| 1. | The Bábar-náma, reproduced in Fac-Simile from a MS. belonging to the late Sir Sálár Jang of Ḥaydarábád, and edited with Preface and Indexes, by Annette S. Beveridge, 1905. | |
| 2. | An abridged translation of Ibn Isfandiyár’s History of Tabaristán, by Edward G. Browne. | |
| IN PREPARATION | ||
| The Mu'ajjam fí Ma'áyíri Ash'ári'l-'Ajam of Shams-i-Qays, edited from the British Museum MS. (OR. 2814) by Edward G. Browne. | ||
| Part of the History of the Mongols, from the Jámi'u ’t-Tawáríkh of Rashídu'd-Dín Faḍlu’llah, beginning with the account of Ogotáy, edited by E. Blochet. | ||
| An abridged translation of the Iḥyá’u’l-Mulúk, a Persian History of Sístán by Sháh Ḥusayn, from the British Museum MS. (OR. 2779), by A. G. Ellis. | ||
| The geographical part of the Nuzhatu’l-Qulúb of Ḥamdu’lláh Mustawfí of Qazwín, with a translation, by G. Le Strange. | ||
| Yáqút’s Dictionary of Learned Men, entitled Irshádu’l-aríb ila ma'rifati ’l-adíb; Vol. 1, edited from the Bodleian MS., by D. S. Margoliouth, D. Litt. | ||
| (Translations of the three Inscriptions |
| on the Cover.) |
| 1. Arabic. |
| “These are our works which prove what we have done; |
| Look, therefore, at our works when we are gone.” |
| 2. Turkish. |
| “His genius cast its shadow o’er the world, |
| And in brief time he much achieved and wrought: |
| The Age’s Sun was he, and aging suns |
| Cast lengthy shadows, though their time be short.” |
| (Kemál Páská-zádé.) |
| 3. Persian |
| “When we are dead, seek for our resting-place |
| Not in the earth, but in the hearts of men.” |
| (Jalálu ’d-Dín Rúmí.) |
of a Series
published by the Trustees of the
“E. J. W. GIBB MEMORIAL.”
The Funds of this Memorial are derived from the Interest accruing from a Sum of money given by the late MRS. GIBB of Glasgow, to perpetuate the Memory of her beloved son
and to promote those researches into the History, Literature, Philosophy and Religion of the Turks, Persians and Arabs to which, from his Youth upwards, until his premature and deeply lamented Death in his forty-fifth year on December 5, 1901, his life was devoted.
“The worker pays his debt to Death;
His work lives on, nay, quickeneth.”
The following memorial verse is contributed by 'Abdu`l-Ḥaqq Ḥámid Bey of the Imperial Ottoman Embassy in London, one of the Founders of the New School of Turkish Literature, and for many years an intimate friend of the deceased.
| ORIGINAL TRUSTEES. | ||
| [JANE GIBB, died November 26, 1904], | ||
| E. G. BROWNE, | ||
| G. LE STRANGE, | ||
| H. F. AMEDROZ, | ||
| A. G. ELLIS, | ||
| R. A. NICHOLSON, | ||
| E. DENISON ROSS, | ||
| AND | ||
| IDA W. E. GIBB, appointed 1905. | ||
| CLERK OF THE TRUST. | ||
| JULIUS BERTRAM, | ||
| 14, Suffolk Street, Pall Mall, | ||
| LONDON, S.W. | ||
| PUBLISHERS FOR THE TRUSTEES. | ||
| E. J. BRILL, | LEYDEN. | |
| B, QUARITCH, | LONDON. | |
The aim of this book is a comparatively humble one, and even of this aim, now that it is completed, I fear that it may have fallen short. It was originally undertaken, not because I had made or intended to make any special study of Ṭabaristán, but in the search for fresh materials for the second volume of the Literary History of Persia on which I am still engaged. We are still far from having arrived at a point where, supplied with ample materials, and certain that no important ascertainable fact has eluded our knowledge, we can venture to dogmatise or generalise on the intellectual life and spiritual development of the Persians. Often the student of Persian must wait for months ere he can consult even the most important and indispensable histories, such as the Jámi'u `t-Tawáríkh of Rashídu’d-Dín Faḍlu’lláh, or the Ta`ríkh-i-Jahángusháy of 'Aṭá Malik-i-Juwayní; and, while thus waiting, he will take such opportunities as may happen to present themselves of acquainting himself with the contents of those little-read local and special histories of which some are to be found in every large collection of Muhammadan manuscripts, and which constantly supply details, wanting in the larger general histories, of considerable value for illustrative purposes.
Much has been done, especially by the Russians, towards supplying full materials for a history of the Caspian provinces of Persia, Gílán and Mázandarán. Between the years 1850 and 1858 Dorn published a whole series of works on this subject: first his Geschichte Tabaristan’s und der Serbedare nach Chondemir; then four volumes of texts, of which the first was Sayyid Dhahíru`d-Dín al-Mar'ashí’s History of Tabaristán, Rúyán and Mázandarán, composed about A.D. 1476; the second, 'Alí b. Shamsu`d-Dín’s History of Gílán, known as the Ta`ríkh-i-Khání, which is a continuation of the last-mentioned work to A.D. 1514; then Ibnu`l-Fattáḥ al-Fúmaní’s History of Gílán (from A.D. 1517—1628); and lastly a volume of extracts from the writings of twenty-two Arabic and Persian authors who have incidentally treated of matters connected with these provinces. Another most valuable work which I have constantly consulted during the preparation of this volume is Melgunof’s Das südliche Ufer des Kaspischen Meeres, oder die Nordprovinzen Persiens (Leipzig, 1868). Even for the dialect of Mázandarán more has probably been done than for any other local idiom of Persia, notably by the two Russian scholars mentioned above.
Separated from the rest of Persia by the lofty barrier of the Elburz Mountains, culminating in the great cone of Damáwand (Dunbáwand), the Caspian provinces have always possessed, to a certain extent, a history and character apart. Long after the Sásánian dynasty had fallen and the rést of Persia had been subdued by the Arabs, the Ispahbads continued to strike their Pahlawí coinage and maintain the religion of Zoroaster in the mountains and forests of Ṭabaristán; and their struggles against the Arabs were only ended about A.D. 838 by the capture and cruel execution of the gallant Mázyár, the son of Qárin, the son of Wandá-Hurmuz. Twenty-five years later was established the Shí'ite rule of the Zaydí Sayyids, which lasted till A.D. 928; and these were followed by the noble house of Ziyár, of whom Shamsu`l-Ma'álí Qábús was especially conspicuous for his literary eminence. Even after the disastrous Mongol invasion, representatives of the ancient aristocracy of Ṭabaristán continued to wield a more or less considerable power.
Of this strange and interesting country the clearest and most ineffaceable recollection must remain in the mind of every traveller who has visited it. I merely traversed it in about a week on my homeward journey from Persia in the autumn of 1888, yet of no part of that journey do I preserve a more vivid impression; the first entry, from the great stony plain of 'Iráq-i-'Ajamí into the lower hills at Ágh, with its rippling streams and almost English hedge-rows; the long winding climb to the eastern shoulder of the mighty Damáwand; the deep cañons of the Lár; the Alpine beauties of René; the gradual descent, through rock-walled valleys, into virgin forests, bright with the red blossoms of the wild pomegranate, and carpeted with ferns and mosses; the sluggish streams and stagnant pools of the coast-ward fenlands; ancient Ámul, with its long slender bridge; Bárfurúsh and the swampy rice-fields of Shaykh Ṭabarsí, memorable in the history of the Bábí religion; and the sandy downs towards the Caspian Sea.
Of this land the author of this book, Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan b. Isfandiyár — generally known, for the sake of brevity, as Ibn Isfandiyár —, is the earliest systematic historian whose work has come down to us. Of his life we know practically nothing save what he himself tells us at the beginning of his work (pp. 3—4 infra), while the few written sources from which, as he informs us, he derived his material — notably the Báwand-náma and the 'Uqúd of Abu`l-Ḥasan Muḥammad al-Yazdádí — appear also to be lost. Dorn (Sehir-eddin’s Geschichte von Tabaristan u. s. w., p. 6) gives A.D. 1216 as the date at which he composed his history, that is to say, 260 years before Dhahíru`d-Dín, who, as Dorn points out, made such free use of his materials. Were this use so free (which it is not) as to amount to complete plagiarism (a thing by no means unknown in Persian literature), it might render the publication of Ibn Isfandiyár’s book in the original a work of supererogation; but even then, I venture to think, an abridged English translation like the present might have its uses. If it does nothing else, it may save other students of Persian the trouble of reading the original, or the disappointment of seeking from the book more than it contains.
The best translation, however, cannot take the place of a good text, and the publication of a complete and carefully collated text can alone be regarded as a final and definitive piece of work; since even if the translator could be certain that he had in every case fully apprehended the author’s meaning, this assurance could not be shared by others to whom the original was inaccessible. This objection applies with still greater force to an abridged or condensed translation like the present, since the process of condensation is sure to be unevenly applied, according to the personal bias and proclivities of the translator. To me, for instance, all that throws fresh light on the literary history or intimate life of Persia is of extreme value; while the wars of rival princes and governors, when arising, so far as can be judged, from mere personal ambition, and not from conflicting ideals of nationality or religion, are comparatively unimportant, because unconnected with any essential antithesis. All that concerns Mázyár, for example, is to me of supreme interest, because he stands for the old Persian national and religious ideal; while the internecine struggles which mark the decline of the Seljúq power, and in which I can discern no underlying principle, appear merely as wearisome enumerations of irrelevant details. Yet to another, who regarded Persian history from a different point of view, the military or the political, for instance, the very matters over which I have passed so lightly might seem all-important.
I need say little more in this Preface. Profiting by the liberality of the India Office Library, which stands in such noble contrast to the retrograde and obscurantist policy of several of the most important libraries in this country, I have been able to read through a comparatively rare work which cannot be ignored by the student of Persian history. As I read, I endeavoured to abstract from it, primarily for my own use, all that seemed to me of interest or importance. This abstract I had at first no intention of publishing; but the foundation by the liberality of the late Mrs Jane Gibb of the “E. J. W. Gibb Memorial”, intended not only to perpetuate the memory of her son’s rare scholarship and single-hearted devotion to learning, but to carry on such work as he loved and promote such aims as he so steadily pursued, created, almost for the first time in this country, facilities for the publication of works dealing with the history of Western and Central Asia actually in excess, for the time being, of the supply of such works. Under these circumstances, with the approval of the other Trustees of the Memorial, I decided to revise for the Press this abstract originally prepared only for my own personal use. In the work of revision I have received the most generous and invaluable help from Mr A. G. Ellis of the British Museum, whose knowledge of Muhammadan literature and bibliography surpasses, so far as I can judge, that of any other living European scholar. Notwithstanding his onerous duties and scanty leisure, he has read almost every sheet of the book before it was printed off; and to him I am indebted not only for the numerous foot-notes followed by his initials, and the observations on pp. 271—280, but also for the correction of many errors which would otherwise have marred these pages. I desire to avail myself of this opportunity of expressing my gratitude for this and numerous other obligations under which he has laid me.
With the Index (the most important part of such a book as this) I have taken considerable pains; and with its help it will, I think be easy for any Persian scholar to find any passage which he may wish to consult, not only in the India Office Codex which forms the basis of my work, but in any other manuscript which he may have at his disposal. Certain names occur so often that, without a more profound knowledge of the history of Ṭabaristán than I possess, it is often difficult to determine questions of identity. Hence, in all doubtful cases, I have placed in biackets after the name a Roman number indicating the century of the Christian era in which the person referred to appears to have flourished.
Bibliography. Sir W. Ouseley’s Travcls (London 1821), vol. ii, p. 214; vol. iii, pp. 304, 308, 554 etc.; Idem, Catalogue of several hundred manuscript works etc. (London 1821), N°. 283, p. 450; Dorn’s Schir-eddin’s Geschichte von Tabaristan, Rujan und Masanderan (St. Petersburg, 1850), pp. 3—6; Spiegel, in the Z. D. M. G. for 1850 (vol. iv), pp. 62—71; Rieu’s Persian Catalogue, pp. 202—204; Ethé’s Bodleian Persian Catalogue, pp. 160—161; Ethé’s India Office Persian Catalogue, pp. 222—223.
Manuscripts. N°. 1134 of the India Office (= N°. 568 in Ethé’s Catalogue), dated A. H. 1032 (= A). Add. 7633 of the British Museum, dated A. H. 1067 (= B), and Or. 2778, dated A. H. 1273 (= C). N°. 307 (= Ouseley 214) of the Bodlcian, dated A. H. 1068 (= D). Also a MS. in the Library of the St. Petersburg University; and a transcript of the same, collated by Dorn with the London MSS., in the Asiatic Museum of St. Petersburg. Another MS., dated A. H. 1295, which belonged to the late M. Ch. Schefer, is now in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, and bears the class-mark Suppl. Pers. 1436.
A portion of the text (corresponding with f. 6b, 1. 4—f. 20b, 1. 5 of A), containing the letter of Ardashír Bábakán’s minister Tansar to Jasnasf, king of Ṭabaristán, cited by the author on the authority of the celebrated 'Abdu`lláh ibnu`l-Muqaffa', was published with a French translation in the Journal Asiatique for 1894 (Series ix, Vol. 3, pp. 185—250 and 502—555) by the late M. James Darmesteter, who found the India Office MS. greatly superior in point of correctness to the British Museum Codex of which he made use.
The only other portion of the text (corresponding with f. 155a, 1. 17—f. 157b, 1. 12) which, so far as I know, has been published and translated is the account of Firdawsí cited from the Chahár Maqála of Nidhámí-i-'Arúdí of Samarqand, which Dr. Ethé transcribed for Professor Nöldeke’s use, and afterwards published in the Z. D. M. G. for 1894, vol. XLViii, pp. 89—94.
After the customary doxology, the author, Muḥammed b. al-Ḥasan b. Isfandiyár, states that, on returning from Baghdad to 'Iráq in the year A. H. 606 (?? A. D. 1209—1210), he was overwhelmed with grief at the news of the murder of Rustam b. Ardashír b. Ḥasan b. Rustam, the ruler of Ṭabaristán, on the 21st of Shawwál in that year (April 1, A. D. 1210), on which he exclaims:
For two months (f. 3a) he remained in Ray, weighed
down with sorrow, and finding his only consolation in the
perusal of books. One day he found in the library of the
College founded by the Sháhinsháh Rustam b. Shahriyár a
few quires on the history of Gáwbára, and thereupon remembered
that the late king Ḥusámu`d-Dawla Ardashír had
repeatedly enquired of him whether he had ever come across
any mention of a king of Ṭabaristán called Gáwbára in
Arabic or Persian books (f. 3b), to which he was obliged to
reply that he had not, and that he knew of no history of
Ṭabaristán save the Báwand-náma, a work filled with fables
and popular legends compiled for the king Ḥusámu`d-Dawla
Shahriyár b. Qárin. On examining these quires, he found
them to contain the 'Uqúdu siḥr wa qalá`idu durar of Abu`l-Ḥasan
Muḥammad Yazdádí, a work wherein the author sought
rather to display his mastery over the Arabic language than
to impart information to the reader. This he translated into
Persian, adding to it some account of king Ḥusámu`d-Dawla
Ardashír and his illustrious ancestors, and, encouraged by
some of his literary friends, he was preparing to make a
fair copy of his rough draft when he received a letter from
his father warning him of his approaching end. Thereupon
he at once started (f. 4b) with a single servant for his home,
without saying good bye to any one, and by the morning
of the following day reached the castle of Ustúnáwand1,
where he was set upon and robbed by brigands. He ultimately,
however, reached his father, and remained for a
while at ´Amul in Mázandarán, whence, after a short time,
he journeyed to Khwárazm (f. 5a), at that time a most
flourishing and populous city, where he remained for five
years. One day he found in a bookseller’s shop there a
volume containing ten separate treatises, one of which was
a translation from Hindf into Arabic (
This section opens with a short biography (ff. 5b—6b) of Ibnu`l-Muqaffa'. His proper name, says the author, was 'Abdu`lláh, and his father Dádawayh (Dádú'ê) was a Magian by religion, and one of the fiscal agents of the Arab government in Fárs. Being accused of embezzlement, he was tortured so that his skin was shrivelled and contracted (taqaffa'at), for which reason he received the sobriquet of al-Muqaffa', “the Shrivelled”. His son 'Abdu`lláh, better known as Ibnu`l-Muqaffa', was converted to Islám by 'Alí b. 'Isá (f. 6a), the primary cause of his conversion being the impression produced on him by the seventh and following verses of Súra LXXVIII of the Qur`án, which he heard a child reciting aloud. He was on terms of intimate friendship with Khalíl b. Aḥmad al-Furhúdí1. A certain man of learning was asked his opinion concerning them. He replied, “Khalíl’s understanding exceeds his learning, while Ibnu`l-Muqaffa'’s learning exceeds his understanding”. One day Ibnu`l-Muqaffa', while passing by a fire-temple, recited this verse:
When this was reported to the Caliph he said, “He is
not yet a good Muslim,” and ordered him to be cast alive
into an oven. It is related by al-Jáḥidh1
in his Kitábu `l-Bayán
wa`t-Tabyín that when Ibnu`l-Muqaffa' was handed
over to the tormentor (
[Here follows the translation of Ibnu`l-Muqaffa'’s version of Tansar’s letter to Jasnasf, the king of Ṭabaristán. As this portion of the work has been published and translated, with excellent notes and comments, by the late Professor James Darmesteter (Journal Asiatique for 1894, series IX, vol. iii, pp. 185—250 and 502—555), it is omitted in this abstract. That this document rests on an authentic basis seems to be beyond doubt. See Darmesteter, loc. cit., pp. 185—192.]
(F. 20b). The kingdom of Ṭabaristán remained in the hands
of Jasnasf’s descendants until the time of Pírúz († A. D.
484), but when the Turks invaded Khurásán and the confines
of Ṭabaristán in the reign of his son Qubád (Kawádh, A.
D. 488—531), it was decided in Council that Kayús (
One of the early Persian converts to Islám, in answer to the enquiries of the Prophet’s companions as to which was the greatest and best of their kings, named Ardashír Bábakán, in proof of whose wisdom and clemency he related the following anecdote. Once, in a year of drought, the people petitioned him for help. Thereupon he issued this proclamation: “When rain is scarce, the rain-clouds of the King are generous; therefore distribute amongst them what they have lost.” Núshírwán (A. D. 531—578) imitated him in maintaining good practices and suppressing evil innovations, and was especially opposed to the promotion of persons of mean origin to positions of trust, as is shewn by the following anecdote2.
King Núshírwán, being once in need of money for a
campaign, instructed his minister to raise the sum required
by a loan from the merchants and capitalists. The minister
accordingly consulted one of the chief merchants, who at
once offered himself to pay the money into the Royal
Treasury, asking in return that his only son, a man of remarkable
intelligence, in whose education he had for thirty
years spared no pains, might be admitted to the government
service (f. 22a), and given a suitable rank and title. When
this proposal was submitted to the king, he replied, “When
the children of the base-born are educated, they seek high
offices, obtaining which they seek to abase the noble and
the well-born, and to humble the great and mighty; but I
will protect the honour of the noble from being shared by
base and evil men.” The merchant, on hearing this answer,
was deeply disappointed, but entreated the minister at least
to accept the money, and to honour him by being his guest
at a banquet. To this the minister consented, and on the
morrow was entertained at an epoch-making banquet (
and again:
Though Sámirí’s Calf (f. 23a) was of gold, it was only a calf.
Here follows a further dissertation on the impossibility of “making a silk purse out of a sow’s ear”, concluding with the verse:
It is related that one day 'Abdu`l-Malik b. Qurayb al-Aṣma'í, seeing the poet al-'Attábí in the presence of Faḍl b. Rabí', reproached him for wearing such shabby clothes; whereupon the other retorted that a delight in fine apparel was only for women, and that a man was exalted by greatness of heart and high resolve, a silent tongue and an unselfish spirit (f. 23b).
Man is not ennobled by wealth:
Here follow short and rather irrelevant anecdotes of sundry Ṣúfí saints, viz. Ḥátim “the deaf” (al-Aṣamm), Báyazíd of Bisṭám and Abú Sa'íd Khwár (f. 24a), followed by reflections on Divine Providence and human effort, and the depravity and rebelliousness natural to man when his affairs prosper.
'Ámir b. 'Abd Qays used to say (f. 24b) that though all wordly wealth should depart from him he would be fearful, because of three verses in the Qur`án (xi, 8; xxxv, 2; and x, 107). More traditions on the Divine Providence follow; e.g.:
Here follow anecdotes of Sufyán-i-Thawrí and Málik Dínár, two famous Ṣúfí saints (f. 25a), and of Abú 'Abdi`r-Raḥmán Ziyád b. An'am al-Ifríqí. The latter was in earlier life a fellow-student of Abú Ja'far al-Manṣúr, afterwards second Caliph of the House of 'Abbás. One day Manṣúr invited him to a meal at his lodging. The meal was of the simplest: there was no meat, no sweets, not even dates. Manṣúr, on learning from his maid-servant that even dates were lacking, sighed and recited Qur`án vii, 126. Long afterwards, when he had become Caliph, Ziyád again stood before him. “O Abú 'Abdi`r-Raḥmán!” said the Caliph, “I have heard that thou hast advantaged the Umayyads.” “Yes,” replied Ziyád, “they reaped advantage from me.” “And how was their rule?” enquired the Caliph, “and what thinkest thou of mine?” “Of their rule,” replied Ziyád, “I saw this, that thou didst take me to thy house and give me to eat with out meat, and recite the verse, ‘It may be that your Lord will destroy your foe, and will make you succeed him in the earth.’ God hath destroyed thine enemy and made thee Caliph (f. 26b): see what thou wilt do, and be not of those referred to in the verse (Qur`án xcvi, 6) ‘Verily man waxeth insolent, because he seeth himself abound in riches.’ Know that the Devil hath no more potent weapon than tempting man to sin to-day and to repent to-morrow.”
It is related on the authority of Abú Ḥamza ath-Thumálí1 that the [fourth] Imám 'Alí b. al-Ḥusayn Zaynu`l-'Ábidín said to him: “One day I came forth from al-Madína, and while I stood in thought, leaning against this wall, a man clad in two white garments, one over the other, accosted me, saying, ‘O 'Alí son of al-Ḥusayn! I see thee sorrowful: if it be on account of this world’s provision, God is guarantee therefor.’ ‘No,’ I replied, ‘my sorrow is not for this.’ ‘Then,’ said he, ‘dost thou grieve for the future life? For that is God’s promise, which He is able to fulfil.’ ‘No,’ I replied; ‘it is not for this, for I know that what thou sayest is true.’ ‘Then,’ said he, ‘since thou grievest neither for this world nor the next, for what dost thou grieve?’ ‘I grieve,’ said I, ‘for the mischief wrought by fools, and the contempt I suffer at their hands.’ Than the man laughed in my face and said, ‘O 'Alí son of al-Ḥusayn! Didst thou ever see one who trusted in God and was disappointed?’ ‘No,’ I replied. ‘Didst thou ever,’ he replied, ‘see anyone who sought anything from God which He did not vouchsafe to him?’ ‘No,’ I replied. And straightway the man vanished from my eyes.”
It is related by Ḥusayn b. Ḥamza, from Abú Ḥamza1,
from
Sa'd2,
from Abú Ja'far Muḥammad b. 'Alí, generally known
as [the fifth Imám, Muḥammad] Báqir (
'Alí, seeing 'Ammár b. Yásir sad and sorrowful one day, consoled him in the following words:
The following admonition is also ascribed to 'Alí:
One day Ḥasan of Baṣra was passing by a group of people who were speaking ill of Ḥajjáj b. Yúsuf. He said to them:
“I heard,” adds the author, “from a certain pious man in the city of Khwárazm, that the Children of Israel made complaint before one of their prophets, saying, ‘Say unto God, “What have we done that Thou hast set over us one who knoweth Thee not, and hast afflicted us at the hands of a people who do not confess Thy Lordship, seeing that we confess Thee and magnify Thee?”’ But God revealed to the prophet the following message to them: ‘Verily when those who know Me rebel against me, I set over them one who knoweth Me not.’”
First settlement of the kingdom of Ṭabaristán
and its cities.
Farshwádgar1
is bounded by Ádharbayján, Áhár, Ṭabaristán,
Gílán, Daylam, Ray, Qúmis, Dámghán and Gurgán,
and was first so defined by Minúchihr Sháh. As regards its
etymology, some say that it means “Live safe and sound”
(
Having brought the fallen tyrant to his native village for
one night, he conveyed him on the following day to the
summit of Mount Damáwand, where he left him, bound and
helpless, in a cave or pit which is still pointed out. Then,
having established his authority over the Seven Climes, he
took up his abode in Tammísha, where the ruins of his
Palace are still apparent at a place called Bá-naṣrán (
This forest is also called in the books Bísha-i-Nárwan (“the Forest of wild Pomegranates”), and the river Báwul (now Bábul) waters the country to this day. When Karshásf went to China, he sent the Emperor of that kingdom, bound with golden chains and accompanied by eighty other princes, in the custody of Naríman to Ferídún, who was then in Tammísha.
Sárí was founded in ancient times by Ṭús the son of Núdhar,
at a place called Ṭúsán to this day. In the time of
Kay-Khusŕaw (f. 28a), Faríburz, fearing the king’s wrath
because of some fault which he had committed, fled thither
and took refuge with the family of Núdhar, till Rustam
came with a great army and carried him before Kay-Khusraw,
who forgave him. The site of a castle built by him is still
visible at a place called Lúman Dún (
Its first foundation was in the time of Ferídún (f. 28b). When his sons Túr and Salm slew their brother Íraj, he left a daughter in the district of Lafúr at Máwjakúh. Ferídún was then at a very advanced age, and his eyebrows drooped so that they had to be bound up. His earnest prayer was that he might live to see the death of his favourite son ´Iraj avenged, and he gave the daughter of ´Iraj in marriage to one of his nephews. When a child was born to her, it was shewn to the aged Ferídún, who said, “Mánad chihr-ash bi-chihr-i-´Iraj” (“His face resembles the face of ´Iraj”)1, so he was called Manuchihr; and, as is set forth in the verse and prose Sháhnámas of Firdawsí and Mu`ayyidí, he avenged his grandfather ´Iraj ere Ferídún departed from this world. Here are cited the well-known verses of Firdawsi:
Thereafter Pashang, the son of Afrásiyáb came with a
great army to Dahistán to avenge the death of Salm. Minúchihr,
king at Iṣṭakhr in Fárs2,
ordered Qárin [the son
of] Gáwa, his brother Qubád, and ´Arish of Ray to oppose
his advance. Afrásiyáb, having been worsted several times
by the Persians, had recourse to a kind of treacherous
stratagem of which, as Arab writers assert, he was the inventor.
He wrote to Qárin saying, “I have received your
letter and have taken note of your professions of loyalty3
towards me. When I take the kingdom of Persia, I promise,
as God is my witness, to hand it over to you.” Afrásiyáb
then arranged that the méssenger who bore this letter should
fall into the hands of a Persian noble who was in the confidence
of Minúchihr and ill-disposed towards Qárin. This
noble (f. 29a), having read the letter, at once reported the
matter to Minúchihr, who, entirely deceived by Afrásiyáb’s
cunning ruse (for Qárin was perfectly loyal and meditated
no treachery), ordered Qárin to be brought before him, and
made over the command of the army to ´Arish. As soon as
Qárin was thus removed, Afrásiyáb attacked the Persians and
drove them back on 'Iráq. Then at length Minúchihr perceived
that he had been duped, and reinstated Qárin in
his command. Qárin advanced to Ray with his army. Afrásiyáb
pitched his camp
Afrásiyáb pursued him into Ṭabaristán until he reached
the limits of Rúyán, a village called Mánahar (
There were two brothers from the country of Daylam,
one named Ashtád (f. 30a), the other Yazdán, who, because
they had slain one of the nobles of Daylam with an arrow
(
In vain did the king strive to expel her image from his mind:
Love so wasted his frame that:
He then reflected within himself that the concealment of this secret was injuring his health (f. 30b):
and finally submits a very rhetorical statement of his condition to the chief Múbad (f. 31a)2, who is greatly vexed and perturbed, declaring the king to be the victim of demoniacal possession, reproaching him for his unreasonable passion, and advising him to have recourse to a physician (f. 31b). The king endeavoured for a few days longer to get the better of his passion, and then, in accordance with the proverb, “Man eagerly desires that which is forbidden him,” and the verses:
he summoned his ministers and issued orders to all the Wardens of his Marches (marzubáns) to seek for the original of that vision. For some time their efforts met with no success, and the king’s melancholy increased, until at length he entreated one of his relatives named Mihr Fírúz to undertake the quest, promising him a rich reward1 if he should be successful (f. 32a). Mihr Fírúz declared that he would leave no stone unturned in his endeavour to find the king’s desire:
He then questioned the soldiers as to what regions they
had left unexplored, and they replied that they had traversed
the East and the West, all Persia and Arabia, save
only Ṭabaristán. So on that very day Mihr Fírúz set out
from Balkh for Ṭabaristán, followed by a caravan of provisions
for the journey and costly presents, until he came to
Ṭúsán (
On hearing the propose of Mihr-Fírúz he readily agreed to it, and Mihr Fírúz at once sent off a messenger for the presents and supplies which he had left at Ṭúsán, informing the governor that he had fulfilled his quest, and bidding him notify the fact to the King. While one of the girl’s brothers took this message, another sought out Mihr Fírúz’s missing retainers. The King rejoiced greatly at the news, despatched valuable gifts, and ordered general illuminations and festivities (f. 33b). When the actual greatness of Mihr-Fírúz became apparent to Ashtád and Yazdán, they were overwhelmed with confusion, especially when he related to them the dream, and declared to them that it was not to himself, but to his master the king, that the girl was to be given in marriage. Then they sent off the girl in all haste to the Court, and when the king saw her, he at once recognized in her the original of his vision, and his love for her increased day by day. One day he asked her1, “Why is it that the women of your country have such beautiful eyes, such fragrant mouths, and such soft skins?” She replied in her own language [of Ṭabaristán]2:
The King applauded her answer and bade her crave a
boon. She asked that a city might be built at Páy-i-Dasht,
her native place, situated above the river Hirhiz (
Turícha (
Mámṭír (
beyond Tammísha.
Gurgán was founded by Gurgín son of Mílád2. It was always the capital of the marzubáns of Ṭabaristán, and has a circuit of about four parasangs. Gurgín’s ass-herds (kharbandagán) used to graze their beasts about Astarábád, which town sprung up to meet their needs and took its name from their mules (astar). The whole land, from Dínár-jáy3 to Malát (which is the extreme limit of Ṭabaristán in that direction), and from Ray and Qúmis to the seashore, was well cultivated and thickly populated, and there were 28 cities within the district of Tammísha, each with its mosques, oratories, markets, judges, and men of learning, as follows:
In the Plain. (1) ´Amul, (2) Sárí, (3) Mámṭír, (4) Rúbast,
(5) ´Arazm (B. ´Ararm), (6) Turícha, (7) Muthla (
In the Mountains. (16) Kalár4,
(17) Rúyán4,
(18) Namár,
(19) Kajúya4,
(20) Wíma (
The revenues of Ṭabaristán in the time of the Ṭáhirids
(
| Sárí as far as Tammísha: | 1,300,000 dir. | |
| Mámṭír and Turícha: | 370,000 dir. | |
| ´Amul: | 1,400,000 dir. | |
| Jálús(B. Sálús)-Rúyán: 300,000 + 900,000 = | 1,200,000 dir. | |
| Rán-Ḥál (f. 36a): | 360,000 dir. | |
| Damáwand (B. Dunbáwand): | 1,200,000 dir. | |
| —————— | ||
| TOTAL: | 5,830,000 dir. | 2 |
The farms (
| 300,000 dir. | ||
| [B. |
1,000,300 dir. | |
| 1,300,000 dir. | 4 | |
| [B. |
1,500,000 dir. | |
| 1,000,000 dir. | ||
| 1,000,000 dir. | ||
| —————— | ||
| TOTAL: | 6,100,300 dir. |
The total income from all the farms, land-taxes and imposts of Ṭabaristán beyond Tammísha in the time of the Ṭáhirids amounted to 13,300,0001 dirhams.
On the virtues and wonders of Ṭabaristán (f. 36a).
In ancient times Ṭabaristán was always the refuge and stronghold of the old kings and nobles, because of its natural strength, its independence of other countries for the necessaries of life (f. 36b), and its fertility. Its only disadvantage, in short, is the moisture of its climate and the excessive rainfall, which result from its proximity to the sea.
It was related by the Qáḍí Abú 'Abdi`r-Raḥmán Muḥammad
b. al-Ḥasan b. 'Abdu`l-Ḥamíd al-Lamrásakí (
The virtue, beauty, health and excellence of the women
of Ṭabaristán have been already mentioned (f. 38a) in connection
with the narrative of the building of ´Amul by
Fírúz-sháh. 'Abdu`r-Raḥmán Khúrzád1
says in his Book of
Routes and Provinces (
while of the former Buzurjmihr said, in reply to a question
from Núshírwán, “Its name is Ṭarab (‘joy’) and Bustán
(‘garden’).” 'Abdu`lláh b. Qutayba (A. has
In illustration of this last statement, that poverty is unknown
amongst the natives of Ṭabaristán, the author relates
how a certain man of that province, settled at Mecca,
boasted of this fact. The people of Mecca, anxious to disprove
his assertion, hunted high and low till at length
they found a beggar who said he was from the parish of
Ḥázima-Kúy in ´Amul in Ṭabaristán. Him they confronted
with the man who had uttered this boast (f. 39b). “What,”
said the latter, “do they call a skirt (dáman) in your town?”
“Dáman,” replied the other. “And a pocket (jayb)?” continued
he. “Jayb,” answered the beggar. “You are a liar,”
said the other, “and no true-born Ṭabarí, for in ´Amul they
call a skirt lunbur (
The taxes and imposts of Ṭabaristán are light, and especially
was this the case under the rule of the House of
Báwand, while the water is abundant, good, and freely accessible
to all. The satraps, governors and Ispahbads of
Ṭabaristán have always enjoyed a great influence, and Kisrás
and Caliphs alike have sought their advice and counsel.
Their doctors, scribes, physicians, astronomers and poets
also include many famous names, and, from the time of
Ferídún and Minuchihr, who have been already mentioned,
many great and notable men have sought refuge there
Thus when Rustam-i-Zál was hurled into the sea of Qulzum
(the Caspian) by Akwán Dív, he came ashore in Ṭabaristán,
and was hospitably entertained by the inhabitants. His son
Suhráb sought him through Túrán, Trán, India and Rúm,
and at length found him in Rúyán, at a place called Líkash
(
Mount Damáwand. 'Alí b. Zayn al-Kátib, in his work
entitled Firdawsu `l-Ḥikmat1,
says that the ascent is made
from the village of Ask in two days. It is a conical peak,
and is covered with snow, save for a space of thirty jaríbs
at the summit, which is free from snow both in summer and
winter, and is covered with sand (? ashes) into which the
feet sink. At and about the summit are thirty craters and
fissures, whence issue forth smoke, sulphurous fumes, and
strange rumbling noises, whereby men know that there is
fire within the mountain. No animal can live on it, because
of the violent winds which blow about it, and it is
said that the Philosopher’s stone of the Alchemists (
There was once a king called Máhiya-sar, whose head
was abnormally small, and devoid of hair. He therefore
always wore a turban, summer and winter, night and day,
so that no one could see his head. Some say that he was a
Jew named Sham'ún (Simon) b. Khudádád, others that he was a
Magian named Bálí the son of Farrukh-Ádín. His mother, Rúz
the daughter of Khurshíd, was a cunning witch and sorceress,
incomparable in her time in the arts of Magic. They dwelt
in a place four parasangs from ´Amul, called now Âsí-Vísha
and his palace was in a village which still exists and is
called Vílír (
One of the Kisrás sent a confidential messenger to Máhiya-sar
ordering him to present himself at his court, under pain
of incurring the Royal displeasure, Máhiya-sar had prepared
a talisman which kept all the frogs and other reptiles (
In the History of the Barmecides (
Near Ummídwár Kúh is a well called Cháh-i-Víjan
(? “Bízhan’s Well”) which no one has been able to fathom,
though loads of rope have been brought thither, knotted
together, and let down into it (f. 41b). When a stone is
thrown into it, the noise of its falling is heard for a long
time until at last it ceases. During summer a cool breeze
continually blows from this well, and round about it are
trees, and thence they carry logs and planks to ´Amul1,
because of the fragrant scent of this wood. And one who
sits on this wood in summer feels a coolness, and on these
trees always sit birds of the kind called saqqá (
Near Rúyán is a well-known village called Sa'íd-ábád, where every child born in the summer dies in infancy, so that it has become customary for women who are with child and expect to be delivered during the summer months to quit the place and go elsewhere.
Near Kalár (
Near Nátil (
Near ´Amul grows a herb called Gunduya Zúma (
A peculiarity of the town of Jálús (Shálús) is that it makes people’s skins white, so that if an Indian or Kábulí girl remains there for one year, she becomes fair as a Greek or Slav.
In Wandád-Hurmuzd Kúh there is a place (f. 42a) into which, when there is a year of drought, the people throw triturated onions, whereupon rain at once falls, but the person who has pounded the onions dies within the year.
In Ummid-wár Kúh grows a herb called Gúr-tír (
Near Ṭabaristán is a place called Páníra-Kúh (
Near Rúdbár hyacinths grow, and on Wandád-Hurmuzd-Kúh
grow sweet rushes (
In Siyáh-rúd, near Jamanú, in the village of Danakí, there is a whirlpool or eddy called Kanzgirdáb, where Alexander the Great buried the vast treasures which he had amassed. Many later kings and rulers have sought to recover them, but have always failed. Mákán the son of Kákí was the last to try, and he spent vast sums of money in removing the water, till at length he reached a point where signs of treasure, bricks and traces of buildings, were visible. “Tomorrow,” said they, “we shall finish our task;” but that night the water again broke in and concealed all, while Mákán dreamed that a voice cried to him, “Weary not thyself in vain, for it was not laid up for thee.” And thereafter no further attempt was made. Every twenty-five years there is a year of scarcity, and the price of corn goes up.
The poet of Ṭabaristán2 says:
There once appeared in Shahriyár-Kúh a dragon fifty
thousand cubits (gaz) in length, and in that region, as far
as the sea-coast, no animal dared pass through plain or
mountain for fear of it (f. 42b), so that they abandoned
that district, whereupon it advanced as far as Sárí. Then
the inhabitants besought Sám to help them, and he came
forth, saw it from afar, and said, “With these weapons I
can do nothing.” By the time he had prepared suitable
weapons, the dragon had avanced to Alárash near the seashore,
and he came upon it at a place called Gáw-Kaláda
(
Account of the kings, nobles, doctors, saintly
and famous men, scribes, physicians, phi-
losophers and poets of Ṭabaristán.
1. Mázyár. — He was one of the most capable princes
who ever reigned. One day his trainer (
On another occasion he was informed that a certain horse-breader in Tukháristán had in his stud a horse valued at 100,000 dirhams. He at once despatched several experts in horseflesh to buy it for him. When they reached their destination, the owner would only allow them to look at the horse and not to ride it. It appeared to be a beautiful animal, well-proportioned, graceful and strong. They wrote to Mázyár for instructions. He replied (f. 43a): “Assuredly the owner would not impose such a condition unless he was aware of some blemish in the animal. Before buying it, you must make it a condition that you shall be allowed to lassoo it. If, when the lassoo falls round its neck, it pricks up its ears, looks sharply down between its fore-feet, and draws its tail inwards, then buy it; but if it strains its neck against the noose, throws out its sides, and lays back its ears, then refuse to buy it.” When they tried the experiment, it happened even as he had said, and they rejected it accordingly.
After his death the Caliph put 'Alí b. Zayn in his place
in the Foreign Office (
2. Alandáy1 the son of Sukhrá, King of Ṭabaristán. In strength and courage he was reckoned the equal of Rustam. One night he rode forty parasangs after a stag, and at the end swam a river in flood, and slew the quarry.
3. Wandád Hurmuzd the son of Alandáy, also celebrated
for his courage. His doughty deeds, and how he slew Farásha
and “the Devil of Far'án” (Sálim of Far'án or Farghán)3,
will be told in its proper place. When Hárúnu`r-Rashíd
reached Ray, he sent [his son] al-Ma`mún to be
laid in his lap, and he bestowed on al-Ma`mún villages
whereof the revenues amounted to 1,600,000 dirhams. When
he slew Farásha, he gave to the Ispahbad Sharwín, “King
of the Mountains”1,
who came to help him, one third
(
Another day, while he was sitting with Hárún, the uncle of the latter entered the room. All those present rose up, except Wandád. This displeased the Caliph and those with him. Immediately afterwards Yazíd b. Murthad arrived and did obeisance. Wandád immediately rose up and paid homage to him. Everyone smiled, and Hárún said, “My uncle is my own flesh and blood, while this man is the least of my servants. Whence that uncalled for rudeness, and this unnecessary politeness?” Wandád Hurmuzd answered, “I did not recognize your uncle, and why should I rise up for one whom I do not know? But this is a brave and capable man, therefore I paid him a tribute of respect. When thou didst send him to my kingdom, he was encamped against me for a whole year, and every morning he set his army in battle-array in a different fashion. And I had there (f. 44a) a knight who was his equal in courage and valour, whom I sent out against him on the day of battle; but in less time than it takes one to draw a sword from its scabbard, I saw my champion’s head fall before him. Next day I myself went out to meet him. He struck me such a blow with his sword as I had never before experienced. Before such a man, though he be my enemy, I willingly rise up.” The Caliph was pleased at his speech, and thereafter promoted Yázíd b. Murthad to high rank.
In the palace of Hárúnu`r-Rashíd, in the house of Umm Ja'far, there was a tame monkey, which was treated with the utmost respect. It used to be girt with a sword and girdle, and had assigned to its service thirty men, who rode with it when it went forth. Everyone who came to pay his respect at the court was required to kiss its hand and pay hommage to it; and it was of such evil nature that, in the words of the author:
One day Yazíd b. Murthad went, after taking leave of the Caliph, to the house of Umm Ja'far to bid farewell to her. They brought the ape before him and bade him kiss its hand. He drew his sword and cut it in two, and turned back in anger. Hárúnu`r-Rashíd, being informed, summoned him and asked him what had impelled him to this action. He replied, “O Commander of the Faithful! Shall I serve apes after having served Caliphs? No, by God, never!” So the Caliph forgave him. Muslim b. al-Walíd says in a threnody which he composed on him:
4. Khurshíd the son of Dázamihr1. A prince of Khurásán once came to pay his respects to him with many gifts and offerings, and a lodging was assigned to him near the Ispahbad. He asked for dishes and trays whereon to arrange the presents (f. 44b). They brought from the Ispahbad’s plate-room five hundred silver trays. The Khurásání demanded more. They sent to Farrukhán’s daughter, the chief wife of the Ispahbad, and obtained from her five hundred more. The Ispahbad then received the presents from Khurásán on these thousand trays, and in return sent to the prince two thousand trays filled with presents of the produce of Ṭabaristán, together with 100,000 dirhams.
On another occasion a man brought to him as a present a cup set with jewels and shaped like a cock, the two eyes of which were formed by two large red rubies of great value. The Ispahbad accepted it, and rewarded the donor. Some time afterwards it was reported to him that the donor was boasting that he had rendered to the Ispahbad an unparalleled service. Thereupon the latter invited five hundred guests, including the donor of the cup, to a wine-party, and before each of them was set a cup shaped like it, but far better. The donor of the original cup apprehended the rebuke, apologized, and received back his gift together with twice its value in money.
5. The Ispahbad Pádhúsbán2. He used daily to feed six hundred man in three detachments, 200 in the morning, 200 at noon, and 200 at evening. 'Abdu`lláh Faḍlawayh as-Sarwí had fled from Muḥammed Yazíd and sought refuge with him. He made him an allowance of 200,000 dirhams for “bread-money”, and continued it to his sons after he died.
IN ṬABARISTÁN.
1. Ḥasan b. Zayd b. Isma'íl (called Jálibu`l-ḥijára, “the
Stone-lifter”, because of his strength) b. al-Ḥasan b. Zayd
b. al-Ḥasan b. 'Alí b. Abí Ṭálib. He was born and grew up
at al-Madína, and was peerless in his time for courage, cunning
and determination, as is strongly emphasized by [Ibn] Ṭabáṭabá
al-'Alawí in his book called Ansábu Ashráfi`l-Amṣár (“Pedigrees
of the Nobles of the Lands”). The cause of his insurrection
and occupation of Ṭabaristán (f. 45a) will be
mentioned in due course. One day when he had been bled
Abu`l-'Amr the poet of Ṭabaristán (
For those two couplets the poet received ten thousend dírhams2.
2. Muḥammad b. Zayd ad-Dá'í ila `l-Ḥaqq, brother of the above. Volumes might be filled with his praises. Sayyid Imám-i-Mufíd Abú Ṭálib relates that he had a learned secretary called Abu`l-Qásim al-Kátib al-Balkhí, noted for his eloquence and excellence, who used to say that this Prince so far excelled all others for whom he had acted as secretary that, to use his own expression, “I could have imagined that it was Muḥammad the Prophet of God dictating one of his revelations.” 'Abdu`l-'Azíz al-'Ijlí3) composed in his honour a qaṣída in which occurs the following verse:
1 Dhahír, p. 282.
and received a gift of 30,000 dirhams. When Bakr b. 'Abdu`l-'Azíz al-'Ijlí, one of the great captains of that time, came before him at ´Amul, he alighted from his horse to do him honour, and Muḥammad b. Zayd presented him with a million dirhams contained in a hundred bags, besides weapons and other presents. Every year he used to send a thousand1 gold dínárs to the shrines of 'Alí, al-Ḥasan, al-Ḥusayn, and other illustrious members of his family; and when the Caliph al-Mutawakkil (A. D. 847—861) destroyed the tombs of the Imáms, he was the first who repaired them.
One day he was sitting at the Pension Office (Díwán-i-'Aṭá) and distributing pay to the troops. They brought before him a certain man, of whom he enquired to what tribe he belonged. “'Abdu`sh-Shams,” replied the man. “To what family?” asked Muḥammad b. Zayd. The man was silent. “Art thou then of the children of Mu'áwiya?” he continued (f. 45b). The man answered in the affirmative. “By which son?” he further demanded. Again the man was silent. “Art thou then a son of Yazíd?” he asked. “Yes,” answered the other. “O lad,” said the Dá'í, “didst thou not perceive that thou should’st not be with the descendants of Abú Ṭálib?” Instantly the Sayyids there present drew their swords to slay him; but the Dá'í cried out at them, saying: “Muṣ'ab b. az-Zubayr was one day sitting distributing money when the herald announced a son of 'Umar b. Jurmúz. ‘O Amír,’ they exclaimed, ‘this son of Jurmúz is fearful and afraid because his father slew Zubayr.’ ‘He is a man of great courage,’ replied Muṣ'ab, ‘since he has risked being slain in retaliation for my father’s death. Bid him approach, and take his gift, and depart in peace.’ Then he gave him his journey-money and a horse, and sent trusty attendants with him to 'Iráq, lest he should be slain on the way by the descendants of Abú Ṭálib, and dismissed him.”
3. Ḥasan b. 'Alí b. Ḥasan b. 'Alí b. 'Amr b. 'Alí as-Sajjád b. Ḥusayn b. 'Alí b. Abí Ṭálib, with the title of an-Náṣiru`l-Kabír, and the kunya of Abú Muḥammad. His virtue, learning, asceticism, and piety, and the results of his generosity, are still apparent in Gílán and Daylam, where also his way and doctrine command acceptance. His tomb, the College and Library which he founded, and the endowments bestowed by him, are still flourishing in ´Amul, while his grave is accounted holy, and visited by many pilgrims.
He had four sons, Muḥammad (from whom he derived
his kunya of Abú Muḥammad) who died young, 'Alí ash-Shá'ir
(“the Poet”), Aḥmad Abu`l-Ḥusayn, and Ja'far Abu`l-Qásim.
Three of these left issue, and their descendants
reigned for a long while in Gílán and Daylam. The genealogy
of each will be set forth in the (f. 46a) Kitáb-í-Ansáb.
Aḥmad b. an-Náṣir was of the Imámi sect, and of his sons
Abú Ja'far Muḥammad, called Ṣáḥibu`l-Qalansuwa (“the
Wearer of the Persian hat”) dwelt in Daylamán, and Abú
Muḥammad al-Ḥasan, called an-Naqíb, in Baghdad. Of the
sons of 'Alí as-Shá'ir were Abú 'Abdi`lláh Muḥammad al-Uṭrúsh
(
He was a man of many accomplishments, and has written much poetry, and he was for a long while in the companionship of the Imám al-Ḥasan b. Alí al-'Askarí (the Eleventh Imám of the “Sect of the Twelve”, who died A. H. 260), from whom he received instruction. Amongst his disciples were Ibnu`l-Mahdí al-Mámṭírí and Abu`l-'Alá as-Sarwí, of whose accomplishments ath-Tha'álibí has spoken in the Yatímatu`d-Dahr1. The following is a specimen of his powers of repartee:
4. Sayyid Abu`l-Ḥusayn al-Mu`ayyad Bi`lláh 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla and Sayyid Abú Ṭálib Yaḥyá an-Náṭiq bi`l-Ḥaqq, the sons of al-Ḥusayn b. Hárún b. al-Ḥusayn b. Muḥammad b. al-Qásim b. al-Ḥusayn b. Zayd b. al-Imám as-Sibṭ al-Ḥasan b. 'Alí b. Abí Ṭálib. It is said that not one of the Prophet’s descendants who endeavoured by arms to claim his rights was more richly endowed with all the qualities requisite in an Imám than these two brothers. Sayyid Abu `l-Ḥusayn carried on his propaganda in Daylamán, and all Gíl and Daylam responded to it. His treatise on the Excellence of 'Alí b. Abí Ṭálib is so eloquent and so well-reasoned that it might almost be described as a miracle. Of his other writings the best known are the Kitábu`t-Tajríd, the Kítábu`sh-Sharḥ, the Kitábu`l-Bulgha, the Kitábu`t-Tabṣira and the Kitábu`l-Ifáda, all of which are still in the hands of the Imáms (f. 46b) and are eagerly studied by their disciples. The titles of his other less known works are omitted. His poems form a bulky volume. The following. verses are his:
His early studies were pursued in Baghdad, first with Sayyid Abu`l-'Abbás, and then with the Qáḍi`l-quḍát 'Abdu`l-Jabbár al-Hamadání. One night, when every one was asleep, he came to the house of the latter and awakened him to ask him a question on theology. “Did you come only for this?” enquired the Qáḍí. “Yes,” he answered, “I thought that I might perchance die to-night, being in doubt as to a matter of religious doctrine.” In his time Ibn Sukkara1 wrote the following qaṣída against the descendants of 'Alí:
Sayyid Abu`l-Ḥusayn answered in the following verses:
Ibnu`l-Khayr the Náṣibí2 answered this in a long qaṣída containing this verse:
The Qáḍí Abu`l-Qásim 'Alí b. Muḥammad at-Tanúkhí, author of the Kitábu`l-Faraj ba'da `sh-Shiddat (f. 47a) replied to this in the following poem:
When Sayyid Abu`l-Ḥusayn had occupied Daylamán and established himself therein, men of learning came from all parts of the world to profit by his conversation, so that he even sent a message to the Qáḍi`l-quḍát 'Abdu`l-Jabbár bidding him swear allegiance to him. The Ḥákim al-Jaysham1 in his book entitled Jilá`u`l-Abṣár relates that he died on Sunday, the day of 'Arafa [i. e. the 9th of Dhu`l-Ḥijja], A. H. 421 (= Dec. 8, A. D. 1030), aged seventy years and odd, and that he was buried on the Monday, the 'Ìdu`l-Aḍḥa (10th of Dhu`l-Ḥijja) in his home at Lanká, where his tomb is still visible. His doctrine is still (f. 47b) followed by the people of that region, and the Ustundár Kay Ká`ús and his descendants, and the people of Daylam generally.
5. Sayyid an-Náṭiq-bi`l-Ḥaqq Abú Ṭálib Yaḥyá b. al-Ḥusayn aṭ-Ṭá`ir bi-ta`yídi`lláh was ten years older than his brother Sayyid Mu'ayyad bi`lláh, and was famous alike for his wisdom and his virtues. The father of these two brothers was of the Imámí sect, as were they also originally. This Sayyid received instruction first from Sayyid Abu`l-'Abbás, then from the great Imámí teacher Shaykh Abú 'Abdi`lláh; and imparted it to 'Abdu`l-Jabbár Qáḍi`l-quḍát; and amongst the Zaydís there was no more learned seeker after truth. He taught for several years in the College in Gurgán, where his lectures were much frequented by the learned. Later he went to Daylamán, and when his brother died, allegiance was sworn to him. When he became Imám, Abu`l-Faraj 'Alí b. al-Ḥusayn wrote to him:
On his son, who died young, the Sayyid composed the following threnody:
Sayyid Abú Ṭálib Yaḥyá was born in A. H. 340 (= A. D. 951—2), and died in A. H. 422 (= A. D. 1031), aged 82, less than a year after his brother. Of his philosophical works the best known are the Kitábu `t-Taḥrír, the Commentary on the Kitábu`l-Mujzí, and the Kitábu`d-Dimá'a (f. 48a).
6. As-Sayyidu`l-Imámu`l-Faqíhu`l-'Àlimu`l-Mutakallimu`sh-Shá'ir al-Ḥasan b. Ḥamza al-'Alawí. His tomb is opposite the College of Zaynu` sh-Sháraf. King Ardashír was induced to repair and renovate it by Sayyid Imám Bahá`u`d-Dín al-Ḥasan b. Mahdí al-Mámṭírí. He was for many years in religious retirement at the shrine of the Imám 'Alí b. Músá ar-Riḍá at Mash-had, in praise of which town he composed the following qaṣída:
He was commonly called Sayyid Abu`l-Qásim; and it is
related that “the Great Náṣir” (
7. As-Sayyid Shamsu Àli Rasúli`lláh. He was a dervish,
skilled in the traditions, and of ascetic and devout life. His
tomb still stands outside the Gate, in the 'Awámma-kúy
quarter (
8. As-Sayyidu`l-Imám Abú Ṭálib ath-Thá`ir. He was one
of five brothers, whose grandfather was called “Ḥusayn the
Poet” (
This section opens with a glowing panegyric on this noble family, whose court is described, in very florid language, as an ever-open refuge to ṭhe distressed and the unfortunate.
1. The Ispahbad 'Alá`u`d-Dawla 'Alí b. Shahriyár b. Qárin. His virtues, his doughty deeds, and how he secured the kingdom to himself in spite of jealous brothers and kinsmen will be mentioned subsequently. Amongst those who took refuge at his court were the following. Shírzád1, son of Sulṭán Mas'úd (III) of Ghazna, who for a while shared the throne of Ghazna with Bahrámsháh (his brother). When he expressed a desire to perform the Pilgrimage to Mecca, the Ispahbad arranged his journey and supplied all that he needed day by day at every stage. After his return he was enabled to proceed once more to Ghazna.
Sulṭán Mas'úd b. Muḥammad the Seljúq, nephew of Sinjar,
twice took refuge with the Ispahbad; first, when the Caliph
[al-Mustarshid] was assassinated [A. H. 529 = A. D. 1135]
he came thither with his son; secondly, when he quarrelled
with Ṭughril, he brought his women-folk thither, and placed
them in the hamlet of ´Aram (
When Muḥammad b. Maliksháh died, all his sons took the oath of allegiance to Maḥmúd, and when he died they fell to fighting with one another, and Ṭughril, being defeated, fled to his [the Ispahbad’s] house. At the Pass (Darband) of Kilís he was stopped by 'Alí b. Zarrín-Kamar, and his two brothers Muḥammad and Abú Shujá'. He told then that he was flying from pursuing foes, but they told him that without the King’s permission he could not advance. When news of this was sent to Sháh-i-Ghazí Rustam, he at once rode out as far as the village of Maqṣúra, brought in Ṭughril, and sent him to Sárí to his father the Ispahbad.
Khwárazmsháh-i-Sa'íd Muḥammad had four sons, who, on his death, fell to quarrelling, and two of them fled to the Ispahbad, who heaped such favours upon them that men still talk of his bounty.
The Amír 'Abdu`r-Raḥmán Ṭugha-Turk (
The Amír of Ḥilla, the son of Ṣadaqa “King of the
Arabs”, one of the most puissant, noble, generous and high-minded
princes of the world, accompanied by 200 of his
mounted retainers, took refuge with the Ispahbad, who on
the first day of his arrival sent him a present consisting of
200 caparisoned horses, 300 coats and caps (
When Qatírmish (
2. The Ispahbad Nuṣratu`d-Dín Rustam, son of the above. He was, according to the author, the greatest ruler of Ṭabaristán since the time of Ferídún and Minúchihr, and the greatest possessor of treasures since Khusraw Parwíz. His power extended from Jájarm, Gurgán, Bisṭám and Dámghán to Múqán. He was the first of this House to sit on a throne at his receptions. Even in the author’s time there remained forty castles filled with the gold and jewels and other precious things which he had amassed. When Kay-ká`ús Ustundár, with the approval of his chief judge, revolted against him, he marched to Rúyán to meet him, devastating and setting fire to the whole country. On this the Ispahbad Khurshíd b. Abu`l-Qásim Mámṭírí composed the following verses in the dialect of Ṭabaristán1:
After the death of Sinjar, his nephew Sulaymán Sháh
fled from Maḥmúd Khán, the successor of Sinjar and his
sister’s son, and took refuge with the Ispahbad Rustam
while he made preparations for attempting to recover 'Iráq.
During the two months that he spent there, he and his
followers were entertained daily at tables set in the Maydán-i-Tápán,
till he had collected 20,000 man of Gílán, Daylamán
and other parts of Ṭabaristán. The Ispahbad further supplied
him with the necessary arms, stores and munitions of
war, brought him to Ray, and set him on the throne. The
amírs of 'Iráq and ´Adharbayján gathered round him, and
Ray and Sáwa were surrendered to the Ispahbad. When
Sulṭán Maḥmúd Khán learned his absence from Ṭabaristán,
he marched thither with all Sinjar’s amírs. In two days
the Ispahbad hastened thither from Ray, and encamped at
the hamlet of Kúsán at the foot of the Castle of ´Ab-Dara;
and one night gave permission to king Qárin (
The trouble which at this juncture broke out in Khurásán prevented Sulṭán Maḥmúd from taking any further steps; and he was nick-named in Ṭabaristán “Maḥmúd the Wheat-crusher” (gandum-kúb), because his soldiers, finding no bread, used to cut and crush the ears of wheat which they found, and eat them.
Rashíd`d-Dín Waṭwáṭ, the Court-poet and secretary of Atsiz Khwárazm-sháh, composed many qaṣídas in praise of the Ispahbad, who in return used each year to send him 500 dínárs, a turban and coat (jubba), and a fully caparisoned horse. He composed the following qaṣída on the occasion when the Ispahbad went to Ray and seated Sulaymán Sháh on the throne:
On another occasion, when the Ispahbad went to Ray, set his own governor over it, and held it for a year and a half, Rashíd-i-Waṭwáṭ composed and sent to him the following poem:
The following verses are from a qaṣída which the same
poet composed in honour of the Ispahbad when he took
the Castles of Mihrín and Man'úr-kùh (
The author says that, through many Arabic-writing poets have praised the House of Báwand, he has only cited Rashíd-i-Waṭwáṭ because he was the greatest and most famous of their panegyrists, and because his own eulogies would be discounted by reason of his connection with the Dynasty, and the country over which it ruled.
One of the customs of the Ispahbad Rustam was that at
the close of a wine-bout he would give permission to his
boon-companions to take what they liked from his treasury.
On one such occasion his kinsman the Amír Sábiqu`d-Dawla
'Alí Gílkhwárán, 'Alí Riḍá the chamberlain (
Another of the Ispahbad’s customs was that he would not suffer poets to recite his praises in his presence, saying, “They falsely ascribe to me deeds which I never performed, and thereby I am put to shame.” At length a poet named Mudhaffarí came from Khurásán and said, “I will praise you for deeds that you have done,” and he than recited a poem beginning:
For each couplet he was rewarded with ten gold dínárs,
and he also received a horse, a coat (
3. The Ispahbad Táju`l-Mulúk 'Alí b. Mardáwíj.
He was sent by his father to Merv in the reign of Sinjar,
who gave him his sister in marriage, and held him so
dear that he would not go forth from his palace until he
had first seen him. On his father’s death, he was made
ruler of the Castle of Jahína and the country round about
Tammísha (
Mardáwíj was one of the hardest and most expert riders ever seen. He would sometimes, on mounting, put a gold coin between each foot and the stirrup and gallop till midday without letting either slip out. One day when he and Sulaymán Sháh were encamped together at Gulpáyagán, there was a wager between them, the former betting a certain Arab horse, 4000 royal dínárs, and 100 silken garments, etc., against a favourite slave belonging to the latter. Mardáwíj won the wager, but at once sent back the slave-boy mounted on the Arab horse fully caparisoned, and accompanied by two other slaves. The great poet Anwarí composed in his praise, besides other poems, the qaṣída beginning:
In the service of Sulṭán Mas'úd the Seljúq was a certain champion called Sábiq of Qazwín, whose fame had spread throughout 'Iráq, Arabia and Khurásán. Him the Ispahbad induced to enter his service, giving him Bisṭám, Dámghán and Jájarm in order that he might combat the Assassins. This Sábiq was very prodigal, and on one occasion he wrote to the Ispahbad complaining that he lacked money to pay his troops. The Ispahbad turned to his nobles and said, “He is an ocean (in munifence): what adequate gift can one confer on the ocean? Let 20,000 dínárs be now sent to him, and let an order be written that henceforth all that he can conquer in those regions shall be his, together with the fief-holds there.”
4. The Ispahbad 'Alá'u`d-Dawla Ḥasan b. Rustam b. 'Alí.
He also was a man whose generosity and statesmanship “had transcended perfection by several parasangs.” His only fault was that he was too impetuous and self-confident, which qualities brought disaster both on him and his subjects. Yet:
When ´Il-Arslán Khwárazmsháh died (A. H. 568 = A. D. 1172), and his son Tukush wrested the throne of Khwárazm from his brother Sulṭán Sháh Maḥmúd, the latter with his mother took refuge with the Ispahbad, who came to Tammísha to meet them, and sent forward his governors and officers from Gílán and the districts of Ray with presents, while in the plain of Ganjína, as far as Ispíd Dáristán, for a distance of a parasang, he caused such a feast to be spread as no man ever saw before or since.
5. The Ispahbad Ḥusámu`d-Dawla wa`d-Dín Ardashír b. Ḥusayn1. He reigned for 35 years over Ṭabaristán. — Eulogy of his virtues and talents.
After the death of the Atábek Muḥammad b. Tlduguz, Sulṭán Ṭughril (II) b. Arslán, in consequence of a dispute which arose between him and his brother Qizil Arslán, wrote from 'Iráq:
The Ispahbad, in response to this appeal, being encamped at Dih-i-Fulúl in Láriján, sent out his amírs and nobles to Ray to meet the Seljúq king, and himself went forward to Lár, where, on meeting him, he alighted from his horse, brought his royal guest to Fulúl, and there enthroned and entertained him royally. Qizil Arslán, hearing of this, sent 'Izzu`d-Dín Yaḥyá to Ardashír to persuade him, by reminding him of the favours which he had formerly received from his father and brother, to arrest and bind Ṭughril and surrender him to his antagonist, promising the Ispahbad in return for this service the rule of Roy, Sáwa, Qum, Káshán and Qazwín, and full authority over 'Iráq and ´Adharbayján. The Ispahbad indignantly rejected the proposal that he should betray his guest, and after a while sent Ṭughril to Dámghán and Bisṭám, bidding his officers there supply all his needs day by day until he reached his capital.
In A. H. 579 (= A. D. 1183—4) an ambassador named Khujand (?), with two companions, came from the Maharája of India to the Ispahbad, stating that an 'Alawí of the Imámí (Shí'ite) sect had come to that country to endeavour to persuade men to his views, and ḥad prevailed in argument against their doctors; whereupon the Maharája had despatched a letter to “the just and upright king in Ṭabaristán, who is descended from the Kisrás (House of Sásán), and who holds this doctrine” with an embassy of 40 persons, of whom 38 had perished on the way. At the command of the Ispahbad, the answer to this letter was written at great length by Sayyid Bahá`u`d-Dín al-Ḥasan b. al-Mahdí al-Mámṭírí, who was living at this time. A long extract from this letter, written in very florid Arabic, and celebrating the praises of Ṭabaristán and its ruler Ardashír, here follows. Indeed it seems to have been not so much a letter as a tract, bearing the formal title Risálatu`l-Hunúd fí ijábati da'wa dhawi `l-'Anúd (“the Epistle to the Indians in reply to the pretensions of the obdurate”).
On one occasion Núru`d-Dín Ṣabbágh came to the Ispahbad as an ambassador from Tukush b. ´Il-Arslán at Dawlatábád near Sárí, (f. 56b) and there he caused a pulpit to be erected and preached a sermon, concluding with the following verse:
Indeed, says the author, there was never a more law-abiding
(
For “water-money” (
For the Amíru`l-Ḥajj, or Leader of the Pilgrimage, 2000 dínárs and a fully caparisoned horse, in substitution for the tax which they used to levy on the pilgrims; and a herald used to proclaim. “All the pilgrims are the freed men of the King of Mázandarán.”
For the Shrine (mashhad) of Sámarra, or Surra man ra`a, 500 dínárs.
For the Shrine of 'Abdu`l-'Adhim in Ray, 200 dínárs.
For the Graves of Quraysh, 300 dínárs.
For the Shrines of the sons of the Imám Ḥasan at Madá`in, 200 dínárs1.
For the Shrine of 'Alí b. Abí Ṭálib, 2000 dínárs.
For the Shrine of Salmán the Persian at al-Madá`in, 150 dínárs.
For the Shrine of Imám Ḥusayn at Kerbelá, 6000 dínárs.
For the Shrine of Abu`l-Ḥasan 'Alí b. Músa al-Báqir (sic), 1000 dínárs2.
For the Amírs of Mecca, 200 dínárs for turbans and cloaks.
For the Shrine of the Ka'ba and the water-carriers
(
For the pigeons of Mecca, the produce of a village, mill and hot bath.
For the poor of Mecca, 5 bales (
For al-Madína, 3000 dínárs.
For the Shrines of the Imáms buried at al-Baqí', 1000 dínárs.
For the poor of al-Madína, the value of 5 bales (
The most eminent of contemporary poets, Dhahíru`d-Dín Fáryábí, has many qaṣídas in praise of this Ispahbad, amongst them the following:
After the poet had been for some time at the Ispahbad’s court, and had received at his hands many favours, he asked and received permission to visit the Atábek Qizil Arslán, son of the Atábek ´Ilduguz, who was at that time in possession of 'Iráq and ´Adharbayján. There he composed a qaṣída in which occurred the following verse:
(f. 58a) Some of the servants of the Ispahbad Ardashír were present when this poem was ecited before Qizil Arslán, and they sent a copy of it to their master, who thereupon sent the poet 100 dínárs, a fully caparisoned horse, a necklace, a cap and a coat.
1. 'Abdu`lláh al-Ḥusayn b. Sahl, known as Tájí Duwayr,
(
One day his master the Ispahbad Pádhúsbán went out
hunting, and was beset by a number of petitioners (
2. Abú Isḥáq Ibráhím b. al-Marzubán constructed, out of his own income, most of the roads and bridges of Ṭabaristán and Rúyán.
3. Muḥammad b. Músá b. Ḥafṣ. The daily expenditure of his kitchen at ´Amul was 1000 dínárs, and at his own charges he sent 1000 pilgrims to Mecca, whom he fed so delicately during the journey thither that in the middle of the desert they had fresh fish and cress from Ṭabaristán to eat.
4. Abú Ṣádiq Hárún b. 'Alí al-Ámulí visited Mecca in this same fashion.
5. 'Alí b. Hishám al-Ámulí visited Mecca in this same way in the days of 'Abdu`lláh al-Ma`mún, and every day in the desert heralds proclaimed, “Come to the banquet of the Amír!” And at his table men of note and persons of no consequence alike sat down as his guests. Al-Ma`mún ordered that no one in Baghdad should sell him fire-wood or cress, but he brought paper to burn instead of fire-wood, and in place of cress he garnished his table with green silk torn up into shreds.
6. Sahl b. al-Marzubán possessed Láriján. He constructed a road through country which before his time was impracticable both in summer and winter, by cutting and tunnelling the mountains, making bridges, and building rest-houses; and made this road the best and safest.
1. Muḥammad b. Farír aṭ-Ṭabarí, the celebrated author of the great History, the great Commentary, the Dhaylu`l-Mudhayyal1, and other works. All men of learning agree that no nation has produced so great a scholar as him. It is said that 400 riding-camels might daily be seen waiting at the gate of his house in Baghdad, belonging to sons of the caliphs, kings, ministers and amírs, besides some 30 mules, each watched by an Abyssinian groom, the owners of all these having come thither to glean what they could from Ṭabarí’s incomparable learning.
2. Imám-i-shahíd (“the Martyr”) Fakhru`l-Islám 'Abdu`l-Wáḥid
b. Isma'íl Abu`l-Maḥásin, who is called “the second
Sháfi'í”, and for whom the Nidhámu`l-Mulk built a college
at ´Amul which still flourished in the author’s time. Of him
Abu`l-Ma'álí of Juwayn said:
3. The Qáḍi`l-quḍát Abu'l-`Abbás ar-Rúyání. He was Chief
Judge in the time of Shamsu`l-Ma'álí Qábús (A. H. 366—403
= A. D. 976—1012), and his descendants still exercise
judicial functions in Ṭabaristán. Many anecdotes are told
of him, of which the one here outlined is included amongst
the stories printed at the end of Forbes’ Persian Grammar
(London, 1869, pp.
1. Ibn Mahdí Mámṭírí. His grave at Mámṭír had been visited by the author.
2. Muḥammad al-Yazdádí. His writings are so well known as to need no mention.
3. Ibn Fúrak, the preacher of the Masjid-i-sálár at ´Amul.
The pulpit which still stands there by the miḥráb was
erected for him. “I have heard,” says the author, “from my
master Ibráhím b. Muḥammad Náṣiḥí, that the Ṣáḥib [Isma'íl
b.] 'Abbád, prompted by fanaticism, arrested and imprisoned
him in a darkened house at Ray. Abú Isḥáq of Isfará`in
the scholastic philosopher (mutakallim) used at this time to
go to the Ṣáḥib and hold discussions with him every day.
One day while they were thus engaged in a garden, the
discussion turned on the ‘creation of actions’ (
4. The Qáḍi`l-quḍát Abu`l-Qásim al-Bayyá'í. He was remarkable for his knowledge in Jurisprudence, Scholastic Philosophy, Poetry, Epistolary style and Philosophy. He wrote, both in prose and verse, in Arabic, Persian and the dialect of Ṭabaristán.
5. The Great Master Abu`l-Faraj 'Alí b. al-Ḥusayn b. Hindú1. Though his ancestors came from Qum, he himself was born and brought up in Ṭabaristán. His grave is at Astarábád, in a house which was his property. Of him al-Bákharzí says:
The following are the best-known and most widely read of his works:
Besides these he has written much on Philosophy, Medicine and Philology, and his collected poems amount to 15,000 couplets, or even more, “pure as limpid water and like unto lawful magic.” His Arabic treatises form five volumes in his writing.
6. The Imám 'Abdu`l-Qádir al-Jurjání, concerning whom al-Bákharzí says:
His grammatical works include the Jumal and its commentary, the commentary on the Íḍáḥ-i-'Aḍudí, and the Talkhíṣ Some of his poems are cited in the Dumya [tu`l-Qaṣr of al-Bákharzí].
7. Abú Sa'íd Mudhaffar b. Ibráhím. He was a learned jurisconsult, and was for some time attached to the Ṣaḥib ['Isma'íl] b. 'Abbád, after whose death he sought the patronage of Abú Ṭálib Hárún ath-Thá`ir al-'Alawí, who bestowed on him ample favours, and dismissed him to his home, but he was unfortunately drowned in the Caspian Sea while crossing to Ábasgún. These verses are his:
Al-Bákharzí gives an account of him in the Dumyatu l-Qaṣr, and cites these verses which occur in a qaṣída composed by him in praise of Qábús:
Mention is also made of his son Abu`l-Majd and his brother Abu`l-Faraj al-Mudhaffar b. Isma'íl, the jurisconsult, traditionist, anchorite and man of letters.
8. 'Adí b. 'Abdu`lláh; 9. Abú Sa`d aṣ-Ṣaydalání; 10. Abú Ḥanífa Muḥammad b. Muḥammad al-Astarábáḍí Bári'-i-Jurjání:
11. Abu`l-'Alá al-Mihrawání, lawyer, mathematician, poet, jurisconsult, etc.
12. Muḥammad b. Jarír b. Rustam as-Sarwí, jurisconsult, philosopher, traditionist, etc. He was a fervent Shí'ite, and was for a long while in attendance on the Eighth Imám, 'Alí b. Músá ar-Riḍá. His most famous works are the Kitábu`l-Mustarshid and the Kitábu 'Khudhu`n-na'l` (“Book of ‘Pluck off thy shoes’”).
13. Khwája Imám 'Imád Kujaj2, called Faqíh-i-Ál-i-Muḥammad, a learned, pious and ascetic man. The Amír Ibn Darrám3 detained him for a couple of years at Ḥilla. The people of Baghdad and Kúfa and the Shí'ites of Arabia sought him out to profit by his learning, and subscribed yearly a sum of 1000 dínárs for his maintenance. Ibn Darrám3 married his daughter, and one of their descendants was living at Ḥilla in the time of the author (who had visited him), and enjoyed the favour of the reigning Caliph an-Náṣir li-díni`lláh (A. H. 575—622 = A. D. 1180—1225), by reason of his learning, virtue and nobility.
1. 'Ali b. Zayn was noted for his originality and eloquence. Amongst his works are the Firdawsu`l-Ḥikmat and the Baḥru`l-Fawá`id. He was originally secretary to Mázyár (put to death A. H. 226 = A. D. 840—1), and afterwards of the Caliph al-Mu'taṣim (d. A. H. 227 = A. D. 842).
2. 'Abdu`lláh, known as Ibnu`ṭ-Ṭabarí, came to Sámarra in great poverty in the Caliphate of al-Mutawakkil (A. H. 232—247 = A. D. 847—861), and, when in such dire straits that he had to sell most of his clothing for food, was fortunate enough to attract the notice of the Caliph’s son al-Mu`ayyad bi`lláh, and so attained to affluence and wealth.
1. Shaykh Abu`l-'Abbás Qaṣṣáb (“the Butcher”), whose fame still endures, and whose tomb is still frequented.
2. Shaykh Abú Ja'far al-Ḥanáṭí. In his shrine is preserved a Qur`án said to have been written by 'Alí’s son Muḥammad called lbnu`l-Ḥanafiyya, which has such virtue that any person daring to swear falsely on it dies miserably within the year.
3. Shaykh-i-Záhid. His tomb is in the quarter called 'Alí-ábád,
by the Gate of Zindána-kúy. Anyone who drinks
wine in this quarter and passes by his shrine inevitably
becomes an outcast from that quarter. (
4. Shaykh Abú Turáb. His tomb is still visible by the
Gate of the Mosque in the quarter of Darlabash (
5. Shaykh Abú Na'ím.
6. Quṭb-i-Chàlúsí. Sulṭan Sinjar wore his mantle (khirqa) and visited his retreat, which still exists. Sinjar’s minister Naṣíru`d-Dín Muḥammad Bú Tawba hated and persecuted him, and was always trying to persuade his master that he was a hypocrite and impostor. One day at Bisṭám they brought the saint a melon. He laid his finger on it, saying, “We have killed Muḥammad-i-bí-Tawba (‘the Unrepentant’);” and it so happened that at that very moment the minister was put to death by Sinjar at Merv.
7. Qáḍí Hishám. His tomb is close to that of Shams-i-´Al-i-Muḥammad in the quarter of 'Awámma-kúy. The following extraordinary qaṣída1, written in a mixture of Arabic and Persian, satirizing one of his contemporaries, is by him:
1. Buzurjmihr, the celebrated Prime Minister of Núshírwán “the Just”, concerning whom Firdawsí relates many anecdotes, as how he read the writing after he had become blind. On the conquest of Persia by the Arabs, and the fall of the Sásánian dynasty, he fled to Ṭabaristán. When asked, “Why did the kingdom of the House of Sásán fall when it contained such a man as thee?” he replied:
“Because they sought the help of small men in great matters, and so affairs came to what they did.” One day they said to him “Come, let us discuss Fate and Predestination.” He answered, “What have I to do with such a discussion? I behold an external appearance whence I deduce the underlying reality: I- see fools prosperous and wise men in want, and I know that the ordering of results is not in man’s hands.” A number of similar wise sayings of his are reported, including the following: “Man is troubled at the waning of his wealth, but not at the waning of his life.”
2. The Ispahbad Marzubán b. Rustam b. Shirwín Parím
(
1. Abu'l-Faraj Rashíd b. 'Abdu`lláh, the physician of Astarábád, flourished in the time of Qábús Shamsu`l-Ma'álí (A. H. 366—403 = A. D. 976—1012), and was peerless in his time, not only in medical science, but in eloquence and skill both in prose and verse. He is mentioned in the Dumyatu`l-Qaṣr of al-Bákharzí.
2. Sayyid Abu`l-Faḍl Isma'il b. Muḥammad al-Músawí of Jurján, the author of the well-known medical Encyclopædia entitled Dhakhíra-i-Khwárazmsháhí, the Kitáb-i-Yádigár, the Kitábu`l-Aghráḍ, the Kitáb-i-Ṭibb-i-'Alá`í and the translation of Avicenna’s Qánún.
1. Gúshyár b. Lisán al-Jílí.
2. Awḥadu`d-Dahr ad-Dánishí, who compiled a complete
set of astronomical tables (
3. Bizíst b. Fírúzán, whose name al-Ma`mún arabicized into Yaḥya b. Manṣúr, and who compiled the Zíj-i-Ma`múní2.
4. Ustád 'Alí Pírúza, the panegyrist of 'Aḍudu`d Dawla Sháhinsháh Fanákhusraw. Hamadán is said to have been given to him in fief. The following verse in the Ṭabarí dialect is by him:
One day both he and Mutanabbí were visiting 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla. He was bidden to sit down, while Mutanabbí was left standing. Mutanabbí, vexed at this, spoke scornfully of this “speechless (i. e. barbarous) poet”, but when the meaning of some of his verses was explained to him by 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla, he admitted their excellence, saying, “Honour is due to the meaning, which is, as it were, the spirit of speech, not to the language [in which it is expressed], which is but as its material body.”
5. Díwárwaz Mastamard (
'Aḍudu`d-Dawla was delighted, and gave him gifts, and caused his name to be inscribed in the register of his poets, and he received the title of Díwárwaz.
After the death of 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla he came to ´Amul, while Shamsu`l-Ma'álí Qábús was still reigning over Ṭabaristán. One day he had been drinking with his friends, and, while returning home, passed the gate of the Shrine of Náṣir-i-Kabír, whence the clergy and custodians, seeing his state, came forth, seized him, beat him, and cast him into prison. Thence he made his escape, came to Gurgán, and described his adventures in the following Ṭabarí verses, which he laid before Qábús, who honoured and rewarded him, and gave him the title of Masta-mard:
The Houses of Washmgír and Buwayh.
Abú Isḥaq Ibráhím b. Hilál aṣ-Ṣábí’s great history of the
Buwayhid Dynasty entitled Kitábu`t-Táj is praised. He and
the Ṣáḥib Isma'íl b. 'Abbád are intended in the saying
“More eloquent than the two Ṣáds” (
For 42 years 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla resided at Baghdad, whence he practically exercised sovereign sway over the Ḥijáz, Yaman, Egypt, Syria, the two 'Iráqs, Ṭabaristán and all the districts of Farshwádgar. Verses addressed to 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla by Bakhtiyár Mu'izzu`d-Dawla:
Anecdotes of 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla related in the Siyaru`l-Mulúk (i. e. Siyásat-náma) of the Nidhámu`l-Mulk al-Ḥasan b. Isḥaq, including that of the money entrusted by a poor man to a fraudulent judge. — Verses on him by the Ṣáḥib:
Núḥ b. Manṣúr “the king of Bukhárá” (the Sámánid) sent presents to him by al-'Utbí when the latter went on the Pilgrimage, amongst which were included 500 robes embroidered with Núḥ’s name. 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla was incensed at this, and, turning to 'Utbí, said:
the kings of Gílán.
The title of Ispahbads is property applied to two different dynasties of Ṭabaristán, the House of Báwand of the author’s own time, and the Qárinwands, or House of Washmgír, who governed Ṭabaristán for nearly 80 years after the Ṭálibí Sayyids. Anyone, says the author, who wishes to appreciate the greatness and splendour of Qábús b. Washmgír, called Abu`l-Ḥasan, should read what is said of him by Abú Manṣúr ath-Tha'álibí and al-'Utbí in their works.1 Abu`l-Ḥasan 'Alí b. Muḥammad al-Yazdádí made a compilation of his sayings, which he entitled Qará`inu Shamsi`l-Ma'álí wa Kamálu'l-Balágha, from which the author here cites some 33 lines, praising especially the remarkable eloquence of Qábús in the Arabic language, his courage and skill in manly exercises, and his knowledge of Philosophy, Astronomy and Astrology. An Arabic letter which he wrote to his maternal uncle the Ispahbad Rustam b. Sharwín Báwand on the occasion of a quarrel which arose between them is next cited. (This fills rather more than a page, and brings us to f. 67a, 1. 18). Qábús also composed in Arabic a treatise on the Astrolabe, and submitted it to Abú Isḥáq aṣ-Ṣábí, whose laudatory criticism is cited in full (ff. 67b, 1. 7—68a, 1. 4). Qábús also maintained a regular correspondence with the Ṣáḥib, of which the intermediary was one of his chamberlains named 'Abdu`s-Salám. — Anecdote to illustrate the virtue of Qábús. — His servant Aḥmad Sa'dí, and his minister Abu`l-'Abbás Ghánimí, who was never known to take a bribe, and who was in friendly correspondence with Abú Naṣr al-'Utbi. — Specimens of this correspondence.
In the time of Qubád the son of Pírúz (A.D. 488—531)
the sovereignty of Ṭabaristán was in the family of Gushnasp-sháh
(
In the reign of Hurmuzd, Shápúr the son of Kayús died,
leaving a son named Báw, who accompanied Khusraw Parwíz
in his campaign against the Greeks, and distinguished
himself in the war with Bahrám Chúbína, receiving in reward
for these services Iṣṭakhr, ´Adharbáyján, 'Iráq and
Ṭabaristán as his government. He extended his territories
to the north-east so as to include Ḳhurásán, Khwárazm and
all Turkistán as far as the Desert of the Tátárs. Shírúya
the parricide on his accession destroyed Báw’s house at
Ctesiphon (Madá`in), plundered his possessions, degraded
him, and interned him at Iṣṭakhr. But Shírúya’s ill-gained
power soon ceased with his early death, and he was succeeded
by Queen ´Azarmí Dukht, of whom the Prophet
said “Woe to that people over which women reign!”
(
of Gáw-bára (f. 72b).
When, on the death of Balásh, Qubád, the father of Núshírwán,
succeeded to the throne, Jámásp, the youngest of
the three brothers, fled to Armenia, whence, from Darband,
he attacked and subdued the countries of the Khazars and
Sclavs (
(f. 73b).
When Yazdigird, routed by the armies of Islám, fled to
Ray, Báw, who was with him, sought and obtained permission
to go by way of Ṭabaristán to Kúsán, there to
visit a Fire-temple which his grandfather Kayús has founded,
promising to rejoin his sovereign in Gurgán. His absence,
however, was somewhat prolonged, and he was still in these
lands when he received news of Yazdigird’s death at the
hands of the traitor Máhú`í-i-Súrí. (Here 5 couplets of the
Sháhnáma are cited). Báw thereupon shaved his head and
retired into religious seclusion in the Fire-temple of Kúsán,
while the Turks (f. 74a) ravaged all Khurásán and Ṭabaristán,
and the Arabs, led by the Imám Ḥasan b. 'Alí,
'Abdu`lláh b. 'Umar b. al-Khaṭṭáb, Hudhayfa of Yaman,
Qutham b. al-'Abbás, and Málik b. Ashtar an-Nakha'í advanced
to ´Amul, where the trace of their encampment are
still visible in the place called Málika-dasht. The people
of Ṭabaristán, driven to despair by these calamities, agreed
to elect and obey one ruler in whom they should all feel
confidence, and unanimously chose Báw, who was ultimately
induced to accept this responsibility, on condition that they
gave him absolute power, even to life and death, over them.
So he expelled the invaders from the country and reigned
for fifteen years, till one day Bashár, the mother of [´Adhar-]
valásh, struck him on the back with a brick and slew
him, and herself reigned for eight years. Báw left a little
son named Suhráb, whose aged mother carried him off
safely and hid him in the house of a gardener near Sárí,
where he remained unmolested during these eight years.
At the end of this period some of the servants of Kúlá
Khurzád Khusraw Ispáhí (
death of Báw (f. 74b).
When Dábúya died, he left a son, who, under the style and title of Dhu`l-Manáqib Farrukhán-i-Buzurg, subjugated Ṭabaristán even as far as Níshápúr (in Khurásán), reduced the people to his allegiance, and, by building and cultivation, raised the country to a condition of prosperity which it had never before enjoyed, and repeatedly repelled the coveteous Turkish raiders. Then the Daylamites revolted against him, and compelled him to flee to ´Amul, where, in a castle then called Fírúz-Khusra, but now Fírúz-ábád, distant two parasangs from that city (f. 75a), he fortified himself. The Daylamites besieged him, and hoped to starve out him and his garrison, but he ordered his people to knead clay into the shape of loaves of bread and set these loaves on the walls in sight of the besiegers, who, thinking them to be bread, and despairing of being able to reduce so well provisioned a place, withdrew to Daylam, whereupon Farrukhán emerged from his fortress and followed them, constructing in the way which led to their country dykes, ditches and canals which rendered the road impassable to horsemen.
bayra ash-Shaybání (f. 75a).
It was now the Caliphate of 'Alí b. Abí Ṭálib. A tribe called the Banú Nájiya reverted to Christianity. 'Alí attacked and crushed them, and sold their women and children by auction as slaves to the Musulmáns. Maṣqala b. Hubayra ash-Shaybání bought them for 100,000 dirhams and set them free; but being unable to pay more than 30,000 dirhams he fled to Mu'áwiya. 'Alí thereupon destroyed his house at Baṣra (the first time such a thing had been done in Islám) and said of him:
Maṣqala’s descendants are still settled at Kúfa. Concerning 'Alí he said (f. 75b):
After 'Alí’s death he promised Mu'áwiya that with 4000 man he could effect the conquest of Ṭabaristán, but, after waging war with Farrukhán for two years, he was killed on the road between Kajú and Kandasán, where his tomb still stands, and is ignorantly visited by the common people, who imagine its occupant to have been one of the Prophet’s Companions1.
At this time the Mas-mughán Valásh was marzubán (warden of the marches) by the Ṭayzana Rúd (or Mayándarúd, as it is now called), and whenever the Ispahbad went on a hunting expedition in this direction, he used to stay a few days there to drink and make merry at Tanparast under Tardawíní, where the ruins of the palaces of the Ispahbads Farrukhán and Khurshíd are still visible. He presently asked and obtained in marriage the Mas-mughán’s daughter, for whom he built a residence in this place, which he connected by a canal with the sea; but later he was offended with his father-in-law, beheaded him, and annexed all his domains as far as Dárán, but respected the descendants of Báw, on whom he inflicted no injury.
Qaṭarí b. al-Fujá`at al-Máziní (f. 76a), the chief of the Khárijites or ‘Seceders’, one of the bravest and most eloquent of the Arabs, took refuge with the Ispahbad, in the time of the tyrant Ḥajjáj b. Yúsuf, together with 'Umar Fannáq1, Ṣáliḥ Mikhráq and other Khárijite chiefs, all of whom were hospitably entertained by their host during the winter. But when they and their horses were rested and strengthened, they threatened the Ispahbad that they would seize his country unless he accepted their creed.
The author here gives a brief account of the origin of
the Khárijites after the Battle of Ṣiffín and the arbitration
of Dawmatu`l-Jandal. Their first leaders were 'Abdu`lláh b.
al-Kawwá and Ma'dán al-Ayádí, who, at the head of a
thousand men, first raised the Khárijite war-cry, “Arbitration
belongs to God alone!” (
And on that day 'Alí’s soldiers kept reciting this verse:
The first person to whom the Khárijites swore allegiance as “Commander of the Faithful” (Amíru`l-Múminín) was 'Abdu`lláh b. Wahb ar-Rásibí, and the first who drew his sword in support of this heresy was 'Urwa b. Udayya, who, turning to Ash'ath b. Qays, said:
Ash'ath turned from him, and 'Urwa struck with his sword the hind-quarters of the mule he was riding. At the battle of Nahruwán, 'Urwa (f. 76b) fled from before 'Alí’s sword, but later he was taken prisoner and brought before Ziyád ibnu Abí-hi, who asked him what he thought of 'Alí and 'Uthmán. He declared them both infidels, whereupon Ziyád caused his head to be struck off.
The Khárijites are known by four names, to wit:
(1) Ḥarúriyya, because of Ḥarúrá, a place where they encamped. This name was given to them by 'Alí, who exclaimed, on hearing a verse read from the Qur`án (xviii, 103—104) concerning “those whose effort miscarries in the life of this world while they suppose that they do well,” “By God, these are they of Ḥarúrá!”
(2) Máriqiyya (“disobedient”, “rebels”, “heretics”), in allusion to the saying of the Prophet: “They shall slip from the Faith as the arrow slips from the bow” —
and another of his sayings to 'Alí: “Verily thou shalt fight the covenant-breakers, the doers of injustice, the rebels:”
(3) Shurát (“sellers” of their lives to win Paradise), alluding to Qur`án, ii, 203, and ix, 112, which verses they were accustomed to apply to themselves.
(4) Khárijites (Khawárij, “rebels”, “dissidents” or “seceders”), because they came out in revolt against 'Alí.
Whenever one of their chiefs was slain, they at once swore allegiance to another, until it came to the above-mentioned Qaṭari b. al-Fujá`at al-Máziní, who was one of the bravest and most famous of them, and whose poems are preserved in the Ghuraru`d-Durar of Sayyid Murtaḍá, the Ḥamása of Abú Tamám, and the Kámil of al-Mubarrad. Thus, when the Khárijites elected him their chief and swore allegiance to him, he wrote to Abú Khálid:
To which Abú Khálid (whom the author curses) replied:
(f. 77a)
'Imrán al-Ḥiṭṭán, one of the most eloquent and learned jurisconsults of the Khárijites, wrote the following verses in reply to Abú Khálid:
This 'Imrán it was who, when at war with 'Alí, said:
The following verses are also by him:
Ḥajjáj b. Yúsuf slew many of the “blue-clad” Khárijite
heretics (
Soon afterwards 'Abdu`l-Malik b. Marwán died and was succeeded by his son Walíd, while Ḥajjáj b. Yúsuf also fell from power, and Qutayba was made governor of Khurásán and Transoxiana, in which capacity he shewed much friendship towards the Ispahbad. Yazíd b. al-Muhallab (f. 78a) was in the service of Sulaymán b. 'Abdu`l-Malik (who succeeded his brother Walíd in A. D. 715), and whenever Qutayba wrote despatches describing a fresh victory in Turkistán, he would write back belittling them and saying, “All the accounts of thy victories are from a place where the Commander of the Faithful cannot test their reality: why dost thou not conquer Ṭabaristán, which is a garden in the midst of the domains of Islám?” But Qutayba knew that Yazíd b. al-Muhallab was his enemy, while the Ispahbad, on the other hand, was his friend, so that he naturally refrained from attacking him.
Sulaymán, on his accession, gave the government of
Khurásán to Yazíd, and ordered Qutayba to be slain. And
when Yazíd sent him accounts of his victories over the
heathen in Transoxiana, the Caliph used to reply. “Why
does he not effect that which he blamed Qutayba for not
doing?” So Yazíd, hearing this, collected an army of Arabs
and men of Khurásán and Transoxiana, and came to Gurgán.
When the Ispahbad heard this, he sent all his people with
their families and cattle into the mountains, leaving the
plains empty of their population. Meanwhile Yazíd reached
and occupied Tammísha, and continued his advance in the
level country towards Sárí, while the Ispahbad Farrukhán
marched parallel with him in the hills. On reaching Sárí,
Yazíd alighted in the Ispahbad’s palace, and the people
were afraid, and the Ispahbad himself was inclined to flee
into Daylamán and there seek hélp against the invaders,
but his son dissuaded him from an act which would be
regarded as tantamount to abdication (f. 78b), and counselled
him rather to sent messengers into Gílán and Daylamán
asking for re-inforcements, which finally arrived to the
number of some ten thousand men. Yazíd, hearing this,
sent Khidásh b. al-Mughíra b. al-Muhallab b. Abí Ṣufra and
Abu`l-Jahm al-Kalbí with twenty thousand horseman against
the Ispahbad. When they drew near, Salmán the Daylamite
came out to meet them, and was attacked by the van-guard
of the Muslims under Muḥammad b. Abú Surra al-Ju'fí,
who defeated Salmán’s troops, slew him, and pursued the
fugitives into the hills, where, however, the Ispahbad’s army
put them to rout with a storm of stones and arrows. Then,
withdrawing by another road from this position, they prepared
an ambush into which the Muslims fell, so that fifteen
thousand of them, including some of Yazíd’s own kinsmen,
perished. Continuing their advance, they plundered and
burned Yazíd’s camp, after which the Ispahbad despatched
a courier to Gurgán, bidding the Nahapets of Ṣúl1
rise
against Ḍarís and the Arab soldiers who occupied their
country, slay them all, and seize for themselves their cattle
and possessions. This was done, and amongst the slain
were fifty of Yazíd’s cousins (f. 79a). Then the Ispahbad
sent men to destroy the high road from Sárí to Tammísha
and render it impassable (
So Yazíd, unable to prevail by force, had recourse to strategem, and summoned before him Ḥayyán an-Nabaṭí (“the Nabathean”), a Daylamite client of Maṣqala b. Hubayra, who had been nick-named “the Nabathean” because he was dumb, and said to him: “O Abú Ya'mar! I entreated thee evilly in Khurásán, confiscated thy goods, and put thee in bonds. I have now a favour to ask of thee: think no more of the past, and meditate no treachery or guile.” “O Amír,” replied Ḥayyán, “since thou hast shewn me so much honour and favour, I bear no malice; and God forbid that I should neglect the claims of Islám or protect the Magian faith!” Then Yazíd told him the news from Gurgán, the strait in which he found himself, and the discouragement of his troops, begging him to devise some plan whereby the Muslims might save themselves in the present and take their revenge in the future. Ḥayyán answered: “This gabr (i. e. the Ispahbad) hath now waxed bold: if he should not hearken to my words, but should say, ‘For two years he has ravaged my country and raided my cattle and property,’ what answer shall I make?” Yazíd answered, “I will give as much as 300,000 dirhams in compensation, if he will accept it, and let us depart in peace.”
Then Ḥayyán came to the Ispahbad and said, “Yazíd b. al-Muhallab (f. 79b) hath sent me to say that if you will serve him in this matter, he will quit your country, but if not he will summon re-inforcements from Syria, ‘Iráq, Khurásán and Turkistán and destroy you and your kingdom.” So the Ispahbad was prevailed upon to accept the 300,000 dínárs, of which he gave 5000 to Ḥayyán, and to let Yazíd go: and he encamped in Tammísha by the moat to give time for the captives and fugitives of his army to join him. Then Yazíd passed onwards to Gurgán, where he swore to shed enōugh blood to turn a mill; but after killing many of the marzubáns and principal men of the country, he was glad to escape from his oath by a device suggested to him by the Nahapets of Ṣúl, who bade him mix blood with a mill-stream and eat of bread baked from the flour which it ground. Then he returned to Syria to the court of the Caliph Sulaymán.
Ibn '´A`isha relates that this Caliph, Sulaymán b. 'Abdu`l-Malik,
one day mounted the pulpit, having anointed his
beard with perfumed unguent (
He also restored to the descendants of Fáṭima the property of Fadak, of which she had been wrongfully deprived, and it remained in their possession until the time of the 'Abbásid Caliph al-Mutawakkil (reigned A. H. 232—247: A. D. 847— 861)1. Concerning this reparation [the Sharíf] ar-Raḍí says:
“In Khwárazm,” says the author, “I heard Nidhám [u`d-Dín] Sam'ání say in the pulpit: ‘I saw in a dream one of the Substitutes (Abdál) of the Prophet seated in the chief seat of apostolic honour, and beside him 'Umar b. 'Abdu`l-'Azíz, and somewhat lower 'Umar b. al-Khaṭṭáb. “How,” I enquired, “hath 'Umar b. 'Abdu`l-'Azíz attained to such proximity?” “Because of his justice,” was the answer. “But,” said I, “was not 'Umar b. al-Khaṭṭab more just than he?” “He,” came the answer, “was just in an epoch of justice; but the other in an epoch of tyranny and injustice.”’”
Yazíd had written to Sulaymán that so great were the spoils of his campaign in Ṭabaristán that the string of camels bearing them would reach continuously even to Syria. 'Umar, into whose hands this letter passed on his accession, demanded of him these boasted spoils, and, as he made excuses, declaring that he had found himself unable to effect their transport, he was cast into prison. Meanwhile the Ispahbad Farrukhán restored in great measure the prosperity of his raided domains, but died in the course of the next year or two, after a reign of seventeen years. And it was he who was the grandfather of Manṣúr al-Mahdí.
Farrukhán (f. 80a).
Dázmihr, the eldest son of Farrukhán, succeeded his father, and reigned for twelve years, during which no one attempted to molest him. He repaired and restored the Palace of the Ispahbads; and in his days Abú Muslim began his propaganda in favour of the House of 'Abbás at Merv. The Umayyad Marwán II, nick-named “the Ass” (al-Ḥimár) was then (A. H. 127—132: A. D. 744—750) Caliph, and he was so called because the Arabs name the year which ends a century “the Year of the Ass”, in allusion to the Ass of Ezra; and from the foundation of the Umayyad Caliphate until Marwán was slain exactly one hundred years had elapsed1. Al-Jáḥidh relates in the Kitábu`l-Bayán wa`t-Tabyín that when Marwán was hard pressed by Abú Muslim’s troops, he ordered one of his trusted servants to bury in the sand the staff and cloak of the Prophet, and to cut off the head of one of his daughters, lest she should reveal the hiding-place of these secret relics. But later this servant, being taken captive, said, “If you slay me, the inheritance of the Prophet will be lost for ever.” So they spared him, and he shewed them where he had hidden these relics, which were sent to two villages in Tammísha where the councils of the propagandists were at that time held.
Abu`l-Faraj 'Alí b. al-Ḥusayn b. Hindú relates in his Kitáb-i-amthál-i-Muwallada, on the authority of Ibn Durayd, the author of the Kitáb-i-Ḥumayra, that Ka'b b. Zuhayr received this mantle from the Prophet in reward for a qaṣída which he had composed in his praise, and sold it to Mu'áwiya for 20,000 dirhams. It is now in the possession of the 'Abbásid Caliphs.
There was never a more wonderful story than that of Abú Muslim. To a villager of humble origin and lowly position God gave so much power that he took in hand and successfully carried out one of the greatest enterprizes ever planned. It is related that when he conquered the Umayyads, and Marwán (f. 81a) took account of his deeds, he caused his secretary, 'Abdu`l-Ḥamíd, who was a master in epistolary composition, to write him a long letter, full of threats and promises, ending with the words:
When this long and wordy letter was read to Abú Muslim, he laid it before him, broke in pieces one of his arrows, and wrote in reply these two couplets:
Then they said to 'Abdu`l-Ḥamíd the secretary, “Write to Abú Muslim again in words briefer, weightier and more concise, so that he may not answer thee in this fashion.” So 'Abdu`l-Ḥamíd wrote:
But Abú Muslim’s plans prospered, until he brought Abu`l-'Abbás 'Abdu`lláh as-Saffáḥ b. Muḥammad b. 'Alí b. 'Abdu`lláh b. 'Abbás from al-Madína and proclaimed him Caliph, who, on his death, was succeeded by his brother Abú Ja'far al-Manṣúr 'Abdu`lláh b. Muḥammad b. 'Alí b. 'Abdu`lláh b. 'Abbás.
It is related that once 'Abdu`llah [b.] 'Abbás was travelling in company with 'Alí, who always showed the greatest consideration for this family (f. 81b), and bestowed on them the governments of Baṣra, Yaman and Ṭá`if, while Qutham, the foster-brother of Ḥusayn b. 'Alí was the governor of the two sacred cities (Mecca and al-Madína). Concerning this the Amír Abú Firás says:
When 'Abdu`lláh’s son was born to him in Qaṭífa, he asked 'Alí to name the child with a noble name:
When al-Manṣúr had been enthroned as Caliph, he gave Abú Muslim permission to return to Khurásán. When he reached Ḥulwán, however, he was overtaken by a messenger from the Caliph bidding him return, since his advice was needed on an affair of importance which had arisen.
Abú Muslim suspected treachery, and consulted with one of his friends, saying, “How dost thou think that I stand with Abu`l-'Abbás?” The other replied, “Like the lion whose foot was pierced by a reed, so that it was unable to move; and a simple-minded, well-meaning man, seeing its weakness and hearing its moaning, took pity on it, approached it, and (f. 82a) drew forth the thorn from its foot. Thereupon the lion slew the man, in spite of his cries and protests; ‘for,’ it said, ‘thou art a meddlesome fellow, and perhaps thou may’st assist some other lion as thou hast assisted me, and it may drive me from this my hunting-ground, and make me an exile and a wanderer.’ Abú Muslim replied, “If I do not tend, nurse and care for that tender sapling which I have planted, but abandon it to its fate, passers-by will pluck it up by the roots, and my labour of many years will be rendered null and void.” So he left his treasure and baggage in the charge of his vice-gerent Sindbád at Ray, and himself returned to Manṣúr, where that fate overtook him which is well known, and to which he alluded in the punning epigram:
When al-Manṣúr had killed Abú Muslim, he gave the post of Wazír to Abú Ayyúb al-Múriyání; and all men were filled with fear of him because of what he had done to Abú Muslim. Abú Ayyúb’s intimates once remarked to him that however often he entered the Caliph’s presence his countenance always shewed signs of fear. He repeated to them the parable of the hawk and the cock, when the former reproached the latter with ingratitude for fleeing, screaming and terrified, from men when they called him, notwithstanding the food he had eaten at their hands, and the benefits he had received from them.
Khurshíd was called Farshwád Marzubán, and the Nahapets
were his maternal uncles and kinsmen. His paternal uncle
actually ruled the country until Khurshíd reached the age
of manhood. This uncle had a hand-maiden named Ramja
and called Harúya (
When Khurshíd was grown to man’s estate, his uncle
summoned his sons before him and said, “My nephew is
grown up, and hath sent me a message, saying, ‘The kingdom
is my father’s, who set thee on the throne under covenant
with me; therefore surrender unto me the trust.’”
His sons said, “Thou art king, and the kingdom ought to
pass from thee to us. We will never consent (f. 83a) to thy
surrender of the kingdom to him.” The father replied,
“Talk not like children, neither hammer cold iron, for I
will be faithful to my covenant. Should I contravene the
agreement, no blessing would it bring either to me or to
you.” Then said they, “Since it is so, send and bid him
come hither, that thou may’st make it over to him.” So
he, knowing not their secret intentions, sent for Khurshíd,
who, fully confiding in his uncle’s integrity, came with a
few followers from Tammísha, and was received by his
uncle with paternal kindness. On an auspicious day a great
banquet was held; but Khurshíd’s cousins had conspired to
kill him with a blow from a mace as soon as he should
rise from the banquet and sit down to drink wine. The girl
Ramja Harúya, however, was aware of their intended treachery,
and informed Khurshíd of it. He thereupon summoned a
foster-brother of his named Jalwánán, and bade him have
two horses ready at the gate. Then, on some pretext,
Khurshíd slipped out from the banquet, mounted his horse,
drew his sword, and, with Jalwánán, rode away, with cries
of defiance, back to Tammísha. His uncle reproached his
sons bitterly for their meditated treachery, and wrote humble
apologies to Khurshíd, declaring that he had no part nor
lot in the conspiracy. For a year Khurshíd did not see his
uncle, and was busy, assisted by the Nahapets of Sárí, in
preparing for battle. Finally (f. 83b) he met his cousins in
battle at Qaṣr-i-Dádaqán, a place midway between Tammísha
and Sárí built by his father. He was victorious, slew
or captured all of them, and pursued their army as far as
Sárí. He then came before his uncle, exonerated him from
all participation in the crime, and bade him choose for
himself whatever residence and companions he pleased. His
surviving cousins he banished to a mountain called Farrukhán
Fírúz, where they remained till the end of their lives;
and he married Ramja Harúya, and possessed himself of
all the treasures of his father and his uncle, of whom the
latter had reigned eight years. Khurshíd’s kinsmen gathered
round him, amongst them Wandarand, Fahrán and Farrukhán,
the sons of Jusnas (Gushnasf) b. Sárúya b. Farrukhán the Great,
who were his cousins on his mother’s side. Of these he
made the first marzubán of ´Amul, the second marzubán of
the highlands (kuhistán), and the last he kept with himself.
The command of his army he gave to Shahr-Khwástán b.
Yazdán-Kard. He repaired the Palace of the Isfahbadán,
enclosed 400 acres (
The Ispahbad Khurshíd had a general named Qárin, after whom was named the village of Qárin-ábád in Panjáh-hazár and Mayándarúd, wherein he stored his treasures. It is now in ruins. His body-guard comprised 4000 men, and he always wore brocade, and sat on a golden throne, and exercised the fullest authority over the Ispahbad’s people, both men and women. And when the Isfahbad had reigned a long while (f. 85a), he became filled with pride and self-assurance, and took no heed of anyone, and paid no attention to the nobles, so that the hearts of his people were alienated by his tyranny and arrogance, and they sought a pretext to rebel against him.
the Caliph Manṣúr.
When the Caliph al-Manṣúr slew Abú Muslim, and news
of this came to his friend and ally Sindbád in Ray, he
sent all the treasures and cattle which Abú Muslim had
confided to him to the Ispahbad, as a trust, together with
a present of six million dirhams, and at the same time cast
off his allegiance to al-Manṣúr, and revolted against him.
The Caliph thereupon sent Jumhúr b. Marár from Baghdad
to fight against him; and he came to Ray and defeated
Sindbád at Jurjunbání (? Jurkhiyání). Sindbád fled to Ṭabaristán
and sought protection with the Ispahbad, who sent his
cousin Ṭús out to meet him, with provisions, presents,
horses and arms. When Ṭús met Sindbád, he alighted from
his horse and saluted him, while Sindbád answered him
from his saddle, and did not alight to do him honour.
Thereat Ṭús was angered and said, “I am one of the Ispahbad’s
cousins, and he sent me out to do thee honour.
It was not contemplated that thou should’st treat me with
disrespect.” To this speech Sindbád returned a harsh answer,
and Ṭús, remounting his horse, soon found an opportunity
to smite Sindbád with his sword and cut off his head, after
which he brought all his retainers and stores to the Ispahbad,
who was greatly vexed, reviled Ṭús, and took possession
of all Abú Muslim’s and Sindbád’s property. News of this
was sent by Jumhúr to the Caliph, who instructed his general
to demand the surrender of this property from the
Ispahbad. At this time 'Abdu`l-Jabbár b. 'Abdu`r-Raḥmán
was in Khurásán. The Ispahbad sent one of his chamberlains
named Fírúz with Sindbád’s head to the Caliph, who
received him with great honour. On learning this, the Ispahbad
sent Fírúz once more to the Caliph with a gift of
precious stones and rare products of Ṭabaristán. The Caliph
then requested him to hand over the treasures of Abú
Muslim and Sindbád, but the Ispahbad persisted in declaring
that they were not in his possession, and finally broke out
into open revolt against the Caliph, who thereupon sent his
son al-Mahdí to Ray, bidding him seize the Ispahbad’s son
Hurmuz as a hostage for the father’s loyalty. The Ispahbad,
on receiving this demand, replied that his son was too
young to bear the fatigues of the journey, and al-Mahdí
wrote to his father the Caliph, advising him not to press
this demand, lest the Ispahbad should break into more open
revolt. So al-Manṣúr sent him a royal crown and robe of
honour, and the Ispahbad, being pleased thereat, consented
to send to the Court of Baghdad the same tribute which
Ṭabaristán had formerly paid to the Sásánian kings, to
wit: a poll-tax of one dirham of gold for each inhabitant;
300,000 dirhams, each containing four dángs (i. e.
Now the sight of this tribute of Ṭabaristán did but inflame the Caliph al-Manṣúr’s desire to posssess so rich a povince; and he sent a verbal message to the Ispahbad bidding him help his troops in repelling the attacks of 'Abdu`l-Jabbár. He also wrote to his son al-Mahdí, who was at Ray, bidding him write to the Ispahbad that, owing to the drought and consequent scarcity of food, it was impossible for all his army to follow the same route, and that he desired the Ispahbad’s permission for one division of them to pass through Ṭabaristán.
the Ispahbad.
At the command of his father the Caliph, al-Mahdí sent
as ambassador to the Ispahbad a certain Persian (
So the ambassador came back to al-Mahdí at Ray, and conveyed to him the Ispahbad’s answer; and al-Mahdí despatched Abu`l-Khuḍayb Marzúq as-Sa'dí, the client of al-Muthanná b. al-Ḥajjáj, by way of Zárim and Sháh-kúh, while he sent Abú 'Awn b. 'Abdu`lláh by way of Gurgán to effect a junction with him. And the Ispahbad had transferred the dwellers in the plain to the highlands, lest any collision should take place between them and the Caliph’s troops: not knowing that the intention of the latter was to destroy and dispossess him.
Abu`l-Khuḍayb chose as his guide a certain 'Amr (? 'Umar) b. 'Alá, who had, on account of a murder which he had committed in Gurgán, taken refuge with the Ispahbad, under whose protection he had lived for a long while, during which time he had obtained full knowledge of the country, and of all its roads, fords and passes. But now he had joined himself to the Caliph’s troops, and was sent with 2000 horsemen to attack ´Amul (f. 87a). The Marzubán of this city, who held his office from the Ispahbad, came out to meet him in battle; but he was slain, and ´Amul was occupied by 'Umar b. 'Alá, who proclaimed a just administration to all the inhabitants, and invited them to embrace Islám. And the people, being, as already said, disgusted with the Ispahbad’s arrogance, came in in crowds, embraced Islám, and surrendered up their arms and possessions. Shortly after this, news of the death of 'Abdu`l-Jabbár arrived, and the invaders, being no longer anxious about Khurásán, settled down in Ṭabaristán.
Now on the top of Darband-i-Kúla near the road to
Áram there is a palace (
The Muslim army, on learning his movements, set out in pursuit, but he reached Rúyán with the loss of only a few men and animals, and thence pushed on to Daylam, where he remained for two years and seven months, while the Muslims besieged his stronghold, until he had gathered together 50,000 men of Gíl and Daylam. But the plague attacked his stronghold, and in one day 400 persons died, and such was the stench of their bodies that the garrison were obliged to capitulate to the Muslims, who spent seven days in bringing the stores and treasures out of the Castle. Then they prepared to send the women, with all respect and honour, to the Caliph. The Muslim general desired ´Azarmí-Dukht and Ramja Harúya to surrender themselves to him, but they both refused. Of Khurshíd’s daughters, who were as beautiful as the moon, he gave one to 'Abbás b. Muḥammad al-Háshimí, who named her Amatu`r-Raḥmán (“the Hand-maiden of the All-Merciful”), while another the Caliph himself took. All of them urged the Caliph to give the kingdom of Ṭabaristán to their father, and to this the Caliph consented, and despatched a messenger with orders to this effect, but he got no further than Ḥulwán, for the Ispahbad Khurshíd, filled with despair at the disaster which had befallen him, and unable to bear the disgrace, took poison and died. With him ended the line of Jílánsháh, which had reigned in Ṭabaristán for 119 years.
were sent from Baghdad to rule over
Ṭabaristán after the extirpation
of the Line of Jílánsháh.
The first 'Abbásid governor of Ṭabaristán was the already-mentioned
Abu`l-Khuḍayb, and the first building erected
there by the Muslims was the Great Mosque of Sárí, which
he caused to be built on a Monday in the month of ´Abán
in the year A. H. 140 (A. D. 757—8), on which date ´Amul
was occupied and Ṭabaristán practically conquered by the
Muslims. Abu`l-Khuḍayb was governor for two years, and
was succeeded by Abú Khuzayma, who settled armed garrisons
throughout the country as follows: in Tammísha
1000 Arabs under Fakhr b. 'Abdu`lláh al-Khuzá'í; in Rúdbár,
two parasangs from Tammísha, 500 men under Rabí'
b. 'Urwán; in Kúsán 300 men under Abu`l-'Ammár al-'Atíqí;
in Asrámíl 500 men under Ibráhím b. Isḥáq ash-Shámí; in
Sámta 500 men under Kirmán al-Bukhárí; in Kúsán 500
men of Khurásán under Núḥ (
After a year [? Abu`l-Khuzayma] was dismissed, and replaced
by Rúḥ b. Ḥátim b. Qayṣar b. al-Muhallab, who
was made governor in A. H. 144 (= A. D. 761—2), but a
year later, being convicted of tyranny and injustice, he
was replaced by Khálid b. Barmak, who took up his abode
at a place called after him Khálida-Saráy. He also built for
himself a palace at ´Amul, and ruled for four years, building
many public buildings and developing the resources of the
country, until at the end of this period he was replaced by
‘Amr b. al-'Alá, during whose governorship the Caliph al-Manṣúr
died, and was succeeded by (f. 88b) his son al-Mahdí.
He, being informed that 'Amr b. al-'Alá had sought
the hand of the daughter of Mihrúya in marriage, was
angered against him and dismissed him. Sa'íd b. Da'laj
succeeded him as governor, and held this position for three
years. At this period a Sayyid of the House of Abú Tálib
named Ḥusayn b. 'Alí, commonly called
“Good!” exclaimed Sirrí; “it is even so: naught accrues to you save abasement and humiliation. If you would only be quiet as is ỵour cousin here, Músá b. Ja'far, notwithstanding all his learning, piety, nobility and ascetic life (f. 89a), would it not be better?” Thereupon Músá b. 'Abdu`lláh extemporised the following verses:
Now since the Caliph al-Mahdí was preoccupied with
these matters, Sa'íd b. Da'laj remained two years and three
months as Governor of Ṭabaristán ere he was recalled, and
'Amr b. al-'Alá was again sent to replace him. He it was
who built the village of 'Amr (? 'Umar) Kaláda, situated
near Wana-bun, as well as another town called 'Umar
(? Amr)-ábád. In this year there was a great earthquake;
and Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal declared at Baghdad that heavier
taxes should be imposed on the people of Ṭabaristán, as
well as a 10% tithe on cereals, because the country had not
surrendered willingly, but had been taken by force. A year
later 'Amr b. al-'Alá was replaced by Yaḥyá b. Mikhnáq (B.
Wandád Hurmuzd.
Then arose Wandád Hurmuzd, the son of Alandá, the son of Qárin, the son of Súkhrá, who has been already mentioned in speaking of the Garsháhs (Jarsháhs) or kings of the Mountains; for the word Jar (or Gar) is applied to mountain-land susceptible of cultivation, and Gáw-bára had given this land to this family, who had held it for a hundred years. Now the inhabitants of Ummídwár-Kúh came to Wandád Hurmuzd to complain of the tyranny and exactions of the Caliph’s governors, promising him their support if he would rebel against them, whereby tḥey might escape from the tyranny which was crushing them down, and he might recover the authority enjoyed by his ancestors. He answered them that he must first consult with (f. 89b) the Ispahbad Sharwín, the king of the Mountains, and seek for the support of the Mas-mughán Walásh; and that if these consented to help him, he would revolt against the Caliph. So he sent messengers to Sharwín at Shahriyár-kúh in Farím, and to the Mas-mughán at Mayándarúd, both of whom agreed to help him, and encouraged him in his enterprise. A day was then fixed on which the people of Ṭabaristán should make a general massacre of all the Arabs and servants of the Caliph. This was done; and so thoroughly were the Ṭabaristánís in accord that women who were married to followers of the Caliph dragged them out of their houses by their beards, and delivered them over to the executioners, so that in all Ṭabaristán not an Arab was left. When Ḥammál b. 'Umar ad-Duhalí and Khálid b. Barmak, whom the Caliph had sent to Ray, received news of this, they despatched tidings to Baghdad, and al-Mahdí sent Sálim of Farghána, one of his most trusted officers, whom he had nick-named “the Devil of Farghána” to enquire into and report on the matter. On learning the truth, the Caliph exclaimed, “Is there no one who will go to Ṭabaristán and bring me the head of Wandád Hurmuzd?” Sálim offered himself, and the Caliph despatched him wíth a following of brave and hardy soldiers. On arriving in Ṭabaristán, he encamped in the plain of Aṣram, where Wandád Hurmuzd came to meet him, accompanied by a great host. Sálim was mounted on a favourite piebald horse, well known throughout 'Iráq-i-'Arab. He at once rode at Wandád Hurmuzd and smote at him with his great mace, which weighed twenty maunds, splitting the shield with which he sought to parry the blow (f. 90a), but nor succeeding in inflicting on him any further injury. At dusk they ceased from battle, and Wandád Hurmuzd and his men encamped at Hurmuzdábád. Next day they fell to banqueting and drinking. Wandád Hurmuzd had a black horse, which had on its neck a curious mole, and which was of incomparable excellence. This he had saddled with a golden saddle and caparisoned with jewelled trappings, and when it was brought before him he said, “O people, know that this is our antagonist whom ye have seen, and whose pomp and power ye have witnessed. And ye are all of you the bravest men of Ṭabaristán. Which of you will take this caparisoned horse and do battle with him?” Thrice he made this appeal, and no one responded to it, until at last one of his sons, a lad named Wandá-ummíd, and called Khudáwand-i-Kalálak, advanced, kissed the ground, and said, “By thy good fortune I am he who shall bring thee thine enemy’s head; and for this I desire nothing but the horse.” “When,” said Wandád Hurmuzd, “hast thou contended with warriors and taken part in such contests?” The lad, however, persisted in his resolve, in spite of the attempts to dissuade him made by his father and his maternal uncle Qúhyár, who was finally bidden to accompany his nephew, notwithstanding his weakness and old age. The bravest men were chosen to accompany them, and a cow-herd named Ardashírak Báblúraj (f. 90b), who knew all the intricacies of the thickets and forests, was sent to lead them by secret paths against Sálim, who, being taken by surprise, was slain by Wandá-ummíd in single combat, at Harsa-mál, three parasangs from ´Amul, or, as some say, at Aṣram, at the place now called Hí-Hí-Kayán. So the lad Wandá-ummíd came back in triumph to his father, Wandád-Hurmuzd, and was received by him with great honour and rejoicing, and ever afterwards permitted to sit beside him on his golden throne. And Sálim was esteemed by the Caliph as equivalent in value to a thousand horsemen1.
When the news of the death of Sálim reached the Caliph, he was greatly vexed, and despatched another army of 10,000 men under an Amír named Firásha against Tabaristán, at the same time sending messages to Khálid-i-Barmakí, Ward-i-Aṣfar (“Yellow Rose”) and Ḥammád at Ray, bidding them afford him any help of which he might stand in need. So Firásha, re-inforced by further levies, advanced to ´Aram, meeting with no resistance, for Wandád Hurmuzd had ordered that none should oppose them or contest their advance, so that they might wax bold and careless (f. 91a). He himself retired to Kúlá, near which, at Gawázúnú, he constructed two great dykes (dar-band), one above and one below. Then he sent to the Ispahbad Sharwín, who was at Parím and Kamímnám, bidding him come and help him; but Sharwín delayed and procrastinated so that Firásha was convinced of his weakness and helplessness. Wandád Hurmuzd had prepared 400 trumpets and 400 drums, and he assembled at Gawázúnú all his kinsmen and trusted warriors, whom he drew up in two ranks, with 4000 of his people, both men and women, to each of whom he gave an axe. He then explained to them his plan, which was that he himself should advance a little way towards the enemy with a hundred men, but that as soon as he had been seen by Firásha and his troops, he should fall back, followed by the enemy, whom he would thus lure within the two silent lines of his followers. Then, when they were all within the ambush, he would beat a drum; and at this sign all his followers were to begin to blow the 400 trumpets, beat the 400 drums, and fell trees with the 4000 axes. All this was duly carried out; and when the troops of Firásha heard this turmoil and uproar, they were filled with consternation, and were easily routed. Firásha himself was taken captive, and brought before the Ispahbad, who ordered his head to be struck off, and himself put on his cloak, cap, belt and sword; but quarter was accorded to the remaining prisoners. At this juncture the Ispahbad Sharwín arrived, and was given one third of the spoils (f. 91b). Wandád Hurmuzd related to his son Qárin that he had dreamed that he slew a wolf; that after this another wolf came and was also slain by him; that thereafter a leopard came, and he slew it, cut off its head, and clothed himself in its skin; and that last of all a lion came and grappled with him, and wounded him with its claws, until at last with a great effort he freed himself from it. The first wolf was Taym b. Sinán; the second, Khalífa b. Mihrán; the leopard, in whom skin Wandád clothed himself, was Firásha; and the lion was Yazíd b. Marthad.
When the news of Firásha’s death reached the Caliph al-Mahdí, he sent to Ṭabaristán Rúḥ b. Ḥátim, a tyrant of evil life, concerning whose dismissal from office Abú Jaysh al-Hilálí said:
He was succeeded by Khálid b. Barmak, who maintained friendly relations with Wandád Hurmuzd, and allowed him to possess the highlands in peace. When he was dismissed and was leaving ´Amul, a tradesman who was standing near at hand said, “Praise be to God that we are delivered from thy tyranny.” This was reported to Khálid, who caused the tradesman to be brought before him, and reproached him and struck off his head. Thence he proceeded to Sárí, where the people came out to meet him with presents; and he abode there for a time, bestowing many gifts on the people.
He was succeeded by 'Amr b. 'Alá, who fought with Wandád Hurmuzd, took from him his highland domains (f. 92a), and pressed him so hard that he was unable to dwell any longer in the cultivated lands, but was driven into the forests. So his affairs continued to grow worse, until one day one of his followers was taken captive and brought before 'Amr b. 'Alá, who ordered him to be beheaded; but the man prayed for mercy, promising in return to bring the Amír the head of Wandád Hurmuzd. The Amír asked what surety he proposed to give for the due performance of his promise. “This blanket,” replied the man, “which I wear on my back.” The Amír laughed and said, “If he is faithful to his promise, it will be like the bow of Hájib b. Zurára at-Tamímí and Kisrá.” Concerning this story, which is well known and need not be repeated here, a poet says:
“And I,” added the Amír, “will deal with him as Kisrá dealt with Ḥájib b. Zurára.” So they kept him a prisoner as they advanced, until he said, “Do you remain here that I may go and get news and return.” So he went away, and Wandád Hurmuzd prepared an ambush for the Muslims and slew most of them. 'Amr b. 'Alá escaped with a few followers, and the Caliph al-Mahdí, angered at his defeat, sent Taym b. Sinán, who made peace with Wandád Hurmuzd.
Then the Caliph sent Yazíd b. Marthad, who fought against Wandád Hurmuzd, conquered him, slew many of his followers, and occupied the whole country; till finally, meeting him in single combat, he wounded him severely, and Wandád Hurmuzd, accompanied only by a few followers, became a fugitive in the forests.
After this the Caliph al-Mahdí sent his son Músá al-Hádí to Gurgán, and to him Wandád Hurmuzd surrendered on promise of pardon; whereupon Músá wrote to Yazíd b. Marthad bidding him give up the highlands to him. Thence, taking Wandád Hurmuzd with him, he marched back through 'Iráq to Baghdad. On the way thither he received news of the death of his father al-Mahdí; so he hastened on to Baghdad and was formally invested with the title of Caliph. Soon afterwards the younger brother of Wandád Hurmuzd (f. 92b) Wandásafán beheaded Bahrám b. Fírúz, who, at the Caliph’s persuasion, had embraced Islám. The Caliph thereupon summoned Wandád Hurmuzd before him and ordered him to be beheaded at once; but he craved mercy, declaring that his brother’s sole object in killing the Caliph’s servant was to rid himself of him, since he reckoned on the Caliph avenging himself on Wandád-Hurmuzd, and hoped thereby to inherit the highlands of Ṭabaristán. “Therefore,” he concluded, “if the Caliph desires that he should attain his object, let him kill me; but if not, let him send me to bring him or his head to the Caliph.” Both 'Isá b. Máhán and Murád b. Muslim were present, and both exclaimed: “Why should the Commander of the Faithful forbid this? This is the best plan.” So the Caliph despatched Wandád Hurmuzd with a robe of honour and the necessary equipment. On reaching Ṭabaristán, he prostrated himself on the earth in thankfulness, and sent a message to Wandásafán bidding him keep in hiding and avoid him at all hazards; and he continued to pretend to pursue him till, on one night, Músá al-Hádí died, Hárúnu`r-Rashíd became Caliph, and al-Ma`mún was born.
Harúnu`r-Rashíd was an obstinate, warlike, masterful and self-willed Caliph, and he despatched Sulaymán b. Músá to Ṭabaristán, where he was governor for eight months, when he was replaced by Hádí b. Hání, a mild and just governor, who maintained friendly relations with Wandád Hurmuzd, and kept the country tranquil and quiet. He was succeeded by 'Abdu`lláh b. Qaḥṭaba, and he in turn by 'Uthmán b. Nahík, who built the Great Mosque of ´Amul. Next came Sa'íd b. Salma b. Qutayba b. Muslim, who was replaced after six months by Ḥammál and 'Abdu`lláh, the sons of 'Abdu`l-'Azíz. Ten months later, in A. H. 179 (= A. D. 795—6) these were superseded by Muthanná b. al-Ḥajjáj (f. 93a), who remained one year, and repaired the walls of ´Amul and Sárí, which were afterwards destroyed by Mázyár. And after him came 'Abdu`lláh b. Ḥázim.
The deputy of this last governor, who was named Salám and nicknamed Siyáh Mard (“the Black Man”), was expelled from his province, and entered into a league with the Daylamites. There was at Kalár a very beautiful woman, whom they seized, in order to create trouble; but she cast herself into a stream and drowned herself. The deputy-governor of 'Abdu`lláh was at Kajú, and, on hearing of this, he at once hastened to Jálús, when there was a judge named Sudám who was accused of being the cause of the mischief, and who fled into hiding. The deputy-governor caused proclamation to be made throughout the country that whoever should find this judge and give him quarter would be no longer accounted a Muslim, but would be reckoned an outlaw. At length the judge was captured by the people and bound to a tree for three days and nights; and Salám ordered that all the people of that district should come in, so that he might fulfil their desires and grant their wishes. So they came in, hopeful and jubilant; but he shut them all up in houses, and set sentries over them. It was then the month of Ramaḍán, and in the evening, before he had performed the evening prayer, he mounted his horse, broke his fast in the saddle with some bread and a few bunches of grapes plucked from a neighbouring garden, and had his prisoners brought out one by one from their confinement and decapitated. This work of slaughter went on all night by candle-light, and when morning dawned not one of the prisoners was left alive. Then he said, “I am like this candle; as it burns itself to give light to you, so have I cast myself into torment to make the country safe for you.” Thence he went to Sa'íd-ábád, drove the people out of their fortifications by assault, slew then all, and destroyed the village, till at length Hárúnu`r-Rashíd dismissed him from his government, and appointed Muḥammad b. Yahyá b. Khálid al-Barmakí and his brother Músá to succeed him, while their brothers Faḍl b. Yahyá and Ja'far were the Caliph’s ministers at Baghdad (f. 93b). The two former ruled oppressively over Ṭabaristán, confiscating every estate and seizing every beautiful woman just as they pleased; and none dared make complaint against them to the Caliph for fear of the influence wielded by their brothers at the court. At length Hárún’s anger was aroused against Ja'far, and he ordered the family of the Barmecides to be destroyed. Concerning the cause of his anger, two separate traditions are recorded in history.
When Hárúnu`r-Rashíd, wishing to be able to enjoy the society of his sister 'Abbása and Ja'far the Barmecide at the same time, married them to one another on the condition that this marriage was to be a marriage in name only, 'Abbása was unable to control her love for Ja'far, and wrote to him:
So Ja'far, fearing to offend 'Abbása, gave her the love she sought, and the result of this union was a child whom they called Ḥaml '´A`isha. It is related on the authority of Nawfalí that in A. H. 180 (= A. H. 796—7) Hárúnu`r-Rashíd went on the pilgrimage, and received tidings of this event on the journey, but made no sign of pleasure or displeasure, until he returned and reached Buḥayra, where he embarked in a skiff with Ja'far to go fishing. On his return from this expedition he proceeded to Ambár, where he said to Ja'far, “Today I shall be with my ḥaram, and I give you permission to go to your family and amuse yourself as you will.” All day Hárún kept sending him presents, until, when the time of evening prayer was at hand, the blind minstrel Abú Rakáz sang these verses:
Ja'far said to Abú Rakáz, “What song is this to sing before men?” He replied, “O my master, however much I strive, I can think of no other verses.” While they were thus conversing, suddenly Masrúr the executioner entered without seeking permission, for the Caliph had sent him to cut off Ja'far’s head and bring it to him. When Ja'far saw him, he sprang to his feet and cried, “O Abú Háshim, I rejoice that thou art come to me, but am sorry that thou didst enter without seeking permission.” “I am come,” said Masrúr, “on a weighty errand: submit thyself to the command of the Prince of Believers.” Ja'far fell at his feet, saying, “Suffer me to go into the house and perform my ablutions.” “It is out of the question,” replied Masrúr, “that you should go to the house, but make such testamentary dispositions as you please.” So Ja'far set free his slaves and made his will and performed his ablutions; and then Masrúr mounted him on a horse and brought him to the prison. Ja'far then conjured him to go and tell the Caliph that he had brought him thither, that perhaps he might repent. To this Masrúr consented; but no sooner did Hárúnu`r-Rashíd hear his advancing footsteps than he called out to him, “Stop there! For if thou comest hither without the head of Ja'far, thine own head shall be forfeit!” So Masrúr turned back and cut off Ja'far’s head, and brought it on a shield to the Caliph, who at once ordered Yaḥyá b. Khálid and Faḍl to be cast into prison, and the body of Ja'far to be hanged on the bridge at Anbár. But afterwards Hárún was sorry for what he had done, and wandered through the palace reciting these verses:
The other account, given by al-Aṣma'í in his Kitábu `n-Nawádir,
on the authority of Abú 'Abdi`lláh (f. 94b) al-Ḥasan
b. 'Alí b. Hishám, is as follows. “When al-Ma`mún
succeeded to the Caliphate,” says the narrator, “I enquired
of Faḍl b. Rabi', who was Hárúnu`r-Rashíd’s chief chamberlain,
‘Was this matter of 'Abbása the only cause of the
slaughter of the Barmecides, or had they committed any
other fault?’ Faḍl b. Rabí' smiled and said:
Now according to this Faḍl, the cause of Hárún’s anger against the Barmecides was that he had entrusted to Ja'far a son of Yaḥyá b. Zayd to keep him in safe custody. One day while drinking wine he said to Ja'far, “Go, and bring the lad hither.” “Why dost thou want him at such a time?” enquired Ja'far. Then Hárún cried out at him in anger, and he arose and brought in the Sayyid. Hárún caused him to be seated, and then said to him, “O cousin, knowest thou wherefore I have sent for thee?” “The Prince of Believers knoweth best,” replied the other. “You pretend,” said Hárúnu`r-Rashíd, “that you are more worthy than we of this office, being more closely (f. 95a) and particularly related to the Prophet. Now you must have some proof for this pretention, and this you must make known to me.” “God forbid!” replied the son of Yaḥyá: “we have never said and will never say such a thing as this!” “Thou liest!” answered Hárún: “you have advanced such claims, and to-night you must needs substantiate them.” So the Sayyid continued to deny and the Caliph, with drunken insistence, to assert, until the latter had finally work himself up into a rage. Then Ja'far intervened and said to the son of Yaḥyá, “The Prince of Believers is holding a scientific discussion with you, and questions you with such courtesy and kindness; why then do you decline to discuss the matter, or to answer him?” “If I should answer,” replied the Sayyid, “who will guarantee my safety?” Then the Caliph wrote him an assurance of safety in his own hand, swearing that he would neither slay, not hang, not poison him; and placed this document in his hands. “Now,” said the Sayyid, “what dost thou ask of me?” “The proof,” said Hárúnu`r-Rashíd, “that you are worthier than we are.” “We are more worthy,” replied the Sayyid, “as being nearer of kin.” “Nay,” said the Caliph, “we are in this respect equal.” “Not so,” answered the Sayyid. “By what proof?” demanded the Caliph. “If Muḥammad the Apostle of God were alive,” said the Sayyid, “and should seek alliance with thee through a sister or a dáughter, would’st thou consent or not?” “Yes,” answered Hárún, “why should I not accept so worthy an alliance?” “I would not,” rejoined the Sayyid, “and it would be improper for me to do so.” Hárún was silent for a while, and then made a sign to Ja'far to remove the Sayyid, which he did. Some while afterwards the Caliph summoned Ja'far and said, “I am going to entrust you with a commission in which you must by no means fail me.” “It is for the Prince of Believers to command,” replied Ja'far. “Place thy hand on my head,” said the Caliph, “and swear to accomplish my behest.” When Ja'far had done this, Hárún said, “I gave the son of Yaḥyá an assurance of safety against steel and poison and strangling, but not against burial. You must therefore dig a deep pit, exceeding fifty yards in depth, and must cast him into that pit alive.” So Ja'far went, dismissed the guardians [of the Sayyid] and caused a deep pit to be dug (f. 95b), into which he cast not the Sayyid but a sheep. Then he explained to the Sayyid the state of the case, and bade him flee beyond the Caliph’s realms. So he fled in disguise to Khurásán, but was recognized in the market of Balkh by a certain officer of the postal service named al-Mas'údí, who performed the journey thence to Baghdad in thirty days, and informed the Caliph of what he had seen. So the Caliph wrote to 'Alí b. 'Isá, who was governor of Balkh, bidding him seek out the Sayyid, who, however, had meanwhile made his escape into Turkistán. Then the Caliph sent an ambassador to the Kháqán of Turkistán, bidding him surrender up the Sayyid. The Kháqán answered, “We know not this man: send some one who can recognize him, and we will hand him over to you.” So Hárún sent another messenger who knew the Sayyid, and all the Sayyids who were in that country were assembled in his presence; and when his eye lighted on the son of Yaḥyá, he said, “This is the man.” But when he brought him to the Kháqán, the latter bade the Sayyid sit down beside him, and said to the messenger, “I also was seeking for him, my object being to protect him from all the world. Arise, and depart in peace.” So the ambassador returned in despair, and told the Caliph what had passed. Then the Caliph determined to avenge himself on Ja'far. Now it was his custom to visit his sister 'Abbása every Tuesday, and on these occasions he would neither see anyone nor receive any letter or petition. “One Tuesday,” says the narrator, “when I was alone with him, he bade me be seated, and said, ‘I am going to tell you a secret which you must on no account divulge.’ On my promising secrecy, he continued, ‘I am going to destroy Ja'far.’ At this juncture Ja'far himself entered. I arose and went to meet him. The Caliph caused him to sit down beside him, till, when they had discussed various topics, he arose (f. 96a) and went to the house of 'Abbása, while I remained with Ja'far. ‘What were you and the Caliph talking about when I came in?’ said he. ‘He was instructing me,’ I replied, ‘how to deal with a certain rebel in Khurásán. ‘O Faḍl,’ he answered, “by God, thou liest; you were talking about me, and no good either, for when thine eyes fell on me the colour left thy face.’ ‘God forbid!’ said I, ‘how should the Caliph speak to me of thee, seeing the position that thou holdest before him?’ But Ja'far persisted in his surmise, and I was afraid lest the Caliph should think I had given him a hint of what had been confided to me. When he went to his house, I arose and went to the house of 'Abbása, where I demanded an audience. I was bidden to put in writing what I had to say, but, having declared that it could only be imparted by word of moath, was at length admitted and brought before the Caliph. I bowed my head to the ground and said, ‘O Prince of Believers, mercy, mercy! Thou hast cast me into destruction!’ ‘Why, what ails thee?’ he enquired; ‘tell me quickly.’ Then I told him what had passed, and he said, ‘Have no anxiety on this score, for I have long known Ja'far’s acumen and discernment. Yesterday I was with him in the garden, and there was no one with us; and I was looking at the roses, when I saw one which pleased me more than all the others. At once Ja'far stretched out his hand and gave it to me. Then he fell on his face before me, and when he raised his head from the ground I was smiling. “Wherefore,” he enquired, “does the Prince of Believers smile?” I answered, “At your being able to tell which rose out of all these pleased me most.” “By God,” he replied, “that was not the reason, for you have often before proved my discernment. It was rather because, when I prostrated myself before you, your glance fall on my neck.”’ ‘And by God,’ added the Caliph, he spoke truly; for, as I looked at his neck, I said to myself, “How shall I order it to be cut with the sword?” and as I thought thus, I smiled.’ Three days later the affair of the Barmecides was finished.”
After this Jahḍam b. Khabáb was sent (f. 96b) as governor to Ṭabaristán, and after him Khalífa b. Sa'd b. Hárún al-Jawharí, who, on reaching ´Amul, appointed as his deputy Mihrúya of Ray, who took up his abode at Gurgán.
the Ispahbad Sharwín Báwand
and Wandád Hurmuzd.
These were in alliance with one another, so that from Tammísha to Rúyán without their permission no one dared enter the highlands from the plains, and all the highlands were under their control. And when a Muslim died, they wold not suffer him to be buried in their country. So matters continued until Khalífa b. Sa'íd came to Sárí, and wished to make his cousin Náfi' his deputy; and the Ispahbad Sharwín’s men came down by night out of the hills and slew him. Khalífa remained at Sárí and wrote to Mihrúya at ´Amul bidding him be on his guard, as the people of Ṭabaristán were ripe for revolt. This letter Mihrúya read in public to the people, adding reproaches to the soldiers, who attacked his palace that night, slew him, cut off his head, and cast his mutilated corpse, with circumstances of atrocious dishonour, into the cross-roads of the market-place as a warning to all. So news was brought to the Caliph that the people of Ṭabaristán had revolted, but had not robbed the treasury; and he said, “It is not a revolt against us; this was an unjust governor, and it is quite right to suppress injustice.” Then he sent 'Abdu`lláh b. Sa'íd al-Jaríshí, and all the people went out to meet him, and brought him in with honour. He governed the country for four months, and succeeded in arresting four persons who were chiefly responsible for Mihrúya’s death and the disturbance which accompanied it, and sent them to the Caliph, who inflicted punishment upon them.
In A. H. 187 (= A. D. 803) Ja'far b. Hárún (f. 97a) was sent to reorganize the land-tax and to survey the country in the territory occupied by Wandásafán, who slew him with a blow from his mace while he was thus employed. Forty men who were with him fled to 'Abdu`lláh and informed him of what had happened, and he communicated the matter to the Caliph. Immediately after this it was rumoured that the Caliph had advanced into 'Iráq; and three days later 'Abdu`lláh went to Sárí, whence he proceeded to Ray, where the Caliph was. The Caliph thereupon despatched the Qáḍí Abu`l-Buḥturí, 'Abbás b. Zafr, Muḥammad b. al-Faḍl, and Ṣáliḥ b. Shaykh 'Umayra, with 300 horsemen and servants, to the Isfahbad Sharwín and Wandád Hurmuzd to ascertain whether or no their loyalty could be relied on. They received this embassy with every mark of respect and friendship, and the ambassadors on their returned reported that what Wandásafán had done, he had done entirely on his own responsibility, without their knowledge or approval; and that he was, in fact, the enemy and opponent of Wandád Hurmuzd. Thereupon the Caliph left Ray, and encamped one day’s march therefrom, at the village of Arbanú, whence he wrote to the Ispahbad Sharwín and Wandád Hurmuzd, bidding them come to him. They answered that they were his obedient and loyal vassals, but that before coming they must have hostages for his good faith. The Caliph was angered at this and said, “How shall I sent Muslim hostages to Gabrs?” So he sent the Qáḍí Abu`-l Buḥturí and Harthama b. A'yan and Abu`l-Waḍḍáḥ the post-master to them, bidding them either come before the Caliph or prepare for war. These advanced to Wíma, whence they sent messages to the Ispahbad Sharwín, who was at the Castle of Kúzá, and Wandád Hurmuzd, who was at Lafúr, bidding them come to them. Wandád Hurmuzd came, but the Ispahbad Sharwín sent excuses, saying that he was too ill to come. When the bearer of this message arrived, Wandád Hurmuzd said to the Caliph’s ambassadors, “Whatever order you may issue in respect to the Ispahbad Sharwín, I am ready to obey it (f. 97b). Harthama b. A'yan agreed with Na'ím b. Ḥázim that they should smite Wandád Hurmuzd unawares while they were marching together, and slay him, since the Caliph would certainly be pleased at his death. But Wandád Hurmuzd, seeing Na'ím edging towards him, divined his intention, reined in his horse, and said, “You must hold to your agreement.” His companions apologized, and made Na'ím swear that Wandád Hurmuzd should be conducted in safety before the Caliph. He remained with the Caliph for some time, till Hárúnu`r-Rashíd desired to buy some lands from him, which he refused to sell. They explained that his nobility of nature made him unwilling to sell lands which he might be willing to give as a present, so Hárún sent his little son al-Ma`mún to him; and when they had seated the child on his knee, Wandád Hurmuzd gave him all those lands which he had previously refused to sell; and Hárún presented him with a million dirhams, and a jewelled cup of priceless value, and a ring, with which last Wandád Hurmuzd was especially delighted. Then the Caliph bade him crave a boon, and he asked for the dismissal of 'Abdu`lláh b. Sa'íd; and Hárún dismissed him with a robe of honour, and sent Harthama with him to bring back his son Qárin and the Ispahbad Sharwín’s son Shahriyár as hostages. The former was entrusted to Harthama, but the Ispahbad Sharwín refused to give up his son Shahriyár, and sent another instead of him. But Harthama insisted that Shahriyár should be given up, and this decision was endorsed by the Caliph, so that the Ispahbad was compelled to surrender Shahriyár, whom Hárúnu`r-Rashíd took back with him to Baghdad.
Then the Caliph sent 'Abdu`lláh b. Málik as governor to Ṭabaristán, and ordered that all the country except the highlands should be taken from the control of the Ispahbad Sharwín (f. 98a) and Wandád Hurmuzd. A year later the Caliph again visited Ray on his way to Khurásán. There he fell sick, and sent Shahriyár and Qárin to their respective fathers, while he marched on to Ṭús, and there died and was buried.
On this war arose between Hárún’s two sons Muḥammad b. Zubayda, called al-Makhlú' (“the Deposed”) and 'Abdu`lláh al-Ma`mún; and Ṭáhir b. al-Ḥusayn, al-Ma`mún’s general, marched on Baghdad, took it, and slew the rival Caliph, and sent his head to his brother al-Ma`mún, who looked on it and said:
So 'Abdu`lláh al-Ma`mún became Caliph, and he was the
greatest and most illustrious of all the `Abbásid Caliphs, and
openly shewed his attachment to the Shí'ite cause. It is related
that Sindí b. Sháhak, whose tomb is at Sárí in the place now
called Bá Naṣrí Mashhad, and other Shí'ite leaders and
partisans of the Imám Riḍá reproached al-Ma`mún for his conduct
towards the Imám. Al-Ma`mún said, “I learned the Shí'ite
faith from my father Hárúnu`r Rashíd.” They replied, “He
used to kill the members of this house.” “Yes,” replied al-Ma`mún,
“he killed them for political reasons, ‘for the state
is a barren mother’” (
Of such as these God says: “Those who violate the Covenant of God after its confirmation, and sever what God hath commanded to be joined, and do evil in the earth: these are the losers.”
After having thus rid himself of the Imám 'Alí Riḍá, al-Ma`mún sent for his son, whom the Shí'ites call Muḥammad Taqí, and the Arabs Muḥammad al-Jawád, and gave him his daughter Ummu`l-Faḍl in marriage, and made such a marriage-feast as the world hath never seen, for there were displayed as his gift to the bridegroom 400 plates filled with balls of ambergris in each of which was a pearl. And he then sent Muḥammad Taqí and his bride to al-Madína. And in the reign of al-Ma`mún died both the Ispahbad Sharwín and Wandád Hurmuzd.
Hurmuzd, and the reigns of their sons
Shahriyár and Qárin.
Sharwín left two sons, of whom Shahriyár, the ancestor of the Báwand princes, succeeded him, while Wandád Hurmuzd was succeeded by his son Qárin. When news of this reached al-Ma`mún, he sent to them (f. 99a) an ambassador with robes of honour, and wrote to inform them that he contemplated a campaign against the Byzantines, and needed the help of them and their captains. On one pretext and another they detained the ambassador for many days, until the Caliph had started on his campaign, when they dismissed him with many presents, saying, “The Ispahbad Shahriyár can in no wise come, but Qárin will follow you immediately.” So Qárin made preparations for the expedition, aided therein by Shahriyár, and on reaching Byzantine territory pitched his camp beside that of the Caliph. It happened that on that very day there had been a battle, wherein the champions of either side had contended with one another on the field. Qárin at once caused his horse’s armour to be put on, armed himself wíth a Gílání shield inlaid with gold, and with his followers attacked the Byzantine army, and utterly routed them. Al-Ma`mún was watching them, and kept enquiring of those who stood round who these valiant warriors might be, and who was their leader with the golden shield. None could tell him, but they continued to send re-inforcements to their strange allies, until Qárin ordered a general attack on the centre of the Byzantine army, broke down their standard with his mace, and entirely routed the foe. Summoned before the Caliph, he advanced clad in his breastplate and quilted armour (qazz-ágand), alighted from his horse, and kissed the Caliph’s stirrup. Then the Caliph recognized him, and bestowed on him a horse, and praised him greatly, conferring on him robes of honour and other tokens of his esteem. He kept him for some while in his service, and repeatedly urged him to embrace Islám so that they might confer on him the title of Mawlá Amíri`l-Múminín (“Client of the Prince of Believers”) and make him governor of Ṭabaristán, but he refused, and was at length suffered to return to his country. But the Ispahbad Shahriyár was jealous of him and hated him, and, being the stronger, annexed many of his lands, to which acts of aggression he submitted. One night he dreamed that he made water on the summit of a lofty mountain, and from this water a fire came forth, and spread itself in every direction, and burned up the highlands, until it reached the plain, burning every tree on which it alighted. When he awoke, he summoned those skilled in the interpretation of dreams, and asked them its meaning. They answered, “From thy loins a son shall arise who will be king over both the mountains and the plains of Ṭabaristán, and who will be cruel and fierce and reckless.” This dream and its interpretation became known through Ṭabaristán, and that very year was born his son Mázyár, and when he reached maturity his father Qárin died.
Then the Ispahbad Shahriyár b. Sharwín coveted Mázyár’s territory, and seized every occasion to vex and harrass him, until at length a battle was fought between them, Mázyár was defeated, and Shahriyár annexed his territories. Mázyár sought refuge with Wandá-ummíd the son of Wandásafán, but Shahriyár demanded his surrender, and Wandá-ummíd, not daring to resist his command, put Mázyár in chains, and sent a message to Shahriyár, bidding him send his men to take him into custody, since he feared that his own people might set him free. Meanwhile Mázyár succeeded in ingratiating himself with the wives of his gaolers, and by their means obtained his freedom, and fled to the forests, where he lay in hiding until he was able to go to 'Iráq (f. 100a). There he fell in with 'Abdu`lláh b. Sa'íd al-Jurayshí, one of the Caliph’s Amírs, who received him with kindness, and brought him with him to Baghdad. Now al-Ma`mún had an astrologer named Bizíst the son of Fírúzán, whose name the Caliph had arabicized into Yaḥyá b. [Abí] Manṣúr, and who has been already mentioned in the Preface of this book. One day Mázyár, carrying the table of his nativity in his sleeve, came to this astrologer, who at first paid no heed to him, until he heard him addressed as Prince of Ṭabaristán, Mázyár son of Qárin son of Wandád-Hurmuzd. When the astrologer heard this, he arose and offered his apologies for his neglect, and took the table of his nativity from him, and kissed it, and then began to examine it attentively. Then he turned all save Mázyár out of the room and said to Mázyár, “If I instruct thee, wilt thou shew thy gratitude for my help?” So Mázyár promised, confirming his promise with oaths. After some time the astrologer made known what he had discovered from the horoscope to al-Ma`mún, who summoned him into his presence and said: “The signal services rendered to me in the war with the Byzantines by thy father Qárin impel me to befriend thee, but this must depend on thine acceptance of Islám and utterance of the Muḥammadan profession of faith.” So Mázyár accepted Islám, and al-Ma`mún gave him the title of Mawlá Amíri`l-Múminín and the kunya of Abu`l-Ḥasan.
Some months after this the Ispahbad Shahriyár died in Ṭabaristán, leaving many sons, amongst whom were Qárin b. Shahriyár b. Sharwín, called Abu`l-Mulúk (“the Father of kings”), and his elder brother Shápúr, who succeeded to the throne. But his vehemence and tyranny (f. 100b) disgusted his subjects, so that they deserted him, and complained of him to al-Ma`mún, who ordered Muḥammad b. Khálid to deprive him of his highland possessions. But this Muḥammad b. Khálid was not strong enough to do, and al-Ma`mún sought for some one else who would be able to crush Shápúr. The astrologer Bizíst happened to be present, and suggested Mázyár, remarking that his horoscope indicated him as likely to be successful in this enterprise. So al-Ma`mún sent him to subdue the highlands, and Músá b. Ḥafṣ to over-run the plains. The latter had been disgraced and dismissed by al-Ma`mún, but, by promising his support and co-operation to Mázyár, he induced him to ask the Caliph to make this appointment.
As soon as Mázyár reached Ṭabaristán, many of the people rallied to his standard, so that he soon found himself at the head of a large army, and marched on Farím to seek out Shápúr, whom he utterly routed, took captive, and put in chains, and then sent word to Músá announcing his victory. Now Shápúr, knowing that Mázyar intended to kill him, sent a secret message to Músá, offering him 100,000 dirhams if he would claim him as his own captive. Músá replied that he could best save himself by declaring himself a Muslim, and the client of the Caliph. But, being afraid lest Mázyár should discover his relations with Shápúr, he asked him what he would do if Shápúr should embrace Islám and offer for the Caliph’s acceptance a sum of 100,000 dirhams. To this question Mázyár vouchsafed no answer, but that night he caused Shápúr to be beheaded, and next morning sent his head to Músá, who (f. 101a) was greatly enraged against him. So Mázyár, fearing lest the Caliph might send someone else instead of Músá to fight against him and subdue him, apologized for his conduct; and matters continued as they were in Ṭabaristán, until, at the end of four years, Músá died, and was succeeded by his son Muḥammad, to whom Mázyár paid no heed whatever, ruling undisturbed over highlands and plains alike. Shápúr’s brother Qárin the son of Shahriyár, with all the House of Báwand and the Marzubáns and Farshwád the Marzubán of Tammísha, were filled with anger against him and complained of him to al-Ma`mún, who sent a summons to Mázyár to appear before him. He replied that he was engaged in a religious war against the Daylamites, and thereupon marched at the head of his army to Jálús and took hostages from the nobles of that country, so that they were compelled to submit to him. Al-Ma`mún then endeavoured to persuade him to come to Baghdad, and sent the astrologer Bizíst to him to bring him thither. Mázyár, being informed of this, collected all the armed men he could find round him, and sent Yaḥyá b. Rúzbihán and Ibráhím b. Abla to Ray to meet him, bidding them bring him before him by way of Sawát-kúh, Kálbadraja and Kandí-áb, along roads so bad that it was impossible to ride. So when at length, after several days’ hard travelling over the worst of roads, they came to where Mázyár was awaiting them at Hurmuzd-ábád, and saw him surrounded by a host of armed men of all conditions, they were filled with astonishment at his power and at the inaccessible character of his kingdom. So he entertained them royally for some time, but persisted in his refusal to accompany them to Baghdad, alleging that he was busy in fighting the Daylamites, but would follow them presently before the Caliph. So he sent then back, accompanied by the Qáḍís of ´Amul and Rúyán, and when they reached Baghdad, and were questioned by the Caliph concerning the loyalty (f. 101b) and intentions of Mázyár, they answered contrary to the truth. But when they came out from the audience, and the Qáḍí of Ruyán had gone to his lodging, the Qáḍí of ´Amul lingered outside the audience-hall till he could get speech with Yaḥyá b. Aktham, to whom he said, “The Prince of Believers enquired concerning Mázyár publicly, and inasmuch as most of his courtiers and attendants are friends of Mázyár, and are in communication with him, we were unable to declare the truth. Yet did I not deem it right to depart from the court without making known to the Caliph the true state of the case, which is that Mázyár has cast off his allegiance, put on once more the Zoroastrian girdle, treats the Muslims with cruelty and contempt, and will never again of his own free will come to Baghdad.” Yaḥyá b. Aktham replied, “How long wilt thou, who art the administrator of the Holy Law and the Judge of a province, tell lies to the Prince of Believers? When he knows that thou hast lied to him, will he not needs dismiss thee from thy post?” Then he turned back and told the whole matter to al-Ma`mún, and came out again, and brought the Qáḍí of ´Amul secretly before the Caliph that he might tell his story. Al-Ma`mún was just preparing to start on a journey, and he said to the Qáḍí of ´Amul, “You must put up with it till I return, for this matter is the more urgent.” “If we can thwart him,” replied the Judge, “have we permission to do so?” “You may do so,” answered the Caliph.
So the Qáḍí returned to ´Amul, and Mázyár, hearing that the Caliph had marched against the Byzantines, began to devour ´Amul and Sárí like a ravenous wolf, and to drive the people of Rúyán to desperation, so that they conspired together to kill all his representatives. At Safúḥ near ´Amul they persuaded one Khalíl b. Wandásafán to help them. This news (f. 102a) was brought to Mázyár at Sárí, and he at once collected his troops and laid siege to ´Amul, the inhabitants of which closed the gates, gathered in the country-folk from the surrounding district, and went before Muḥammad b. Músá and informed him that the Qáḍí of ´Amul had returned from Baghdad asserting that Mázyár had cast off his allegiance to the Caliph, and that he had received permission to kill him. Then Muḥammad b. Músá summoned the Qáḍí, and, learning that the statement made to him by the people was true, joined himself to them.
Meanwhile Mázyár sent off a courier to the Caliph, announcing that the people of Rúyán and the passes of Jálús had cast of their allegiance to him and had won over Muḥammad b. Músá to their side, and set up an 'Alid claimant as anti-caliph, adopting white garments as their distinctive mark. “But I,” concluded Mázyár, “have sent an army to subdue them, and, please God, the news of my victory will shortly follow this.” At this time the city of ´Amul was guarded by a double moat and double fortifications, and it held out for eight months against Mázyár, though all the surrounding country was laid waste, and devastated by slaughter and pillage, by Mázyár’s brother Qúhyár the son of Qárin; while Mázyár sent constant despatches to the Caliph concerning the progress of the war, till at length the Caliph began to think that Mázyár was after all loyal and true. For Muḥammed b. Músá used to send all his despatches to an old servant of his father’s who lived at Ray, and who was supposed to forward them; but he had been tampered with by one of Mázyár’s acute agents, to whom he gave them instead, so that they never reached their destination, but were all read by Mázyár.
After an eight month’s siege, ´Amul capitulated, and Khalíl b. Wandásafán and Abú Aḥmad the Qáḍí were put to death by Mázyár, who wrote a despatch announcing his victory to the Caliph. Al-Ma`mún thereupon despatched Muḥammad b. Sa'íd (f. 102b) to Ṭabaristán to investigate the true state of the case, and to find out who this 'Alid claimant might be. This man reported that there was no 'Alid claimant, and that the whole story was a lie invented by Mázyár. The Caliph, however, when he had read this report, was filled with anger against Muḥammad b. Músá, and handed over both the highlands and plains of Ṭabaristán to Mázyár. When Mázyár was informed of this, he made a proclamation in ´Amul, collected all the chiefs, nobles and men of mark, including Muḥammad b. Músá, drove them before him to Rúd-bast, and placed each in his own house under the custody of guards.
In this same year tidings came to Ṭabaristán that al-Ma`mún had died on his campaign against the Byzantines at Qaydúm1. Thereupon Mázyár sent his Magian followers to bring the prisoners from Rúd-bast to Hurmuzd-ábád, where he put them into fetters and reduced their allowance of food, depriving them altogether of salt, and not permitting them to go to the bath. Most of them died of privation, and Muḥammad b. Músá and his brother had nothing in their cells but a piece of matting each, and bricks for their pillows. Then Mázyár repaired the fortifications of ´Amul and Sárí, constructed castles in the mountains, and compelled all the peasantry to work for him (f. 103a) in constructing fortresses and digging moats. He also established barriers and guard-houses on all the roads to prevent anyone bearing tidings of his doings to the outside world, and he hanged all who attempted to pass out of the country without his permission. In short his tyranny reached a pitch never equalled before or since his time.
Al-Ma`mún was succeeded by his brother Ibráhím al-Mu'taṣim, to whom '´Abdu`lláh b. Ṭáhir, governor of Khurásán, communicated something of Mázyár’s misdeeds, tyranny, and apostacy. The new Caliph sent an ambassador to Mázyár to intercede for Muḥammad b. Músá and his brother; but Mázyár would not listen to the representation of this ambassador, Muḥammad b. 'Abdu`lláh, but answered him harshly that he would exact from them two years’ revenues before he let them go. So Muḥammad b. 'Abdu`lláh the ambassador returned in despair, and wrote an account of his mission to Yaḥyá b. Ibráhím b. Muṣ'ab, who was at the Court of the Caliph, and who submitted it to al-Mu'taṣim. Mázyár meanwhile conferred various offices and distinctions on Bábak, Mazdak and other Magians, who ordered the Muḥammadan mosques to be destroyed and all traces of Islám to be removed. The people of ´Amul persuaded Abu`l-Qásim Hárún b. Muḥammad to write a statement of their grievances to al-Mu'taṣim, and hence this qaṣída was composed:
In reply to this poem, an answer, also in verse, was sent from Baghdad, from which the following verses are taken:
When al-Mu'taṣim was informed of Mázyár’s doings, he ordered 'Abdu`lláh [b. Ṭáhir] to proceed to Ṭabaristán and take him captive. 'Abdu`lláh b. Ṭáhir sent his paternal uncle Ḥasan b. Ḥusayn to the Caliph begging him to send Muḥammad b. Ibráhím with an army from 'Iráq to help him. When the army of Khurásán reached Tammísha (f. 104a), the army of 'Iráq had already occupied all the highlands, and the people of Ṭabaristán left Mázyár and joined 'Abdu`lláh b. Ṭáhir and his uncle. These pursued Mázyár without rest or pause, till at length he was taken captive. 'Abdu`lláh b. Ṭáhir confined him in a box entirely closed save for two eye-holes through which he could look upon the outer world, and carried him thus confined on a mule to 'Iráq.
One day on the journey Mázyár said to the muleteer,
“My heart craves for a melon. Can you get me one?” His
guards reported this request to 'Abdu`lláh, who took pity
upon him and said, “He is a king and a king’s son.” Then
he ordered him to be released from the chest and brought
before him, and placed loads of melons before him, and cut
them up and gave them to him with his own hands, saying,
“Grieve not, for the Commander of the Faithful is a merciful
prince, and I wil intercede for thee, that he may overlook
thy fault, and restore thee to thy country.” Mázyár
replied, “Please God, thy excuses will be accepted.” 'Abdu`lláh
was astonished, saying to himself, “The Caliph will
not be content with anything short of his death: how then
can he ask for my intercession?” Then 'Abdu`lláh ordered
a table to be spread, and gave him bread and wine, and
caused the minstrels to make melody, and entertained him
sumptuously, and greatly encouraged him to hope, plying
him with strong wines until he was overcome with drink,
but himself passing the wine-cup. Then, when Mázyár was
overcome with wine, 'Abdu`llah asked him the meaning of
what he had said. Mázyár replied, “In a few more days
you will know.” 'Abdu`lláh pressed him, with threats and
promises, to speak, and at length Mázyár agreed to do so
if he would bind himself by an oath [not to betray him].
On receiving this pledge, Mázyár said (f. 104b), “Know
that I, and Afshín, and Ḥaydar b. Ká`ús and Bábak, all
four of us, have for a long while covenanted and agreed to
take the empire from the Arabs and restore it to the Kisrás
of Persia. Yesterday, at such-and-such a place, Afshín’s
messenger came to me and whispered something in my ear
which filled me with joy.” “What was that?” enquired
'Abdu`lláh. Mázyár at first refused to speak, but finally,
induced by promises and flattery, he continued: “He brought
me a message from Afshín to the effect that on a certain
day, at a certain hour, he would destroy al-Mu'taṣim, and
his sons Hárún al-Wáthiq and Ja'far al-Mutawakkil.” Then
'Abdu`lláh gave him more wine, till he was entirely overcome
with it, and then caused him to be taken back to
his place of confinement; and at once wrote to the Caliph
what he had heard, and despatched the letter by carrier-pigeon.
When the Caliph received the letter it was the
very day on which Afshín had invited him and his sons
Hárún and Ja'far to a great entertainment. So al-Mu'taṣim
sent word saying, “They are ill, but I will come,” and
forthwith proceeded thither with fifty horsemen. Afshín had
decked his house with bejewelled brocades, and had drawn
up a hundred negroes, who, when the Caliph had sat down,
were to rush upon him from all sides and slay him with
their swords. When al-Mu'taṣim reached the entrance, Afshín
said, “Enter, o my lord!” but he paused and said,
“Where are so-and-so and so-and-so?” Then he called his
trusty retainers and bade them enter, while he stood outside.
Then one of the Indians sneezed, and the Caliph
rushed in, seized Afshín by the beard, and cried, “Plunder,
plunder!” (
After Mázyár’s death, Ḥasan b. Ḥusayn, the paternal uncle of 'Abdu`lláh b. Ṭáhir, was made governor of Ṭabarístán, and ruled it well and justly for three years, four months and ten days, and entrusted to Muḥammad b. Ibráhim the task of discovering Mázyár’s treasures. In Dhu`l-Ḥijja, A. H. 228 (= September, A. D. 843) Ḥasan b. Ḥusayn died, and was succeeded by Ṭáhir b. 'Abdu`llah b. Ṭáhir, who governed the country for one year and three months, until news came from Khurásán of the death of his father 'Abdu`lláh there, whereupon he went to Khurásán, leaving his brother Muḥammad b. 'Abdu`lláh to govern Ṭabaristán, which he did for seven years, assisted by 'Attáb b. Warqá ash-Shaybání. In Ṣafár, A. H. 237 (= August, A.D. 851) Muḥammad b. 'Abdu`lláh went to Baghdad, and Sulaymán b. 'Abdu`lláh became governor of Ṭabaristán. He governed with wisdom and discretion for three years, but in A. H. 240 (= A. D. 854—5) he made a secretary from Merv named Manṣúr b. Yaḥyá his minister, and this man introduced evil innovations and practised extortions, till he was dismissed by Ṭáhir b. 'Abdu`lláh, and Muḥammad b. Músá b. 'Abdu`r-Raḥmán (f. 105b) was made wazír in his place.
In the year A. H. 240 (A. D. 854—5) the Caliph al-Mu'taṣim sent one of his nobles to the Ispahbad Qárin the son of Shahriyár, king of the mountains, to bid him break his Magian girdle and embrace Islám, which he did, and thereupon received a robe of honour from the Caliph. At this time Muḥammad b. 'Isa was governing Ṭabaristán, as deputy for the Ṭáhirids, and his government was just and mild. Then Sulaymán b. 'Abdu`lláh was sent to replace him, and he nominated first Quraysh and then Asad b. Jandán as his deputies, and later Muḥammad b. Aws, who united Rúyán and Jálús, placing his son Aḥmad in the latter place, as governor over it and Kalár; but his tyranny and harshness were such that all who were able sold or abandoned their houses and migrated elsewhere. And every year the taxes were levied three times; once for Muḥammad b. Aws, once for his son, and once for a Magian who acted as their agent.
in Ṭabaristán.
The Caliphate had now passed to Ja'far al-Mutawakkil, the son of al-Mu'taṣim, whose minister, 'Abdu`lláh b. Yaḥyá b. Kháqán, was a fanatical Sunní (Náṣibí), who was continually inciting him to kill the descendants of the Prophet, and even prevailed upon him to destroy the tombs of the Martyrs of Kerbelá, dam up the water, grow crops on the site of their graves, and set Jewish watchmen and keepers there to arrest and slay any Muslim who visited these holy places. Thus in the time of ad-Dá'í Muḥammad [b.] Zayd the tombs of 'Alí and his son al-Ḥusayn and other descendants of Abú Ṭálib were in ruins. But in the Caliphate of al-Muntaṣir (A. H. 247—8: A. D. 861—2) Muḥammad b. Zayd made himself ruler of Ṭabaristán, and thereupon began to preach the Shí'ite doctrine, and to inculcate the deepest veneration for the House of 'Alí, and to repair (f. 106a) their shrines, and to build fresh ones wheré he supposed their graves to be. In all this he was aided by 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla Fanákhusraw b. Ruknu`d-Dawla Ḥasan [b.] Buwayh, who surrounded these holy places with houses and bázárs, and instituted the observances of Muḥarram and the Yawmu`l-Ghadír and other Shí'ite practices, and was himself buried when he died at Mashhad 'Alí.
It is related that when al-Mutawakkil was made Caliph, he had the same love of hunting down and slaying the descendants of 'Alí as an eager sportsman has for the chase. The Imám 'Alí b. Muḥammad al-Hádí al- 'Askarí, who was recognized by the Shí'ites as their pontiff, was his contemporary. One day the Caliph summoned this Imám before him, caused him to be seated, and then, turning to 'Alí b. Muḥammad an-Nadím, enquired, “Who is the greatest poet of our day?” “Abú 'Ubáda al-Buḥturí,” replied the courtier, “And after him?” asked the Caliph:
For this reason amongst others al-Mutawakkil slew 'Alí b. Muḥammad al-Hádí, and occupied himself day and night with drinking, debauchery and all sorts of folly and madness.
Al-Aṣma'í relates in his Kitábu`n-Nawádir, on the authority of Aḥmad b. Ṣáliḥ ad-Dimashqí, on the authority of Yúsuf b. 'Abdu`lláh, that al-Buḥturí said: “I had composed for al-Mutawakkil the well-known qaṣída beginning:
and I remained for a long while at the Court waiting for an opportunity to present it (because he cared but little for poets, and would not give them audience) but could find none. One day I was sitting in an ante-chamber when Baḥrir, one of the Caliph’s servants, came out, took me by the hand, and led me from ante-chamber to apartment and from apartment to ante-chamber till I reckoned that I had passed through three hundred apartments (f. 106b). At length he brought me to a room where I saw al-Mutawakkil sitting on a golden throne, round which stools were set in order of their rank for his courtiers and attendants, who were clad in black. As soon as al-Mutawakkil’s eyes fell on me, he cried to me, ‘Recite, O Buḥturí, recite!’ Though I had not yet saluted him, I said to myself, ‘Though it is a breach of etiquette, yet it is best for me to obey his commands;’ so I gathered up my skirts and began:
At once one of the courtiers sprang to his feet, looked at me, and said:
I was dumb with astonishment, saying to myself, ‘It is a year since I composed this poem, and I have shewn it to no one: how could this wretched fellow spoil it thus by his extemporization?’ Then I reflected that it must be an accidental coincidence, and continued, fixing my eyes on the Caliph:
Instantly that same man rose up again, turned towards me, and said:
Thereat al-Mutawakkil was seized with such violent laughter that he fell back and his crown rolled from his head; and he gave the courtier who had parodied my verses ten thousand dirhams, while me they drove out with cuffs and blows. When I reached the ante-chamber, he passed me, with a servant carrying the money. I enquired of Baḥrír who he was. He replied, “Abu`l-'Anbas aḍ-Ḍamírí, who, had you composed two thousand verses, would have produced a parody of each.’”
In short, during al-Mutawakkil’s reign the Sayyids of the House of 'Alí were in hiding in ruins and solitudes, till at length he died, dividing his realms between his three sons, of whom al-Muntaṣir, who became Caliph, was the eldest. He was opposed by the other 'Abbásids, and the Turkish guard, getting the upper hand, plundered the treasures of Sámarra, and besieged Baghdad, enraged at the support given by its inhabitants to al-Musta'ín. Matters being in this confusion, Yaḥyá b. 'Umar b. al-Ḥusayn b. 'Alí b. al-Ḥusayn b. (f. 107a) 'Alí b. Abí Ṭálib rebelled at Kúfa. He was a brave, accomplished and ascetic man. The people of Kúfa, supposing him to be actuated by need of money, offered to pay him a substantial sum if he would be quiet, but he swore that he would never have revolted had not his zeal been stirred by seeing God’s religion contemned and the ordinances of the Law contravened and neglected.
Muḥammad b. 'Abdu`lláh [b.] Ṭáhir sent one of his officers named Ḥasan b. Isma'íl with another named Turkí-takín to suppress this rising, and they captured the Sayyid, and cut off his head, which was sent to Muḥammad b. 'Abdu`lláh [b.] Ṭáhir. The people of Baghdad came to offer their congratulations, and amongst them the old Sayyid Abú Háshim Dá`úd b. al-Qásim al-Ja'farí, who said, “O Amír, I am come to congratulate thee on an event for which condolence would have been offered to the Apostle of God had he still been alive!”
Such of the Sayyids as escaped from this battle fled to the highlands of 'Iráq and Farshwádgar and there concealed themselves till such time as the people of Wárfú and Latrá were driven to desperation by the tyranny and barbarity of Muḥammad b. Aws. These, constantly seeing the learnng, piety, and ascetic life of the fugitive Sayyids who had taken refuge amongst them, were strongly impressed in their favour, and said, “It is they who possess the characteristics of true religion.” So they gathered deputations from the surrounding villages and went to the Sayyid Muḥammad b. Ibráhím b. 'Alí b. 'Abdu`r-Raḥmán b. al-Qásim b. al-Ḥasan b. Zayd b. al-Ḥasan b. 'Alí b. Abi Ṭálib, who was in Rúyán, and begged him to receive their oaths of allegiance, so that perhaps, by his blessing, God might free them from the tyranny under which they groaned. He replied, “I am not worthy to take up arms, but I have a brother-in-law, who is married to my sister, who is brave and competent, being skilled in war and tried in battle (f. 107b). If you will carry a letter from me to him at Ray, he will accept your offer and accomplish your desire.” So the chief man of the deputations, 'Abdu`lláh b. Wandá-ummíd, at once despatched a courier with the letter.
the first was Ḥasan b. Zayd.
When this courier reached Ray he saw Ḥasan b. Zayd and Isma'íl called Jálibu`l-Ḥijára (“the Stone-dragger”) whose genealogy has been already mentioned in the preface, and communicated to them the letters of the notables of Ṭabaristán, urging them to revolt. To these he replied, and dismissed the messenger with a robe of honour. When he reached Rúyán, the news became known, and was communicated to 'Alí b. Aws. He at once wrote to 'Abdu`lláh b. Sa'íd and Muḥammad b. 'Abdu`l-Karím bidding them come to him to investigate the matter. The former was afraid, left his house, and retired to the village of Ashtád. At this juncture the courier arrived with the letter of Ḥasan b. Zayd al-'Alawí, announcing that he had alighted at the village of Sa'íd-ábád, where he was expecting 'Abdu`lláh b. Sa'íd and his confederates to take the oath of allegiance. 'Abdu`lláh thereupon went to [Muḥammad b.] 'Abdu`l-Karím with all the chief men of Kalár on Tuesday, Ramaḍán 25, A. H. 250 (= November 1, A. D. 864), and they swore allegiance, undertaking to observe the ordinances of God’s scripture, and the practice of His Apostle, and to do good and forbid evil. And they wrote letters to the people of Jálús and. Nírús, and sent missionaries to them, and remained that night with 'Abdu`lláh b. Sa'íd, and proceeded next day to Gúrishbard, where people joined them from all sides. News of this came to 'Alí b. Aws, who did not rest until he had communicated with Muḥammad b. Aws. And the Sayyids of that district, with Muḥammad b. Ibráhím b. 'Alí b. 'Abdu`r-Raḥmán, went out to meet Ḥasan b. Zayd, who reached Kajúr on Thursday, Ramaḍán 27 (A. H. 250 = November 3, A. D. 864), and performed the service of the festival which marks the conclusion of Ramaḍán, and preached a most eloquent sermon. Then he sent Muḥammad b. 'Abbás (f. 108a) and 'Alí b. Naṣr and 'Aqíl b. Mabrúr to Ḥusayn b. Muḥammad al-Ḥanafí, who was then at Jálús, to invite him to ally himself with them; and then they proceeded to the Great Mosque and received the oaths of allegiance of all the people of that district, save the few dependants of Muḥammad b. Aws, who fled without horses or arms, some to Ja'far b. Shahriyár b. Qárin and some to others.
Ḥasan b. Zayd next marched from Kajúr to Nátil, and received the allegiance of its inhabitants, and thence he passed on to Pá-yi-Dasht. At the head of his vanguard were Muḥammad al-'Alawí and Muḥammad b. Rustam b. Wandá-ummíd of Kalár, whom they called Khiyán; while the vanguard of the army of Muḥammad b. Aws was Muḥammad b. Ikhshíd, his sipahsálár. The two armies met at Pá-yi-Dasht, and Muḥammad al-'Alawí at once attacked the enemy, put them to rout, and took captive Muḥammad b. Ikhshíd, whom he sent to Ḥasan b. Zayd. He then pushed forward with all speed to Balíkání near ´Amul, whither Sulaymán b. 'Abd`ulláh b. Ṭáhir had sent an army, which they defeated, taking captive Ḥasan b. Ḥusayn.
Muḥammad b. Ḥamza was ordered to proceed in person to Daylamán and seek for reinforcements. The Daylamites responded to the appeal, and Ummídwár the son of Lashkar-sitán, Wíhán the son of Sahl, Fálízbán, and Faḍl-i-Rafíqí came with six hundred men to Pá-yi-Dasht to reinforce Ḥasan b. Zayd, who on the same day received letters from the nobles and Ispahbads of Ṭabaristán promising him their support, and urging him to continue the Ẉar. Amongst these were Pádhúsbán the son of Kurdzád, the Ispahbad of Lafúr, the Maṣ-mughán, son of Wandá-ummíd, Wíjan the son of Rustam, Khurshíd the son of Gushnasf the son of Nidrand, and Khiyán, the son of Rustam. Encouraged by these letters and promises, Ḥasan b. Zayd formed a body-guard of 20 horsemen and 200 footmen under the command of his kinsmen the Sayyids Muḥammad b. Ḥamza and Ḥusayn b. Aḥmad (f. 108b). When Muḥammad b. Aws heard this, he set his army in battle array and ordered Ibráhím b. Khalíl to attack them; they, however, not only repelled the attack, but pursued their assailants, routed Muḥammad b. Aws, and captured much of his baggage and many of his horses.
On Monday, Shawwal 23 (A. H. 250 = November 29, A. D.
864) Ḥasan b. Zayd reached ´Amul, and slew a number of
his opponents, including Daylamí the son of Farrukhán,
Muqátil the Daylamite (
The Mas-mughán, son of Wanda-ummíd, had already conceived a hatred for Muḥammad b. Aws because of his tyranny towards the people, and when he saw how the affairs of Ḥasan b. Zayd prospered, he came forth from the forests where he was hiding to Mámṭír, where, on Thursday, Shawwál 26 (A. H. 250 = December 2, A. D. 864) he called upon the people to swear allegiance to Ḥasan b. Zayd, which they all did eagerly. Then he wrote tidings of what he had done to Ḥasan b. Zayd, who gave him in perpetuity the rule over Zarmíkhwást, and ordered him to go to Sárí and wait there till he should join him. He did so (f. 109a), and encamped by the village of Pútam at Nawrúzábád, while Ḥasan b. Zayd’s emissaries went forth as far as Damáwand, Fírúz-kúh and the confines of Ray, and all the people of Ṭabaristán accepted the authority of Ḥasan b. Zayd. On Friday, Dhu`l-Qa'da 14, (A. H. 250 = December 19, A. D. 864) he reached Tarícha with all his army, whence he proceeded to Jamanú.
Shahriyár with Ḥasan b. Zayd.
At this juncture the Ispahbad Qárin wrote to Ḥasan b. Zayd professing the utmost devotion to him, and promising to send him help. His real object, however, was to weaken Sulaymán al-'Alawí, drive him from the country, and seize both highlands and plains for himself. When Ḥasan b. Zayd received this letter, he summoned the Daylamites and shewed them the letter, and they wrote to the Ispahbad saying, “If thou speakest truly, join thyself to us.” The Ispahbad replied, “It is better that you should join me.” Then Ḥasan b. Zayd began to suspect his motives, and Sulaymán b. 'Abdu`lláh sent his general Asad [b.] Jandán with an army from Sárí to a place called Dúdán on the road to Tarjí. Ḥasan b. Zayd sought counsel from his companions. An old man named Shahriyár the son of Andiyán, one of the chief counsellors of Sharwín, said to Ḥasan b. Zayd, “It is best that you should make it known that you intend to march against Asad, but during the night you should turn aside and go by way of Zarmíkhwást to Nawrúz-ábád, and thence to Sárí, where you will attack Sulaymán, and crush him, after which you will easily defeat Asad and his army. But if you act otherwise, and defeat Asad first, he will escape to Sulaymán, and your affairs will be rendered difficult; and moreover God only knows what the result of your encounter with Asad may be. Besides this, Sulaymán, who is now at Sárí, probably feels quite secure and is taking no precautions, since he will feel sure that you will first encounter his general Asad” (f. 109b).
Ḥasan b. Zayd determined to act on this advice, and to
attack Sulaymán first; and Asad received tidings that Ḥasan
b. Zayd had fled by night, whereupon he despatched a
courier to Sulaymán to inform him that the 'Alawí had
fled. But as the latter was sitting rejoicing over this message,
he suddenly heard the cries of “Alláhu akbar!” and
saw around him the white standards of the 'Alawís, and
heard the shouts of their Daylamite allies. Thereupon he
fled bare-foot to Asad, while the Sayyid’s troops slew all
whom they could overtake of their foes. When Sulaymán
reached Asad, he was already engaged with the Sayyid’s
troops, and the latter, like lions eager for their meal, pursued
them, and slew amongst others Ḥusayn b. 'Alí of Sarakhs,
'Alí b. al-Ḥarb, Isḥaq b. Shaykhí, 'Ali al-Maghribí,
Ibn Tha'laba of Syria, and Naṣr b. Wabra of Syria. Then
they looted Sulaymán’s palace, sent the spoils to the village
of Mihrawán, and then burned the palace to the ground.
Ḥasan b. Zayd reached Sárí on the first day of the five
Persian gátás (
After a forty days’ halt at Sárí, Ḥasan b. Zayd turned back to go to ´Amul. The Daylamites, being laden with booty, dispersed, and went back to their homes. The Ispahbad Pádhúsbán advised Ḥasan b. Zayd not to go beyond Jamanú till it was known what course Sulaymán would adopt. Soon afterwards Sulaymán himself arrived with a fresh army at Sárí and Ḥasan b. Zayd sent to Muḥammad b. Ibráhím (f. 110a) and Muḥammad [b.] Ḥamza bidding them join him with their forces from ´Amul and Mámṭír. Sulaymán had pitched his camp at Lícham, and a battle took place between the two forces at Tamashkí Dasht, in which Ḥasan b. Zayd was routed, and his men were dispersed to the forests. Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. Aws pursued them into the forests, but they caught him unawares, and slew him with a blow from a mace. On that day Ḥasan b. Zayd shewed the greatest valour, and held the end of a bridge against the foe until he had seen his fugitive army cross in safety. Thence he marched to Úfar, while Sulaymán went to Tálániyán, and Muḥammad b. Aws pursued the men of Kalár, of whom he slew many in an ambush which he had prepared on the road to Úfar. But the Ispahbad Pádhúsbán and the Mas-mughán had prepared another ambush for him, into which he fell with his soldiers, of whom they slew many, while he himself was struck on the head with a stone. When Ḥasan b. Zayd perceived that he could not withstand them, he retreated by way of Bálá`ín with Fana the son of Wandá-ummíd and Khurshíd the son of Gushnasf, and came that night to ´Amul, whence next morning he came to Jálús, having lost many of his men, while those who remained with him were despoiled of almost all their garments and weapons, so that Já`í the son of Lashkar-sitán, one of his best-known lieutenants, had no clothes on his body. However some 10,000 dirhams were collected and spent on obtaining fresh clothes.
Sulaymán b. 'Abdu`lláh and the nobles of Khurásán, accompanied
by the infantry of the king of the mountains,
the Ispahbad Qárin the son of Shahriyár, came to ´Amul,
while Ḥasan b. Zayd sent for re-inforcements to Gílán and
Daylamán. In response to his appeal, several thousand adherents
of his propaganda (
Ḥasan b. Zayd remained there that day, and on the morrow came to ´Amul, whence after fifteen days he came to Jamanú, and gave an army to the Ispahbad Padhúsbán to fight the Ispahbad Qárin the son of Shahriyár. Pádhúsbán, having secured the assistance of Kúkbán-i-Bakhmí from Kimnán, burned and ravaged all the highlands of Qárin, who fled from before them, abandoning his kingdom, in which Ḥasan b. Zayd established his governors to collect the revenue. Sulaymán fled to Astarábád, and sent a courier to Muḥammad b. 'Abdu`lláh [b.] Ṭáhir in Khurásán, asking for reinforcements. In response to his appeal, 'Anátúr b. Bakhtánsháh and Gushnasf b. Más were sent to support him, with a considerable army, whereat Sulaymán took heart, for Sayyid Ḥasan b. Zayd was but weakly supported at Sárí, some of his army being in the highlands, while his Daylamite allies had retired to Daylamán. Hearing of Sulaymán’s increased strength, he therefore fell back on Jálús, where he was told that Wih-súdán the king of Daylamán had abandoned his cause; but a few days later Wih-súdán died, and 4000 Daylamites thereupon joined Ḥasan b. Zayd.
Meanwhile Fana (f. 111a) had collected an army from Farím and the highlands and come to ´Amul, whence he wrote to Ḥasan b. Zayd asking for his commands. Thereupon he sent Aḥmad b. Ḥasan to him to occupy the country, and to remove Ibráhím [b.] Khalíl. At his commands, Fana marched against Ibráhím and defeated him. Ḥasan b. Zayd on hearing this came to Khwájak, where the people complained of Fana’s oppression, further accusing him of having a secret understanding with Sulaymán and of corresponding with him. So he sent Muḥammad b. Abí Manṣúr and 'Isá b. Ḥamíd to him, bidding him come before him, but he came not. Again he sent a message to him, bidding him not be disobedient, but he returned an insolent answer. Then Ḥasan b. Zayd told the people of ´Amul that Fana’s blood was lawful to them, whereupon 10,000 men attacked and burned his house, while he fled to his nephew Khurshíd the son of Gushnasf; but Khiyán the son of Rustam with a number of his followers pursued him thither, and slew them both, and sent their heads to Ḥasan b. Zayd. Then Fana’s son Layth came in, with all his followers, to made his submission to Ḥasan b. Zayd, having induced the Ispahbad Pádhúsbán to intercede for him, and the Sayyid gave him a robe of honour, and conferred on him his father’s possessions.
After a while Ḥasan b. Zayd moved from ´Amul to Jamanú, where he remained for a month. While there, an encounter took place between his outposts and those of Sulaymán, in which many of Ḥasan’s men were slain, including Muḥammad b. 'Isá b. 'Abdu`l-Ḥamíd. So Ḥasan b. Zayd was again obliged to retreat, accompanied by Muḥammad b. Rustam, the Mas-mughán, and Kúrankíj the son of Rúzbihán, sending the Ispahbad Pádhúsbán and Wíjan the son of Rustam to the highlands to guard them. Then he returned to ´Amul, while Sulaymán abode at his palace at Sárí, whither he brought his wives and retainers from Astarábád; and the people (f. 111b) again began to hesitate between the two rivals. Then Sulaymán sent Muḥammad b. Isma'íl to ´Amul, but Ḥasan b. Zayd, hearing of it, arrested and imprisoned him for a while, but afterwards released him, and suffered him to return to Sulaymán. Then Ḥasan collected his troops and went to Jamanú, having already warned the Mas-mughán to be on his guard, and sent Ja'far b. Rustam and Layth b. Fana and Wíjan b. Rustam with 700 men to help him. Sulaymán came out from Sárí to meet them in battle, and the Mas-mughán had prepared an ambush for him, but he routed the Mas-mughán, who fled to the forests. A violent thunder-storm came on, so that the archers could not shoot, and Sulaymán and his men surrounded the Mas-mughán, but the men hidden in ambush by the latter rushed out against him, and slew many of his chief followers, including Jalwánán the son of Wandá-ummíd, Muḥammad b. Faḍl of Láriján, Muḥammad b. Khálid, known as Abú Miráh, and others, all of whose heads were sent to Ḥasan b. Zayd. The Ispahbad Qárin the son of Shahriyár had gone with his army to meet the Ispahbad Pádhúsbán to fight with him, and the latter sent his brother Kurdí-zád to Ḥasan b. Zayd to seek for help. In response to his appeal, Muḥammad b. Rustam with the men of Kalár, Wíhán b. Sahl with the Daylamites, and Khiyán b. Rustam with the troops of ´Amul were sent to reinforce him. The Ispahbad Qárin fled, and Ḥasan b. Zayd came to ´Amul on the day of the festival, whence, after the 'Íd-i-aḍḥá, he proceeded to Mámṭír, where he remained for thirteen days. Sulaymán sent two ambassadors with a letter to Khurshíd king of Daylam, urging and encouraging him to help and befriend him, and to abandon Ḥasan b. Zayd, and offering him 7000 golden dínárs and many robes of honour to divide amongst the Daylamites, on condition of their withholding their help from the Sayyid. He also constructed a boat on the river Mihrawán, placed in it Azbar b. Janáh (f. 112a) and Sa'íd b. Jibrá`íl, and sent them to Ispíd-júy, where a wind arose which carried them in an hour to Jálús. Ḥasan b. Zayd’s governor, being aware of this, seized the boat, and sent the ambassadors, with their papers, money and robes of honour, to the Sayyid, who divided the valuables amongst the Daylamites, and humbled Khurshíd king of Daylam, so that all men perceived that Sulaymán’s luck was on the wane.
Ḥasan b. Zayd came from Mámṭír to Jamanú, and made the Daylamites swear to be faithful and loyal to him, and then marched against Sulaymán, who had moved from Sárí to Dú`-´Ab. The Mas-mughán advised that white flags should be fixed to the trees in front of his camp, so that he might suppose that it was the Sayyid’s camp; and that meanwhile they should secretly go by way of Banahra to Wínábád and attack the enemy in the rear, so that they might suppose they were hemmed in between two bodies of the enemy. By this device they succeeded in defeating Sulaymán, and marched on Sárí, while the Daylamites looted the bázárs, killing and plundering. Sulaymán, abandoning his wives, children and relatives, fled precipitately, while of his chief supporters 'Anátúr [b.] Bakhtánsháh, Abu`l-A'azz Muḥammad b. Qays, Muḥammad b. Kathír, Gushnasf b. Más, Muḥammad b. al-'Abbás, Muḥammad b. al-Walíd, Músá b. al-Kátib, 'Alí b. Manṣúr, and Muḥammad b. 'Abdu`lláh al-Qáḍí were killed, while the two ambassadors captured in the boat were, by order of the Sayyid, hanged. This victory took place on Thursday, Dhu`l-Ḥijja 8, (A. H. 250 = January 10, A. H. 865). Sulaymán’s wife and children were taken captive, and when he reached Astarábád, he wrote a letter to Muḥammad b. Ḥamza for him to lay before Ḥasan b. Zayd, couched as follows (f. 112b):
On reading this letter, the Sayyid Ḥasan b. Zayd sent Sulaymán’s wife and children and kinsmen to him with all honour and protection, and wrote with his own hand the following verse at the top of his letter:
The Ispahbad Qárin the son of Shahriyár took refuge with the Mas-mughán, whom he induced to intercede for him with Ḥasan b. Zayd, to whom he took the oath of allegiance, and to whose court he sent his two sons Surkháb and Mázyár. And all this happened in the year A. H. 252 (A. D. 866).
Thereafter enmity arose between the Mas-mughán and Faḍl-i-Rafíqí, and the former took to the forests. Ḥasan b. Záyd tried by kind messages to induce him to return, but he refused, alleging that he was afraid of the Daylamites, and became a rebel. Then Ḥasan b. Zayd marched to Lankúr-khán and burned all the corn in the country, and sent Qárin in pursuit of him, but he fled away. Then Ḥasan b. Zayd came to Sárí, where news was brought (f. 113a) to him that Jálí the son of Lashkar-sitán was tyrannizing over the people of ´Amul, Ẉhen some of them revolted and slew him. He thereupon despatched Muḥammad b. Ibráhím to investigate the matter, and ten days later followed him himself. When he reached Tarícha, his cousin Qásim b. 'Alí b. al-Ḥasan b. Zayd came from 'Iráq, and he bestowed on him robes of honour and costly presents, and sent him to ´Amul, while he himself remained at Tarícha. He arrested Surkháb the son of the Ispahbad Qárin and his brother Mázyár, and put them in bonds, and sent Sayyid Ḥasan b. Ja'far al-'Aqíqí to Sárí, giving him the government of that district and bidding him capture the Mas-mughán. Sayyid 'Aqíqí wrote in a conciliatory strain to the Mus-mughán, and induced him to join him and apologize for his flight and rebellion. Rustam the son of Qárin, however, revolted at Mihrawán, and rendered the roads unsafe; but he sent Hurmuzd-káma the son of Yazdánkard and 'Abbás b. al-'Aqílí against him. Rustam b. Zabarqán met the supporters of Muḥammad b. Núḥ, slew some and took others captive, captured Muḥammad b. Núḥ, and brought him to Mihrawán. Ḥasan b. Muḥammad 'Aqíqí, being informed of this, sent to Ḥasan b. Zayd informing him that he had gone to Mihrawán to fight the enemy. Sayyid Ḥasan b. Zayd, who was then at Jamanú, at once came to Sárí, and there joined Sayyid Ḥasan 'Aqíqí, who had returned victorious, having slain many, and captured some 400 prisoners, abode for a while at Sárí, until he heard that Ibráhím b. Mu'ádh was sending re-inforcements to the Ispahbad Qárin b. Shahriyár, who was marching against him. So the Sayyid took the initiative, attacked his highland territory, slew all whom he met, and burned down houses and villages. Then he again took up his quarters at Sárí for a while, left Sayyid Ḥasan 'Aqíqí in charge of that district, and returned to ´Amul, whence he issued a proclamation to all the Regions of Ṭabaristán bidding them add the [Shí'ite] clause “ḥayya ila khayri`l-'amal” to the call to prayer, and to say the Bismi`lláh aloud in their prayers (f. 113b), and the like. This proclamation ran as follows:
On this same day Abú Muqátil aḍ-Ḍarír the poet recited to the Sayyid a qaṣída which began “God is peerless and the son of Zayd is peerless” —
Ḥasan b. Zayd the Dá'í cried out at him in anger, and at once prostrated himself on the ground and repeated again and again, “God is peerless and the son of Zayd is a slave” —
Then he ordered the poet to be driven from his presence. A few days later he returned with these verses:
Yet still the Sayyid was displeased with him, until on the festival of Mihraján he composed and recited another qaṣída beginning:
(f. 114a)
Then he turned to the poet and said that he ought to have transposed these two hemistichs, so as to avoid the evil omen of beginning the poem with the negation lá; but the poet replied, “O Sayyid, the most noble formula is ‘Lá iláha illa `lláh’ (‘There is no god but God’), yet that begins with lá.” “Well said! well said,” cried the Sayyid; “thou art right in this verse!”
It is related that one day the Sayyid was passing through the streets and markets of ´Amul when he saw written on a wall the words “the Qur`án is the Uncreated Word of God, and whosoever calls it Created is an infidel.” He reined in his horse and paused for a while to look at it, and then rode on. As a rule it was his custom not to return by the way he had come, but on this occasion he departed from his custom, and came back by that same spot. On arriving there, he perceived that the inhabitants of the quarter had effaced the writing, whereupon he smiled to himself and said, “By Alláh, they have saved themselves from slaughter!”
The Sayyid remained at ´Amul all the months of Sha'bán, Ramaḍán and Shawwál, while Ḥasan-i-'Aqíqí continued at Sárí, until Muḥammad b. Núḥ joined the Ispahbad Qárin the son of Shahriyár, and the Mas-mughán became their ally, and they marched on Sárí conjointly. 'Aqíqí retired before them to Tarícha, and Ḥasan b. Zayd sent Ja'far b. Muḥammad and Layth b. Fana with a thousand men to help him. Setting out from Tarícha, they first fell in with the Mas-mughán, defeated him, and slew his brother 'Abbás. Then they turned, advanced on Sárí, attacked Muḥammad b. Núḥ at a place called Girda-zamín, four parasangs from the city, and defeated him. Layth b. Fana shewed the greatest courage; and it was chiefly by his efforts that the victory was won. Next night Ḥasan b. Muḥammad b. al-'Aqíqí made a sudden attack and slew many of them, and carried off much spoil, and Muḥammad b. Núḥ joined Sulaymán b. 'Abdu`lláh [b.] Ṭáhír at Astarábád, and both retired together to Gurgán. Sulaymán is reported to have said: “One day I passed over to Gurgán with four comrades (khayl-tásh) to a place called Sulaymán-ábád. I heard a voice saying:
When I looked back, I saw no one, and knew not who had spoken.” After this Sulaymán abandoned all idea of conquering Ṭabaristán, and retired into Khurásán.
Ḥasan b. Zayd.
When Sulaymán b. 'Abdu`lláh [b.] Ṭáhir retired from Ṭabaristán,
Sayyid Ḥasan took possession of the whole country,
and was henceforth reckoned its ruler. He persecuted and
slew all such as sympathized with the 'Abbásids (Musawwida),
till men were filled with the fear of him, and thought
of nothing save how to obey and please him. On Wednesday,
Dhu`l-Ḥijja 3, A. H. 253 (= December 4, A. D. 867)
he gave standards to Muḥammad b. Ibráhím and Lashkar-sitán-i-Daylamí
and sent them to Gurgán, and everywhere
the people came out to meet them and made offerings to
them. During the whole of this month and the months of
Muḥarram and Ṣafar, A. H. 254 (January and February A.
D. 868) the Daylamites remained with them, but when they
found there were no spoils to be got, they entirely abandoned
Muḥammad b. Ibráhím. After ten days he arrived
alone at Sárí from Gurgán. At the beginning of Rabí' I,
A. H. 254 (March, A. D. 868) Sayyid Ḥasan sent an army
against the Ispahbad Qárin the son of Shahriyár, the king
of the Mountains, to Hazár-garí, where they burned all the
crops and destroyed the houses. When he reached Sárí,
Justán the son of Wah-súdán sent a trusty messenger to
the Sayyid, asking him to send a representative in whom
he had confidence to conquer by his aid the kingdom of
Ray. So the Sayyid sent to him Aḥmad b. 'Isá b. 'Alí b.
al-Ḥasan, and part of the territories of Ray were captured
by them, and the Sayyid came from Sárí to ´Amul. Mázyár
the son of Qárin and Shahriyár escaped from their captivity,
and on Friday, the 2nd of Jumáda I, A. H. 254 (= April 29,
A. D. 868) the Sayyid ordered their gaolers to receive exemplary
punishment, and despatched the brother of the Mas-mughán
Wandarand Wandád Hurmazd
And now the Sayyids of the House of 'Alí and the Banú Háshim began to flock to Ṭabaristán from the Ḥijáz, Syria and 'Iráq “according to the number of the leaves on the trees,” and he gave them all welcome; and whenever he rode forth, he was surrounded by 300 'Alawís with drawn swords as a body-guard. And on this the Sayyid Násir-i-kabír Ḥasan b. 'Alí says:
After this letters arrived from Aḥmad b. 'Isa and Qásim b. 'Alí, who were with Justán the son of Wah-súdán, announcing that the districts of Ray, Qazwín, Abhar, and Zangán had been occupied by them, and that the people had responded to their propaganda. Then the Sayyid again sent Muḥammad b. Ibráhím to Gurgán with his standard, and its people also submitted, and the Sayyid’s rule was firmly established over a tranquil and obedient realm.
Mufliḥ with an army to Ṭabaristán.
Qásim b. 'Alí, al-'Alawí, who was in 'Iráq, seized 'Abdu`lláh
b. 'Azíz, one of the officers of the Ṭáhirids, and handed
him over to Faḍl b. Marzubán, who took him to Ḥasan b.
Zayd, advising him to keep him securely. It was the 'Ìd-i-Aḍḥá
when the prisoner was brought to the Sayyid, who
immediately ordered his head to be struck off. When this
news reached the Caliph al-Mu'tazz at Baghdad, he at once
despatched Músá b. Bughá and Mufliḥ with an army to
'Iráq. These met Justán the son of Wah-súdán and the
Sayỵids at Qazwín, defeated them, and slew many of the
Daylamites, plundered their treasures, and came to Ray and
thence to Qúmish and Gurgán, where they encamped. There
they were joined by Aḥmad b. Muḥammad
Ṭáhir b. 'Abdu`lláh, who was in control of Khurásán, was
unable to govern his province with firmness; and at this
time a man called “the Veiled Sayyid” (Sayyid-i-Burqa'í)
revolted at Baṣra and Wáṣiṭ in Sawád. This man is better
known as “the Leader of the Ethiopians” (Ṣáḥibu`z-Zanj),
and 'Alí, in some of his apocalyptic writings (
Now it was at this juncture, while the Caliph and Ṭáhir
b. 'Abdu`lláh were occupied with these matters, that Ya'qúb
b. Layth, a brave and ambitious man, revolted and became
powerful. For many troubles distracted Khurásán, where
rebels and robbers arose on every side, but Ya'qúb b. Layth
aṣ-Ṣaffár (“the Copper-smith”) was the most cunning and
powerful of all. Originally of lowly origin and humble circumstances,
he gathered a band of followers round him,
and, owing to the weakness of the government, succeeded
at last in dispossessing the governor of Sístán appointed by
Ṭáhir b. 'Abdu`lláh. He was then proclaimed king, marched
on Khurásán, and seized the territories of Muḥammad b.
'Abdu`lláh [b.] Ṭáhir, so that at length the Caliph thought it
best to make over Khurásán to his control. Having taken
Níshápúr he came to Dihistán, and sent secretly to
As soon as Ya'qúb-i-Layth had quitted Ṭabaristán, Ḥasan b. Zayd came to Sárí with an army of Daylamites, and the people again gathered round him. He advanced without halting to Gurgán, when he was met by the news that his brother, mentioned above, had been released by Ya'qúb, and was approaching. He went out to meet him with his whole army, and in Ṣafar, A. H. 263 (= November, A.D. 876) they met, and halted for the remainder of that month and the whole of Rabi' I at Gurgán, after which he returned to Ṭabaristán to see his mother. A predatory band of several thousand Turks, blood-thirsty infidels, had entered Dihistán (f. 117a) and were preparing to attack Ṭabaristán. Ḥasan b. Zayd was then at Gurgán. He placed Muḥammad b. Aḥmad Khurásání in command of the vanguard, consisting of 2000 Daylamites, and himself took command of the centre. They met the infidels at Shúra in Dihistán, and completely routed them. Muḥammad b. Tamím, known as Mardán-kulah was killed; and Ḥasan b. Zayd fought with great bravery, and pursued the fugitives till they were all killed or dispersed. His courage on that day marked an epoch.
and invasion of Ṭabaristán by Shárí, the
lieutenant of the House of Ṭáhir.
When Ḥasan b. Zayd arrived at Gurgán, news came from ´Amul that Layth b. Fana had revolted, so he left Muḥammad b. Ibráhím al-'Alawí at Gurgán and himself went to ´Amul. The Daylamites refused to obey Muḥammad b. Ibráhím, and began to loot and otherwise misconduct themselves. He therefore wrote to Ḥasan b. Zayd, saying, “Thou knowest the evil character and vile nature of the Daylamites, and their rebelliousness against thy authority. They will not obey me, and the people are afflicted by them.” But Ḥasan b. Zayd was occupied with Layth b. Fana, and had sent his army under Aḥmad b. '´Isá to Láriján, because its lord, Parwíz, had asked for help, representing that Layth b. Fana had gone to Ray, and had induced its governor to attack Láriján. He therefore sent his brother, Abú 'Abdi`lláh Muḥammad b. Zayd, to Gurgán.
Now there was a certain Daylamite named Dakiyya who had fled from Muḥammad with his people, and gone to Khurásán to Shárí, the lieutenant of the Ṭáhirids, whom he informed of the anarchy and unrest which prevailed in Gurgán, urging him to attack it, and promising to help him to obtain possession of it. So Shárí came from Isfará`in to Gurgán, and the Daylamites entirely deserted Muḥammad b. Zayd and Muḥammad b. Ibráhím, and went over to the invader. The two Sayyids came to ´´Amul, and waited until Shárí desired to provision his army, and sent out the Daylamites, unarmed, to forage for provisions (f. 117b). One of the chief man of Gurgán named Isḥáq said to Shárí, “Do not give wealth to the Daylamites without good cause, or else they will deal treacherously with thee, as they have ever dealt with their amírs and rulers; for no one hath experienced at their hands aught but insolence, oppression, and ungenerous conduct.” The Daylamites were gathered together at Sulaymánábad; and the people of Gurgán, gentle and simple, were all afraid of the barbarities they might perpetrate. So Shárí and Isḥáq ordered them all to be put to the sword, and in one day 3000 of them were slain. News of this was brought to Ḥasan b. Zayd, and he was filled with malicious delight.
When it became known to Layth b. Fana that Shárí had taken Gurgán, he induced the Turk, who was the governor of Ray, to let him go to Ṭabaristán to take the country for him, and was permitted to proceed to Láriján. When he arrived, he found that Aḥmad b. '´Isá and the Masmughán were both there, and had stopped all the roads, and cried threats and imprecations at them from the mountains. Layth b. Fana put his horse at the river, but was unable to cross. The Turk was afraid and said, “Surely he intends some treachery towards me.” So he ordered him to be seized and his head to be cut off: and this he sent to Ḥasan b. Zayd, offering at the same time his apologies for having invaded the country. Immediately after this news arrived that Shári, having collected much wealth, was about to leave Gurgán, and the Sayyid Ḥasan at once proceeded thither with his army. Shárí fled to Khurásán, while Ḥasan b. Zayd entered Gurgán, slew many of the common people, and plundered their property.
Qárin the son of Shahriyár and his
relations with Ḥasan b. Zayd.
At this time the Daylamites were plundering, stealing, and causing great trouble in Gurgán, breaking into the houses of Muslims by night to rob and do evil, so that even unto Níshápúr men were in terror of them. So Ḥasan-i-Zayd caused the hands and feet of a thousand of them to be cut off in Gurgán, in consequence of which some thousand of his followers deserted him and joined Rustam the son of Qárin, who, though (f. 118a) ostensibly declaring himself to be loyal to the Sayyid, was really bent on rebellion against his authority. When these Daylamites joined Rustam the son of Qárin, he had not sufficient food wherewith to feed them, so he suffered them to loot the countryside in search of provisions. Qásim b. 'Alí, who was at Qúmish, wrote to him informing him that Muḥammad b. Mahdí b. Nírak was marching against him from Níshápúr, and at the same time asked for help from Ḥasan b. Zayd. Qásim had not the least suspicion of the intentions of Rustam, and was quite off his guard, when the latter suddenly and treacherously attacked-and captured him, imprisoned him in the castle of Sháh Dizh in Hazár-garí, and seized Qúmish. Sayyid Qásim died in the castle. Then Rustam sent to the governor of Níshápúr, Aḥmad b. 'Abdu`lláh Khujistání1, telling him that the affairs of Ḥasan b. Zayd were in a precarious state, and asking for his help. Sayyid Ḥasan plundered Qúmish and chastised Rustam; but the death of his brother-in-law, Muḥammad b. Ibráhím b. 'Alí b. 'Abdu`r-Raḥmán, broke his spirit, for he loved him greatly and held him in high esteem. All the army of Sayyid Ḥasan went over to his brother Abú 'Abdi`lláh Muḥammad b. Zayd, who ordered them to attack the Ispahbad Rustam. When they had advanced one stage, the army of Níshápúr under Khujistání had reached Gurgán, so he sent messengers to turn his brother back, abandoned Gurgán, and retired into Tammísha. Khujistání pursued him to Ribáṭ-i-Ḥafṣ, captured his treasures and baggage, and took many prisoners, but slew no one. Muḥammed [b.] Zayd learned at Júhína that his brother had departed, and at Sárí rumour reached him that Ḥasan b. Zayd had been taken captive. Ḥasan b. Muḥammad 'Aqíqí assembled the people and received their oaths of allegiance to himself, beheading all who refused to take this oath. But at Sárí he was met by Ṭáhir b. Ibráhím [b.] Khalíl coming from Ḥasan b. Zayd, from whom he learned that Sayyid Ḥasan himself was approaching. Thereupon he fled from Sárí and joined the Ispahbad Rustam the son of Qárin, and though Ḥasan b, Zayd tried to win him back by kind messages, he returned no answer, but continued with the Ispahbad till Khujistání had established himself in Bakrábád in Gurgán and collected supplies. The Ispahbad remained at Astarábád until Khujistání went to Níshápúr, and the men of Gurgán attached themselves to 'Aqíqí, who protected them from the oppression of Khujistání, and excused them their taxes, and all of them swore allegiance to him. But presently Ḥasan b. Zayd collected an army in Ṭabaristán, who, by threes and by fours, began to set out for Astarábád. When he reached the village of Námina in Panjáh-hazár, he chose out 500 horsemen, and made a night attack on Astarábád, so that at day-break he surprised Rustam, who only succeeded in escaping on foot into the highlands. Ḥasan b. Zayd, without delaying, set out for Gurgán, where 'Aqíqí knew nothing of what had happened to Rustam at Astarábád. The Sayyid therefore took him quite by surprise, so that he fled with only three horsemen to the plains, pursued by Muḥammad b. Zayd, until he was finally captured and brought before Sayyid Ḥasan. As soon as his eyes fell on the Sayyid, he prayed for quarter, but the Sayyid, averting his face, bade Turk-i-Rúmí to cut off his head, after which they wrapped his body in a mantle and buried it in the Guebres’ cemetery. Then the Sayyid sent his brother Muḥammad b. Zayd into the Ispahbad’s highlands to pursue him, until at length, despairing, he sent messenger after messenger to beg for quarter, till at length the Sayyid wrote to his brother bidding him to spare the fugitive, but to seize all his possessions, and exact pledges that he would not in future maintain an army, all of which Muḥammad b. Zayd duly performed. On his return, his brother invested him with the standard and drum of authority, and sent him to Gurgán.
This year the Sayyid fell sick, so that he was unable to sit his horse (f. 119a) and he continued thus sick for a year, and finally expired on Monday, Rajab 3, A. H. 270 (= January 6, A. D. 884), twenty years after he first appeared in revolt. During his year’s illness he bade Abu`l-Ḥusayn Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. Ibráhím, known as al-Qá`im, who was his son in law, to take from the people of Ṭabaristán the oath of allegiance to his brother Abú 'Abdi`lláh Muḥammad b. Zayd.
and Revolt of Sayyid Abu`l-Ḥusayn.
Muḥammad b. Zayd, with the title ad-Dá'í al-Kabír (“the Great Missionary”) received the oath of allegiance from the people of Ṭabaristán. He was at the time of his brother’s death in Gurgán, and his son-in-law, Sayyid Abu`l-Ḥusayn, seized the money which was in the treasury and expended it in inducing the people to swear allegiance to himself, which most of the Daylamite chiefs did. He was also joined by the Ispahbad Rustam the son of Qárin and Pádhúsbán.
When Muḥammad b. Zayd heard the news of his brother’s death, he advanced on ´Amul with hís army, many of whom had been secretly won over to the interest of Sayyid Abu`l-Ḥusayn, who tried to persuade some of them, such as Laythám the son of Wardán, and Abú Manṣúr Mahdí b. Mukhayyas, to slay Muḥammad b. Zayd at Ribáṭ-i-Hafṣ. They refused to kill him, having eaten his bread and salt, but deserted him, and turned back to Gurgán. He too turned back thither, but the inhabitants refused to admit him, and he therefore took up his quarters in the village of Zawín. Abu`l-Ḥusayn sent money and robes of honour for the people of the city, and bade them let Muḥammad b. Zayd remain where he was; and he dared not put his head outside Zawín until Ráfi' b. Harthama returned defeated from Khurásán, and sent for Mahdí b. Mukhayyas, who was his servant, to come and meet him. Mahdí paid no heed to this message, whereupon Ráfi', divining Muḥammad b. Zayd’s condition, sent (f. 119b) trusty men to him, brought him to his quarters and fought and defeated Mahdí b. Mukhayyas, who fled to Khurásán. Laythám-i-Daylam went to Abu`l-Ḥusayn, and 'Alí b. Surkháb was taken prisoner by Mahdí, but fled from him on the day of his defeat. Ráfi' handed over Gurgán to Muḥammad b. Zayd and returned to Khurásán. One day Abu`l-Ḥusayn began to oppress his followers in order to enrich himself, and these consequently wrote in secret to Muḥammad b. Zayd invoking his assistance. He, having collected an army, arrived at Sárí on Wednesday, the first of Jumádá I, A. H. 271 (= October 25, A. D. 884), and Abu`l-Ḥusayn, who was there, fled from him to ´Amul, whence he started at night to join Laythám and Nu'mán at Jálús and go to Daylam. On the Sunday Muḥammad b. Zayd reached ´Amul, whence on the Tuesday he moved on to the village of Banafsh, whence he proceeded by night to Jálús, and there seized Abu`l-Ḥusayn, with Laythám and the other Daylamites who were with him, with much spoil. That night he went on to Khwájak, and reached ´Amul, where, on Friday, the 6th of Jumáda I, he was crowned king. Abu`l-Ḥusayn, whose power had endured ten months, was cast into bonds, and pardon was proclaimed to his agents and officers, who thereupon submitted, and were made to render account of the moneys they had collected for their master. He also brought in Abu`l-Ḥusayn’s sister, who was the widow of his late brother Ḥasan b. Zayd, and took from her all her jewels and gold ornaments, after which he released Abu`l-Ḥusayn, bidding all those from whom he had exacted money recover it from him. Thereupon the jurisconsults of ´Amul bore witness against him of exactions amounting to a million dirhams, upon which he was again cast into bondage, and sent with Laythám-i-Daylam to Sárí, after which no one ever saw them again, and it was said that they were killed on the road thither.
So soon as Muḥammad b. Zayd was thus established as ruler of Ṭabaristán, he set out for the highlands against the Ispahbad Rustam the son of (f. 120a) Qárin, drove him out of the kingdom, and sent him to 'Amr b. Layth the Ṣaffárí, who interceded for him; and pardon was granted to him on condition that he should swear henceforth to maintain no army, and to send all that he had to Muḥammad b. Zayd, and to pay all the tax and tribute which he had withheld. And Muḥammad b. Zayd established his capital at Gurgán where many retainers gathered round him, although he was unable to give him pay.
what befel him with Ráfi` b. Harthama, and
how an army invaded Ṭabaristán.
In Rabí' I, A. H. 272 (= Aug.—Sept., A. D. 885), Asatakín the Turk being governor of Ray, Muḥammad b. Zayd marched from Gurgán to Dámghán, and thence to Samnán and Khwár. A battle took place between him and the army of 'Iráq at Wah-rádhán, near Ray, in which Muḥammad b. Zayd was defeated and fled to Láriján. Ráfi' b. Harthama then invaded Gurgán, but troubles in Khurásán obliged him to go to Níshápur. In A. H. 273 (A. D. 886—887) Muḥammad b. Zayd returned to ´Amul, and celebrated the circumcision of his son Zayd, whom he nominated as his successor, joining his name with his own on the coinage and in the khuṭba. On the arrival of Ráfi' in Khurásán the troubles there ceased, and the quarrel between Naṣr and Ismá'íl, the sons of Núḥ the Sámánid, was terminated. Ráfi' then marched against Khwárazm, with the people of which he had already waged war; and carried off thence ten thousand (f. 120b) men as hostages.
Ispahbad Rustam the son of Qárin; and
how an army invaded Ṭabaristán.
Rustam, dispossessed by the Sayyid, fled to Ráfi', and seven months later returned to Ṭabaristán with him at the head of an army. — The Sayyid, unable to withstand them, retreated from Gurgán to the castle of Juhína, where he was besieged for six months. At the end of this period he left a kotwál in charge of the castle, and himself escaped to Tammísha. Soon afterwards the castle capitulated to Ráfi', before whom the Sayyid fell back on Daylamán. In the beginning of Dhu`l-Ḥijja, A. H. 277 (= March, A. D. 891) he was still at Kajú, while the people suffered the direst distress from the invaders. The Daylamites came to the Sayyid’s assistance; and Justán the son of Wah-súdán descended from the highlands to help him. Ráfi' commanded his governor at Jálús, Muḥammad b. Hárún, to remain within his fortifications, and sent Rustam son of Qárin, Muḥammad b. Aḥmad Wandawayh, 'Alí b. al-Ḥasan al-Marwazí, 'Abdu`lláh b. al-Ḥasan, and the son of the Ispahbad Shahriyár b. Pádhúsbán to Jálús by the sea-shore, while he himself came to Ahlam. (f. 121a) Muḥammad b. Hárún thereupon came out of Jálus and pursued his foes. Owing to the exactions of Ráfi' provisions become scarce and dear. At the beginning of Ṣafar, A. H. 278 (middle of May, A. D. 891) Ráfi' marched from Jálús by way of Ṭálaqán in pursuit of Justán the son of Wah-súdán, and laid waste his territory. Finally Justán promised not to help the Sayyid, whereupon Ráfi' withdrew to Qazwín. The Sayyid now marched on Gílán, while Ráfi' came from Qazwín to Ray. Al-Mu'taḍid bi`lláh, who succeeded about this time to the Caliphate, sent a messenger to summon Ráfi' to his presence, but Ráfi' seized the messenger and imprisoned him, though he afterwards let him go. The Caliph then appointed Abu`l-'Abbás Aḥmad b. ['Abd] al-'Azíz b. Abú Dulaf al-'Ijlí governor of 'Iráq, and ordered him to give battle to Ráfi', who was defeated with heavy loss by the Caliph’s troops on the river Kulahwár on Friday, Dhu`l-Qa'da 18, and was compelled to fall back (f. 121b) on Ṭabaristán by way of Wíma.
When Ráfi' reached Mihrawán, he heard that the Caliph
al-Mu'taḍid had given the government of Níshápúr to 'Amr
b. Layth, whereupon he took the oath of allegiance to Muḥammad
b. Zayd, on condition that he should hold Gurgán.
On Tuesday, the 5th of Rabí' II, the latter came to ´Amul, and
Ráfi' went to Gurgán. At this juncture news arrived that
Aḥmad al-'Ijlí, the Caliph’s governor, had died at Ray, and
that his son had succeeded him. Thereupon, on the 7th of
Jumádá I, Ráfi' marched on Ray, attacked and defeated him,
and sent his army to Kúh-páya. A month later al-Mu'taḍid
sent his son1
to Ray, whereupon Ráfi' abandoned the country.
Ibn [Abi`l-] Aṣbagh, the deputy of the Caliph’s son, ruled
justly, and reduced the country to order. In this same year
Bakr b. 'Abdu`l-'Azíz al-'Ijlí came to Sayyid Muḥammad b.
Zayd at ´Amul, and was received by him with much honour
and many gifts, including a million dir hams made up into
a hundred bags, and was finally given the government of
Rúyán and Jálús. On his arrival at Nátil, however, he was
poisoned in some sherbet (
Ráfi' soon informed the Ispahbad Rustam that he had no intention of observing his new treaty with the Sayyid, and, on Rustam’s allying himself with 'Amr b. Layth, proceeded to seize him and put him in bonds, confiscated all his property, extorted large sums of money from his retainers, and gave his country to Abú Naṣr-i-Ṭabarí. In Ramaḍán, A. H. 282 (= October—November, A. D. 895) Rustam died in his bondage.
In this year the Sayyid Muḥammad b. Zayd gave money to Ráfi' to induce him to adopt the white badge and standard of the 'Alawís, and to exact from the men of Gurgán, Dihistán (f. 122b) and Jájarm the oath of allegiance to him; while he on his part sent the Sayyid a share of Rustam’s plundered possessions. A quarrel now arose between Muḥammad b. Wahsúdán and 'Alí b. Surkháb, and the former, having killed some of the latter’s men, went to Kílárján, and was reported to have cast off his allegiance. Ráfi' again marched against 'Amr b. Layth, but was again defeated, and fled to Khwárazm, the inhabitants of which city, having an ancient grudge against him, seized him, cut off his head, and sent it to 'Amr b. Layth, who sent it on to the Caliph. After this all Ṭabaristán from Gurgán to Gílán became the Sayyid’s secure possession. In A. H. 282 (A. D 895—6) news arrived that Ismá'íl b. Aḥmad the Sámánid had captured 'Amr b. Layth and put him to death, and the Sayyid was now freed from all anxiety; but just as his power, glory, fame and good repute seemed to be at their height, calamity befel him, even as the poet says:
Cause of the Martyrdom of Sayyid Muḥammad
b. Zayd in his war with Muḥammad b. Hárún.
Ismá'íl b. Aḥmad the Sámánid sent Muḥammad b. Hárún with an army (f. 123a) against Ṭabaristán. Sayyid Muḥammad b. Zayd, confident in his power (for he had 20,000 men with him, and his antagonist only 3000), attacked the centre of his enemy’s army with a mere handful of men, and was the first person slain. His head was cut off, his great army scattered, and his son Abu`l-Ḥusayn taken prisoner on Friday, Shawwál 5, A. H 287 (= October 3, A. D. 900). The Sayyid’s headless body was buried at Gurgán in a place still known as Gúr-i-Dá'í (“the Propagandist’s Grave”), and his head was sent to Bukhárá. He reigned in all sixteen years. His son Zayd was for a long while kept a prisoner by Isma'íl b. Aḥmad the Sámánid at Bukhárá, whence he sent these verses to his friends in Ṭabaristán:
These verses were shewn to Isma'íl b. Aḥmad the Sámánid,
who was so much affected by them that he released his
captive, saying, “Thou hast thy choice of returning to Ṭabaristán
or of remaining here.” He replied, “The affairs of
Ṭabaristán have gone beyond the point that there should
be any place for me there; it is best for me to remain
here.” And so he lived, died and was buried in Bukhárá.
Three sons of his are mentioned in the genealogical tree of
the House of Abú Ṭálib (
rule of Isma'íl b. Aḥmad the Sámánid.
Muḥammad b. Hárún, having subdued Gurgán, set out for ´Amul and Sárí, reaching the first named city on a Friday in the month of Tír, A. H. 287 (A. D. 900), and reigned for a year and six months, till Isma'íl b. Aḥmad the Sámánid, having subdued the whole of Khurásán, marched against Ṭabaristán. Muḥammad b. Hárún refused to submit to his authority, and retired to Daylamán. Isma'íl encamped at a place called Ashílá Dasht, near ´Amul, in the plain of Líkání, and administered such justice as was almost unknown in Ṭabaristán, restoring to the nobles and gentry the property of which they had been robbed by the Sayyids and others during the last fifty years. Thus he restored —
| 1,000,000 dirhams to | the children of Ibráhím Khalíl; |
| 600,000 dirhams to | Ibráhím b. Isḥáq al-Faqíh; |
| 500,000 dirhams to | Muḥammad b. al-Mughíra of Rúyán; |
| 500,000 dirhams to | Hárún b. 'Alí Abú Ṣádiq (see p. 74 supra); |
| 200,000 dirhams to | Muḥammad b. as-Sirrí; |
| 300,000 dirhams to | Muqátil, cousin of the above; |
| 500,000 dirhams to | the Ispahbad of Kalár; |
| 300,000 dirhams to | Quṭquṭí of Sárí; |
| 700,000 dirhams to | Qárin, Aparwíz and Khushk Khayán; |
| 1,200,000 dirhams to | the family of aṣ-Ṣayfar (so A.; B. has aṣ-Ṣafír); |
| 100,000 dirhams to | Surkháb the son of Jastán; |
| 700,000 dirhams to | Ibráhím and Muḥammad, sons of jurisconsults, Ibráhím b. Mihrán, his brother Khalífa, Manṣúr and Jalwánán, all of Tarícha. |
He also restored the possessions of the poor and reduced their taxes, and so won the affection and support of all. This took place at the end of A. H. 288 and the beginning of A. H. 289 (end of A. D. 901).
Sayyid Náṣir-i-Kabír’s name was Abú Muḥammad al-Ḥasan b. 'Alí, and he revolted in Gílán and Daylamán, declaring himself “the Avenger” (ath-Thá`ir) of his predecessor, Sayyid Muḥammad b. Zayd, called Dá'i `l-Ḥaqq (“the Propagandist of the Truth”). Isma'íl the Sámánid sent against him his son Aḥmad and his cousin Abu`l-'Abbás 'Abdu`lláh b. Muḥammad b. Núḥ. The armies met at a place called Falás, and the Daylamites were defeated and two thousand of them slain, amongst them the fathers of the afterwards celebrated Mákán [b.] Kákí and of Ḥasan [b.] Fírúzán, the subsequent rulers of Gíl and Daylam.
Ṭabaristán to his cousin Abu`l-'Abbás 'Ab-
du`lláh b. Muḥammad b. Núḥ b. Asad.
Ismá'íl the Sámánid, having entrusted the government of Ṭabaristán to his cousin Abu`l-'Abbás, set out for 'Iráq to seek for Muḥammad b. Hárún. On reaching Samnán, he received tidings of the death of the Caliph al-Mu'taḍid (A. H. 289 = A.D. 902). Muḥammad b. Hárún effected a junction with Justán [b.] Wah-súdán, and both swore allegiance to Sayyid Náṣir-i-Kabír. In A. H. 290 (A. D. 903) the latter resolved on subjugating Ṭabaristán. Abu`l-'Abbás summoned to his aid the Ispahbad Shahriyár, son of Pádhúsbán; the Ispahbad Sharwín, son of Rustam, king of the mountains; and the nephew of the latter, Parwíz, the lord of Láriján, and further wrote to Ismá'íl the Sámánid asking for help. In the month of Bahman, A. H. 299 (So A.;? 289) Muḥammad b. Hárún, Justán [b.] Wahsúdán, and Sayyid Náṣir reached Tamanjáda, and encamped in a plain known as Kázar. The war lasted forty days, and the people of ´Amul in fear sent their children and goods to the country villages. At length the army of Abu`l-'Abbás seemed to be defeated, and began to flee in rout to Mámṭír, but he, with Shahriyár (f. 124b) and Kawkabán of Daylam, hurled himself upon the centre of the army of Muḥammad b. Hárún, who, deeming the victory already won, had removed one foot from his stirrup and crossed it over his horse’s neck. His army, taken thus unawares, was routed, and fled to Anúshadádhán.
Ismá'íl the Sámánid had sent his son Aḥmad to help Abu`l-'Abbás, but he tarried on the way, hoping that his cousin might be defeated. Abu`l-'Abbás complained of this to Ismá'íl, who recalled Aḥmad to Bukhárá, and reproached him, saying, “Thou pretendest that if Ṭabaristán be lost, no harm will accrue to Bukhárá. Dost thou not know that, should such a thing happen, we should no longer be safe here?” Abu`l-'Abbás then went to Ray, and sent to Fáris, governor of Gurgán, bidding him be on his guard until Muḥammad b. Hárún’s death. Fáris forwarded this letter to Bukhárá, and requested Ismá'íl to send him his insignia, standard and ring. Muḥammad b. Hárún again collected an army and came to ´Amul. Fáris spread abroad a rumour that Ismá'íl was come, and on the day of battle stationed one of his officers dressed in Ismá'íl’s robes, wearing his insignia, and bearing his standard in the centre of the army. Then he came to Muḥammad b. Hárún with ten men, saying, “O man, art thou mad to come and draw the sword against thy master? Lo, he sends me with his army and his signet-ring, promising thee pardon and safety and the government of this province.” Muḥammad b. Hárún, seeing the signet-ring and other insignia, was confounded, and said to his men, “Do you remain where you are;” (f. 125a) then he said to Fáris, “Advance, let us go to the Master!” Thus Fáris brought him to the centre of his own army, where he at once cast him to the ground, put him in fetters, and carried him off prisoner. Of his army, some joined Fáris, others went to Baghdad, and the remainder stayed in Ṭabaristán. Muḥammad b. Hárún was carried to Bukhárá, paraded round the town, and then immured and starved to death. And so long as Ismá'íl the Sámánid lived, Abu`l-'Abbás ruled Ṭabaristán from Gurgán to Gílán.
to govern Ṭabaristán.
Ismá'íl on his death was succeeded by his son Aḥmad, in A. H. 294 (= A. D. 906—7). After two years and a few months he dismissed Abu`l-'Abbás, whom he hated, from the government of Ṭabaristán, and in A. H. 297 (= A. D. 909—910) sent to succeed him a Turk named Salám. His father’s officers, such as Abú Ṣáliḥ Manṣúr and Fáris, were disgusted at this, and wished to swear allegiance to Abu`l-'Abbás, who sought to retire to Gurgán to effect a junction with Fáris, but was stopped by Hurmazd-Káma, the lord of Tammísha, Rustam the son of Qárin, and the Ispahbad Shahriyár. He therefore returned to ´Amul, and tried to go thence by Kajú and Rúyán to Ray, but the Ispahbad Shahriyár met him at Injír and persuaded him to refrain from any act of rebellion. At this juncture Muḥammad b. Ḥajar arrived as an ambassador from Aḥmad b. Ismá'íl the Sámánid, bringing a robe of honour and conciliatory messages (f. 125b), and conducted him to Bukhárá, where the Sámánid nobles advised that he should be treated with honour and sent at the head of 30,000 horsemen to 'Iráq. In Jumáda I, A. H. 297 (= January—February, A. D. 910) Salám the Turk came to ´Amul, on the first day of the old Persian month of ´Adhar, and governed the country for 9 months and 22 days, till one day Abú Aḥmad Zanrás (B. “Zanráshan”) of Náṣirábád came before him to complain of the exorbitant taxes which he was compelled to pay, and was answered by blows; whereupon he rushed out and raised the people against the Turk, whom, after he had fired the bázár and repelled them for three days and nights, they drove out of the city.
to govern Ṭabaristán.
Thereupon Abu`l-'Abbás Aḥmad was made governor of Ṭabaristán, and he was accompanied by the son of Dhu`r-Riyásatayn.
Ṭabaristán.
This year 16 ships filled with Russians came to ´Abasgún, as they had already done in the time of Sayyid Ḥasan b. Zayd, who defeated and slew them. This time they wasted and looted ´Abasgún and the adjacent coasts, and carried off or slew many Musulmáns. The governor of Sárí, Abu`ḍ-Ḍarghám Aḥmad b. al-Qásim, wrote news of this to Abu`l-'Abbás. Next year the Russians returned in greater force, burned Sárí and Panjáh-hazár, and carried off many prisoners. Then they sailed to Chashma-Rúd in Daylamán; but, while some of them were on land, a number of the people of Gílán descended to the sea-shore (f. 126a), burned their ships, and slew those who had landed. Shírwánsháh, King of the Khazars, hearing of this, intercepted such of their ships as had escaped and destroyed them and their crews, and thenceforth the marauding raids of the Russians were stopped. Abu`l-'Abbás Aḥmad b. Núḥ died in Ṣafar, A. H. 298 (= October, A. D. 910).
Ṣa'lúk to Ṭabaristán.
When news of the death of Abu`l-'Abbás reached Aḥmad the Sámánid he made Muḥammad b. Ṣa'lúk, who was then at Ray, governor of Ṭabaristán, and sent his wazír Abu`l-Faḍl Muḥammad b. 'Abdu`lláh al-Bal'amí from Bukhárá to meet him. They met near ´Amul at a place called Báshír, and Muḥammad b. Ilísa' was also there.
This Sayyid, whose name was Abú Muḥammad al-Ḥasan b. 'Alí, had for some time been engaged in study and teaching in Gílán. On the return of al-Bal'amí to Bukhárá, and the arrival of Muḥammad b. Ṣa'lúk at ´Amul, the people of Fajam, Maraz, and all Gíl and Daylam flocked to him. He sent his son Abu`l-Ḥusayn Aḥmad to Rúyán, and thence expelled the Sámánid governor Muhím. Náṣir-i-Kabír then went to Kalár, and there received the allegiance of its Ispahbad Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan. Thence he proceeded to Gúr-Shír and Jálús, sending on his cousin Ḥasan b. al-Qásim with the vanguard to take Jálús. Muḥammad b. Ṣa'lúk had advanced to Búrábád with 15,000 men. Then a battle was fought (f. 126b), in which Ibn Ṣa'lúk was defeated, and many of his soldiers slain. On a Sunday in Jumáda II, A. H. 301 (= January, A. D. 914) Sayyid Náṣir advanced to Jálús, captured Abu`l-Wafá Khalífa b. Núḥ, slew the Khurásání garrison, and razed the fortress to the ground. Ibn Ṣa'lúk fled by way of ´Amul, Málika Dasht, Sárí and Gurgán to Ray. Two days later Sayyid Náṣir came to ´Amul and established himself in the Palace formerly occupied by Ḥasan b. Zayd. He treated all with the utmost justice, pardoned such as had offended him, and received the allegiance of the people of ´Amul and the neighbourhood. Then 'Abdu`lláh b. al-Ḥasan raised the white standard at Sárí, and summoned the people to support Sayyid Náṣir.
Náṣir, and arrival of an army from Bu-
khárá to subdue Sayyid Náṣir.
'Aqíqí joined Sayyid Náṣir, and, having been given an army of Gílís and Daylamís, was sent to fight the Ispahbad Shahriyár. Between ´Aram and Kúlá, however, he fell into an ambush prepared for him by Shahriyár, and was slain. His troops fled, and his head was sent by Shahriyár to Ibn Ṣa'lúk. When news of Sayyid Náṣir’s rising power reached Bukhárá, Aḥmad the Sámánid sent Muḥammad b. 'Abdu`l-'Azíz to Ṭabaristán, but forty days after his arrival there he was defeated by Sayyid Náṣir, whose power now became paramount over Ṭabaristán. He wished to raise a tax of one-tenth on all produce, but the people complained, and he desisted from his intention. Aḥmad the Sámánid collected 30,000 of his own troops and sent to Turkistán for 10,000 more, intending to “transport the very earth of Ṭabaristán to Bukhárá” (f. 127a), but when he had only gone two stages on his journey, his attendants murdered him at midnight as he slept, and Sayyid Náṣir was for the moment left unmolested. Soon afterwards the Caliph al-Muqtadir bi`lláh appointed Aḥmad the Sámánid’s son Naṣr b. Aḥmad b. Isma'íl (Naṣr I) regent of Khurásán in place of his father, and he, incited by the messengers of Hurmazd-Káma and Sharwín the son of Rustam, sent Ilyás b. Ilísa' as-Sughdí at the head of 10,000 men to Ṭabaristán. When these reached Tammísha, Abu`l-Qásim Ja'far b. al-Ḥasan b. 'Alí an-Náṣir was at Sárí, with a thousand men. Entrenching himself there, he wrote to his father informing him of the Sámánid advance. Abu`l-Ḥusayn Aḥmad [b.] an-Náṣir went to Gílán and Daylamán, and spent much money in collecting an army, while the Ispahbad Shahriyár pitched his camp at Wínábád above Sárí, still retaining the black standard and draperies (of the 'Abbásids), though he sent reinforcements to Sayyid Abu`l-Qásim. An undecided battle took place at Sárí between Sayyid Abu`l-Qásim and Ilyás b. Ilísa', and the Sámánid troops at length retired, leaving Ṭabaristán to Sayyid Náṣir-i-Kabír. The Ispahbad Sharwín also made peace with him, whilst Hurmazd-Káma retired to Astarábád, and the Sayyid handed over most of the administratiòn to his cousin Abú Muḥammad al-Ḥasan b. al-Qásim, whom he set over his own sons, who were thereby filled with envy, as one of them, Sayyid Abu`l-Ḥusayn Aḥmad b. an-Náṣir, commonlyknown as Ṣáḥibu`l-Jaysh (“the Commander in Chief”) says in a poem (f. 127b):
He also reproaches his father, who was of the Imámí sect, in these lines:
and -Náṣir.
Náṣir-i-Kabír had sent -Ḥasan b. -Qásim to Gílán, bidding him bring the rulers of that province to ´Amul to swear allegiance to him. He wrote to Náṣir that he had persuaded Harúsandán the son of Tídá, Khusraw Fírúz the son of Justán, and Laythám the son of Wardán, with all their tribesmen, to come in. But these bore Náṣir a grudge, because he had not performed all that he promised them, so they swore allegiance, not to him, but to -Ḥasan b. -Qásim (f. 128a). On reaching ´Amul, -Ḥasan alighted at Musallá (the Oratory) and did not go before Náṣir, but came next day with his guards and retainers to ask for provisions for his army. Náṣir was frightened, and fled from his quarters on a mule towards Pá-yi-Dasht, but was pursued and captured by -Ḥasan, who brought him back to ´Amul, and thence sent him to the castle of Láriján, while his allies looted the Palace. Thereafter arose a great strife between the partisans of Náṣir and of Ḥasan; and Laylá b. Nu'mán came from Sárí, and headed an attack on Ḥasan’s palace. They reviled him, took from him his signet-ring, and brought him back to ´Amul before Náṣir, of whom they asked pardon. When Ḥasan, deserted by his followers, was brought before Náṣir, the latter said without one reproach or bitter word, “I forgive thee,” and bade him return to Gílán. But Abu`l-Ḥusayn Aḥmad b. an-Náṣir interceded for him, got him recalled, and gave him his daughter (who was afterwards the mother of Abu`l-Faḍl ad-Dá'í) in marriage; and he was given the government of Gurgán.
attacked by the Turks, and be-
sieged in the Citadel.
After -Ḥasan b. -Qásim had set out for Gurgán, Sayyid Náṣir sent his son Abu`l-Qásim Ja'far after him to support him (f. 128b). But the latter, having a grudge against him, purposely lagged behind, and kept writing to his father, saying, “This man cherishes enmity against thee.” And when, on approaching Gurgán, the Turks came out to give battle to -Ḥasan, Abu`l-Qásim abandoned him to his fate; and Ḥasan, being unable to withstand them, fell back on Astarábád, and withdrew into the castle of Kajín, which had remained in good repair from the time of Shápúr Dhu`l-Aktáf [the Sásánian] until the time of Ardashír b. al-Ḥasan, who ordered it to be destroyed, lest it should fall into the hands of Tukush b. ´Il-Arslán. There Ḥasan remained all the winter, besieged by the Turks, while his men suffered much from the cold. At length, being in want of food, he made a sortie with a few of his followers, attacked the Turks and slew some of them, and made his way safely to ´Amul, and thence to Gílán. Sayyid Náṣir now retired from public life and devoted himself to study and teaching, and the fame of his knowledge in Jurisprudence, Traditions, Philosophy, Poetry and Literature brought him many visitors from distant lands. He finally died on Sha'bán 5, A. H. 304 (January 31, A. D. 917), having sent his son Abu`l-Ḥusayn Aḥmad to Gílán and made his son-in-law -Ḥasan b. -Qásim his successor.
Abú Muḥammad al-Ḥasan b. al-Qásim b. al-Ḥasan b. 'Alí b. 'Abdu`r-Raḥmán ash-Shajarí b. al-Qásim b. al-Ḥasan b. Zayd b. al-Ḥasan b. 'Alí b. Abí Ṭálib now succeeded under the title of ad-Dá'í (f. 129a) ila`l-Ḥaqq (“The Summoner unto the Truth”), or, as he is called in the Kitábu`l-Ansáb, ad-Dá'í aṣ-Ṣaghír (“the Lesser Dá'í”). He reached ´Amul on Ramaḍán 12, A. H. 304 (= March 9, A. D. 917), and Sayyid Abu`l-Ḥusayn Aḥmad b. an-Náṣir surrendered the sovereignty to him. The brother of the latter, Abu`l-Qásim Ja'far b. an-Náṣir, sent to him, saying, “The kingdom is our father’s; why then dost thou surrender it to him?” but he paid no heed, and an estrangement between the two brothers resulted. Ja'far went to Muḥammad b. Ṣa'lúk at Ray, and promised to adopt the black colour of the 'Abbásids, to coin money in the name of the (Sámánid) rulers of Khurásán, and to insert their names in the k??uṭba, and help to recover Ṭabaristán for them.
Ḥasan governed justly and well, and made the people contented and happy. When Ja'far came to ´Amul, Ḥasan retired to Gílán in A. H. 306 (= A. D. 918—919), and Ja'far remained there seven months, extorting exorbitant taxes from the people, till -Ḥasan returned in Jumádá II, A. H. 307 (November, A. D. 919), and again established justice, so that all men prayed for long continuance of his life. He had his palace at Muṣallá (“the Oratory”) near ´Amul, and built lofty dwellings for his officers round about him, so that they should not dwell in the city, or vex and molest the inhabitants. The Ispahbad Sharwín and Shahriyár the son of Wandá-ummíd agreed to pay him the tribute they had paid in the time of Sayyid Ḥasan b. Zayd, but -Ḥasan b. -Qásim, not deeming this enough, marched against them, defeated Shahriyár at Kawíj, and made peace with Sharwín.
At this time the Sámánids were vainly endeavouring to subdue Níshápúr, and Sayyid Ḥasan sent against it Laylá b. Nu'mán (f. 129b), who took it. Then he proceeded to Tús, where, being defeated by the Sámánid army, he fled to Gurgán. There a number of the Daylamite chiefs gave him their allegiance, and conspired with him to kill Sayyid Ḥasan by treachery, but, the plot being made known to the Sayyid, he, without saying a word to any one, marched to Gurgán, seized the conspirators, and beheaded them. Amongst them was Harúsandán, the father of Siyáh Gíl, chief of Gílán. So men’s hearts were filled with fear of Sayyid Ḥasan, and thenceforth no one dared to plot against him. Leaving Abu`l-Ḥusayn [b.] Náṣir at Gurgán, he then returned to ´Amul. Shortly after this Abu`l-Qásim b. an-Náṣir collected a number of followers in Gílán, while Sayyid Abu`l-Ḥusayn [b.] Náṣir also turned against Sayyid Ḥasan, and sent his general Abú Músá Hárún Isfáh-dúst to ´Amul, where, however, he was defeated and slain. On thís event 'Abdu`lláh b. Muḥammad al-Kátib has the following verse:
Sayyid Ḥasan, having concluded peace with Abu`l-Ḥusayn for a payment of 10,000 dirhams, sent 'Alí b. Ja'far ar-Rází against the Ispahbad Shahriyár, and Ḥusayn b. Dínár against the Ispahbad Sharwín. Both submitted and came in (f. 130a), but fled on being informed that Sayyid Ḥasan thought to put an end to the trouble they were continually causing by casting both of them into prison. Sayyid Ḥasan was therefore compelled to pursue them, and finally had to be content with taking their sons as hostages for their good behaviour.
Sayyid Ḥasan next ordered Ilyás b. Ilísa' to evacuate Gurgán, but, as he paid no heed, he was attacked, his army routed, and himself killed. When this news reached Bukhárá, the Sámánids sent Qará-takín the Turk with 30,000 horsemen to Gurgán. Sayyid Ḥasan and Abu`l-Ḥusayn retired into Tammísha, knowing that they could not withstand so large a host, and Abu`l-Ḥusayn presently deserted Sayyid Ḥasan, went to Gílán, and joined Abu`l-Qásim Ja'far, while Sayyid Ḥasan took refuge with the Ispahbad Muḥammad b. Shahriyár, who, however, put him in fetters and sent him to 'Alí b. Wah-súdán, governor for the Caliph al-Muqtadir at Ray. Ṭáhir b. Muḥammad the scribe was sent to 'Alí b. Wehsúdán bidding him not to forward his prisoner to Baghdad, but to imprison him in his fathers' castle at (f. 130b) Alamút, where he remained a prisoner until Muḥammad b. Musáfir defeated 'Alí b. Wehsúdán at Qazwín, when Khusraw Fírúz released him and sent him to Gílán.
Meanwhile Sayyid Abu`l-Ḥasan and his brother Abu`l-Qásim Ja'far succeeded conjointly in expelling Qará-takín from Ṭabaristán, which was rendered the easier by troubles in Khurásán which required his presence. The brothers then remained in Gurgán until Aḥmad Ṭawíl was sent against them from Bukhárá, but him also they defeated, and he fled alone to Bisṭám, while most of his army dispersed to Jájarm and Isfará`in.
Sayyid Ḥasan, on his release, came to Gílán, sent to Ṭabaristán for his hidden treasures and moneys, and therewith collected an army, with which he invaded Ṭabaristán, and advanced to ´Amul and Sárí. Abu`l-Ḥusayn and Abu`l-Qásim sent Abú Bakr az-Zifrí to ´Amul to obtain news, but at Astarábád he heard that Sayyid Ḥasan had already reached Lamrásk, whereupon he at once returned to make his report. Abu`l-Ḥusayn, Abu`l-Qásim and [the son of] Harúsandán1 held a council of war (f. 131a), and it was agreed that the first should march on Astarábád and give battle to Sayyid Ḥasan, while the two others remained in Gurgán. Next morning these last went out from the city to the Dá'í’s Tomb to await news from Astarábád. A ghulám of 'Alí Qumí Darzí came out from Gurgán, however, with the news that Laylá’s men were plundering their houses and stealing their treasures. Thereupon they went back to the city, and Abu`l-Qásim found the very mats stripped from his house, and learned that there were only ten of his followers left in it, whereupon he cast himself on the ground and burst into tears. Laylá denied any complicity in this robbery, but told Abu`l-Qásim that he could not remain in Gurgán; and as he feared to go alone, he gave him an escort of 30 men under Lashkar-sitán. The Daylamites had shut the gates, but he got out by the new road of Kaláta, having only three dínárs in his possession with which to buy bread (f. 131b). On advancing a little further he met three men, who informed him that Sayyid Ḥasan had defeated his confederate Abu`l-Ḥusayn. Abu`l-Qásim and Darzí Qumí were now left alone in despair and bewilderment. The former bought an ass in a neighbouring village, and went by Bisṭám to Dámghán, and thence to Ray and Gílán.
Sayyid Ḥasan, having defeated Abu`l-Ḥusayn, sent him a kindly message, saying, “I am thy servant, and the kingdom is thine, having been thy father’s before.” So these two were reconciled.
When the House of Símjúr began to cause trouble in Khurásán, [Abú] 'Alí b. Símjúr came to Gurgán, and invited the Sayyids, as men of peace and religion, to abandon the country quietly to him. They refused, and fought a battle with him at the village of Jaláyin. Surkháb the son of Weh-súdán attacked and routed him, while Abu`l-Ḥusayn scattered his right wing. His men fled into the plain, but when they had gone some distance, the Tùrks turned at bay, alighted from (f. 132a) their horses, and fired a volley of arrows, completely routing their assaillants, so that the Sayyids Ḥasan and Abu`l-Ḥusayn fled, accompanied only by one ghulám, and by 'Alí b. Buwayh [i. e. 'Imádu`d-Dawla], Mákán b. Kákí, and Jakáw the sipahsálár, while the Turks pursued them to ´Abasgún. In Tammísha they halted and began to fortify themselves, while Sayyid Ḥasan, leaving Mákán there, went on to ´Amul to gather fresh troops. Abu`l-Ḥusayn then again attacked the Turks, repulsed them, and re-occupied Gurgán. This victory was at the end of Dhu`l-Ḥijja, A. H. 310 (= April 20, A. D. 923). For some time after this Sayyid Ḥasan and Abu`l-Ḥusayn held Ṭabaristán thus, the former residing at ´Amul, the latter at Gurgán. Sayyid Ḥasan built mosques and colleges, encouraged and patronized men of learning and poets, and governed the people wisely and beneficently. After a while Abu`l-Ḥusayn again quarrelled with and attacked him, but was defeated, and fled to join his brother Abu`l-Qásim.
These two then allied themselves with Mákán b. Kákí, 'Alí b. Khurshíd, Asfár b. Shírúya and Rashámúj, and determined to seize Sayyid Ḥasan, who, being informed of their designs, marched from ´Amul to Sárí with Rustam b. Sharwín. The brothers Abu`l-Ḥusayn and Abu`l-Qásim marched along the coast to Mishkawá, meaning to fight him next day at Sárí, but Sayyid Ḥasan fled that night, none knew whither. Abu`l-Ḥusayn nominated his own governors and lieutenants, and on Thursday (f. 132b), the 8th of Jumáda I (A. H. 311 = Aug. 24, A. D. 923), came to ´Amul, but behaved so exorbitantly and tyrannically towards the people that they longed with all their souls for the former government. And on Tuesday, Rajab 29, A. H. 311 (= Nov. 13, A. D. 923) Abu`l-Ḥusayn died.
On his death, Abu`l-Qásim, his brother, was left in undisputed possession of Ṭabaristán, for Sayyid Ḥasan had fled to the mountains, where many of those who loved his rule joined him. On hearing of Abu`l-Ḥusayn’s death, he approached ´Amul, halting at a place known as Gázar-gáh (the Washing-place) to fight Abu`l-Qásim; but in Ramaḍán, A. H. 311 (= Dec. A. D. 923—Jan., A. D. 924), most of his men having deserted to the enemy, he again fled to the mountains. About the same date Sayyid Abu`l-Qásim ordered Khalíl b. Kájí to kill 'Abdu`lláh [b.] Mubárak the scribe, stick his head on a pole, and parade it, with an ink-stand set before it in mockery, through the bázárs. But Abu`l-Qásim himself died soon afterwards on Tuesday, Dhu`l-Qa'da 10, A. H. 312 (= Febr. 7, A. D. 925).
All Gíl and Daylam now swore allegiance to Abu`l-Qásim’s nephew [Abú 'Alí] Muḥammad b. Aḥmad [b.] al-Ḥasan, who was beloved for his justice and beneficence as much as he was feared for his courage.
Abu`l-Qásim had made Mákán b. Kákí governor of Gurgán (f. 133a), and he, with Ḥasan [b.] Fírúzán and Abú 'Alí b. Iṣfahán, agreed to swear allegiance to Abu`l-Qásim’s little son (by Díkú, daughter of Iṣfahán) Ismá'íl and make him king; which design, however, they kept secret, until Sayyid Abú 'Alí summoned them to his presence, when they marched from Gurgán to Sárí, Abú 'Alí having gone with only a few retainers to Mámṭír. Mákán then sent his army to seize him, bidding them drag him from his horse, and snatch off his kuláh, which was done. Then Mákán sent him to Gurgán to the Amír Ká, son of Wardásf, who came to ´Amul and crowned Isma'íl. Mákán wrote news of this to Sayyid Ḥasan, and sent his brother Abu`l-Ḥusayn b. Kákí with the insignia of royalty to Jájarm and Khurásán, whither also he despatched an army. 'Alí b. Buwayh, the paternal uncle of Aḍudu`d-Dawla Fanákhusraw, was the Sayyids’ governor of that place, and he, with his 400 men, was defeated and captured by Abu`l-Ḥusayn b. Káki, who slew all the Khurásání soldiers who fell into his hands. Soon afterwards Mákán wrote to his brother to return to Gurgán and take over the government of it from the Amír Ká; and he sent a confidential message to his brother bidding him kill Sayyid Abú 'Alí, who was lodging in the house of Raḍí, and send him his head. As the two sat drinking together, Abu`l-Ḥusayn b. Kákí began to quarrel with the Sayyid, who, divining his object, made some pretext for leaving the room, and borrowed from one of his servants a small knife (f. 133b) which he concealed in his dress. Then he returned, and when Abu`l-Ḥusayn b. Kákí, waxing more quarrelsome, seized him by the throat, he threw him down and ripped up his belly. To escape, the Sayyid was obliged to leap from the roof thirty yards down into the moat. He then sent his ring to 'Alí b. Khurshíd and Asfár b. Shírúya, who were in revolt against Mákán and were plundering on the high roads of Gurgán, and they at once joined him and swore allegiance to him. Soon he had an army round him, and was in possession of Gurgán.
As soon as Mákán heard of his brother’s death, he collected an army and marched on Gurgán, but the Sayyid, by bribing Rashámúj the son of Shír-Mardán to desert to his side was able to discomfit and rout him. Mákán fled to Lamrásk (f. 134a) without halting, left the Amír Ká, son of Wardásf, there with a regiment, and continued his flight to Sárí. Sayyid Abú 'Alí, having left 'Alí b. Khurshíd in charge of Gurgán, pushed on to Lamrásk, where the vanguard of his army had already defeated Amír Ká. Without halting he marched on to Sárí and defeated Mákán, who fled into the city, after slaying Abú Ja'far Kúrankíj, who tried to seize him. He was pursued by the soldiers from quarter to quarter and repeatedly wounded, but struck down a soldier who tried to arrest him and escaped. In trying to cross the river he was thrown from his horse, which he then abandoned, together with his coat of mail, and fled through a garden to a house belonging to a poor man, whose help he implored, and who hid him in the branches of a mulberry-tree. The soldiers arrived there and threatened the poor man, who, however, would not betray Mákán’s hiding-place. When they had gone, he brought Mákán out, bound up his wounds, and, when he was strong enough, set him on his way, so that he escaped to the highlands of Sárí. When afterwards Mákán became powerful and prosperous, he richly rewarded his deliverer, whose name was Kayán Búj, raised him to a high position and conferred honour on his family. Sayyid Abu 'Alí came to ´Amul and took possession of Ṭabaristán. He ruled firmly and wisely, but ere long was killed by a fall from his horse whilst playing polo.
When the mourning for his death was concluded, the people (f. 134b) swore allegiance to his brother Abú Ja'far. His accession was soon followed by a serious riot, caused by the injustice of his minister Abu`l-Hasan [b.] Abí Yúsuf, in which disturbance many persons were killed, even in the chief Mosque, where the soldiers massacred numbers of the congregation as they came from public prayer on Friday, till at length the people rose and expelled the troops from the city.
Mákán b. Kákí kept writing from his highland retreat to the Dá'í urging him to revolt and promising him his support, but he would not stir until Mákán had collected 500 men at a place above Nátil still known as “Mákán’s camp”. When Sayyid Abú Ja'far learned this, he marched from ´Amul to Nátil, and encamped opposite Mákán. Many of the notables of ´Amul, such as Sayyid Abú Ja'far Mánk-dím, Abu 'Abdi`lláh Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan, Abú Ja'far Muḥammad b. 'Alí, the head-man of ´Amul and nephew of Ḥusayn b. 'Alí Faqíh, and 'Abbás b. Qábúsán, wrote letters to Mákán promising to help him. He bade them remain quietly in the city, but they disobeyed him, and, gathering a great rabble of the townsfolk, made manifest their intentions (f. 135a). Sayyid Abú Ja'far, learning this, sent against them 1200 picked soldiers, who utterly routed these undisciplined levies, killing many of them. Next day Sayyid Abú Ja'far Náṣir entered ´Amul, where Abu`l-Ḥasan the minister had exacted large sums of money from the people.
Mákán again urged the Dá'í to revolt, but he still refused, until Asfár the son of Shírúya and Muṭrif, his minister, having exacted vast sums of money from the people, retired to Gurgán and openly cast off their allegiance to Abú Ja'far, who sent 'Alí b. Khurshíd to Sárí as governor. After a month or so, Asfár came from Gurgán and attacked him, defeated him, imprisoned him in the caravanseray of Ḥasan b. Bahrám, seized the city, and proclaimed himself king.
Meanwhile Mákán’s strength continued to increase, and he determined to attack Sayyid Abú Ja'far, who, on his approach, fled from ´Amul to Wandád-Hurmazd Kúh. Mákán occupied the city, and at once sent messengers to the Dá'í to bring him from Gílán. When he arrived, amidst the rejoicings of the people, he advanced with Mákán from ´Amul to Sárí. Asfár fled at their approach (f. 135b), while the Ispahbad Sharwín retired into his highlands. At this juncture Naṣr b. Aḥmad the Sámánid marched from Bukhárá with an army of 30,000 men to subdue Ṭabaristán and 'Iráq, and entered the highlands of Ṭabaristán. Abú Naṣr was Sayyid Ḥasan’s governor in Shahriyár-kúh, and he blocked the roads, broke down the bridges, and so entangled Naṣr b. Aḥmad in the highlands that he was unable to get out, and was reduced to great straits for food and fodder, so that finally he sent an ambassador to Sayyid Ḥasan asking him on what terms he would let him depart. The Sayyid sent 'Abdu`lláh b. Salám and Abu`l-'Abbás [b.] Dhu 'r-Riyásatayn to him, and concluded peace, on the understanding that he should pay an idemnity of 20,000 dínárs and depart to Khurásán.
When the Sámánid had departed, Mákán began to behave arrogantly towards the Sayyid, who left him, and went to Gílán with the Ispahbad Sharwín b. Rustam. Mákán sent messengers to make apologies, but the Sayyid would not listen to them. Then Asfár collected an army of 7000 Turks, Gílís, and Daylamites and came to ´Amul, where he fought with Mákán for three days and nights at the gate known as Dar-i-Júr. Rashámúj had promised to help Mákán, and actually joined him on the fourth day. All the people were watching the fray from the roofs of the various buildings. Mákán looked back, saw them, and said, “Why do ye not take down these dogs?” Then Mákán’s troops dashed at Asfár’s and routed them, and pursued them to Sárí. Asfár came to Gurgán, releasing 'Alí b. Khurshíd, whom he had kept in bonds (f. 136a), and who was brought to Mákán, and by him restored to liberty. Mákán then marched on to Astarábád, while Asfár went to Abú Bakr b. Ilísa', Naṣr b. Aḥmad’s commander-in-chief, who turned back to Sárí, and in A. H. 315 (A. D. 927—8) despatched Ḥasan [b.] Fírúzán to the highlands to seek out Sayyid Abú Ja'far, whom he brought in to Sárí, bareheaded and bare-footed, and imprisoned in the Palace of Abu`l-'Abbás [b.] Dhu`r-Riyásatayn. Then the Dá'í wrote to Mákán, reproaching him bitterly for what he had done to Sayyid Abú Ja'far, notwithstanding all his protestations of friendship and promises of support to himself; and thereupon Mákán released Abu Ja'far and sent him to the Dá'í. Then the latter, supported by Gíl and Daylam, and accompanied by the Ispahbad Sharwín, came to ´Amul, where Mákán came out to meet him. Soon after this Mákán slew Abú Naṣr, who had come to Sárí, with a blow from his mace, while he was riding with him, and restored the government of Shahriyár-kúh to the Ispahbad Sharwín, whom he dismissed with presents and robes of honour. Asfár joined Abú Bakr [b.] Ilísa' and on his death, which occurred shortly afterwards, the army swore allegiance to him. Abú Bakr had a ghulám named ´Il-Tughdí, who, fearing Naṣr b. Aḥmad, joined Asfár, and secured for him the kingdom of Khurásán. Naṣr b. Aḥmad, hearing this, sent Ṣáliḥ b. Sayyár (f. 136b), with the insignia of royalty, to conciliate him, and Asfár waxed bold and tyrannical, so that the people of Khurásán conceived a great hatred for him.
Mákán and the Dá'í being now reconciled, a great army gathered round them, and they marched on Ray, expelled its governor, Muḥammad b. Ṣa'lúk, and annexed it. Asfár, hearing of their absence, marched on Ṭabaristán with the army of Khurásán, and Abu`l-Ḥajjáj Mardáwíj b. Ziyár, the elder brother of Washmgír, who was with Qará-takín the Sámánid, asked permission to join this expedition.
News of this invasion reached the Dá'í and Mákán at Ray, and the latter begged the former to remain there while he marched back to fight the invaders. But the Dá'í would not listen, and, with 500 men, marched to ´Amul. The people of ´Amul, on account of Abu`l-'Abbás al-Faqíh al-'Alaqí, refrained from helping the Dá'í; and Asfár, who was at Sári, hearing of his weakness at ´Amul, and of Mákán’s absence at Ray, marched to ´Amul and attacked the Dá'i, who came out to meet him in battle, but was slain by Mardáwíj with a blow of his mace at 'Alí-ábád as he was endeavouring to recross the river and regain the city. On the same day Abú Ja'far Mánk-dím and another, a descendant of 'Aqíl b. Abí Ṭálib, were slain, and Ṭabaristán passed into the possession of Asfár, who appointed his own governors, and, being reinforced by a Turk named Agúshí and his tribe, marched on Ray and defeated Mákán, who fled to Ṭabaristán, while Asfár remained at Ray to enrich himself and his army (f. 137a). Then, leaving Agúshí at Ray, Asfár returned to Ṭabaristán. Mákán thereupon fled to Daylamán. Asfár swore allegiance to Abú Jaf'ar, who, however, he shortly afterwards seized, together with Abu`l-Ḥusayn Shajarí and Zayd b. Ṣáliḥ, and sent them in chains to Bukhárá, while Sayyid Abu`l-Ḥusayn fled. These three remained in captivity at Bukhárá till the death of Abú Bakr Zakariyyá, when they were released, and returned to Ṭabaristán. ´Amul was ceded to Mákán on condition that he should not interfere with the rest of Ṭabaristán. Agúshí the Turk behaved so tyrannically at Ray that Asfár resolved to kill him, but he fled to Qum, pursued by Mardáwíj, whom Asfár sent after him, but without success.
At this juncture the Caliph al-Muqtadir sent his cousin Harún b. al-Gharíb against Ray, but he was defeated by Asfár. Mákán, not regarding his treaty, strove to bring all Ṭabaristán under his control, made Ḥasan [b.] Fírúzán his deputy at ´Amul, and himself marched to Gurgán and thence to Níshápúr, accompanied by the Ispahbad Sharwín and Shahriyár of Wandád-Hurmazd-Kúh. There he fought many battles and gained many victories, but a report arose in Ṭabaristán that he was dead, and Ḥasan [b.] Fírúzán assumed the control of affairs and placed the crown on the head of Isma'íl the 'Alawí, who was his half-brother, giving him Fáṭima, the daughter of Aḥmad, who had been the wife of the Dá'í, as his wife. But Khadíja, the mother of Abú Ja'far, bribed two of Díkú’s handmaidens with 400 dínárs to poison Isma'íl with a poisoned lancet while he was being bled. Later, when these handmaidens quarrelled and divulged the secret, both were hanged at Shálús by Díkú. Ḥasan [b.] Fírúzán came to ´Amul, but was expelled by Abú 'Alí of Isfahán and Abú Músá, two of Mákán’s officers, and retreated to Daylamán. Asfár went from Ray to Qazwín, and slew many of its inhabitants, because they had, in a riot, slain his lieutenant, and burned the bázárs, and many of the people fled into exile. Mardáwíj b. Ziyár quarrelled with him, gathered a number of followers, and retired to Zangán, whence he made an attack on Qazwín, and drove Asfár to Ray, and thence to Qúmish, where he was joined by Abu`l-'Abbás b. Kálanjár. With him Asfár fell back by way of Quhistán on Ṭabas, whither he was pursued by Mákán. Thence he endeavoured to reach the castle of Alamút, but Mardáwíj stopped the way (f. 138), and finally captured him in Tálaqán and beheaded him. All this happened in A. H. 319 (A. D. 931). Mardáwíj, being now quit of Asfár, slew many of the rabble who had supported him, including Aḥmad b. Rasúl and Abu`l-'Abbás. 'Aṣṣárí, and established himself at Ray. Mákán advanced from Khurásán to Ṭabaristán and made peace with Mardáwíj, who sent messengers to Gílán by way of Qazwín and brought Náṣir to Ray. Mákán had tortured Abu`l-Faḍl Shágird, a relative of Muṭrif, to make him disgorge money; and Muṭrif induced Mardáwíj to march on Ṭabaristán. Mákán, learning this, came to ´Amul. Mardáwíj sent Náṣir by way of Láriján and Damáwand, but Mákán met him near Wálá-rúd and slew him and many of his followers. Mardáwíj retreated by way of Damáwand to Ray. At this period the sons of Buwayh had seized the provinces of Fárs and Kirmán, and Mardáwíj went to Isfahán to arrange his plans, but while there he was assassinated in the bath.1
On the death of Mardáwíj, the army of Ray swore allegiance to his brother Washmgír b. Ziyár, who, having set in order the affairs of 'Iráq, sent Shíraj b. Laylá, Lashkarí and Abu`l-Qásim to expel Mákán from Ṭabaristán. Mákán fled thence to Gurgán, on a Tuesday in Ramaḍán, A. H. 323 (= August, A. D. 935). Abú Bakr and Abu`l-Mudhaffar, who were both there, allied themselves with Abu`l-Qásim, and left him in possession of Gurgán when they had expelled Mákán (f. 138b). But in Ramaḍán, A. H. 324 (= July—August, A. D. 936) Abu`l-Qásim was killed by a fall from his horse whilst playing polo, and buried at Sárí. His army swore allegiance to Ibráhím b. Gúshyár. The Amír Abú Ṭálib Washmgír came from Ray to ´Amul and thence to Sárí, and Ibráhím b. Gúshyár came from Gurgán to meet him, but was dismissed from his command and degraded to his former rank. Washmgír then remained for some while at Sári, until Abú 'Alí Khalífa and Langarcha Pír were murdered at ´Amul. In Muḥarram, A. H. 325 (= Nov.—Dec., A. D. 936) he sent to Níshápúr and brought back Mákán, to whom he gave Gurgán. The command of the army of Ṭabaristán he conferred on Abú Dá`úd and Isfáhí b. Urmazdyár, bidding them make war on Abú Músá b. Bahrám, who had rebelled in Daylamán. Abú Ja'far Muḥammad, who was at ´Amul, was joined by Abú Dá`úd, and these, accompanṛed by Abú Ja'far Náṣir, went to attack Abú Músá, whom they defeated and expelled from that country. Daylamán, Jálús and the regions on that side of ´Amul were conferred by Abú Ṭáhir Washmgír on Aḥmad b. Sálár, while Muḥammad b. Aḥmad an-Náṣir ruled at ´Amul, giving audience every Monday and Thursday, and holding religious discussions with the doctors of Islám every Wednesday. Abú Dá`úd was at Sárí, which suffered greatly this year from floods, so that the people fled into the highlands. Abú Dá`úd summoned all the ministers and officials, and warned them that any exaction of which they might be guilty would be severely punished (f. 139a).
In Muḥarram, A. H. 328 (= Oct.—Nov., A. D. 939) Naṣr b. Aḥmad the Sámánid sent Abú 'Alí b. Aḥmad b. Muḥammad al-Mudhaffarí to Gurgán. Mákán appealed for help to Washmgír, who sent Isfáhí, with numerous levies from Gíl and Daylam. For seven months there was war in Gurgán, and at length Mákán and his allies were defeated, though reinforced by Shíraj b. Laylá. Finally, driven out of Gurgán by the army of Khurásán, Mákán fell back on Ṭabaristán and halted at ´Amul. At this juncture news arrived that Ḥasan the Buwayhid had come from Kirmán to Ray, seeking to conquer 'Iráq. Washmgír marched at the head of an army to a place two stages distance from Ray called Mushkú, where a battle was fought, and the army of Ḥasan the Buwayhid was defeated, and fell back on Iṣfahán. In this battle the chamberlain Ibn Shá`úshtí was slain, and Ḥasan the Buwayhid captured the Gílá-gúr, but Washmgír’s men recovered him and brought him in his bonds to Washmgír, who set him free. Some days later, Washmgír came from Ray to Damáwand and summoned Mákán b. Kákí before him. He arrived on the '´Ashúrá (Muḥarram 10) A. H. 329 (= October 15, A. D. 940), and was received with the utmost honour and sent to Sárí. As he was returning thither from Damáwand, the commander-in-chief Abu 'Alí came to Dámghán, marching on 'Iráq. Washmgír turned back from Ray to Wíma near Damáwand, and sent to Mákán to join him. Mákán, leaving his cousin Ḥasan [b.] Fírúzán at Sárí, went to Washmgír, and they met at Isḥáq-ábád. On Saturday, the 21st of Rabí' I, A. H. 329 (= December 24, A. D. 940) they drew up in battle-array against the commander-in-chief [of the Sámánids]. At the first attack of the Khurásánís (f. 139b) Washmgír fled; but Mákán stood firm, till, 1400 of his Gílí and Daylamite guards having been slain, twenty Turkish champions hurled themselves upon him, dragged him from his horse, and slew him. His head, with a number of notable Daylamites who had been taken prisoners, was sent to Bukhárá1. His wazír, the father of Ustád Ibnu`l-'Amíd Muḥammad Qumí, al-Ḥusayn b. Muḥammad, known as kala, one of the finest scholars of the age, was also slain, and his head sent to Bukhárá. Thither also was sent his secretary, who, because of his accomplishments, was received with honour at the Sámánid court, where he remained for the rest of his days.
Washmgír, meanwhile, fled to Láriján, whence, ten days later, he came to Muṣallá of ´Amul. There, on Wednesday, the 28th of Rabí' II, A. H. 329 (= December 31, A. D. 940) he received the news of Mákán’s death. Ḥasan [b.] Fírúzán, Mákán’s cousin, and his clansmen agreed that Washmgír had purposely deserted their kinsman, and so rebelled against the latter, who sent Shíraj b. Laylá to fight them. He drove them out of Sárí, and they fell back on Astarábád. Shíraj came to ´Amul, and advanced on Astarábád, while Ḥasan [b.] Fírúzán fled to 'Iráq and joined the Sámáníd commander-in-chief, whom he induced to invade Ṭabaristán. Washmgír then retired from Gurgán to Sárí, where, at a place called Walajúy, a battle took place, wherein Washmgír stood firm; and even in the midst of it (f. 150a) news arrived of the death of Naṣr b. Aḥmad and the succession of his son Núḥ. Thereupon the Sámánid general made peace with Washmgír, and set out for Bukhárá, accompanied by Ḥasan [b.] Fírúzán, who, on the way thither, treacherously slew his chamberlain Mushawwiq, and, with the plunder which he had seized, returned to Gurgán, while the Sámánid general proceded on his way to join Núḥ b. Naṣr the new sovereign. All this happened in the year A. H. 331 (= A. D. 942—943). Washmgír made Isfáhí governor of Ṭabaristán and himself went to Ray.
At the end of Ramaḍán, A. H. 331 (beginning of June, A. D. 943) Ḥasan the Buwayhid advanced from Isfahán by way of Qazwín, and Washmgír came forth from Ray to give him battle. Shír Mardí and Gúrígír deserted him and went over to his enemy, and Washmgír, filled with apprehension, was defeated, and fled to Muṣallá near ´Amul. Ḥasan the Buwayhid seized Abú 'Alí the scribe, Aḥmad b. Muḥammad al-'Umarí and Abú 'Umar the wazír, and bade them disclose Washmgír’s treasures. They indicated to him as the treasurer Abu`l-Ḥasan Mámṭírí, who, under torture, gave up all his own wealth, but not a grain of his master’s. On reaching ´Amul, Washmgír sent Binán b. al-Ḥasan as an ambassador to Ḥasan [b.] Fírúzán, who, however, imprisoned him in the castle of Jahína, and again came to Sárí, where Washmgír then was. A battle ensued, and Muḥammad b. Dabírí and Isma'íl b. Mardúchín deserted to Ḥasan [b.] Fírúzán’s side. Thereupon Washmgír again fled to the Ispahbad Shahriyár b. Sharwín in the highlands, and, taking all his kinsmen and women-folk with him (f. 140b), made his way to Bukhárá, where Núḥ b. Naṣr the Sámánid came out to meet him and received him with honour. Washmgír’s lieutenant Isfáhí came to ´Amul, whence, learning that Washmgír had fled, he moved to the castle of Kuhrúd. A riot ensued in ´Amul, wherein many officers and myrmidons of the government were slain, and Ja'far b. Alanbán was hanged, and the people of Qum who were there were maltreated, till Ḥasan [b.] Fírúzán came to ´Amul and encamped at Sha'bú-Dasht, whence he went to Láriján and captured the castle and slew Isfáhí b. Akharyár, and seized all his property, and sent the spoils to his own castle in Daylamán.
Then Núḥ b. Naṣr the Sámánid sent Qarátakín at the head
of 30,000 horsemen with Washmgír to Ṭabaristan. When he
reached Gurgán, Ḥasan b. Fírúzán pretended that he was
going to attack him, but suddenly slipped past him from
Astarábád to ´Amul, destroying the roads and bridges, by
way of Mámṭír and Tarícha. He was pursued by Washmgír
to Sárí, whence, by way of ´Amul, he made good his escape
to Daylamán. Washmgír advanced to Jálús, and Qarátakín
demanded money of him, so that he was obliged to turn
back to ´Amul and give him a share of his possessions, besides
presenting all the men of learning and position to him
in the mosque, in order that they also might he laid
under contribution. Meanwhile Ḥasan b. Fírúzán remained in
his castle
At this date the Buwayhids had over-run the two 'Iráqs, al-Ḥijáz and Syria, as is fully set forth by Abú Isḥaq Ibráhim b. Hilál aṣ-Ṣábí in his Kitábu`t-Tájí fí áthári `d-Dawlati `d-Daylamiyya, and had made Baghdad their capital. Ḥasan the Buwayhid, the father of 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla Fanákhusraw, made his brother Mu'izzu`d-Dawla governor of Ray, while he himself held sway over 'Iráq. As soon as he heard of the return of Washmgír, he set out with a large army of Persians and Arabs to attack Ṭabaristán. Washmgír fled to Daylamán, but its people refused to shelter him for fear of the Buwayhids. Ruknu`d-Dawla Ḥasan the Buwayhid advanced as far as Jálús, and Washmgír took refuge with Abu `l-Faḍl ath-Thá`ir, but for whose protection the Daylamites would have surrendered Washmgír to his foes. Ruknu `d-Dawla the Buwayhid retired to ´Amul and remained there a month, till news of the death of his brother 'Alí reached him, whereupon he left Ṭabaristán and returned to 'Iráq. Thereupon Washmgír and ath-Thá`ir al-'Alawí, accompanied by a host of Gílís and Daylamís, came to ´Amul and appointed their own governors. Leaving the Sayyid at ´Amul, Washmgír himself marched to Gurgán. Shíraj b. Laylá, Wardánsháh and Abu`l-Ḥasan the brother of Náṣir conspired together and slew the chief supporters of ath-Thá`ir, while Muḥammad b. Wahrí, one of his chief intimates, joined them, so that the Sayyid was left alone, and fled by night to Daylamán, while the conspirators plundered and looted ´Amul (f. 142a).
When Ruknu`d-Dawla had concluded the mourning for his brother, he collected a large army, marched on Gurgán, attacked Washmgír, and drove him by way of Nasá and Báward to Merv, which was then governed for Núḥ the Sámánid by Manṣúr Qarátakín. Níshápúr had been seized by Muḥammad b. 'Abdu`r-Razzáq, who had revolted against Núḥ. Washmgír and Qarátakín made a combined attack on him, and he, unable to withstand them, retired to Gurgán, where he joined Ruknu`d-Dawla’s governor, Ḥasan [b.] Fírúzán. In Shawwál, A. H. 337 (= April, A. D. 949) Qarátạkín and Washmgír entered Gurgán, and Muḥammad b. 'Abdu`r-Razzáq fled to Ray and took refuge with Ruknu`d-Dawla. Qarátakín returned to Níshápúr and there died. Amír Núḥ thereupon appointed Abú 'Alí Muslim commander in chief in Khurásán, and sent him against Ruknu`d-Dawla. He reached Ray in A. H. 342 (= A. D. 353—4), besieged Ruknu`d-Dawla in the citadel, and finally made peace with him on the condition that he should pay to the Court of Bukhárá a yearly tribute of 200,000 dínárs. Thereupon Abú 'Alí Muslim retired, to the great vexation of Washmgír, who wrote to the Amír Núḥ saying that, if he had pressed his advantage, he might have taken Ruknu`d-Dawla captive. Amír Núḥ, incensed at this, dismissed Abú 'Alí Muslim from his office of commander in chief, and gave it to Abú Sa'íd Bakr b. Malik. Abú 'Alí Muslim, being informed of his dismissal, revolted against Amír Núḥ, omitted his name from the khuṭba, and seized Níshápúr. And about the same time, as it chanced, in A. H. 343 (= A. D. 954—5) Amír Núḥ died, and was succeeded by his son 'Abdu`l-Malik. Thus Abú 'Alí Muslim’s power became greater, and he concluded (f. 142b) an offensive and defensive alliance with Ruknu`d-Dawla. They agreed to invade Ṭabaristán, the former by way of Shahriyár-Kúh, the latter by Hurmazd-Kúh; but soon after they had effected a junction, Abú 'Alí Muslim died, and his Khurásání soldiers dispersed, whereupon Ruknu`d-Dawla retired to Ray, and Washmgír remained unmolested, though enmity continued to exist between the two, until, when Manṣúr b. Núḥ the Sámánid came to the throne, he sent a large army under Muḥammad b. Ibráhím Símjúr to help Washmgír against the Buwayhid. Thereupon Ruknu`d-Dawla, being alarmed, sought for help from Baghdad and Fárs, from his brother Mu'izzu`d-Dawla and from the sons of 'Aḍudu`-Dawla. In the year A. H. 356 (= A. D. 967) [Abu`l-Ḥasan] Muḥammad b. Ibráhím Símjúr joined Washmgír outside Gurgán.
One day about this time Washmgír wished to go for a ride, but was advised by his astrologer not to do so. He waited till the afternoon prayer, at which time some horses were brought for him to see. Amongst these was a very fine black horse from Bukhárá. He ordered it to be saddled, mounted it, and rode forth a little way, when he remembered with vexation the astrologer’s advice. Thereupon he turned back, when suddenly he was attacked by a wild boar, which gored his horse, while he fell to the ground with blood pouring from his nose, eyes and ears, and shortly afterwards expired. This was in Muḥarram, A. H. 357 (= December, A. D. 967).
Washmgír left two sons (f. 143a), Bahistún and Qábús, of whom the former was at this juncture in Ṭabaristán and the latter with his father. The nobles swore allegiance to Qábús, to whom [Abu`l-Ḥasan] Muḥammad b. Ibráhím Símjúr also gave his support. Bahistún, greatly disappointed, thereupon made overtures to Ruknu`d-Dawla, and went to him at Ray, while his brother Qábús continued to strengthen his hold on Ṭabaristán and Gurgán, and to conciliate the nobles by gifts of lands and money. Amongst others he was joined by his maternal uncle the Ispahbad Rustam b. Sharwín b. Shahriyár Báwand. And on Muḥarram 25, A. H. 366 (= November 28, A. D. 970) Ruknu`d-Dawla died.
'Aḍudu`d-Dawla Abú Shujá' Fanákhusraw, the son of Ruknu`d-Dawla, was in Fárs with his brother Mu`ayyidu`d-Dawla. The mother of both of these was the daughter of Ḥasan [b.] Fírúzán, the cousin on the father’s side of Mákán Kákí. Fakhru`d-Dawla, the third brother, was in Hamadán. Him the other two attacked, and he fled before them to Shamsu`l-Ma'álí Qábús in Ṭabaristán, who received him with honour. His two brothers (f. 143b) offered Qábús the revenues of Ray for a year if he would surrender Fakhru`d-Dawla to them, threatening him with war in case of refusal; and on his rejecting their proposals with scorn, 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla collected a great army of Kurds, Lurs, Arabs, Daylamites and Turks, and sent them under the command of his brother Mu`ayyidu`d-Dawla to invade Ṭabaristán. They met and defeated Qábús at Astarábád, and he fled with Fakhru`d-Dawla, bearing with him his treasures, to Níshápúr, where he placed himself under the protection of Tásh, who was ordered by Amír Núḥ the Sámánid to help him to recover his kingdom. Tásh thereupon marched on Gurgán, sending Fá`iq by way of Qúmish, and, aided by Qábús, besieged Mu`ayyidu`d-Dawla in Gurgán for two months. In spite of the scarcity of provisions to which the garrison was reduced, Mu`ayyidu`d-Dawla, at the advice of the astrologer Abu`l-Faḍl of Herát, waited till Mars, the planet fortunate to the Turks, had begun to decline. At this juncture news of the death of 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla reached him, and he secretly bribed Fá`iq and other captains of the besieging army to flee when battle should be joined, which happened on Wednesday, Ramaḍán 22, A. H. 371 (= March 21, A. D. 982). In consequence of the desertion of these faithless officers, Tásh and Qábús were defeated and compelled to retire to Níshápúr. At this time Fírúzán b. Ḥasan [b.] Fírúzán ruled over Daylamán, his brother Naṣr b. Ḥasan [b.] Fírúzán over Qúmish, and the Ispahbad Sharwín Báwand over Ṭabaristán.
On the death of 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla (f. 144a) quarrels arose between his sons, and Fakhru`d-Dawla proceeded to 'Iráq, but shortly afterwards died at Ray. Qábús meanwhile returned to Gurgán, and, by gifts and promises, tried to conciliate the chiefs of that country. Núḥ b. Manṣúr the Sámánid died, and was succeeded by Amír Raḍí. Abú 'Alí b. Ḥasan Símjúr rebelled against him, and Khurásán was plunged in confusion. Amír Raḍí fled to Ghazna, and appealed for help to Sabuktagín, who had succeeded Alptagín as ruler of that place. Sabuktagín collected an army and marched on Níshápúr against Abu 'Alí Símjúr and Fá`iq, whom he met in battle at a place called Tafsúr. Qábús, though at heart sympathizing with the Sámánids, had been compelled to place his son Dárá as a hostage in the hands of Abú 'Alí. During the battle Dárá escaped and joined the Sámánid Amír Raḍí. Abú 'Alí was defeated, and Sulṭan Maḥmúd b. Sabuktagín, to whose efforts the victory was largely due, was appointed by Amír Raḍí commander in chief of Khurásán, and given the title of Sayfu`d-Dawla, while his father, Sabuktagín, received Balkh as his reward, and withdrew to Herát. Amír Raḍí retired to Bukhárá, where he shortly afterwards died.
Sulṭán Mahmúd, now in secure possession of Khurásán, allied himself with Ilak Khán, and the two came to Bukhárá, seized Amír Raḍí’s son, Ibráhím al-Muntaṣir, and put to death some other Sámánid princes. Muntaṣir, however (f. 144b), succeeded in effecting his escape to Níshápúr, and, being pursued thither by Maḥmúd, fled to Gurgán, where he was well received and generously treated by Qábús, together with Abu`l-Qásim b. Símjúr and Arslán Bálú, who were with him. Qábús further advised them, having regard to the strength of Maḥmúd and Ilak Khán, to abandon for the present all hopes of recovering Khurásán, and rather to turn their attention to Ray, which was ruled by the boy-king Majdu`d-Dawla b. Fakhru`d-Dawla. Thither, accordingly, they marched, accompanied by the two sons of Qábús, Dárá and Minúchihr, but Abu`l-Qásim and Arslán Bálú, bribed by the nobles of Ray, induced them to retire without molesting the city. The sons of Qábús left them and returned to their father, while Muntaṣir made another attempt to recover Níshápúr, whence he was driven back by Sulṭán Maḥmúd to Gurgán. This time, however, Qábús, seeing that Muntaṣir could effect nothing, sent 2000 men to oppose his entrance, and thenceforth (f. 145a) concerned himself no further with the fortunes of the House of Sámán. He sent the Ispahbad Shahriyár b. Sharwín to subdue the district of Shahriyár, which was held by Rustam b. al-Marzubán, the maternal uncle of Majdu`d-Dawla Abú Ṭálib Rustam b. Fakhru`d-Dawla, whom he defeated, and proclaimed Qábús ruler of that country.
Bátí b. Sa`íd was dwelling amongst a section of the Jíl-i-Isfandárí, but, though outwardly their ally, his heart was with Qábús. Naṣr b. Ḥasan [b.] Fírúzán, driven by famine from Daylam, attacked and defeated them, and took prisoner the Ispahbad Abu`l-Faḍl, who shortly afterwards died. Bátí fraternized with Naṣr, and the two agreed to attack ´Amul, whence they drove out the governor, Abu`l-'Abbás the chamberlain. Having occupied ´Amul, Bátí wrote a letter to Qábús, informing him of the victory, and tendering his allegiance. Leaving Naṣr, he then proceeded to Astarábád and easily persuaded its inhabitants to accept the rule of Qábús, who sent the Ispahbad Shahriyár to support him (f. 145b)1. Fírúzán b. al-Ḥasan [b. Fírúzán], hearing of this, marched from Gurgán to attack them, and had almost succeeded in defeating Bátí outside Astarábád when a number of the Kurds and Arabs in his army suddenly raised the battle-cry of Qábús, and deserted to his enemy. In consequence of this Bátí not only put his army to flight, but captured him and a score of his chief officers. The fugitives were opposed and turned aside from Gurgán by the Sálár Khargásh, a kinsman of Qábús; and the latter was soon afterwards crowned at Gurgán in Sha'bán, A. H. 388 (= August, A. D. 998).
The fugitives were received at Ray with reproaches, and the minister Abú 'Alí Ḥamúla1 at once proceeded to collect an army of Turks, Arabs and Daylamites ten thousand strong, with which he set out for Gurgán, accompanied by Manúchihr2 b. Qábús, Asfár b. Kurdúya, Abu`l-'Abbás b. Já`í, 'Abdu`l-Malik Mákán, Músá Ḥájib, Bísitún b. Tíjásaf, Kinár b. Fírúzán, and Rashámúj, all leading men of Daylam. When they reached the district of Shahriyár, Qábús resolved to oppose them. Abù 'Alí Ḥamúla sent messengers to try to win over to his side Naṣr b. Ḥasan [b.] Fírúzán, of whose attitude he felt doubtful, urging him, out of regard for the bond of kinship between him and Majdu`d-Dawla (f. 146a), to espouse his cause, and promising to reward him with the district of Qúmish. Naṣr, deceived by these promises, came to Sárí, and, taking the right hand one of the two roads to Gurgán, advanced to within a short distance of Qúmish. Here he made known to his soldiers the real reason why he had espoused the cause of Majdu`d-Dawla. Thereupon they differed in opinion, some being for Gurgán and others for Ustundár, while Naṣr, with the remnant which clave to him, advanced to Qúmish, and requested Abú 'Alí Ḥamúla to put him in possession of the citadel. They assigned to him the castle of Júmand, where he placed his family and his baggage and stores.
Abú 'Alí Ḥamúla, leaving Naṣr b. Fírúzán at Qúmish, returned by Sárí to Gurgán, where he encamped outside the city by the Mausoleum of the Dá'í. For two months fighting continued between him and the allies of Qábús, till famine prevailed in Gurgán, and food became hardly obtainable. Rain, floods and storms presently combined with dearth to render the position of the besiegers more and more difficult. Thereupon the soldiers of Qábús made a sortie, and a fierce fight ensued in which some 1300 men were slain. The Daylamites were defeated, and many of their chiefs, including Sipahsálár b. Kúrángíj, Zarhawájastán b. Ashkalí, Ḥaydar b. Sálár, and Muḥammad b. Wahsúdán were taken captive, while Abú 'Alí Ḥamúla retreated to Qúmish, where he urgently summoned Naṣr b. al-Ḥasan [b.] Fírúzán to assist him. Fearing the advance of Qábús, however, he dared not remain in Qúmish, but retreated to Ray, while Naṣr marched to Samnán. Here he halted and demanded re-inforcements from Majdu`d-Dawla, who sent (f. 147a) the son of his chamberlain Baktakín with six hundred Turkish horsemen. Qábús, on the other hand, despatched Bátí b. Sa'íd, and subsequently the Ispahbad Shahriyár, against the Daylamites. Bátí, however, suffered a serious defeat at the hands of Naṣr, and his army was annihilated.
Majdu`d-Dawla, greatly encouraged by this victory, sent his maternal uncle, Rustam b. al-Marzubán, with 3000 men to re-inforce Abú `Alí Ḥamúla, appointing him Ispahbad of Shahriyár. Naṣr came out to meet Rustam as far as Damáwand, and helped him to take effective possession of the district assigned to him. The Ispahbad Shahriyár fell back on Sárí to seek aid from Prince Minúchihr, the son of Qábús, and watched his opportunity, until, Rustam having been separated from Naṣr, he attacked him and drove him out of the country back to Ray, and established himself in his place.
After this Majdu`d-Dawla made peace with Qábús, and the two agreed to make an end of Naṣr b. Ḥasan [b.] Fírúzán, who, notwithstanding his ancient and noble lineage, was generally hated for his exactions and oppressions (f. 147b). Naṣr discovered their intention, and, hearing that Sulṭán Maḥmúd’s governor of Quhistán, Arslán Hindú-bacha, had attacked and driven back Abu`l-Qásim [b.] Símjúr, he went to the latter, and, eager to avenge himself on Majdu`d-Dawla, persuaded him to attack Ray. He was, however, easily repulsed; and, while retiring in disappointment, was attacked and routed by the troops of Qábús, whereupon he and his confederate Abu`l-Qásim offered their services to Sulṭán Maḥmúd of Ghazna. Abu`l-Qásim, for reasons set forth in al-'Utbí’s Ta`ríkh-i-Yamíní, was soon compelled (f. 148a) to flee from the Sulṭán’s court, but Naṣr remained in the Sulṭán’s service, and was finally given in fief Biyár and Júmand. These, however, did not satisfy him, and he suffered himself to be beguiled by specious promises to Ray, where he was put in chains and sent as a prisoner to the castle of Ustúnáwand, while Qábús subdued all the surrounding strongholds, and bestowed them on his chief officers and nobles.
About this time the Ispahbad Shahriyár, having collected a large army, began to shew signs of restiveness, and Rustam b. Marzubán was sent against him from Ray, followed by Bísitún b. Tíjásf, who defeated and took him prisoner. Rustam, being a partisan of Qábús and ill-disposed towards the ruler of Ray, proclaimed Qábús king, with the acquiescence and approval of Bisitún. Qábús conferred Gílán on his son Minúchihr, and shortly afterwards reduced the districts of Ustundáriyya, Rúyán and Jálús, so that his dominions now included, besides these regions, Gurgán, Ṭabaristán and Daylam to the shores of the Caspian Sea (f. 148b). He also entered into friendly relations with Sulṭán Maḥmúd.
For all his noble qualities, his learning, piety, munificence, magnanimity, wisdom, prudence and intelligence, Qábús was, however, arrogant, harsh, and sometimes cruel. No one was secure against his occasional acts of violence, and many men of condition suffered death at his hands, so that a growing discontent became apparent. Now he had a chamberlain called Na'ím, a simple and guiltless man, whom he had made governor of Astarábád; and him, on the mere suspicion of his inclining to the Mu'tazilite heresy, he condemned to death. Na'ím craved a respite, that he might establish his innocence (p. 149a), but his request was refused, and he was put to death by Qábús. This so exasperated the nobles and officers that they determined to depose Qábús, who had gone for change of air to Janáshk, and knew nothing of their disaffection until one night they surrounded and attacked his camp and plundered his baggage, but were driven off by his retainers. They then went to Gurgán, seized the city, and brought thither Prince Minúchihr, the son of Qábús, from Ṭabaristán, threatening him that, unless he would consent to depose his father and accept the crown at their hands, they would find another ruler and cast off their allegiance to his house. Minúchihr, being unable to oppose them, deemed it best to agree to their demands.
Meanwhile Qábús, with his retainers and baggage, came to Bisṭám, there to await the upshot of the affair (f. 149b), and his son Minúchihr was compelled by the rebels to march against him. Qábús summoned Minúchihr into his presence, which he entered with every mark of respect and with tears in his eyes. After bewailing the untoward events which had forced him in appearance to oppose his father, Minúchihr offered, if Qábús wished it, openly to espouse his cause; but the latter, recognizing the hopelessness of his own position, gave Minúchihr his blessing and handed over to him his signet-ring and the keys of his treasuries, and retired to Janáshk, there to end his days in prayer and pious exercises. The rebels, however, could feel no security as long as Qábús was alive, and soon found on opportunity to put him to death secretly (f. 150a)1. He was buried beneath a dome outside Gurgán on the road to Khurásán.
After mourning for three days, according to the fashion of the Daylamites, Minúchihr ascended the throne and assumed the reins of government, while Qábús was soon forgotten:
Letters of condoleance from the Caliph al-Qádir Bi`lláh, conferring on him the title of Falaku`l-Ma'álí, soon reached Minúchihr, who made it his first business to conciliate, with presents and professions of loyalty, the powerful Sulṭán Maḥmúd of Ghazna, who recognized his sovereignty in Gurgán, Ṭabaristán and Qúmish, and sent Abú Muḥammad b. Mihrán as an ambassador to confer on him a robe of honour and other marks of his favour; while he on his part agreed to pay a yearly tribute of 50,000 dínárs, and, on the occasion of the campaign against Nárdín, supplied a contingent of a thousand picked soldiers of Daylam (f. 150b). Later Minúchihr sent Abú Sa'd Sawák, the greatest noble of Gurgán, to Sulṭán Maḥmúd to pray that he would bestow on him, for the confirming of the alliance, the hand of one of his daughters. To this request a favourable answer was brought back by the ambassador, who was then sent to Ghazna a second time accompanied by the Qáḍí of Gurgán to drew up the marriage-contract and bring back the bride (f. 151a).
Having thus secured his position, Minúchihr prepared to take vengeance on his father’s murderers, which he had hitherto feared to do, and did not rest until he had put most of them to death, save the son of Khargásh, who fled into exile, and none knows what fate overtook him. Abu`l-Qásim Ja'dí, who had been in command of the army of Qábús, long evaded capture, and finally (f. 151b) took refuge with the Sulṭán at Níshápúr, who, however, handed him over to Minúchihr, from whom he met with his deserts.
To return now to Minúchihr’s brother Dárá, who, as we saw (p. 227 supra), escaped from the custody of Abú 'Alí b. Símjúr and joined the Sámánid Amír Raḍí. When his father Qábús had established his rule, Dárá continued for a time in his service, but presently, his fears and suspicious being aroused, he again fled secretly into Khurásán, where he was at first well received (f. 152a) by the Sulṭán, but presently, falling under suspicion, he escaped to Sháh Shár of Ghars, between whom and himself an ancient friendship existed, but who dared not persist in refusing his surrender to the Sulṭán. He was imprisoned by the Sulṭán for some time — more rigorously after he had once succeeded in escaping —, but was finally received back into favour, and sent with Arslán Jádhib1 to assume the government of Ṭabaristán and Gurgán, whence, however, owing to the wisdom of his brother Minúchihr in conciliating Sulṭán Maḥmúd, he was speedily recalled, and attached to the Sulṭán’s personal service. At this juncture (f. 152b) Amír Abu`l-Fawáris, son of 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla the Buwayhid, came from Kirmán to the Sulṭán to complain of the wrongs which he had suffered at his brother’s hands, and a dispute occurred between him and Dárá as to the nobility and antiquity of their respective families in the course of which the latter made use of expressions so insulting and improper that he was again disgraced and imprisoned till Muḥarram, A. H. 409 (= May-June, A. D. 1018), when, at the intercession of the Prime Minister, he was released, and his estates were restored to his stewards.
In A. H. 424 (= A. D. 1033) Minúchihr died, and was succeeded by his son [Abú] Kálanjár, who was the comtemporary of Sulṭán Ma'súd b. Maḥmúd of Ghazna. In A. H. 425 (= A. D. 1033—4) the latter, in spite of the urgent dissuasion of his ministers and nobles, decided to visit the former in Gurgán and Ṭabaristán. Abú Kálanjár answered (f. 153a), “I am thy servant: the king does but visit his own house;” but he retired to one of his castles, and even ventured a remonstrance at the exactions and irregularities committed by Mas'úd’s troops. Finally, as summer advanced and the weather grew warm, Mas'úd retired to Gurgán, where, on the very day of his arrival, he learned that two thousand Seljúq Turkmáns had reached Merv, and had been joined by two of the sons of Seljúq, Yaghmur and Búqá. This was the first revolt of the Seljúqs, and their power continued to increase until Jaghrí1 Beg Dá`úd seized Khwárazm, and thence marched to Ṭabaristán and Ray, occupying and annexing most of the realms of the House of Washmgír (or Ziyárids) except the mountains. And in A. H. 441 (= A. D. 1049—1050) Abú Kálanjár died2.
He was succeeded by his cousin Kay-Ká`ús b. Iskandar b. Qábús, chiefly celebrated as the author of the Qábús-náma1, who was contemporary with Rustam b. Shahriyár, and ruled in the mountain districts until A. H. 462 (= A. D. 1069—1070), when he died, and was succeeded by his son [Gílánsháh], to whom there remained but a shadow of power. For Ṭughril the Seljúq had traversed Ṭabaristán and Gílán, levying taxes and appointing governors (f. 153b), and thence had passed on to Ray [and Baghdad], restored the authority of the Caliph al-Qá`im bi-amri`lláh and put down the agents of the Fáṭimid Anti-Caliph al-Mustanṣir, and in return for all his services received the title of Sulṭán. Gílánsháh died, and was succeeded by his cousin Anúshirwán b. Minúchihr b. Qábús, in A. H. 471 (= A. D. 1078—9)2.
[Here follows some account of Alp Arslán’s conquests, and in particular of a wonderful march which he made with 100,000 men from Balásághún to the Euphrates to relieve the Caliph al-Qa`im, who was hard pressed by the Byzantines. This march he is said to have accomplished in sixteen days. The author now turns back to trace the history of the Ispahbads of the House of Báw from the earliest times down to the period which he has now reached.]
(F. 154a). To the Ispahbads of this ancient and noble house was given the title “King of the Mountains” (Maliku`l-Jibál). Their ancestor Báw was a vassal of Khusraw Parwíz, whom he aided in his wars with the “Romans” and with his rebellious subject Bahrám Chúbína, and for whom he successively governed Iṣṭakhr, ´Adharbayján, 'Iráq and Ṭabaristán. Over the latter province he maintained his sway for 15 years after the Arabs had overrun the rest of Persia, but was at last treacherously slain by Walásh, who struck him from behind with a brick, and usurped his authority, driving his son Suhráb into exile. The latter, however, aided by the men of Kúlá, Khúrzád, Khusraw-isfáhí and Qárin-kúh, attacked Walásh at Panjáh-hazár and slew him, and was crowned at Farím. From that time until the death of Fakhru`d-Dawla, though they were partially subdued at different times by the 'Alawí Sayyids, the House of Gáwbára, the Qárinwands, the Buwayhids and the Ziyárids, no king or ruler was able to destroy or extirpate them, or (f. 154b) to take undivided possession of their domains.
Suhráb was succeeded by his son Mihr-mardán, and he, after a brief reign, by his grandson Sharwín b. Surkháb, who was the contemporary of Wandád-Hurmazd, and first took the title of “King of the Mountains”. He and Wandád-Hurmazd united to drive the Arabs out of Ṭabaristán. The sons of these two, Shahriyár b. Sharwín and Qárin b. Wandád-Hurmazd were contemporaries of Hárúnu`r-Rashíd, to whom the former had been given as a hostage by his father.
Shahriyár was followed successively by his two sons Ja'far and Qárin. The latter, in the Caliphate of al-Mu'taṣim, in the year A. H. 227 (= A. D. 841—2) abandoned the Zoroastrian religion and embraced Islám. He was the contemporary of the Dá'i`l-Kabír, who sent the Ustundár Padhúsbán to ravage his lands until he submitted to the Sayyid, and committed to him his sons Mázyár and Surkháb in the year A. H. 252 (= A. D. 866). The latter died young, and was succeeded by his son Rustam. When the Dá'í, who was still reigning, punished the Daylamites for their disobedience by cutting off the hands and feet of about a thousand of them, the remainder of them fled to this Rustam, who led them to Qúmish, captured it, and banished the Dá'í’s viceroy, Sayyid Qásim, to Sháh Dizh in Hazár Jaríb.
Rustam, being on bad terms with the Sayyid Muḥammad b. Zayd (f. 155a) joined Ráfi' b. Harthama, the governor of Khurásán, and with him ravaged Mázandarán, Daylam and Rúyán. After a while Ráfi' returned to Khurásán, and, being routed by 'Amr b. Layth, fled to Gurgán and made peace with the Sayyid, but sent a message to Rustam informing him that this truce was only a stratagem, and inviting him to meet him at Astarábád. On his arrival, however, Rustam was treacherously seized by Ráfi' as he sat at meat, and was cast into prison, where he died in Ramaḍán, A. H. 282 (= October—November, A. D. 895).
He was succeeded by his son Sharwín, who made peace with Sayyid Náṣir-i-Kabír, and was contemporary with Mákán b. Kákí. Sharwín was in turn succeeded by his son Shahriyár, who was contemporary with Ruknu`d-Dawla the Buwayhid and Washmgír b. Ziyár. His son, who predeceased him, bore the name of his grandfather, Sharwín. Shahriyár survived till the time of Qábús b. Washmgír and Sulṭán Maḥmúd of Ghazna.
[Here the author cites from the Chahár Maqála the account of Firdawsí, and how he took refuge from Sulṭán Maḥmúd with this prince, given in that work by Nidhámí-i-'Arúḍí-i-Samarqandí; which account has been published with a German translation by Dr. Ethé at pp. 89—94 of the Z. D. M. G. for 1894, Vol. XLVIII, and criticised by Nöldeke in his Iranische Nationalepos, pp. 21—30 of the tirage-à-part. A full English translation of this passage, which extends from f. 155a, 1. 17 to f. 157b, 1. 12, will be found at pp. 77—84 of my translation of the Chahár Maqála, so that it may be passed over in this place.]
(F. 157b). The Ispahbad Shahriyár was succeeded by Dárá, who reigned but a short time, and was followed by his son Shahriyár, who accompanied Qábús b. Washmgír in his 18 years' exile, conquered Shahriyár-kúh and expelled its governor Rustam b. Marzubán, and, assisted by Bátí b. Sa'íd, in A. H. 387 (= A. D. 997) defeated Fírúzán b. al-Ḥasan, and afterwards Naṣr b. Ḥasan.1 But towards the end of the reign of Qábús (f. 158a) Shahriyár rebelled against him, and, being defeated by Rustam b. Marzubán, was imprisoned till his death. After this none of the House of Báwand dared shew themselves or claim any power, until, when the Seljúqs conquered Khurásán, and the power of the House of Washmgír was destroyed, the Ispahbad Ḥusámu`d-Dawla Shahriyár b. Qárin restored in some degree the power and fortunes of his house.
[The author now returns to the history of the Seljúqs at the point where he left it to recount the history of the Báwands, namely the death of Ṭughril and the accession of Alp Arslán. Most of what follows belongs to the general history of Persia from this to the Author’s own time (first half of the thirteenth century of our era), while another hand has carried on the chronicle to A. H. 750 = A. D. 1349—1350.]2
(F. 158b). During the reign of Alp Arslán, Ṭabaristán suffered much from the constant passage of his troops, but the Ispahbad Qárin b. Surkháb of the House of Báwand succeeded in re-establishing his power to some extent in the mountains, while the power of the House of Washmgír continually grew less. Qárin died in A. H. 486 (= A. D. 1093), and was succeeded by Ḥusámu`d-Dawla. About this time began the power of the Assassins. The ‘New Propaganda’, begun by Ḥasan-i-Ṣabbáh in Ray, was soon extended to Dámghán, Shahriyár-kúh, Damáwand and Qazwín, till finally the mountain fastness of Alamút, “the Eagle’s Nest”, was surrendered to them by its warden, 'Alawí Mahdí, on Wednesday, Rajab 6, A. H. 483 (= September 4, A. D. 1090), a date which, by a most curious coincidence, is represented by the sum of the numerical values of the letters composing its name1. 'Alawí Mahdí received from Ḥasan-i-Ṣabbáḥ an order for 3000 dinárs on the governor of Gird-i-Kúh and Dámghán, Ra`is Mudhaffar, who, though ostensibly subordinate to Amír Dád Ḥabash b. Altúntásh, had secretly accepted the doctrine of, and sworn allegiance to, Ḥasan-i-Ṣabbáḥ. It was a great surprise to Mahdí when, on his presenting this order, it was at once honoured. The growing power (f. 159b) of Ḥasan-i-Ṣabbáḥ aroused the alarm of the Nidhámu`l-Mulk, who, however, was assassinated on the eve of Friday, Ramaḍán 12, A. H. 485 (= October 16, A. D. 1092) at Siḥna near Naháwand by one of Ḥasan-i-Ṣabbáh’s fidá`ís named Ṭáhir-i-Arrání, who had disguised himself as a Ṣúfí.
Very shortly after this, Maliksháh (f. 160a) died, and the civil war which broke out between his sons Muḥammad and Barkiyáruq permitted the Assassins to strengthen their position unmolested. On the death of Barkiyáruq, Muḥammad sent his brother Sanjar to attack them in Khurásán. He began by capturing a stronghold named Qal'a-i-´Atash-Kúh (“the Castle of the Mountain of Fire”)1 which they had seized at the very gates of Isfahán, and putting several thousand of them to death there. He also ordered the Ispahbad Ḥusámu`d-Dawla Shahriyár b. Qárin to co-operate with him in extirpating the Assassins, under pain of dismissal, but he, displeased at the peremptory and minatory tone of the message, refused to do so. Thereupon2 the Seljúq monarch sent 5000 horsemen under the command of Amír Sunqur of Bukhárá to Mázandarán, ordering his governors in Láriján, Rúyán and ´Amul to join him and assist him. At ´Amul, accordingly, he was met by a number of local magnates (f. 160b), who proposed to accompany him by the sea-shore to Sárí. The Ispahbad Ḥusámu`d-Dawla, being informed of this, collected to himself Amír Mahdí of Lafúr, one of the Qárinwands, and all the amírs and notables of Shahriyár Kúh, at a place called ´Aram, and together they marched on Sárí, of which they proceeded to repair the fortifications. Sunqur encamped at a place called Atrábin. The Ispahbad promised his black Persian kuláh, round which he had wound a turban, to whichever of his sons would attack and rout the enemy. Najmu`d-Dawla Qárin at once alighted from his horse, took a Gílí shield, opened the gate and went out, followed by his son, Fakhru`l-Mulk Rustam. Ḥusámu`d-Dawla had with him four hundred Gílís, all with shields and white plumes (parcham), and these he drew up in ranks before Sunqur’s army. Then Farámarz b. Shírzád came forth with his horsemen.
Now Husámu`d-Dawla had induced an Amír named Bekcherí to desert Sunqur as soon as battle was joined; this he did, and was received with honour and sent to the Ispahbad’s palace. Najmu`d-Dawla Qárin then attacked Sunqur; the noise of battle scared all the water-fowl in the surroundíng marshes (f. 161a) and they rose into the air with tumultuous cries, so that Sunqur thought that he was being attacked by another force in the rear. His army gave way, and fled, pursued by Najmu`d-Dawla, who killed and took captive many of them, especially the foot-soldiers of ´Amul. The people of Sárí blackened the faces of the captive ´Amulís, branded on their foreheads the names of Muḥammad and 'Alí, and paraded them through the town, after which they were released. Then the Ispahbad divided the abundant spoils which had fallen to their lot, and dismissed the marzubáns and other local chiefs who had helped him with presents and robes of honour.
Sunqur meanwhile fell back on Gurgán, and thence returned to Isfahán, where he told the Sulṭán that by force they could effect nothing in that wild country, but only by political stratagems. So the Sulṭán sent another embassy to the Ispahbad, telling him that Sunqur had exceeded his orders in making this attack, and asking him to send one of his sons to the court at Isfahán. To this proposal the Ispahbad finally consented, on receiving the Sulṭán’s solemn promise, confirmed by an oath, that the son thus sent should be treated with all honour; and, summoning his sons before him, communicated to them the Sulṭán’s proposal, and asked which of them would go. Najmu`d-Dawla Qárin, having taken part in the attack on Sunqur, dared not venture, but his brother 'Alá`u`d-Dawla 'Ali b. (f. 161b) Shahriyár volunteered to go, and was accordingly sent off to Isfahán with a pious Sayyid named Muntahí as his tutor, and an escort of a thousand horse and two thousand foot. His father accompanied him from Sárí as far as Farím, and sent him on his journey by way of Asrán and Samnán.
At this time the castle of Ustúnáwand was in the hands of the Assassins, and also the castle of Manṣúr-kúh. Some of the garrison of the latter had come to Dámghán, and the Amír Qachghuz attacked them and slew many. Then he joined 'Alá`u`d-Dawla 'Alí, and, being under obligations to his father Ḥusámu`d-Dawla the Ispahbad, took charge of him and brought him to Isfahán, where he was most graciously received by the Sulṭán, who was still more favourably impressed when he saw the young Prince’s prowess in polo, hunting, and throwing the mace, which he could throw as far as the Sulṭán could shoot an arrow. The Sulṭán then offered him the hand of his sister in marriage, but he, fearing the jealousy of Najmu`d-Dawla, suggested that this honour should rather be accorded to his elder brother. The Sulṭán approved this suggestion; the marriage contract was drawn up, and 'Alá`u`d-Dawla was sent back to Ṭabaristán with presents and robes of honour to convey the news. At ´Amul he was magnificently received by all the notables, and there he tarried ten days, when he was joined by the chief men of Shahriyár-kúh, who accompanied him to Sárí. His father, after congratulating him on his success, sent him to his brother Najmu`d-Dawla Qárin, who, however, refused to receive him, and, being rebuked by their father the Ispahbad, sought permission to go to Baghdad, which he was suffered to do.
On reaching Baghdad, Najmu`d-Dawla, who was a brave and skilful horseman, perfect in all knightly accomplishments, was met by the Sulṭán, who soon afterwards took him with himself to Isfahán, where he married him to his sister. Then he set out to return to Ṭabaristán, on hearing which his younger brother 'Alá`u`d-Dawla craved permission from their father the Ispahbad to retire into seclusion, for he feared his brother (f. 162b). Ḥusámu`d-Dawla met his son Najmu`d-Dawla at Farím towards Samnán, and gave him the castle of Kúzá. This vexed 'Alá`u`d-Dawla, since it had been given to him, and, though his father sent Amír Mahdí of Lafúr to Zárim, where he was, to pacify him, he retired in anger to Gulpáyagán, and took up his abode in a village called Mírwand-ábád, which was his mother’s property. Najmu`d-Dawla came to Sárí, and, charging his father with being privy to his brother’s withdrawal, threatened him, ill-used his servants, and desired to claim for himself the symbols of authority; and his father, being then 75 years of age, finally gave way to his violent and unfilial conduct, abdicated, and retired to ´Amul. Thither Najmu`d-Dawla, fearful of what men might say of him, followed him, offered profuse apologies, and brought him back to Sárí; but, as his conduct did not greatly amend, Ḥusámu`d-Dawla again withdrew to Húsam into religious seclusion. “I have heard from my father,” says the author, “that when he reached ´Amul, he passed by the gate of a Mosque where was a school for children, and said (f. 163a), ‘O my children, when you grow up, say, ‘Shahriyár, abandoning his throne, fled to Daylamán from the hands of his own son Qárin.’” All the people of Gíl and Daylam rallied round him at Húsam, but he, wearied of sovereignty, occupied himself in building, farming and religious exercises. After a while he fell ill, and his son Najmu`d-Dawla, again repenting of his harshness, sent several notables to ´Amul to bring his father thither. There he met him, fell at his feet and apologized for his conduct, and brought him with him to Sárí, leaving the care of the estates of Húsam to an old servant called Amír Ḥasan.
The Sulṭán, Muḥammad b. Maliksháh, had a young son named Malik Aḥmad, whom he entrusted to the care of an Amír named Sunqur-i-Kúchak, and sent to Ray, making him governor of that town, together with ´Awa, Sáwa, Arrán, Khwár, Samnán, Rúyán, Láriján, Ṭabaristán and Gurgán. But every agent sent by Sunqur-i-Kúchak to ´Amul was expelled by Najmu`d-Dawla Qárin. This continued for some time, till at last Sunqur sent to 'Alá`u`d-Dawla 'Alí, Najmu`d-Dawla’s brother, offering to appoint him governor of ´Amul and Ṭabaristán, if he would come to Malik Aḥmad. So 'Alá`u`d-Dawla (f. 163b) came to Ray, where he was well received, and sent with Sunqur’s brother Jáwalí an army to ´Amul. There the notables came out to meet him, with Amír Ḥassán Bahá`u`d-Dawla the governor of the town, and installed him in the palace called Kúshk-i-Jáwalí, which in the author’s time was razed to the ground by Sháh Ardashír. Ḥusámu`d-Dawla, on hearing this, came with the army of Shahriyár-kúh to Lák-´Abandán, and made an agreement with Jáwalí, whom he sent with Sháh Ghází Rustam to ´Aram, where he was entertained for a week, and then sent back to 'Iráq.
About this time a quarrel arose between the Ispahbad and the Assassins, because they had killed a certain Abú Ja'far Báwandí. One day the Ispahbad Sháh Gházi Rustam was passing through the quarter of the Mosque of Zanakú when an Assassin sprang out on him and tried to stab him, but failed and was slain by the clubs of the companions of his intended victim. To his father Sháh Ghází made light of this event, but a little later, while on his way from Sárí to ´Amul, two Assassins attacked him while he was out hunting in the plain of Walíkán, at a moment when he had alighted to drink water, and inflicted a deep gash in his side. One of these Assassins was killed by Ḥusayn Shírzíl; the other drew his knife (f. 164a), rushed amongst the Ispahbad’s servants, and wounded several of them ere he was himself slain. Sháh Ghází recovered from his wound, which, though deep, had not involved the intestines. His father the Ispahbad came to ´Amul on hearing the news, and wept bitterly over his son’s misfortune.
About this time Sulṭán Sanjar commanded the Ispahbad to wait on him, but he apologized on the ground of his age, and offered to send his sons. Sanjar was angry at this, and sent his nephew Sulṭán Mas'úd with an army to Astarábád to take Shahriyár-Kúh from the Ispahbad, who, however, defeated him near Tammísha and slew many of his men. He was joined by Kiyá Buzurg ad-Dá'í ila`l-Ḥaqq [b. al-] Hádí with 5000 Daylamites, and soon afterwards by his son Sháh-i-Ghází, who had recovered from his wound (f. 164b); and with their aid inflicted a second still more severe defeat on Mas'úd, who, having lost half his army, together with the Amír Jáwalí, fled to Gurgán. This happened in A. H. 521 (= A. D. 1127).
Sanjar, infuriated at this reverse, invited one of his amírs to volunteer to avenge it. Bazghash offered his services, which were accepted, and came to Dámghán, whence he sent harsh messages to the Ispahbad, who was at the castle of Kúzá, and who received his threats with derision. It was then Ramaḍán, but, as soon as the fast and ensuing festival were over, he moved to Tammísha, while Bazghash came to Astarábád and besieged the castle of Rúhín. The Ispahbad left his son Táju`l-Mulúk Mardáwíj in Tammísha, and came to Sárí. Mardáwíj remained for eight months (f. 165a) in Tammísha, so that Bazghash could not move, while Qárin b. Garshásf continued to defend the castle of Rúhín successfully. Then news arrived that Qarája the cup-bearer had gone to Baghdad with the army of 'Iráq and was acting as Atábek, or guardian, to Seljúqsháh, and that Mas'úd also had gone to them from Gurgán; and Bazghash, being recalled by the Sulṭán, was compelled to retire.
The Ustundár Kay-Ká`ús and Fakhru`d-Dawla Garshásf agreed together to rebel against the Ispahbad. When each had returned to his own country, the latter first revolted at Gulpáyagán, and ravaged the district of Astarábád. The Ispahbad retaliated by attacking Gulpáyagán, plundering and burning the neigbourhood, and killing several of Fakhru`d-Dawla’s men. Meanwhile the Ustundár Kay-Ká`ús took advantage of the Ispahbad’s absence to attack ´Amul, burn the Ispahbad’s palace of Baqrá-Kaláta, and expel his retainers from the town. Fakhru`d-Dawla meanwhile, being driven out of Gulpáyagán, retired to the castle of Jahína. The Ispahbad despatched his son 'Alá`u`d-Dawla Ḥasan to attack Kay-Ká`ús, who, however, set an ambush for him and defeated him, so that he fled, and, by the help of one Dárgíl, crossed over by boat into Gílán and betook himself to the house of Sulṭán-Sháh-i-Gíl. After a while he desired to return to his father the Ispahbad, who, however, being vexed at his defeat, refused to receive him, and ordered that he should retire to Karkam, and that certain of his officers, Amír 'Alí Sábiqu`d-Dawla, Mudhaffar-i-'Alawí (f. 165b), Majdu`d-Dín Dárá and Abú Háshim-i-'Alawí, should for a period of one year not ride on horseback, and should each retire to a different place, which in each case he specified. But Amír 'Alí Sábiqu`d-Dawla propitiated the Ispahbad with a gift of a thousand sheep, though he was still kept out of his fief-holds for a year. Shortly afterwards the Ispahbad succeeded in surprising and putting to flight the Ustundár Kay-Ká'ús, and plundering his palace.
One of the Ispahbad’s vassals named Minúchihr had embellished his estate of Kuhrúd with all sorts of rare merchandise from India, Asia Minor, Egypt and Syria. He had several daughters and eighteen sons, of whom the eldest, Abú Ḥarb, was violent, undutiful, shameless, and without fear of God. One day he fled from his father, who sent soldiers in pursuit of him. He had reached the dyke called Dar-band-i-Shínúh when they came up with him, and he, to escape, leaped his horse into the river Hurmuz, which there runs like a mill-race. The soldiers, supposing him to have perished, returned, but he reached the shore and made his way to ´Amul, where he was furnished with clothes (f. 166a), and sent to the court of the Ispahbad, who treated him with kindness and sent him back to his father.
His father, meanwhile, had disinherited him in favour of a younger brother, which so infuriated him that one night in Ramaḍán he invited his brothers to a banquet, and caused each one to be murdered as he was leaving the house. Then he came to his father, and, taking him unawares, smote him on the head with a mace and slew him (f. 166b), while his followers cut down one or two servants who offered resistance. He then announced to the people that he had done this deed by order of the king of Mázandarán, and sent a message to the Ispahbad, saying what he had done, and promising to appear before him if summoned. So the Ispahbad, who was just setting out for ´Amul from Kajúr, bade him come, and Abú Ḥarb joined him with 300 soldiers, horse and foot. The combined armies marched by way of Daylamán, Kalár, and Gúrshírad to Kajú, which they set on fire. Near this place they were met by the Ustundár Kay-Ká`ús, and a fierce fight ensued, in which 900 of the Ustundár’s men were killed and 400 taken prisoners, though he himself escaped with a few retainers. The Ispahbad (f. 167a) than returned to ´Amul, where he bound the 400 unfortunate captives to the staircase of the Palace which Kay-Ká`ús had burned, wrapped it in reeds and matting, and burned them all. The Ispahbad then set out for Daylamán, but when he reached Banafsha-gún, Kay-Ká`ús came before him with a sword and a winding-sheet to make his submission. He was ordered to collect his army and join the Ispahbad at ´Amul to help him in dislodging Garshásf from his castle of Juhína. There he received, at the Ispahbad’s command, 1000 gold dínárs of ´Amul from the marzubán of that city, whose exactions had, as he declared, driven him into rebellion, and a remission of certain sums of money for which he was responsible….
(F. 167b). The Ispahbad Sháh Ghází Rustam was now sixty years old. On the first of Farwardín, the Persian Nawrúz, he reviewed his army at Sárí, in the maydán of Atrábin, Sábiq of Qazwín being on one side of him, and on the other Abú Ḥarb of Láriján. He bade them bring him a polo-stick and ball, and struck the ball, saying, “O sixtieth year, I know not whether thou art come for sickness or death!” Then he threw down the polo-stick and dismissed his army; and on that very day he fell sick. He retired to the village of Zínwán, distant one parasang from Sárí, and there died on the 17th of Farwardín, A. H. 558 (April, A. D. 1163), leaving two sons, Sharafu`l-Mulúk Ḥasan b. Rustam and 'Alá`u`d-Dawla, and a daughter, whom Sháh Ardashír gave in marriage to the Ispahbad Naṣíru`d-Dawla Dárá b. Bahman. 'Alá`u`d-Dawla was put to death by Sháh Ardashír near Tarícha. On the death of Sháh Ghází Rustam a poet has the following verses:
The Ispahbad Sháh Ghází was buried by the notables of Ṭabaristán, such as the Ispahbad Majdu`d-Dín Dárá, king of Daylamán, Amír 'Alí Sábiqu`d-Dawla, Sayyid Háshim the 'Alawí and Amír Surkháb, in the college where 'Alá`u`d-Dawla had been buried. After the funeral these notables met in the house of Shahrásán b. ´Asán, and (f. 168a) wrote to Sharafu`l-Mulúk Ḥasan to inform him of his father’s death. He, though ill at the time, at once came to Sárí, and despatched his boon-companion Kay-Ká`ús with fifty horsemen to ´Aba-sar to seize his brother Náṣiru`l-Mulk, who enjoyed the fullest confidence of the late Ispahbad Sháh Ghází, and cut off his head…. The warden of the castle of Ṭabarak sent to the Ispahbad offering to surrender it, as he was a Turk, and could not hold it. “'Iráq also,” he added, “like Mázandarán, is thine: send thy warden to Ṭabarak, and take possession of Ray, for I have business before me.” So, though it was bitter cold that year, the Ispahbad sent 300 men and a warden to take possession of that country, and ordered the marzubán of Láriján and the Ustundár to keep a daily watch on the state of the castle and the Amír ´Inánj.
When the Ispahbad used to sit late drinking wine, none of his servants dared go to his home, for, if he wanted one of them, and did nor find him, he would on such occasions punish him with death. So only when he fell asleep towards morning did they dare to depart to their homes to rest. One night 300 of these servants conspired together to kill him, and those who were on duty, watching their opportunity, fell upon him, and so plied their swords and maces that, when they left him dead, not one of his limbs was whole. Then (f. 168b) they went out, saying that the Ispahbad desired to be left alone, and bade all disperse, which they did. Sháh Ardashír, learning what had happened, desired to pursue the murderers, but was dissuaded; but such as were recognized were arrested wherever they were found and sent to him, singly or in batches, and he caused them to be hung up and shot with arrows, until in the course of a year, all had been taken and killed.
The Ispahbad had four sons and one daughter. Two of the sons, Yazdigird and 'Alí, died before their father, while Ḥusámu`d-Dawla Sháh Ardashír and Fakhru`l-Mulúk Rustam survived him. His daughter was noted for her piety, devoutness and virtue. Náṣiru`d Dín Rúz-Bihán composed the following verses on the death of the Ispahbad:
When the Ustundár Hazárasp obtained control of his dominion, he ordered his son Zar-míwand Máníwand and his brother Shirwánsháh to be put to death. Both fled for protection to king Ardashír, who (f. 169a) sent a message of remonstrance to the Ustundár, saying:
Admonition, however, availed nothing. The Ustundár was abandoned by 'Aynu`d-Dawla Siyáh, Arslán, Ṭanṭiq and the Turkish Amírs, who joined themselves to the King, and were re-inforced by Arjásf, who, having obtained king Ardashír’s permission, raided the marches of Daylamán, and brought in all the inhabitants and the soldiers of that district into ´Amul, on which Hazárasp began to march. King Ardashír collected an army of 14,000 Turks and Tájíks, set out for Rúyán, and came as far as Nátil, where he heard that Hazárasf was engaged in battle with Khwájak. The King sent on his standards and insignia, and as soon as these were seen, Hazárasp’s men took to flight, and many were taken and killed, while he himself fell back on Kajú. The King encamped at Siyáh-rúd, where he remained two days, till the people of Rúyán came in to make their submission to him. Then he marched on to Kajú, ravaging the country as he went, and then returned to Qúr-shírad and Kalár (f. 169b).
In this year Sultan Ṭughril and the Atábek Muḥammad1 rebelled, and demanded help from the King, having already received it from the Caliph, the Amírs of Aywa, and the armies of Arrán, ´Adharbayján, Akhláṭ and Marágha. The Ispahbad Bahá`u`d-Dín was accordingly sent to join them, and he came to Lafúr with so splendid an equipment of weapons adorned with gold that he was nick-named “the Golden Amír” (Amír-i-Zarrín). He aided in defeating the Atábek Darkala, and was dismissed to his country with honour and presents, while the Ispahbad was thanked for the aid which he had lent.
In this year a noble, brave and accomplished 'Alawí waited on the king, and was by him given rank and insignia, and assigned the district of Daylamán, which belonged to Kiyá Buzurg ad-Dá'í ila`l-Ḥaqq ar-Riḍá b. al-Hádí. He at once entered into possession, and ruled justly, and put to death the Ispahbad Shahriyár and Rustam, and liberated Bárkala after he had been imprisoned for some years, and imprisoned the governor of the city (shahr-dár) for sixteen years (f. 170a) in the castle of Kúzá….
In this year also Táju`d-Dín Túránsháh b. Zardastán died. Arjásf obtained permission to go to Alexandria (sic!) and raise an army wherewith to invade Gílán, but died there. King Ardashír made his cousin Hizibru`d-Dín Khurshíd commander-in-chief of his army, and made him governor of ´Amul and viceroy of Rúyán. Hazárasp and his brother went to Hamadán to Sulṭán Ṭughril and the Atábek Muḥammad, and prayed these to intercede for them that they might be permitted to return home. The Atábek 'Izzu`d-Dín was therefore sent as an ambassador to ´Amul to the king of Ṃázandarán, who, however, declined to overlook Hazárasp’s previous misdeeds. Hazárasp was told that he must himself go to the king and seek to conciliate him:
(F. 170b). The following verses were also improvised on Hazárasp by other poets:
He left a little son named Sanjar Sháh, born of Turkán Khátún, and one of Ṭughánsháh’s retainers named Manklí-tukuz undertook to be his guardian, or Atábek. He put to death the Qáḍí Burhán, and on this a poet says:
Sháh Ardashír soon afterwards (f. 171a) hanged Mankli-tukuz for this deed. Sanjar Sháh and his mother carried off Qiwám 'Alí and other notables to Khwárazm, and seized the king of Khurásán, Quṭbu`d-Dín Khán, who was his eldest son, and cut off his head, which he sent to the king at the Palace of Dawlatábád at Sárí, on which a poet says:
..... (f. 171) Verses on the untrustworthiness of women:
Qizil Arslán was assassinated at Hamadán by four men, at the instigation of Záhida Khátún1, who plucked the ring from his finger, gave it to the Atábek Abú Bakr, his nephew, and said, “Go, assume control of Arrán and ´Adharbayján.” This Abú Bakr did, and reigned in peace for twenty years.
At this time took place the accession and coronation of the Ispahbad Shamsu`l-Mulúk Rustam. Ruknu`d-Dawla Qárin, accompanied by the nobles of Ṭabaristán, came to make him their offerings at the castle of Dárá. The day fixed for the coronation was declared by the astrologers to be unlucky, but the Ispahbad paid no heed to their objections. The coronation festivities lasted seven days, according to the old Persian fashion, and included the usual feastings, rejoicings, and giving of presents, while the notables and Ispahbads and Báwands assembled from all the country-side. When (f. 172a) these congratulations were finished, on the eighth day the Ispahbad ascended the throne, and girded on the royal girdle, and confirmed the governors in their appointments, and caused the Ispahbads and Amírs to cast aside their mourning, and clad them in robes of honour.
Ruknu`d-Dawla Qárin was dissatisfied with the Ispahbad on account of the inheritance of his elder brother Sharafu`l-Mulúk, and appealed to the Sulṭán, who sent 'Alí Sháh, governor of Dámghán and Bisṭám, with some soldiers to bid the Ispahbad, first with gentleness, and, if this failed, with a show of force, to surrender Sharafu`l-Mulúk’s inheritance to his brother Ruknu`d-Dawla. He also ordered the Amírs of Ray and Gurgán to help him in this. So 'Alí Sháh came by way of Fírúzkúh to Láriján, and encamped at Rúdbár-pích, and sent his brother-in-law on with a message by way of Mankúl; but the people of Shaláb waylaid him and killed him. There was a certain 'Alawí named Músá, who, before Tukush b. ´Il-Arslán became king2, had fled from Khwárazm and taken refuge with king Ardashír, and had long been a source of trouble and sedition in Tammísha. He induced the Sulṭán to appoint him wazír to 'Alí Sháh, whom he tried to persuade (f. 172b) to seize the Ispahbad and take from him the kingdom of Mázandarán. Failing in this attempt, he strove to provoke the Ispahbad against 'Alí Shah, who sent his head to the Ispahbad, by whom it was paraded for three days in the market. His sons, who were at ´Amul, were also arrested and imprisoned for some time in the castle of Kuhrúd. Peace was then concluded between the Ispahbad and 'Alí Sháh, and the former restored to Ruknu`d-Dawla the estates of his elder brother Sharafu`l-Mulúk. Ruknu`d-Dawla then surrendered the castle of Kúzá to the Ispahbad’s warden Afrásiyáb, and himself waited on the Ispahbad, who received him with all honour.
Shortly after this the Assassins (f. 173a) treacherously murdered Ruknu`d-Dawla, and obtained various signal successes. Shamsu`l-Mulúk had no son, but he gave his sister in marriage to the Ispahbad Shahriyár b. Kínkhwár b. Rustam b. Dárá b. Shahriyár, who was “the Father of kings” (Abu`l-Mulúk). This sister bore a son named Kínkhwár, who was cousin on the father’s side to king Ḥusámu`d-Dawla Ardashír b. Kínkhwár. Ḥusámu`d-Dawla Shahriyár lived in the reign of Maliksháh the Seljúq, who used to address him as his “father”, as witnessed by the verse of the poet Ráfi'í:
while in another verse he says:
At this period Sulṭán Jalálu`d-Dín Muḥammad Khwárazmsháh, taking advantage of the growing weakness and disruption of House of Báwand, took possession of sundry castles and lands outside Tammísha, and garrisoned them with his own men. Abú Riḍá Ḥusayn b. Muḥammad Abu `l-'Alawí al-Mamṭírí, on Shawwál 21, A. H. 606 (= April 1, A. D. 1210) treacherously murdered Naṣíru`d-Dawla Shamsu`l-Mulúk. This caused further confusion and disorganization, and many of the nobles of Ṭabaristán submitted to Muḥammad Khwárazmsháh. But in a little while this dynasty in turn was brought to an end by the terrible Mongol Invasion (f. 173b). The destruction and devastation resulting therefrom included Ṭabaristán as well as other provinces of Persia, and for thirty years it was without a king or ruler, while the armies of destroying Mongols traversed it to and fro.
At last, after this period of anarchy, the people of Mázandarán and Ṭabaristán met in council at Sárí, and chose as their ruler Malik Ḥusámu`d-Dawla Ardashír b. Kínkhwár (or Kíkhwáz) b. Rustam b. Dárá b. Shahriyár, who for some time revived the glories of his ancient house and kingdom. But soon he too was overtaken by misfortune, even as Shamsu`l-Ma'álí Qábús b. Washmgír says in well-known verses:1
(F. 174a)
On his accession, Ḥusámu`d-Dawla Ardashír transferred the capital from Sárí, which the House of Báwand had always hitherto made its metropolis, to ´Amul, where he made his palace at Qará-Kaláta on the banks of the river Hurmuz. Once, says the author, when he was walking through it, he read, amongst the paintings on the wall a long bilingual (mulamma') qaṣída by Siráju`d-Dín Qumrí, beginning as follows:
His father Kínkhwár (or Kíkhwáz) was the nephew of Sháh Ardashír b. al-Ḥasan, while he himself was the nephew of Jalálu`d-Dín Ḥasan b. 'Alá`u`d-Dín Muḥammad [Khwárazmsháh]. But in the year A. H. 647 (= A. D. 1249— 1250) he died, having reigned fifteen years.
[It is not clear at what point the record written by Ibn Isfandiyár ends, and the continuation supplied by another hand and carried down to A. D. 750 (= A. D. 1349—1350) begins, but it seems unlikely that Ibn Isfandiyár continued the history beyond this point].
At this time Mangú Qá`án (the grandson of Chingíz Khán) sat on the Mongol throne. Ḥusámu`d-Dawla Ardashír was succeeded by his elder son Shamsu`l-Mulúk Muḥammad (f. 174b). Mangú Qá`án sent an army under the Amfr Kat Búqá to subdue the castles and strongholds of the Assassins. Many of these he reduced, but Gird-i-Kúh, Alamút, Tún und Qá`in still held out. Mangú than sent his brother, the redoutable Húlágú, who first took Tún and Qá`in, and captured so many prisoners that Khurásán was filled with slaves. He then laid siege to Gird-i-Kúh and Alamút. Kiyá Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan, entitled by his followers al-Qá`im bi-`amri`lláh, was at that time Grand Master of the Assassins, but he was killed by one of his sons, and his son Ruknu`d-Dín Khúrsháh (or Khwaŕsháh), who was but an inexperienced lad, succeeded him. The philosopher Naṣíru`d-Dín Ṭúsí, whom Kiyá Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan had forcibly detained and compelled to act as his wazír, while professing friendship for the heretics, was inwardḷy eager to compass their destruction, and when Ruknu`d-Dín Khúrsháh asked his advice as to how he should answer Húlágú Khán, he counselled him (f. 175a) not to give battle, for which the stars were not propitious, but to surrender Alamút, which he accordingly did. He was at once put in chains and sent off to Mangú Qá`án, who, however, on hearing what had been done, sent a messenger to meet him and put him to death. Alamút was destroyed, and its priceless treasures and library delivered to the flames. But Naṣíru`d-Dín Ṭúsí was treated with honour, and retained in Hulágú Khán’s service.
Húlágú Khán now marched on Baghdad, [sacked the city and destroyed the last 'Abbásid Caliph, al-Musta'ṣim bi`lláh, as is well known]. As regards the remaining stronghold of the Assassins, Gird-i-Kúh, orders were issued to all the princes, potentates and nobles of the district to besiege it in turns; and after two or three years the turn came to the King and the Ustundár of Mázandarán. So the King of Mázandarán, Shamsu`l-Mulúk Muḥammad b. Ardashír, and the Ustundár, Shahrákím b. Namáwar, set out to conduct the siege; and a daughter of the latter had been betrothed to the former. It was spring, and there was in Rúyán (f. 175b) a poet named Quṭb-i-Rúyání who composed a tarjí'-band in the dialect of Ṭabaristán on the spring season and the hunting in Rúyán, as follows:
[The following additional verses are given only in B.]
[The following additional verses are omitted in A.]
When Shamsu`l-Mulúk was killed, his brother 'Alá`u`d-Dawla 'Alí was made king, and he was aided by his brother-in-law the Ustundár Shahrákím, but a fresh inrush of Mongols reduced his power to nothing and filled the land with ruins. He died in A. H. 663 (= A. D. 1264—5), in the same year in which his brother had been killed, and the devastation of Rustamdár, Mázandarán and Rúyán took place at the same time.
(F. 176). Malik Táju`d-Dawla Yazdigird next succeeded, and in his time such order prevailed that a single officer, armed only with an axe, Ḥasan Qádí Kal by name, used, alone and on foot, to collect all the taxes of Mázandarán from Tammísha to Alísha-rúd, and bring them to the capital. Táju`d-Dawla maintained the most friendly relations with the Ustundár Sháh Ghází. He reigned 30 years, overcoming many difficulties in his relations with the Mongols, and died in A. H. 701 (= A. D. 1301—2). He left a son named Sikandar, who, however, died soon after him, and he was succeeded by another son named Naṣíru`d-Dawla Shahriyár. In his days there were still seventy flourishing colleges in Mázandarán.
Shahriyár, following the example of his predecessors, allied himself by marriage with the Ustundár Sháh Kay-Khusraw. The Mongol dominion, however, left them but little power or security, and Shahriyár, after a reign of twelve years, died in A. H. 714 (= A. D. 1314—1315), and (f. 176b) was succeeded by his brother Malik Ruknu`d-Dawla Sháh Kay-Khusraw b. Táju`d-Dawla Yazdigird. At this juncture Amír Mú`min, Amíru`l-Umará, represented the Mongol government in Ṭabaristán, and between him and Ruknu`d-Dawla there was perpetual warfare. The latter entrusted his women and children to the care of the Ustundár Naṣíru`d-Dawla Shahriyár, who placed them at Twájan in Kalá-Rustáq; but could not prevail against Amír Mú`min, who enjoyed the fullest confidence of the Mongol sovereign Úljáytú Sulṭán Muḥammad Khudá-banda, and who, having obtained authority to that effect from the Mongol camp (urdú), sent his son Amír Qutlugh Sháh to invade Mázandarán. Several battles took place between him on the one hand, and Shahriyár and the Ustundár on the other. One of the most celebrated of these battles, in which the latter were victorious, and many Turkish amírs and notables of Mázandarán who were with Qutlugh Sháh were killed, took place at Lít-Kúh on the road to Yásamín-Kaláta. At length Amír Mú`min himself invaded Mázandarán, and Sháh Kay-Khusraw, unable to withstand him (f. 177b), set out for the [Mongol] camp (urdú). By chance Amír Tálish Chúbán had been appointed Amír of Khurásán, and was proceeding thither. Kay-Khusraw met him, courted his favour, and promised to bring the Ustundár Naṣíru`d-Dawla Shahriyár to his presence. They journeyed on together to ´Amul, and alighted in the Maydán-i-Rúdbár Báqalí-pazán. There Sháh Kay-Khusraw brought the Ustundár before Amír Tálish Chúbán, who treated them both with honour, and remained that winter at ´Amul. Amír Mú`min’s power was thus checked. Kay-Khusraw, fearing the Mongol Amírs, who were constantly going and coming, conveyed his women and children and baggage to the Ustundár, from whom he bought for them the village of Fímat near Ganjáwarúz, and there abode; and there his descendants dwell to this day. He died in A. H. 728 (= A. D. 1327—8).
He was succeeded by his son Sharafu`l-Mulúk, a handsome and well-dispositioned youth, whose accession was hailed with joy by all the notables of Mázandarán. His reign was peaceful and happy, but short, (f. 177b), for he died in A. H. 734 (= A. D. 1333—4).
He was succeeded by his brother Malik Fakhru`d-Dawla Ḥasan b. Sháh Kay-Khusraw, the last of the Báwand kings, whose accession was nearly contemporary with Sulṭán Abú Sa'íd’s death1. This practically coincided with the end of the Mongol Power in Persia, which lasted about 80 years from the date of Húlágú Khán’s capture of Baghdad in A. H. 656 (= A. D. 1258). The author speaks highly of the order and good government which prevailed during this period, especially during the reigns of Gházán Khán, Úljáytú Khudá-banda, and Abú Sa'íd, which, says he, one might think that the poet Dhahír-i-Fáryábí was describing when he said:
| (f. 178a) | |
On Abú Sa'íd’s death anarchy supervened, each amír striving to seize what he could for himself out of the general wreckage. Amongst those who thus rose to power was Amír Mas'úd Sarbadál [or Sar-ba-dár), who rose up in Sabzawár, killed his brother Pahlawán 'Abdu`r-Razzáq, gathered round himself a number of rogues and vagabonds, and established himself in a citadel which he made for himself in Sabzawár. Tughá-Tímúr was nominally Sulṭán of Khurásán, but his wazír, 'Alá`u`d-Dín Muḥammad, had practically (f. 178b) got possession of all the power, and used it most oppressively. His tyranny, and that of a tribe of Turks called Jataz, reduced the people of Khurásán to desperation. The disaffected joined themselves to Amír Mas'úd Sarbadál, whose power thus rapidly increased, so that he defeated many of the Mongol and Turkish amírs, and even Arghún-Sháh and his brothers, until he finally held possession of Khurásán from Jám and Bákharz to Mázandarán. His popularity largely depended on the fact that all spoils of war were equitably shared by him with his followers, and that he in no way distinguished himself from them.
He now marched on Herát and attacked Malik Mu'ínu`d-Dín Ḥusayn-i-Kart. The battle lasted three days and nights, and 7000 men are said to have perished in it, including Amír Mas'úd’s spiritual director Shaykh Ḥasan Júrí; and Amír Mas'úd was finally defeated and fell back on Mázandarán. At Bayárú-kamand he had another battle with Tughá-Tímúr, whose brother, Shaykh 'Alí Káwán, he killed. He defeated Tughá-Tímúr and took captive Píshín Khátún and other ladies of his house (f. 179a), and pursued, captured and put to death his wazír 'Alá`u`d-Dín Muḥammad at Qal'a Kamín. Tughá-Tímúr fled from him to Lár and Qaṣrán, where he was re-inforced by Malik Fakhru`d-Dawla and the Ustundár.
Amír Mas'úd soon succeeded in re-establishing his power in Khurásán, which, from Herát to Gurgán and Qúmish, fell under his sway, and he placed his governors in each important town. He then came to Astarábád, intending to subjugate Ṭabaristán, and sought by all means to win over to him its kings and rulers. Kiyá Jamálu`d-Dín Aḥmad Jál, a powerful, sagacious and experienced noble, obtained permission from the King of Mázandarán to go with his nephews Kiyá Táju`d-Dín and Kiyá Jalál, to Astarábád, and try to come to terms with Amír Mas'úd, who received them well, but forced them to accompany him on his onward march to Sárí, whence he sent to the kings at ´Amul (f. 179b) desiring to see them. After prolonged consultation, Malik Fakhru`d-Dawla of Mázandarán and Malik Jalálu`d-Dawla Iskandar the Ustundár determined to resist Amír Mas'úd by force, and sent him a harsh answer. Thereupon, leaving some of his men at Sárí, Amír Mas'úd marched on ´Amul. The two armies met outside ´Amul on Dhu`l-Qa'da 17, A. H. 743 (= April 13, A. D. 1343), in the plain of Búrán, where the Mázandaránís had constructed at Qará-Kaláta by their King’s Palace a temporary stockade, which they prepared to defend with the utmost stubbornness. Jamálu`d-Dín Aḥmad Jál, seeing that battle was inevitable, and that Amír Mas'úd would not hearken to his advice (f. 180a), sent repeated and urgent messages to his friends and kinsmen to “defend the honour of Mázandarán”, and not to concern themselves about his possible fate; “for,” said he, “I am an old man, who have lived my life: if I perish and Mázandarán continue in honour it is better than that ye should submit to subjection and abasement.” The Mázandaránís responded to this heroic advice, and all, from Tammísha to the frontiers of Gílán, forgetting their private quarrels and jealousies, presented a united face to the foe. Amír Mas'úd, alarmed at their firmness, requested Kiyá Jamálu`d-Dín Aḥmad Jál and his nephews to extricate him from ´Amul (f. 180b). Amír 'Alí Hawákhún (? Mawákhún) deserted him for the Mázandaránis, which added to his alarm, and he gave Kiyá Aḥmad Jál five kharwárs of dirhams to guide him out of the country. The Kiyá sent this money to his kinsmen, and bade them construct earthworks from the river Hurmuz to Sárí and close the roads. After ten days' sojourn in ´Amul, Amír Mas'úd quitted it with his army. At Yásamín-Kaláta, one parasang’s distance from the city, he was confronted by the Ustundár Jalálu`d-Dawla, while the soldiers of Mázandarán attacked him in the rear. Mas'úd, seeing that he was out-manœuvred, killed Kiyá Jamálu`d-Dín Aḥmad Jál and his nephews, and fled towards Láwích, making for the mountains. The woods and thickets which he was compelled to traverse were swarming with his foes, while the Kings closely pursued him, and one vast battle raged from Yásamín-Kaláta to Rúdbár-i-Núr; until the Khurásánís, after sustaining heavy losses, were finally completely disorganized and scattered:
Finally (f. 181a), after two days' flight, Amír Mas'úd, with a few of his followers, reached the mountains by way of Rúdbár-Bálú, and began to ascend. The path was barred by the scouts of Taju`d-Dawla, the Ustundár’s brother, Malik-i-Mu'adhdham Sharafu`d-Dawla Gustahm, and he was forced to turn back by way of Rúdbár-Uz; but, losing his way, was taken captive.
Amír Mas'úd, wounded and captive, was brought before Malik Fakhru`d-Dawla, who asked him as to the original size of his army. He answered that provision had been made for 4000 horses, 600 mules and 400 camels, from which could he deduced the size of the army. He was then sent on to the Ustundár Jalálu`d-Dawla, who, after two days' consideration, put him to death. His body was buried on the road to Kálíjar under a mill on the east side of the stream.
(F. 181b). His head was cut off, stuffed with straw, and exhibited to all men at the very place where he had, a few days before, encamped with so great and well-equipped an army.
(F. 182a).
The people of Ṭabaristán, except the learned and religious classes, used to wear their hair long and hanging loose — sometimes as much as a yard (gaz) in length; but, some days after the execution of Amír Mas'úd-i-Sarbadál, Malik Jalálu`d-Dawla, seeing that his late foe had his hair shaved, adopted the same practice, together with the wearing of the turban, and first his own kinsmen, and then the rest of the people, imitated him, so that the new fashion became general, and the long locks, called kalálak, and the head-dress called kalá-band, were finally abandoned.
It has been already described how, in the reign of Malik Ruknu`d-Dawla Sháh Kay-Khusraw, Amír Mú`min and his son Qutlugh-Sháh caused dissension in Mázandarán which led to great disorganization, and how Malik Shamsu`l-Mulúk Muḥammad treacherously slew his brother 'Alá`u`d-Dawla 'Alí, and assumed the reins of government1. Malik Ruknu`d-Dawla Sháh Kay-Khusraw went to the [Mongol] camp (urdú) and brought back an order for the dismissal of Malik Shamsu`l-Mulúk, who retired to Gílán for a while, but was presently summoned thence by Ruknu`d-Dawla, who, at the advice of Amír Qutlugh Sháh, put him to death, together with his brother Malik Ardashír and 'Alá`u`d-Dawla 'Alí (f. 182b) in the summer-palace of Ardáshír-ábád.
Thus Malik Sháh Kay-Khusraw, being left alone, was weakened, and Qutlugh Sháh strengthened; and the former, gradually pushed back, conveyed his family and possessions to the domain of the Ustundár, whose people helped and supported him. There his sons, and those of Sharafu`l-Mulúk, Fakhru`d-Dawla, and the other brothers, grew up, honoured and treated in every way like the princes of Ustundár; until, moved by false suspicions, he put to death Kiyá Jalál b. Aḥmad Jál, which caused universal disgust and consternation amongst the nobles who had hitherto supported him, save the rival Kiyás of Chaláp, with whom he was now compelled to ally himself. Of these, Kiyá Afrásiyáb of Chaláp was his principal ally.
In Mázandarán, thus distracted, there now appeared the dervish orders, pírs, and muríds, which had already appeared in Khurásán. Afrásiyáb (f. 183a) and his kinsmen became enthusiastic for this doctrine, and desired to persuade Malik Sháh Kay-Khusraw to it. The Kiyás of Jalál attached themselves to the chief Ustundár, Malik Jalálu`d-Dawla Iskandar. Malik-i-Mu'adhdham marched on ´Amul and ravaged the surrounding territory. Fakhru`d-Dawla came with two or three thousand men to the camp of the king of Ustundár to sue for peace, which was granted; and the united forces then expelled the Kiyás of Chaláp from ´Amul. These allied themselves with their former foes, the Kiyás of Jalál. The king of Mázandarán tried to regain their confidence, but could not overcome their mistrust. Amír Sayyid Qiwámu`d-Dín, whom the Kiyás of Chaláp regarded as their saint and spiritual director, disliked Malik Fakhru`d-Dawla on account of his real or supposed heretical tendencies. Finally on Muḥarram 27, A. H. 750 (= April 17, A. D. 1349) Malik Fakhru`d-Dawla was treacherously murdered in the bath at ´Amul by 'Alí Kiyá b. Afrásiyáb and his brother Muḥammad Kiyá (F. 183b). His family, having no other place of safety, again took refuge with the supreme Ustundár Jalálu`d-Dawla Iskandar, who received them with all hospitality and kindness.
Malik Fakhru`d-Dawla left four sons, all of tender years, Malik Sharafu`l-Mulúk, Sháh Ghází, and Malik Ká`ús1, of whom the eldest was but ten years of age. Malik Jalálu`d-Dawla not only protected and cared for them while they were young, but when they were grown up he undertook several campaigns with a view to restoring them to their kingdom. On one occasion he attacked Kiyá Afrásiyáb, the Kiyás of Jalál and Sayyid Qiwámu d-Dín at Marán-Dih near ´Amul (f. 184a), and killed the former, but finally, with his men of Rustamdár, was out-numbered and driven back by the Mázandaránís. In this battle 330 of the men of Rustamdár were slain, and it was the last attempt of the kings of Báwand to assert their power, which had endured in Mázandarán for 705 years; for the founder of the Dynasty, Báw-i-Shápúr, established- his independence in A. H. 45 (= A. D. 665—6), while the last of them, Malik Fakhru`d-Dawla Ḥasan, was killed, as above stated, in A. H. 750 (= A. D. 1349).
(The following notes by Mr. A. G. Ellis of the British Museum comprise such observations as he was kind enough to send me on the proofs which I submitted to him, and which could not be incorporated in the text either as corrections or foot-notes.)
P. 9. “The setting of this anecdote is quíte historical, for the three persons concerned were all contemporaries. You will find a notice of 'Abdu`l-Malik b. Qurayb al-Aṣma'í in De Slane’s translation of Ibn Khallikán, vol. II, p. 123, and of al-'Attábí in the Fihrist of al-Warráq, vol. I, p. 121. See also De Slane, op. cit., vol. II, p. 466 and vol. III, p. 99.”
“With regard to the Shí'a “rijál” (notable men) all the authorities that I quoted contain much the same matter; but I could not tell which of them might be accessible to you. Of -Najáshí, I think, no MS. is at present recorded in Europe. I have a Bombay lithograph, which can easily be procured. The Fihrist of -Ṭúsí (contemporary with -Najáshí) you have in the Bibliotheca Indica. Concerning -Astarábádí and his Manhaju`l-Maqál, see Rieu’s Arabic Supplement, N° 635. I have a Persian lithograph of the book. The Muntaha`l-Maqál of Muḥammad b. Isma'íl al-Ḥá`irí is a quite recent work, compiled from all accessible older authorities, and extremely useful, though somewhat condensed. Of this also I have a Persian lithograph. Another book of which I possess a Bombay edition is the Ikhtiyár of Muḥammad b. 'Umar al-Kashshí (see Rieu’s Arabic Supplement, N° 833). It often contains useful information, but is not very easy of reference. I have also a Persian edition of the Naqdu`r-Rijál of at-Tafríshí (Rieu’s Arabic Supplement, N° 636); but it is rather meager, and does not add much to the contents of the first-named works.”
“In the following notes I have quoted several times from a book which you may perhaps know, namely 'Umdatu`ṭ-ṭálib fí ansábi Áli Abi Ṭálib (“the Student’s Mainstay for the [verification of the] genealogies of the House of Abú Ṭálib”). It was composed in Arabic under the Amír Tímúr by Ibn 'Utba ('Uqba, 'Inaba) Jamálu`d-Dín Aḥmad b. 'Alí, who died in A. H. 828 (= A. D. 1424—5).”
P. 19. “Concerning Ḥasan b. Yaḥyá al-'Alawí, called Kúchak, see 'Umdatu`t-Ṭálib, p. 68.”
P. 32. “'Abdu`r-Raḥmán b. Khúrzád, author of a Kitábu`l-Masálik
wa`l-Mamálik is cited. May not this be intended for
Ibn Khurdádhbih? It is true the last is usually called
'Ubaydu`lláh. Still there is some slight uncertainty with regard
to his name, and we know next to nothing about the
man. The remark about the excellence of Samarqand will
be found on p. 172 of De Goeje’s edition of his book, together
with the saying of ar-Raqqáshí with some variation.
On p. 171 of the same edition Ibn Khurdádhbih says of
Ṭabaristán that it is
Ibid. “Ḥusayn b. Mundhir ar-Raqqáshí was the Imám 'Alí’s standard-bearer and an Anṣárí. There are brief notices of him in the Manhaju`l-Maqál, p. 118, and the Muntaha`l-Maqál, p. 115. There is nothing to show how he came to know anything about either Samarqand or Ṭabaristán. He may, however, have been a Persian, as his kunya is Abú Sásán.”
P. 36. “Concerning ‘the son of Amír Ká’, compare 'Umdatu`ṭ-Ṭálib,
pp. 71, 72, where Amír Ká appears as —
a descendant from Isma'fl Jálibu`l-Ḥijára by eight generations.”
P. 37. “‘A Jew named Sham'ún (Simon)’. Or. 7633 has
P. 39. “In the Akhbár-i-Barmakiyán of Ḍiyá`u`d-Dín Baraní (Bombay ed., pp. 6—7) allusion is made to this talisman. Baraní, however, speaks of it as an armlet, and does not mention its origin. The anecdote connected with the ring is as follows. The courtiers introduced Barmak into the presence of 'Abdu`l-Malik, who, as soon as he saw him, ordered him to be severely beaten and thrust out. Afterwards the courtiers prayed the Caliph to make known to them Barmak’s offence. 'Abdu`l-Malik replied that Barmak carried poison upon his person, and that upon his own arm were two jewels which, whenever anyone should come before him having poison upon him, would be attracted towards one another. When Barmak entered, these two jewels were so strongly drawn together as to cause pain to the Caliph’s arm. Angered at this, 'Abdu`l-Malik ordered Barmak to be chastised.”
P. 47. “May not ‘Abu`l-'Amr’ perhaps be the same person
as
Ibid. “There is a biographical notice of Muḥammad b. Zayd at pp. 71 et seqq. of the 'Umdatu`ṭ-ṭálib.”
Ibid. “By ‘Ṭabáṭabá al-'Alawí’ must be meant Abú 'Abdi`lláh al-Ḥusayn b. Muḥammad b. Ṭabáṭába al-Ḥasaní, one of the chief authorities of the author of the 'Umdatu`ṭ-ṭálib for the pedigrees of the earlier Sayyids. He was the Shaykh of Abu`l-Ḥasan 'Alí b. Muḥammad al-'Umarí, another of Ibn 'Utba’s authorities, who was in al-Mawṣil in A. H. 423 = A. D. 1032 ('Umda, p. 364) and in ´Amid in A. H. 430 = A. D. 1038—9 (Ibid., p. 60). For Ibráhím Ṭabáṭabá, the genealogist’s ancestor, see 'Umda, p. 158.”
P. 50 (also p. 46). “‘As-Sarwí’. As-Sam'ání (Ansáb, Add.
23,355, f. 297b, gives
Pp. 50 and 55. “Ibnu`l-Mahdí al-Mámṭírí and Sayyid Imám Bahá`u`d-Dín al-Ḥasan b. Mahdí al-Mamṭírí are, I suppose, the same person.”
P. 52. “The ascription of the authorship of the Kitábu`l-Faraj ba'da`sh-Shidda to Qáḍí Abu`l-Qásim at-Tanúkhí is an error. The real author was his son Muḥassin b. 'Alí, as is clearly shewn by various allusions in the book itself.”
P. 54. “Abu`l-Faraj 'Alí b. al-Ḥusayn must be the poet Ibn Hindú. He was a native of Ray, and one of the Kuttábu`l-Inshá of 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla the Buwayhid. He was in Jurján about A. H. 410 = A. D. 1019—1020 (aṣ-Ṣafadí’s Wáfí bí`l-Wafayát), and died in A. H. 420 = A. D. 1029 (Ḥájji Khalífa, vol. III, p. 252; vol. VI, p, 15).”
P. 59. “Concerning Zarrín Kamar, see the 'Umdatu`ṭ-ṭálib,
p. 68, where he appears as
Ibid. “'Imádí is, I suppose, identical with the homonymous contemporary of Saná`í of Ghazna mentioned by Dawlatsháh, p. 98, and noticed by 'Awfí in vol. II of the Lubáb, pp. 257 et seqq. The author of the Majma'u`l-Fuṣaḥá, vol. I, p. 350, calls him 'Imádí Shahriyárí, and says that he composed poems in praise of 'Imádu`d-Dawla ad-Daylamí and Ṭughril Beg the Seljúq. He admits, however, that some critics say that there are more 'Imádís than one. Taqiyyu`d-Dín Káshání in his Khuláṣatu`l-Ash'ár, (Or. 3506, ff. 449b—452a) has a long notice of 'Imádí. He distinguishes two poets of this name, 'Imádí-i-Ghaznawí and 'Imádí-i-Shahriyárí. The latter was a native of Shahriyár, one of the dependencies of Ray, and resided in the last-named city. In the latter part of his life he was attached to the court of Ṭughril b. Arslán. He died in his native place in A. H. 573 (= 1177—8).”
Sheet 9 (pp. 129—144). Owing to the vagaries of the Post Office, this sheet was printed off before the corrections indicated by Mr. Ellis had been made. These, therefore, are included with the longer notes in this place.
P. 129, l. 26. For “whom” read “whose”. “'Abú Jaysh
al-Hilálí. Properly this kunya should be Abu`l-Jaysh, not
Abú Jaysh, but perhaps in a Persian MS. the absence of
the article may not be significant. Otherwise I had thought
of
Pp. 130—131 (and also pp. 120, 124 and 125 supra). “For 'Amr b. 'Alá read 'Umar b. al-'Alá. So Ṭabarí, Series III, pp. 136, 137, 493, 500, 520, and 521, and Add. 7633.”
P. 130, l. 26 “The story to which reference is here made is given in brief in the Muraṣṣa' of Ibnu`l-Athír, ed. Seybold, 1896, p. 184.”
P. 132, ll. 16—23. “Either the India Office MS. or yourself has jumped a few lines. I have inserted a translation of these in their place on the proof, and enclose herewith a copy of the passage from Add. 7633.” (The lines in question are, I find, actually omitted in the India Office MS. The amended translation runs as follows. “Next came Sa'íd b. Salm (so Ṭabarí) b. Qutayba b. Muslim, who was replaced after six months by Ḥammál and 'Abdu`lláh, the sons of 'Abdu`l-'Azíz. Ten months later, in A. H. 177, these were superseded by Muthanná b. al-Ḥajjáj, who ruled for a year and four months, and was followed in A. H. 179 by 'Abdu`l-Malik b. Qa'qa', who remained one year …” “For Ḥázim, Add. 7633, supported by Ṭabarí, has Kházim.”
Pp. 134 and 136. “Both these alternative motives for the destruction of the Barmecides are recorded by Ṭabarí (series III, pp. 669 et seqq. and pp. 676 et seqq.).”
Pp. 134, l. 16. “By -Nawfalí 'Alí b. Muḥammad b. Sulaymán an-Nawfalí is probably intended. See De Goeje’s Index to Ṭabarí, p. 400.”
P. 140, l. 30. “Add. 7633 has Khalífa b. Sa'd here, as well as in l. 19 above.”
Ibid. “For Mihrúya, De Goeje (Ṭabarí, Series III, pp. 650 et seqq.) has Mahruwayh.”
P. 141, l. 12. “Jaríshí should at least be Jurayshí, but Jurashi is the older and better form, and is the actual reading of Add. 7633. This nisba is thus vocalized by as-Sam'ání (Add. 23,355, f. 127a), who derives it from Juraysh, a Ḥimyarite tribe. Ṭabarí (Series III, pp. 650 et seqq.) has al-Ḥarashí.”
Ibid., l. 28. “Read Zufar for Zafr; and in l. 29 read 'Amíra for 'Umayra, which is always a woman’s name.”
P. 142, ll. 22, 25, 28. “Read Nu'aym b. Kházim for Na'ím b. Ḥázim.”
P. 144, l. 12. “Through” is, of course, a misprint for “though”.
P. 147, l. 2. Correct, as above on p. 141, Jurayshí to Jurashí.
Ibid. ll. 5—6. “For Bizíst-i-Fírúzán = Yaḥyá b. Abí Manṣúr, see Fihrist, p. 275, al-Qiftí’s Ta`ríkhu`l-Ḥukamá, pp. 357—359. He died in A. H. 215 or 217 (= A. D. 830 or 832): see Suter, Die Mathematiker und Astronomen der Araber, N° 14.
P. 174, 6. The text has Tarchí for Tarícha, but the emendation, suggested by Mr. Ellis, seems pretty certain.
P. 180, l. 4. “Here, as on the previous page, A. wrongly reads al-Musta'ín for al-Mu'tazz, which latter is not only required by history, but is in every case the actual reading of A. Ṭabarí gives the name of this Caliph as Muḥammad, but in the Mafátíḥu`l-'Ulúm of al-Khwárazmí and in the Wáfí of aṣ-Ṣafadí (Add. 23,858, f. 112a) he is called Zubayr.”
P. 187, ll. 14—15. “Abu`l-Ḥusayn Aḥmad b. Muḥammad
was a Shajarí Sayyid, a descendant of a different line from
Sayyid Ḥasan’s. See 'Umdatu`ṭ-ṭálib, p. 71, 1. 18, where his
relationship to Sayyid Ḥasan is expressed by
P. 190, l. 2. “Compare -Ṭabarí, Series III, pp. 2039—2201.”
P. 191, ll. 14—15. “Compare -Ṭabarí, Series III, pp. 1929—2159.”
P. 193. “‘Martyrdom of Sayyid Muḥammad’. Abu`l-Faraju`l-Iṣbahání, the author of the Kitábu`l-Aghání, gives, in his Maqátilu`ṭ-Ṭálibiyyín (Ṭihrán, A. H. 1307, p. 229), rather a different account of the death of Muḥammad b. Zayd. He relates that Isma'íl b. Aḥmad, who had made himself master of Khurásán, sent against him one of his officers named Muḥammad b. Hárún with orders to attack him. An engagement took place at Báb Jurján in which the Sayyid was mortally wounded. After the battle he was found on the field still breathing, and was carried to Jurján, where he died. His funeral obsequies were performed by his adversary Muḥammad b. Hárún. These events took place in Ramaḍán, A. H. 289 (sic). Sayyid Muḥammad’s son Zayd was taken prisoner in the battle, and brought to Jurján, where he still is at the present time,’ i. e. A. H. 313 (= A. D. 925—6). Abu`l-Faraj was born in A. H. 284 (= A. D. 897), five (or three) years before the above mentioned battle was fought.”
P. 194, l. 15. “This Shajara-i-ansáb-i-Ṭalibiyya is most probably identical with the Ansábu ashráfi`l-amṣár of Ibn Ṭabáṭabá, already mentioned on p. 47, l. 8.”
P. 195, ll. 17—18. “Add. 7633 (= B.) has
P. 198, end. “The person usually known by the title of Dhu`r-Riyásatayn was the famous wazír of the Caliphate al-Faḍl b. Sahl. As, however, he was murdered at Sarakhs in A. H. 202 (= A. D. 817—818), he can hardly be the person intended here, unless ‘grandson’ could be substituted for ‘son’.”
P. 199, l. 25. “Abu`l-Faḍl Muḥammad b. 'Abdu`lláh al-Bal'amí was the father of the Persian translator of -Ṭabarí, and died in A. H. 329 (= A. D. 940—941). See -Sam'ání’s Ansáb, Add. 23,355, f. 90.”
P. 210, ll. 5—6. “The addition in parentheses (which is found in B.) seems necessary, otherwise the personality of Díkú on p. 216 is rather enigmatical.”
P. 210, l. 18. “‘The Sayyids' governor’. He was appointed
by
P. 215, 14. “Mánkdím was a descendant of Zaynu`l-'´Abidín, not of 'Aqíl b. Abí Ṭálib.”
P. 219, ll. 24 et seqq. “The news was brought to Ḥasan b. Fírúzán at Sárí, not to Washmgír at ´Amul.”
P. 227, ll. 3—4. “Add. 7310, f. 8, vocalizes the name of
Sulṭán Maḥmúd’s father
P. 229, l. 5 and note. As regards the vocalization Ḥummúla adopted by the Delhi edition, Mr. Ellis remarks that if the name be Arabic, as it appears to be, such vocalization is inadmissible, as giving no meaning. The same edition incorrectly gives this person’s full name as Abu`l-Ḥusayn b. Ahmad b. Ḥummúla, 'Alí having dropped out after Abú.
P. 229, l. 8. “As to the name Asfár b. Kurdúya the
texts of the Yamíní vary. Add. 7310 reads
P. 229, l. 10. “The Yamíní adds after the name Rashámúj
the words
P. 245, 1. 29. “Add. 7633 (= B.) reads
This Index includes, besides a few general references to matters of special interest, (1) names of persons, (2) names of places, and (3) titles of books mentioned in the preceding pages. In the arrangement of the Muḥammadan names, the prefixes Abú (“Father of …”) and Ibn (“Son of …”) are disregarded, so that, for example, the names Abu`l-Faḍl and Ibn Khurdádhbih must be sought under the letters F and K respectively, not under A and I. Between two names the word Ibn (“Son of …”) is represented by b., but in the case of Persian names, the Persian iḍáfat (-i-) is sometimes employed to indicate the same relation: e. g. 'Abdu`lláh b. Ṭáhir and Qárin-i-Shahriyár. A hyphen prefixed to a name (generally a nisba) means that the Arabic definite article al- should precede it: e. g. Hárún-Rashíd = Hárún al-Rashíd, or, according to the phonetic transcription which I adopt, Hárúnu`r-Rashíd. Each name is written in full the first time it occurs, but some of the commonest names are occasionally abbreviated as follows: A. = Aḥmad; Ibr. = Ibrahím; Ism. = Isma'íl; Ḥ = Ḥasan; Ḥus. = Ḥusayn; 'Ab. = 'Abbás; 'Al. = Abdu`lláh; 'A. = 'Alí; 'U. = 'Umar; Q. = Qásim; M. = Muḥammad; Ya. = Yaḥyá. Persian names I have thought it best always to write in full. Place-names are distinguished by an asterisk, while titles of books are printed in italics. In the case of names of little-known places in Ṭabaristán, where the vocalization is often extremely uncertain, I occasionally refer to Melgunof’s Das südliche Ufer des kaspischen Meeres (Leipzig, 1868) as “Mel.”, and to Dorn’s four volumes of Muhammedanische Quellen zur Geschichte der südlichen Küstenländer des kaspischen Meeres as “Dorn I”, “Dorn II”, etc. To facilitate identification, I have occasionally indicated in brackets after a name the century of the Christian era in which the owner flourished, or, in the case of place-names, the district in which the place is apparently situated. When it is desired to indicate in which half of a century a person flourished, a small (1) or (2) is added to the Roman figure: thus (IX2) means the latter half of the ninth century of our era.
Abu`l-A'azz M. b. Qays (IX2), 172.
*´Aba-sar (Sárí), 250.
*´Abasgún, 78, 199, 208.
Ibn 'Abbád. See Isma'íl b. 'Abbád, -Ṣáḥib.
'Abbás, House of —, or 'Abbásid Caliphs, 10, 51, 99, 108, 110, 111, 125, 143, 144, 161, 177, 201, 205, 259. See also under the names of individual Caliphs.
'Abbás b. -'Aqílí (IX2), 174.
'Abbás, brother of the Maṣmughán (IX2), 176.
'Ab. b. M. -Háshimí (VIII2), 121.
'Ab. b. Qábúsán (X1), 212.
'Ab. b. Zufar (not Zafr, see note on p. 277, l. 1; IX1), 141.
'Abbása (sister of Hárún-Rashíd), 134, 136, 139.
Abu`l-'Abbás 'Al. b. M. b. Núḥ b. Asad -Sámání (X1), 195—199.
Abu`l-'Ab. A. b. 'Abd -Azíz b. Abí Dulaf -'Ijlí (governor of 'Iráq, IX2), 191.
Abu`l-'Ab.-Faqíh -'Alaqí (X1), 215.
Abu`l-'Ab.-'Aṣṣárí (X1), 216.
Abu`l-'Ab., the chamberlain (X2), 228.
Abu`l-'Ab. b. Dhu`r-Riyásatayn (X1), 213, 214.
Abu`l-'Ab.-Ghánimí (minister of Qábús b. Washmgír (X2—XI1),92.
Abu`l-'Ab. b. Já`í (X2), 229.
Abu`l-'Ab. b. Kálanjár (X1), 216.
Abu`l-'Ab.-Qaṣṣáb, Shaykh —, 80. (See Jámí’s Nafaḥát, Calc. ed., 1859, pp. 323—6).
Abu`l-'Ab.-Rúyání, Qáḍi`l-quḍát (X2—XI1), 76.
Abu l-'Ab.-Ṣaffáḥ (Caliph, A. D. 750—754), 111.
Abu`l-'Abbás, Sayyid — (X2—XI1), 51, 54.
Abdál, The —, 109.
*´Ab-Dara (near Kúsán), Castle of —, 61.
*'Abd-'Adhím, Shrine of —, near Ray, 70.
'Abd -'Azíz -'Ijlí (IX), 47.
'Abd -Ḥamíd Maḍrúb (governor of Ṭabaristán, VIII2), 125.
'Abd -Ḥamíd (secretary of Marwán II, A. D. 744—750), 111.
'Abd -Jabbár b. 'Abd -Raḥmán (VIII2), 118, 121.
'Abdu`lláh b. -'Abbás (VII), 111, 112.
'Al. b. 'Abd -'Azíz (VIII), 132.
'Al. b. 'Azíz (officer of Ṭáhirids, IX2), 179.
'Al. b. Abí Burda b. Abí Músá -Ash'arí, 6.
'Al. [b.] Faḍlawayh -Sarawí (not -Sarwí, as in text), 46. “As-Sam'ání, Ansáb, Add. 23,355 (Brit. Mus.), f. 297b, gives
, Sarwí from , Sarw, in the district of Ardabíl, but , Sarawí from , Sáriya (now Sárí) in Mázandarán. Unfortunately he does not mention anyone derived from the last-named place.” A. G. E. 'Al. b. Ḥasan (adherent of Sayyid Náṣir-i-Kabír, X1), 200.
'Al. b. Ḥázim (VIII2), 132.
'Al. b. Ḥusayn b. Sahl “Tájí Duwayr”, 73.
'Al. b.-Kawwá (Khárijite leader, VII), 101.
'Al. b. Maḥmúd b. Núḥ, Abu`l-'Abbás — (governor of Ṭabaristán), 38.
'Al. b. Málik (governor of Ṭabaristán, VIII2—IX1), 143.
'Al. b. Mubárak, the scribe (X1), 209.
'Al. b. M. b. Núḥ -Sámání, Abu`l-'Abbás — (X1), 195.
'Al. b. M. -Kátib (“the Scribe”), 206.
'Al. b. -Muqaffa'. See Ibn -Muqaffa'.
'Al. b. Qaḥṭaba (VIII2—IX1), 132.
'Al. b. Qutayba. See Ibn Qutayba.
'Al. b. Sa'íd (IX2), 162, 163.
'Al. b. Sa'íd -Jaríshí (or -Jurayshí, IX1), 141, 143, 147. “Jaríshí should at least be Jurayshí, but Jurashí is the older and better form, and is the actual reading of Add. 7633.” A. G. E. (See end of p. 276).
'Abdu`lláh b. Salám (X1), 213.
'Al. b. Sayf (VIII2), 123.
'Al. b. -Ṭabarí (IX2), 80.
'Al. b. Ṭáhir (governor of Khurásán, IX), 152—157.
'Al. b. 'Umar b. -Khaṭṭáb, 98.
'Al. b. Wahb -Rásibí (Khárijite leader VII2), 102.
'Al. b. Wandá-ummíd (IX2), 162.
'Al. b. Yaḥyá b. Kháqán (minister of -Mutawakkil, IX2), 158.
Abú 'Abdi`lláh, Shaykh — (Imámí divine, X2), 54.
Abú 'Al. -Ḥasan b. 'Alí b. Hishám (contemporary of -Aṣma'í, VIII2—IX1), 136.
Abú 'Al. M. b. Ḥ. (of ´Amul, X1), 212.
Abú 'Al. M. -Riḍá b. Zayd b. M. b. Zayd (X1), 194.
Abú 'Al. M. -Utrush. See -Utrush.
'Abdu`l-Malik [b.] Mákán (X2), 229.
'Abdu`l-Malik b. Marwán (Umayyad Caliph, VII2), 39, 105.
'Abdu`l-Malik I b. Núḥ -Sámání (A. D. 954—961), 224.
'Abdu`l-Malik b. Qurayb -Aṣma'í (IX1), 9.
'Abdu`l-Qádir (read -Qáhir) -Jurjání, Imám —, 78.
'Abdu`r-Raḥmán Khúrzád (“probably Ibn Khurdádhbih”, A. G. E., IX1), 32.
'Abdu`r-Raḥmán Ṭughá-Turk, Atábek — (son of Quṭbu`d-Dín M. Khwárazmsháh, XIII1), 59.
Abú Abdi`r-Raḥmán M. b.-H.-Lamrásakí, Qáḍí —, 30.
Abú 'Abdi`r-Raḥmán Ziyád b. An'am -Ifríqí (contemporary of the Caliph-Manṣúr, VIII), 10.
'Abdu`s-Salám (chamberlain of Qábús, X2—XI1), 92.
'Abd-Shams (ancestor of Umayyads), 48.
'Abdu`l-Wáḥid b. Isma'íl “Imám-i-shahíd” (murdered by Assassins”, XI), 75.
*Abhar, 69, 178.
*Abkhama, 28.
Abu`l-Mulúk, 147. See Qárin b. Shahriyár b. Sharwín.
Abyssinians, 20, 74.
*´Adharbayján, 14, 61, 68, 96, 237, 252, 254.
Adhar-valásh (Sásánian governor of Ṭabaristán, VII1), 97, 98.
'Adí b. 'Abdu`lláh, 79.
'Aḍudu`d-Dawla Fanákhusraw b. Ruknu`d-Dawla -Ḥasan b. Buwayh (A. D. 949—982), 87—91, 158, 210, 223, 225, 226. See also Fanákhusraw.
'Aḍudu`d-Dawla, Sayyid Abu`l-Ḥusayn-Mu`ayyad bi`lláh — b. Ḥus. b. Hárún b. Ḥus. b. M. b.-Q. b. Ḥus. b. Zayd b. Ḥ. b. 'A. b. Abí Ṭálib, 50, 51, 53, 54.
Afḍalu`d-Dín Máhabádí (XII2), 69.
Afrásiyáb, 18—20.
Afrásiyáb, Kiyá — of Chaláp (XIV1), 268, 269.
Afrásiyáb (warden of Kúzá, XIII1), 256.
Afshín (IX1), 155, 156.
-Aghání, Kitábu`l. —, 103.
Aghúshí, the Turk (X1), 215.
*´Ahár, 14.
*Ahlam (on coast, N. of ´Amul; Mel. 151, 208), 22, 28, 34, 191.
Aḥmad b. 'Abdu`l-'Azíz b. Abí Dulaf -'Ijlí (governor of 'Iráq, IX2), 191.
Aḥmad b. 'Abdi`lláh-Khujistání (governor of Níshápúr, IX2), 185.
A. b. Ḥanbal (VIII2), 125.
A. b. Ḥasan (IX2), 170.
A. Abu`l-Ḥusayn (son of Sayyid Náṣir-i-Kabír, q. v.), 49.
A. b. 'Isá b. 'Alí b. -Ḥasan (IX2), 178, 183, 184.
A. b. Isma'íl -Sámání (X1), 195—199, 201.
A. Jál, Kiyá Jamálu`d-Dín — (XIV1), 265, 266.
A. b. M. b. Aws (governor of Jálús, IX1), 157, 158, 168.
A. b. M. b. Ibr. -Qá`im, “Ṣáḥibu`l-Jaysh”, Sayyid — (IX2), 187—189, 200—205.
Aḥmad b. M. b. Maliksháh, Malik — (XI2), 244, 245.
A. b. M. -Sikní (IX2), 179—181.
A. b. M.-'Umarí (X1), 220.
A. b. Núḥ b. Dhu`r-Riyásatayn (X1), 198, 199.
A. b. Q., Abu`ḍ-Ḍarghám (governor of Sárí, X1), 199.
A. b. Rasúl (X1), 216.
A.-Sa'dí (servant of Qábús, X2—XI1), 92.
A. b. Sálár (agent of Washmgír, X1), 218.
A. b. Ṣáliḥ Dimishqí (authority cited by -Aṣma'í), 159.
A.-Ṭawíl (X1), 207.
Abú A. Zanrás (or Zanráshán) of Naṣírábád (X1), 198.
Abú A. (Qáḍí of Rúyán, put to death by Mázyár, (IX1), 151.
Aḥnaf (contemporary of 'Alí b. Abí Ṭálib, VI1), 180.
“´Ahúsh” = “Death”, 26.
*Ahwáz, 33.
*'´A`isha Kargílí Dizh (near Áram, on the top of Darband-i-Kúla), 121.
Ibn '´A`isha, 108.
Akharyár, father of Isfáhí, q. v. (X1), 221.
*Akhláṭ, 252.
Akwán Dív, 35.
*Alamút, 206, 216, 240 (derivation), 258, 259.
´Alandáy-i- [Qárin-i-] Sukhrá, 43, 125.
-'Alaqí, Abu`l-'Ab.-Faqíh — (X1), 215.
*Alárash (near shore of Caspian), 42.
'Alá`u`d-Dawla 'A. Qárin b. Ḥusámu`d-Dawla Shahriyár b. Qárin (XI2—XII1), 242—245.
'Alá`u`d-Dawla 'A. b. Ḥusámu`d-Dawla Ardashír (XIII2), 261, 268.
'Alá`u`d-Dawla Ḥasan b. Rustam b. 'Alí (XII2), 67, 247.
'Alá`u`d-Dawla b. Sháh Ghází Rustam (XII1), 249.
'Alá`u`d-Dín Muḥammad (wazír of Ṭughá-Ṭímúr (XIV1), 264.
'Alá b. Sa'íd of Sind (IX1), 4.
Abu`l-'Alá-Mihrawání (jurisconsult and poet), 79.
Abu`l-'Alá -Sarwí (or -Sarawí: see above, p. 284, under 'Abdu`lláh b. Faḍlawayh: IX2), 50.
'Alawí Mahdí (warden of Alamút, XI2), 240.
Alexander the Great, 35, 41.
*Alexandria, 252.
*'Alí-ábád (S. of road between Bárfurúsh and Sárí), 80, 215.
'Alí 'Alá`u`d-Dawla b. Ardashír (XIII2), 261, 268.
'Alí 'Alá`u`d-Dawla b. Shahriyár (XI2—XII1), 242—245.
'A. b. Aws (IX2), 162, 163.
'A. b. Buwayh (X1), 210, 223. See 'Imádu`d-Dawla.
'A. b.-Faraj (IX2), 169.
'A. Gilkhwárán Sábiqu`d-Dawla (VI), 65.
'A. b. Ḥarb (IX), 167.
'A. b. H. -Marwazí (IX2), 190.
'A. Abu`l-Ḥasan of Ray (author of Firdawsu`l-Ḥikmat), 35.
'A. Hawákhún (? Mawákhún: XIV1), 264.
'A. b. Ḥus. b. 'A. b. Abí Ṭálib (the Fourth Imám of the Shí'ites, generally known as “Zaynu`l-'´Abidín”, VIII1), 11.
'A. b. Ibr. -Jílí (IX2), 164.
'A. b. 'Isa (VIII2), 5, 138.
'A. b. Ja'far -Rází (X1), 206.
'A. b. Justán (or Justán; VIII2), 123.
*'Alí Kaláwa (quarter of ´Amul), 77.
'A. Káwán, Shaykh — (XIV1), 264.
'Alí b. Khurshíd (X1), 209—212, 214.
'A. Kiyá b. Afrásiyáb (XIV1), 269.
'A. -Maghribí (IX2), 167.
'A. b.-Mahdí b.-Manṣúr -'Abbási, 51. See Ibn Sukkara.
'A. b. Manṣúr (IX2), 172.
'A. b. Mardáwíj “Táju`l-Mulúk” (XII), 66.
'A. b. Muḥammad -Hádí -'Askarí, Imám — (IX), 158, 159.
'A. b. M.-Kúfí, 159.
'A. b. M.-Nadím (IX), 159.
'A. b. Músá -Riḍá, Imám — (poisoned by -Ma`mún, IX1), 53, 55, 79, 144.
'A. b. Naṣr (IX2), 163.
'A. b. Níkáma (X), 222.
'A. Pírúza, Ustád — (Ṭabarí poet, X2), 87, 88.
'A. Qumí Darzí b. Harúsandán (X1), 207.
'A. Riḍá (chamberlain of the Ispahbad Rustam,, XII), 65.
'A. Sábiqu`d-Dawla, Amír — (XII), 247, 249.
'A. Sháh (governor of Dámghán, XII2), 255, 256.
'A. b. Sháh Ghází Rustam (XII), 250.
'A. -Shá'ir b. -Sayyid -Náṣir -Kabír (IX), 49.
'A. b. Surkháb (IX2), 188, 193.
'A. -Ṭabarí, Ustád —, 90.
'Alí b. Abí Ṭálib (VII), 12, 13, 36, 48, 50, 51, 52, 70, 100—103, 108, 109, 111, 112, 144, 158, 161, 175, 178, 180, 242.
'A. b Wahsúdán (X1), 206.
'A. b. Zarrín-Kamar (XII1), 59.
'A. b. Zayn (properly Rabban) -Kátib (IX1), 35, 43, 80.
Abú 'Alí b. Aḥmad b. M. -Mudhaffarí (X1), 218.
Abú 'A. Fáris (philologist, X2), 90.
Abú 'Alí Ḥamúla (X2), 229—230.
Abú 'A. b. Ḥ. Símjúr (X1), 208, 227, 234.
Abú 'A. b. Iṣfahán (X1), 210, 216, 219.
Abú 'A. -Kátib (X1), 220.
Abú 'A. -Khalífa (X1), 217.
Abú 'A. M. b. A. b. Ḥ. (X1), 209—211.
Abú 'A. Muslim (X2), 224.
*Alísha-rúd, 261.
Alp Arslán (XI2), 236, 239.
Alptagín (X2), 227.
“Amatu`r-Raḥmán” (daughter of the Ispahbad Khurshíd, married to 'Abbás b. Muḥammad -Háshimí, who thus named her), 121.
Ibnu`l-'Amíd Abu`l-Faḍl M. b. -Ḥus. -Qumí (X1), 219, 222.
-Amín b. Hárún -Rashíd (IX1), 143.
'´Amir b. Ádam (VIII2), 123.
'´Amir b. 'Abd Qays, 10.
Amír Mú`min (XIV1), 262.
“Amír-i-Zarrín” (“the Golden Amír”, the Ispahbad Bahá`u`d-Dín so named), 252.
'Ammár b. Yásir (contemporary of 'Alí b. Abí Ṭálib, VII1), 12.
Abu`l-'Ammár -'Atíqí (VIII2), 122.
'Amr (? 'Umar) b. -'Alá (VIII2), 120, 124, 125, 130, 131.
'Amr b. Baḥr -Jáḥidh (IX), 6, 110.
*'Amr (? 'Umar) -ábád and -kaláda, 125.
'Amr b. Layth -Ṣaffárí (IX2), 189, 191—193, 238.
Abú 'Amr (“the poet of Ṭabaristán”, IX2), 41, 47.
*´Amul, 4, 19, 20, 25—29, 32—34, 37, 39, 40, 48, 49, 56, 70, 73, 75—77, 82, 83, 89, 95, 98, 99, 115, 120, 122—124, 128—130, 132, 141, 149—153, 164, 165, 167—171, 174, 176, 178, 179, 181—183, 187—190, 192, 194, 196—200, 202—219, 221—223, 228, 241—245, 247, 248, 251—253, 256—257, 262, 265, 266, 269.
´Amula (legendary queen from whom the town of ´Amul is supposed to derive its name), 25.
*'Amúriya, 156.
'Anátúr b. Bakhtánsháh (IX2), 169, 172.
*Anbár, 134, 135.
Anbárak (grandfather of Abu`l-Ḥasan b. Hárún -Faqíh, converted to Islám), 26.
Abu`l-'Anbas -Ḍamírí (parodist, IX2), 160.
Ansábu Ashráfi`l-Amṣár (by Ibn Ṭabáṭabá al-'Alawí), 47.
*Anúshadádhán, 196.
Anúshirwán (Khusraw or Kisrá — the Sásánian, VI). See Núshírwán.
Anúshirwán Hazár-mardí (IX2), 169.
Anúshirwán b. Minúchihr b. Qábus b. Washmgír (XI1), 236.
Anwarí (the poet, XII), 66.
'Aqíl b. Abí Ṭálib, descendant of —, 215.
'Aqíl b. Mabrúr (IX2), 163.
'-Aqíqí, Sayyid Ḥasan b. Ja'far — (IX2—X1), 174, 200.
*Arabia, 66, 69, 79.
Arabs, 5, 15, 27, 85, 93, 97, 98, 101, 104, 105, 106, 126, 155, 223, 226, 228, 237.
'Arafa, Day of —, 53.
*´Aram (Dorn 1 in Index, p. 568), 59, 121, 128, 200, 241, 245.
*´Ararm, Árazm (probably scribe’s errors for Áram), 28.
*Arbanú (village one day’s march from Ray), 142.
*Ardabíl, 33, 59.
*Ardashír-ábád, 268.
Ardashírak Bablúraj (cowherd, VIII), 127.
Ardashír Bábakán (the founder of the Sásánian Dynạsty, A. D. 226), 1, 4, 7.
Ardashír Ḥusámu`d-Dawla b. Ḥasan 'Alá`u`d-Dawla b. 'Alí, Ispahbad — (XII2), 3, 4, 17, 25, 55, 67—73, 115, 204, 246—251, 254, 255, 258.
Ardashír b. Kínkhwár b. Rustam b. Dárá b. Shahriyár, Malik Ḥusámu`d-Dawla — (XIII), 256, 257, 258, 268.
Arghún Sháh (XIV1), 264.
´Arish (a legendary hero, celebrated for his skill in archery), 18—20.
Arjásf (XII2), 251, 252.
*Armenia, 97.
*Arrán, 45, 244, 252, 254.
Arslán, Amír — (XII2), 251.
Arslán Bálú (X2), 227.
Arslán Hindú-bacha (XI1), 231.
Arslán Jádhib (variants: Ḥajib and Ḥárib, XI1), 234.
*Artá (Mel. 294, l. 19, 300), 123.
Asad b. Jandán (IX2), 157, 166, 167, 169.
As'adu`d-Dín Ḥusayn, called díwána, “the madman” (XII2), 65.
Asatakín the Turk (governor of Ray, IX2), 189.
Ibn Abi`l-Aṣbagh (IX2), 192.
Asfár b. Kurdúya (X2), 229.
Asfár b. Shírúya (X1), 209, 210, 212—216.
-Ash'arí, Abu`l-Ḥasan — (allusion to doctrines of — in an Arabic verse), 21.
Ash'ath b. Qays (VII), 102.
*Ashílá-Dasht (near ´Amul), 194.
Ashkálí (father of Zarhawájastán, X2—XI1), 230.
*Ashtád (or Ushtád: see Mel. 201: name of a village near ´Amul, and of its founder), 20, 21, 24, 163.
*Asia Minor, 247. See also Rúm.
*´Así Vísha (4 parasangs from ´Amul), 37.
*Ask (mountain village in district of Láriján: Mel. 24, 208), 36.
*'Askar (place celebrated for locusts), 33.
-'Askarí, Imám -Ḥasan b. 'Alí — (IX2), 50.
-Aṣma'í (the philologist, IX1), 136, 159.
*Aṣram, 122, 127, 128.
*Asrán, 242.
*Asrámíl, 122.
“Ass”, “Year of the —”, 110.
Assassins, 64, 66, 75, 76, 240, 241, 243, 245, 256, 258, 259.
*´Astána-saráy (´Amul), 25.
*Astarábád, 28, 56, 77, 84, 86, 95, 167, 169, 170, 172, 177, 181, 186, 201, 204, 207, 214, 219, 221, 222, 226, 228, 232, 238, 246, 265.
-Astarábádí (author of the Manhaju`l-Maqál), 11, 271.
Atábek Qarája (guardian of Seljúqsháh, XII1), 245.
*´Atash-Kúh, Castle of —, in Khurásán, 240.
Ibnu`l-Athír (XIII1), 235, 240.
*Atrábin (Maydán of —, in Sárí), 241, 249.
'Attáb b. Warqá -Shaybání (IX), 157.
-'Attábí (poet, IX), 9.
'Aṭṭáf b. Abi`l-'Aṭṭáf of Syria (IX), 169.
Atsiz Khwárazmsháh (XII), 62.
Avicennạ (Shaykh Abú 'Alí b. Siná, X2—XI1), 86.
*´Awa, 244.
*'Awámma-kúy, 57, 81.
Awhadu`d-Dahr-Dánishí (astronomer), 87.
*Awhar (Sárí), 17.
Abú 'Awn b. 'Abdu`lláh (VIII), 120.
*Awrárábád (above Parícha), 123.
*Awsarzín, 123.
'Aynu`d-Dawla Siyáh (XII), 251.
*Aywa, 252.
Abú Ayyúb -Múriyání (wazír of -Manṣúr, VIII2), 113.
Azáriqa, 104. See Khárijites.
´Azarmí Dukht (Sásánian Queen, VI1), 96.
´Azarmí Dukht “Girán Gúshwár”, daughter of the Ispahbad Farrukhán, 116, 121.
Azbar b. Janáh (IX2), 172.
*Azdara, 122.
Azhidaháka, 36. See Dahák (Ḍaḥḥák).
'Azíz b. 'Abdu`lláh (IX), 169.
'Azíz -Ṭughrá`í (XI), 62.
Bábak (IX1), 153, 155.
*Bábil, Khaṭíra-i-—, 156.
*Bábul (or Báwul) River, 16.
*Badakhshán, 95.
*Badhandún, 152 ad calc.
*Baghdád, 3, 33, 49, 51, 71, 74, 75, 79, 87, 91, 117, 118, 122, 125, 126, 131, 133, 136, 138, 143, 147, 149, 150, 153, 156, 157, 161, 179, 194, 197, 206, 223, 224, 236, 243, 246, 259, 263.
*Bá-Ḥamrá, 53.
Bahá`u`d-Dawla, Amír Ḥassán — (XII), 245.
Bahá`u`d-Ḍín. See Ḥasan b. Mahdí -Mámṭírí.
Bahá`u`d-Dín, Ispahbad — (XII), 252.
Bahistún (or Bísutún) b. Washmgír (X2), 225.
Bahrám Chúbín (VI2), 35, 96, 237.
*Bahrám Dih, 123.
Bahrám Gúr (V1), 94.
Bahrám-i-Fírúz (VIII2), 131.
Bahrámsháh of Ghazna (XII2), 58.
Baḥrír (servant of -Mutawakkil, IX), 159, 160.
Baḥru`l-Fawá`id, by 'Alí b. Zayn -Kátib (IX1), 80.
*Bákharz, 264.
-Bákharzí, Abu`l-Ḥasan 'Alí b.-Ḥ. b. 'A. b. Abi`ṭ-Ṭayyib (author of the Dumyatu`l-Qaṣr; XI), 77, 78, 86.
Bakhtiyár Mu'izzu`d-Dawla (X2), 91.
*Bakr-ábád (in Gurgán), 186.
Bakr b. 'Abdu`l-'Azíz -'Ijlí (IX2), 48, 192.
Bakr b. Malik, Abu Sa'íd — (X2), 224.
Abú Bakr Dirázgúsh -Rází (XII2), 253.
Abú Bakr b. Ilísa' (X1), 214, 217.
Abú Bakr -Khwárazmí (X2), 90.
Abú Bakr b. Muḥammad “Jahán-Pahlawán” b. Tldigiz, Atábek — (XII2—XIII1), 254.
Abú Bakr Zakariyyá (X1), 215.
Abú Bakr -Zifrí (X1), 207.
Baktakín (chamberlain of Majdu`d-Dawla, X2), 230.
-Baládhurí’s Futúḥu`l-Buldán, 27, 100.
*Bálá`ín, 168.
-Bal'amí, Abu`l-Faḍl M. b. 'Abdu`lláh — (IX2—X1), 199, 200.
*Bálá-ráh, 123.
*Balásághún, 236.
Balásh-i-Pírúz (Sásánian King, V2), 94, 96, 99. See also Valásh.
Bálí b. Farrukh-´Adín, 37.
*Balíkání (near ´Amul), 164.
*Balkh, 21, 22, 25, 94, 138, 227.
*Balqa', 54.
Bámdádán (father of Mazdak, VI), 93.
*Banafsh (between ´Amul and Jálús), 188.
*Banafsha-Gún, 248.
*Bá-Naṣrán (in Tammísha), 16.
*Bá Naṣrí Mash-had (in Sárí), 144.
*Báqilí-pazán, Maydán-i-Rúdbár — (´Amul), 262.
*Baqí'u`l-Gharqad (cemetery at al-Madína), 71.
*Baqrá-Kaláta, Ispahbad’s palace (´Amul), 247.
Baraka (brother of Ṣadaqa, Amír of Ḥilla and “king of the Arabs”; XII), 60.
Bárbad-i-Jarídí (Ṭabarí poet, XII), 65.
Barbier de Meynard, 4.
*Bárfurúsh, 28.
Bári'-i-Jurjání, 79.
Bárkala (XII2), 252.
Barmak, ´Al-i-—, or House of — (“Barmecides”, VIII2—IX1), 124, 133, 134, 140; History of — (Ta`ríkh-i-Barámika), 39.
Barkiyáruq b. Maliksháh (Seljúq, XI2—XII1), 240.
Bashár (mother of ´Adhar-valásh, VII), 98.
*Báshír (near ´Amul), 199.
*Baṣra, 33, 100, 111, 180.
Bátí b. Sa'íd (X2—XI1), 228, 230, 239.
Báw (or Báv), son of Shápúr, son of Kayús, and contemporary of Khusraw Parwíz and Bahrám Chúbín (VI2), ancestor of the Báwands (Bávands) or “House of Báw”, 17, 95, 96, 98, 99, 101, 236, 268.
Báwands, House of Báw, 5, 34, 58 et seqq., 65, 91, 93, 95, 140, 145, 149, 225, 239, 255, 257, 263, 269—270.
*Báwandán, Palace of —, 17.
Báwand-náma, 3.
*Báv-awíján, 17.
*Báward, 123, 223.
*Bayárú-Kamand, 264.
Báyazíd -Bisṭámí (Ṣúfí saint, IX), 10.
-Bayyá'í, Abu`l-Qásim — Qáḍi`l-quḍát, 77.
Bazghash (one of Sanjar’s amírs, XII1), 246.
Bekcheri (one of Sunqur’s amírs, XII1), 241.
*Bíjúrí (var. Machúrí), 28.
Abú Bilál, 103.
Binán b.-Ḥasan (X), 220.
Bindú`è (uncle of Khusraw Parwíz, VI2), 35.
-Bírúní, Abú Rayḥán — (X2, 14.
*Bísha-i-Nár (Tammísha), 16.
Bísitún b. Tíjásaf (circ. A. D. 1000), 229, 231.
Bistám (= Gustahm), uncle of Khusraw Parwíz (VI2), 35.
*Bisṭám, 60, 66, 68, 81, 207, 208, 232, 255.
“Bí-Tawba” (“the Unrepentant”, nickname of M. Abú Tawba, XII), 81.
Bíwar-asp (title of Dahák or Ḍaḥḥák, q. v.), 16, 36.
*Biyár, 231.
Bízhan, 39.
Bizíst b. Fírúzán (= Yaḥyá b. -Manṣúr, IX), 87, 147, 148, 149.
Brockelmann, 6.
*Buḥayra, 134.
-Buḥturí, Abú 'Ubáda — (poet, IX), 159—160.
Abu`l-Buḥturí, Qáḍí — (IX1), 141, 142.
*Bukhárá, 82, 91, 193, 194, 197—201, 206, 207, 213, 215, 219, 221, 224, 227, 241.
*Bulghár, 33.
Bundár b. Múní (IX), 156.
Búqá b. Seljúq (XI1), 235.
*Búrábád, 200.
*Búrán (plain of —, near ´Amul), 265.
Burhán, Qáḍí — (XII2), 254.
-Burqa'í, Sayyid — (IX2), 180.
Buwayh, House of —, or Buwayhids, 5, 19, 90, 99, 158, 208, 210, 217, 218, 220, 222, 223, 225, 235, 237, 238.
Buzurjmihr (VI), 32, 85.
Byzantines, or “Romans”, 145, 147, 150, 152, 156, 236.
Cæsar, 7.
Calf, Golden —, 9.
Chagániyán. See Ṣighániyán.
Chahár Maqála (of Nidhámí -'Arúḍí -Samarqandí, XII), 1, 185, 219, 238, 239.
*Cháh-i-Víjan (“Bízhan’s Well”, near Ummídwár-Kúh), 39.
*Chaláp, 15, 268, 269. See also Shaláb.
*Chamanú, 123. See Jamanú, infra, and Mel. 57.
*Chashma-Rúd (in Daylamán), 199.
-Chashmí, 53 ad calc.
*China, 16.
Chingíz Khan (XIII1), 258.
Christ, 91. See Masíḥ.
Christians, 75, 91.
Chúbán, Amír Tálish — (XIV1), 262.
*Cilicia, 152.
*Ctesiphon. See -Madá`in.
-Dabírí, M. b. — (X1), 220.
Dabuwán (old family of Ṭabaristán), 95.
Dábúya-i-Gíl-i-Fírúz-i-Narsí-i-Jámásp (VII1), 98, 99.
*Dádaqán, Qaṣr-i- — (between Tammísha and Sárí), 114.
Dádawayh, called al-Muqaffa' (father of 'Abdulláh b. -Muqaffa', VIII), 5.
Dád-Ḥabash b. Altúntásh, Amír — (XI2), 240.
Dahák (= Ḍaḥḥák or “Zohák”), 15, 16, 36, 94. See also Azhidaháka and Bíwarasp.
*Dahistán (Dihistán), 18.
-Dá'í, Abu`l-Faḍl — (X1), 203.
-Dá'í ila `l-Ḥaqq b. -Hádí, Kiyá Buzurg — (VI1), 246, 251.
-Dá'í. This title was borne by three of the four 'Alawí Sayyids who ruled over Ṭabaristán from A. D. 864— 928. The first, Sayyid Ḥasan b. Zayd b. Isma'íl “Jálibu`l-Ḥijára” b. -Ḥ. b. Zayd b. -Ḥ. b. 'Alí b. Abí Ṭálib (A. D. 864—883), seems to have been entitled simply ad-Dá'i. The second, M. b. Zayd, brother of him last mentioned, was entitled ad-Dá'í ila`l-Ḥaqq (p. 195) or ad-Ḍá'í`l-Kabír (p. 187). He was followed by Sayyid Náṣir-i-Kabír, called ath-Thá`ir (“the Avenger”, p. 195); and he in turn by Sayyid Abú M. -Ḥ. b. -Q. b. -Ḥ. b. 'A. b. 'Abdu`r-Raḥmán ash-Shajarí b. Q. b. Ḥ. b. Zayd b. -Ḥ. b. 'A. b. Abí Ṭálib, called also ad-Dá'í ila`l-Ḥaqq, or ad-Dá'í`ṣ-Ṣaghír. See ụnder these names, and also pp. 47, 48, 158, 187—194, 195, 203, 204, 212—216, 237, 245, 252.
Dakiyya (the Daylamite, IX2), 183.
*Damáwand, Mount — 15, 16, 29, 35, 36, 104, 165, 167, 217, 218, 219, 222, 230, 240, 249.
*Dámghán, 14, 60, 66, 68, 189, 208, 219, 240, 243, 246, 255.
-Ḍamírí, Abu`l-'Anbas — (parodist, IX), 160.
*Danakí (near Jamanú), 41.
-Dánishí, Awḥadu`d-Dahr — (astronomer), 87.
Daqíqí (X; reference uncertain), 85.
Dárá (Darius, the last Achæmenian king), 35.
Dára b. Rahman, Ispahbad Naṣíru`d-Dawla — (XII), 249.
*Dárá, Castle of — (Dizh-i-Dárá), 255.
Dárá, Ispahbad Majdu`d-Dín — (XII2), 249.
Dárá b. Qábús b. Washmgír (X2—XI1), 227, 234, 235.
Dárá b. Shahriyár b. Sharwín (X2), 239.
*Dárán, 101.
“Dáránjan kardan” (? to strew the ground with “crows’ feet” to check the advance of cavalry), 107, 221.
*Darband, 97, 221.
*Darband-i-Shínúh, 247.
Abu`ḍ-Ḍarghám Aḥmad b. Qásim (governor of Sárí, X1), 199.
Dárgíl (XII1), 247.
*Dar-i-Júr (one of the gates of ´Amul), 213.
*Dárim, 35.
-Ḍarír, Abú Muqátil — (poet, IX2), 175, 176.
-Ḍarís (VIII), 106.
Dáristán, Ispíd —, 67.
Darkala, Atábek —, 252.
*Darlabash, Quarter of —, 80.
Darmesteter, Professor James — 1, 6, 7, 14.
Ibn Darrám (? Warrám), Amír —, 79.
Darzí Qumí, or 'Alí Qumí Darzí (X1), 207, 208.
Dá`úd b. Q.-Ja'farí, Sayyid Abú Háshim — (IX), 161.
Dá`úd -Yazdí (IX1), 4.
Abú Dá`úd (X1), 217, 218.
*Dawlatábád (palace near Sárí), 69, 254.
Dawlatsháh (XV), 79.
*Dawmatu`l-Jandal, 101.
*Daylam, 20, 23, 49, 50, 53, 54, 61, 97, 100, 106, 121, 164, 168, 169, 188, 190, 194—196, 199, 201, 209, 214—216, 218, 221, 223, 226, 228, 229, 232, 238, 244, 248, 251, 252.
*Daylamán, 49, 50, 53, 54, 61, 106, 164, 168, 169, 190, 194, 195, 199, 201, 215, 216, 218, 221, 223, 226, 244, 248, 251, 252.
Daylamites, 99, 107, 132, 149, 164, 166, 167, 169, 171, 172, 173, 177, 179, 181—185, 187, 188, 190, 196, 200, 205, 207, 213, 219, 223, 226, 228—230, 232, 233, 238, 244, 246. See also Buwayh, House of —.
Daylamí the son of Farrukhán (IX2), 164.
Dázamihr, Ispahbad — (VIII), 46, 109, 169.
Dervish Orders, First appearance of — in Mázándarán, 267.
Dhahíru`d-Dín (“Sehir-ed-Din” of Dorn, XV2), 1, 14—21, 23—26, 28, 43, 44, 47.
Dhahíru`d-Dín Fáryábí (poet, XII), 71—73, 263.
Dhahíru`d-Dín Nassába, Sayyid — of Gurgán, 57.
Dhakhíra-i-Khwárazmsháhí, 86.
Dhaylu`l-Mudhayyal (of -Ṭabarí), 74.
Dhu`l-Manáqib (= Farrukhán-i-Buzurg, q. v.), 99.
Dhu`r-Riyásatayn (IX), 198, 213, 214.
*Dih-i-Fulúl (in Láriján), 67, 68.
*Dihistán, 18, 181, 182, 193.
Díkú, daughter of Iṣfahán, 210, 216.
*Dilam (near Kalár), 39.
*Dínár-jarí, Dínár-jay, Dínár-zárí, 14, 28, 57.
*Dínár-Kafshín, 17.
Dirázgúsh, Abú Bakr — 253.
Díwán-i-Waṣl, 69.
Díwarwaz Mastamard (Ṭabarí poet, X), 87—89.
*Diz (or Dizh)-i-Dárá, 35.
*Diz-(or Dizh-)Kúh (near Isfahán), 241, ad calc.
*Diz-(or Dizh)-i-Rashkán (near Ray), 19.
*Dizwán (in Panjáh-hazár), 122.
*“Dome of the Cross-roads” (Gunbudh-i-Chár-sú), 77.
Dorn, 1, 14, 17, 18. See also Dhahíru`d-Dín.
Dragon, Contest between Sám-i-Naríman and —, 41.
*Dú-áb, 122, 172.
*Dúdán (between Sárí and Tarchí or Tarícha), 166.
-Duhalí, Ḥammál b. 'Umar — (VIII), 126.
*Dúláb, 166.
*Dúládár, 221.
*Dumyatu`l-Qaṣr (of -Bákharzí, q. v..), 78, 86.
*Dunbáwand, 29. See Damáwand.
Ibn Durayd (X1), 110.
*Egypt, 33, 69, 91, 247.
Ethé, Dr. Hermann — 1, 238.
Ethiopian (Zanj), 180.
*Euphrates, 236.
Ezra, 110.
*Fadak (estate of Fáṭima), 108.
Faḍl b. Ja'far (IX2), 192.
Faḍl b. Marzubán (IX2), 179.
Faḍl b. Rabí' (IX), 9, 136, 139.
Faḍl-i-Rafíqí (IX2), 164, 173.
Faḍl b. Yaḥyá -Barmakí (IX), 133, 135.
Abu`l-Faḍl b. 'Amíd, 90.
Abu`l-Faḍl-Dá'í, 203.
Abu`l-Faḍl Isma'íl b. [-Ḥasan b. Aḥmad b.] Muḥammad -Músawí -Jurjání (XII1), 86.
Abu`l-Faḍl, Ispahbad — (X2), 228.
Abu`l-Faḍl M. b. 'Al.-Bal'amí (q. v.), 199.
Abu`l-Faḍl M. b. Ḥus., knoẈn as Ibnu`l-'Amíd (q. v.), 90.
Abu`l-Faḍl -Ráwandí (XII2), 69.
Abu`l-Faḍl Shágird (X1), 217.
Abu`l-Faḍl -Thá`ir -'Alawí, 222, 223.
Fahrán (VIII), 115.
Fá`iq, 226, 227.
*Fajam, 200.
*-Fakhkh, 53, 124.
Fakhr b. 'Abdu`lláh -Khuzá`í (VIII2), 122.
-Fakhrí, 108, 109,
Fakhru`d-Dawla, the Buwayhid (X2), 19, 225, 226, 237.
Fakhru`d-Dawla Garshásf (XII1), 246, 247.
Fakhru`d-Dawla Ḥ. b. Sháh Kay-Khusraw (XIV1), 263—269.
Fakhru`l-Islám. See 'Abdu`l-Wáḥid b. Isma'il.
Fakhru`l-Mulúk (or -Mulk) Rustam b. Shahriyár b. Qárin (XI2), 241.
Falaku`l-Ma'álí (IX1). See Minúchihr b. Qábús.
*Falás, 195.
Fálízbán (IX2), 164.
Fanákhusraw ('Aḍudu`d-Dawla) b. Ruknu`d-Dawla Ḥasan b. Buwayh (X), 90, 158, 210, 223, 225. See also 'Aḍudu` d-Dawla and Buwayh, House of —.
Fana-i-Wandá-ummíd (IX), 165, 168—170.
Fannáq (or Fayyáq), 'Umar — (VII2—VIII1), 101.
Faqíh-i-Ál-i-Muḥammad (XII2), 69, 79.
Abu`l-Faraj 'Alí b. Ḥusayn b. Hindú (scholar and poet, XI1), 54, 77, 78, 110.
Abu`l-Faraj Mudhaffar b. Isma'íl (jurisconsult and scholar), 79.
Abu`l-Faraj Rashíd b. 'Abdu`lláh -Astarábádí (physician, X2— XI1), 86.
Farámarz, Qiwám — (XII2), 65.
Far'án, Farghán, or Farghána, Devil of — (Sálim, officer of al-Mahdí, slain by Wandád Hurmazd, VIII2), 43, 126.
Fárasha (or Firásha, but the first form is supported by Ṭabarí, III, 521, l. 10: officer or client of al-Mahdí, nicknamed as above, VIII2), 43, 44, 128, 129.
Faríburz (contemporary of the legendary king Kay-Khusraw), 17.
*Farím (or Parím, q. v., or Firim in Mel., p. 59), 29, 95, 123, 126, 148, 170, 237, 242, 243.
Fáris (governor of Gurgán, X1), 197, 198.
Farrukh Ádín, 37.
Farrukhán-i-Buzurg (“the Great Farrukhán”, VII2—VIII1), 17, 27, 30, 45, 99, 100, 101, 104, 106, 109.
Farrukhán-i-Gushnasp-i-Sárúya.
*Farrukhán-Fírúz, Mountain of —, 114.
*Fárs. See Párs.
*Farshwádgar (Patashkhwár), 14, 35, 91, 97, 149, 161.
Farshwád-Marzubán, Khurshíd — (VIII), 113.
“Farshwádgar-Sháh”, Gíl-Gílan — (VII1), 97.
Fáryábí, Dhahíru`d-Dín — (poem by, XII), 71—73.
*Fatḥ
, 123.
Abu`l-Fatḥ b. Abi`l-Faḍl (scholar), 90.
Fáṭima (daughter of the Prophet, VII1), 108.
Fáṭima (daughter of Aḥmad, wife of Isma'íl ('-A.) -'Alawí, X1), 216.
Abu`l-Fawáris b. 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla the Buwayhid (XI1), 234—235.
Fayyáq (or Fannáq), 'Umar — (VII2), 101, 104.
Ferídún, 15—18, 34, 60, 94.
Fihrist of -Ṭúsí, 11, 12.
Fihrist of Ibnu`l-Warráq, 26.
*Fímat, 263.
Abú Firás, Amír — (X, verses cited), 111.
Firásha. See Farásha.
Firdawsí (XI1), 1, 16, 18, 85, 238.
Firdawsu`l-Ḥikmat (by 'Alí b. Rabban al-Kátib), 35, 80.
Fírúz. See Pírúz.
Fírúz (chamberlain of the Ispahbad Khurshíd, VIII2), 118.
Fírúz (King of Balkh), 21, 27, 32.
*Fírúz-ábád, 27; Castle of —, 99.
Fírúzán (father of Ḥasan and grandfather of him next mentioned, X1), 196.
Fírúzán b. Ḥasan b. Fírúzán (X2), 228, 229, 239.
*Fírúz-Kanda, 27.
*Fírúz-Khusra, Castle of — (afterwards Fírúz-ábád), 99.
*Fírúz-Kúh (dyke), 40, 165, 255.
Fírúz-i-Narsí (VII), 97.
Forbes’ Persian Grammar, 76.
*Fulúl, Dih-i-— (in Láriján), 67, 68.
Ibn Fúrak (preacher, of ´Amul, X2), 76, 77.
-Furhúdí, Khalíl b. Aḥmad — (VIII), 5.
-Futúḥ, Kitábu`l-—, of -Baládhurí, 27, 100.
Gabr, 107, 142, 186. See Magian, Zoroastrian.
Gabriel, Archangel —, 7, 52.
*Gandum-Kúb” (“the Corn-crusher”, nickname of Sulṭán Maḥmud the Seljúq, XII1), 62.
*Ganjáwarúz, 263.
*Ganjína, Plain of —, 67.
Garshah, or Jarsháh (“king of the Mountains”), 14, 126.
Garshásf, Fakhru`d-Dawla — (XII1), 246, 248.
Gátás (the five additional days of the old Persian year which are not included in the 12 months of thirty days each), 167.
*Gawázúnú, 128.
Gáwbára, 3, 96, 97, 99, 126, 237. See Gíl-gílán Farshwádgar-sháh.
Gáw-Kaláda, 42.
Gayômarth (the Persian Adam), 14.
*Gázar-gáh (near ´Amul), 209.
-Ghánimí, Abu`l-'Abbás — (minister of Qábús, X2— XI1), 92.
*Ghars, 234.
-Ghazálí, Muḥammad — (XI), 75.
Gházán Khán (XIII2—XIV1), 263.
Ghází, Rustam Sháh-i-— (XII), 59, 90, 245, 246, 249, 250.
*Ghazna, and Sulṭáns of —, 5, 58, 59, 93, 227, 231, 233, 234, 235.
Ghuraru`d-Durar (of Sayyid Murtaḍá), 103.
*Gíl, 50, 58, 97, 196, 200, 209, 214, 218, 219, 223, 240, 244, 247. See also Gílán.
*Gílán, 14, 25, 49, 58, 61, 67, 97, 98, 106, 115, 168, 191, 193, 195, 197, 199, 200—208, 217, 222, 223, 231, 236, 247, 252, 268.
Gílánsháh, 97, 122, 236.
Gíl-gílán Farshwádgar-sháh, 97. See also Gawbára above.
Gílá-gúr (X1), 218.
*Gílána-júy (canal), 115.
“Girán-Gúshwár” (“She of the heavy ear-rings”, Ázarmí-Dukht, daughter of Farrukhán, so called), 166.
*Girda-zamín (four parasangs from Sárí), 177.
*Gird-i-Kúh (Assassin stronghold), 240, 258, 259.
Gir-sháh (or Gar-shah, q. v.), 14 ad calc.
de Goeje, 26, 27, 32, 74, 100.
“Golden Amír” (Amír-i-Zarrín, i. e. the Ispahbad Bahá`u`d-Dín, XII2), 252.
Greece, Greeks, 40, 95.
*Gulpáyagán, 66, 244, 247.
Gunduya-Zúma (aphrodisiac herb), 40.
Gurdiya (sister of Bahrám Chúbín, q. v.), 35.
*Gurgán, 14, 25—28, 54, 57, 60, 62, 89, 97, 105—108, 115, 120, 121, 131, 140, 177—184, 186—194, 197, 200, 203, 205—208, 210—214, 216—218, 220—223, 225— 229, 231—234, 237, 241, 244, 245, 254, 263, 264.
Gurgín-i-Mílád (legendary hero), 28.
*Gúr-i-Dá'í (“The Tomb of the Dá'í”, i. e. Sayyid Muḥammad b. Zayd), 193.
Gúrígír (X), 220.
*Gúrishbard, 163.
“Gurívun” (Ṭabarí equivalent of guríbán = Ar. jayb), 34.
*Gúr-shír, 200.
*Gúrshírad, 248. (This undoubtedly represents the same name as Gúrishbard above, and probably as Gúrshír and Qúrshírad, but I cannot identify the place, and have no means of deciding which form is correct).
Gúr-tír (herb), 40.
Gushnasp b. Más (IX2), 169, 172.
Gushnasp-sháh. See Jashnasf.
Gúshyár (IX2—X1), 217.
Gúshyár b. Lisán -Jílí (astronomer), 87.
Gustahm, Malik-i-Mu'adhdham Sharafu`d-Dawla — (XIV), 265.
-Hádí (Caliph, VIII2) 53, 131, 132.
Hádí b. Hání (governor of Ṭabaristán, VIII3), 132.
Ḥájib b. Zurára -Tamímí (VI), 130.
-Ḥajjáj b. Yúsuf (VII2), 13, 101, 104, 105.
Abu`l-Ḥajjáj. See Mardáwíj b. Ziyár.
Ḥájji Khalífa, 35.
*Ḥalawán, 123.
*Hamadán, 87, 225, 252, 254.
-Ḥamása (of Abú Tamám), 103.
Ḥaml 'Á`isha (child of Ja'far the Barmecide and 'Abbása, VIII2), 134.
Ḥammád (VIII2), 128.
Ḥammál b. 'Abdu`l-'Azíz (VIII2), 132.
Ḥammál b. 'Umar -Duhalí (VIII2), 126.
Ḥamúla, Abú 'Alí — (X2—XI1), 229, 230.
Abú Ḥamza (VIII), 12.
Ibn Ḥanbal, Aḥmad — (VIII2), 125.
Abú Ḥanífa M. b. M. -Astarábádí, 79.
Ibnu`l-Ḥanifiyya (VII2), 80.
Abú Ḥarb b. Minúchihr (XII2), 247, 248, 249.
*Harsa-mál (3 parasangs from ´Amul), 128.
Harthama b. A'yan (IX1), 142, 143.
Hárún b. 'Alí ´Amulí, Abú Ṣádiq — (X1), 74.
Hárún b. Gharíb (cousin of the Caliph al-Muqtadir, X1), 215.
Hárún Isfahdúst, Abú Músá — (X1), 206.
Hárún b. Muh.ammad, Abu`l-Qásim — (IX1), 153.
Hárúnu`r-Rashíd (VIII2—IX1), 17, 26, 43, 44, 45, 53, 132— 137, 142—144, 237.
Hárúnu`l-Wáthiq (IX1), 155.
*Ḥarúra, 102.
Ḥarúriyya sect (= Khawárij, or Khárijites), 102.
Harúsandán-i-Tída (X1), 202, 205, 207.
Harúya, Ramja — (VIII2), 113—115.
-Ḥasan b. 'A. -'Askarí (eleventh Imám, IX2), 50.
Ḥ. b. 'A. b. Ḥ. b. 'A. b. 'Amr b. 'A. Zaynu`l-'Ábidín. See Náṣir-i-Kabír.
-Ḥ. b. 'A. b. Abí Ṭálib (VII), 27, 48, 70, 98, 108.
-Ḥ. b. 'A., Sayyid Abú M. — See Náṣir-i-Kabír.
-Ḥ., Amír — (servant of Najmu`d-Dawla, XII1), 244.
Ḥ. b. Bahrám, Caravansaray of — (at Sárí), 212.
Ḥ.-Baṣrí (VIII), 13.
Ḥ. b. Buwayh, Ruknu`d-Dawla — (X), 218, 220, 222, 223. See Ruknu`d-Dawla.
Ḥ. b. Fírúzán (X1), 196, 210, 214, 216, 219—222, 224, 225.
Ḥ. b. Ḥamza (X), 12 ad calc.
Ḥ. b. Ḥamza, Sayyid Abu`l-Q. —, 55—57.
Ḥ. b. Ḥus. (brother of -Ṭáhir, IX1), 154, 156, 157.
Ḥ. b. Isḥáq. See Nidhámu`l-Mulk.
Ḥ. b. Isma'íl (officer of M. b. 'Al. b. Ṭáhir, IX), 161.
Ḥ. b. Ja'far -'Aqíqí, Sayyid — (IX2), 174.
Ḥ.-Júrí, Shaykh — (spiritual director of Amír Mas'úd, XIV1), 264.
Ḥ. b. Mahdí -Mámṭírí, Sayyid — (XII), 55, 68.
Ḥ. b. M.-'Aqíqí (IX2), 174, 176, 177, 179, 181, 186. See also Ṣáḥibu`l-Faysh.
Ḥ. —, Sayyid Abú M. —, 49. See Náṣir-i-Kabír.
Ḥ. Qáḍí Kal (XIII2), 261.
Ḥ. b. Q. (X1), 200, 202—204, 206—209, 213. See ad-Dá'í ila`l-Ḥaqq.
Ḥ. b. Rustam b. 'A., Ispahbad 'Alá`u`d-Dawla — (XII2), 67.
Ḥ. b. Rustam, Sharafu`l-Mulúk — (XII2), 249.
Ḥ. b. Ṣabbáḥ (the “Old Man of the Mountain”, or founder of the Assassins, XI2), 240.
Ḥ. b. Yaḥyá -'Alawí, called Kúchak, 19.
Ḥ. b. Zayd b. Isma'íl “Jálibu`l-Ḥijára” (IX2), 47, 161— 187, 189, 200, 205.
Ḥ. b. Zayd b. M. b. Zayd, Sayyid —, called ad-Dá'í ila`l-Ḥaqq (X1), 194.
Abu`l-Ḥ. (brother of -Náṣir, X1), 223.
Abu`l-Ḥ. 'Alí b. Músá, Imám — (IX1), 70.
Abu`l-Ḥ. 'A. (of Ray), 35 ad calc.
Abu`l-Ḥ. b. Hárún -Faqíh (his grandfather converted to Islám, VIII2), 26.
Abu`l-Ḥ. -Mámṭíṛí (X1), 220.
Abu`l-Ḥ. M. See Yazdádí.
Abu`l-Ḥ. Qábús, See Qábús b. Washmgír.
Abu`l-Ḥ. b. Abí Yúsuf (X1), 212.
Háshim, House of —, 49, 178. See also 'Alí b. Abí Ṭálib, Sayyids etc.
Háshim -'Alawí, Sayyid — (XII2), 249.
Háshim (gaoler of Yúsuf [b.] 'Umar ath-Thaqafí, VIII1), 6.
Abú Háshim Dá`úd b. Qásim -Ja'farí, Sayyid — (IX), 161.
Abú Háshim Masrúr. See Masrúr.
Ḥassán Bahá`u`d-Dawla, Amír — (governor of ´Amul, XII1), 245.
Ḥátim -Aṣamm (Ṣúfí saint), 10.
Hawákhún (? Mawákhún), Amír 'Alí (XIV1), 265.
Hayáṭila (Huns), 94.
Ḥaydar b. Ká`ús (fellow-conspirator with Afshín and Bábak IX1), 155.
Ḥaydar b. Sálár (Daylamite chief, X2), 230.
Ḥayyán -Nabaṭí, Abú Ya'mar — (VIII1), 107.
Hazárasp, Ustundár — (XII2), 251—253.
*Hazár-garí, Hazár-jaríb (Mel., p. 175, etc.), 23, 29, 178, 185, 238.
“Hazár-mard” (title), 128 ad calc., 169.
*Ḥázima-Kúy (parish in ´Amul), 34.
*Herát, 226, 227, 264.
*Hí-Hí-Kayán, 128.
*-Ḥijáz, 58, 91, 124, 178, 223.
Ibn Hilál -Ṣábí, Abú Isḥaq Ibráhím — (X2), 90, 223.
*Ḥilla, 60, 79.
*Hirhiz (river), 25, 194, l. 5, 247, 257, 266. (In the last three places the text has “Hurmuz”, but I have no doubt that
is a mistake for . This river runs by the E. side of ´Amul. See Mel., 200, etc., and s. v. “Heraz” in his Index). Hishám, Qáḍí — (author of macaronic verse), 81.
Ḥiṭṭán, 'Imrán b. — (Khárijite poet, see Ṭabarí, series 1, p. 3064), 103.
Hizibru`d-Dín Khurshíd (cousin of Sháh Ardashír, XII2), 252, 253.
Ḥudhayfa of Yaman (VII), 98.
Ibn Ḥujr, 78, l. 4.
Húlágú (XIII1), 258, 259, 263.
*Ḥulwán, 38.
Huns (Hayáṭila), 94.
*Ḥúr (?), 29.
Hurmazd (? IV, Son of Anúshirwán, Sásánian king, VI2), 36, 95.
*Hurmazd-ábád, 127, 149, 152.
Hurmazd-Káma-i-Yaẓdánkard (IX2), 174, 198, 201.
*Hurmazd-Kúh, 224.
Hurmuz-i-Khurshíd, 116, 118.
*Hurmuz (river), 194, l. 5, 247, 257, 266. See Hirhiz, for which in all these passages I now believe Hurmuz to be a scribe’s error.
Ḥusámu`d-Dawla. See Ardashír b. Ḥasan.
Ḥusámu`d-Dawla Ardashír b. Kínkhwár (or Kíkhwáz) b. Rustam b. Dárá b. Shahriyár (XIII1), 256, 257.
Ḥusámu`d-Dawla Shahriyár b. Qárin (XI), 239—245. See also Shahriyár b. Qárin.
Ḥusámu`d-Dín. See Nuṣratu`d-Dín Rustam b. 'Alá`u`d-Dawla 'Alí b. Shahriyár b. Qárin (XII), 62.
*Húsam (
), 14, 244. Ḥusayn b. Aḥmad, Sayyid — (IX), 164.
Ḥusayn b. 'A. b. Abí Ṭálib (the Third Imám, VII), 48, 70, 108, 111, 158.
Ḥus. b. 'Alí -Fáqih (X), 212.
Ḥus. b. 'Alí, Sayyid — “Ṣáḥibu`l-Fakhkh” (VIII2), 124.
Ḥus. b. 'Alí of Sarakhs (IX), 167.
Ḥus. b. Dínár (X1), 206.
Ḥus. b. Ḥamza -Laythí, 12 and ad calc.
Ḥus. b. Hárún, Sayyid —, 50.
Ḥus. Kart, Malik Mu'ínu`d-Dín — (XIV1), 263.
Ḥus. b. M. -Ḥanafí (IX2), 163.
Ḥus. b. M. “Kala” (X1), 219.
Ḥus. b. M. -'Alawí -Mámṭírí, Abú Riḍá — (XIII1), 257.
Ḥuṣayn b. Mundhir -Raqqáshí, 32.
Hus. “the Poet”, 58.
Ḥus. Shírzíl (XII1), 245.
Ḥus. b. Zayd, 167.
Abu`l-Ḥus. -Mu`ayyad Bi`lláh 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla, Sayyid — (X2—XI1), 50—54.
Abu`l-Ḥus. A. b. M. b. Ibr. called “al-Qá`im” (IX2), 187—189.
Abu`l-Ḥus. b. M. b. Zayd, Sayyid — (IX2), 193.
Abu`l-Ḥus. A. b. Abí M. Ḥ. b. 'Alí, Sayyid — (X1), 200—209.
Abu`l-Ḥus. 'A. b. 'Al. b. 'Abbás (VIII2), 112.
Abu`l-Ḥus. b. Kákí (brother of Mákán, X1), 210.
Abu`l-Ḥus. -Shajarí (X1), 215.
Húshang (brother of Kayús, VI1), 92.
Ibráhím b. Abla (IX), 149.
Ibr. b. Gúshyár (X1), 217.
Ibr. b. Hilál -Ṣábí, Abú Isḥaq — (X2), 90, 223.
Ibr. b. Isḥáq -Faqíh (X1), 195,
Ibr. b. Isḥáq -Shámí (VIII2), 122.
Ibr. b. Khalíl (IX2), 164, 165, 170, 195.
Ibr. b. Mihrán (X1), 195.
Ibr. b. Mu'ádh (IX2), 174.
Ibráhím b. M. Náṣiḥí (teacher of M. b. Ḥ. b. Isfandiyár, author of this book, XII2), 76.
Ibr. Mu'íní (Ṭabarí poet), 86.
Ibr. -Muntaṣir -Sámání (X2), 227.
Ibr. -Mu'taṣim. See -Mu'taṣim.
Ibr. b. 'Uthmán b. Nahík (VIII2), 26.
-Íḍáḥ -'Aḍudí (of 'Abdu`l -Qádir -Jurjání, q. v.), 78, 90.
-'Ijlí, 'Abdu`l-'Azíz — (IX1), 47, 48. See also Abu`l-'Abbás Aḥmad, and Bakr b. 'Abdu`l-'Azíz.
´Ilak Khán (X2—XI1), 227.
´Il-Arslán Khwárazmsháh (XII), 67.
´Ilduguz, Atábek — (XII), 67, 72, 252.
´Il-Ṭughdí (X1), 214.
Ilyás b. Ilísa` -Sughdí (X1), 201.
'Imád Kujaj (XII2—XIII1), 79. See also Faqíhu Ali Muḥammad.
'Imádí (the poet, XII1), 59.
'Imádu`d-Dawla 'Alí b. Buwayh (X1), 208, 210.
Imámí sect, 49, 54, 58, 68, 202.
Imám-i-shahíd (“the martyred Imám”), 75. See also 'Abdu`l-Wáḥid b. Isma'il.
Imáms, Tombs of — destroyed by -Mutawakkil (IX2), 48.
'Imrán -Ḥiṭṭán (Khárijite, VII), 103, 104.
´Inánj, Amír — (XII2), 250.
*India, 33, 35, 40, 68, 93, 156, 246.
Indian servants, 156.
*Injír, 198.
´Iraj (son of the legendary Ferídún), 17, 18, 19.
'Iráq, 3, 14, 16, 33, 49, 59, 61, 62, 63, 66, 67, 68, 91, 96, 104, 107, 127, 131, 141, 147, 154, 161, 174, 178, 179, 196, 198, 213, 217, 218, 219, 220, 222, 223, 226, 236, 244, 245, 249.
'´Isá b. 'Abdu`l-Ḥamíd, 170.
'´Isá b. Máhán (VIII2), 131.
*Iṣfahán, 16, 69, 217, 218, 241, 243.
Isfáh-dúst, Abú Músá Hárún — (X1), 206.
Isfáhí b. Akharyár (X), 221.
Isfáhí b. Urmazdyár (X1), 217, 218, 220, 221.
Isfandárí, Jíl-i-—, 228.
*Isfandiyár, 123.
Ibn Isfandiyár (Muḥammad b. -Ḥasan, author of this work, XII1), 3—4, 258.
*Isfará`in, 57, 76, 183, 207.
Isḥáq (of Gurgán, IX2), 183, 184.
Isḥáq b. Shaykhí (IX2), 167.
Abú Isḥáq Ibráhím b. Hilál -Ṣábí (author of al-Kitábu `t-Tájí, X2), 90, 92, 223.
Abú Isḥáq Ibráhím b. Marzubán, 73.
Abú Isḥáq -Isfará`íní (philosopher, X2), 76.
*Isḥáq-ábád, 219.
-Iskáfí (scribe, X1), 219 ad calc.
Iskandar, Malik Jalálu`d-Dawla — Ustundár (XIV1), 265—269.
Isma'íl b. 'Abbád, the Ṣáḥib — (X), 19, 76, 78, 90—92.
Isma'íl b. Aḥmad -Sámání (IX2—X1), 193—197.
Isma'íl b. Mardúchín (X2), 220.
Isma'íl b. Núḥ -Sámání (IX2—X1), 190. (I think, however, that the passage should read “Naṣr and Isma'íl, the sons of Aḥmad”, whose brother Núḥ was their uncle.)
Isma'íl b. Sayyid Abu`l-Qásim (X1), 210, 216.
Isma'íl b. Zayd, Abú 'Alí — (X), 194.
Isma'ílí sect. See Assassins.
*Ispahbadán, 116.
*Ispíd Dáristán, 67.
*Ispíd-júy, 172.
Israel, Children of —, 13. See Jews.
*Iṣṭakhr, 18, 96. 237.
*´Iwájan (in Kalá Rustáq), 261.
'Izzu`d-Dín, Atábek — (XII2), 252.
'Izzu`d-Dín Yaḥyá (XII2), 68, 69.
*Jábarán, 123.
Jábir b. 'Abdu`lláh -Anṣárí (VII1), 7.
-Ja'dí, Abu`l-Qásim — (XI1), 234.
Ja'far b. Alanbán (X1), 221.
Ja'far b. Hárún (IX1), 141.
Ja'far b. Ḥasan b. 'Alí -Náṣir, Abu`l-Qásim — (X1), 49, 201, 204—206, 218.
Ja'far b. Muḥammad (IX2), 176.
Ja'far -Mutawakkil. See -Mutawakkil.
Ja'far b. Rustam (governor of Kalár, IX2), 165, 171.
Ja'far b. Shahriyár b. Qárin (IX2), 163, 169, 237.
Ja'far b. Yaḥyá -Barmakí (IX1), 133—140.
Abú Ja'far -Báwandí (killed by Assassins, XII1), 245.
Abú Ja'far -Ḥanáṭí, 80.
Abú Ja'far Kúrankíj (X1), 211.
Abú Ja'far (brother of Mákán, X1), 222.
Abú Ja'far Mánkdím, Sayyid — (X1), 212—216.
Abú Ja'far -Manṣúr. See -Manṣúr.
Abú Ja'far M. b. 'A. of Amul (X1), 212, 218.
Abú Ja'far M. -Báqir, Imám — (VIII), 12. See also Muḥammad -Báqir.
Jaghrí Beg Dá`úd, Abú Sulaymán — -Seljúqí (XI1), 235.
Jahḍam b. Khabáb (governor of Ṭabaristán IX1), 140.
-Jáḥidh (IX), 6 ad calc., 110.
*Jahína (Castle of —, more correctly Juhína or Júhína, q. v.), 66, 220, 247, 248.
Abu`l-Jahm -Kalbí (VIII), 106.
*Jahrum, 33, 1. 23.
Já`í (or Jálí)-i-Lashkar-sitán (IX2), 168, 174.
*Jájarm, 14, 60, 66, 193, 207, 210.
Jakáw (the sipahsálár, X1), 208.
Jál, Kiyá Jamálu`d-Dín Aḥmad — (XIV1), 265, 266.
Jalál, Kiyá — (nephew of above), 265.
*Jalál, Kiyás of —, 269.
Jalálu`d-Dawla Iskandar (Ustundár, XIV1), 265—267, 269.
Jalálu`d-Dín Ḥasan b. 'Alá`u`d-Dín Muḥammad Khwárazmsháh (XIII1), 256—258.
*Jaláyin, 208.
Jálibu`l-Ḥijára (IX2), 47, 162. See Ḥasan b. Zayd b. Isma'il, Sayyid —.
*Jálús (Mel., 47, where it is called Shálús or Chálús), 28, 29, 40, 132, 149, 151, 157, 163, 165, 168, 169, 172, 179, 181, 188, 190—192, 200, 218, 221—223, 232.
Jalwánán (foster-brother of the Ispahbad Khurshíd), 114.
Jalwánán (son of Wandá-ummíd, IX2), 171.
Jalwánán (of Tarícha, circâ A. D. 900), 195.
*Jám, 264.
Jamál Bázargha, 77 (last two lines).
*Jámanú, 41, 123, 165, 167, 169—172.
Jámásp-i-Pírúz (Sásánian, V2—VI1), 94—97.
Jamshíd, 15.
Jamshíd, Ispahbad —, 29.
*Janáshk, castle of —, 232.
Jarsháh. See Garsháh.
*Jáshk, 33.
Jasnasf-sháh (King of Ṭabaristán, III1), 1, 4, 6, 7, 92.
Jastán, 123, 195. See Justán.
Jataz (Turkish tribe), 264.
Jathím. See Jaysham.
Jáwalí, Amír — (XII1), 245, 246.
*Jawn, 194, 1. 5.
*Jayḥún, river. See Oxus.
Abú Jaysh—Hilálí (VIII2), 129.
-Jaysham, Ḥakím —, 53.
-Jaytham. See above, -Jaysham.
Jews, 37, 75, 158.
Jibríl, Jibrá`íl. See Gabriel.
*Jíláb, 15. See Chaláb, for which it appears to be a scribe’s error.
*Jílán, 58. See Gílán.
*Jílánábád, 123.
Jílánsháh, See Gílánsháh.
Jilá`u`l-Abṣár, 53, and note ad calc.
Jíl-i-Isfandárí, 228.
Jílí b. Sa'd -Marwazí (VIII2), 122.
Joseph, 97.
-Joshemi, 53.
-Ju'fí, M. b. Abí Surra (VIII1), 106.
*Júhína, 186, 190, 248. See Jahína, above.
*Júlka-Kúy, 77, l. 2 a. f.
*Júmand, Castle of —, 230, 231.
Jumhur b. Marár (VIII2), 117, 118.
*Júparm, 123.
*Júrishjird (Sa'íd-ábád), 123.
*Jurján, 25, 57. See Gurgán.
*Jurjunbání, or Jurkhiyání, 117.
Ibn Jurmúz, 'Umar — (IX2), 48.
Jusnas b. Sárúya b. Farrukhán (VIII2), 115. See also Gushnasp, Jasnasf.
Justán-i-Wahsúdán (IX2), 178, 179, 190, 191, 196, 203.
Justi, 14.
Juthaym. See Jaysham.
*Juwayn, 75.
Ká, Amír — (X2—XI), 36, 95, 210, 211, 273.
Ka'b b. Zuhayr (VII), 110.
Kabúd-jáma, 95.
*Kábul, 40.
*Kachín, Castle of —, 222.
*Kajín, Castle of —, 204.
*Kajú, 100, 132, 181, 190, 198, 248, 251.
*Kajúr (Mel., 47), 163, 248.
*Kajúya, 28.
*Kajwúhí (Qaṣabatu`r-Rúyán), 123.
Kákí, the father of Mákán. See Mákán.
“Kala”, Ḥusayn b. Muḥammad (X1), 219.
Kaláband (head-dress worn by Ṭabarís), 268.
Kalálak (long locks of hair worn by Ṭabarís), 268.
Kálanjár, Abu`l-'Abbás b. — (X1), 216.
Abú Kálanjár b. Minúchihr b. Qábús (XI1), 235.
*Kalár (Mel., 56, 213), 28, 39, 123, 132, 157, 163—165, 168, 171, 181, 182, 195, 200, 248, 251.
*Kalá-Rustáq (Mel., 213, “Kelärestak”), 262.
*Kaláta (near Bisṭám; Mel., “Keläte” and “Keläti”, 89, 138, 139, 148), 208.
*Kálbadraja, 149.
Kalíj (a herb used medicinally), 20.
*Kálíjar, 266.
Kalíla and Dimna, Book of —, 86.
-Kalimatu`r-Rúḥániyya fí ḥikami`l-Yúnániyya (by Abu`l-Faraj 'Alí b. -Ḥusayn b. Hindú), 77.
Kamálu`l-Balágha (by Abu`l-Ḥ. 'A. b. M. -Yazdádí), 92.
Kámil (of -Mubarrad), 103.
Kámilu`ṣ-Ṣaná'at (by Abú 'A. Fáris; cf. my translation of the Chahár Maqála, p. 124), 90.
*Kamímnám, 128.
*Kandasán, 100, 182.
*Kandí-´Ab, 149.
*Kanz-girdáb (near Jamanú), 41.
*Karkam, 247.
Karshásf (legendary hero of Persia), 16.
Kart (Dynasty), 264.
*Kaskarúd, 123.
*Káshán, 33, 68.
Kat Búqá, Amír (XIII1), 258.
Ká`ús, Malik — b. Fakhru`d-Dín (XIV1), 269.
Káwa (the blacksmith), 19, 94.
Kawádh (Sásánian king, V2—VI1), 7. See also Qubád-i-Pírúz.
Káwán, Shaykh 'Alí — (XIV1), 264.
*Kawíj, 205.
Kawkabán (IX2—X1), 181, 196.
Kawwá, 'Abdu`lláh b. — (Khárijite leader, VII2), 101.
Kayán Búj (X1), 211.
Kay-Ká`ús b. Iskandar b. Qábús (XI2), 236.
Kay-Ká`ús (Ustundár, XII1), 54, 60, 246—248, 250.
Kay-Khusraw (legendary king of Persia), 17.
Kay-Khusraw b. Táju`d-Dawla Yazdigird (XIV1), 262, 268.
Kay-Khusraw, Ustundár Sháh — (XIV1), 262, 263.
Kayús (V2—VI1), 7, 92, 93, 95, 98.
*Kázar, Plain of —, 196.
*Kerbelá, 70, 158.
Khadíja (mother of Abú Ja'far Mánk-dím, X1), 216.
Khalaf b. 'Abdu`lláh (VIII2), 122.
Khálid b. Barmak (VIII2), 124, 126, 128, 130.
Abú Khálid (VII2), 103.
*Khálida-Saráy, 124.
Khalífa, Abú 'Alí — (X1), 217.
Khalífa b. Bahrám (VIII2), 123, 129?
Khalífa b. Ḥilya (VIII2), 123.
Khalífa b. Mihrán (X1), 129, 195.
Khalífa b. Núḥ, Abu`l-Wafá — (X), 200.
Khalífa b. Sa'd (?Sa'íd) b. Harún -Jawharí (VIII2—IX1), 140.
Khalíl b. Aḥmad. See Furhúdí.
Khalíl b. Kájí (X1), 209.
Khalíl b. Wandásafán (IX1), 150, 151.
Ibn Khallikán (XIII), 5, 6, 51, 106.
Kháqán, the — of the Turks, 93, 94, 138.
Ibn Kháqán, 'Abdu`lláh b Yaḥyá — (IX), 158.
Khargásh, Sálár — (X2), 228, 234.
Khárijites, 101—104.
*Kharaqán, 69.
*Kharmazar (near ´Amul), 222.
Khaṭíb, Sayyid Imám —, 58.
*Khaṭíra of Bábil, 156.
Ibnu`l-Khayr, the Náṣibí (IX), 52.
Khazars, 97, 199.
Khidásh b. Mughíra b. -Muhallab b. Abí Sufra (VIII1), 106.
Khiyán (or? Khayán: IX2), 164, 170, 171, 195. See Muḥammad b. Rustam b. Wandá-ummíd.
Khudá-banda, Sulṭán Muḥammad — (XIV), 262, 263.
“Khudáwand-i-Kalálak” (= Wandá-ummíd b. Wandád Hurmazd, q. v.: VIII2), 127.
Abu`l-Khuḍayb Marzúq -Sa'dí (VIII2), 120, 122.
Khujand (XII2), 68.
-Khujistání, A. b. 'Al. — (IX2), 185, 186.
*Khurásán, 7, 33, 35, 46, 62, 65, 66, 93, 94, 96, 99, 105, 107, 112, 118, 121, 122, 123, 138, 139, 143, 152, 154, 157, 167, 168, 177, 180, 181, 183, 184, 188, 190, 194, 201, 205, 207, 208, 210, 213, 214, 216, 218, 224, 227, 232, 234, 238, 239, 240, 254, 258, 262, 264, 268.
Ibn Khurdádhbih, 32 ad calc., 272.
*Khurramábád, 123.
Khúrsháh, Ruknu`d-Dín — (XIV), 259.
Khurshíd b. Dázamihr (VIII2), 46.
Khurshíd Gávbán, 17, 101.
Khurshíd-i-Gushnasp-i-Nidrand (IX2), 164, 168, 170, 171, 172.
Khurshíd, Hizibru`d-Dín — (XI), 252, 253.
Khurshíd, Ispahbad — (VIII2), 113—117, 121, 122.
Khurshíd b. Abu`l-Qásim -Mámṭírí (IX), 60.
Khurzád, 'Abdu`r-Raḥmán — (?Ibn Khurdádhbih, q. v.), 32.
*Khurzád, 237.
Khushk Khayán, 195.
*Khushrúd, 194.
Khushnawáz (V), 94.
*Khusraw-ábád (near ´Amul), 19.
Khusraw-Fírúz-i-Justán (X1), 202—203, 206.
Khusraw-i-Fírúz (king of Balkh), 25.
Khusraw-isfáhí (IX1), 237.
Khusraw Parwíz (Sásánian king, VII1), 35, 36, 60, 95, 236.
Khusraw Sháh (Magian astrologer of Sháh Gházi Rustam, XII), 90.
Abú Khuzayma (VIII2), 122, 123.
*Khwájak, 168, 170, 188, 251.
*Khwár, 189, 244.
*Khwárazm, 4, 13, 67, 93, 96, 109, 190, 193, 235, 254, 255.
-Khwárazmí, Abú Bakr — (X), 90.
Khwárazmsháhs, 59, 62, 67, 204, 255, 256, 257, 258.
Kíkhwáz (or Kínkhwár, XIII1), 258.
*Kílankúr, 37.
*Kílárján, 193.
*Kilis, Darband-i—, 59.
*Kimnán, 169.
Kinár b. Fírúzán (X2), 229.
“King of the Mountains”, Sharwín b. Surkháb first so entitled (IX2), 237.
Kínkhwár (or Kíkhwáz, XIII1), 258.
Kínkhwár b. Shahriyár b. Kínkhwár (XIII1), 256.
*Kirmán, 217, 218, 235.
Kirmán -Bukhárí (VIII2), 122.
*Kísa, 115.
Kisrá, 7, 20, 130, 155, 258. See Anúshirwán, Núshírwán, Khusraw, Sásánians.
Kitáb -Aghráḍ (by Sayyid Abu`l-Faḍl Isma'íl -Músawí -Jurjání), 86.
K. Amthál -Muwallada (by Abu`l-Faraj 'A. b. Ḥus. b. Hindú), 77.
K. -Ansáb, 204.
K. -Bayán wa -Tabyín (by -Jáḥidh), 6, 110.
K. Bulgha (by Sayyid Abu`l-Ḥus. -Mu`ayyad Bi`lláh 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla), 50.
K. Bulgha (by Abu`l-Faraj 'A. b. -Ḥus. b. Hindú), 77.
K. -Dimá'a (by Sayyid Abú Ṭálib Yaḥyá), 55.
K. -Faraj ba'd -Shidda (by Abu`l-Q. 'A. b. M. -Tanúkhí), 52.
K. Ḥumayra (by Ibn Durayd), 110.
K. -Ìḍáḥ-'Aḍudí (by Abú 'Alí Fáris), 90.
K. -Ìḍáḥ-'Aḍudí, Comm. on — (by Abdu`l-Qádir -Jurjání), 78.
[This name, as Mr. Ellis has pointed out to me, should be 'Abdu`l-Qáhir, the author of the well-known Mí`at 'ámil, who died in A. D. 1078. See Brockelmann’s Gesch. d. arab. Litt., Vol. 1, pp. 287—288].
K. -Ifáda (by Sayyid Abu`l-Ḥus. -Mu`ayyad Bi`lláh), 50.
K. -Jumal (by 'Abdu`l-Qáhir -Jurjání), 78. See above.
K. “Khudhu`n-na'l” (by M. b. Jarír b. Rustam -Sarawí), 79.
K. -Masáḥa (by Abu`l-Faraj 'A. b. -Ḥus. b. Hindú), 77.
K. -Masálik (by 'Abdu`r-Raḥman Khúrzád), 32, and ibid., ad calc.
K. Miftáḥ -Ṭibb (by Abu`l-Faraj 'A. b. Ḥus. b. Hindú), 77.
K. -Mudhakkar wa -Mu`annath (by the above Abu`l-Faraj), 77.
K. -Mujzí (by Sayyid Abú Ṭálib Yaḥyá), 55.
K. -Mustarshid (by M. b. Jarír b. Rustam -Sarawí), 79.
K. -Nawádir (by -Aṣma'í), 136, 159.
K. -Nuzha (by the above Abu`l-Faraj), 77.
K. -Tabṣira (by Sayyid Abu`l-Ḥus. -Mu`ayyad Bi`lláh), 50.
K. -Taḥrír (by Sayyid Abú Ṭálib Yaḥyá), 55.
K. -Táj (by Abú Isḥáq Ibr. b. Hilál -Ṣábí), 90, 223.
K. -Tajríd (by the above Sayyid Abu`l-Ḥus.), 50.
K. -Tanbíh wa -Ishráf (by -Mas'údí), 26.
K. -Ṭibb -'Alá`í (by Sayyid Au`l-Faḍl Ismá'íl), 86.
K. -Wasáṭa bayn -Ziná wa -Liwáṭa (by the above Abu`l-Faraj), 77.
K. Yádgár (by Sayyid Abu`l-Faḍl Isma'íl), 86.
“Kiya” (= “House”), 35.
Kiyá Afrásiyáb (XIV1), 268, 269.
Kiyá Buzurg -Dá'í ila`l-Ḥaqq -Riḍá b. Hádí (XII1), 246, 252.
Kiyá Jalál, nephew of Jamálu`d-Dín Aḥmad Jál (XIV1), 265, 268.
Kiyá Jamálu`d-Dín Aḥmad Jál (XIV1), 265.
Kiyá M. b. Ḥ. (Grand Master of Alamút, XIII), 259.
*Kiya Salyán, 35.
Kiyá Táju`d-Dín (nephew of Jamálu`d-Dín Aḥmad Jál; XIV1), 265.
Kiyás of Chaláp, 268, 269.
Kiyás of Jalál, 269.
*Kúcha-i-Gázarán (“Street of the Washerman” or “Bleachers” in ´Amul), 25.
*Kúfa, 79, 100, 161.
*Kúh-i-Qárin, 16, 95.
*Kúh-páya, 182, 191.
*Kuhrúd, Castle of —, 221, 247, 256. See also Quhrúd.
Kujaj, Imám 'Imád —, called Faqíh-i-Al-i-Muḥammad (XII2—XIII1), 79.
Kúkbán-i-Bakhmí (IX2), 169.
*Kúlá, 99, 121, 123, 128, 200, 237.
Kúlá Khurzád Khusraw Ispáhí (VII), 99.
*Kulahwár (River), 191.
Kúlá`ij, 95.
Kúrankíj, or Kúrankíz, Abú Ja'far b. — b. Rúzbihán, 170, 211, 230.
*Kurd-ábád, 182.
Kurds, 226, 228.
Kurdí-zád, brother of Pádhúsbán (IX2), 171.
Kurdzád, father of Pádhúsbán, 164.
*Kúsán, 61, 98, 122.
*Kúshk-i-Jáwalí, Palace of —, 245.
Kustaj (old Persian script), 26.
*Kúz, Castle of —, 99.
*Kúzá, Castle of —, 142, 244, 246, 252, 256.
*Lafúr (or Lapúr, S. of Bárfurúsh, on the river Bábul; Mel. 47, 151, 195), 15, 17, 27, 29, 95, 123, 142, 153, 164, 167, 241, 244, 252.
“Lafúraj” (a kind of gold-embroidered garment), 118.
*Lák-´Abandán, 245.
*Lamrásk, 28(?), 30, 207, 211.
Lane-Poole, S. —, 58, 255.
Langarcha-Pír (X1), 217.
*Lanká, 54.
*Lankúr-khán, 173.
*Lápích (River), 169.
*Lár, 14, 68, 264.
*Láriján, 15, 19, 29, 67, 74, 95, 121, 167, 183, 184, 190, 196, 203, 217, 222, 241, 244, 249, 250, 255.
Lashkarí (X1), 217.
Lashkarsitán (IX1), 164, 168, 174, 177, 207.
*Latrá, 162.
*Láwích (Mel. 208, 210, 211), 266.
*Lawrá, 82, l. 8?
Laylá b. Nu'mán (X1), 203, 205, 207.
Layth-i-Fana (IX2), 170, 171, 176, 177, 181, 183, 184.
Laythám b. Wardán of Daylam, 188, 189, 203.
*Laythám, Bridge of —, 192.
*Lícham, 168.
*Líkání (Plain of —, near ´Amul), 194.
*Líkash, 35, 61.
*Lít-Kúh, 262.
*Lúman Dun, 17.
“Lunbur” (Ṭabarí word for “skirt”), 34.
Lurs (tribesmen), 226.
Abu`l-Ma'álí of Juwayn, 75.
*Machúrí (or Bíjúrí), 28.
“Macaronic verse”, 81 et seqq.
*-Madá`in, 70, 93—96.
Ma'dan -Ayádí (Khárijite leader, VII), 101.
*-Madína, 11, 12, 71, 96, 111, 124, 144.
*Madú, 29.
Magians, 5, 150, 152, 153, 157, 158. See also Gabrs, Zoroastrianism.
Máhabádaní, Afḍalu`d-Dín — (XII2), 69.
Maharája (XII2), 68.
*Mahastiya (or Quhsibah), 28.
-Mahdí (Caliph; VIII2), 118—120, 124—126, 129, 131.
Mahdí of Lafúr, Amír — (XI2), 241, 244.
Mahdí b. Mukhayyas (IX2), 188, 192.
Ibn -Mahdí -Mámṭírí (IX), 50, 76.
Máhiya-sar (legendary king), 37—39.
*Máhiya-sarí Dizh, 38.
Maḥmúd b. Subuktigín (see p. 279: X2—XI1), 227, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 238.
Maḥmúd (Seljúq, XII1), 59, 61, 62.
Máhú`í-i-Súrí (murderer of Yazdigird III; VII1), 98.
Majáni`l-Adab, 7 ad calc.
Majdu`d-Dawla Abú Ṭálib Rustam b. Fakhru`d-Dawla (X2), 227—230.
Majdu`d-Dín Dárá, Ispahbad — (XII2), 249.
Abu`l-Majd b. Mudhaffar b. Ibráhím, 79.
Mákán b. Kákí (X1), 41, 196, 208—219, 222, 225, 238.
Maláḥida. See Assassins.
Maláḥim (apocalyptic writings), 180.
*Maláṭ (between Dínár-járí and Húsam), 14, 28.
Málik b. Ashtar -Nakha'í (VII1), 27, 98.
*Málika-Dasht (near ´Amul), 98, 200.
Málik Dínár (Ṣúfí saint), 10.
Malik Mu'adhdham Sharafu`d-Dawla Gustahm (XIV), 266.
Maliksháh (Seljúq, XI2), 240, 256.
“Maliku`l-Jibál” (“King of the Mountains”), Title of —, 237.
*Mámṭír (= the modern Bárfurúsh: see Mel. 30, 47, 57, etc.), 27—28 (etymology), 29, 56, 76, 123, 165, 167, 171, 172, 196, 210, 221.
*Mámwand, 29.
-Ma`mún (Caliph, IX1), 36, 43, 53, 74, 87, 132, 136, 142— 145, 147—152.
*Mánahar (in Rúyán), 19.
*Mandúr (near Nátil), 40.
Mangú Qá`án (XIII2), 258, 259.
Manháju`l-Maqál (by -Astarábádí), 11, 12 ad calc., 271, 273.
Máníwand, Zar-míwand —, son of the Ustundár Hazárasp, 251 (XII2).
Mánk-dím, Sayyid Abú Ja'far — (X1), 212, 215. See also Abú faf'ar, Sayyid —.
Mankli-Tukuz (Atábek; XII2), 253—254.
*Mankúl, 255.
-Manṣúr (Caliph, VIII2), 10, 53, 111, 112, 117—119, 124.
*Manṣúr-kúh, Castle of —, 243.
Manṣúr [b.] -Mahdí (VIII2), 109.
Manṣúr I b. Núḥ -Sámání (X2), 224.
Manṣúr b. Qábús (= Minúchihr b. Qábús, q.v.), 229, n. 2 ad calc.
Manṣúr Qarátakín (governor of Merv for Sámánids; X1), 223. See Qarátakín.
Manṣúr of Tarícha (X1), 195.
Manṣúr b. Yaḥyá (minister of Sulaymán b. 'Abdu`lláh, IX2), 157.
Abú Manṣúr Mahdí b. Mukhayyas (IX2), 188, 192.
Abú Manṣúr. See -Tha'álibí.
*Man'úr-kúh, 64.
*Maqṣúra, 59.
*Marágha, 252.
*Marán-Dih (near ´Amul), 269.
*Maraz, 200.
“Mardán-kuláh” (= M. b. Tamím, IX2), 182.
Mardáwíj b. Ziyár, Abu`l-Ḥajjáj — (X1), 214, 216, 217.
Mardáwíj, Tájú`l-Mulúk — (XII1), 246.
Máriqiyya (a name of the Khárijite sect), 102.
Mars, Planet — propitious to Turks, 226.
Marwán, House of —, 254, l. 3. See Umayyads.
Marwán II, called “the Ass” (VIII1), 110, 111.
Marwán b. Abí Ḥafṣa (IX2), 159, l. 5.
Marzubán, Farshwád — Khurshíd (VIII2), 113, 149.
Marzubán, House of —, 95.
Marzubán b. Rustam b. Sharwín Parím (author of Marzubán-náme), 86.
*Mashhad, 55.
*Mashhad 'Alí (Tomb of 'Alí at Kúfa), 158.
*Mashhad-i-Sar, 58.
Masíḥ (Christ), 85, l. 6, 91, l. 16.
*Masjid-i-Sálár (´Amul), 76, 77.
*Masla Zarrín Kúl, 123.
Mas-mughán Walásh (VII2), 101, 126.
Mas-mughán-i-Wandá-ummíd (IX2), 164, 165, 168, 170— 174, 176, 178, 184.
Masqala b. Hubayra -Shaybání (VII2), 100, 107.
Masrúr (executioner of Hárún -Rashíd, VIII2), 135.
Mastamard, Díwarwaz — (X2), 87—89.
Mas'úd, Amír — Sarbadál (XIV1), 264—267.
Mas'úd b. Maḥmúd b. Subuktigín (XI1), 235.
Mas'úd b. Muḥammad (Seljúq; XII1), 59, 66, 246.
-Mas'údí (the historian, X1), 26 ad calc.
-Mas'údí (postal officer in reign of Hárún -Rashíd; VIII2), 138.
*Máta (in ´Amul), 25.
Mawákhún (or Hawákhún, q. v.), Amír'Alí — (XIV1), 265.
*Má wará`u`n-Nahr (Transoxiana), 105.
*Máwjakúh, 15.
“Mawlá Amíri`l-Mú`minín” (title of — offered to Qárin b. Wandád Hurmazd, q. v.; IX1), 146.
*Mayándarúd (Mel., 238), 101, 116, 126.
*Maydán-i-Rúdbár (´Amul), 262.
*Maydán-i-Tápán, 61.
*Mázandarán, 1, 4, 14, 65, 70, 104, 238, 241, 248, 249, 253, 256, 259, 261—263, 265, 266, 268, 269.
Mazdak (VI1), 93.
Mázyár-i-Justán (X1), 221.
Mázyár-i-Qárin (IX1), 17, 26, 28, 29, 42, 43, 80, 132, 146—157.
Mázyár-i-Qárin-i-Shahriyár (IX2), 173, 174, 178, 237.
*Mecca, 34, 41, 58, 70, 71, 73, 74, 111.
Melgunof, 33, 43, 46.
*Merv, 20, 66, 81, 110, 157, 223, 235.
Mihr-Fírúz, 22—24.
Mihraján, Festival of —, 176.
*Mihrawán, 28, 56, 61, 122, 167, 172, 174, 191.
*Mihrín, Castle of —, 64.
Mihr-mardán b. Suhráb (IX2), 237.
Mihrúya, (VIII2), 124, 140—141.
Mikhráq, Ṣáliḥ [b.] — (Khárijite leader, VII2), 101.
Mílád (legendary hero), 28.
Minúchihr (legendary king of Persia), 14, 17, 18—20, 34, 60.
Minúchihr (vassal of the Ispahbad Sháh Ghází Rustam; XII1), 247.
Minúchihr b. Qábús b. Washmgír, Falaku`l-Ma'alí — (XI1), 227, 230—235.
Abú Miráh (= Muḥammad b. Khálid; IX2), 171.
Mirdás (Khárijite, VII2), 104.
*Mírwand-ábád, 244.
*Mishkawá, 209.
Miskín b. Ghazál -Shámí (VIII2), 123.
Mongols, 257, 258, 261—263, 268.
Mu'áwiya (Umayyad Caliph, VII2), 48, 100, 110.
-Mu`ayyad bi`lláh b. -Mutawakkil (IX2), 80.
-Mu`ayyád bi`lláh, Sayyid Abu`l-Ḥusayn — (X2), 50, 54.
Mu`ayyid-´Ayi Ába (XI2), 61.
Mu`ayyidí, Sháhnáma of —, 18.
Mu`ayyidu`d-Dawla (Buwayhid, X2), 225, 226.
Mubárak (Arabicized form of Anbárak, VIII2), 26.
-Mubarrad, -Kámil of —, 103.
Mudhaffar b. Ibráhím, Abú Sa'íd — (X2), 78.
Mudhaffar b. Isma'íl, Abu`l-Faraj — (X2), 79.
[As these two are described as brothers, it is evident that we must either read Ibráhím or Isma'íl in both cases].
Mudhaffar, Ra`ís — (IX2), 240.
Abu`l-Mudhaffar (X1), 217.
Mudhaffarí, Abú 'Ạlí b. Aḥmad b. Muḥammad — (X1), 218.
Mudhaffarí -Khurásání (poet; XII), 65.
-Mufíd, Imám — Abú Ṭálib (IX2), 47.
Mufliḥ (IX2), 179—180.
Muhallab b. Abí Ṣufra (VIII1), 104.
-Muḥázim.
Muḥammad (the Prophet), 7, 47, 52, 53, 75, 96, 109, 110, 137, 144, 159, 175, 242.
M. b. 'Abbás (IX2), 163, 165, 172.
M. b. 'Abbás -Salmí (VIII2), 123.
M. b. 'Abd -'Azíz (governor of Rúyán; IX2), 165, 201.
M. b. 'Abd -Karím (IX2), 162, 163.
M. b. 'Abdu`lláh (governor of Jábarán, VIII2), 123.
M. b. 'Al. (ambassador of -Mu'taṣim to Mázyár; IX1), 152.
M. b. 'Al., Qáḍí — (IX2), 172.
M. b. 'Al. -Bal'ámí, Abu`l-Faḍl —, wazír of Aḥmad b. Isma'íl -Sámání, X1), 199, 200.
M. b. 'Al. b. Ṭáhir (IX), 29, 157, 161, 169, 181.
M. b. 'Abd -Razzáq (X2), 223, 224.
M. b. 'Afál (VIII2), 123.
M. b. Aḥmad b. -Ḥasan, Sayyid Abú'Alí — (X1), 209—211.
M. b. A. -Khurásání (IX2), 182.
M. b. A. -Náṣir (X1), 218.
M. b. A. Wandawayh (IX2), 190.
M., 'Alá`u`d-Dín — (wazír of Tughá-Tímúr, XIV1), 264.
M. -'Alawí (IX2), 163, 164.
M. b. 'A. -Shá`ir, 49. See Uṭrúsh.
M. b. Ardashír, Shamsu`l-Mulúk — (XIII), 258, 268.
M. Aws (IX2), 157, 158, 162—165, 168.
M. -Báqir, Imám — (VIII1), 12.
M. b. -Dabírí (X1), 220.
M. b. Faḍl (IX1), 141.
M. b. Faḍl (of Láriján; IX2), 171.
M. b. -Faqíh (X1), 195.
M. -Fáris (father of Sayyid Abú Ṭálib -Thá`ir), 58.
M. -Ghazálí (XI), 75, l. 18.
M. b. -Ḥajar (ambassador of Aḥmad b. Isma'íl -Sámání; X1), 198.
M. b. Ḥamza, Sayyid — (IX2), 164, 167, 172.
M. b. -Ḥanafiyya. See Ibnu`l-Ḥanafiyya.
M. b. Hárún (governor of Jálús, IX2), 190—197.
M. b. Ḥasán b. Isfandiyár. See Ibn Isfandiyár.
M. b. Ḥ. (Ispahbad of Kalár; X1), 200.
M. b. Ḥ., Kiya —, entitled -Qá`im bi-amri`lláh; XIII), 259.
M. b. Ibr. (general of -Mu'taṣim; IX), 154, 157.
M. b. Ibr. b. 'A. b. 'Abdu`r-Raḥmán b. -Qásim b. Ḥ. b. Zayd b. Ḥ. b. 'A. b. Abí Ṭálib (IX2), 162, 163, 165, 167, 174, 177, 178, 183, 185.
M. b. Ibr. Símjúr (X2), 224—225.
M. b. Ikhshíd (IX2), 164.
M. b. Ildigiz (or Ilduguz; XII2), 67, 252 ad. calc.
M. b. Ilísa' (X1), 199.
M. b. 'Ísá (IX2), 157; — b. 'Abdu`l-Ḥamíd (IX2), 170.
M. b. Isma'íl (IX2), 171.
M. Khwárazmsháh, Jalálu`d-Dín — (XIII1), 59, 256, 257.
M. b. Jarír b. Rustám -Sarawí (IX), 79; cf. 274.
M. -Juwayní (XI), 75, l. 18.
M. b. Kathír (IX2), 172.
M. b. Khálid (VIII2—IX1), 28, 147.
M. b. Khálid, Abú Miráh — (IX2), 171.
M. Kiyá b. Afrásiyáb (XIV1), 269.
M. b. Mahdí b. Nírak (IX2), 185.
M. b. Maliksháh (XII1), 59, 240—244.
M. b. Abí Manṣúr (IX2), 170.
M. b. Míkál (IX2), 167.
M. b. Mughíra of Rúyán (X1), 195.
M. b. M. -Astarábádí Bári', 79. “According to the Dumyatu`l-Qaṣr, Add. 9994, ff. 83a and 79a”, writes Mr. Mr. A. G. Ellis, “Abú Ḥanífa -Astarábádí and Bári'-i-Jurjání are two distinct persons.”
M. b. Músá b. Abdu`r-Raḥmán (IX2), 157.
M. b. Músá b. Ḥafs (IX), 73, 148, 150—152.
M. b. Musáfir (X1), 206.
M. b. Ná`ib (VIII2), 123.
M. b. -Náṣir -Kabír (IX2), 49.
M., Nidhám — (VI), 65.
M. b. Núḥ (IX2), 174, 176, 177.
M. b. Qays, Abu`l-A'azz — (IX2), 172.
M. -Qumí, Ibnu`l-'Amíd — (X1), 219.
M. -Riḍá b. M. b. Zayd, Sayyid — (X1), 194.
M. b. Rustam b. Wandá-ummíd (IX2), 163, 170, 171.
M. b. Sa'íd (IX1), 151.
M. b. Ṣa'lúk (X1), 199, 200, 204, 214.
M. b. Shahriyár (X1), 206.
M. b. -Sirrí (X1), 195.
M. b. Abí Ṣurra -Ju'fí (VIII1), 106.
M. b. Ṭáhir (IX2), 179.
M. b. Tamím (IX2), 182.
M. Taqí (or Jawád), Imám — (IX), 144.
M. b. Wahrí (X), 223.
M. b. Wahsúdán (IX2), 193, 230.
M. b. -Walíd (IX2), 172.
M. b. Yaḥyá b. Khálid -Barmakí (VIII2—IX1), 133.
M. -Yazdádí, Abu`l-Ḥasan —. See -Yazdádí.
M. b. Yazíd, 46.
M., brother of Zarrín-Kamar (XII1), 59.
M. b. Zayd, Abu 'Abdu`lláh — (called ad-Dá'í ila`l-Ḥaqq, or ad-Dá'í`l-Kabír, q. v.; IX1), 47, 48, 158, 182, 183, 185—195, 238.
M. b. Zubayda, called -Makhlú' (“the Deposed; VIII2—IX1). See -Amín.
Abú M. Ḥ. b. 'A. See -Náṣir -Kabír.
Abú M. Ḥ. b. Qásim (X1), 201.
Abú M. Ḥ. b. Zayd b. M. b. Zayd (X1), 194.
Abú M. b. Mihrán (XI1), 233.
Muḥarram observed, 158.
Muhím (Sámánid governor, X1), 200.
Mu'ínu`d-Dín Ḥus. Kart (XIV1), 264.
Mu'íní, Ibráhím — (Ṭabarí poet), 86.
Mu'izzu[? 'Izzu]`d-Dawla, Bakhtiyár — (X2), 91, 223.
Muktafí ('Alí) b. -Mu'taḍid (Caliph; X1), 191.
Abu`l-Mulúk -Arba'ín b. 'Abdu`lláh b. -'Abbás (VII), 112.
Abu`l-Mulúk, Ispahbad Shahriyár b. Kínkhwár b. Rustam b.
Dárá b. Shahriyár (XIII1), 256.
Mú`mín, Amír — (XIV1), 262, 268.
Múní (IX), 156.
Muntaha`l-Maqál (by M. b. Isma'íl -Ḥá`irí), 11, 12, 271.
Muntahí, Sayyid — (XII1), 242.
-Muntaṣir (Caliph, IX2), 158, 161.
-Muntaṣir, Ibráhím — -Sámání (X2), 227, 228.
Ibn -Muqaffa' (VIII2), 1, 4—6.
*Múqán, 27, 33, 60.
Muqátil-i-Daylamí (IX2), 164, 195.
Abú Muqátil -Ḍarír (poet; IX), 175.
-Muqtadir (Caliph; X1), 201, 206, 215.
Murád b. Muslim (VIII2), 131.
-Múriyání, Abú Ayyúb (wazír of -Manṣúr; VIII2), 113.
Murtaḍá Káshání, Ṣayyid — (XII2), 69, 103.
Músá b. 'Al. b. Ḥ. b. Ḥ. b. 'A. b. Abí Ṭálib (VIII2), 124, 125.
Músá '-Alawí (XII2), 255.
Músá b. Bughá (IX2), 179, 180.
Músá -Hádí (Caliph; VIII2), 131, 132.
Músá b. Ḥafs (IX), 148.
Músá Ḥájib (X2), 229.
Músá b. 'Isá (VIII2), 124.
Músá b. 'Isá -Sarwí (or -Sarawí), 36.
Músá b. Ja'far -Kádhim, Imám — (VIII2), 124, 125.
Músá b. -Kátib (IX2), 172.
Músá b. Yaḥyá b. Khálid -Barmakí (VIII2—IX1), 133.
Muslim b. -Walíd (VIII2—IX1), 45.
Abú Músá b. Bahrám (X1), 216—218.
Abú Músá Hárún Isfáhdúst (X1), 206.
Muṣ'ab b. -Zubayr (VII2), 48, 49.
*Muṣallá (“the Oratory”, at ´Amul), 203, 205, 219, 220.
-Musawwida. See 'Abbás, House of —.
*Mushkú (two stages from Ray), 218.
Mushkhwásh (a kind of sweet rushes), 41.
Muslim b. Khálid (VIII2), 123.
Abú Muslim (VIII), 110—113, 117—118.
Muslim, Abú 'Alí — (X2), 224.
-Musta'ín (Caliph; IX2), 161.
-Mustanṣir (Fáṭimid Caliph; XI), 236.
-Mustarshid (Caliph; XII1), 59.
-Musta'ṣim (last 'Abbásid Caliph; XIII), 259.
-Mu'taḍid bi`lláh (Caliph; IX2), 191, 196.
-Mutanabbí (poet, X), 87, 90.
-Mu'taṣim (Caliph; IX1), 80, 152—158, 237.
-Mutawakkil (Caliph; IX), 48, 80, 108, 155, 158—161.
-Mu'tazilites, 232.
-Mu'tazz (Caliph; IX2), 179, 180.
*Muthanná b. -Ḥajjáj (VIII2), 120, 123, 132.
*Muthla, 28.
Muṭrif (X1), 212, 217.
*Múz (mountain), 14.
-Muzáḥim (VIII1), 12.
-Nabaṭí, Ḥayyán — (VIII1), 107.
Náfi' (cousin and deputy-governor of Khalífa b. Sa'íd, IX1), 140.
Nahapets (Nahábidha), 106, 108, 113, 114.
*Naháwand, 93.
*Nahrawála, 93.
*Nahruwán, Battle of — (VII), 102, 104.
Na'ím b. Ḥázim (IX1), 142.
Na'ím (chamberlain of Qábús; XI1), 232.
Abú Na'ím, Shaykh —, 80.
-Najáshí, 11, 12, 271.
Banú Nájiya, 100.
Najmu`d-Dawla Qárin b. Shahriyár b. Qárin (XI2), 241—245.
-Nakha'í, Málik [b.] -Ashtar — (VII1), 27, 98.
*Namár, 28.
Námdárán (apparently a mistake for Bámdádán), 93.
*Námina, 56, l. 21, 186.
-Naqíb, Abú M. -Ḥ. b. A. b. M. b. Zayd —, 49.
*Nárdín, 233.
Naríman (legendary hero of Persia), 16.
Nársí b. Jámásp (V2), 97.
*Nasá (or Nisá, in Khurásán), 123, 223.
“Náṣibí” (a term of disparagement applied to the Sunnís by their opponents the “Ráfiḍís”, or Shí'ites), 52, 158.
Náṣihí, Ibráhím b. M. —, 76.
Náṣir (X1), 217.
*Náṣir-ábád, 198.
-Náṣir -Kabír, Abú M. H. b. 'A b. Ḥ. b. 'A. b. 'Amr b. 'A. Zaynu`l-'Abidín — (X1), 49, 57, 58, 89, 178, 195, 196, 199—204, 210, 222, 238.
-Náṣir li-Díni`lláh (Caliph; XII2), 79.
Naṣíru`d-Dawla, Ispahbad Dárá b. Bahman — (XII2), 249.
Naṣíru`d-Dawla Shahriyár b. Táju`d-Dawla Yazdigird (XIV1), 261—263.
Naṣíru`d-Dawla Shamsu`l-Mulúk (XIII1), 257.
Naṣíru`d-Dín, M. Abú Tawba, called Bí-Tawba (minister of Sinjar; XII1), 80.
Naṣíru`d-Dín Rúz-Bihán (XII2), 251.
Naṣíru`d-Dín -Ṭúsí (XIII1), 259.
Naṣiru`l-Mulk (brother of Sharafu`l-Mulk Ḥasan; XII2), 250.
Naṣr b. Aḥmad b. Isma'íl -Sámání (X), 201, 213, 214, 218, 220.
Naṣr b. -Ḥ. b. Fírúzán (X2), 226, 228—231.
Naṣr b. 'Imrán (VIII2), 123.
Naṣr b. Núḥ -Sámání (IX2), 190.
Naṣr b. Wabrá (of Syria; IX2), 167.
Abú Naṣr (governor of Shahriyár-Kúh; X1), 213, 214.
Abú Naṣr -Ṭabarí (IX2), 192.
Abú Naṣr -'Utbí (author of -Ta`ríkhu`l-Yamíní, q. v.; XI1), 92 ad calc.
Nasrín b. Sunqur (VIII2), 123.
Nassába, Sayyid Dhahíru`d-Dín — of Gurgán, 57.
*Nátil, 40, 123, 163, 182, 192, 212, 251.
-Náṭiq-bi`l-Ḥaqq, Sayyid Abú Ṭálib Yaḥyá — (X2—XI1), 50, 54, 55.
Náṭís the Byzantine, lord of 'Amúriya (IX1), 156.
-Nawádir, Kitábu`n- — (by -Aṣma'í; VIII2), 159.
-Nawfalí, 134.
*Nawrúzábád, 165, 166.
Nidhámí-i-'Arúḍí-i-Samarqandí (XI2), 1, 238. See also Chahár Maqála.
Nidhámu`d-Dín -Sam'ání (XIII1), 109.
Nidhámu`l-Mulk (XI), 75, 91, 93, 240.
*Nigáristán (near Nátil), 40.
Níkáma, 'Alí b. — (X), 222.
Níkí-náma (by the Ispahbad Marzubán b. Rustam), 86.
*Nírús, 163.
*Nisá (or Nasá, in Khurásán), 123, 223. See also Nasá.
*Níshápúr, 90, 99, 123, 181, 185, 186, 190—192, 205, 216, 217, 222—224, 226, 227, 234.
*Níshápúriyya, 123.
*Niṣíbín, 33.
Nöldeke, Professor Th. —, 1, 7, 46, 238.
Ibn Nubáta -Sa'dí (poet), 90.
Núdhar (legendary hero of Persia), 16, 17.
Núḥ (Noah), 63, l. 21.
Núḥ (? b. Asad b. Sámán; IX1), 190.
Núḥ b. Naṣr -Sámání (Núḥ I; X), 221—224.
Núḥ b. Manṣúr -Sámání (Núḥ II; X2), 91, 226.
Núḥ b. -Sásif (? VIII2), 122.
-Nukhayla, Yawmu`n- —, 104, l. 1.
Nu'mán (IX2), 188.
*Núr, 266.
Núru`d-Dín Ṣabbágh (XII2), 68.
Núshírwán (Kisrá, the Sásánian king; VI), 7, 8, 20, 32, 36, 37, 85, 93—95.
Núshírwán b. Minúchihr b. Qábús (XI1), 5.
Nuṣratu`d-Dín (XII1), 60, 64. See also Rustam b. 'Ali b. Shahriyár.
Omayyads. See Umayyads.
Ouseley’s Travels, 1.
*Oxus, 91, 93, 94.
Pádhúsbán, Ispahbad — 46, 73, 98.
Pádhúsbán, Ustundár — (IX1), 237.
Padhúsbán-i-Kurdzád, Ispahbad of Lafúr (IX2), 164, 167— 171, 179, 181, 187.
Pahlawán 'Abdu`r-Razzáq “Sar-ba-dár” (XIII2), 264.
*Pá`íza-(or Páníra-)-Kúh, 40.
*Pálíz, 82, l. 8.
*Páníra-(or Pá`íza-)-Kúh, 40.
*Panjáh-hazár, 99, 116, 122, 186, 199, 237.
*Parícha, 123, l. 2.
*Parím, 99, 128. See Farím.
*Párs (or Fárs), 4, 18, 217, 224, 225.
Parwíz, Khusraw — (Sásánian king; VII1), 35, 36, 60, 236.
Parwíz (of Láriján; IX2), 183, 196.
Pashang (son of the legendary Afrásiyáb), 18.
*Patashkhwár, 14 ad calc. See also Farshwádgar.
*Pá-yi-Dasht, 24, 123, 163, 164, 168, 203.
Philosopher’s Stone, 36.
Pigeons, Carrier —, 155.
Pírúz-i-Yazdigird (Sásánian king, V2), 7.
Pírúz Mihrján, Book of —, 36.
Pírúza, Ustád 'Alí — (poet, X), 87, 88.
Píshín Khátún (XIII), 264.
*Pútam, 165.
Qábúsán, 'Abbás b. — (X1), 212.
Qábús b. Washmgír (X2—XI1), 20, 36, 76, 78, 86, 89, 90, 92, 225—234, 238, 257.
Qábús-náma (by Kay-Ká`ús b. Iskandar b. Qábús; XI2), 236.
Qachghùz, Amír — (XI2), 243.
-Qádir bi`lláh (Caliph; X2—XI1), 233.
*Qádisiyya, Battle of — (VII1), 96.
Ibn Qaḥṭaba, 'Abdu`lláh — (VIII2), 132.
-Qá`im bi-amri`lláh (Caliph; XI), 235.
-Qá`im bi-amri`lláh (title given by his followers to Kiyá M. b. -Ḥ., q. v.; XIII), 259.
*Qá`in, 258.
*Qal'a Kamín, 264.
Qánún (of Avicenna), 86.
Qará`inu Shamsi`l Ma'álí (by -Yazdádí), 92.
Qarája (the cup-bearer; XII), 246.
*Qará-Kaláta, 265.
Qarátakín the Turk (X1), 206, 215, 221, 223 (Manṣúr —).
Qará-Ṭughán (VIII2), 123.
Qárin son of Súkhrá (V2), ancestor of the Qárinwands, or House, or Sons of Qárin, q. v., 94, 95.
Qárin, ´Alu — (“House of —”), Banú — (“Sons of —”), 63, l. 21; 64, l. 18; 153, l. 11.
Qárin (general of the Ispahbad Khurshíd; VIII2) 116.
Qárin b. Garshásf (XII1), 246.
Qárin-i-Gáwa (legendary), 18, 19.
Qárin, Ruknu`d-Dawla — (XII2), 255.
Qárin b. Shahriyár, Ispahbad — (IX2), 173.
Qárin b. Shahriyár b. Qárin, Najmu`d-Dawla — (XII1), 241, 242.
Qárin b. Shahriyár b. Sharwín, Ispahbad — of House of Báwand, called “Abu`l-Mulúk” (IX), 147, 148, 157, 166, 168, 169, 171, 173, 176, 178, 195, 237.
Qárin b. Surkháb (of the House of Báwand; XI2), 239.
Qárin b. Wandád-Hurmazd (VIII2—IX1), 129, 143, 145— 147, 237.
*Qárin-ábád, 116.
*Qárin, Kúh-i- —, 16, 99.
*Qárin-Kúh, 237.
Qárinwands, 91, 95, 237, 241.
Qásim b. 'Alí b. Ḥ. b. Zayd, Sayyid (IX2), 174, 178, 179, 185.
Qásim b. Muslim -Khurásání (IX2), 181.
Qásim, Sayyid — (IX2), 238.
Abu`l-Qásim (general of Washmgír, X1), 217.
Abu`l-Qásim 'Abdu`l-'Azíz b. Yúsuf, 90.
Abu`l-Qásim -Bayyá'í, Qáḍi`l-quḍát, 77.
Abu`l-Qásim Hárún b. Muḥammad (IX1), 153.
Abu`l-Qásim -Ḥ. b. Ḥamza -'Alawí (XI1), 55.
Abu`l-Qásim b. Ḥ. -Sha'rání (X1), 221.
Abu`l-Qásim Ja'dí (XI1), 234.
Abu`l-Qásim Ja'far b. -H. b. 'A. -Násír (X1), 201, 203—210.
Abu`l-Qásim -Kátib -Balkhí (IX2), 47.
Abu`l-Qásim b. Símjúr (X2), 227, 231.
*Qaṣrán, 14, 167, 264.
*Qaṣr-i-Dádaqán (between Tammísha and Sárí), 114.
*Qaṣr-i-Ṭús (near Sárí), 35.
Qaṣṣáb, Shaykh Abu`l-'Abbás —, 80.
-Qaṭarí [b. -Fujá`at -Máziní], the Khárijite (VII2), 101, 102, 104.
*Qatarí-Kaláda, 104.
*Qaṭífa, 112.
Qatírmish (XII1), 60.
*Qaydúm, 152.
*Qazwín, 68, 69, 178, 179, 191, 216, 217, 220, 240, 249.
“Qazz-ágand” (quilted armour), 145.
Qiwám 'Alí (XII2), 254.
Qiwám Farámarz (XII), 65.
Qiwámu`d-Dín, Amír Sayyid — (XIV), 269.
Qizil Arslán (XII2), 67, 68, 72, 73, 254.
Qubád-i-Pírúz (Sásánian king; V2), 7, 92—96.
Qubád-i-Káwa (or Gáwa, legendary hero of Persia), 18.
*Quhistán, 216, 231.
*Quhsibah (reading uncertain), 28.
Qúhyár (VIII1), 127.
Quhyár-i-Qárin (brother of Mázyár; IX), 151.
*Qulzum, Sea of — (= Caspian Sea), 35.
*Qum, 68, 77, 215, 221.
*Qúmis (or Qúmish), 14, 28, 178, 179, 182, 185, 216, 226, 229, 230, 233, 238, 264.
Qumrí, Siráju`d-Dín — (poet; XIII), 258.
Qur`án, 5, 10, 11, 13, 75, 80, 102, 108.
Quraysh (man; IX2), 157.
Quraysh (tribe), 70, 159.
*Qúr-shírad, 251. It is probably identical with Gúrshírad, q. v.
Qutayba (VIII1), 105.
Ibn Qutayba, 'Abdu`lláh — (IX2), 32.
Quṭb-i-Chálúsí (XII), 80.
Quṭb-i-Rúyání (Ṭabarí poet; XIII), 259.
Quṭbu`d-Dín Khán (XII2), 254.
Qutham b. -'Abbás (VII), 98, 111.
Qutlugh Sháh, Amír — (XIV1), 262, 268.
Quṭquṭí of Sárí (X1), 195.
Rabí' b. 'Urwán (VIII2), 122.
Raḍí, (X1), 210.
Raḍí, Amír — -Sámání (X2), 226, 227, 234.
-Raḍí, -Sharíf — (X2—XI1), 109.
Ráfi' b. Harthama (IX2), 188—193, 238.
Ráfi'í (poet; XI), 256.
“Ráfiḍí” (the name given to the Shí'ites by their opponents the Sunnís or “Náṣibís”), 52 ad calc.
Ra`ís Mudhaffar (XI2), 240.
Abú Rakáz (minstrel; VIII2), 134, 135.
Ramja Harúya (VIII2), 113—115, 121.
*Rán-Ḥál, 29.
*Rán-Kúh, 123.
-Raqqáshí, Ḥuṣayn b. Mundhir —, 32.
Rashámúj-i-Shír-Mardán (X1), 209—211, 213, 229.
Rashíd b. 'Abdu`lláh, Abu`l-Faraj — (X2—XI1), 86.
Rashídu`d-Dín Waṭwáṭ (poet; XII), 62—65.
-Rásibí, 'Abdu`lláh b. Wahb — (Khárijite; VII2), 102.
*Rawá, 123.
-Ráwandí, Abu`l-Faḍl — (XII2), 69.
-Ráwandí, Najmu`d-Dín Abú Bakr M. (XIII), 252 ad calc.
*Ray, 3, 14, 18, 19, 28, 34, 43, 44, 61, 62, 67, 68, 70, 76, 82, 94, 95, 98, 104, 112, 117, 118, 119, 120, 126, 128, 140—143, 149, 151, 162, 165, 178, 179, 182— 184, 189—191, 197—200, 204, 206, 214—218, 220, 223—227, 229, 231, 235, 236, 245, 250, 253, 255.
*Ribáṭ-i-Ḥafs, 185, 188.
-Riḍá, Imám 'Alí — (IX1), 53, 55, 79, 144.
Abú Riḍá Ḥus. b. M. Abu`l-'Alawí-Mámṭíri (XII2—XIII1), 257.
Rieu, Professor —, 1.
Risálatu`l-Hunúd fí ijábati da'wati Dhawi`l-'Anúd (by Sayyid Bahá`u`d-Dín -Ḥasan b. -Mahdí -Mámṭírí; XII2), 68.
“Romans”, 236. See Byzantines.
*Rúdbár, 41, 122.
*Rúdbár-Bálú, 266.
*Rúdbár, Maydán-i- —, 262.
*Rúdbár-i-Núr, 266.
*Rúdbár-Pích, 255.
*Rúdbár-Úz, 266.
*Rúbast, 28.
*Rúd-bast, 82, l. 8; 152.
Rúḥ b. Ḥátim b. Qayṣar b. Muhallab (VIII2), 124, 129.
*Rúhín, Castle of —, 246.
Ruknu`d-Dawla Ḥasan b. Buwayh (q. v.; x), 223—225, 238.
Ruknu`d-Dawla Qárin (XII—XIII1), 255—256.
Ruknu`d-Dawla Sháh Kay-Khusraw b. Táju`d-Dawla Yazdigird (XIV1), 262, 268.
Ruknu`d-Dín
(Shaykhu`l-Islám; XII2), 69. Ruknu`d-Dín Khúrsháh (XIII1), 259.
Ruknu`d-Dín, Sayyid — of Sárí (XIII), 57.
*Rúm, 35.
Russians, 199.
Rustam b. 'Alí, Sháh-i-Ghází — (XII1), 59, 90, 245, 246, 249, 250.
Rustam b. Ardashír b. Hasan b. Rustam (ruler of Tabaristán; XIII1), 3.
Rustam Fakhru`d-Dawla (XI1), 228. See Majdu`d-Dawla Abú Tálib.
Rustam, Fakhru`l-Mulúk — (XII2), 250, 252?
Rustam-i-Farrukhzád (general in command of Persian army at battle of Qádisiyya), 96.
Rustam-i-Marzubán (XI1), 228, 230, 231, 239.
Rustam-i-Qárin, Ispahbad — (IX2), 184—187, 189, 190, 192, 193, 198.
Rustam b. Shahriyár, Ispahbad Nuṣratu`d-Dín — (XII), 60—65, 236?
Rustam b. Shahriyár, Sháhinsháh —, 3.
Rustam b. Shahriyár b. Qárin, Fakhru`l-Mulk —(XII1), 241.
Rustam, Ispahbad Shamsu`l-Mulúk — (XII2), 255.
Rustam b. Sharwín [b. Shahriyár b.] Báwand (maternal uncle of Qábús b. Washmgír; X2—XI1), 92, 209, 225.
Rustam b. Surkháb b. Qárin b. Shahriyár (IX2), 237, 238.
Rustam b. Zabarqán (IX2), 174.
Rustam-i-Zál (legendary hero of Persia), 14, 17, 35, 43, 97, 249 (in Persian verse).
Rustamdár (Mel., 47, 50, 52, 54, 57, 60), 132, 261, 269.
Rúyán (Mel., 47, 50, 55, 56, 58, 59), 1, 17, 19, 20, 28, 29, 35, 39, 60, 73, 97, 121, 123, 140, 149—151, 157, 162, 181, 182, 192, 195, 198, 200, 221, 232, 238, 241, 244, 251, 259, 261.
Rúyání, Quṭb-i- — (Ṭabarí poet, XIII), 259.
Rúyání (fabric), 118.
Rúz (daughter of Khurshíd and mother of the legendary Máhiya-sar), 37.
Rúz-Bihán, Naṣíru`d-Dín — (XII2), 251.
Ṣabbágh, Núru`d-Dín — (ambassador of Tukush b. ´Il-Arslán Khwárazmsháh, XII2), 68.
-Ṣábí, Abú Isḥáq Ibráhím b. Hilál — (X2), 90, 92, 223.
Sábiq of Qazwín (athlete in service of Sulṭán Mas'úd the Seljúq; XII1), 66, 249.
Sábiqu`d-Dawla, Amír — (XII), 65.
Sábiqu`d-Dawla, Amír 'Alí — (XII), 247, 249.
Sabuktagín (more correctly Subuktigín; see p. 279; X), 227.
*Sabzawár, 264.
Sa'd b. Maymún (VIII2), 123.
Sa'd b. Sa'd -Aḥwaṣ -Ash'arí (VIII1); 12, and n. 2 ad calc.
Sa'd b. Taríf -Ḥandhalí (VIII1); 12, and n. 2 ad calc.
Sa'd b. Abí Waqqáṣ (VII), 96.
Abú Sa'd Sawák (XI1), 233.
Abú Sa'd -Ṣaydalání, 79.
Ṣadaqa “King of the Arabs” (XI2), 60.
Sa'dí, Aḥmad — (retainer of Qábús b. Washmgír; X2), 92.
-Sa'dí, Abu`l-Khuḍayb Marzúq (VIII2), 120.
-Sa'dí, Ibn Nubáta — (poet), 90.
Abú Ṣádiq Hárún b. 'Alí -´Amulí (IX1), 74.
“Ṣáds”, “The two —” (i. e. aṣ-Ṣábí and the Ṣáḥib Isma'íl b. 'Abbád), 90.
-Ṣaffáḥ, Abu`l-'Abbas — (Caliph; VIII2), III.
-Ṣafír (or -Ṣayfar), Family of —, 195.
*Safjiyya (or Safajiyya), 29.
*Ṣafúḥ (near ´Amul), 150.
Ṣaghániyán (or Ṣighániyán, or Chaghániyán), 94.
-Ṣáḥib. See Isma'il b. 'Abbád.
Ṣáḥibu`l-Jaysh, Sayyid Abu`l-Ḥus. A. b. -Náṣir — (X), 49, 201—202.
Ṣáḥibu`l-Qalansuwa, Abú Ja'far M. b. A. b. -Náṣir (X), 49.
Sahl b. -Marzubán, 74.
Sa'íd b. Da'laj (VIII2), 124.
Sa'íd b. Jibrá`íl (IX2), 172.
Sa'íd b. Salma b. Qutayba b. Muslim (VIII2), 132.
Sa'íd b. 'Umar b. -'Alá (VIII2), 123.
Abú Sa'íd Bakr b. Malik (X), 224.
Abú Sa'íd H. b. M. -Chashmí, 53 ad calc.
Abú Sa'íd Khwár (Ṣfúfí saint), 10.
Abú Sa'íd Mudhaffar b. Ibr. (X), 78.
Abú Sa'íd, Sulṭán — (XIV1), 263.
*Sa'íd-ábád, 39, 123, 133, 163.
*-Sa'ídí, 123.
Sa'ídúhá (family or tribe), 95.
Ṣakhr the Jinní, 36.
Salám (Sámánid governor of Ṭabaristán; X1), 197, 198.
Salám b. Qudáma (VIII2), 123.
Salám “Siyáh-mard” (VIII2), 132.
Ṣáliḥ [b.] Mikhráq (VII2), 101, 104.
Ṣáliḥ b. Sayyár (X1), 214.
Ṣáliḥ b. Shaykh 'Umayra (IX1), 141.
Abú Ṣáliḥ Manṣúr (Sámánid officer; X1), 198.
Sálim “the Devil of Farghána” (VIII2), 126—128.
*Sáliyán (near Lafúr), 123.
Salm (son of the legendary Ferídún), 17.
Ibn Salma -Qá`id of Níshápúr (VIIỊ2), 123.
Salmán -Daylamí (VIII1), 106.
Salmán -Fársí (VII1), 70.
Ibn Ṣa'lúk (X1), 204, 214.
*Sálús, 28, 29. See also Fálús, Chálús and Shálús.
Salyán (a king contemporary with the Sásánians), 35.
*Sámta, 122.
Sám-i-Naríman (legendary hero), 41, 42.
-Sam'áni, Nidhámu`d-Dín — (XIII1), 109.
Sámánid Dynasty (IX2—X2), 9, 193—197, 218—224, 226— 228, 234.
*Samarqand, 32, 82.
*Sámarrá. See Surra-man-ra`a.
-Sámiri (opponent of Moses and maker of the Golden Calf), 9.
*Samnán, 104, 189, 196, 230, 243—244.
Sanjar (Seljúq; XII) 59, 61, 66, 80, 81, 240, 246. See also Sinjar.
Sanjar Sháh b. Hazárasp (XII2), 253, 254.
*Saqsín, 33, l. 26; 34, l. 1.
*Sarakhs, 167.
-Sarawí, or -Sarwí (nisbas from Sárí or Sáriya in Mázandarán, and Sarw near Ardabíl respectively: see Mr. Ellis’s ṇote on p. 274), 36, 46, 50, 79, 274.
Sarbadárs, or Sarbadáls (XIV), 264, 267.
*Sárí, 16, 17, 28—31, 35, 56, 57, 59, 61, 69, 84, 98, 106, 107, 114, 122, 123, 130, 132, 140, 141, 144, 150, 152, 165—167, 169—172, 174, 176, 178, 179, 181, 182, 186, 189, 194, 195, 199—203, 207, 209, 210—215, 217—222, 229, 230, 241—246, 249, 254, 257, 265, 266.
*Sármám, 28.
Sásánian Dynasty (III—VII), 4, 35, 36, 68, 85, 96, 118, 155, 204.
*Sáwa, 61, 244.
*Sawád, 180.
*Sawát-Kúh, 149.
-Ṣaydalání, Abú Sa'd —, 79.
-Ṣayfar (or -Ṣafír), Family of —, 195.
Sayfu`d-Dawla, title of Sulṭán Maḥmúd b. Subuktigin, q. v.
“Sayyid-j-Barqa'í” (“the Veiled Sayyid”, better known as Ṣáḥibu`z-Zanj; IX2), 180.
Sayyids of Ṭabaristán (IX2—X1), 158 et seqq., 237. See also under -Dá'í.
Schefer, M. Ch. —, 1, 86.
Sclavs. See Slavs, Russians.
Sehir-ud-Din. See Dhahíru`d-Dín.
Seljúq, ancestor of the Seljúqs or Seljúqís (X2—XI1), 235.
Seljúq, House of —, or Seljúqs (XI—XII), 5, 61, 66, 68, 235, 239, 240, 241, 252, 256.
Seljúqsháh (XII2), 246.
*Sha`bú-Dasht, 221.
Shafarwah (poet, of Isfahán; XII2—XIII1), 69.
“-Sháfi'í”, “the second —” (XI), 75.
Shágird, Abu`l-Faḍl — (X1), 217.
*Sháh-Dizh, Castle of —, in Hazár-garí (-jaríb), 185, 238.
*Sháh-Dizh (also called Dizkúh, or Qal'a-i-´Atash-Kúh, an Assassin stronghold, near Isfahán), 241 ad calc.
Sháh Ghází b. Fakhru`d-Dawla (XIV), 269.
Sháh Ghází Rustam (XII1), 245.
Sháh Ghází, Ustundár — (XII2), 261.
*Sháh-Kúh, 120.
Sháhnáma (of Firdawsí; XI1), 96, 98. See also Firdawsí and Mu`ayyidí.
Shahrákím b. Namáwar, Ustundár — (XIII), 259, 261.
Shahrásán b. ´Asán (XII2), 249.
*Shahristána-marz, 25.
*Shahristán-i-Túsán, 22.
Shahriyár, Ispahbad — (XII2), 252.
Shahriyár-i-Andiyán (IX2), 166.
Shahriyár b. Dárá b. Shahriyár, Ispahbad — (X2— XI1), 239.
Shahriyár b. Kínkhwár b. Rustạm b. Dárá b. Shahriyár (XII2—XIII1), 256.
Shahriyár (relative of Mázyár, hardly his grandfather; probably his brother and fellow-hostage, who, however, is called Surkháb on p. 173; IX2), 178.
Shahriyár b. Pádhúsbán, Ispahbad — (IX2—X1), 190, 196, 198, 200, 201, 216.
Shahriyár b. Qárin, Ispahbad Ḥusámud-Dawla — (X2— X1), 3, 58, 239—244, 256.
Shahriyár b. Sharwín (XI1), 143, 145—147.
Shahriyár b. Sharwín (X2), 220, 222, 228, 230, 231, 237—239.
Shahriyár b. Wandá-ummíd (X1), 205, 206.
Shahriyár-i-Yazdigird (the son of the last Sásánian king; VII2), 96.
Shahriyár (Naṣíru`d-Dáwla —; XIV1) b. Malik Táju`d-Dawla Yazdigird, 261, 262.
*Shahriyár-Kúh, 41, 126, 213, 214, 224, 228, 229, 239— 241, 243, 245, 246.
Shahr-Khwástán (VII3—VIII1), 30, 31.
*Shaláb (or Giláb, or Chaláb, or Chaláp, q. v.), 15, 255.
*Shalanba, 28.
*Shalmiyya.
*Shálús, 40, 216. See also Fálús, Chálús and Sálús.
Shams-i-´Al-i-Muḥammad, 81.
Shamsu ´Ali `r-Rasúl, Sayyid — (apparently identical with the above), 57.
Shamsu`l-Ma'álí. See Qábús b. Washmgír.
Shamsu`l-Mulúk M. b. Ardashír (XIII2), 258, 259, 268.
Shamsu`l-Mulúk Naṣíru`d-Dawla Rustam (XII2—XIII1), 255, 256, 257, 261, 268?
Sham'ún b. Khudádád, 37.
Shápúr Dhu`l-Aktáf (Sásánian, IV1), 204.
Shápúr-i-Kayús (IV), 95.
Shápúr-i-Shahriyár (IX1), 147, 148.
Shár, Sháh — of Ghars (XI1), 234.
Sharafu`d-Dawla Gustahm (XIV), 266.
Sharafu`d-Dín, Sayyid —, 58.
Sharafu`l-Ma'álí, 77 last line.
Sharafu`l-Mulúk (XII2), 255, 256.
Sharafu`l-Mulúk b. Shahriyár (XIV1), 263, 268, 269.
Sharafu`l-Mulúk Ḥasan b. Rustam (XII2), 61, 249.
Sha'rání, Abu`l-Qásim b. -Ḥasan — (X1), 221.
Shárí (officer of the Ṭáhirids, IX2), 183, 184.
Sharwín, Ispahbad — Báwand (IX1), 43, 99, 126, 128, 129, 140—143, 145, 166, 226.
Sharwín-i-Rustam (X1), 196, 201, 205, 206, 213, 214, 216, 237.
Sharwín-i-Surkháb-i-Mihr-mardán (IX1), 237.
Sharwín-i-Shahriyár-i-Sharwín (IX2), 238.
Sharzíl (or Shírzíl, or Shírazíl), Ḥusayn — (XII1), 245.
Shátí-mází-bun (a kind of tree), 20.
Ibn Shá`úshtí (X1), 218.
-Shaybání, Maṣqala b. Hubayra — (VII), 100.
Shaykh-i-Záhid, 80.
*Shih-dila (or Si-dila), 115.
Shí'ites, 143, 144, 175. See also Imáms, Zaydí sect, Ráfiḍís, etc.
*Shínúh, Darband-i- —, 247.
*Shírábád, 37.
*Shíraj b. Laylá (X1), 217—219, 223.
*Shirásaf, 57, 1. 10.
*Shíráz, 33.
Shír Mardí (X2), 220.
*Shírú, 181.
Shírúya (the Sásánian; VII1), 96.
Shírwánsháh, king of the Khazars (X1), 199.
Shirwánsháh (brother of Ustundár Hazárasp; XII2), 250.
Shírzád b. Mas'úd (III) of Ghazna (XII1), 58.
Abú Shujá' Fanákhusraw. See 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla.
Abú Shujá' (brother of Zarrín-Kamar; XII), 59.
*Shúra, 182.
Shurát, 103, 104, l. 1. See Khárijites.
*Si-dila (or Shih-dila), 115.
Ṣiffín, Battle of — (VII2), 101, 104.
Ṣighániyán, 94.
*Siḥna (near Naháwand), 240.
Sikandar b. Malik Táju`d-Dawla Yazdigird (XIV1), 261.
Sikní (IX2), 181. See Aḥmad b. Muḥammad.
Símjúr, House of — (X), 208, 225, 227, 231, 234.
Simon (or Sham'ún), 37.
Ibn Síná, Abú 'Alí — (Avicenna; X2—XI), 86.
Sindbád the Magian (VIII2), 112, 117, 118.
Sindí b. Sháhak (Shi'ite leader; IX), 144.
Sinjar (or Sanjar), the Seljúq (XII1), 59, 61, 66, 80, 81, 240, 246.
Sipahsálár b. Kúrángíj (X2—XI1), 230.
Siráju`d-Dín Qumrí (poet; XIII), 258.
Sirrí b. 'Abdu`lláh -'Abbásí (VIII2), 124, 125.
*Sístán, 33, 181, 182.
Siyáh, 'Aynu`d-Dawla — (XII2), 251.
Siyáh-Gíl b. Harúsandán (X1), 205, 207 and n. 1 ad calc.
“Siyáh Mard” Salám (VIII3), 132.
Siyáh-rúd (near Jamanú), 41, 251.
Siyaru`l-Mulúk (= Siyásat-náma) of the Nidhámu`l-Mulk (XI2), 91, 93.
Siyásat-náma, 91, 93.
de Slane, 5, 6, 51, 106 ad calc.
Slavs, 40, 97. See also Russians.
Solomon, 36.
Spiegel, 1.
Sudám (a judge so named), 133.
Ṣúfís, 10, 240.
Sufyán b. Abi`l-Abrad -Kalbí (VII2), 104, 105.
Sufyán -Thawrí, 10.
Suhráb-i-Báw (VII2), 98, 237,
Suhráb-i-Rustam (legendary hero), 35.
Súkhrá (V2), 14, 94, 95, 125.
Ibn Sukkara -Háshimí (X2—X1), 51 and n. 1 ad calc.
Ṣúl, Nahapets of —, 106 and n. 1 ad calc., 108.
*Sulaymán-ábád, 177, 184.
Sulaymán b. 'Abdu`lláh b. Ṭáhir (IX2), 157, 164—173, 177.
Sulaymán b. 'Abdu`l-Malik (Umayyad Caliph; VIII1), 105, 108, 109.
Sulaymán -'Alawí (IX2), 166.
Sulaymán b. Músá (VIII1), 132.
Sulaymánsháh (Seljúq; XII2), 61, 62, 66.
Sulṭán-Sháh-i-Gíl (XII1), 247.
Sultán Sháh Maḥmúd Khwárazmsháh (XII2), 67.
Sunqur, Amír — (XII1), 241, 242.
Sunqur-i-Kúchak (XII2), 244, 245.
Surḥánwands, 95.
Surkháb, Amír — (XII2), 249.
Surkháb-i-Jastán (or Justán; X1), 195.
Surkháb-i-Qárin (brother of Mázyár; IX2), 173, 174, 237.
Surkháb-i-Rustam (IX2), 165.
Surkháb-i-Wahsúdán (or Wehsúdán; X1), 208.
*Surra-man-ra`a (or Sámarrá), 26, 43, 70, 80, 161.
*Syria, 33, 69, 75, 91, 104, 108, 109, 178, 223, 247.
*Ṭabarak, Castle of —, 19, 20, 250.
Ibn Ṭabáṭábá -'Alawí, 47.
*Ṭábarán, 123.
Ṭabarí dialect, 24, 34, 35, 41, 60, 61, 65, 77, 84—85, 86, 87, 88, 89.
-Ṭabarí, M. b. Jarír — (IX2—X1), 74, 192; Annals of —, 26, n. 1 ad calc.
Ibnu `ṭ-Ṭabarí, 'Abdu`lláh — (IX), 80.
*Ṭabas, 216.
*Tafsúr, 227.
Ṭáhir b. 'Abdu`lláh b. Ṭáhir (IX), 157, 180, 181.
Ṭáhir, House of —, or Táhirids (IX), 29, 30.
Ṭáhir-i-Arrání (assassin of Nidhámu`l-Mulk, XI2), 239.
Ṭáhir b. Ḥusayn (general of -Ma`mún, IX1), 143.
Ṭáhir b. Ibráhím b. Khalíl (IX2), 186.
Ṭáhir b. M. -Kátib (X1), 206.
*Ṭá`if, 111.
-Ṭá`ir bi-ta`yídi`lláh, Sayyid Ḥusayn — (X), 54.
Tájí Duwayr ('Abdu`lláh b. -Ḥus. b. Sahl), 73.
Tájíks, 251.
*Tájí-wá, Mountain of —, 35, 1. 16.
Táju`d-Dawla Yazdigird (XIII2), 261, 262, 266.
Táju`d-Dín Kiyá (XIV1), 265.
Táju`d-Dín Túránsháh b. Zardastán (XII2), 252.
Táju`l-Mulúk 'Alí b. Mardáwíj (XII2), 66.
Táju`l-Mulúk Mardáwíj (XII1), 246.
*Tálániyán, 168.
*Ṭálaqán, 191, 216.
Abú Tálib (VII1), 48, 49, 52, 53, 124, 158, 194, 215.
Abú Ṭálib, Imám-i-Mufíd. See Mufíd.
Abú Ṭálib Hárún -Thá`ir, Sayyid — (X), 58, 78.
Abú Ṭálib Yaḥyá, Sayyid — (X2—XI1), 50, 54, 55.
Tálisḥ Chúbán, Amír — (XIV1), 262.
-Talkhíṣ, by 'Abdu`l-Qáhir (not -Qádir) -Jurjání (XI), 78.
*Tálpúr, 99.
*Tamashkí Dasht, 168.
*Tamanjáda, or Tamanjádiya, 196, 222.
Abú Tammám (compiler of -Ḥamása; IX1), 103.
*Tammísha (Mel., 47, 55, 216), 16, 28—30, 56, 66, 67, 95, 106, 107, 110, 114, 122, 140, 149, 154, 179, 185, 190, 198, 201, 206, 208, 246, 255, 257, 261, 265.
*Tanparast, 101.
Tansar (contemporary of Ardashír Bábakán, III1), 1, 4, 6.
Ṭanṭiq, Amír — (XII), 251.
-Tanúkhí, Qáḍí Abu`l-Qásim 'Alí b. M. —, 52.
*Tápán, Maydán-i- —, 61.
*Tardawíní, 101.
*Tarícha (or Turícha, q.v.) 123, 165, 174, 176, 195, 221, 249.
Ta`ríkh-i-Barámika, 39.
Ta`ríkh-i-Guzída (by Ḥamdu`lláh Mustawfí -Qazwíní; XIV), 240 ad calc.
-Ta`ríkh -Yamíní (by -'Utbí; XI1), 228, 229, 231, 234.
*Tarjí, 166.
*Tarsus (Ṭarasús), 152 ad calc.
Tásh (X2), 226.
Tatárs, 71, 96. See Mongols.
Abú Tawba, Naṣíru`d-Dín M. — (XII), 81.
Taym b. Sinán (VIII2), 129.
Abú Ṭayyib -Mutanabbí (X2). See -Mutanabbí.
*Ṭayzana-rúd (or Mayándarúd), 101.
-Tha'álibí, Abú Manṣúr —, author of Yatímatu`d-Dahr (XI1), 7, 50, 92.
-Thábit b. Abí Ṣafiiyya Dínár (= Abú Ḥamza -Thumálí; VIII2), 11 ad calc.
-Thá`ir, Sayyid Abú Ṭálib -'Alawí — (X2), 58, 78, 222, 223.
-Thá`ir, Náṣir-i-Kabír (q. v.) so called, 195. See Náṣir-i-Kabír.
Ibn Tha'laba of Syria (IX2), 167.
-Thaqafí. See Yúsuf b. Umar.
-Thumálí, 11. See above, s. v. Thábit.
Tídá, 202.
*Ṭihrán, 19.
Tíjásaf, 229.
*Tís, 28.
*Transoxiana (= Má wará`u`n-Nahr, q. v.), 105.
Ṭughánsháh (XII2), 253.
Tughá-Tímúr (XIV1), 264.
Ṭughá-Turk (XII1), 59.
-Ṭughrá`í, 'Azíz-i- — (XII), 62.
Ṭughril Beg b. Míká`íl b. Seljúq; XI1), 236, 239.
Ṭughril I (Seljúq of 'Iráq; XII1), 59.
Ṭughril II b. Arslán (Seljúq of 'Iráq; XII2), 67, 68, 252.
*Tukháristán, 42.
Tukush b. ´Il-Arslán Khwárazmsháh (XII2), 67, 69, 204, 255.
*Tún, 258.
Túr (son of the legendary Ferídún), 17.
Abú Turáb, Shaykh —, 80.
*Túrán, 35.
*Túrán-char, 27.
*Turícha, 27, 28, 29, 123. See also Tarícha.
Turk-i-Rúmí (IX2), 186. The same person is probably intended on p. 184, and therefore the article “the” should probably be deleted before “Turk” in lines 13 and 20.
Turks, 7, 27, 93, 94, 95, 97, 98, 99, 118, 161, 182, 204, 208, 213, 215, 219, 226, 229, 250, 251, 264.
Turkán Khátún (XII2), 253.
*Turkistán, 93, 96, 105, 107, 138, 201.
Turkí-takín (IX2), 161.
*Ṭús, 56, 143, 205.
Ṭus (cousin of the Ispahbad Khurshíd; VIII2), 117.
Ṭús-i-Núdhar (legendary hero and warrior), 16.
*Ṭúsán (near Sárí), 16, 22, 24.
Ṭúsí’s Fihrist, 11 ad calc., 271.
Abú 'Ubáda -Buḥturí (IX2), 159.
'Ubayd b. Yazíd -Kházin (IX2), 169.
'Ubaydu`lláh, 111.
*Úfar, 168.
Úlán-mihán (tribe or family), 95.
Uljáytú (Sulṭán Muḥammad Khudábanda; XIV1), 262, 263.
*'Umán, 33.
'Umar b. 'Abdu`l-'Azíz (VIII1), 12, 108, 109.
'Umar (or 'Amr) b. 'Alá (the traitor; VIII2), 120, 123, 124, 130, 131. See 'Amr b. 'Alá.
'Umar b. Bahrám [b.] 'Isá (VIII2), 123.
'Umar Fannáq (or Fayyáq; VII2), 101, 104.
'Umar b. Jurmuz (VII2), 48.
'Umar b. -Khaṭṭáb (VII), 27, 58, 96, 98, 109.
'Umar b. Sa'íd (VIII2), 122.
Abú 'Umar (X1), 220.
*'Umar-ábád, 125, 179.
*'Umar-(or 'Amr-)Kaláda, 125.
'Umayr (servant of -Náṣir-i-Kabír’s daughter), 58.
Umayyads (VII2—VIII1), 7, 10, 12, 108—111, 254, l. 3.
Ummídwár b. Lashkar-sitán (IX22), 164.
*Ummídwár-Kúh, 16, 39, 40, 126.
Umm Ja'far (VIII2—IX1), 45.
Ummu`l-Faḍl bint -Ma`mún (IX), 144.
*Umúramdúd (?), 29, 1. 20.
*Umyár-Kúh, 29.
'Uqúdu`s-Siḥr wa Qala`idu`d-Durar (by Abu`l-Ḥ. M. -Yazdádí), 3.
Urmazdyár (X1), 217.
'Urwa b. Udayya (VII2—VIII1), 102.
*Ustúnáwand, Castle of —, 4, 231, 243.
Ustundár (title), 54, 60, 95, 221, 222, 229, 237, 246—249, 251, 259—265, 268, 269.
*Ustundáriyya, 232.
'-Utbí, Abú Naṣr — (X2—XI1), 91, 92, 231. See also -Taríkhu`l- Yamíní.
'Uthmán b. 'Affán (Caliph; VII), 102, 110, 254, 1. 4.
'Uthmán b. Nahík (VIII2), 132.
Uṭrúsh, Abú 'Abdi`lláh M. — (X1), 49, 50.
*-Úz, Rúdbár- —, 266.
Valásh (or Balásh, or Walásh, q. v. = “Vologeses”), 99, 101, 237.
Víjan, Cháh-i- — (= “Bízhan’s Well”), 39.
*Vílír, 37, 38.
Wabád (or Wamád), 28.
Abu`l-Waḍḍáḥ (IX1), 142.
Abu`l-Wafá Khalífa b. Núḥ (X1), 200.
*Wah-rádhán (near Ray), 190.
Wahrí, 223.
Wahriz (Persian general in time of Núshirwán, VI), 20, and n. 3 ad calc.
Wah-súdán (or Wih-súdán; IX2), 169, 178.
*Walajúy, 220.
Walásán (family or tribe), 95.
Walásh (VII), 237. See Valásh and Balásh.
Walásh, Masmughán —, Reference lost.
*Waláshgird, 123.
*Walíd b. 'Abdu`l-Malik (Umayyad Caliph; VIII1), 105.
Walíd b. Maysara (VIII2), 123.
*Walíkán, Plain of —, 245.
*Wamád (or Wabád), 28.
*Wana-Bun, 125
Wandád-Hurmazd b. Alandáy (VIII2), 43, 44, 125—132, 140—145, 147, 237.
Wandarand (VIII1), 115.
Wandarand b. Wandád-Hurmazd, Masmughán — (IX2), 178.
Wandásafán (VIII2), 131, 132, 141, 146.
Wandásafán-i-Máhyár (IX2), 165.
Wandá-ummíd (VIII2), 127, 128, 146, 171.
*Wandá-ummíd-kúh, 25, 95.
Wandawayh (IX), 190.
*Waraka (in Láriján), 15.
Wardán-sháh (X2), 223.
Wardásf (X1), 210, 211.
Ward-i-Aṣfar (VIII2), 128.
*Wárfú, 162.
Ibn Warrám (? Darrám), Amír —, 79.
Washmgír [b. Ziyár] (X1), 5, 20, 90, 91, 99, 215, 217—225, 235, 238, 239.
*Wásiṭ, 180.
-Wáthiq (Caliph; IX1), 155.
Waṭwáṭ, Rashídu`d-Dín — (poet; XII1), 62—65.
Wíhán b. Sahl (IX2), 164, 171.
Wih-súdán (or Wah-súdán; IX2), 169, 178.
Wíjan-i-Rustam (IX2), 164, 170, 171.
*Wíma (near Damáwand), 28, 142, 191, 219.
*Wínábád (near Sárí), 172, 201.
Yádigár, Kitáb-i — (by Sayyid Abu`l-Faḍl Isma'íl b. M. -Músawí of Jurján; XII1), 86.
Yaghmúr b. Seljúq (XI1), 235.
Yaḥyá b. -Aktham (IX1), 149, 150.
Yaḥyá b. -Ḥusayn, Sayyid Abú Ṭálib —, 50, 54, 55.
Yaḥyá b. Ibráhím b. Muṣ'ab (IX1), 153.
Yaḥyá b. Khálid -Barmakí (VIII2—IX1), 135.
Yaḥyá b. Abí Manṣúr (= Bizíst b. Fírúzán; IX1), 87, 147.
Yaḥyá b. Mikhnáq (VIII2), 125.
Yaḥyá -Náṭiq bi'l-Ḥaqq, Sayyid Abú Ṭálib — b. Ḥusayn (see above), 50, 54, 55.
Yaḥyá b. Rúzbihán (IX1), 149.
Yaḥyá b. 'Umar b. Ḥus. b. 'A. b. Ḥus. b. 'A. b. Abí Ṭálib (IX1), 161.
Yaḥyá b. Yaḥyá, Amír — (VIII2—IX1), 17.
Yaḥyá b. Zayd -'Alawí (VIII2—IX1), 136—138.
Yákand (= “Hyacinth”), 116.
*Yaman, 91, 111.
Abú Ya'mar (VIII1), 107. See also Ḥayyán -Nabaṭí.
-Yamíní, Ta`ríkhu`l- —, by -'Utbí (X2—XI1), 91, 92, 231. See also -'Utbí and Ta`ríkh.
Ya'qúb b. Layth -Ṣaffárí (IX2), 180—182.
Yáqút (XIII), 152, n. 1 ad calc.
*Yásamín-Kaláta, 262, 266.
Yathrib (afterwards called al-Madína), 53.
Yatímatu`d-Dahr (of Abú Manṣúr- Tha'álibí; XI1), 50, 257 ad calc.
“Yawmu`l-Ghadír”, 158.
-Yazdádí, Abu`l-H. 'A. b. M. — (XI), 3, 25, 27, 30, 33, 36, 39, 40, 76, 92.
Yazdán, 24.
*Yazdánábád, 21, 115, 123.
Yazdánkard (IX1), 174.
Yazdigird I (called “al-Athím”, “the Wicked”, Sásánian king; V1), 94.
Yazdigird III (last Sásánian king; VII1), 96—98.
Yazdigird (son of the Ispahbad Sháh Ghází Rustam; XII2), 250.
Yazdigird, Malik Táju`d-Dawla — (XIII2), 261.
Yazíd b. Mu'áwiya (Umayyad Caliph; VII2), 48.
Yazíd b. -Muhallab (VIII1), 105—109.
Yazíd b. Murthad (read Mazyad; VIII2—IX1), 44, 45, 129, 131.
Yúsuf b. 'Abdu`r-Raḥmán (VIII2), 123.
Yúsuf b. 'Umar -Thaqafí (VIII1), 6.
*Zábulistán, 35, 95.
Zabarqán (IX1), 174.
Záhid, Shaykh-i- —, 80.
Záhida Khátún (XII2), 254.
-Zahrá (i. e. Fáṭima, the Prophet’s daughter), 49.
Zakariyyá, Abú Bakr — (X1), 215.
Zanakú, Mosque of —, 245.
*Zangán, 178, 216.
Zanj (Ethiopians), 180.
Zanras (or Zanráshan), Abú Aḥmad —; X1), 198.
Zardastán (XII2), 30, 252.
Zarhawájastán-i-Ashkálí (X2—XI)1, 230.
*Zárim, 120, 244.
Zarmihr-i-Súkhrá (VI), 95.
*Zarmíkhwást, 165.
Zarmíwand Máníwand b. Ustundár Hazárasp (XII2), 251.
*Zawín, 188.
Zayd, Sayyid —, 53, l. 1, 136.
Zayd b. M. b. Zayd (IX2), 190, 194.
Zayd b. Ṣáliḥ (X1), 215.
Zaydí sect, 54, 58, 202.
Zaynu`l-'´Abidín, Imám 'Alí b. Ḥus. b. 'A. b. Abí Ṭálib — (VII2), 11.
*Zaynu`sh-Sharaf, College of —, 55.
-Zifrí, Abú Bakr — (X1), 207.
Zíj-i-Kámil (by Awḥadu`d-Dahr -Dánishí), 87.
Zíj-i-Ma`múní (by Bizíst b. Fírúzán; IX1), 87.
*Zindána-Kúy, 80.
*Zínwán (near Sárí), 249.
Ziyád b. Abíhí (VII), 102.
Ziyád b. An'am -Ifríqí, 10.
Ziyád b. Ḥázim (VIII2), 122.
Ziyár, House of — (X1—XI1), 20, 91, 217, 236. See also Washmgír, Qábús, etc.
Zoḥák, Zuḥák. See Dahák.
Zoroastrianism, 150, 237. See Gabr, Magians, Mázyár, Sindbád etc.
Zotenberg, 7.
Zubayr (VII), 48.
Zubayr b. -Mutawakkil. See -Mu'tazz.
Zúma, Gunduya — (aphrodisiac herb), 40.
See M. Barbier de Meynard’s Dict. de la Perse, p. 33.
↩See de Slane’s translation of Ibn Khallikán, Vol. I, p. 493—498, especially the last paragraph on p. 495.
↩Abú 'Uthmán 'Amr b. Baḥr al-Jáḥidh of Baṣra was a prolific and learned writer, and died in A. H. 255 = A. D. 869. For a list of his works, see Carl Brockelmann’s Gesch. d. Arab. Litt., Vol. I, pp. 152—153. For MSS. of the Kitábu `l-Bayán wa`t-Tabyín preserved in the Constantinople librairies, see the J. R. A. S. for Jan. 1901, p. 172. It was printed in Cairo in A. H. 1313.
↩[Cf. Ibn Khallikán, de Slane’s translation, Vol. IV, pp. 441—442. A. G. E.]
↩See Nöldeke’s Gesch. d. Sasaniden, pp. 147, n. 1, and 436a.
↩Cf. p. 608 of Zotenberg’s ed. and transl. of ath-Tha'álibí’s Histoire des Rois des Perses (Paris, 1900). Cf. also Darmesteter in the Journal Asiatique for 1894 (Series IX, Vol. iii), p. 519. An Arabic version of the story is given in Vol. ii of the Majáni`l-Adab, pp. 208—209.
↩[i. e. Thábit b. Abí Ṣafiyya Dínár (d. A. H. 150). Cf. Najáshí (ed. Bombay, A. H. 1317), p. 83; Ṭúsí’s Fihrist, p. 71; Astarábádí’s Manhaju`l-maqál (Persian ed. of A. H. 1307), p. 74; Muntaha`l-maqál Ṭihrán, A. H. 1302), p. 343. The text has al-Yamání by mistake for ath-Thumálí. A. G. E.].
↩[i.e. Ḥusayn b. Ḥamza al-Laythí, grandson, by a daughter, of Abú Ḥamza. Cf. Najáshí, p. 40; Manhaj, p. 112; Muntahá, p. 119. The text has Ḥasan b. Ḥamza, but the only Ḥasan b. Ḥamza recorded in the Shí'a books of “Rijál” died in A. H. 358. A. G. E.].
↩[Either Sa'd b. Ṭaríf al-Ḥandhalí (Najáshí, p. 127; Fihrist, p. 152; Manhaj, p. 159; Muntahá, p. 144), or Sa'd b. Sa'd b. al-Aḥwaṣ al-Ash'arí (Najáshí, p. 127; Fihrist, p. 151; Muntahá, p. 144), both of whom received traditions from the Imám Abú Ja'far. A. G. E.].
↩This, as pointed out by Darmesteter (loc. cit., p. 507, n. 3 ad calc.) is a corruption of the ancient Patashkhwár, a name properly applied to the chain of mountains which separates Ṭabaristán from 'Iráq.
↩This, as pointed out by Darmesteter (loc. cit., p. 507, n. 3 ad calc.) is a corruption of the ancient Patashkhwár, a name properly applied to the chain of mountains which separates Ṭabaristán from 'Iráq.
↩So al-Bírúní says (Chronology of Ancient Nations, Sachau’s transl., p. 107): “The Persians call the first man Gayômarth, with the surname Gir-sháh, i.e. ‘King of the Mountain’ …” See also Justi’s Iranis??hes Namenbuch, p. 111, s. v. Garsāh.
Cf. Dorn’s ed. of Dhahíru`d-Dín, p. 19 where the substance of this passage is reproduced.
↩ Dhahîru`d-Dín, p. 11, where the name stands
Ibid., p. 13.
↩Dhahíru`d-Dín, p. 13.
↩See Dorn’s Dhahíru `d-Dín, p. 29.
↩Dhahír, p. 30.
↩This is a fair sample of the etymologies which the Persians are so ready to invent.
↩See Dorn’s Dhahír, p. 14.
↩Dhahír, p. 15.
↩Dhahír, p. 16.
↩Dhahír, p. 17.
↩Dhahír, p. 18.
↩See, for instance, my edition of Dawlatsháh, pp. 60—61.
↩This story is so well known that I omit the meagre version here given. See Nöldeke’s Gesch. d. Sasaniden, p. 233 and J. R. A. S. for April, 1900, p. 229—230.
↩Dhahír, p. 22.
↩Dhahir, p. 23.
↩This is much simplified and abbreviated in Dhahír, p. 23.
↩Dhahír, p. 24.
↩Dhahír, p. 25.
↩Dhahír, p. 26.
↩Dhahír, p. 27.
↩For variants, cf. Dhahír, loc. cit., Il. 3—5.
↩Dhahír, p. 28.
↩See Ṭabarí (ed. de Goeje), Ser. iii, Vol. ii, p. 1275.
↩See Fihrist, p. 13 of text and p. 8 of the notes. Cf. Mas'údí’s Kitábu `t-Tanbíh wa`l-Ishráf (ed. de Goeje), p. 107.
↩See Ṭabarí, Ser. iii, pp. 651—706.
↩See Baládhurí’s Futúḥ, ed. de Goeje, pp. 164 and 228.
↩The modern Bárfurúsh. Cf. Dhahír, p. 80.
↩Cf. Dhahír, p. 22.
↩Dhahír, p. 21, has “Dínár-járí, which is the eastern limit of all Ṭabaristán.”
↩B. enumerates these three places in the preceding class.
↩B. enumerates these three places in the preceding class.
↩B. enumerates these three places in the preceding class.
↩ Over this and under (23), which stands immediately above it in the
MS., the name Umyár-kúh (
As this falls short of the total given above by 173,000 dirhams, it would appear that something has been omitted from the details.
↩The text of what follows I print in the original, as I do not altogether understand it, leaving the sums mentioned (which are plainly written out in full, not in numbers or in the difficult siyáq generally used in financial statements) in our numerals, as before. Here again it will be observed that some error has crept in, for these sums fall short of the total of mentioned by 900,600 dirhams.
↩B. has only “500,000”.
↩B. has “13,000 and 330,000.”
↩[Probably Ibn Khurdádhbih. See de Goeje’s ed. of his Kitábu`l-masálik, pp. 171—172, where ar-Raqqáshí’s remark above cited is given in substance. A. G. E.].
↩Melgunof, Das südliche Ufer des Kaspischen Meeres, p. 24.
↩Probably the work of this title by Abu `l-Ḥasan 'Alí of Ray, mentioned by Ḥájí Khalífa, N°. 9015.
↩ The text here, which I do not understand, has:
The text has:
I do not understand the following words:
Probably Abu`l-'Amr, mentioned by the same title or f. 45a (p. 47 infra).
↩See Melgunof’s Südliche Ufer des Kaspischen Meeres, p. 52.
↩See Melgunof, p. 50 ad calc.
↩Dhahír, pp. 156, 158—159.
↩Concerning this title, see Melgunof, op. cit., p. 49.
↩Melgunof, p. 50, ad calc. Coins of both these kings are extant. See, besides the references given by Melgunof, Vol. v of the Collections Scientifiques de l’Institut des Langues Orientales Vivantes, p. 123.
↩Melgunof, pp. 50—51; Nöldeke’s Sasaniden, p. 151, n. 2 ad calc.
↩ See Dhahír, p. 282, where, at the beginning of the second bayt,
Dhahír, p. 296.
↩B. has “thirty thousand”.
↩See the Damascus ed. of that work, Vol. iii, p. 278—282, where some account is given both of al-Uṭrúsh, and of Abu`l-'Alá as-Sarwí.
↩Called al-Háshimí, a descendant of 'Alí b. al-Mahdí b. Abí Ja'far al-Manṣúr al-'Abbásí. See de Slane’s translation of Ibn Khallikán, Vol. iii, pp. 115—118.
↩Náṣibí is a term of reproach applied by the Shí'ites (or Ráfiḍís) to their opponents.
↩Or Jathím, Juthaym, Jaytham, etc. See H. Kh., N°. 4133, where a book named Jilá`u`l-Abṣár is mentioned by Abú Sa'íd al-Ḥasan b. Muḥammad al-Chashmí (or “Joshemí”), who is perhaps identical with the author here mentioned.
↩See Lane-Poole’s Muḥammadan Dynasties, pp. 289 and 290. He reigned A. H. 508—509 (= A. D. 1114—1115).
↩ MS.
Variants: B.
Lower, “Ḥasan”, which seems to be correct.
↩ A. B.
Inserted in B.
↩Omitted in B.
↩ See the Introduction to de Goeje’s monumental edition of Ṭabarí’s Annals,
pp. xiii—xv. It is called here in our MS.
Qur`án, iv, 156.
↩He died, according to H. Kh., in A. H. 410 or 420 (A. D. 1019 or 1029).
↩The last hemistich is wanting in all the manuscripts.
↩ This name occurs as
Or Warrám.
↩Or Warrám.
↩This qaṣída affords an excellent specimen of Persian macaronic verse, of which the most ancient European specimen is, I believe, the Opus Merlini Cocaii poetae Macaronicorum, first printed at Venice about 1521.
↩ Variants in this line are: A. B.
C.
B.
C.
C.
B. adds:
C.
C.
A.
A. omits.
↩C.
B. C. omit.
↩C.
A.
C.
B.
B.
A.
B. C.
C.
See above, line 10 of this poem.
↩C.
C.
C.
B.
B.
B.
C.
C.
B.
B.
C.
B. adds another verse nearly identical with the last:
↩A.
C.
C.
C.
C.
C.
C.
B. omits this verse. C.
B.
C.
C.
C.
B.
C.
A. B. om. [
C.
B.
B.
B.
C.
C.
C.
C.
B. C.
B.
C.
A. B.
C.
See the Notice sur le Merzban Namèh in Vol. ii of Schefer’s Chrestomathie
Persane (Paris, 1885), pp. 194—211, and pp.
A.
B. omits this line, which in C. is preceded by a blank space. C.
As some poets are included in this section also, it would appear that no separate heading is required here, but that we should add “Astronomers” after “Physicians” in the last heading.
↩B. here inserts the heading “Poets of Ṭabaristán”.
↩ C.
Equivalent to “Birds of a feather flock together”.
↩C.
B.
B.
C.
C.
C.
B.
C.
B.
B. C.
i. e. the Yatímatu`d-Dahr (Damascus ed., vol. iii, pp. 288—290) and the Ta`ríkhu`l-Yamíní (Cairo ed., vol. i, pp. 389—412, and vol. ii, pp. 1—26).
↩See al-Baládhurí’s Futúḥ, ed. de Goeje, p. 335.
↩ Some of the MSS. have
Aghání, xvi, 155.
↩Aghání, xvi, 155.
↩ B. has
Cf. Al-Fakhrí, ed. Ahlwardt, p. 153.
↩This Caliph was conspicuous for his insane hatred of the House of 'Alí and their followers (the Shí'a).
↩These verses, with another which stands between them, are cited in al-Fakhrí, ed. Ahlwardt, p. 155.
↩This statement is incorrect, even if we reckon from the death of 'Uthmán (A. H. 656) till the death of Marwán (A. H. 750).
↩ C. Shihdila,
B. “300”.
↩B. “Jázim”.
↩B. “500”.
↩B. “1000”.
↩A. “Jangrúd”.
↩B. “Khambú”.
↩So A. and C. B.
i. e. he held the rank and title of Hazár-mard.
↩ MS.
C.
[Ṭabarí (III, p. 1134) has “at al-Badhandún”, which Yáqút (I, p. 503) describes as a town two days journey from Ṭarasús in Cilicia. A. G. E.]
↩See my translation of the Chahár Maqála, pp. 43—44.
↩[i. e. 'Alí, afterwards al-Muktafí. He was invested with the Government of Ray in Rajab, A. H. 281 (= September, A. D. 894) by his father, who at the same time appointed Aḥmad b. Abí`l-Aṣbagh as his son’s kátib. See Ṭabarí, III, p. 2140. A. G. E.].
↩ [Harúsandán has already been beheaded; see p. 205 supra. Should we
not perhaps read “the son of Harúsandán (
See J. R. A. S. for 1901, pp. 687—8.
↩For the celebrated despatch written on this occasion by Iskáfí, see Anecdote III of the Chahár Maqála, pp. 28—30 of my translation.
↩ [From the beginning of this page as far as 1. 21 of p. 234 is entirely
extracted from al-'Utbí’s Ta`ríkh al-Yamíní (Delhi ed. of A. H. 1263, pp.
For this correction of the reading “Ḥamawayh” (
Ibn Isfandiyár has “Manṣúr b. Qábús”, but, as Mr. Ellis informs me,
“Minúchihr” is the reading of all texts of the Yamíní (Delhi ed. p.
See Dawlatsháh, pp. 48—49 of my edition.
↩ The India Office MS. (A) has “Ḥárib”, but the British Museum MS.
Add. 7633 (B.), f. 182b, “Jádhib”, which is, as Mr. Ellis points out, certainly
correct, as it is confirmed by all texts of the Yamíní (Delhi ed., p.
Add. 7633, f. 183b, has
Ibnu`l-Athír places his death in A. H. 440.
↩An excellent edition of this interesting book of counsels was lithographed at Tihrán in A. H. 1285.
↩The chronology here seems very confused, this same date being given for the death of Ṭughril, who really died in A. H. 455 (A. D. 1063). A little further on, however, the date of Alp Arslán’s death is correctly given as A. H. 465 (A. D. 1072), but on f. 158a the same erroneous date is repeated.
↩See above, pp. 228—231.
“This continuation,” observes Mr. Ellis, “is absent from Add. 7633, f. 188b.”
↩ This coincidence is remarked in the Ta'ríkh-i-Guzída and many other
histories. The name of the castle must, however, to yield the correct sum,
be written in its full form
See J. R. A. S. for 1902, pp. 606—609. The castle in question is generally named Dizkúh or Sháh-Dizh. It fell on Sha'bán 6, A. H. 500 (= April 2, A. D. 1107).
↩[“In A. H. 500 (= A. D. 1106—7)”: so Add. 7633, f. 191a. A. G. E.]
↩That is, I suppose, the Atábek Muḥammad the son of ´Ilduguz, to whose wise administration the prosperity of the first ten years of the reign of Ṭughril b. Arslán (reigned A. H. 573—590 = A. D. 1177—??94) was due, according to the historian of the Seljúqs, Najmu`d-Dín Abú Bakr Muḥammad ar-Ráwandí. See J. R. A. S. for 1902, p. 876.
↩This took place in A. H. 587 (= A. D. 1191).
↩Till A. H. 607 (A. D. 1210). See S. Lane-Poole’s Mohammadan Dynasties, p. 171.
↩i. e. King of Khwárazm, which he did in A. H. 568 (= A. D. 1172).
↩These verses are also cited at the end of the third volume of the Yatimatu`d-Dahr (Damascus edition, p. 290). I have translated them at p. 470 of my Literary History of Persia.
↩C.
C.
A.
A.
B.
B.
A. C.
B.
C.
C.
C.
B.
B.
C.
C.
A.
B.
B.
C.
Or?
He died in A. H. 736 (= A. D. 1335—6).
↩This statement cannot he reconciled with that on p. 261 supra, 11. 9—10, but the meaning of the text seems clear in both passages
↩The name of one son is evidently omitted.
↩