and waited on me, and was also attached to that army. Allah-dād K. Afghān, M. ‘Īsā Tarkhān, Mukarram K., Ikrām K., and other Amirs, who had come from the Deccan and from their fiefs, after being presented with horses and dresses of honour, were sent with Khān Jahān. ‘Umdatu-s-salṭana Āṣaf K. was sent to Agra to bring to Court the whole of the treasure in muhrs and rupees which had accumulated from the beginning of the reign of my father. Aṣālat K., s. Khān Jahān, was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 and 1,000 horse. Muḥam-mad Shafī‘ā, Bakhshi of Multan, had the title of Khan conferred on him. I gave leave to Sharīf, Vakil of my fortunate son Shāh Parwīz, to go with all possible haste, and bring my son to wait on me with the army of Behar, and writing a gracious farman with my own hand I urged him to come.
On this day Mīr Mīrān, the grandson of Shāh Ni‘matu-llah, died suddenly. I hope that he will be among the pardoned. A raging elephant threw down the huntsman Mīrzā Beg and killed him: I assigned his duties to Imām-wirdī.
As in consequence of the weakness that came over me two years ago and still continues, heart and brain do not accord. I cannot246 make notes of events and occurrences. Now that Mu‘tamid K. has come from the Deccan, and has had the good fortune to kiss the threshold, as he is a servant who knows my temperament and understands my words, and was also formerly entrusted with this duty, I gave an order that from the date which I have written he shall hereafter write them with his own hand, and attach them to my Memoranda. Whatever events may occur hereafter he should note after the manner of a diary, and submit them for my verification, and then they should be copied into a book.
As the whole of my world-opening mind was taken up with the preparation of the Qandahar army, and the remedy for that business, the unpleasant news that reached me of a change in the condition of Khurram, and his want of moderation, became a cause for aversion and dissension. I accordingly sent Mūsawī K., who is one of the sincere servants who knows my temperament, to that wretch (bī-daulat) to lay before him the threatening messages and my wishes, and to give admonitions that might sharpen his intelligence, so that by the guidance of good fortune he might awake from the dream of carelessness and pride, and that he (Mūsawī) having gained a (true) knowledge of his futile ideas and aims might hasten to my presence, and carry out whatever appeared to be necessary. On the 1st of the Divine month of Bahman the feast of my lunar weighing took place. At this auspicious ceremony Mahābat K., having come from Kabul, paid his respects, and was the recipient of special favours. I appointed Ya‘qūb K. Badakhshī to Kabul, exalting him with the gift of drums. About this time report came from I‘tibār K. from Agra that Khurram, with the army of adversity, had left Māndū and started in that direction. He had evidently heard the news that the treasure had been sent for, and fire had fallen into his mind, and having let fall from his hand the reins of self-control, had started (with the idea) that on the road he might lay hold of the treasure. Accordingly I thought it best to proceed for a tour, and in order to hunt to the bank of the river of Sulṭān-pūr (the Beas). If that wretch by the guidance of error should place his foot in the desert of audacity, I might hasten farther forward and place the punishment of his unbecoming behaviour in the skirt of his fortune. If matters turned out in any other way I might take steps accordingly. With this purpose, on the 17th of the same month, at an auspicious hour, I marched. Mahābat K. was dignified with a dress of honour. Rs. 1,00,000 were ordered to be given to Mīrzā Rustam and Rs. 2,00,000 to ‘Abdu-llah K. by way of advance of pay. I sent Mīrzā Khān, s. Zain K., with a gracious farman to my fortunate son Shāh Parwīz, and renewed my urgency for his attendance. Rāja Sārang Deo had gone to summon Rāja Bir Singh Deo: he came, and having paid his respects, reported that the Rāja, with a proper force and an equipped army, would join me at Thanesar. At this time constant reports247 came from I‘tibār K. and other servants of the State from Agra that Khurram in revolt and disloyalty (bī-daulatī) had changed what was due by him for rearing into undutifulnesses,247a and having placed the foot of ruin in the valley of ignorance and error, had started in that direction. They therefore did not consider it advisable to bring the treasure, and were engaged in strengthening the towers and gates, and providing things necessary for the defence of the fort. Similarly a report came from Āṣaf K. that the wretch had torn off the veil of respect, and turned his face towards the valley of ruin, and that the odour of good came not from the manner of his approach. As it was not for the advantage of the State to bring the treasure, he had entrusted it to God, and was himself on the way to wait on me. Accordingly, having crossed the river at Sulṭānpūr, by successive marches I proceeded to punish that one of dark fortune, and gave an order that henceforth they should call him Bī-daulat (wretch). Wherever in this record of fortune “Bī-daulat” is mentioned it will refer to him. From the kindnesses and favours bestowed upon him I can say that up till the present time no king has conferred such on his son. What my reverend father did for my brothers I have done for his servants, giving them titles, standards, and drums, as has been recorded in the preceding pages. It will not be hidden from the readers of this record of prosperity what affection and interest I have bestowed on him. My pen's tongue fails in ability to set them forth. What shall I say of my own sufferings? In pain and weakness, in a warm atmosphere that is extremely unsuited to my health, I must still ride and be active, and in this state must proceed against such an undutiful son. Many servants cherished by me for long years and raised to the dignity of nobility, whom I ought to employ to-day in war against the Uzbeg or the Persian, I must punish248 for his vileness and destroy with my own hand. Thank God that he has given me such capacity to bear my burdens that I can put up with all this, and go on in the same path, and reckon them as light. But that which weighs heavily on my heart, and places my eager temperament in sorrow is this, that at such a time when my prosperous sons and loyal officers should be vying with each other in the service against Qandahar and Khurasan, which would be to the renown of the Sultanate, this inauspicious one has struck with an axe the foot of his own dominion, and become a stumbling-block in the path of the enterprise. The momentous affair of Qandahar must now be postponed, but I trust that Almighty God will remove these griefs from my heart.
At this time it was reported to me that Muḥtarim K., the eunuch, Khalīl Beg Zū-l-qadr, and Fidā'ī K., the Master of the Ceremonies, had allied themselves with Bī-daulat, and opened the gates of correspondence with him. As it was no time for mildness and winking at matters, I imprisoned all three, and as, after making inquiry into the circumstances, no doubt remained as to their falseness to their salt, and about the evil designs and malevolence of Khalīl and Muḥtarim, and as Amirs like Mīrzā Rustam swore to the insincerity and malevolence of Khalīl, having no remedy I punished them249 capitally. Fidā'ī K., the dust of whose sincerity was free of suspicion and pure, I brought out of confinement and promoted. I sent Rāja Rūz-afzūn by post (dāk-chaukī) to my son Shāh Parwīz that he might bring him with all haste to wait on me; so that Bī-daulat might be brought to punishment for his improper conduct. Jawāhir K., the eunuch, was appointed to the post of Ihtimām-i-darbār-i-maḥall (superintendent of the harem).
On the 1st of Isfandārmūz the royal army arrived at Nūr-sarāy. On this day a report came from I‘tibār K., that Bī-daulat had arrived in all haste in the neighbourhood of Agra, in the hope that before the fort was strengthened, the gates of strife and mischief might be opened, and he might attain his end. When he arrived at Fatḥpūr, he found the gates closed against him, and, being struck with the disgrace of ruin, he had halted. The Khān-khānān and his son and many of the royal Amirs attached to the Deccan and Gujarat had come with him as companions on the road of rebellion and ingratitude. Mūsawī K. saw him at Fatḥpūr, and showed him the royal orders, and it was settled that he should send his servant Qāẓī ‘Abdu-l-‘Azīz with him to Court to put his requests before me. He sent to Agra his servant Sundar,249a who was the ringleader of the people of error and the chief of the seditious, to take possession of the treasures and hidden wealth of those servants of the State who were at Agra. Amongst249b others he entered the house of Lashkar K., and seized Rs. 9,00,000. In the same manner, wherever he suspected there was property in the houses of other servants (of the Court), he stretched out his hand to seize it, and took possession of all that he found. When nobles like Khān-khānān, who had been distinguished with the rank of Ātālīk and arrived at the age of seventy years, made their faces black with rebellion and ingratitude, how could one complain of others? It may be said that his very nature was seditious and ungrateful. His father (Bairām K.) at the end of his life behaved in the same unbecoming way towards my reverend father. He, following the example of his father, at his age made himself accursed and rejected to all eternity.
In the end a wolf's cub becomes a wolf
Although he grow up with man. (Sa‘dī.)
On this day Mūsawī K. arrived with ‘Abdu-l-‘Azīz, the envoy of Bī-daulat. As his requests were unreasonable, I did not allow him to speak, but handed him over to Mahābat to be kept in prison. On the 5th of the month I pitched on the bank of the river of Lūdiyāna (the Sutlej). I promoted Khān A‘ẓam to the mansab of 7,000 with 5,000 horse. Rāja Bhārat, the Bandīla, from the Deccan, and Dayānat K. from Agra, came and waited on me. I pardoned the offences of Dayānat K., and gave him the same mansab that he had previously held. Rājā Bhārat was raised to the mansab of 1,500 and 1,000 horse, and Mūsawī K. to that of 1,000 and 300 horse. On Thursday, the 12th, in the pargana of Thānesar, Rāja Bir Singh Deo, having waited on me, reviewed his army and elicited great praise. Rāja Sārang Deo was promoted to the mansab of 1,500 with 600 horse. In Karnāl Āṣaf K., coming from Agra, lifted up the head of honour in kissing my stirrup. His coming at this time was the herald of victory. Nawāzish K., s. Sa‘īd K., having arrived from Gujarat, paid his respects. When Bī-daulat was at Burhan-pur, at his request I had appointed Bāqī K. to Jūnāgaŗh. He had been ordered to come to Court, and now came and shared n my service. As my march from Lahore took place without previous notice, and time did not admit of delay or reflection, I came with the few Amirs who were in attendance. Until I arrived at Sihrind only a few men had the good fortune to accompany me, but after passing beyond it, great numbers of the army came in from all sides and quarters. Before arrival at Delhi such a force had come together that in any direction in which one looked the whole plain was occupied by troops.
As it was reported that Bī-daulat had left Fatḥpūr and was coming in this direction, and making continuous marches towards Delhi, I gave the victorious army orders to put on their chiltas (quilted coats). In this disturbance the pivot of the management of affairs and the arrangement of the army were entrusted to Mahābat K. The command of the vanguard was given to ‘Abdu-llah K. Of the selected young men and experienced sipāhīs, whoever was asked for by him was enrolled in his corps. I ordered him to march a koss ahead of the other forces. He was also entrusted with the intelligence department and the control of the routes. I was ignorant of the fact that he was in league with Bī-daulat, and that the real object of that evil-natured one was to send news from my army to him. Previously to this he used to bring long written slips of true and false news, saying that his spies had sent them from that place. The purport was that they (the spies) suspected some of my servants of being in league with Bī-daulat, and of sending him news. Had I been led away by his intrigues and become alarmed at this time when the wind of disturbance was blowing strongly I would have been obliged to destroy many of my servants. Although some faithful servants suspected his evil intentions and untruthfulness, the time was not one for removing the veil openly from the face of his deeds. I guarded my eye and tongue from doing anything which might carry terror into his evil mind, and showed him more attention and favour than before, with the idea that possibly he would be struck with shame, and might turn away from his evil deeds, and give up his evil nature and sedition. That rejected one to all eternity, in whom a tendency to vileness and falsity was natural, did not fail to do what was in accordance with himself, as will be related hereafter.
The tree252 that is bitter in its nature
If you plant it in the garden of Paradise,
And water it from the eternal stream thereof,
If you pour on its root pure honey,
In the end it shows its natural quality,
And it bears the same bitter fruit.
In fine, when I was near Delhi, Sayyid Bahwa Bukhārī, Ṣadr K., and Rāja Kishan Dās came out of the city, and had the good fortune to kiss my stirrup. Bāqir K., faujdar of Oudh, also on this day came to the victorious camp. On the 25th of the month, passing by Delhi, I pitched my camp on the bank of the Jumna. Girdhar, s. Rāy Sāl Darbārī, having come from the Deccan, had the honour to pay his respects. He was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 and 1,500 horse, and obtained the title of Raja, and was clothed in a dress of honour. Zabar-dast K., Master of the Ceremonies, was honoured with a standard.
ON the eve of Tuesday, the 20th of Jumādā-l-awwal, A.H. 1032 (March 10, 1623), the sun that lights the world entered his house of honour in Aries, and the eighteenth year from the beginning of my reign commenced auspiciously and happily. On this day I heard that Bī-daulat, having gone to the neighbourhood of Mathura, had encamped the army tainted with ruin in the pargana of Shāhpūr, and reviewed 27,000 cavalry. It is hoped that they will soon be subdued and miserable. Rāja Jay Singh, grandson253 of Rāja Mān Singh, came from his native country, and had the good fortune to kiss my stirrup. I dignified Rāja Bir Singh Deo, than whom in the Rajput caste there is no greater Amir, with the title of Maharaja, and promoted his son Jogrāj to the mansab of 2,000 with 1,000 horse. Sayyid Bahwa was presented with an elephant. As it was reported to me that Bī-daulat was coming by the bank of the Jumna, the march of the victorious army in that direction was also decided on. The array of the army that resembled the waves of the sea was divided into the van, the right and left wings, the altmish, the ṭaraḥ (reserve), the chandāwul (rear), etc., and arranged in a manner suitable to the circumstances and according to the locality. Close upon this came the news that Bī-daulat, with the wretch Khān-khānān, had turned his reins from the right road and gone towards the pargana Kotila, 20 koss towards the left, along with the brahman Sundar, who was his guide to the desert of error, with Dārāb, s. Khān-khānān, and many of the Amirs who had accompanied him on the road of rebellion and rascality, such as Himmat K., Sar-buland K., Sharza K. ‘Ābid K., Jādo Rāy, Ūday Rām, Ātash K., Manṣūr K., and other mansabdars, who were attached to the Deccan, Gujarat, and Malwa, the recital of whom would take too long, and all his own servants, such as Rāja Bhīm, s. Rānā, Rustam K., Bairam Beg, the Afghan Daryā, Taqī, and others whom he had left to confront the royal army. There were five254 armies (corps?). Although nominally the command was in the hands of the wretch (bar-gashta-i-rūzgār) Dārāb, yet in reality the leader and centre of the whole affair was Sundar, of evil deeds. These men of darkened fortune pitched in the neighbourhood of Balūchpūr to their ruin. On the 8th I pitched at Qabūlpūr. On this day the turn to take the rear fell upon Bāqir K. We had left him behind all the rest. A body of the rebels attacked him on the march, and stretched out the hand of plunder. Bāqir planted firmly the foot of courage, and succeeded in beating them back. Khwājā Abū-l-Ḥasan got news of this, and turned his reins to support him. Before the arrival of the Khwāja the rebels (mardūdān), not being able to stand, had taken to flight. On Wednesday, the 9th of the month, having separated 25,000 horse under the leadership of Āṣaf K., Khwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan, and ‘Abdu-llah K., I sent them to attack the rebels who did not look to the end of things. Qāsim K., Lashkar K., Irādat K., Fidā'ī K., and other servants, to the number of 8,000 horse, were appointed to Āṣaf K.'s force. Bāqir K., Nūru-d-dīn Qulī, Ibrāhīm Ḥusain Kāshgharī, and others, to the number of 8,000 horse, were appointed to support Abū-l-Ḥasan. Nawāzish K., ‘Abdu-l-‘Azīz K., ‘Azīzu-llah, and many of the Bārha and Amroha Sayyids, were ordered to accompany ‘Abdu-llah. In this army 10,000 horse were enrolled. Sundar had arranged the army of ruin and put forward the foot of shamelessness. At this time I sent my special quiver by Zabar-dast K., Master of Ceremonies, to ‘Abdu-llah K., that it might be the means of animating his zeal. When the encounter of the two sides took place, that black-faced one to all eternity, in whom the tendency to rebellion and ingratitude was innate, taking to flight, joined the rebels. ‘Abdu-l-‘Azīz K., the son of the Khān Daurān, God knows whether knowingly or not, went off with him. Nawāzish K., Zabar-dast K., and Shīr-ḥamla, who were in the corps of that shameless one (‘Abdu-llah K.), planted firmly the foot of courage, and were not disturbed at his going. As the aid of Almighty God is ever near this suppliant, at this crisis, when a leader of the army such as ‘Abdu-llah K. threw 10,000 cavalry into confusion and joined the enemy, and there was nearly a great disaster, a shot from a mysterious hand reached Sundar. At his fall the pillars of the courage of the rebels shook. Khwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan also drove before him the army in front of him and defeated it. Āṣaf K., when Bāqir K. arrived, showing great activity, finished the affair, and a victory which might be the ṭughrā (sign manual) of the victories of the age showed its face of purpose from the hidden world. Zabar-dast K., Shīr-ḥamla, Shīr-bacha, his son, and the son of Asad K., the architect, and Muḥammad Ḥusain, brother of Khwāja Jahān, and a number of the Sayyids of Bārha who were in the corps of the black-faced ‘Abdu-llah, having tasted the sweet-flavoured wine of martyrdom, obtained everlasting life. ‘Azīzu-llah, grandson of Ḥusain K. (Tukriya), being wounded by a gun-shot, got off safely. Although at this time the desertion of that rejected hypocrite was a secret help, yet it is probable that if he had not performed this detestable action in the crisis of the battle, many of the rebel leaders would have been killed or captured. It chanced that he was known to the common people by the title of La‘natu-llah (God's curse), and as he had received this name from the hidden world I also called him by it. Hereafter, wherever the expression La‘natu-llah is used it refers to him. Briefly, after the rebels, whose end was evil, took to flight from the field of battle, and turned their faces towards the valley of ruin and could not reassemble, La‘natu-llah, with all the rebels, did not turn his rein till he reached Bī-daulat, who was at a distance of 20 koss.
When the news of the victory of the servants of the State reached this suppliant to God, he prostrated himself in thankfulness for this gift, which was from the renewed favour of Allah, and summoned the loyal ones into his presence. On the next day they brought before me the head of Sundar. It appeared that when the ball struck him he gave up his soul to the lords of hell, and they took his body to a neighbouring village to be burnt. When they were about to light the fire, an army appeared in the distance, and for fear lest they should be taken prisoners, everyone took to flight. The Muqaddam (head man) of the village cut off his head, and for his own acquittal took it to Khān A‘ẓam, as it occurred in his jagir. He was brought to me (with the head): the head was quite recognizable and had as yet undergone no change, but they had cut off the ears for the sake of the pearls in them. No one knew by whose hand he had been shot. In consequence of his destruction, Bī-daulat did not gird his loins again. One might say his good fortune and courage and understanding lay in that dog of a Hindu. When, with a father like me, who in truth am his ostensible creator, and in my own lifetime have raised him to the great dignity of Sultanship, and denied him nothing, he acts in this manner, I appeal to the justice of Allah that He may never again regard him with favour. Those servants who in this disturbance had done fitting service were honoured with more and more favours, each according to his degree. Khwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan was raised to the mansab of 5,000, original and increased, Nawāzish K. to that of 4,000 and 3,000 horse, Bāqir K. to that of 3,000 and 500 horse, with drums, Ibrāhīm Ḥusain Kāshgharī to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse, ‘Azīzu-llah to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse, Nūru-d-dīn Qulī to that of 2,000 and 700 horse, Rāja Rām Dās to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse, Luṭfu-llah to that of 1,000 and 500 horse, Parwarish K. to that of 1,000 and 500 horse. If all the servants were to be written in detail it would take too long. Briefly I remained at that place one day and marched on the next. Khān ‘Ālam, having marched from Allahabad, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. On the 12th of the month I encamped at the village of Jhānsa (?).
On this day Sar-buland Rāy came from the Deccan and waited on me, and was honoured with a special jewelled dagger, with a phūl katāra. ‘Abdu-l-‘Azīz K. and some of those who had gone with La‘natu-llah released themselves from the hand of Bī-daulat, and paid their respects, and represented that when La‘natu-llah charged, they thought it was for a cavalry encounter. When they found themselves in the midst of the rebels they saw nothing for it but to submit and pay their respects, but now they had found an opportunity and had obtained the good fortune of kissing the threshold. Though they had taken 2,000 muhrs from Bī-daulat for their expenses, as the times were critical I made no inquiry, but accepted257 their statement.
On the 19th the Feast of the culmination was held, and many of the servants of the State were raised in mansab, and had suitable favours conferred on them.
Mīr ‘Aẓudu-d-daulah, having come from Agra, waited on me. He brought a vocabulary257a of words that he had prepared. In truth he had taken much pains, and collected together all the words from the writings of ancient poets. There is no book like this in the science.
Rāja Jay Singh was raised to the mansab of 3,000 with 1,400 horse, and a special elephant was presented to my son Shahriyār. The post of ‘Arẓ-mukarrir (examiner of petitions) was conferred on Mūsawī K. Amānu-llah, s. Mahābat K., was given the title of Khān-zād Khān, was favoured with a mansab of 4,000 personal and horse, and was honoured with a flag and drums.
On the 1st of the Divine month of Urdībihisht I pitched on the bank of the lake at Fatḥpūr. I‘tibār K. came from Agra and waited on me, and was graciously received. Muẓaffar K., Mukarram K., and his brother also came from Agra, and had the good fortune to wait on me. As I‘tibār K. had done approved service in the charge of the Agra fort he was dignified with the title of Mumtāz K., and I gave him the mansab of 6,000 personal and 5,000 horse, and having bestowed on him a dress of honour, a jewelled sword, a horse, and a special elephant, I sent him back to his duty. Sayyid Bahwa was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 and 1,500 horse, Mukarram K. to that of 3,000 and 2,000 horse, and Khwāja Qāsim to that of 1,000 with 400 horse. On the 4th Manṣūr K. Farangī, whose circumstances have been recorded258 in the proceding pages (?), with his brother258a and Naubat258b K. Dakhanī, by the guidance of good fortune separated themselves from Bī-daulat, and came into my service. I sent Khawāṣṣ K. to my fortunate son Shāh Parwīz. Mīrzā ‘Īsā Tarkhān, having come from Multan, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. A special sword was given to Mahābat K. On the 10th the camp was pitched in the pargana of Hindaun. Manṣūr K. (the Farangī) was raised to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse, and that of Naubat258c K. to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse. On the 11th was a halt. As on this day a meeting with my fortunate son Shāh Parwīz had been arranged, I ordered that the powerful princes and the illustrious Amirs and all the devoted servants should go out to meet him, and bring him to wait on me in a fitting manner. After midday had passed, at an auspicious chosen hour he kissed the ground and illuminated the forehead of his sincerity. After the usual salutations had been performed and the customary ceremonies gone through I embraced my fortunate son with the greatest pleasure and affection, and loaded him with more and more favours. At this time news came that Bī-daulat, when he was passing through the township (ḥawālī) of the pargana of Amber, which was the hereditary abode of Rāja Mān Singh, had sent a band of scoundrels and plundered that cultivated spot.
On the 12th I pitched outside the village of Sārwalī. I had previously sent Ḥabash K. (Abyssinian) to repair the buildings at Ajmir. I promoted my fortunate son Shāh Parwīz to the high mansab of 40,000 and 30,000 horse. As it was reported that Bī-daulat had sent off Jagat Singh, s. Rāja Bāso, to his own country to raise disturbances in the hills of the Panjab, I promoted Ṣādiq K., chief Bakhshi, to the governorship of that province, and ordered him to punish him, giving him a dress of honour, with a sword and an elephant, and making up his mansab, original and increased, to 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse. I also honoured him with a standard (tūgh) and drums.
At this time it was reported to me that the younger brothers of Mīrzā Badī‘u-z-zamān, s. Mīrzā Shāhrukh, who was known as Fatḥpūrī, had attacked him unawares and killed him. About this time his brothers came to Court and paid their respects. His own mother also waited on me, but did not make a claim, as was proper, for her son's blood, and (so) proceedings259 could not be taken according to law. Although his disposition was so bad that his murder was not to be regretted, but on the contrary was opportune and advantageous, yet, as these wretches had shown such audacity with regard to their elder brother, who was to them in the position of a father, I ordered them to be put in gaol, and afterwards what was deemed proper should be done to them. On the 21st Rāja Gaj Singh and Rāy Sūraj Singh arrived from their jagirs, and had the good fortune to kiss my stirrup. Mu‘izzu-l-mulk, whom I had sent to Multan to summon my son Khān Jahān, came and waited on me, and presented me with a letter about his severe illness and weakness. He had sent his son Aṣālat K. with 1,000 horse to wait on me, and expressed great regret at being deprived of the honour of meeting me. As his apology was evidently sincere, I accepted it. On the 25th my fortunate son Prince Parwīz, with the victorious army, was sent in pursuit to overthrow Bī-daulat. The reins of authority over the powerful Prince, and the centre of the ordering of the victorious army, were given into the hand of Mu'taminu-d-daula Mahābat K. Of the illustrious Amīrs and life-sacrificing brave men who were in attendance on the Prince of lofty fortune, this is the detail.
Khān ‘Ālam, Mahārāja260 Gaj Singh, Fāẓil K., Rashīd K., Rāja Girdhar, Rāja Rām Dās Kachhwāha, Khwāja Mīr ‘Abdu-l-‘Azīz, ‘Azīzu-llah, Asad K., Parwarish K., Ikrām K., Sayyid Hizbar K., Luṭfu-llah, Rāy Narāyan Dās, and others to the number of 40,000 horse, with much artillery. Rs. 2,000,000 (twenty lakhs) of treasure were sent with them. At a propitious hour they were started with my son, and bridle to bridle with victory. Fāẓil K. was appointed Bakhshi and newswriter to the victorious army. A special dress of honour was bestowed on the Prince, with a nādirī of gold brocade, and pearls on the collar and skirt worth Rs. 41,000, prepared in the royal establishment, and a private elephant of the name Ratan Gaj, ten260a female elephants, a private horse, and a jewelled sword, the value of the whole of which was Rs. 77,000. These were all given to the Prince. Nūr Jahān Begam also gave him a dress of honour, a horse, and an elephant, as is the custom. To Mahābat K. and the other Amirs, according to their standing, horses, elephants, and dresses of honour were presented. The immediate attendants of the prince were also honoured with favours. On this day Muẓaffar K. received a dress of honour on appointment to the post of chief Bakhshi. On the first of the Divine month of Khurdād Prince Dāwar-bakhsh, s. Khusrau, was appointed to Gujarat, and Khān A‘ẓam to the high dignity of tutor to him. I conferred on the prince a horse, an elephant, a dress of honour, a private jewelled dagger, a standard (tūgh), and drums. Khān A‘ẓam, Nawāzish K. and other servants were honoured with presents according to their standing. Irādat K. was appointed Bakhshi in place of Fāẓil K. Ruknu-s-salṭana Āṣaf K. exalted his head with the dignity of the Subadarship of Bengal and Orissa. A special dress of honour, with a jewelled sword, were conferred on him. Abū Ṭālib (i.e., Shaista K.), his son, was appointed to accompany him, and promoted to the mansab of 2,000 with 1,000 horse. On Saturday, the 9th, corresponding with the 19th Rajab, A.H. 1032 (May 9, 1623), the camp was pitched at the Anā-Sāgar lake outside Ajmir. Prince Dāwar-bakhsh, being honoured with the mansab of 8,000, and 3,000 horse, was granted Rs. 2,00,000 of treasure for the expenses of the army which accompanied him. Rs. 1,00,000 I also gave as an advance to Khān A‘ẓam. Allah-yār, s. Iftikhār Beg, who was in the service of my fortunate son Shāh Parwīz, was at his request granted a standard. Tātār K. took leave on his appointment to the charge of Fort Gwalior. Rāja Gaj Singh was appointed to the mansab of 5,000, with 4,000 horse.
On this day news came from Agra that Her Highness (ḥaẓrat) Maryamu-z-zamānī,261 by the decree of God, had died. I trust that Almighty God will envelop her in the ocean of His mercy. Jagat Singh, s. Rānā Karan, having come from his native place, had the good fortune to pay his respects. Ibrāhīm K. Fatḥ-jang, governor of Bengal, had sent thirty-four elephants by way of offering, and they were submitted to me. Bāqir K. was appointed faujdar of Oudh, and Sādāt K. to the Dū-āb. The Mīr Mushrif was made Dīwān-i-buyūtāt.
On the 12th of the Divine month of Tīr a report came from the officials of Gujarat with the good news of victory and conquest. The particulars of this summary are that I had granted the Subah of Gujarat, the abode of Sultans of high dignity, to Bī-daulat as a reward for his victory over the Rānā, as has been fully related in the preceding pages. Sundar, the brahman, administered and protected the country. When futile ideas entered his ungrateful mind, he sent for that dog of a Hindu, who was always shaking the chain of enmity and perversity, along with Himmat K., Sharza K., Sar-afrāz K., and many of the royal servants who were fiefholders in the province. Sundar's brother Kunhar was appointed in his room. When Sundar was killed, and Bī-daulat retreated after his defeat to Māndū, the province of Gujarat was put in the charge of La‘natu-llah as his fief, and Kunhar was sent for along with Ṣafī K., the diwan. At the same time the treasure, the jewelled throne on which five lakhs had been expended, and the pardala (belt) on which two lakhs had been spent—and which things had been prepared as a present for myself—were also sent for. Ṣafī K. was the brother's son (text says “brother”) of Ja‘far Beg, who received in my father's service the title of Āṣaf K., and was married to a daughter of Ṇūr Jahān's brother, who by my favour had received the title of Āṣaf K. An elder daughter was the wife of Bī-daulat. Both daughters were by one mother, and Bī-daulat expected that on account of this connection Ṣafī K. would be on his side. But an eternal decree had gone forth for Ṣafī K.'s loyalty and prosperity, and that he should attain to high rank! Accordingly, Almighty God made him loyal and the performer of good deeds, as will now be described. In short, the faithless (bī-wafā) La‘natu-llah sent his eunuch named Wafā-dār to be governor of that country, and he, with a few ragamuffins (bī-sar-u-pā) entered Ahmadabad, and took possession of the city. As Ṣafī K. had made up his mind to be loyal, he courageously looked after the servants, and collected a force, and won the hearts of the people. Some days before Kunhar came out of the city he (Ṣafī) encamped on the bank of the Kankariyā lake, and thence hastened to Maḥmūdābād, giving out openly that he was going to Bī-daulat. Secretly, he opened communication and made arrangements to be loyal with Nāhir K., Sayyid Dilīr K., Nānū262 K., Afghan, and other devoted servants of the State, who were waiting in their own jagirs. He awaited his opportunity. Ṣāliḥ, a servant of Bī-daulat, who was faujdar of the Sarkar of Pitlād, and had a good force with him, heard rumours that Ṣafī K. entertained other ideas. Kunhar262a had also discovered this, but as Ṣafī K. soothed them and was very cautious and careful in his conduct, they could not move hand or foot. Ṣāliḥ, for fear lest Ṣafī K., abandoning dissimulation, should stretch his hand towards the treasure, exercised foresight, and went farther on with the treasure, taking nearly Rs. 10,00,000 to Bī-daulat at Māndū. Kunhar (or the younger brother?) also, having seized the jewelled pardala, started after him, but could not take the throne on account of its weight. Ṣafī K., knowing this was his opportunity, changed his place from Maḥmūdābād to the pargana of Karang,263 which is to the left of the usual road, where Nānū K. was, and arranged by letter and verbal messages with Nāhir K. and other loyal servants that each of them should ride from his jagir with the force that he had, and at the hour of sunrise, which was the morning of prosperity for people of good fortune, and the evening of ruin to those who practised villainy, enter the city by the gate to which each was opposite. He (Ṣafī) left his women in the aforesaid pargana, and, in company with Nānū (Bābū?) K., came at dawn to the outskirts of the city. He halted for a short time in the Sha‘bān263a garden until it had become light and friend could be distinguished from enemy. After the world-illuminating sun of good fortune (had risen). when he found the gate of prosperity open, though he could see no trace of Nāhir K. and the other loyalists, yet lest possibly the enemy might obtain information and fasten the gates of the fort, he placed his confidence in God who gives victory, and entered the city by the Sārangpūr gate. About this time Nāhir K. also arrived, and, entering by the gate, came into the city. The eunuch of La‘natu-llah, having ascertained the unfailing good fortune of (Jahangir), took refuge in the house of Shaikh Ḥai-dar, grandson of Niẓām Wajīhu-d-dīn. The royal servants of approved service, having proclaimed their victory with loud voices, set to work to strengthen the towers and gates. They sent men to the houses of Muḥammad Taqī, Bī-daulat's diwan, and of Ḥasan Beg, his Bakhshi, and seized them. Shaikh Ḥaidar himself came and informed Ṣafī K. that the eunuch of La‘natu-llah was in his house, and they tied his hands to his neck, and brought him. Having imprisoned a number of Bī-daulat's servants and dependants, they engaged in keeping order in the city. The jewelled throne, the cash of Rs. 2,00,000, and the property and effects of Bī-daulat and his men in the city, came into their possession. When this news reached Bī-daulat, he sent off La‘natu-llah with Himmat K., Sharza K., Sar-afrāz K., Qābil Beg, Rustam Bahādur, Ṣāliḥ Badakhshī, and other criminals. What with royal servants and his own men, he had some 5,000 or 6,000 horse. Ṣafī K. and Nāhir K., becoming aware of this, planted firmly the foot of courage, and employed themselves in encouraging their men and collecting forces. Whatever cash and valuables they could obtain, even to the throne, which they broke up, they divided amongst both the old and new troopers as pay. Rāja Kalyān, Zamindar of Īdar (printed wrongly “Andūr”), and the son of Lāl Gopī (?)264 , and all the Zamindars from every quarter, were summoned into the city. A good number was thus assembled. La‘natu-llah did not wait for auxiliaries, and in the space of eight days came from Māndū to Baroda. The loyal party, by the guidance of their courage, and in reliance on God, came out of the city and encamped on the bank of the Kānkariyā Lake. It occurred to La‘natu-llah that if he came on quickly, the rope of order of the loyal might be broken. When he obtained news of the coming out of the loyal servants, drawing in the reins of ruin, he delayed in Baroda till the arrival of help. After the evil-ending criminals collected together at that chief place of mischief, he put forward the foot of error and deviation from the right path, and the loyal party, marching from the Kānkariyā tank, encamped outside the village of Batoh, near the mausoleum of Quṭb ‘Ālam. La‘natu-llah traversed a road of three days in two,265 and arrived at Maḥmūdābād. As Sayyid Dilīr K. had seized the women of Sharza K. and brought them from Baroda to the city, and the women of Sar-afrāz K. were also in the city, Ṣafī K. sent a secret message to both of them that if by the guidance of good fortune they would rub off the stain of sin (rebellion) from the tablet of their foreheads, and would enrol themselves among the loyal servants, their position in the present and future worlds would approach salvation; otherwise he would subject their wives and children to all kinds of indignities. Hearing this, La‘natu-llah sent for Sar-afrāz K. on some excuse to his house, and imprisoned him. As Sharza K., Himmat K., and Ṣāliḥ Badakhshī were in league together, and had alighted at the same place, he could not get Sharza K. into his hands. Briefly, on the 21st of Sha‘bān, A.H. 1032, June 10, 1623, La‘natu-llah mounted and arrayed the forces tinged with calamity. Those who were loyal also arrayed their forces and prepared for the fight. It occurred to La‘natu-llah that if he were to go, their foot of courage would not stand firm, and, without a battle taking place, they would be dispersed in a miserable condition. When he saw the firm attitude of the loyal, he could not screw up his courage (tāb nayāwarda), but turned his rein towards the left, and gave out that they had hidden gunpowder under the ground of that plain, and that his men would be destroyed by it—that it would therefore be better to go into the plain of Sarkhej and deliver battle there. These futile ideas were due to the aid of good fortune, for on the turning back of his rein a rumour of his defeat was spread abroad, and the horsemen of the plain of victory attacked him in flank, and that ill-omened one was unable to reach Sarkhej, and halted in the village of Nāranja. The loyal party arranged their forces in the village of Bālūd, which is nearly three koss off. At dawn on the next day they went to battle after the approved manner, their forces being drawn up in this way. In the vanguard were Nāhir K., Rāja Kalyān, the Zamindar of Īdar, and other valiant men; on the left wing Sayyid Dilīr K., Sayyid Sīdū, and other loyal servants were stationed; and on the right wing Nānū K., Sayyid Ya‘qūb, Sayyid Ghulām Muḥammad, and the rest of the life-sacrificing devoted ones, whilst in the centre were Ṣafī K., Kifāyat K. Bakhshī, and some other servants of approved service. It so happened, fortunately, that in the place where La‘natu-llah had halted, the land was undulating, full of thorn brakes and narrow lanes. The forces, accordingly, were not in compact order. He had sent on most of the experienced men with Rustam Bahādur, and Himmat K., and Ṣāliḥ Beg were amongst the foremost in (the ranks of) error. The army doomed to calamity first of all came in contact with Nāhir K. and Shams K., and a notable fight took place. By chance Himmat K. fell in the dust of destruction from a gun-shot wound, and a fight ensued between Ṣāliḥ Beg, and Nānū K., Sayyid Ya‘qūb, Sayyid Ghulām Muḥammad, and other servants. In the height of the battle the elephant of Sayyid Ghulām Muḥammad came and threw him (Ṣāliḥ) from his horse; he fell severely wounded to the ground, and about a hundred of his men were slain. At this moment an elephant which was in the van of the rebel army turned round at the noise of the rockets and the lightning of the guns, and got into a narrow lane, on both sides of which were thorn brakes, and trod down many of the rebels. By the turning back of the elephant the ranks of the enemy were disordered. At this moment Sayyid Dilīr K. came fighting from the right wing. La‘natu-llah did not know of the killing of Himmat K. and Ṣāliḥ, and, with the idea of helping them, urged on the steed of ruin. As the brave ones in the van, having displayed activity, had been mostly wounded, they could not stand the onset of La‘natu-llah, and turned back their rein, and it nearly happened that there was a great disaster. At this time the assistance of God displayed itself, and Ṣafī K. hastened from the centre to the support of the van. Just then La‘natu-llah heard of the killing of Himmat K. and Ṣāliḥ Beg, and, on the appearance of the centre and the attack of Safī K., his courage failed him, and he became a vagabond in the desert of defeat and disaster. Sayyid Dilīr K. pursued him for a koss, and made many of the defeated the harvest of the sword of vengeance. Qābil Beg, unfaithful to his salt, with a body of rebels, became captives in the claws of retribution. As La‘natu-llah was not sure about Sar-afrāz K., he on the day of battle placed him in chains on an elephant and put him in charge of one of his slaves, with orders that if a defeat occurred he should kill him. In like manner he placed in chains on one of the elephants Bahādur, s. Sulṭān Aḥmad, and gave permission to kill him. When the fight took place the man in charge of Sulṭān Aḥmad's son put him to death with a dagger, but Sar-afrāz K. threw himself down off the elephant. The man in charge of him in that confusion aimed a blow at him in his bewilderment, but it was not effectual. Ṣafī K., finding him in the fight, sent him into the city. La‘natu-llah did not turn back till he arrived at Baroda. As the women of Sharza K. were captives of those who were loyal, he was helpless, and came and waited upon Ṣafī K. Briefly, La‘natu-llah hastened from Baroda to Broach. The sons of Himmat K. were in the fort there. Although they did not admit him, yet they sent him 5,000 maḥmūdīs by way of maintenance. For three days he remained outside the fort of Broach in a wretched state, and on the fourth went to Surat by sea. For nearly two months he remained there assembling his scattered men. As Surat was in Bī-daulat's jagir, he took nearly 4 lakhs of maḥmūdīs from his officials there, and took possession of whatever he could by oppression and injustice. He again collected together those whose fortune was reversed and whose stars had been burnt, and betook himself to Bī-daulat at Burhanpur.
In fine, when this approved service performed by Ṣafī K. and other loyal servants in Gujarat became known, each one was exalted with favours and kindnesses. Ṣafī K. held the mansab of 700 personal and 300 horse: having given him that of 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse, I honoured him with the title of Saif K. Jahāngīr-shāhī, and conferred on him a standard and drums. Nāhir K. had 1,000 with 200 horse; having given him the mansab of 3,000 with 2,000 horse, I bestowed on him the title of Shīr K., and raised his head of honour with a horse, an elephant, and a jewelled sword. He is the (descendant?) grandson of (?)268, the brother of Pūran Mal Lūlū (?), who was governor of Rāysīn and Chanderī. When Shīr K., the Afghan (i.e., Shīr Shāh), besieged the fort of Rāysīn, it is well known that he killed him (Pūran Mal) after promising him quarter, and that his women burnt themselves, committing “Johar,” according to the Hindu custom, in the fire of fame and modesty, so that the hand of no unlawful person should touch the skirt of their chastity. His sons and caste fellows went off to various268a places. The father of Nāhir K., whose title was Khān Jahān, having gone to Muḥammad K., governor of Āsīr and Burhanpur, became a Musalman, and when Muḥammad K. died, Ḥasan, his son, when in tender years, succeeded him. Rāja ‘Alī K., brother of Muḥammad K., put the child in confinement, and took possession of the government. After some time news reached Rāja ‘Alī K. that Khān Jahān and a body of the servants of Muḥammad K. had leagued together to attack him, and had determined to take Ḥasan K. out of the fort and raise him to power. He was beforehand with them, and sent Ḥayāt Khān Ḥabashī, with many brave men, to the house of Khān Jahān, either to take him alike or to kill him. He, planting his foot firmly on his good fame, took to fighting, and when things went badly with him committed Johar, and passed from this borrowed life. At that time Nāhir K. was very young. Ḥayāt Khān Abyssinian, having asked ‘Alī K.'s permission, adopted him as his son, and made him a Musalman. After his death Rāja ‘Alī K. brought up Nāhir K., and took good care of him. When my revered father conquered Āsīr, Nāhir K. joined his service. He (Akbar) discerned the signs of bravery on his forehead, and raised him to a suitable mansab, and gave him in jagir the pargana of Muḥammadpūr in Malwa. In my service he advanced more and more. Now that the grace of gratitude has been bestowed upon him, he has found the advantage of doing what was right.
Sayyid Dilīr K. is of the Sayyids of Bārha; formerly his name was Sayyid ‘Abdu-l-Wahhāb. I raised him from the mansab of 1,000 and 800 horse to 2,000 and 1,200 horse, and presented him with a standard. They call twelve bāra in Hindi. As in the Dū-āb there are twelve villages near each other which are the native country of these Sayyids, they have become known as the Sayyids of Bārha. Some people make remarks about their lineage, but their bravery is a convincing proof of their being Sayyids, for there has never been a battle in this reign in which they have not been conspicuous, and in which some have not been killed. Mīrzā ‘Azīz Koka always said the Sayyids of Bārha were the averters of calamity from this dominion, and such is in reality the case.
Nānū K. Afghan held the mansab of 800 personal and horse: it was ordered to be one of 1,500 personal and 1,200 horse. In the same manner the other loyal servants, according to their services and sacrifices, were promoted to high mansabs, and obtained the desire of their hearts in lofty employments. At this time Aṣālat K., s. Khān Jahān, was deputed to the assistance of my son (grandson) Dāwar-bakhsh in Gujarat, and I sent Nūru-d-dīn Qulī into the Subah to bring Sharza K., Sar-afrāz K., and the other leaders of the rebel army who had been made captive in the land of retribution, chained, to the Court.
On this day it was reported to me that Minū-chihr, s. Shāh-nawāz K., had separated himself from Bī-daulat under the guidance of good fortune, and had joined the service of my fortunate son Shāh Parwīz. I‘tiqād K., governor of Kashmir, was promoted to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse.
As the huntsmen brought news that in this neighbourhood a tiger had made its appearance, I felt disposed to hunt it. After entering the forest three other tigers became visible. Having killed all four, I returned to the palace. I have such a liking for tiger shooting that whilst I can get it I do not go after other sport. Sulṭān Mas‘ūd, s. Sulṭān Maḥmūd (of Ghaznin) (may the lights of Allah be his testimony!), was also much inclined to tiger shooting. With regard to his killing of tigers strange tales have been recorded, especially in the history of Baihaqī,270 who has kept a diary of what he saw with his own eyes. Among these things he writes that one day he (Mas‘ūd) went to hunt tigers in the borders of Hindustan, and was riding an elephant. A very large tiger came out from the wood, and made for the elephant. He threw a javelin (khisht) and struck the tiger's chest. The tiger, enraged at the pain, came up on the elephant's back, and the Amir knelt down and struck him such a blow with his sword that he cut off both the tiger's fore-feet, and the tiger fell backwards and died. It happened to me once when I was prince that I had gone out in the Punjab to hunt tigers. A powerful tiger appeared out of the wood. I fired at him from the elephant, and the tiger in great fury rose and came on the elephant's back, and I had not time to put down my gun and seize my sword. Inverting the gun, I knelt, and with both hands struck him with the stock over the head and face so that he fell on to the ground and died.
One of the strange things that happened was that one day I was on an elephant, and was hunting wolves in Aligarh270a in the Nūh forest. A wolf appeared, and I struck it with a bullet on its face (mana) near the lobe of the ear. The bullet penetrated for about a span. From that bullet it fell and gave up its life. It has often happened in my presence that powerful (jawānān) men, good shots with the bow, have shot twenty or thirty arrows at them, and not killed. As it is not right to write about oneself, I must restrain the tongue of my pen from saying more.
On the 29th of the month I presented a string of pearls to Jagat Singh, s. Rānā Karan. At this time it was reported to me that Sulṭān Ḥusain, Zamindar of Paklī, had died. I gave his mansab and jagir to Shādmān, his eldest son.
On the 7th of the month of Amurdād Ibrāhīm Ḥusain, a servant of my fortunate son Shāh Parwīz, came from the victorious army, and brought news of the victory of the chiefs of the everlasting State. The report of my son laid before me the particulars of the fight, and the exertions of the brave and distinguished men in it. I performed the dues of thanksgiving for this favour, which was of God's grace alone. The details of this are as follows: When the royal troops in the army of the prince of high degree crossed the pass of Chāndā,271 and entered the province of Malwa, Bī-daulat, with 20,000 horse, 300 fighting elephants, and a large force of artillery, left Māndū in order to fight. He dispatched a body of the Bargīs (Mahrattas) of the Deccan with Jādū Rāy and Ūday Rām, Ālash K., and other rebels to make a raid (qazzāqī) on the royal camp. Mahābat K. made proper arrangements. He placed the illustrious prince in the ghaul (centre), and he himself proceeded with the whole army, and in marching and in halting observed the conditions of caution. The Bargīs kept at a great distance, and did not put forward the foot of bravery. One day it was Manṣūr K. Farangī's turn to be with the rearguard. At the time of pitching the camp Mahābat K., by way of caution, was standing with his army drawn up outside the camp, in order that the men might fence it in at their ease. As Manṣūr K. had been drinking on the road, he was coming to the stage drunk with the wine of pride. It happened an army was seen in the distance, and the wine put the idea into his head that he must charge. Without telling his brothers or his men, he mounted and charged, and drove off two or three Bargīs, and came to where Jādū Rāy and Ūday Rām were standing with two or three thousand cavalry drawn up. As was their custom, they attacked him from all sides and surrounded him. He fought as long as there was breath in his body, and gave up his life on the path of loyalty.
During these days Mahābat K. was continually capturing, by messages and letters, the afflicted hearts of a number of men who out of timidity and confusion had accompanied Bī-daulat. When men read the lines of despair on the page of his (Shāh Jahān's) condition, letters also came from that side, asking for agreements (qaul). After Bī-daulat came out of the fort of Māndū, he in the first instance sent forward a body of Bargīs, and after them he sent Rustam K., Taqī, and Barq-andāz K. with a body of musketeers. Then he sent Dārāb K., Bhīm, Bairam Beg, and his other active men. As he could not resolve to give battle in person, he was continually looking backwards. He crossed the war-elephants over the Narbadda with the artillery waggons, and went himself unattended behind Dārāb and Bhīm, turning his face of ruin towards the battle. On the day when the royal camp was pitched at Kāliyādaha, Bī-daulat sent his army against the victorious forces, and stationed himself with Khān-khānān and a few men at the distance of a koss in the rear. Barq-andāz K., who had made an agreement with Mahābat K., was lying in wait. When the armies were ranged opposite to each other, he got his opportunity, and attacked with a body of musketeers, and joined the royal army, crying out, “Success to King Jahāngīr!” When he reached Mahābat K., the latter took him to wait on my fortunate son Parwīz, who bestowed royal favours upon him. Previously he bore the name of Bahā'u-d-dīn, and was a servant of Zain K. After the latter's death he enlisted among the Turkish gunners. As he was active in the performance of his duty, and had a band of men with him, considering him worthy of patronage, I gave him the title of Barq-andāz K. When I sent Bī-daulat to the Deccan, I put him at the head of the artillery, and sent him with him. Although in the beginning he placed the scar of curse on the forehead of his obedience, yet in the end he turned out well and came at a good time. On the same day Rustam, who was one of his (Shāh Jahān's) chief servants, and on whom he had perfect reliance, when he found that Fortune had turned away from him, made a compact with Mahābat K. By the guidance of good fortune and reliance on God, he, with Muḥammad Murād Badakhshī and other mansabdars, left the ill-fated army, and joined that of the illustrious prince. Bī-daulat's hand and heart were paralyzed on hearing this news, and he suspected all his own servants, and still more the royal servants he had with him, of faithlessness and unreliability. During the night he sent for the men who were in front, and decided on flight, and in bewilderment crossed the Narbadda. At this time, again, some of his servants took the opportunity of separating themselves from him, and joined the service of my fortunate son. Each of them received favours according to his condition. On the day that he crossed the river Narbadda, a letter fell into the hand of one of his men, that Mahābat K. had written in answer to Zāhid's K. letter, making him hopeful of the royal favour, and urging him to come in. This they sent direct to Bī-daulat, and he, becoming suspicious of Zāhid K., imprisoned him with his three sons. Zāhid K. is s. Shajā‘at K., who was one of the Amirs and trusted servants of my revered father. I had patronized this wretch in consideration of his claims of service and of his position as a house-born one (khāna-zād), and given him the title of Khan and the rank of 1,500, and had sent him with Bī-daulat for the conquest of the Deccan. When I summoned the Amirs of that quarter on account of the business of Qandahar, although a special farman of urgency was sent to him, the wretch did not come to Court, and gave himself out as an adherent and devoted servant of Bī-daulat. After the defeat near Delhi, he turned back. Though273 he had not a family, he had not the good fortune to pay his respects, or to cleanse the dust of shame and the stain of sin from the tablet of his forehead. At last the True Recompenser caught him on this day, and his property, to the extent of one lac and Rs. 30,000, was confiscated by Bī-daulat.
When273a thou hast done evil, think not thyself free of calamities
For retribution is according to natural law.
Briefly, Bī-daulat having quickly crossed the Narbadda, drew all the boats over to that side, and having secured the fords with men that he trusted, he left Bairam Beg, his Bakhshi, with a force of trustworthy men and a body of the Bargīs from the Deccan on the bank of the river. Taking the artillery-waggons, he himself went towards the fort of Āsīr and to Burhanpur. Meanwhile Taqī, his servant, caught the runner whom Khān-khānān had sent to Mahābat K., and took him to Bī-daulat. This couplet was written on the margin of the letter:
Hundreds are watching me
Otherwise I'd fly away from trouble.
Bī-daulat sent for him with his sons from his quarters, and showed him the writing. Although he made excuses, he could give no answer that could be listened to. In short, he kept him with Dārāb and his other sons in surveillance near his own station, and the lot he had himself drawn—viz., that hundreds were watching him—happened to him. At this time I gave Ibrāhīm Ḥusain, the servant of my prosperous son who had brought the report of the victory, the title of Khūsh-khabar K., with a dress of honour, and an elephant, and sent a gracious farman to the Prince and Mahābat K. by Khawāṣṣ K. I also sent with him a pahūnchī274 (bracelet) of great value to my son (Parwīz) and a jewelled sword to Mahābat K. As Mahābat K. had done approved service, I gave him the mansab of 7,000 personal and horse.
Sayyid Ṣalābat K., having come from the Deccan, had the good fortune to pay his respects, and received special favours. He was one of those employed in the Deccan. When Bī-daulat, having been defeated near Delhi, went to the fort of Māndū, he placed his children in independent territory under the protection of God, and went off by secret routes to pay his respects (to me). Mīrzā Ḥasan, s. Mīrzā Rustam Ṣafawī, having obtained leave to proceed to his appointment as faujdar of Bahraich, was given the mansab of 1,500 personal and 500 horse, original and increased. Having sent La‘l Beg, Superintendent of the Record Department, to my fortunate son. Shāh Parwīz, I sent with him a special dress of honour and a nādirī for him, and a turban for Mahābat K. Khawāṣṣ K., who had previously been sent to him and had returned, waited upon me with good news (of him). Khāna-zād K., s. Mahābat K., was given the mansab of 5,000 personal and horse.
At this time I enjoyed myself for a day with hunting nīlgāw. Whilst I was hunting I saw a snake the length of which was 2 1/2 yards, and its girth equal to three cubits (dast). He had swallowed half a hare, and was in the act of swallowing the other half. When the huntsmen picked him up and brought him to me, the hare fell out of his mouth. I ordered them to put it into its mouth again, but they could not do it, however much they exerted themselves; but by using great violence the corner of his mouth was torn to pieces. After this I ordered them to open its belly. Thereupon another entire hare came out. They call this kind of snake chītal275 in Hindustan, and it grows so large that it swallows a hog-deer (kotāh-pācha) entire; but it is not poisonous, and does not bite. One day during the same hunt I shot a female nīlgāw, and two fully formed young ones were found inside. As I heard that the flesh of nīlgāw fawns was delicate and delicious, I ordered the royal cooks to prepare a dū-piyāza275a (a kind of rich fricassee). Certainly it was not without flavour.
On the 15th of the Divine month of Shahrīwar Rustam K., Muḥammad Murād, and several other servants of Bī-daulat, who under the guidance of good luck had separated themselves from him and entered the service of my fortunate son Shāh Parwīz, according to orders came to Court, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. Having promoted Rustam K. to the mansab of 5,000 personal and 4,000 horse, and Muḥammad Murād to that of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, I made them hopeful of daily increasing favours. Rus-tam K. by extraction is a Badakhshī. His name was Yūsuf Beg. He is connected with Muḥammad-qulī of Isfahan, who was agent for and prime minister of Mīrzā Sulaimān (of Badakhshan). He was first of all in the service of the Court, and passed his days mostly in the Subahs. He was included among the smaller mansabdars. Having been deprived of his jagir for some reason, he came to Bī-daulat, and entered his service. He had a perfect knowledge of tiger-hunting He also did good service with him, especially in the affair of the Rānā. Bī-daulat selected him out of all his servants, and made him an Amir. As I bestowed much favour on him (Shāh Jahān), at his request I gave him the title of Khan, with a standard and drums. For some time he conducted as his agent the government of Gujarat, and did not manage badly. Muḥammad Murād is the son of Maqṣūd Mīr-āb (butler), who was one of the old servants of Mīrzā Sulaimān and Mīrzā Shāh-rukh.
On this day Sayyid Bahwa came from Gujarat, and waited on me. Nūru-d-dīn Qulī brought in chains to the Court forty-one of the rebels, who had been taken prisoners at Ahmadabad. Sharza K. and Qābil Beg, who were ring-leaders of the seditious, I executed by throwing them under the feet of warlike (mast) elephants. On the 20th of the same month, corresponding with the 18th of the month of Zī-qa‘da, a daughter was given by the grace of God to my son Shahriyār by the granddaughter276 of I‘timādu-d-daula. I hope that her advent276a will be propitious and blessed to this State. On the 22nd of the month the feast of my solar weighment took place, and the 55th year of the age of this suppliant began auspiciously and happily. According to annual custom, I had myself weighed against gold and other valuables, and gave them to deserving people. Among these I gave Rs. 2,000 to Shaikh Aḥmad276b of Sihrind. On the 1st of the Divine month of Mihr Mīr Jumla was promoted to the mansab of 3,000 personal and 300 horse. Muqīm, the Bakhshi of Gu-jarat, was given the title of Kifāyat K. As the innocence of Sar-farāz K.276c was established to my satisfaction, I took him out of prison, and allowed him to pay his respects. At the request of my son Shahriyār, I went to his house. He had prepared a grand entertainment, and presented suitable offerings, and gave dresses of honour to most of the servants.
At this time a report came from my fortunate son Shāh Parwīz that Bī-daulat had crossed the river of Burhanpur (the Taptī), and was wandering in the desert of error. The particulars are that when he crossed the Narbadda and drew all the boats to that side, and fortified the banks of the river and the ferries with cannon and muskets, he left Bairam Beg on the bank with a large number of the rebels, and withdrew towards Āsīr and Burhanpur. The Khān-khānān and Dārāb he took with him under surveillance.
And now, for the sake of enlivening my narrative, a few words must be said about Āsīr. The said fort, in its great height and strength, is not in want of my praise. Before Bī-daulat went to the Deccan it was in the charge of Khwāja Naṣru-llah, s. Khwāja Fatḥu-llah, who was one of the household slaves and ancient servants. Afterwards, at the request of Bī-daulat, it was handed over to Mīr Ḥusāmu-d-dīn, s. Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain.277 As the daughter of Nūr Jahān Begam's maternal uncle (taghā'ī) was married277a to him, when Bī-daulat, having been defeated in the neighbourhood of Delhi, turned his rein towards Malwa and Māndū, Nūr Jahān Begam wrote to him and strictly urged him, saying: “Beware, a thousand times beware, not to allow Bī-daulat and his men to come near the fort, but strengthen the towers and gates, and do your duty, and do not act in such a manner that the stain of a curse and ingratitude for favours should fall on the honour or the forehead of a Sayyid.” In truth, he strengthened it well, and the arrangements of the fort were not of such a sort that Bī-daulat's bird of thought could fly up to its border, or the conquest of it be quickly accomplished. In brief, when Bī-daulat sent one of his attendants, of the name of Sharīfā, to the above-mentioned, he (Sharīfā) seduced him by means of promises and threats, and it was settled (between Shāh Jahān and Sharīfā) that when Ḥusāmu-d-dīn should come down to take the letter and dress of honour which had been sent, he should not be allowed to go up again. That wretch, immediately Sharīfā arrived, put away on the shelf of forgetfulness what he owed on account of his bringing up and the favours conferred on him, and without opposition or effort handed over the fort to Sharīfā, and with his wife278 and child went to Bī-daulat, who made him accursed of the Faith and in the world by bestowing on him the mansab of 4,000 personal, and a standard and drums, and the title of Murtaẓā K. —a disgraceful name to all eternity.
In short, when that one of reversed fortune reached the foot of the fort of Āsīr, he took with him Khān-khānān, Dārāb, and all his evil-minded offspring up to the fort, and remaining there for three or four days, and having set his mind at ease about provisions, etc., handed it over to one Gopāl Dās, a Rajput, who had formerly been an attendant of Sar-buland Rāy, and entered his service when he went to the Deccan. He left the women and his superfluous baggage, and took with him his three wives with their children and some maidservants. At first he proposed to imprison Khān-khānān and Dārāb in the fort, but at last changed his mind, and bringing them down with him, hastened to Burhanpur. At this time La‘natu-llah, after suffering disgrace and contempt, came from Surat and joined him. In great perplexity, Bī-daulat employed Sar-buland Rāy, the son of Rāy Bhoj Hārā, who is one of the brave Rajput servants, and who is fed from the royal table (?), as his mediator, and by letters and messages made proposals of peace. Mahābat K. said that until Khān-khānān came, peace was impossible. His (Mahābat's) sole purpose was by these means to separate from him that head of deceivers who was the ring-leader of trouble and sedition. Being helpless, Bī-daulat brought him (Khān-khānān) out of prison, and satisfied himself by taking an oath from him on the Qoran. In order to please him and strengthen his promises and oath, he took him inside the female apartment and made a confidant279 of him, and brought his own wife and son to him, and made use of all kinds of entreaty and lamentation. The gist of his (Shāh Jahān's) remarks was: “My times are hard, and my position difficult; I make myself over to you, and make you the guardian of my honour. You must act so that I no longer undergo contempt and confusion.” The Khān-khānān, with a view to bring about peace, parted from Bī-daulat and proceeded to the royal army. It was settled that he should remain on the other side of the river, and arrange matters relating to peace in writing. According to fate, before Khān-khānān arrived on the bank of the river, some of the brave warriors and victorious youths one night found an opportunity and crossed over at a place where the rebels were careless. On hearing this news the pillars of their courage trembled, and Bairam Beg could not keep firm the foot of error and ignorance, or engage in driving them back. Whilst he was in this agitation279a many crossed the river, and on the same night the rebels of evil fortune were separated from each other like the Banātu-n-na‘āsh,279b and took to flight. By the unfailing good fortune (of Jahāngīr) the Khān-khānān fell into perplexity (lit. fell into the shash-dar279c position), and could neither go nor stay where he was. At this time again letters arrived from my prosperous son mingling threats with promises. The Khān-khānān, finding only despair and ruin in the page of Bī-daulat's affairs, hastened, through the mediation of Mahābat K., to wait upon my fortunate son. Bī-daulat, on hearing of the departure of Khān-khānān and the crossing of the Narbadda by the victorious army and the flight of Bairam Beg, lost courage, and, notwithstanding a flood in the river and the violence of the rain, crossed the Taptī in a state of wretchedness, and went off towards the Deccan. In this confusion many of the royal servants and his own attendants willingly or unwillingly separated, and did not accompany him. As the native country of Jādo Rāy and Ūday Rām and Ātash K. was on the route, they thought it better for themselves to keep with him for some stages, but Jādo Rāy did not come into his camp, and followed him at the distance of one stage. He took possession of such property as the men in this confusion and fear for their lives abandoned. On the day he (Shāh Jahān) started from the other side of the river (the Taptī) he sent a message by one of his immediate attendants of the name of Zū-l-faqār K. Turkmān, summoning Sar-buland K. Afghan, with the message that it seemed to him contrary to courage and the due performance of his engagements that he had as yet not crossed the river. “Fidelity was the glory of men; the faithlessness of no one has touched me (Shāh Jahān) so much as yours.” He (Sar-buland) was standing on horseback on the river-bank when Zū-l-faqār280 K. came and delivered the message. Sar-buland did not give a precise answer, and was undecided as to whether to stay or go. In his perplexity and by way of objection he told Zū-l-faqār to let go his bridle. Zū-l-faqār drew his sword, and struck at his waist. At this crisis an Afghan interposed a short spear which the people of India call a barchhā, and the blow of the sword caught the shaft, and the point of the sword did not reach Sar-buland's waist. After swords were drawn, the Afghans attacked Zū-l-faqār and cut him in pieces. The son of Sulṭān Muḥammad, the treasurer, who was Bī-daulat's page, for friendship's sake had come (with Zū-l-faqār) without Bī-daulat's permission, and was also killed.
Briefly, when the news of his leaving Burhanpur and of the victorious army's approaching that city reached me, I sent Khawāṣṣ K. on the wings of haste to my loyal son, and strongly impressed upon him that he must not relax his efforts, but must determine either to take him alive or to drive him out of the imperial territory. It was said that if things went badly with him on this side, it was probable that he would throw himself by the road of Quṭbu-l-mulk's country into the provinces of Orissa and Bengal. This, too, was in accordance with military plans. So out of caution, which is becoming to a ruler, I appointed Mīrzā Rustam to be governor of Allahabad and dismissed him with orders that if such circumstances should so occur (as Shāh Jahān's going to Bengal), he should rectify matters.
At this time my son (farzand) Khān Jahān came from Multan, and had the good fortune to pay his respects. By way of nazar he presented 1,000 muhrs and a ruby of the value of Rs. 100,000, a pearl, and other jewels. I gave an elephant to Rustam K. On the 9th of the Divine month of Ābān Khawāṣṣ K. brought a report from the prince and Mahābat K. to the effect that when my son (Parwīz) reached Burhanpur, though many of his men had remained behind in consequence of the heavy rains, he, according to orders, without delay had crossed the river (Taptī), and gone in pursuit of Bī-daulat. Bī-daulat, on hearing this terrible news, was marching on. On account of the heaviness of the rain and the excessive quantity of mud and constant marching his beasts of burden had become exhausted. If any baggage was left behind no inquiries were made, and he (Shāh Jahān) and his children and dependents thought themselves lucky to save their lives and did not trouble about their goods. The army of good fortune having come down the pass of Bhangar, hastened after him as far as the pargana of Ankot,281 about forty koss from Burhanpur. Bī-daulat in this state reached the fort of Māhūr, and when he knew that Jādo Rāy and Ūday Rām and the other Dakhanis would not go with him any farther, he did not disgrace them, but let them go. Leaving the heavy elephants with the goods and chattels with Ūday Rām in the fort, he himself started for Quṭbu-l-mulk's territory. When his departure from the roval territory was ascertained, my fortunate son, with the approval of Mahābat K. and other loyalists, turned rein from that pargana. On the first of the Divine month of Ābān he entered Burhanpur. Rāja Sārang Deo was sent to my son with a gracious farman.
Qāsim K. was raised to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 2,000 horse. Mīrak Mu‘īn, Bakhshi of Kabul, at the request of Mahābat K., was honoured with the title of Khan. Alf K. Qiyām-khānī, having come from the Subah of Patna, paid his respects, and was appointed to the charge of the fort of Kāngra. I presented him with a standard. On the 1st of the Divine month of Āzar Bāqi K. came from Jūnāgarh and waited on me.
As I was at ease with regard to the affair of Bī-daulat, and the heat of Hindustan did not agree with my constitution, on the 2nd of the month, corresponding with the 1st of Ṣafar282 my camp started from Ajmir for a tour and to hunt in the pleasant regions of Kashmir. Before this I had appointed the chief of the state Āṣaf K. Subahdar of Bengal, and gave him leave. As I had taken a great liking to his society, and he was distinguished above all the other servants for ability and good disposition and tact, and is moreover unequalled in all kinds of propriety, and I regretted separation from him, I had broken through that purpose, and had sent for him to wait upon me. He came on this day, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. Jagat Singh, s. Rānā Karan, took leave on his return to his native country, and was given a dress of honour and a jewelled dagger. Rāja Sārang Deo brought a report from my fortunate son Shāh Parwīz and Mahābat K. Madāru-s-salṭana, and kissed the threshold. It was written that their minds were at ease with regard to the affair of Bī-daulat, and that the rulers of the Deccan, willingly or unwillingly, were performing the dues of obedience and submission. His Majesty (Jahāngīr) might make his mind at ease about that quarter and enjoy himself in hunting and travelling in whatever place in the royal dominions he might approve of and which was good for his health. On the 20th of the month Mīrzā Wālī, having come from Sironj, waited on me. Ḥakīm Mūminā was raised to the mansab of 1,000. Aṣālat K., s. Khān Jahān, according to order, came from Gujarat, and had the good fortune to pay his respects.
At this time a report came from ‘Aqīdat K., Bakhshi of the Deccan, containing the news of Rāja Girdhar's having been killed. The particulars of this event are that one of the brothers of Sayyid Kabīr Bārha, who was an attendant of my fortunate son Shāh Parwīz, gave his sword to brighten and put on the wheel (to sharpen) to a cutler who had a shop close to the house of Rāja Girdhar. The next day, when he came to fetch his sword, a conversation took place as to the charge for the work, and the people of the Sayyid struck the cutler some blows with a stick. The Raja's people in supporting him used their whips on them. By chance two or three young Sayyids of Bārha had lodgings in that neighbourhood, and hearing of this disturbance, went to the assistance of the aforesaid Sayyid. The fire of strife was lighted, and a fight took place between the Sayyids and Rajputs, ending in an encounter with arrows and swords. Sayyid Kabīr, becoming aware of this, came to assist with thirty or forty horsemen, and at this time Rāja Girdhar, with a body of Rajputs and his caste people, according to the custom of the Hindus, were sitting barebodied and eating their food. Becoming aware of the coming of Sayyid Kabīr and the violence of the Sayyids, he brought his men inside the house and firmly closed the door. The Sayyids, setting fire to the door, forced their way inside and the fight went to such a length that Rāja Girdhar and twenty-six of his servants were killed and forty others wounded. Four of the Sayyids were also killed. After Rāja Girdhar was killed, Sayyid Kabīr took the horses out of his stable to his own house and returned. The Rajput officers, when informed of the slaying of Rāja Girdhar, came on horseback in great numbers from their houses, and all the Bārha Sayyids came to the aid of Sayyid Kabīr. They assembled in the plain outside the citadel, and the fire of trouble and calamity increased, and it nearly came to a great disturbance. Mahābat K., being informed of it, immediately mounted and went there, and bringing the Sayyids into the citadel, and soothing the Rajputs in a manner suitable to the occasion, took some of their chief men with him and went to the house of Khān ‘Ālam, which was near there. he soothed them down in a proper way, and promised and became security for an inquiry into the matter. When this news reached the prince he also went to the quarters of the Khān ‘Ālam, and soothed them with words appropriate to the state of affairs, and sent the Rajputs to their own houses. Next day Mahābat K. went to the house of Rāja Girdhar, condoled and sympathized with his sons, and having contrived to get hold of Sayyid Kabīr put him into confinement. As the Rajputs would not be consoled without his being put to death, after a few days he executed him.
On the 23rd I appointed Muḥammad Murād faujdar of Ajmir, and sent him off. On this road I continually enjoyed myself in sporting. One day, while hunting, a tūyghūn (albino) partridge, which till now I had never seen, came to my sight, and I caught it with a hawk. By chance the hawk that caught it was also a tūyghūn. I ascertained by trial that the flesh of the black partridge was better than that of the white, and that the flesh of the large quail (būdana), which the people of India call ghāghar,284 is better than that of the quail, which is a fighter. I compared the flesh of a fat kid with that of a lamb; the flesh of the fat kid is more delicious. By way of test I ordered them both to be cooked in the same way, so that I might discern the matter accurately. On this account I have recorded it.
On the 10th of the month of Dai, in the neighbourhood of the pargana of Raḥīmābād,284a the huntsmen brought in news of a tiger. I ordered Irādat K. and Fidā'ī K. to take with them some of the guards (ahl-i-yātish) and surround the wood, and mounting (an elephant) I followed them and went towards the hunt. From the number of trees and thickness of the jungle it could not be well seen. Driving the elephant forward, the tiger's flank came into view, and with one wound from my gun he fell and gave up his life. Of all the tigers I have shot from the time when I was a prince until now I never saw a tiger like this for size and majesty and the symmetry of its limbs. I ordered the artists to take its portrait according to its real form and body. He weighed 8 1/2 Jahāngīrī maunds; his length, from the top of his head to the end of his tail, was 3 1/2 cubits285 and 2 ṭassū (1/24 of a yard).
On the 16th it was reported that Mumtāz285a K., the governor of Agra, had died. At first he was in the service of Bahādur K., the brother of Khān Zamān. After they were killed he entered the service of my revered father. When I placed my foot in the world of existence that revered person favoured me with making him the Nāẓir (Superintendent) of my establishment. For a period of fifty-six years he served me sincerely and zealously and in a manner to please me, and at no time did a speck of dust from him settle on the fringe of my heart. What is due to him for the excellence of his service is more than a clerk could write. May God Almighty overwhelm him in the ocean of His forgiveness!
Having conferred on Muqarrab K., who is one of the old officials,285b the government and administration of Agra, I gave him his leave. In the neighbourhood of Fatḥpūr, Mukarram K. and his brother ‘Abdu-s-Salām had the good fortune to pay their respects. On the 22nd the entertainment for my lunar weighment took place in the town of Mathura, and the fifty-seventh year of my age began auspiciously and happily. At Mathura I went on by boat seeing what was to be seen, and hunting. On the way the huntsmen reported that a tigress with three cubs had appeared. Disembarking from the boat I engaged in the pleasure of sport. As the cubs were small I ordered them to be taken by hand, and killed the mother with my gun. At this time it was reported to me that the villagers285c and cultivators on the other side of the river Jumna had not given up stealing and highway robbery, and, passing their time in the shelter of thick jungles and difficult strong places in stubbornness and fearlessness, would not pay their rents to the jagirdars. I gave an order to Khān Jahān to take a force of mansabdars with him and give them exemplary punishment, and having slaughtered, imprisoned, and plundered them, raze to the ground their strongholds and forts, and tear up from the root their thorn-brakes of mischief and disturbance. The next day the force crossed the river and made a hot attack on them. As they had no time for escape by flight they planted firmly the foot of folly, and showed fight. Many of them were slaughtered: their women and children were taken prisoners, and much booty fell into the hands of the victorious army.
On 1st Bahman, having promoted Rustam K. to the faujdarship of the Sarkar of Qanauj, I sent him there.
On the 2nd ‘Abdu-llah, s. Ḥakīm Nūru-d-dīn, of Teheran, was ordered to be capitally punished in my presence. The explanation of this brief announcement is as follows: When the ruler of Persia, on suspicion of his having money and other property, tortured his father, the aforesaid fled from Persia, and with a hundred miseries and adversities threw himself into Hindustan, and by the patronage of I‘timādu-d-daula was enrolled among the servants of the Court. By the aid of good fortune, having in a short time become well known, he was included among those who were in immediate attendance, and obtained a mansab of 500 and a fertile jagir, but as his capacity was small (lit., his digestion was narrow) he could not stand such great good fortune, and assumed ingratitude and unthankfulnes; and constantly defiled his tongue with abuse286 of his lord and master. At this time it was continually reported to me that as my kindness to him and observance of what was due to him increased, that ungrateful one blamed and abused me the more. When I considered the favours I had bestowed upon him, I could not believe these stories about him, but at last I heard from impartial and disinterested persons the disrespectful language which he had used with respect to me in assemblies and companies. The charge was thus confirmed, and accordingly I summoned him to my presence and had him executed.287
“A red287a tongue gives the green head to the winds.” As the huntsmen reported that there was a tigress in this neighbourhood, by the mischief caused by which the inhabitants were oppressed, I ordered Fidā'ī K. to take elephants with him and surround it. Mounting myself, I followed him into the forest. It soon came to view, and with one shot from my gun its affairs were finished. One day I was enjoying myself with sport, and caught a black partridge with a hawk. I ordered them to open its crop in my presence. A mouse it had swallowed whole came out of its crop, and which was not yet digested. I was greatly astonished that the pipe of its gullet, small as it was, should swallow a whole mouse and how it had done so. Without exaggeration, if anyone had told me the tale I should not have believed it. As I saw this myself I have recorded it on account of its strangeness. On the 6th of the month Delhi became the abode of good fortune.
As Jagat Singh, s. Rāja Bāso, at the instigation of Bī-daulat, had gone out into the hills in the north of the Panjab, which are his hereditary abode, and raised a disturbance there, I appointed Ṣādiq K. to punish him, as has been related in the preceding pages. At this time Mādho Singh, his younger brother, was promoted to the title of Raja, and given a horse and robe of honour. An order was given for him to go to Ṣādiq K. and attack the rebels with him.
Next day I marched from the outskirts of the city, and alighted at Salīmgarh. As the house of Rāja Kishan Dās was on the road, and he had made great efforts and entreated me to do so, I at his request threw the shadow of prosperity on his dwelling, and gratified the desire of that old servant. A few of his offerings were accepted in order to dignify him. Marching on the 20th from Salīmgarh, I appointed Sayyid Bahwa Bukhārī to the governorship of Delhi, which is his ordinary residence. In fact, he had already done this service well, and I had given him high rank.
At this time ‘Alī Muḥammad, s. ‘Alī Rāy,288 ruler of Tibet, by his father's order came to Court, and had the good fortune to pay his respects. It was clear that ‘Alī Rāy had a great affection for and attachment to this son, and held him dearer than his other children. He wished to make him his successor, and he was consequently envied by his brothers, and disputes arose between them. Abdāl, s. ‘Alī Rāy, who was the eldest of his children, through this jealousy sought the patronage of the Khan of Kashghar and made him his protector, so that when ‘Ali Rāy, who was very old and decrepit, should die, he might, under the protection of the Wāli of Kashghar, become ruler of Tibet. ‘Alī Rāy, suspecting that the brothers might attack ‘Alī Muḥammad, and a disturbance might arise in his country, sent him to Court, his desire being that he might be attached to this Court, and his affairs might prosper by service to and kindness shown by the Court.
On the 1st of the Ilāhī month of Isfandārmuz I pitched in the pargana of Umbala. Lashkarī, s. Imām-wirdī, who had run away from Bī-daulat, and joined the service of my auspicious son Shāh Parwīz, having come on this date to Court, kissed the threshold. A report came from my son and Mahābat K. It contained the recommendation and the offer of service of ‘Ādil K., with a letter which he had sent to Mahābat, in which were set forth his submissiveness and loyalty. Lashkarī was sent back to Parwīz with a dress of honour, a nādirī with pearl buttons for the prince, and a dress of honour for Khān ‘Ālam and Mahābat K. At the request of my son I wrote a gracious farman to ‘Ādil K. showing great favour to him, and sent him a robe of honour with a special nādirī. I gave an order that if they thought fit they should send the above-mentioned288a to ‘Ādil K.
On the 5th I alighted at the garden of Sihrind. On the bank of the Beas Ṣādiq K., Mukhtār K., Isfandiyār, Rāja Rūp Chand of Gwalior, and other Amirs who had been appointed to support him, having succeeded in restoring order in the northern hill-country, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. The facts, briefly, are that Jagat Singh, at the instigation of Bī-daulat, had taken to the hills abovementioned, and engaged in stirring up sedition and strife. As the field was clear (i.e., there was no one to oppose him) he passed over difficult mountains and defiles, and by attacking and plundering peasantry and the weak, heaped misfortune on them until Ṣādiq K. arrived. He brought the Zamindars under control by means of fears and hopes, and made the overthrow of that wretched creature the object of his exertions. Jagat Singh strengthened the fort of Mau, and was protected by it. Whenever he found an opportunity he left that fortress and fought with the royal servants. At last his provisions were exhausted, and he came to despair of assistance from the other Zamindars. The elevation of his younger brother became a source of disturbance and anxiety to him. Helplessly he then sought for patronage, and begged the protection of Nür Jahān Begam, expressing shame and contrition, and sought a refuge in her mediation. In order to please and satisfy her, the pen of pardon was drawn through the record of his faults.
On this day reports came in from the officials in the Deccan that Bī-daulat, with La‘natu-llah, Dārāb, and other wretched (with broken wing and feathers) creatures in miserable condition, with blackened faces, had gone from the borders of Quṭbu-l-mulk's territory towards Orissa and Bengal. In this journey great loss fell on him and his companions, many of whom, when a chance offered, with bare heads and feet, and having washed their hands of life (desperate), took to flight. Out of these one day Mīrzā Muḥammad, s. Afẓal K., his Diwan, with his mother and his family, ran away during the march, and when the news reached Bī-daulat, he sent Ja‘far and Khān-qulī Uzbeg and some others of his confidential men in pursuit of him, that, if they could take him alive, well and good, or otherwise they should cut off his head and bring it into his presence. They with all speed proceeded and caught him up on the road. Becoming aware of this, he sent his mother and family into the jungles and hid them there, and himself with a body of young men whom he relied on as companions, planted manfully the foot of courage and stood with their bows. In front of them there was a canal and a swamp (chihlā). Sayyid Ja‘far K. wished to approach near him and take him with him by deceiving him, but however much he tried to persuade him by threatening and holding out hopes, it had no effect, and he answered him with life-taking arrows. He made a good fight of it, and sent Khān-qulī and some others of Bī-daulat's men to hell. Sayyid Ja‘far also was wounded. Finally Mīrzā Muḥammad received severe wounds and gambled away the cash of his life. But as long as he had breath he deprived many thereof. After he was killed, they cut off his head and took it to Bī-daulat.
When Bī-daulat was defeated near Delhi and went to Mandu, he sent Afẓal K. to get assistance and support from ‘Ādil K. and others, forwarding with him an armlet (bāzū-band) for ‘Ādil K., and a horse, an elephant, and a jewelled sword for ‘Ambar. He first went to ‘Ambar. After delivering his message he produced what Bī-daulat had sent for him, but ‘Ambar would not accept them, saying he was the servant of ‘Ādil K., who was at present the head of those in power in the Deccan: he should go first to him and explain what he desired. If he agreed, his slave would ally himself to and obey him, and in that case he would take whatever was sent, otherwise not. Afẓal K. went to ‘Ādil K., who received him very badly, and for a long time kept him outside the city and did not look into his affair, but put all kinds of slights upon him, but secretly asked for what Bī-daulat had sent for him and ‘Ambar, and took possession of it. The aforesaid (Afẓal K.) was there when he heard the news of the killing of his son and the ruin of his family, and so fell upon evil days. In short, Bī-daulat, in spite of all his (original) good fortune and happy auspices, undertook a long and distant journey, and came to the port of Machhlī Patan (Masulipatam), which belongs to Quṭbu-l-mulk. Before reaching this place, he sent some of his men to Quṭbu-l-mulk, and besought him for all sorts of assistance and companionship. Quṭbu-l-mulk sent him a small amount of cash and goods for his support, and wrote to the warden of his frontier to conduct him in safety out of his territory, and encourage the grain-sellers and Zamindars to send grain and all other necessaries to his camp.
On the 27th of the month a strange event took place. Returning from the hunting-place, I had come back to the camp at night. By chance I crossed a stream of water, the bed of which was very rocky and the water running violently. One of the servants of the sharbat-khāna (wine-cellar) was conveying a huntsman's relish. He had a gold tray, which contained a salver and five cups. There were covers to the cups, and the whole was in a cotton bag. When he was crossing, his foot slipped and the tray fell out of his hand. As the water was deep and running rapidly, however much they searched and beat their hands and feet (exerted themselves), no trace of it could be found. Next day the state of the case was reported to me, and I ordered a number of boatmen and huntsmen to go to the place and make a careful search, and it perhaps might appear. By chance, in the place where it had fallen it was found, and more strange still, it had not been turned upside down, and not a drop of water had got into the cups. This affair is similar to what happened when Hādī was seated on the throne of the Khalifate. A ruby ring had been inherited by Hārūn from his father. Hādī sent a slave to Hārūn and asked for it. It happened that at that time Hārūn was seated on the bank of the Tigris. The slave gave the message, and Hārūn, enraged, said: “I have allowed thee291 to have the Khalifate, and thou dost not allow me one ring.” In his rage he threw the ring into the Tigris. After some months by the decree of fate Hādī died, and the turn of the Khalifate came to Hārūn. He ordered divers to look for the ring in the place where he had thrown it. By the chances of destiny, and the aid of good fortune, at the first dive the ring was found, and brought and given into Hārūn's hand!
At this time one day on the hunting ground the chief huntsman Imām-wirdī brought before me a partridge that had a spur on one leg and not on the other. As the way to distinguish the female lies in the spur, by way of testing me he asked whether this was a male or a female. I said at once “A female.” When they opened it an egg appeared inside (pīshīna) its belly. The people who were in attendance asked with surprise by what sign I had discovered this: I said that the head and beak of the female are shorter than the male's. By investigation and often seeing (the birds) I had acquired this dexterity.292 It is a strange thing that the windpipe in all animals (ḥaiwānāt), which the Turks call ḥalq,292a is single from the top of the throat to the crop (chīna-dān), while in the case of the bustard (jarz) it is different. In the bustard it is for four finger-breadths from the top of the throat single and then it divides into two branches and in this form reaches the crop. Also at the place where it divides into two branches there is a stoppage (sar-band) and a knot (girih) is felt by the hand. In the kulang (crane) it is still stranger. In it the windpipe passes in a serpentine manner between the bones of the breast to the rump and then turns back from there and joins the throat. The jarz or charz (bustard) is of two kinds: one is a mottled black and the other būr (a kind of dun colour). I now292b discovered that there are not two kinds, but that which is a mottled black is the male, and that which is dun-coloured is the female. The proof of it is this, that in the piebald there are testicles and in the dun one there are eggs; this has been repeatedly found on examination.
I have a great liking for fish, and all kinds of good fish are brought for me; the best fish in Hindustan is the rohū, and after that the barīn.293 Both have scales, and in appearance and shape are like each other. Everyone cannot at once distinguish between them. The difference in their flesh also is very small, but the connoisseur discovers that the flesh of the rohū is rather more agreeable of the two.