1. Buzurjmihr, the celebrated Prime Minister of Núshírwán “the Just”, concerning whom Firdawsí relates many anecdotes, as how he read the writing after he had become blind. On the conquest of Persia by the Arabs, and the fall of the Sásánian dynasty, he fled to Ṭabaristán. When asked, “Why did the kingdom of the House of Sásán fall when it contained such a man as thee?” he replied:
“Because they sought the help of small men in great matters, and so affairs came to what they did.” One day they said to him “Come, let us discuss Fate and Predestination.” He answered, “What have I to do with such a discussion? I behold an external appearance whence I deduce the underlying reality: I- see fools prosperous and wise men in want, and I know that the ordering of results is not in man’s hands.” A number of similar wise sayings of his are reported, including the following: “Man is troubled at the waning of his wealth, but not at the waning of his life.”
2. The Ispahbad Marzubán b. Rustam b. Shirwín Parím
(
1. Abu'l-Faraj Rashíd b. 'Abdu`lláh, the physician of Astarábád, flourished in the time of Qábús Shamsu`l-Ma'álí (A. H. 366—403 = A. D. 976—1012), and was peerless in his time, not only in medical science, but in eloquence and skill both in prose and verse. He is mentioned in the Dumyatu`l-Qaṣr of al-Bákharzí.
2. Sayyid Abu`l-Faḍl Isma'il b. Muḥammad al-Músawí of Jurján, the author of the well-known medical Encyclopædia entitled Dhakhíra-i-Khwárazmsháhí, the Kitáb-i-Yádigár, the Kitábu`l-Aghráḍ, the Kitáb-i-Ṭibb-i-'Alá`í and the translation of Avicenna’s Qánún.
1. Gúshyár b. Lisán al-Jílí.
2. Awḥadu`d-Dahr ad-Dánishí, who compiled a complete
set of astronomical tables (
3. Bizíst b. Fírúzán, whose name al-Ma`mún arabicized into Yaḥya b. Manṣúr, and who compiled the Zíj-i-Ma`múní2.
4. Ustád 'Alí Pírúza, the panegyrist of 'Aḍudu`d Dawla Sháhinsháh Fanákhusraw. Hamadán is said to have been given to him in fief. The following verse in the Ṭabarí dialect is by him:
One day both he and Mutanabbí were visiting 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla. He was bidden to sit down, while Mutanabbí was left standing. Mutanabbí, vexed at this, spoke scornfully of this “speechless (i. e. barbarous) poet”, but when the meaning of some of his verses was explained to him by 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla, he admitted their excellence, saying, “Honour is due to the meaning, which is, as it were, the spirit of speech, not to the language [in which it is expressed], which is but as its material body.”
5. Díwárwaz Mastamard (
'Aḍudu`d-Dawla was delighted, and gave him gifts, and caused his name to be inscribed in the register of his poets, and he received the title of Díwárwaz.
After the death of 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla he came to ´Amul, while Shamsu`l-Ma'álí Qábús was still reigning over Ṭabaristán. One day he had been drinking with his friends, and, while returning home, passed the gate of the Shrine of Náṣir-i-Kabír, whence the clergy and custodians, seeing his state, came forth, seized him, beat him, and cast him into prison. Thence he made his escape, came to Gurgán, and described his adventures in the following Ṭabarí verses, which he laid before Qábús, who honoured and rewarded him, and gave him the title of Masta-mard:
The Houses of Washmgír and Buwayh.
Abú Isḥaq Ibráhím b. Hilál aṣ-Ṣábí’s great history of the
Buwayhid Dynasty entitled Kitábu`t-Táj is praised. He and
the Ṣáḥib Isma'íl b. 'Abbád are intended in the saying
“More eloquent than the two Ṣáds” (
For 42 years 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla resided at Baghdad, whence he practically exercised sovereign sway over the Ḥijáz, Yaman, Egypt, Syria, the two 'Iráqs, Ṭabaristán and all the districts of Farshwádgar. Verses addressed to 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla by Bakhtiyár Mu'izzu`d-Dawla:
Anecdotes of 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla related in the Siyaru`l-Mulúk (i. e. Siyásat-náma) of the Nidhámu`l-Mulk al-Ḥasan b. Isḥaq, including that of the money entrusted by a poor man to a fraudulent judge. — Verses on him by the Ṣáḥib:
Núḥ b. Manṣúr “the king of Bukhárá” (the Sámánid) sent presents to him by al-'Utbí when the latter went on the Pilgrimage, amongst which were included 500 robes embroidered with Núḥ’s name. 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla was incensed at this, and, turning to 'Utbí, said:
the kings of Gílán.
The title of Ispahbads is property applied to two different dynasties of Ṭabaristán, the House of Báwand of the author’s own time, and the Qárinwands, or House of Washmgír, who governed Ṭabaristán for nearly 80 years after the Ṭálibí Sayyids. Anyone, says the author, who wishes to appreciate the greatness and splendour of Qábús b. Washmgír, called Abu`l-Ḥasan, should read what is said of him by Abú Manṣúr ath-Tha'álibí and al-'Utbí in their works.1 Abu`l-Ḥasan 'Alí b. Muḥammad al-Yazdádí made a compilation of his sayings, which he entitled Qará`inu Shamsi`l-Ma'álí wa Kamálu'l-Balágha, from which the author here cites some 33 lines, praising especially the remarkable eloquence of Qábús in the Arabic language, his courage and skill in manly exercises, and his knowledge of Philosophy, Astronomy and Astrology. An Arabic letter which he wrote to his maternal uncle the Ispahbad Rustam b. Sharwín Báwand on the occasion of a quarrel which arose between them is next cited. (This fills rather more than a page, and brings us to f. 67a, 1. 18). Qábús also composed in Arabic a treatise on the Astrolabe, and submitted it to Abú Isḥáq aṣ-Ṣábí, whose laudatory criticism is cited in full (ff. 67b, 1. 7—68a, 1. 4). Qábús also maintained a regular correspondence with the Ṣáḥib, of which the intermediary was one of his chamberlains named 'Abdu`s-Salám. — Anecdote to illustrate the virtue of Qábús. — His servant Aḥmad Sa'dí, and his minister Abu`l-'Abbás Ghánimí, who was never known to take a bribe, and who was in friendly correspondence with Abú Naṣr al-'Utbi. — Specimens of this correspondence.
In the time of Qubád the son of Pírúz (A.D. 488—531)
the sovereignty of Ṭabaristán was in the family of Gushnasp-sháh
(
In the reign of Hurmuzd, Shápúr the son of Kayús died,
leaving a son named Báw, who accompanied Khusraw Parwíz
in his campaign against the Greeks, and distinguished
himself in the war with Bahrám Chúbína, receiving in reward
for these services Iṣṭakhr, ´Adharbáyján, 'Iráq and
Ṭabaristán as his government. He extended his territories
to the north-east so as to include Ḳhurásán, Khwárazm and
all Turkistán as far as the Desert of the Tátárs. Shírúya
the parricide on his accession destroyed Báw’s house at
Ctesiphon (Madá`in), plundered his possessions, degraded
him, and interned him at Iṣṭakhr. But Shírúya’s ill-gained
power soon ceased with his early death, and he was succeeded
by Queen ´Azarmí Dukht, of whom the Prophet
said “Woe to that people over which women reign!”
(
of Gáw-bára (f. 72b).
When, on the death of Balásh, Qubád, the father of Núshírwán,
succeeded to the throne, Jámásp, the youngest of
the three brothers, fled to Armenia, whence, from Darband,
he attacked and subdued the countries of the Khazars and
Sclavs (
(f. 73b).
When Yazdigird, routed by the armies of Islám, fled to
Ray, Báw, who was with him, sought and obtained permission
to go by way of Ṭabaristán to Kúsán, there to
visit a Fire-temple which his grandfather Kayús has founded,
promising to rejoin his sovereign in Gurgán. His absence,
however, was somewhat prolonged, and he was still in these
lands when he received news of Yazdigird’s death at the
hands of the traitor Máhú`í-i-Súrí. (Here 5 couplets of the
Sháhnáma are cited). Báw thereupon shaved his head and
retired into religious seclusion in the Fire-temple of Kúsán,
while the Turks (f. 74a) ravaged all Khurásán and Ṭabaristán,
and the Arabs, led by the Imám Ḥasan b. 'Alí,
'Abdu`lláh b. 'Umar b. al-Khaṭṭáb, Hudhayfa of Yaman,
Qutham b. al-'Abbás, and Málik b. Ashtar an-Nakha'í advanced
to ´Amul, where the trace of their encampment are
still visible in the place called Málika-dasht. The people
of Ṭabaristán, driven to despair by these calamities, agreed
to elect and obey one ruler in whom they should all feel
confidence, and unanimously chose Báw, who was ultimately
induced to accept this responsibility, on condition that they
gave him absolute power, even to life and death, over them.
So he expelled the invaders from the country and reigned
for fifteen years, till one day Bashár, the mother of [´Adhar-]
valásh, struck him on the back with a brick and slew
him, and herself reigned for eight years. Báw left a little
son named Suhráb, whose aged mother carried him off
safely and hid him in the house of a gardener near Sárí,
where he remained unmolested during these eight years.
At the end of this period some of the servants of Kúlá
Khurzád Khusraw Ispáhí (
death of Báw (f. 74b).
When Dábúya died, he left a son, who, under the style and title of Dhu`l-Manáqib Farrukhán-i-Buzurg, subjugated Ṭabaristán even as far as Níshápúr (in Khurásán), reduced the people to his allegiance, and, by building and cultivation, raised the country to a condition of prosperity which it had never before enjoyed, and repeatedly repelled the coveteous Turkish raiders. Then the Daylamites revolted against him, and compelled him to flee to ´Amul, where, in a castle then called Fírúz-Khusra, but now Fírúz-ábád, distant two parasangs from that city (f. 75a), he fortified himself. The Daylamites besieged him, and hoped to starve out him and his garrison, but he ordered his people to knead clay into the shape of loaves of bread and set these loaves on the walls in sight of the besiegers, who, thinking them to be bread, and despairing of being able to reduce so well provisioned a place, withdrew to Daylam, whereupon Farrukhán emerged from his fortress and followed them, constructing in the way which led to their country dykes, ditches and canals which rendered the road impassable to horsemen.
bayra ash-Shaybání (f. 75a).
It was now the Caliphate of 'Alí b. Abí Ṭálib. A tribe called the Banú Nájiya reverted to Christianity. 'Alí attacked and crushed them, and sold their women and children by auction as slaves to the Musulmáns. Maṣqala b. Hubayra ash-Shaybání bought them for 100,000 dirhams and set them free; but being unable to pay more than 30,000 dirhams he fled to Mu'áwiya. 'Alí thereupon destroyed his house at Baṣra (the first time such a thing had been done in Islám) and said of him:
Maṣqala’s descendants are still settled at Kúfa. Concerning 'Alí he said (f. 75b):
After 'Alí’s death he promised Mu'áwiya that with 4000 man he could effect the conquest of Ṭabaristán, but, after waging war with Farrukhán for two years, he was killed on the road between Kajú and Kandasán, where his tomb still stands, and is ignorantly visited by the common people, who imagine its occupant to have been one of the Prophet’s Companions1.
At this time the Mas-mughán Valásh was marzubán (warden of the marches) by the Ṭayzana Rúd (or Mayándarúd, as it is now called), and whenever the Ispahbad went on a hunting expedition in this direction, he used to stay a few days there to drink and make merry at Tanparast under Tardawíní, where the ruins of the palaces of the Ispahbads Farrukhán and Khurshíd are still visible. He presently asked and obtained in marriage the Mas-mughán’s daughter, for whom he built a residence in this place, which he connected by a canal with the sea; but later he was offended with his father-in-law, beheaded him, and annexed all his domains as far as Dárán, but respected the descendants of Báw, on whom he inflicted no injury.
Qaṭarí b. al-Fujá`at al-Máziní (f. 76a), the chief of the Khárijites or ‘Seceders’, one of the bravest and most eloquent of the Arabs, took refuge with the Ispahbad, in the time of the tyrant Ḥajjáj b. Yúsuf, together with 'Umar Fannáq1, Ṣáliḥ Mikhráq and other Khárijite chiefs, all of whom were hospitably entertained by their host during the winter. But when they and their horses were rested and strengthened, they threatened the Ispahbad that they would seize his country unless he accepted their creed.
The author here gives a brief account of the origin of
the Khárijites after the Battle of Ṣiffín and the arbitration
of Dawmatu`l-Jandal. Their first leaders were 'Abdu`lláh b.
al-Kawwá and Ma'dán al-Ayádí, who, at the head of a
thousand men, first raised the Khárijite war-cry, “Arbitration
belongs to God alone!” (
And on that day 'Alí’s soldiers kept reciting this verse:
The first person to whom the Khárijites swore allegiance as “Commander of the Faithful” (Amíru`l-Múminín) was 'Abdu`lláh b. Wahb ar-Rásibí, and the first who drew his sword in support of this heresy was 'Urwa b. Udayya, who, turning to Ash'ath b. Qays, said:
Ash'ath turned from him, and 'Urwa struck with his sword the hind-quarters of the mule he was riding. At the battle of Nahruwán, 'Urwa (f. 76b) fled from before 'Alí’s sword, but later he was taken prisoner and brought before Ziyád ibnu Abí-hi, who asked him what he thought of 'Alí and 'Uthmán. He declared them both infidels, whereupon Ziyád caused his head to be struck off.
The Khárijites are known by four names, to wit:
(1) Ḥarúriyya, because of Ḥarúrá, a place where they encamped. This name was given to them by 'Alí, who exclaimed, on hearing a verse read from the Qur`án (xviii, 103—104) concerning “those whose effort miscarries in the life of this world while they suppose that they do well,” “By God, these are they of Ḥarúrá!”
(2) Máriqiyya (“disobedient”, “rebels”, “heretics”), in allusion to the saying of the Prophet: “They shall slip from the Faith as the arrow slips from the bow” —
and another of his sayings to 'Alí: “Verily thou shalt fight the covenant-breakers, the doers of injustice, the rebels:”
(3) Shurát (“sellers” of their lives to win Paradise), alluding to Qur`án, ii, 203, and ix, 112, which verses they were accustomed to apply to themselves.
(4) Khárijites (Khawárij, “rebels”, “dissidents” or “seceders”), because they came out in revolt against 'Alí.
Whenever one of their chiefs was slain, they at once swore allegiance to another, until it came to the above-mentioned Qaṭari b. al-Fujá`at al-Máziní, who was one of the bravest and most famous of them, and whose poems are preserved in the Ghuraru`d-Durar of Sayyid Murtaḍá, the Ḥamása of Abú Tamám, and the Kámil of al-Mubarrad. Thus, when the Khárijites elected him their chief and swore allegiance to him, he wrote to Abú Khálid:
To which Abú Khálid (whom the author curses) replied:
(f. 77a)
'Imrán al-Ḥiṭṭán, one of the most eloquent and learned jurisconsults of the Khárijites, wrote the following verses in reply to Abú Khálid:
This 'Imrán it was who, when at war with 'Alí, said:
The following verses are also by him:
Ḥajjáj b. Yúsuf slew many of the “blue-clad” Khárijite
heretics (
Soon afterwards 'Abdu`l-Malik b. Marwán died and was succeeded by his son Walíd, while Ḥajjáj b. Yúsuf also fell from power, and Qutayba was made governor of Khurásán and Transoxiana, in which capacity he shewed much friendship towards the Ispahbad. Yazíd b. al-Muhallab (f. 78a) was in the service of Sulaymán b. 'Abdu`l-Malik (who succeeded his brother Walíd in A. D. 715), and whenever Qutayba wrote despatches describing a fresh victory in Turkistán, he would write back belittling them and saying, “All the accounts of thy victories are from a place where the Commander of the Faithful cannot test their reality: why dost thou not conquer Ṭabaristán, which is a garden in the midst of the domains of Islám?” But Qutayba knew that Yazíd b. al-Muhallab was his enemy, while the Ispahbad, on the other hand, was his friend, so that he naturally refrained from attacking him.
Sulaymán, on his accession, gave the government of
Khurásán to Yazíd, and ordered Qutayba to be slain. And
when Yazíd sent him accounts of his victories over the
heathen in Transoxiana, the Caliph used to reply. “Why
does he not effect that which he blamed Qutayba for not
doing?” So Yazíd, hearing this, collected an army of Arabs
and men of Khurásán and Transoxiana, and came to Gurgán.
When the Ispahbad heard this, he sent all his people with
their families and cattle into the mountains, leaving the
plains empty of their population. Meanwhile Yazíd reached
and occupied Tammísha, and continued his advance in the
level country towards Sárí, while the Ispahbad Farrukhán
marched parallel with him in the hills. On reaching Sárí,
Yazíd alighted in the Ispahbad’s palace, and the people
were afraid, and the Ispahbad himself was inclined to flee
into Daylamán and there seek hélp against the invaders,
but his son dissuaded him from an act which would be
regarded as tantamount to abdication (f. 78b), and counselled
him rather to sent messengers into Gílán and Daylamán
asking for re-inforcements, which finally arrived to the
number of some ten thousand men. Yazíd, hearing this,
sent Khidásh b. al-Mughíra b. al-Muhallab b. Abí Ṣufra and
Abu`l-Jahm al-Kalbí with twenty thousand horseman against
the Ispahbad. When they drew near, Salmán the Daylamite
came out to meet them, and was attacked by the van-guard
of the Muslims under Muḥammad b. Abú Surra al-Ju'fí,
who defeated Salmán’s troops, slew him, and pursued the
fugitives into the hills, where, however, the Ispahbad’s army
put them to rout with a storm of stones and arrows. Then,
withdrawing by another road from this position, they prepared
an ambush into which the Muslims fell, so that fifteen
thousand of them, including some of Yazíd’s own kinsmen,
perished. Continuing their advance, they plundered and
burned Yazíd’s camp, after which the Ispahbad despatched
a courier to Gurgán, bidding the Nahapets of Ṣúl1
rise
against Ḍarís and the Arab soldiers who occupied their
country, slay them all, and seize for themselves their cattle
and possessions. This was done, and amongst the slain
were fifty of Yazíd’s cousins (f. 79a). Then the Ispahbad
sent men to destroy the high road from Sárí to Tammísha
and render it impassable (
So Yazíd, unable to prevail by force, had recourse to strategem, and summoned before him Ḥayyán an-Nabaṭí (“the Nabathean”), a Daylamite client of Maṣqala b. Hubayra, who had been nick-named “the Nabathean” because he was dumb, and said to him: “O Abú Ya'mar! I entreated thee evilly in Khurásán, confiscated thy goods, and put thee in bonds. I have now a favour to ask of thee: think no more of the past, and meditate no treachery or guile.” “O Amír,” replied Ḥayyán, “since thou hast shewn me so much honour and favour, I bear no malice; and God forbid that I should neglect the claims of Islám or protect the Magian faith!” Then Yazíd told him the news from Gurgán, the strait in which he found himself, and the discouragement of his troops, begging him to devise some plan whereby the Muslims might save themselves in the present and take their revenge in the future. Ḥayyán answered: “This gabr (i. e. the Ispahbad) hath now waxed bold: if he should not hearken to my words, but should say, ‘For two years he has ravaged my country and raided my cattle and property,’ what answer shall I make?” Yazíd answered, “I will give as much as 300,000 dirhams in compensation, if he will accept it, and let us depart in peace.”
Then Ḥayyán came to the Ispahbad and said, “Yazíd b. al-Muhallab (f. 79b) hath sent me to say that if you will serve him in this matter, he will quit your country, but if not he will summon re-inforcements from Syria, ‘Iráq, Khurásán and Turkistán and destroy you and your kingdom.” So the Ispahbad was prevailed upon to accept the 300,000 dínárs, of which he gave 5000 to Ḥayyán, and to let Yazíd go: and he encamped in Tammísha by the moat to give time for the captives and fugitives of his army to join him. Then Yazíd passed onwards to Gurgán, where he swore to shed enōugh blood to turn a mill; but after killing many of the marzubáns and principal men of the country, he was glad to escape from his oath by a device suggested to him by the Nahapets of Ṣúl, who bade him mix blood with a mill-stream and eat of bread baked from the flour which it ground. Then he returned to Syria to the court of the Caliph Sulaymán.
Ibn '´A`isha relates that this Caliph, Sulaymán b. 'Abdu`l-Malik,
one day mounted the pulpit, having anointed his
beard with perfumed unguent (
He also restored to the descendants of Fáṭima the property of Fadak, of which she had been wrongfully deprived, and it remained in their possession until the time of the 'Abbásid Caliph al-Mutawakkil (reigned A. H. 232—247: A. D. 847— 861)1. Concerning this reparation [the Sharíf] ar-Raḍí says:
“In Khwárazm,” says the author, “I heard Nidhám [u`d-Dín] Sam'ání say in the pulpit: ‘I saw in a dream one of the Substitutes (Abdál) of the Prophet seated in the chief seat of apostolic honour, and beside him 'Umar b. 'Abdu`l-'Azíz, and somewhat lower 'Umar b. al-Khaṭṭáb. “How,” I enquired, “hath 'Umar b. 'Abdu`l-'Azíz attained to such proximity?” “Because of his justice,” was the answer. “But,” said I, “was not 'Umar b. al-Khaṭṭab more just than he?” “He,” came the answer, “was just in an epoch of justice; but the other in an epoch of tyranny and injustice.”’”
Yazíd had written to Sulaymán that so great were the spoils of his campaign in Ṭabaristán that the string of camels bearing them would reach continuously even to Syria. 'Umar, into whose hands this letter passed on his accession, demanded of him these boasted spoils, and, as he made excuses, declaring that he had found himself unable to effect their transport, he was cast into prison. Meanwhile the Ispahbad Farrukhán restored in great measure the prosperity of his raided domains, but died in the course of the next year or two, after a reign of seventeen years. And it was he who was the grandfather of Manṣúr al-Mahdí.
Farrukhán (f. 80a).
Dázmihr, the eldest son of Farrukhán, succeeded his father, and reigned for twelve years, during which no one attempted to molest him. He repaired and restored the Palace of the Ispahbads; and in his days Abú Muslim began his propaganda in favour of the House of 'Abbás at Merv. The Umayyad Marwán II, nick-named “the Ass” (al-Ḥimár) was then (A. H. 127—132: A. D. 744—750) Caliph, and he was so called because the Arabs name the year which ends a century “the Year of the Ass”, in allusion to the Ass of Ezra; and from the foundation of the Umayyad Caliphate until Marwán was slain exactly one hundred years had elapsed1. Al-Jáḥidh relates in the Kitábu`l-Bayán wa`t-Tabyín that when Marwán was hard pressed by Abú Muslim’s troops, he ordered one of his trusted servants to bury in the sand the staff and cloak of the Prophet, and to cut off the head of one of his daughters, lest she should reveal the hiding-place of these secret relics. But later this servant, being taken captive, said, “If you slay me, the inheritance of the Prophet will be lost for ever.” So they spared him, and he shewed them where he had hidden these relics, which were sent to two villages in Tammísha where the councils of the propagandists were at that time held.
Abu`l-Faraj 'Alí b. al-Ḥusayn b. Hindú relates in his Kitáb-i-amthál-i-Muwallada, on the authority of Ibn Durayd, the author of the Kitáb-i-Ḥumayra, that Ka'b b. Zuhayr received this mantle from the Prophet in reward for a qaṣída which he had composed in his praise, and sold it to Mu'áwiya for 20,000 dirhams. It is now in the possession of the 'Abbásid Caliphs.
There was never a more wonderful story than that of Abú Muslim. To a villager of humble origin and lowly position God gave so much power that he took in hand and successfully carried out one of the greatest enterprizes ever planned. It is related that when he conquered the Umayyads, and Marwán (f. 81a) took account of his deeds, he caused his secretary, 'Abdu`l-Ḥamíd, who was a master in epistolary composition, to write him a long letter, full of threats and promises, ending with the words:
When this long and wordy letter was read to Abú Muslim, he laid it before him, broke in pieces one of his arrows, and wrote in reply these two couplets:
Then they said to 'Abdu`l-Ḥamíd the secretary, “Write to Abú Muslim again in words briefer, weightier and more concise, so that he may not answer thee in this fashion.” So 'Abdu`l-Ḥamíd wrote:
But Abú Muslim’s plans prospered, until he brought Abu`l-'Abbás 'Abdu`lláh as-Saffáḥ b. Muḥammad b. 'Alí b. 'Abdu`lláh b. 'Abbás from al-Madína and proclaimed him Caliph, who, on his death, was succeeded by his brother Abú Ja'far al-Manṣúr 'Abdu`lláh b. Muḥammad b. 'Alí b. 'Abdu`lláh b. 'Abbás.
It is related that once 'Abdu`llah [b.] 'Abbás was travelling in company with 'Alí, who always showed the greatest consideration for this family (f. 81b), and bestowed on them the governments of Baṣra, Yaman and Ṭá`if, while Qutham, the foster-brother of Ḥusayn b. 'Alí was the governor of the two sacred cities (Mecca and al-Madína). Concerning this the Amír Abú Firás says:
When 'Abdu`lláh’s son was born to him in Qaṭífa, he asked 'Alí to name the child with a noble name:
When al-Manṣúr had been enthroned as Caliph, he gave Abú Muslim permission to return to Khurásán. When he reached Ḥulwán, however, he was overtaken by a messenger from the Caliph bidding him return, since his advice was needed on an affair of importance which had arisen.
Abú Muslim suspected treachery, and consulted with one of his friends, saying, “How dost thou think that I stand with Abu`l-'Abbás?” The other replied, “Like the lion whose foot was pierced by a reed, so that it was unable to move; and a simple-minded, well-meaning man, seeing its weakness and hearing its moaning, took pity on it, approached it, and (f. 82a) drew forth the thorn from its foot. Thereupon the lion slew the man, in spite of his cries and protests; ‘for,’ it said, ‘thou art a meddlesome fellow, and perhaps thou may’st assist some other lion as thou hast assisted me, and it may drive me from this my hunting-ground, and make me an exile and a wanderer.’ Abú Muslim replied, “If I do not tend, nurse and care for that tender sapling which I have planted, but abandon it to its fate, passers-by will pluck it up by the roots, and my labour of many years will be rendered null and void.” So he left his treasure and baggage in the charge of his vice-gerent Sindbád at Ray, and himself returned to Manṣúr, where that fate overtook him which is well known, and to which he alluded in the punning epigram:
When al-Manṣúr had killed Abú Muslim, he gave the post of Wazír to Abú Ayyúb al-Múriyání; and all men were filled with fear of him because of what he had done to Abú Muslim. Abú Ayyúb’s intimates once remarked to him that however often he entered the Caliph’s presence his countenance always shewed signs of fear. He repeated to them the parable of the hawk and the cock, when the former reproached the latter with ingratitude for fleeing, screaming and terrified, from men when they called him, notwithstanding the food he had eaten at their hands, and the benefits he had received from them.
Khurshíd was called Farshwád Marzubán, and the Nahapets
were his maternal uncles and kinsmen. His paternal uncle
actually ruled the country until Khurshíd reached the age
of manhood. This uncle had a hand-maiden named Ramja
and called Harúya (
When Khurshíd was grown to man’s estate, his uncle
summoned his sons before him and said, “My nephew is
grown up, and hath sent me a message, saying, ‘The kingdom
is my father’s, who set thee on the throne under covenant
with me; therefore surrender unto me the trust.’”
His sons said, “Thou art king, and the kingdom ought to
pass from thee to us. We will never consent (f. 83a) to thy
surrender of the kingdom to him.” The father replied,
“Talk not like children, neither hammer cold iron, for I
will be faithful to my covenant. Should I contravene the
agreement, no blessing would it bring either to me or to
you.” Then said they, “Since it is so, send and bid him
come hither, that thou may’st make it over to him.” So
he, knowing not their secret intentions, sent for Khurshíd,
who, fully confiding in his uncle’s integrity, came with a
few followers from Tammísha, and was received by his
uncle with paternal kindness. On an auspicious day a great
banquet was held; but Khurshíd’s cousins had conspired to
kill him with a blow from a mace as soon as he should
rise from the banquet and sit down to drink wine. The girl
Ramja Harúya, however, was aware of their intended treachery,
and informed Khurshíd of it. He thereupon summoned a
foster-brother of his named Jalwánán, and bade him have
two horses ready at the gate. Then, on some pretext,
Khurshíd slipped out from the banquet, mounted his horse,
drew his sword, and, with Jalwánán, rode away, with cries
of defiance, back to Tammísha. His uncle reproached his
sons bitterly for their meditated treachery, and wrote humble
apologies to Khurshíd, declaring that he had no part nor
lot in the conspiracy. For a year Khurshíd did not see his
uncle, and was busy, assisted by the Nahapets of Sárí, in
preparing for battle. Finally (f. 83b) he met his cousins in
battle at Qaṣr-i-Dádaqán, a place midway between Tammísha
and Sárí built by his father. He was victorious, slew
or captured all of them, and pursued their army as far as
Sárí. He then came before his uncle, exonerated him from
all participation in the crime, and bade him choose for
himself whatever residence and companions he pleased. His
surviving cousins he banished to a mountain called Farrukhán
Fírúz, where they remained till the end of their lives;
and he married Ramja Harúya, and possessed himself of
all the treasures of his father and his uncle, of whom the
latter had reigned eight years. Khurshíd’s kinsmen gathered
round him, amongst them Wandarand, Fahrán and Farrukhán,
the sons of Jusnas (Gushnasf) b. Sárúya b. Farrukhán the Great,
who were his cousins on his mother’s side. Of these he
made the first marzubán of ´Amul, the second marzubán of
the highlands (kuhistán), and the last he kept with himself.
The command of his army he gave to Shahr-Khwástán b.
Yazdán-Kard. He repaired the Palace of the Isfahbadán,
enclosed 400 acres (
The Ispahbad Khurshíd had a general named Qárin, after whom was named the village of Qárin-ábád in Panjáh-hazár and Mayándarúd, wherein he stored his treasures. It is now in ruins. His body-guard comprised 4000 men, and he always wore brocade, and sat on a golden throne, and exercised the fullest authority over the Ispahbad’s people, both men and women. And when the Isfahbad had reigned a long while (f. 85a), he became filled with pride and self-assurance, and took no heed of anyone, and paid no attention to the nobles, so that the hearts of his people were alienated by his tyranny and arrogance, and they sought a pretext to rebel against him.
the Caliph Manṣúr.
When the Caliph al-Manṣúr slew Abú Muslim, and news
of this came to his friend and ally Sindbád in Ray, he
sent all the treasures and cattle which Abú Muslim had
confided to him to the Ispahbad, as a trust, together with
a present of six million dirhams, and at the same time cast
off his allegiance to al-Manṣúr, and revolted against him.
The Caliph thereupon sent Jumhúr b. Marár from Baghdad
to fight against him; and he came to Ray and defeated
Sindbád at Jurjunbání (? Jurkhiyání). Sindbád fled to Ṭabaristán
and sought protection with the Ispahbad, who sent his
cousin Ṭús out to meet him, with provisions, presents,
horses and arms. When Ṭús met Sindbád, he alighted from
his horse and saluted him, while Sindbád answered him
from his saddle, and did not alight to do him honour.
Thereat Ṭús was angered and said, “I am one of the Ispahbad’s
cousins, and he sent me out to do thee honour.
It was not contemplated that thou should’st treat me with
disrespect.” To this speech Sindbád returned a harsh answer,
and Ṭús, remounting his horse, soon found an opportunity
to smite Sindbád with his sword and cut off his head, after
which he brought all his retainers and stores to the Ispahbad,
who was greatly vexed, reviled Ṭús, and took possession
of all Abú Muslim’s and Sindbád’s property. News of this
was sent by Jumhúr to the Caliph, who instructed his general
to demand the surrender of this property from the
Ispahbad. At this time 'Abdu`l-Jabbár b. 'Abdu`r-Raḥmán
was in Khurásán. The Ispahbad sent one of his chamberlains
named Fírúz with Sindbád’s head to the Caliph, who
received him with great honour. On learning this, the Ispahbad
sent Fírúz once more to the Caliph with a gift of
precious stones and rare products of Ṭabaristán. The Caliph
then requested him to hand over the treasures of Abú
Muslim and Sindbád, but the Ispahbad persisted in declaring
that they were not in his possession, and finally broke out
into open revolt against the Caliph, who thereupon sent his
son al-Mahdí to Ray, bidding him seize the Ispahbad’s son
Hurmuz as a hostage for the father’s loyalty. The Ispahbad,
on receiving this demand, replied that his son was too
young to bear the fatigues of the journey, and al-Mahdí
wrote to his father the Caliph, advising him not to press
this demand, lest the Ispahbad should break into more open
revolt. So al-Manṣúr sent him a royal crown and robe of
honour, and the Ispahbad, being pleased thereat, consented
to send to the Court of Baghdad the same tribute which
Ṭabaristán had formerly paid to the Sásánian kings, to
wit: a poll-tax of one dirham of gold for each inhabitant;
300,000 dirhams, each containing four dángs (i. e.
Now the sight of this tribute of Ṭabaristán did but inflame the Caliph al-Manṣúr’s desire to posssess so rich a povince; and he sent a verbal message to the Ispahbad bidding him help his troops in repelling the attacks of 'Abdu`l-Jabbár. He also wrote to his son al-Mahdí, who was at Ray, bidding him write to the Ispahbad that, owing to the drought and consequent scarcity of food, it was impossible for all his army to follow the same route, and that he desired the Ispahbad’s permission for one division of them to pass through Ṭabaristán.
the Ispahbad.
At the command of his father the Caliph, al-Mahdí sent
as ambassador to the Ispahbad a certain Persian (
So the ambassador came back to al-Mahdí at Ray, and conveyed to him the Ispahbad’s answer; and al-Mahdí despatched Abu`l-Khuḍayb Marzúq as-Sa'dí, the client of al-Muthanná b. al-Ḥajjáj, by way of Zárim and Sháh-kúh, while he sent Abú 'Awn b. 'Abdu`lláh by way of Gurgán to effect a junction with him. And the Ispahbad had transferred the dwellers in the plain to the highlands, lest any collision should take place between them and the Caliph’s troops: not knowing that the intention of the latter was to destroy and dispossess him.
Abu`l-Khuḍayb chose as his guide a certain 'Amr (? 'Umar) b. 'Alá, who had, on account of a murder which he had committed in Gurgán, taken refuge with the Ispahbad, under whose protection he had lived for a long while, during which time he had obtained full knowledge of the country, and of all its roads, fords and passes. But now he had joined himself to the Caliph’s troops, and was sent with 2000 horsemen to attack ´Amul (f. 87a). The Marzubán of this city, who held his office from the Ispahbad, came out to meet him in battle; but he was slain, and ´Amul was occupied by 'Umar b. 'Alá, who proclaimed a just administration to all the inhabitants, and invited them to embrace Islám. And the people, being, as already said, disgusted with the Ispahbad’s arrogance, came in in crowds, embraced Islám, and surrendered up their arms and possessions. Shortly after this, news of the death of 'Abdu`l-Jabbár arrived, and the invaders, being no longer anxious about Khurásán, settled down in Ṭabaristán.
Now on the top of Darband-i-Kúla near the road to
Áram there is a palace (
The Muslim army, on learning his movements, set out in pursuit, but he reached Rúyán with the loss of only a few men and animals, and thence pushed on to Daylam, where he remained for two years and seven months, while the Muslims besieged his stronghold, until he had gathered together 50,000 men of Gíl and Daylam. But the plague attacked his stronghold, and in one day 400 persons died, and such was the stench of their bodies that the garrison were obliged to capitulate to the Muslims, who spent seven days in bringing the stores and treasures out of the Castle. Then they prepared to send the women, with all respect and honour, to the Caliph. The Muslim general desired ´Azarmí-Dukht and Ramja Harúya to surrender themselves to him, but they both refused. Of Khurshíd’s daughters, who were as beautiful as the moon, he gave one to 'Abbás b. Muḥammad al-Háshimí, who named her Amatu`r-Raḥmán (“the Hand-maiden of the All-Merciful”), while another the Caliph himself took. All of them urged the Caliph to give the kingdom of Ṭabaristán to their father, and to this the Caliph consented, and despatched a messenger with orders to this effect, but he got no further than Ḥulwán, for the Ispahbad Khurshíd, filled with despair at the disaster which had befallen him, and unable to bear the disgrace, took poison and died. With him ended the line of Jílánsháh, which had reigned in Ṭabaristán for 119 years.
were sent from Baghdad to rule over
Ṭabaristán after the extirpation
of the Line of Jílánsháh.
The first 'Abbásid governor of Ṭabaristán was the already-mentioned
Abu`l-Khuḍayb, and the first building erected
there by the Muslims was the Great Mosque of Sárí, which
he caused to be built on a Monday in the month of ´Abán
in the year A. H. 140 (A. D. 757—8), on which date ´Amul
was occupied and Ṭabaristán practically conquered by the
Muslims. Abu`l-Khuḍayb was governor for two years, and
was succeeded by Abú Khuzayma, who settled armed garrisons
throughout the country as follows: in Tammísha
1000 Arabs under Fakhr b. 'Abdu`lláh al-Khuzá'í; in Rúdbár,
two parasangs from Tammísha, 500 men under Rabí'
b. 'Urwán; in Kúsán 300 men under Abu`l-'Ammár al-'Atíqí;
in Asrámíl 500 men under Ibráhím b. Isḥáq ash-Shámí; in
Sámta 500 men under Kirmán al-Bukhárí; in Kúsán 500
men of Khurásán under Núḥ (
After a year [? Abu`l-Khuzayma] was dismissed, and replaced
by Rúḥ b. Ḥátim b. Qayṣar b. al-Muhallab, who
was made governor in A. H. 144 (= A. D. 761—2), but a
year later, being convicted of tyranny and injustice, he
was replaced by Khálid b. Barmak, who took up his abode
at a place called after him Khálida-Saráy. He also built for
himself a palace at ´Amul, and ruled for four years, building
many public buildings and developing the resources of the
country, until at the end of this period he was replaced by
‘Amr b. al-'Alá, during whose governorship the Caliph al-Manṣúr
died, and was succeeded by (f. 88b) his son al-Mahdí.
He, being informed that 'Amr b. al-'Alá had sought
the hand of the daughter of Mihrúya in marriage, was
angered against him and dismissed him. Sa'íd b. Da'laj
succeeded him as governor, and held this position for three
years. At this period a Sayyid of the House of Abú Tálib
named Ḥusayn b. 'Alí, commonly called
“Good!” exclaimed Sirrí; “it is even so: naught accrues to you save abasement and humiliation. If you would only be quiet as is ỵour cousin here, Músá b. Ja'far, notwithstanding all his learning, piety, nobility and ascetic life (f. 89a), would it not be better?” Thereupon Músá b. 'Abdu`lláh extemporised the following verses:
Now since the Caliph al-Mahdí was preoccupied with
these matters, Sa'íd b. Da'laj remained two years and three
months as Governor of Ṭabaristán ere he was recalled, and
'Amr b. al-'Alá was again sent to replace him. He it was
who built the village of 'Amr (? 'Umar) Kaláda, situated
near Wana-bun, as well as another town called 'Umar
(? Amr)-ábád. In this year there was a great earthquake;
and Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal declared at Baghdad that heavier
taxes should be imposed on the people of Ṭabaristán, as
well as a 10% tithe on cereals, because the country had not
surrendered willingly, but had been taken by force. A year
later 'Amr b. al-'Alá was replaced by Yaḥyá b. Mikhnáq (B.
Wandád Hurmuzd.
Then arose Wandád Hurmuzd, the son of Alandá, the son of Qárin, the son of Súkhrá, who has been already mentioned in speaking of the Garsháhs (Jarsháhs) or kings of the Mountains; for the word Jar (or Gar) is applied to mountain-land susceptible of cultivation, and Gáw-bára had given this land to this family, who had held it for a hundred years. Now the inhabitants of Ummídwár-Kúh came to Wandád Hurmuzd to complain of the tyranny and exactions of the Caliph’s governors, promising him their support if he would rebel against them, whereby tḥey might escape from the tyranny which was crushing them down, and he might recover the authority enjoyed by his ancestors. He answered them that he must first consult with (f. 89b) the Ispahbad Sharwín, the king of the Mountains, and seek for the support of the Mas-mughán Walásh; and that if these consented to help him, he would revolt against the Caliph. So he sent messengers to Sharwín at Shahriyár-kúh in Farím, and to the Mas-mughán at Mayándarúd, both of whom agreed to help him, and encouraged him in his enterprise. A day was then fixed on which the people of Ṭabaristán should make a general massacre of all the Arabs and servants of the Caliph. This was done; and so thoroughly were the Ṭabaristánís in accord that women who were married to followers of the Caliph dragged them out of their houses by their beards, and delivered them over to the executioners, so that in all Ṭabaristán not an Arab was left. When Ḥammál b. 'Umar ad-Duhalí and Khálid b. Barmak, whom the Caliph had sent to Ray, received news of this, they despatched tidings to Baghdad, and al-Mahdí sent Sálim of Farghána, one of his most trusted officers, whom he had nick-named “the Devil of Farghána” to enquire into and report on the matter. On learning the truth, the Caliph exclaimed, “Is there no one who will go to Ṭabaristán and bring me the head of Wandád Hurmuzd?” Sálim offered himself, and the Caliph despatched him wíth a following of brave and hardy soldiers. On arriving in Ṭabaristán, he encamped in the plain of Aṣram, where Wandád Hurmuzd came to meet him, accompanied by a great host. Sálim was mounted on a favourite piebald horse, well known throughout 'Iráq-i-'Arab. He at once rode at Wandád Hurmuzd and smote at him with his great mace, which weighed twenty maunds, splitting the shield with which he sought to parry the blow (f. 90a), but nor succeeding in inflicting on him any further injury. At dusk they ceased from battle, and Wandád Hurmuzd and his men encamped at Hurmuzdábád. Next day they fell to banqueting and drinking. Wandád Hurmuzd had a black horse, which had on its neck a curious mole, and which was of incomparable excellence. This he had saddled with a golden saddle and caparisoned with jewelled trappings, and when it was brought before him he said, “O people, know that this is our antagonist whom ye have seen, and whose pomp and power ye have witnessed. And ye are all of you the bravest men of Ṭabaristán. Which of you will take this caparisoned horse and do battle with him?” Thrice he made this appeal, and no one responded to it, until at last one of his sons, a lad named Wandá-ummíd, and called Khudáwand-i-Kalálak, advanced, kissed the ground, and said, “By thy good fortune I am he who shall bring thee thine enemy’s head; and for this I desire nothing but the horse.” “When,” said Wandád Hurmuzd, “hast thou contended with warriors and taken part in such contests?” The lad, however, persisted in his resolve, in spite of the attempts to dissuade him made by his father and his maternal uncle Qúhyár, who was finally bidden to accompany his nephew, notwithstanding his weakness and old age. The bravest men were chosen to accompany them, and a cow-herd named Ardashírak Báblúraj (f. 90b), who knew all the intricacies of the thickets and forests, was sent to lead them by secret paths against Sálim, who, being taken by surprise, was slain by Wandá-ummíd in single combat, at Harsa-mál, three parasangs from ´Amul, or, as some say, at Aṣram, at the place now called Hí-Hí-Kayán. So the lad Wandá-ummíd came back in triumph to his father, Wandád-Hurmuzd, and was received by him with great honour and rejoicing, and ever afterwards permitted to sit beside him on his golden throne. And Sálim was esteemed by the Caliph as equivalent in value to a thousand horsemen1.
When the news of the death of Sálim reached the Caliph, he was greatly vexed, and despatched another army of 10,000 men under an Amír named Firásha against Tabaristán, at the same time sending messages to Khálid-i-Barmakí, Ward-i-Aṣfar (“Yellow Rose”) and Ḥammád at Ray, bidding them afford him any help of which he might stand in need. So Firásha, re-inforced by further levies, advanced to ´Aram, meeting with no resistance, for Wandád Hurmuzd had ordered that none should oppose them or contest their advance, so that they might wax bold and careless (f. 91a). He himself retired to Kúlá, near which, at Gawázúnú, he constructed two great dykes (dar-band), one above and one below. Then he sent to the Ispahbad Sharwín, who was at Parím and Kamímnám, bidding him come and help him; but Sharwín delayed and procrastinated so that Firásha was convinced of his weakness and helplessness. Wandád Hurmuzd had prepared 400 trumpets and 400 drums, and he assembled at Gawázúnú all his kinsmen and trusted warriors, whom he drew up in two ranks, with 4000 of his people, both men and women, to each of whom he gave an axe. He then explained to them his plan, which was that he himself should advance a little way towards the enemy with a hundred men, but that as soon as he had been seen by Firásha and his troops, he should fall back, followed by the enemy, whom he would thus lure within the two silent lines of his followers. Then, when they were all within the ambush, he would beat a drum; and at this sign all his followers were to begin to blow the 400 trumpets, beat the 400 drums, and fell trees with the 4000 axes. All this was duly carried out; and when the troops of Firásha heard this turmoil and uproar, they were filled with consternation, and were easily routed. Firásha himself was taken captive, and brought before the Ispahbad, who ordered his head to be struck off, and himself put on his cloak, cap, belt and sword; but quarter was accorded to the remaining prisoners. At this juncture the Ispahbad Sharwín arrived, and was given one third of the spoils (f. 91b). Wandád Hurmuzd related to his son Qárin that he had dreamed that he slew a wolf; that after this another wolf came and was also slain by him; that thereafter a leopard came, and he slew it, cut off its head, and clothed himself in its skin; and that last of all a lion came and grappled with him, and wounded him with its claws, until at last with a great effort he freed himself from it. The first wolf was Taym b. Sinán; the second, Khalífa b. Mihrán; the leopard, in whom skin Wandád clothed himself, was Firásha; and the lion was Yazíd b. Marthad.
When the news of Firásha’s death reached the Caliph al-Mahdí, he sent to Ṭabaristán Rúḥ b. Ḥátim, a tyrant of evil life, concerning whose dismissal from office Abú Jaysh al-Hilálí said:
He was succeeded by Khálid b. Barmak, who maintained friendly relations with Wandád Hurmuzd, and allowed him to possess the highlands in peace. When he was dismissed and was leaving ´Amul, a tradesman who was standing near at hand said, “Praise be to God that we are delivered from thy tyranny.” This was reported to Khálid, who caused the tradesman to be brought before him, and reproached him and struck off his head. Thence he proceeded to Sárí, where the people came out to meet him with presents; and he abode there for a time, bestowing many gifts on the people.
He was succeeded by 'Amr b. 'Alá, who fought with Wandád Hurmuzd, took from him his highland domains (f. 92a), and pressed him so hard that he was unable to dwell any longer in the cultivated lands, but was driven into the forests. So his affairs continued to grow worse, until one day one of his followers was taken captive and brought before 'Amr b. 'Alá, who ordered him to be beheaded; but the man prayed for mercy, promising in return to bring the Amír the head of Wandád Hurmuzd. The Amír asked what surety he proposed to give for the due performance of his promise. “This blanket,” replied the man, “which I wear on my back.” The Amír laughed and said, “If he is faithful to his promise, it will be like the bow of Hájib b. Zurára at-Tamímí and Kisrá.” Concerning this story, which is well known and need not be repeated here, a poet says:
“And I,” added the Amír, “will deal with him as Kisrá dealt with Ḥájib b. Zurára.” So they kept him a prisoner as they advanced, until he said, “Do you remain here that I may go and get news and return.” So he went away, and Wandád Hurmuzd prepared an ambush for the Muslims and slew most of them. 'Amr b. 'Alá escaped with a few followers, and the Caliph al-Mahdí, angered at his defeat, sent Taym b. Sinán, who made peace with Wandád Hurmuzd.
Then the Caliph sent Yazíd b. Marthad, who fought against Wandád Hurmuzd, conquered him, slew many of his followers, and occupied the whole country; till finally, meeting him in single combat, he wounded him severely, and Wandád Hurmuzd, accompanied only by a few followers, became a fugitive in the forests.
After this the Caliph al-Mahdí sent his son Músá al-Hádí to Gurgán, and to him Wandád Hurmuzd surrendered on promise of pardon; whereupon Músá wrote to Yazíd b. Marthad bidding him give up the highlands to him. Thence, taking Wandád Hurmuzd with him, he marched back through 'Iráq to Baghdad. On the way thither he received news of the death of his father al-Mahdí; so he hastened on to Baghdad and was formally invested with the title of Caliph. Soon afterwards the younger brother of Wandád Hurmuzd (f. 92b) Wandásafán beheaded Bahrám b. Fírúz, who, at the Caliph’s persuasion, had embraced Islám. The Caliph thereupon summoned Wandád Hurmuzd before him and ordered him to be beheaded at once; but he craved mercy, declaring that his brother’s sole object in killing the Caliph’s servant was to rid himself of him, since he reckoned on the Caliph avenging himself on Wandád-Hurmuzd, and hoped thereby to inherit the highlands of Ṭabaristán. “Therefore,” he concluded, “if the Caliph desires that he should attain his object, let him kill me; but if not, let him send me to bring him or his head to the Caliph.” Both 'Isá b. Máhán and Murád b. Muslim were present, and both exclaimed: “Why should the Commander of the Faithful forbid this? This is the best plan.” So the Caliph despatched Wandád Hurmuzd with a robe of honour and the necessary equipment. On reaching Ṭabaristán, he prostrated himself on the earth in thankfulness, and sent a message to Wandásafán bidding him keep in hiding and avoid him at all hazards; and he continued to pretend to pursue him till, on one night, Músá al-Hádí died, Hárúnu`r-Rashíd became Caliph, and al-Ma`mún was born.
Harúnu`r-Rashíd was an obstinate, warlike, masterful and self-willed Caliph, and he despatched Sulaymán b. Músá to Ṭabaristán, where he was governor for eight months, when he was replaced by Hádí b. Hání, a mild and just governor, who maintained friendly relations with Wandád Hurmuzd, and kept the country tranquil and quiet. He was succeeded by 'Abdu`lláh b. Qaḥṭaba, and he in turn by 'Uthmán b. Nahík, who built the Great Mosque of ´Amul. Next came Sa'íd b. Salma b. Qutayba b. Muslim, who was replaced after six months by Ḥammál and 'Abdu`lláh, the sons of 'Abdu`l-'Azíz. Ten months later, in A. H. 179 (= A. D. 795—6) these were superseded by Muthanná b. al-Ḥajjáj (f. 93a), who remained one year, and repaired the walls of ´Amul and Sárí, which were afterwards destroyed by Mázyár. And after him came 'Abdu`lláh b. Ḥázim.
The deputy of this last governor, who was named Salám and nicknamed Siyáh Mard (“the Black Man”), was expelled from his province, and entered into a league with the Daylamites. There was at Kalár a very beautiful woman, whom they seized, in order to create trouble; but she cast herself into a stream and drowned herself. The deputy-governor of 'Abdu`lláh was at Kajú, and, on hearing of this, he at once hastened to Jálús, when there was a judge named Sudám who was accused of being the cause of the mischief, and who fled into hiding. The deputy-governor caused proclamation to be made throughout the country that whoever should find this judge and give him quarter would be no longer accounted a Muslim, but would be reckoned an outlaw. At length the judge was captured by the people and bound to a tree for three days and nights; and Salám ordered that all the people of that district should come in, so that he might fulfil their desires and grant their wishes. So they came in, hopeful and jubilant; but he shut them all up in houses, and set sentries over them. It was then the month of Ramaḍán, and in the evening, before he had performed the evening prayer, he mounted his horse, broke his fast in the saddle with some bread and a few bunches of grapes plucked from a neighbouring garden, and had his prisoners brought out one by one from their confinement and decapitated. This work of slaughter went on all night by candle-light, and when morning dawned not one of the prisoners was left alive. Then he said, “I am like this candle; as it burns itself to give light to you, so have I cast myself into torment to make the country safe for you.” Thence he went to Sa'íd-ábád, drove the people out of their fortifications by assault, slew then all, and destroyed the village, till at length Hárúnu`r-Rashíd dismissed him from his government, and appointed Muḥammad b. Yahyá b. Khálid al-Barmakí and his brother Músá to succeed him, while their brothers Faḍl b. Yahyá and Ja'far were the Caliph’s ministers at Baghdad (f. 93b). The two former ruled oppressively over Ṭabaristán, confiscating every estate and seizing every beautiful woman just as they pleased; and none dared make complaint against them to the Caliph for fear of the influence wielded by their brothers at the court. At length Hárún’s anger was aroused against Ja'far, and he ordered the family of the Barmecides to be destroyed. Concerning the cause of his anger, two separate traditions are recorded in history.
When Hárúnu`r-Rashíd, wishing to be able to enjoy the society of his sister 'Abbása and Ja'far the Barmecide at the same time, married them to one another on the condition that this marriage was to be a marriage in name only, 'Abbása was unable to control her love for Ja'far, and wrote to him:
So Ja'far, fearing to offend 'Abbása, gave her the love she sought, and the result of this union was a child whom they called Ḥaml '´A`isha. It is related on the authority of Nawfalí that in A. H. 180 (= A. H. 796—7) Hárúnu`r-Rashíd went on the pilgrimage, and received tidings of this event on the journey, but made no sign of pleasure or displeasure, until he returned and reached Buḥayra, where he embarked in a skiff with Ja'far to go fishing. On his return from this expedition he proceeded to Ambár, where he said to Ja'far, “Today I shall be with my ḥaram, and I give you permission to go to your family and amuse yourself as you will.” All day Hárún kept sending him presents, until, when the time of evening prayer was at hand, the blind minstrel Abú Rakáz sang these verses:
Ja'far said to Abú Rakáz, “What song is this to sing before men?” He replied, “O my master, however much I strive, I can think of no other verses.” While they were thus conversing, suddenly Masrúr the executioner entered without seeking permission, for the Caliph had sent him to cut off Ja'far’s head and bring it to him. When Ja'far saw him, he sprang to his feet and cried, “O Abú Háshim, I rejoice that thou art come to me, but am sorry that thou didst enter without seeking permission.” “I am come,” said Masrúr, “on a weighty errand: submit thyself to the command of the Prince of Believers.” Ja'far fell at his feet, saying, “Suffer me to go into the house and perform my ablutions.” “It is out of the question,” replied Masrúr, “that you should go to the house, but make such testamentary dispositions as you please.” So Ja'far set free his slaves and made his will and performed his ablutions; and then Masrúr mounted him on a horse and brought him to the prison. Ja'far then conjured him to go and tell the Caliph that he had brought him thither, that perhaps he might repent. To this Masrúr consented; but no sooner did Hárúnu`r-Rashíd hear his advancing footsteps than he called out to him, “Stop there! For if thou comest hither without the head of Ja'far, thine own head shall be forfeit!” So Masrúr turned back and cut off Ja'far’s head, and brought it on a shield to the Caliph, who at once ordered Yaḥyá b. Khálid and Faḍl to be cast into prison, and the body of Ja'far to be hanged on the bridge at Anbár. But afterwards Hárún was sorry for what he had done, and wandered through the palace reciting these verses:
The other account, given by al-Aṣma'í in his Kitábu `n-Nawádir,
on the authority of Abú 'Abdi`lláh (f. 94b) al-Ḥasan
b. 'Alí b. Hishám, is as follows. “When al-Ma`mún
succeeded to the Caliphate,” says the narrator, “I enquired
of Faḍl b. Rabi', who was Hárúnu`r-Rashíd’s chief chamberlain,
‘Was this matter of 'Abbása the only cause of the
slaughter of the Barmecides, or had they committed any
other fault?’ Faḍl b. Rabí' smiled and said:
Now according to this Faḍl, the cause of Hárún’s anger against the Barmecides was that he had entrusted to Ja'far a son of Yaḥyá b. Zayd to keep him in safe custody. One day while drinking wine he said to Ja'far, “Go, and bring the lad hither.” “Why dost thou want him at such a time?” enquired Ja'far. Then Hárún cried out at him in anger, and he arose and brought in the Sayyid. Hárún caused him to be seated, and then said to him, “O cousin, knowest thou wherefore I have sent for thee?” “The Prince of Believers knoweth best,” replied the other. “You pretend,” said Hárúnu`r-Rashíd, “that you are more worthy than we of this office, being more closely (f. 95a) and particularly related to the Prophet. Now you must have some proof for this pretention, and this you must make known to me.” “God forbid!” replied the son of Yaḥyá: “we have never said and will never say such a thing as this!” “Thou liest!” answered Hárún: “you have advanced such claims, and to-night you must needs substantiate them.” So the Sayyid continued to deny and the Caliph, with drunken insistence, to assert, until the latter had finally work himself up into a rage. Then Ja'far intervened and said to the son of Yaḥyá, “The Prince of Believers is holding a scientific discussion with you, and questions you with such courtesy and kindness; why then do you decline to discuss the matter, or to answer him?” “If I should answer,” replied the Sayyid, “who will guarantee my safety?” Then the Caliph wrote him an assurance of safety in his own hand, swearing that he would neither slay, not hang, not poison him; and placed this document in his hands. “Now,” said the Sayyid, “what dost thou ask of me?” “The proof,” said Hárúnu`r-Rashíd, “that you are worthier than we are.” “We are more worthy,” replied the Sayyid, “as being nearer of kin.” “Nay,” said the Caliph, “we are in this respect equal.” “Not so,” answered the Sayyid. “By what proof?” demanded the Caliph. “If Muḥammad the Apostle of God were alive,” said the Sayyid, “and should seek alliance with thee through a sister or a dáughter, would’st thou consent or not?” “Yes,” answered Hárún, “why should I not accept so worthy an alliance?” “I would not,” rejoined the Sayyid, “and it would be improper for me to do so.” Hárún was silent for a while, and then made a sign to Ja'far to remove the Sayyid, which he did. Some while afterwards the Caliph summoned Ja'far and said, “I am going to entrust you with a commission in which you must by no means fail me.” “It is for the Prince of Believers to command,” replied Ja'far. “Place thy hand on my head,” said the Caliph, “and swear to accomplish my behest.” When Ja'far had done this, Hárún said, “I gave the son of Yaḥyá an assurance of safety against steel and poison and strangling, but not against burial. You must therefore dig a deep pit, exceeding fifty yards in depth, and must cast him into that pit alive.” So Ja'far went, dismissed the guardians [of the Sayyid] and caused a deep pit to be dug (f. 95b), into which he cast not the Sayyid but a sheep. Then he explained to the Sayyid the state of the case, and bade him flee beyond the Caliph’s realms. So he fled in disguise to Khurásán, but was recognized in the market of Balkh by a certain officer of the postal service named al-Mas'údí, who performed the journey thence to Baghdad in thirty days, and informed the Caliph of what he had seen. So the Caliph wrote to 'Alí b. 'Isá, who was governor of Balkh, bidding him seek out the Sayyid, who, however, had meanwhile made his escape into Turkistán. Then the Caliph sent an ambassador to the Kháqán of Turkistán, bidding him surrender up the Sayyid. The Kháqán answered, “We know not this man: send some one who can recognize him, and we will hand him over to you.” So Hárún sent another messenger who knew the Sayyid, and all the Sayyids who were in that country were assembled in his presence; and when his eye lighted on the son of Yaḥyá, he said, “This is the man.” But when he brought him to the Kháqán, the latter bade the Sayyid sit down beside him, and said to the messenger, “I also was seeking for him, my object being to protect him from all the world. Arise, and depart in peace.” So the ambassador returned in despair, and told the Caliph what had passed. Then the Caliph determined to avenge himself on Ja'far. Now it was his custom to visit his sister 'Abbása every Tuesday, and on these occasions he would neither see anyone nor receive any letter or petition. “One Tuesday,” says the narrator, “when I was alone with him, he bade me be seated, and said, ‘I am going to tell you a secret which you must on no account divulge.’ On my promising secrecy, he continued, ‘I am going to destroy Ja'far.’ At this juncture Ja'far himself entered. I arose and went to meet him. The Caliph caused him to sit down beside him, till, when they had discussed various topics, he arose (f. 96a) and went to the house of 'Abbása, while I remained with Ja'far. ‘What were you and the Caliph talking about when I came in?’ said he. ‘He was instructing me,’ I replied, ‘how to deal with a certain rebel in Khurásán. ‘O Faḍl,’ he answered, “by God, thou liest; you were talking about me, and no good either, for when thine eyes fell on me the colour left thy face.’ ‘God forbid!’ said I, ‘how should the Caliph speak to me of thee, seeing the position that thou holdest before him?’ But Ja'far persisted in his surmise, and I was afraid lest the Caliph should think I had given him a hint of what had been confided to me. When he went to his house, I arose and went to the house of 'Abbása, where I demanded an audience. I was bidden to put in writing what I had to say, but, having declared that it could only be imparted by word of moath, was at length admitted and brought before the Caliph. I bowed my head to the ground and said, ‘O Prince of Believers, mercy, mercy! Thou hast cast me into destruction!’ ‘Why, what ails thee?’ he enquired; ‘tell me quickly.’ Then I told him what had passed, and he said, ‘Have no anxiety on this score, for I have long known Ja'far’s acumen and discernment. Yesterday I was with him in the garden, and there was no one with us; and I was looking at the roses, when I saw one which pleased me more than all the others. At once Ja'far stretched out his hand and gave it to me. Then he fell on his face before me, and when he raised his head from the ground I was smiling. “Wherefore,” he enquired, “does the Prince of Believers smile?” I answered, “At your being able to tell which rose out of all these pleased me most.” “By God,” he replied, “that was not the reason, for you have often before proved my discernment. It was rather because, when I prostrated myself before you, your glance fall on my neck.”’ ‘And by God,’ added the Caliph, he spoke truly; for, as I looked at his neck, I said to myself, “How shall I order it to be cut with the sword?” and as I thought thus, I smiled.’ Three days later the affair of the Barmecides was finished.”
After this Jahḍam b. Khabáb was sent (f. 96b) as governor to Ṭabaristán, and after him Khalífa b. Sa'd b. Hárún al-Jawharí, who, on reaching ´Amul, appointed as his deputy Mihrúya of Ray, who took up his abode at Gurgán.
the Ispahbad Sharwín Báwand
and Wandád Hurmuzd.
These were in alliance with one another, so that from Tammísha to Rúyán without their permission no one dared enter the highlands from the plains, and all the highlands were under their control. And when a Muslim died, they wold not suffer him to be buried in their country. So matters continued until Khalífa b. Sa'íd came to Sárí, and wished to make his cousin Náfi' his deputy; and the Ispahbad Sharwín’s men came down by night out of the hills and slew him. Khalífa remained at Sárí and wrote to Mihrúya at ´Amul bidding him be on his guard, as the people of Ṭabaristán were ripe for revolt. This letter Mihrúya read in public to the people, adding reproaches to the soldiers, who attacked his palace that night, slew him, cut off his head, and cast his mutilated corpse, with circumstances of atrocious dishonour, into the cross-roads of the market-place as a warning to all. So news was brought to the Caliph that the people of Ṭabaristán had revolted, but had not robbed the treasury; and he said, “It is not a revolt against us; this was an unjust governor, and it is quite right to suppress injustice.” Then he sent 'Abdu`lláh b. Sa'íd al-Jaríshí, and all the people went out to meet him, and brought him in with honour. He governed the country for four months, and succeeded in arresting four persons who were chiefly responsible for Mihrúya’s death and the disturbance which accompanied it, and sent them to the Caliph, who inflicted punishment upon them.
In A. H. 187 (= A. D. 803) Ja'far b. Hárún (f. 97a) was sent to reorganize the land-tax and to survey the country in the territory occupied by Wandásafán, who slew him with a blow from his mace while he was thus employed. Forty men who were with him fled to 'Abdu`lláh and informed him of what had happened, and he communicated the matter to the Caliph. Immediately after this it was rumoured that the Caliph had advanced into 'Iráq; and three days later 'Abdu`lláh went to Sárí, whence he proceeded to Ray, where the Caliph was. The Caliph thereupon despatched the Qáḍí Abu`l-Buḥturí, 'Abbás b. Zafr, Muḥammad b. al-Faḍl, and Ṣáliḥ b. Shaykh 'Umayra, with 300 horsemen and servants, to the Isfahbad Sharwín and Wandád Hurmuzd to ascertain whether or no their loyalty could be relied on. They received this embassy with every mark of respect and friendship, and the ambassadors on their returned reported that what Wandásafán had done, he had done entirely on his own responsibility, without their knowledge or approval; and that he was, in fact, the enemy and opponent of Wandád Hurmuzd. Thereupon the Caliph left Ray, and encamped one day’s march therefrom, at the village of Arbanú, whence he wrote to the Ispahbad Sharwín and Wandád Hurmuzd, bidding them come to him. They answered that they were his obedient and loyal vassals, but that before coming they must have hostages for his good faith. The Caliph was angered at this and said, “How shall I sent Muslim hostages to Gabrs?” So he sent the Qáḍí Abu`-l Buḥturí and Harthama b. A'yan and Abu`l-Waḍḍáḥ the post-master to them, bidding them either come before the Caliph or prepare for war. These advanced to Wíma, whence they sent messages to the Ispahbad Sharwín, who was at the Castle of Kúzá, and Wandád Hurmuzd, who was at Lafúr, bidding them come to them. Wandád Hurmuzd came, but the Ispahbad Sharwín sent excuses, saying that he was too ill to come. When the bearer of this message arrived, Wandád Hurmuzd said to the Caliph’s ambassadors, “Whatever order you may issue in respect to the Ispahbad Sharwín, I am ready to obey it (f. 97b). Harthama b. A'yan agreed with Na'ím b. Ḥázim that they should smite Wandád Hurmuzd unawares while they were marching together, and slay him, since the Caliph would certainly be pleased at his death. But Wandád Hurmuzd, seeing Na'ím edging towards him, divined his intention, reined in his horse, and said, “You must hold to your agreement.” His companions apologized, and made Na'ím swear that Wandád Hurmuzd should be conducted in safety before the Caliph. He remained with the Caliph for some time, till Hárúnu`r-Rashíd desired to buy some lands from him, which he refused to sell. They explained that his nobility of nature made him unwilling to sell lands which he might be willing to give as a present, so Hárún sent his little son al-Ma`mún to him; and when they had seated the child on his knee, Wandád Hurmuzd gave him all those lands which he had previously refused to sell; and Hárún presented him with a million dirhams, and a jewelled cup of priceless value, and a ring, with which last Wandád Hurmuzd was especially delighted. Then the Caliph bade him crave a boon, and he asked for the dismissal of 'Abdu`lláh b. Sa'íd; and Hárún dismissed him with a robe of honour, and sent Harthama with him to bring back his son Qárin and the Ispahbad Sharwín’s son Shahriyár as hostages. The former was entrusted to Harthama, but the Ispahbad Sharwín refused to give up his son Shahriyár, and sent another instead of him. But Harthama insisted that Shahriyár should be given up, and this decision was endorsed by the Caliph, so that the Ispahbad was compelled to surrender Shahriyár, whom Hárúnu`r-Rashíd took back with him to Baghdad.
Then the Caliph sent 'Abdu`lláh b. Málik as governor to Ṭabaristán, and ordered that all the country except the highlands should be taken from the control of the Ispahbad Sharwín (f. 98a) and Wandád Hurmuzd. A year later the Caliph again visited Ray on his way to Khurásán. There he fell sick, and sent Shahriyár and Qárin to their respective fathers, while he marched on to Ṭús, and there died and was buried.
On this war arose between Hárún’s two sons Muḥammad b. Zubayda, called al-Makhlú' (“the Deposed”) and 'Abdu`lláh al-Ma`mún; and Ṭáhir b. al-Ḥusayn, al-Ma`mún’s general, marched on Baghdad, took it, and slew the rival Caliph, and sent his head to his brother al-Ma`mún, who looked on it and said:
So 'Abdu`lláh al-Ma`mún became Caliph, and he was the
greatest and most illustrious of all the `Abbásid Caliphs, and
openly shewed his attachment to the Shí'ite cause. It is related
that Sindí b. Sháhak, whose tomb is at Sárí in the place now
called Bá Naṣrí Mashhad, and other Shí'ite leaders and
partisans of the Imám Riḍá reproached al-Ma`mún for his conduct
towards the Imám. Al-Ma`mún said, “I learned the Shí'ite
faith from my father Hárúnu`r Rashíd.” They replied, “He
used to kill the members of this house.” “Yes,” replied al-Ma`mún,
“he killed them for political reasons, ‘for the state
is a barren mother’” (
Of such as these God says: “Those who violate the Covenant of God after its confirmation, and sever what God hath commanded to be joined, and do evil in the earth: these are the losers.”
After having thus rid himself of the Imám 'Alí Riḍá, al-Ma`mún sent for his son, whom the Shí'ites call Muḥammad Taqí, and the Arabs Muḥammad al-Jawád, and gave him his daughter Ummu`l-Faḍl in marriage, and made such a marriage-feast as the world hath never seen, for there were displayed as his gift to the bridegroom 400 plates filled with balls of ambergris in each of which was a pearl. And he then sent Muḥammad Taqí and his bride to al-Madína. And in the reign of al-Ma`mún died both the Ispahbad Sharwín and Wandád Hurmuzd.
Hurmuzd, and the reigns of their sons
Shahriyár and Qárin.
Sharwín left two sons, of whom Shahriyár, the ancestor of the Báwand princes, succeeded him, while Wandád Hurmuzd was succeeded by his son Qárin. When news of this reached al-Ma`mún, he sent to them (f. 99a) an ambassador with robes of honour, and wrote to inform them that he contemplated a campaign against the Byzantines, and needed the help of them and their captains. On one pretext and another they detained the ambassador for many days, until the Caliph had started on his campaign, when they dismissed him with many presents, saying, “The Ispahbad Shahriyár can in no wise come, but Qárin will follow you immediately.” So Qárin made preparations for the expedition, aided therein by Shahriyár, and on reaching Byzantine territory pitched his camp beside that of the Caliph. It happened that on that very day there had been a battle, wherein the champions of either side had contended with one another on the field. Qárin at once caused his horse’s armour to be put on, armed himself wíth a Gílání shield inlaid with gold, and with his followers attacked the Byzantine army, and utterly routed them. Al-Ma`mún was watching them, and kept enquiring of those who stood round who these valiant warriors might be, and who was their leader with the golden shield. None could tell him, but they continued to send re-inforcements to their strange allies, until Qárin ordered a general attack on the centre of the Byzantine army, broke down their standard with his mace, and entirely routed the foe. Summoned before the Caliph, he advanced clad in his breastplate and quilted armour (qazz-ágand), alighted from his horse, and kissed the Caliph’s stirrup. Then the Caliph recognized him, and bestowed on him a horse, and praised him greatly, conferring on him robes of honour and other tokens of his esteem. He kept him for some while in his service, and repeatedly urged him to embrace Islám so that they might confer on him the title of Mawlá Amíri`l-Múminín (“Client of the Prince of Believers”) and make him governor of Ṭabaristán, but he refused, and was at length suffered to return to his country. But the Ispahbad Shahriyár was jealous of him and hated him, and, being the stronger, annexed many of his lands, to which acts of aggression he submitted. One night he dreamed that he made water on the summit of a lofty mountain, and from this water a fire came forth, and spread itself in every direction, and burned up the highlands, until it reached the plain, burning every tree on which it alighted. When he awoke, he summoned those skilled in the interpretation of dreams, and asked them its meaning. They answered, “From thy loins a son shall arise who will be king over both the mountains and the plains of Ṭabaristán, and who will be cruel and fierce and reckless.” This dream and its interpretation became known through Ṭabaristán, and that very year was born his son Mázyár, and when he reached maturity his father Qárin died.
Then the Ispahbad Shahriyár b. Sharwín coveted Mázyár’s territory, and seized every occasion to vex and harrass him, until at length a battle was fought between them, Mázyár was defeated, and Shahriyár annexed his territories. Mázyár sought refuge with Wandá-ummíd the son of Wandásafán, but Shahriyár demanded his surrender, and Wandá-ummíd, not daring to resist his command, put Mázyár in chains, and sent a message to Shahriyár, bidding him send his men to take him into custody, since he feared that his own people might set him free. Meanwhile Mázyár succeeded in ingratiating himself with the wives of his gaolers, and by their means obtained his freedom, and fled to the forests, where he lay in hiding until he was able to go to 'Iráq (f. 100a). There he fell in with 'Abdu`lláh b. Sa'íd al-Jurayshí, one of the Caliph’s Amírs, who received him with kindness, and brought him with him to Baghdad. Now al-Ma`mún had an astrologer named Bizíst the son of Fírúzán, whose name the Caliph had arabicized into Yaḥyá b. [Abí] Manṣúr, and who has been already mentioned in the Preface of this book. One day Mázyár, carrying the table of his nativity in his sleeve, came to this astrologer, who at first paid no heed to him, until he heard him addressed as Prince of Ṭabaristán, Mázyár son of Qárin son of Wandád-Hurmuzd. When the astrologer heard this, he arose and offered his apologies for his neglect, and took the table of his nativity from him, and kissed it, and then began to examine it attentively. Then he turned all save Mázyár out of the room and said to Mázyár, “If I instruct thee, wilt thou shew thy gratitude for my help?” So Mázyár promised, confirming his promise with oaths. After some time the astrologer made known what he had discovered from the horoscope to al-Ma`mún, who summoned him into his presence and said: “The signal services rendered to me in the war with the Byzantines by thy father Qárin impel me to befriend thee, but this must depend on thine acceptance of Islám and utterance of the Muḥammadan profession of faith.” So Mázyár accepted Islám, and al-Ma`mún gave him the title of Mawlá Amíri`l-Múminín and the kunya of Abu`l-Ḥasan.
Some months after this the Ispahbad Shahriyár died in Ṭabaristán, leaving many sons, amongst whom were Qárin b. Shahriyár b. Sharwín, called Abu`l-Mulúk (“the Father of kings”), and his elder brother Shápúr, who succeeded to the throne. But his vehemence and tyranny (f. 100b) disgusted his subjects, so that they deserted him, and complained of him to al-Ma`mún, who ordered Muḥammad b. Khálid to deprive him of his highland possessions. But this Muḥammad b. Khálid was not strong enough to do, and al-Ma`mún sought for some one else who would be able to crush Shápúr. The astrologer Bizíst happened to be present, and suggested Mázyár, remarking that his horoscope indicated him as likely to be successful in this enterprise. So al-Ma`mún sent him to subdue the highlands, and Músá b. Ḥafṣ to over-run the plains. The latter had been disgraced and dismissed by al-Ma`mún, but, by promising his support and co-operation to Mázyár, he induced him to ask the Caliph to make this appointment.
As soon as Mázyár reached Ṭabaristán, many of the people rallied to his standard, so that he soon found himself at the head of a large army, and marched on Farím to seek out Shápúr, whom he utterly routed, took captive, and put in chains, and then sent word to Músá announcing his victory. Now Shápúr, knowing that Mázyar intended to kill him, sent a secret message to Músá, offering him 100,000 dirhams if he would claim him as his own captive. Músá replied that he could best save himself by declaring himself a Muslim, and the client of the Caliph. But, being afraid lest Mázyár should discover his relations with Shápúr, he asked him what he would do if Shápúr should embrace Islám and offer for the Caliph’s acceptance a sum of 100,000 dirhams. To this question Mázyár vouchsafed no answer, but that night he caused Shápúr to be beheaded, and next morning sent his head to Músá, who (f. 101a) was greatly enraged against him. So Mázyár, fearing lest the Caliph might send someone else instead of Músá to fight against him and subdue him, apologized for his conduct; and matters continued as they were in Ṭabaristán, until, at the end of four years, Músá died, and was succeeded by his son Muḥammad, to whom Mázyár paid no heed whatever, ruling undisturbed over highlands and plains alike. Shápúr’s brother Qárin the son of Shahriyár, with all the House of Báwand and the Marzubáns and Farshwád the Marzubán of Tammísha, were filled with anger against him and complained of him to al-Ma`mún, who sent a summons to Mázyár to appear before him. He replied that he was engaged in a religious war against the Daylamites, and thereupon marched at the head of his army to Jálús and took hostages from the nobles of that country, so that they were compelled to submit to him. Al-Ma`mún then endeavoured to persuade him to come to Baghdad, and sent the astrologer Bizíst to him to bring him thither. Mázyár, being informed of this, collected all the armed men he could find round him, and sent Yaḥyá b. Rúzbihán and Ibráhím b. Abla to Ray to meet him, bidding them bring him before him by way of Sawát-kúh, Kálbadraja and Kandí-áb, along roads so bad that it was impossible to ride. So when at length, after several days’ hard travelling over the worst of roads, they came to where Mázyár was awaiting them at Hurmuzd-ábád, and saw him surrounded by a host of armed men of all conditions, they were filled with astonishment at his power and at the inaccessible character of his kingdom. So he entertained them royally for some time, but persisted in his refusal to accompany them to Baghdad, alleging that he was busy in fighting the Daylamites, but would follow them presently before the Caliph. So he sent then back, accompanied by the Qáḍís of ´Amul and Rúyán, and when they reached Baghdad, and were questioned by the Caliph concerning the loyalty (f. 101b) and intentions of Mázyár, they answered contrary to the truth. But when they came out from the audience, and the Qáḍí of Ruyán had gone to his lodging, the Qáḍí of ´Amul lingered outside the audience-hall till he could get speech with Yaḥyá b. Aktham, to whom he said, “The Prince of Believers enquired concerning Mázyár publicly, and inasmuch as most of his courtiers and attendants are friends of Mázyár, and are in communication with him, we were unable to declare the truth. Yet did I not deem it right to depart from the court without making known to the Caliph the true state of the case, which is that Mázyár has cast off his allegiance, put on once more the Zoroastrian girdle, treats the Muslims with cruelty and contempt, and will never again of his own free will come to Baghdad.” Yaḥyá b. Aktham replied, “How long wilt thou, who art the administrator of the Holy Law and the Judge of a province, tell lies to the Prince of Believers? When he knows that thou hast lied to him, will he not needs dismiss thee from thy post?” Then he turned back and told the whole matter to al-Ma`mún, and came out again, and brought the Qáḍí of ´Amul secretly before the Caliph that he might tell his story. Al-Ma`mún was just preparing to start on a journey, and he said to the Qáḍí of ´Amul, “You must put up with it till I return, for this matter is the more urgent.” “If we can thwart him,” replied the Judge, “have we permission to do so?” “You may do so,” answered the Caliph.
So the Qáḍí returned to ´Amul, and Mázyár, hearing that the Caliph had marched against the Byzantines, began to devour ´Amul and Sárí like a ravenous wolf, and to drive the people of Rúyán to desperation, so that they conspired together to kill all his representatives. At Safúḥ near ´Amul they persuaded one Khalíl b. Wandásafán to help them. This news (f. 102a) was brought to Mázyár at Sárí, and he at once collected his troops and laid siege to ´Amul, the inhabitants of which closed the gates, gathered in the country-folk from the surrounding district, and went before Muḥammad b. Músá and informed him that the Qáḍí of ´Amul had returned from Baghdad asserting that Mázyár had cast off his allegiance to the Caliph, and that he had received permission to kill him. Then Muḥammad b. Músá summoned the Qáḍí, and, learning that the statement made to him by the people was true, joined himself to them.
Meanwhile Mázyár sent off a courier to the Caliph, announcing that the people of Rúyán and the passes of Jálús had cast of their allegiance to him and had won over Muḥammad b. Músá to their side, and set up an 'Alid claimant as anti-caliph, adopting white garments as their distinctive mark. “But I,” concluded Mázyár, “have sent an army to subdue them, and, please God, the news of my victory will shortly follow this.” At this time the city of ´Amul was guarded by a double moat and double fortifications, and it held out for eight months against Mázyár, though all the surrounding country was laid waste, and devastated by slaughter and pillage, by Mázyár’s brother Qúhyár the son of Qárin; while Mázyár sent constant despatches to the Caliph concerning the progress of the war, till at length the Caliph began to think that Mázyár was after all loyal and true. For Muḥammed b. Músá used to send all his despatches to an old servant of his father’s who lived at Ray, and who was supposed to forward them; but he had been tampered with by one of Mázyár’s acute agents, to whom he gave them instead, so that they never reached their destination, but were all read by Mázyár.
After an eight month’s siege, ´Amul capitulated, and Khalíl b. Wandásafán and Abú Aḥmad the Qáḍí were put to death by Mázyár, who wrote a despatch announcing his victory to the Caliph. Al-Ma`mún thereupon despatched Muḥammad b. Sa'íd (f. 102b) to Ṭabaristán to investigate the true state of the case, and to find out who this 'Alid claimant might be. This man reported that there was no 'Alid claimant, and that the whole story was a lie invented by Mázyár. The Caliph, however, when he had read this report, was filled with anger against Muḥammad b. Músá, and handed over both the highlands and plains of Ṭabaristán to Mázyár. When Mázyár was informed of this, he made a proclamation in ´Amul, collected all the chiefs, nobles and men of mark, including Muḥammad b. Músá, drove them before him to Rúd-bast, and placed each in his own house under the custody of guards.
In this same year tidings came to Ṭabaristán that al-Ma`mún had died on his campaign against the Byzantines at Qaydúm1. Thereupon Mázyár sent his Magian followers to bring the prisoners from Rúd-bast to Hurmuzd-ábád, where he put them into fetters and reduced their allowance of food, depriving them altogether of salt, and not permitting them to go to the bath. Most of them died of privation, and Muḥammad b. Músá and his brother had nothing in their cells but a piece of matting each, and bricks for their pillows. Then Mázyár repaired the fortifications of ´Amul and Sárí, constructed castles in the mountains, and compelled all the peasantry to work for him (f. 103a) in constructing fortresses and digging moats. He also established barriers and guard-houses on all the roads to prevent anyone bearing tidings of his doings to the outside world, and he hanged all who attempted to pass out of the country without his permission. In short his tyranny reached a pitch never equalled before or since his time.
Al-Ma`mún was succeeded by his brother Ibráhím al-Mu'taṣim, to whom '´Abdu`lláh b. Ṭáhir, governor of Khurásán, communicated something of Mázyár’s misdeeds, tyranny, and apostacy. The new Caliph sent an ambassador to Mázyár to intercede for Muḥammad b. Músá and his brother; but Mázyár would not listen to the representation of this ambassador, Muḥammad b. 'Abdu`lláh, but answered him harshly that he would exact from them two years’ revenues before he let them go. So Muḥammad b. 'Abdu`lláh the ambassador returned in despair, and wrote an account of his mission to Yaḥyá b. Ibráhím b. Muṣ'ab, who was at the Court of the Caliph, and who submitted it to al-Mu'taṣim. Mázyár meanwhile conferred various offices and distinctions on Bábak, Mazdak and other Magians, who ordered the Muḥammadan mosques to be destroyed and all traces of Islám to be removed. The people of ´Amul persuaded Abu`l-Qásim Hárún b. Muḥammad to write a statement of their grievances to al-Mu'taṣim, and hence this qaṣída was composed:
In reply to this poem, an answer, also in verse, was sent from Baghdad, from which the following verses are taken:
When al-Mu'taṣim was informed of Mázyár’s doings, he ordered 'Abdu`lláh [b. Ṭáhir] to proceed to Ṭabaristán and take him captive. 'Abdu`lláh b. Ṭáhir sent his paternal uncle Ḥasan b. Ḥusayn to the Caliph begging him to send Muḥammad b. Ibráhím with an army from 'Iráq to help him. When the army of Khurásán reached Tammísha (f. 104a), the army of 'Iráq had already occupied all the highlands, and the people of Ṭabaristán left Mázyár and joined 'Abdu`lláh b. Ṭáhir and his uncle. These pursued Mázyár without rest or pause, till at length he was taken captive. 'Abdu`lláh b. Ṭáhir confined him in a box entirely closed save for two eye-holes through which he could look upon the outer world, and carried him thus confined on a mule to 'Iráq.
One day on the journey Mázyár said to the muleteer,
“My heart craves for a melon. Can you get me one?” His
guards reported this request to 'Abdu`lláh, who took pity
upon him and said, “He is a king and a king’s son.” Then
he ordered him to be released from the chest and brought
before him, and placed loads of melons before him, and cut
them up and gave them to him with his own hands, saying,
“Grieve not, for the Commander of the Faithful is a merciful
prince, and I wil intercede for thee, that he may overlook
thy fault, and restore thee to thy country.” Mázyár
replied, “Please God, thy excuses will be accepted.” 'Abdu`lláh
was astonished, saying to himself, “The Caliph will
not be content with anything short of his death: how then
can he ask for my intercession?” Then 'Abdu`lláh ordered
a table to be spread, and gave him bread and wine, and
caused the minstrels to make melody, and entertained him
sumptuously, and greatly encouraged him to hope, plying
him with strong wines until he was overcome with drink,
but himself passing the wine-cup. Then, when Mázyár was
overcome with wine, 'Abdu`llah asked him the meaning of
what he had said. Mázyár replied, “In a few more days
you will know.” 'Abdu`lláh pressed him, with threats and
promises, to speak, and at length Mázyár agreed to do so
if he would bind himself by an oath [not to betray him].
On receiving this pledge, Mázyár said (f. 104b), “Know
that I, and Afshín, and Ḥaydar b. Ká`ús and Bábak, all
four of us, have for a long while covenanted and agreed to
take the empire from the Arabs and restore it to the Kisrás
of Persia. Yesterday, at such-and-such a place, Afshín’s
messenger came to me and whispered something in my ear
which filled me with joy.” “What was that?” enquired
'Abdu`lláh. Mázyár at first refused to speak, but finally,
induced by promises and flattery, he continued: “He brought
me a message from Afshín to the effect that on a certain
day, at a certain hour, he would destroy al-Mu'taṣim, and
his sons Hárún al-Wáthiq and Ja'far al-Mutawakkil.” Then
'Abdu`lláh gave him more wine, till he was entirely overcome
with it, and then caused him to be taken back to
his place of confinement; and at once wrote to the Caliph
what he had heard, and despatched the letter by carrier-pigeon.
When the Caliph received the letter it was the
very day on which Afshín had invited him and his sons
Hárún and Ja'far to a great entertainment. So al-Mu'taṣim
sent word saying, “They are ill, but I will come,” and
forthwith proceeded thither with fifty horsemen. Afshín had
decked his house with bejewelled brocades, and had drawn
up a hundred negroes, who, when the Caliph had sat down,
were to rush upon him from all sides and slay him with
their swords. When al-Mu'taṣim reached the entrance, Afshín
said, “Enter, o my lord!” but he paused and said,
“Where are so-and-so and so-and-so?” Then he called his
trusty retainers and bade them enter, while he stood outside.
Then one of the Indians sneezed, and the Caliph
rushed in, seized Afshín by the beard, and cried, “Plunder,
plunder!” (
After Mázyár’s death, Ḥasan b. Ḥusayn, the paternal uncle of 'Abdu`lláh b. Ṭáhir, was made governor of Ṭabarístán, and ruled it well and justly for three years, four months and ten days, and entrusted to Muḥammad b. Ibráhim the task of discovering Mázyár’s treasures. In Dhu`l-Ḥijja, A. H. 228 (= September, A. D. 843) Ḥasan b. Ḥusayn died, and was succeeded by Ṭáhir b. 'Abdu`llah b. Ṭáhir, who governed the country for one year and three months, until news came from Khurásán of the death of his father 'Abdu`lláh there, whereupon he went to Khurásán, leaving his brother Muḥammad b. 'Abdu`lláh to govern Ṭabaristán, which he did for seven years, assisted by 'Attáb b. Warqá ash-Shaybání. In Ṣafár, A. H. 237 (= August, A.D. 851) Muḥammad b. 'Abdu`lláh went to Baghdad, and Sulaymán b. 'Abdu`lláh became governor of Ṭabaristán. He governed with wisdom and discretion for three years, but in A. H. 240 (= A. D. 854—5) he made a secretary from Merv named Manṣúr b. Yaḥyá his minister, and this man introduced evil innovations and practised extortions, till he was dismissed by Ṭáhir b. 'Abdu`lláh, and Muḥammad b. Músá b. 'Abdu`r-Raḥmán (f. 105b) was made wazír in his place.
In the year A. H. 240 (A. D. 854—5) the Caliph al-Mu'taṣim sent one of his nobles to the Ispahbad Qárin the son of Shahriyár, king of the mountains, to bid him break his Magian girdle and embrace Islám, which he did, and thereupon received a robe of honour from the Caliph. At this time Muḥammad b. 'Isa was governing Ṭabaristán, as deputy for the Ṭáhirids, and his government was just and mild. Then Sulaymán b. 'Abdu`lláh was sent to replace him, and he nominated first Quraysh and then Asad b. Jandán as his deputies, and later Muḥammad b. Aws, who united Rúyán and Jálús, placing his son Aḥmad in the latter place, as governor over it and Kalár; but his tyranny and harshness were such that all who were able sold or abandoned their houses and migrated elsewhere. And every year the taxes were levied three times; once for Muḥammad b. Aws, once for his son, and once for a Magian who acted as their agent.
in Ṭabaristán.
The Caliphate had now passed to Ja'far al-Mutawakkil, the son of al-Mu'taṣim, whose minister, 'Abdu`lláh b. Yaḥyá b. Kháqán, was a fanatical Sunní (Náṣibí), who was continually inciting him to kill the descendants of the Prophet, and even prevailed upon him to destroy the tombs of the Martyrs of Kerbelá, dam up the water, grow crops on the site of their graves, and set Jewish watchmen and keepers there to arrest and slay any Muslim who visited these holy places. Thus in the time of ad-Dá'í Muḥammad [b.] Zayd the tombs of 'Alí and his son al-Ḥusayn and other descendants of Abú Ṭálib were in ruins. But in the Caliphate of al-Muntaṣir (A. H. 247—8: A. D. 861—2) Muḥammad b. Zayd made himself ruler of Ṭabaristán, and thereupon began to preach the Shí'ite doctrine, and to inculcate the deepest veneration for the House of 'Alí, and to repair (f. 106a) their shrines, and to build fresh ones wheré he supposed their graves to be. In all this he was aided by 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla Fanákhusraw b. Ruknu`d-Dawla Ḥasan [b.] Buwayh, who surrounded these holy places with houses and bázárs, and instituted the observances of Muḥarram and the Yawmu`l-Ghadír and other Shí'ite practices, and was himself buried when he died at Mashhad 'Alí.
It is related that when al-Mutawakkil was made Caliph, he had the same love of hunting down and slaying the descendants of 'Alí as an eager sportsman has for the chase. The Imám 'Alí b. Muḥammad al-Hádí al- 'Askarí, who was recognized by the Shí'ites as their pontiff, was his contemporary. One day the Caliph summoned this Imám before him, caused him to be seated, and then, turning to 'Alí b. Muḥammad an-Nadím, enquired, “Who is the greatest poet of our day?” “Abú 'Ubáda al-Buḥturí,” replied the courtier, “And after him?” asked the Caliph:
For this reason amongst others al-Mutawakkil slew 'Alí b. Muḥammad al-Hádí, and occupied himself day and night with drinking, debauchery and all sorts of folly and madness.
Al-Aṣma'í relates in his Kitábu`n-Nawádir, on the authority of Aḥmad b. Ṣáliḥ ad-Dimashqí, on the authority of Yúsuf b. 'Abdu`lláh, that al-Buḥturí said: “I had composed for al-Mutawakkil the well-known qaṣída beginning:
and I remained for a long while at the Court waiting for an opportunity to present it (because he cared but little for poets, and would not give them audience) but could find none. One day I was sitting in an ante-chamber when Baḥrir, one of the Caliph’s servants, came out, took me by the hand, and led me from ante-chamber to apartment and from apartment to ante-chamber till I reckoned that I had passed through three hundred apartments (f. 106b). At length he brought me to a room where I saw al-Mutawakkil sitting on a golden throne, round which stools were set in order of their rank for his courtiers and attendants, who were clad in black. As soon as al-Mutawakkil’s eyes fell on me, he cried to me, ‘Recite, O Buḥturí, recite!’ Though I had not yet saluted him, I said to myself, ‘Though it is a breach of etiquette, yet it is best for me to obey his commands;’ so I gathered up my skirts and began:
At once one of the courtiers sprang to his feet, looked at me, and said:
I was dumb with astonishment, saying to myself, ‘It is a year since I composed this poem, and I have shewn it to no one: how could this wretched fellow spoil it thus by his extemporization?’ Then I reflected that it must be an accidental coincidence, and continued, fixing my eyes on the Caliph:
Instantly that same man rose up again, turned towards me, and said:
Thereat al-Mutawakkil was seized with such violent laughter that he fell back and his crown rolled from his head; and he gave the courtier who had parodied my verses ten thousand dirhams, while me they drove out with cuffs and blows. When I reached the ante-chamber, he passed me, with a servant carrying the money. I enquired of Baḥrír who he was. He replied, “Abu`l-'Anbas aḍ-Ḍamírí, who, had you composed two thousand verses, would have produced a parody of each.’”
In short, during al-Mutawakkil’s reign the Sayyids of the House of 'Alí were in hiding in ruins and solitudes, till at length he died, dividing his realms between his three sons, of whom al-Muntaṣir, who became Caliph, was the eldest. He was opposed by the other 'Abbásids, and the Turkish guard, getting the upper hand, plundered the treasures of Sámarra, and besieged Baghdad, enraged at the support given by its inhabitants to al-Musta'ín. Matters being in this confusion, Yaḥyá b. 'Umar b. al-Ḥusayn b. 'Alí b. al-Ḥusayn b. (f. 107a) 'Alí b. Abí Ṭálib rebelled at Kúfa. He was a brave, accomplished and ascetic man. The people of Kúfa, supposing him to be actuated by need of money, offered to pay him a substantial sum if he would be quiet, but he swore that he would never have revolted had not his zeal been stirred by seeing God’s religion contemned and the ordinances of the Law contravened and neglected.
Muḥammad b. 'Abdu`lláh [b.] Ṭáhir sent one of his officers named Ḥasan b. Isma'íl with another named Turkí-takín to suppress this rising, and they captured the Sayyid, and cut off his head, which was sent to Muḥammad b. 'Abdu`lláh [b.] Ṭáhir. The people of Baghdad came to offer their congratulations, and amongst them the old Sayyid Abú Háshim Dá`úd b. al-Qásim al-Ja'farí, who said, “O Amír, I am come to congratulate thee on an event for which condolence would have been offered to the Apostle of God had he still been alive!”
Such of the Sayyids as escaped from this battle fled to the highlands of 'Iráq and Farshwádgar and there concealed themselves till such time as the people of Wárfú and Latrá were driven to desperation by the tyranny and barbarity of Muḥammad b. Aws. These, constantly seeing the learnng, piety, and ascetic life of the fugitive Sayyids who had taken refuge amongst them, were strongly impressed in their favour, and said, “It is they who possess the characteristics of true religion.” So they gathered deputations from the surrounding villages and went to the Sayyid Muḥammad b. Ibráhím b. 'Alí b. 'Abdu`r-Raḥmán b. al-Qásim b. al-Ḥasan b. Zayd b. al-Ḥasan b. 'Alí b. Abi Ṭálib, who was in Rúyán, and begged him to receive their oaths of allegiance, so that perhaps, by his blessing, God might free them from the tyranny under which they groaned. He replied, “I am not worthy to take up arms, but I have a brother-in-law, who is married to my sister, who is brave and competent, being skilled in war and tried in battle (f. 107b). If you will carry a letter from me to him at Ray, he will accept your offer and accomplish your desire.” So the chief man of the deputations, 'Abdu`lláh b. Wandá-ummíd, at once despatched a courier with the letter.
the first was Ḥasan b. Zayd.
When this courier reached Ray he saw Ḥasan b. Zayd and Isma'íl called Jálibu`l-Ḥijára (“the Stone-dragger”) whose genealogy has been already mentioned in the preface, and communicated to them the letters of the notables of Ṭabaristán, urging them to revolt. To these he replied, and dismissed the messenger with a robe of honour. When he reached Rúyán, the news became known, and was communicated to 'Alí b. Aws. He at once wrote to 'Abdu`lláh b. Sa'íd and Muḥammad b. 'Abdu`l-Karím bidding them come to him to investigate the matter. The former was afraid, left his house, and retired to the village of Ashtád. At this juncture the courier arrived with the letter of Ḥasan b. Zayd al-'Alawí, announcing that he had alighted at the village of Sa'íd-ábád, where he was expecting 'Abdu`lláh b. Sa'íd and his confederates to take the oath of allegiance. 'Abdu`lláh thereupon went to [Muḥammad b.] 'Abdu`l-Karím with all the chief men of Kalár on Tuesday, Ramaḍán 25, A. H. 250 (= November 1, A. D. 864), and they swore allegiance, undertaking to observe the ordinances of God’s scripture, and the practice of His Apostle, and to do good and forbid evil. And they wrote letters to the people of Jálús and. Nírús, and sent missionaries to them, and remained that night with 'Abdu`lláh b. Sa'íd, and proceeded next day to Gúrishbard, where people joined them from all sides. News of this came to 'Alí b. Aws, who did not rest until he had communicated with Muḥammad b. Aws. And the Sayyids of that district, with Muḥammad b. Ibráhím b. 'Alí b. 'Abdu`r-Raḥmán, went out to meet Ḥasan b. Zayd, who reached Kajúr on Thursday, Ramaḍán 27 (A. H. 250 = November 3, A. D. 864), and performed the service of the festival which marks the conclusion of Ramaḍán, and preached a most eloquent sermon. Then he sent Muḥammad b. 'Abbás (f. 108a) and 'Alí b. Naṣr and 'Aqíl b. Mabrúr to Ḥusayn b. Muḥammad al-Ḥanafí, who was then at Jálús, to invite him to ally himself with them; and then they proceeded to the Great Mosque and received the oaths of allegiance of all the people of that district, save the few dependants of Muḥammad b. Aws, who fled without horses or arms, some to Ja'far b. Shahriyár b. Qárin and some to others.
Ḥasan b. Zayd next marched from Kajúr to Nátil, and received the allegiance of its inhabitants, and thence he passed on to Pá-yi-Dasht. At the head of his vanguard were Muḥammad al-'Alawí and Muḥammad b. Rustam b. Wandá-ummíd of Kalár, whom they called Khiyán; while the vanguard of the army of Muḥammad b. Aws was Muḥammad b. Ikhshíd, his sipahsálár. The two armies met at Pá-yi-Dasht, and Muḥammad al-'Alawí at once attacked the enemy, put them to rout, and took captive Muḥammad b. Ikhshíd, whom he sent to Ḥasan b. Zayd. He then pushed forward with all speed to Balíkání near ´Amul, whither Sulaymán b. 'Abd`ulláh b. Ṭáhir had sent an army, which they defeated, taking captive Ḥasan b. Ḥusayn.
Muḥammad b. Ḥamza was ordered to proceed in person to Daylamán and seek for reinforcements. The Daylamites responded to the appeal, and Ummídwár the son of Lashkar-sitán, Wíhán the son of Sahl, Fálízbán, and Faḍl-i-Rafíqí came with six hundred men to Pá-yi-Dasht to reinforce Ḥasan b. Zayd, who on the same day received letters from the nobles and Ispahbads of Ṭabaristán promising him their support, and urging him to continue the Ẉar. Amongst these were Pádhúsbán the son of Kurdzád, the Ispahbad of Lafúr, the Maṣ-mughán, son of Wandá-ummíd, Wíjan the son of Rustam, Khurshíd the son of Gushnasf the son of Nidrand, and Khiyán, the son of Rustam. Encouraged by these letters and promises, Ḥasan b. Zayd formed a body-guard of 20 horsemen and 200 footmen under the command of his kinsmen the Sayyids Muḥammad b. Ḥamza and Ḥusayn b. Aḥmad (f. 108b). When Muḥammad b. Aws heard this, he set his army in battle array and ordered Ibráhím b. Khalíl to attack them; they, however, not only repelled the attack, but pursued their assailants, routed Muḥammad b. Aws, and captured much of his baggage and many of his horses.
On Monday, Shawwal 23 (A. H. 250 = November 29, A. D.
864) Ḥasan b. Zayd reached ´Amul, and slew a number of
his opponents, including Daylamí the son of Farrukhán,
Muqátil the Daylamite (
The Mas-mughán, son of Wanda-ummíd, had already conceived a hatred for Muḥammad b. Aws because of his tyranny towards the people, and when he saw how the affairs of Ḥasan b. Zayd prospered, he came forth from the forests where he was hiding to Mámṭír, where, on Thursday, Shawwál 26 (A. H. 250 = December 2, A. D. 864) he called upon the people to swear allegiance to Ḥasan b. Zayd, which they all did eagerly. Then he wrote tidings of what he had done to Ḥasan b. Zayd, who gave him in perpetuity the rule over Zarmíkhwást, and ordered him to go to Sárí and wait there till he should join him. He did so (f. 109a), and encamped by the village of Pútam at Nawrúzábád, while Ḥasan b. Zayd’s emissaries went forth as far as Damáwand, Fírúz-kúh and the confines of Ray, and all the people of Ṭabaristán accepted the authority of Ḥasan b. Zayd. On Friday, Dhu`l-Qa'da 14, (A. H. 250 = December 19, A. D. 864) he reached Tarícha with all his army, whence he proceeded to Jamanú.
Shahriyár with Ḥasan b. Zayd.
At this juncture the Ispahbad Qárin wrote to Ḥasan b. Zayd professing the utmost devotion to him, and promising to send him help. His real object, however, was to weaken Sulaymán al-'Alawí, drive him from the country, and seize both highlands and plains for himself. When Ḥasan b. Zayd received this letter, he summoned the Daylamites and shewed them the letter, and they wrote to the Ispahbad saying, “If thou speakest truly, join thyself to us.” The Ispahbad replied, “It is better that you should join me.” Then Ḥasan b. Zayd began to suspect his motives, and Sulaymán b. 'Abdu`lláh sent his general Asad [b.] Jandán with an army from Sárí to a place called Dúdán on the road to Tarjí. Ḥasan b. Zayd sought counsel from his companions. An old man named Shahriyár the son of Andiyán, one of the chief counsellors of Sharwín, said to Ḥasan b. Zayd, “It is best that you should make it known that you intend to march against Asad, but during the night you should turn aside and go by way of Zarmíkhwást to Nawrúz-ábád, and thence to Sárí, where you will attack Sulaymán, and crush him, after which you will easily defeat Asad and his army. But if you act otherwise, and defeat Asad first, he will escape to Sulaymán, and your affairs will be rendered difficult; and moreover God only knows what the result of your encounter with Asad may be. Besides this, Sulaymán, who is now at Sárí, probably feels quite secure and is taking no precautions, since he will feel sure that you will first encounter his general Asad” (f. 109b).
Ḥasan b. Zayd determined to act on this advice, and to
attack Sulaymán first; and Asad received tidings that Ḥasan
b. Zayd had fled by night, whereupon he despatched a
courier to Sulaymán to inform him that the 'Alawí had
fled. But as the latter was sitting rejoicing over this message,
he suddenly heard the cries of “Alláhu akbar!” and
saw around him the white standards of the 'Alawís, and
heard the shouts of their Daylamite allies. Thereupon he
fled bare-foot to Asad, while the Sayyid’s troops slew all
whom they could overtake of their foes. When Sulaymán
reached Asad, he was already engaged with the Sayyid’s
troops, and the latter, like lions eager for their meal, pursued
them, and slew amongst others Ḥusayn b. 'Alí of Sarakhs,
'Alí b. al-Ḥarb, Isḥaq b. Shaykhí, 'Ali al-Maghribí,
Ibn Tha'laba of Syria, and Naṣr b. Wabra of Syria. Then
they looted Sulaymán’s palace, sent the spoils to the village
of Mihrawán, and then burned the palace to the ground.
Ḥasan b. Zayd reached Sárí on the first day of the five
Persian gátás (
After a forty days’ halt at Sárí, Ḥasan b. Zayd turned back to go to ´Amul. The Daylamites, being laden with booty, dispersed, and went back to their homes. The Ispahbad Pádhúsbán advised Ḥasan b. Zayd not to go beyond Jamanú till it was known what course Sulaymán would adopt. Soon afterwards Sulaymán himself arrived with a fresh army at Sárí and Ḥasan b. Zayd sent to Muḥammad b. Ibráhím (f. 110a) and Muḥammad [b.] Ḥamza bidding them join him with their forces from ´Amul and Mámṭír. Sulaymán had pitched his camp at Lícham, and a battle took place between the two forces at Tamashkí Dasht, in which Ḥasan b. Zayd was routed, and his men were dispersed to the forests. Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. Aws pursued them into the forests, but they caught him unawares, and slew him with a blow from a mace. On that day Ḥasan b. Zayd shewed the greatest valour, and held the end of a bridge against the foe until he had seen his fugitive army cross in safety. Thence he marched to Úfar, while Sulaymán went to Tálániyán, and Muḥammad b. Aws pursued the men of Kalár, of whom he slew many in an ambush which he had prepared on the road to Úfar. But the Ispahbad Pádhúsbán and the Mas-mughán had prepared another ambush for him, into which he fell with his soldiers, of whom they slew many, while he himself was struck on the head with a stone. When Ḥasan b. Zayd perceived that he could not withstand them, he retreated by way of Bálá`ín with Fana the son of Wandá-ummíd and Khurshíd the son of Gushnasf, and came that night to ´Amul, whence next morning he came to Jálús, having lost many of his men, while those who remained with him were despoiled of almost all their garments and weapons, so that Já`í the son of Lashkar-sitán, one of his best-known lieutenants, had no clothes on his body. However some 10,000 dirhams were collected and spent on obtaining fresh clothes.
Sulaymán b. 'Abdu`lláh and the nobles of Khurásán, accompanied
by the infantry of the king of the mountains,
the Ispahbad Qárin the son of Shahriyár, came to ´Amul,
while Ḥasan b. Zayd sent for re-inforcements to Gílán and
Daylamán. In response to his appeal, several thousand adherents
of his propaganda (
Ḥasan b. Zayd remained there that day, and on the morrow came to ´Amul, whence after fifteen days he came to Jamanú, and gave an army to the Ispahbad Padhúsbán to fight the Ispahbad Qárin the son of Shahriyár. Pádhúsbán, having secured the assistance of Kúkbán-i-Bakhmí from Kimnán, burned and ravaged all the highlands of Qárin, who fled from before them, abandoning his kingdom, in which Ḥasan b. Zayd established his governors to collect the revenue. Sulaymán fled to Astarábád, and sent a courier to Muḥammad b. 'Abdu`lláh [b.] Ṭáhir in Khurásán, asking for reinforcements. In response to his appeal, 'Anátúr b. Bakhtánsháh and Gushnasf b. Más were sent to support him, with a considerable army, whereat Sulaymán took heart, for Sayyid Ḥasan b. Zayd was but weakly supported at Sárí, some of his army being in the highlands, while his Daylamite allies had retired to Daylamán. Hearing of Sulaymán’s increased strength, he therefore fell back on Jálús, where he was told that Wih-súdán the king of Daylamán had abandoned his cause; but a few days later Wih-súdán died, and 4000 Daylamites thereupon joined Ḥasan b. Zayd.
Meanwhile Fana (f. 111a) had collected an army from Farím and the highlands and come to ´Amul, whence he wrote to Ḥasan b. Zayd asking for his commands. Thereupon he sent Aḥmad b. Ḥasan to him to occupy the country, and to remove Ibráhím [b.] Khalíl. At his commands, Fana marched against Ibráhím and defeated him. Ḥasan b. Zayd on hearing this came to Khwájak, where the people complained of Fana’s oppression, further accusing him of having a secret understanding with Sulaymán and of corresponding with him. So he sent Muḥammad b. Abí Manṣúr and 'Isá b. Ḥamíd to him, bidding him come before him, but he came not. Again he sent a message to him, bidding him not be disobedient, but he returned an insolent answer. Then Ḥasan b. Zayd told the people of ´Amul that Fana’s blood was lawful to them, whereupon 10,000 men attacked and burned his house, while he fled to his nephew Khurshíd the son of Gushnasf; but Khiyán the son of Rustam with a number of his followers pursued him thither, and slew them both, and sent their heads to Ḥasan b. Zayd. Then Fana’s son Layth came in, with all his followers, to made his submission to Ḥasan b. Zayd, having induced the Ispahbad Pádhúsbán to intercede for him, and the Sayyid gave him a robe of honour, and conferred on him his father’s possessions.
After a while Ḥasan b. Zayd moved from ´Amul to Jamanú, where he remained for a month. While there, an encounter took place between his outposts and those of Sulaymán, in which many of Ḥasan’s men were slain, including Muḥammad b. 'Isá b. 'Abdu`l-Ḥamíd. So Ḥasan b. Zayd was again obliged to retreat, accompanied by Muḥammad b. Rustam, the Mas-mughán, and Kúrankíj the son of Rúzbihán, sending the Ispahbad Pádhúsbán and Wíjan the son of Rustam to the highlands to guard them. Then he returned to ´Amul, while Sulaymán abode at his palace at Sárí, whither he brought his wives and retainers from Astarábád; and the people (f. 111b) again began to hesitate between the two rivals. Then Sulaymán sent Muḥammad b. Isma'íl to ´Amul, but Ḥasan b. Zayd, hearing of it, arrested and imprisoned him for a while, but afterwards released him, and suffered him to return to Sulaymán. Then Ḥasan collected his troops and went to Jamanú, having already warned the Mas-mughán to be on his guard, and sent Ja'far b. Rustam and Layth b. Fana and Wíjan b. Rustam with 700 men to help him. Sulaymán came out from Sárí to meet them in battle, and the Mas-mughán had prepared an ambush for him, but he routed the Mas-mughán, who fled to the forests. A violent thunder-storm came on, so that the archers could not shoot, and Sulaymán and his men surrounded the Mas-mughán, but the men hidden in ambush by the latter rushed out against him, and slew many of his chief followers, including Jalwánán the son of Wandá-ummíd, Muḥammad b. Faḍl of Láriján, Muḥammad b. Khálid, known as Abú Miráh, and others, all of whose heads were sent to Ḥasan b. Zayd. The Ispahbad Qárin the son of Shahriyár had gone with his army to meet the Ispahbad Pádhúsbán to fight with him, and the latter sent his brother Kurdí-zád to Ḥasan b. Zayd to seek for help. In response to his appeal, Muḥammad b. Rustam with the men of Kalár, Wíhán b. Sahl with the Daylamites, and Khiyán b. Rustam with the troops of ´Amul were sent to reinforce him. The Ispahbad Qárin fled, and Ḥasan b. Zayd came to ´Amul on the day of the festival, whence, after the 'Íd-i-aḍḥá, he proceeded to Mámṭír, where he remained for thirteen days. Sulaymán sent two ambassadors with a letter to Khurshíd king of Daylam, urging and encouraging him to help and befriend him, and to abandon Ḥasan b. Zayd, and offering him 7000 golden dínárs and many robes of honour to divide amongst the Daylamites, on condition of their withholding their help from the Sayyid. He also constructed a boat on the river Mihrawán, placed in it Azbar b. Janáh (f. 112a) and Sa'íd b. Jibrá`íl, and sent them to Ispíd-júy, where a wind arose which carried them in an hour to Jálús. Ḥasan b. Zayd’s governor, being aware of this, seized the boat, and sent the ambassadors, with their papers, money and robes of honour, to the Sayyid, who divided the valuables amongst the Daylamites, and humbled Khurshíd king of Daylam, so that all men perceived that Sulaymán’s luck was on the wane.
Ḥasan b. Zayd came from Mámṭír to Jamanú, and made the Daylamites swear to be faithful and loyal to him, and then marched against Sulaymán, who had moved from Sárí to Dú`-´Ab. The Mas-mughán advised that white flags should be fixed to the trees in front of his camp, so that he might suppose that it was the Sayyid’s camp; and that meanwhile they should secretly go by way of Banahra to Wínábád and attack the enemy in the rear, so that they might suppose they were hemmed in between two bodies of the enemy. By this device they succeeded in defeating Sulaymán, and marched on Sárí, while the Daylamites looted the bázárs, killing and plundering. Sulaymán, abandoning his wives, children and relatives, fled precipitately, while of his chief supporters 'Anátúr [b.] Bakhtánsháh, Abu`l-A'azz Muḥammad b. Qays, Muḥammad b. Kathír, Gushnasf b. Más, Muḥammad b. al-'Abbás, Muḥammad b. al-Walíd, Músá b. al-Kátib, 'Alí b. Manṣúr, and Muḥammad b. 'Abdu`lláh al-Qáḍí were killed, while the two ambassadors captured in the boat were, by order of the Sayyid, hanged. This victory took place on Thursday, Dhu`l-Ḥijja 8, (A. H. 250 = January 10, A. H. 865). Sulaymán’s wife and children were taken captive, and when he reached Astarábád, he wrote a letter to Muḥammad b. Ḥamza for him to lay before Ḥasan b. Zayd, couched as follows (f. 112b):
On reading this letter, the Sayyid Ḥasan b. Zayd sent Sulaymán’s wife and children and kinsmen to him with all honour and protection, and wrote with his own hand the following verse at the top of his letter:
The Ispahbad Qárin the son of Shahriyár took refuge with the Mas-mughán, whom he induced to intercede for him with Ḥasan b. Zayd, to whom he took the oath of allegiance, and to whose court he sent his two sons Surkháb and Mázyár. And all this happened in the year A. H. 252 (A. D. 866).
Thereafter enmity arose between the Mas-mughán and Faḍl-i-Rafíqí, and the former took to the forests. Ḥasan b. Záyd tried by kind messages to induce him to return, but he refused, alleging that he was afraid of the Daylamites, and became a rebel. Then Ḥasan b. Zayd marched to Lankúr-khán and burned all the corn in the country, and sent Qárin in pursuit of him, but he fled away. Then Ḥasan b. Zayd came to Sárí, where news was brought (f. 113a) to him that Jálí the son of Lashkar-sitán was tyrannizing over the people of ´Amul, Ẉhen some of them revolted and slew him. He thereupon despatched Muḥammad b. Ibráhím to investigate the matter, and ten days later followed him himself. When he reached Tarícha, his cousin Qásim b. 'Alí b. al-Ḥasan b. Zayd came from 'Iráq, and he bestowed on him robes of honour and costly presents, and sent him to ´Amul, while he himself remained at Tarícha. He arrested Surkháb the son of the Ispahbad Qárin and his brother Mázyár, and put them in bonds, and sent Sayyid Ḥasan b. Ja'far al-'Aqíqí to Sárí, giving him the government of that district and bidding him capture the Mas-mughán. Sayyid 'Aqíqí wrote in a conciliatory strain to the Mus-mughán, and induced him to join him and apologize for his flight and rebellion. Rustam the son of Qárin, however, revolted at Mihrawán, and rendered the roads unsafe; but he sent Hurmuzd-káma the son of Yazdánkard and 'Abbás b. al-'Aqílí against him. Rustam b. Zabarqán met the supporters of Muḥammad b. Núḥ, slew some and took others captive, captured Muḥammad b. Núḥ, and brought him to Mihrawán. Ḥasan b. Muḥammad 'Aqíqí, being informed of this, sent to Ḥasan b. Zayd informing him that he had gone to Mihrawán to fight the enemy. Sayyid Ḥasan b. Zayd, who was then at Jamanú, at once came to Sárí, and there joined Sayyid Ḥasan 'Aqíqí, who had returned victorious, having slain many, and captured some 400 prisoners, abode for a while at Sárí, until he heard that Ibráhím b. Mu'ádh was sending re-inforcements to the Ispahbad Qárin b. Shahriyár, who was marching against him. So the Sayyid took the initiative, attacked his highland territory, slew all whom he met, and burned down houses and villages. Then he again took up his quarters at Sárí for a while, left Sayyid Ḥasan 'Aqíqí in charge of that district, and returned to ´Amul, whence he issued a proclamation to all the Regions of Ṭabaristán bidding them add the [Shí'ite] clause “ḥayya ila khayri`l-'amal” to the call to prayer, and to say the Bismi`lláh aloud in their prayers (f. 113b), and the like. This proclamation ran as follows:
On this same day Abú Muqátil aḍ-Ḍarír the poet recited to the Sayyid a qaṣída which began “God is peerless and the son of Zayd is peerless” —
Ḥasan b. Zayd the Dá'í cried out at him in anger, and at once prostrated himself on the ground and repeated again and again, “God is peerless and the son of Zayd is a slave” —
Then he ordered the poet to be driven from his presence. A few days later he returned with these verses:
Yet still the Sayyid was displeased with him, until on the festival of Mihraján he composed and recited another qaṣída beginning:
(f. 114a)
Then he turned to the poet and said that he ought to have transposed these two hemistichs, so as to avoid the evil omen of beginning the poem with the negation lá; but the poet replied, “O Sayyid, the most noble formula is ‘Lá iláha illa `lláh’ (‘There is no god but God’), yet that begins with lá.” “Well said! well said,” cried the Sayyid; “thou art right in this verse!”
It is related that one day the Sayyid was passing through the streets and markets of ´Amul when he saw written on a wall the words “the Qur`án is the Uncreated Word of God, and whosoever calls it Created is an infidel.” He reined in his horse and paused for a while to look at it, and then rode on. As a rule it was his custom not to return by the way he had come, but on this occasion he departed from his custom, and came back by that same spot. On arriving there, he perceived that the inhabitants of the quarter had effaced the writing, whereupon he smiled to himself and said, “By Alláh, they have saved themselves from slaughter!”
The Sayyid remained at ´Amul all the months of Sha'bán, Ramaḍán and Shawwál, while Ḥasan-i-'Aqíqí continued at Sárí, until Muḥammad b. Núḥ joined the Ispahbad Qárin the son of Shahriyár, and the Mas-mughán became their ally, and they marched on Sárí conjointly. 'Aqíqí retired before them to Tarícha, and Ḥasan b. Zayd sent Ja'far b. Muḥammad and Layth b. Fana with a thousand men to help him. Setting out from Tarícha, they first fell in with the Mas-mughán, defeated him, and slew his brother 'Abbás. Then they turned, advanced on Sárí, attacked Muḥammad b. Núḥ at a place called Girda-zamín, four parasangs from the city, and defeated him. Layth b. Fana shewed the greatest courage; and it was chiefly by his efforts that the victory was won. Next night Ḥasan b. Muḥammad b. al-'Aqíqí made a sudden attack and slew many of them, and carried off much spoil, and Muḥammad b. Núḥ joined Sulaymán b. 'Abdu`lláh [b.] Ṭáhír at Astarábád, and both retired together to Gurgán. Sulaymán is reported to have said: “One day I passed over to Gurgán with four comrades (khayl-tásh) to a place called Sulaymán-ábád. I heard a voice saying:
When I looked back, I saw no one, and knew not who had spoken.” After this Sulaymán abandoned all idea of conquering Ṭabaristán, and retired into Khurásán.
See the Notice sur le Merzban Namèh in Vol. ii of Schefer’s Chrestomathie
Persane (Paris, 1885), pp. 194—211, and pp.
A.
B. omits this line, which in C. is preceded by a blank space. C.
As some poets are included in this section also, it would appear that no separate heading is required here, but that we should add “Astronomers” after “Physicians” in the last heading.
↩B. here inserts the heading “Poets of Ṭabaristán”.
↩ C.
Equivalent to “Birds of a feather flock together”.
↩C.
B.
B.
C.
C.
C.
B.
C.
B.
B. C.
i. e. the Yatímatu`d-Dahr (Damascus ed., vol. iii, pp. 288—290) and the Ta`ríkhu`l-Yamíní (Cairo ed., vol. i, pp. 389—412, and vol. ii, pp. 1—26).
↩See al-Baládhurí’s Futúḥ, ed. de Goeje, p. 335.
↩ Some of the MSS. have
Aghání, xvi, 155.
↩Aghání, xvi, 155.
↩ B. has
Cf. Al-Fakhrí, ed. Ahlwardt, p. 153.
↩This Caliph was conspicuous for his insane hatred of the House of 'Alí and their followers (the Shí'a).
↩These verses, with another which stands between them, are cited in al-Fakhrí, ed. Ahlwardt, p. 155.
↩This statement is incorrect, even if we reckon from the death of 'Uthmán (A. H. 656) till the death of Marwán (A. H. 750).
↩ C. Shihdila,
B. “300”.
↩B. “Jázim”.
↩B. “500”.
↩B. “1000”.
↩A. “Jangrúd”.
↩B. “Khambú”.
↩So A. and C. B.
i. e. he held the rank and title of Hazár-mard.
↩ MS.
C.
[Ṭabarí (III, p. 1134) has “at al-Badhandún”, which Yáqút (I, p. 503) describes as a town two days journey from Ṭarasús in Cilicia. A. G. E.]
↩