Tārīḫ-i Firištah - The History of the Rise of Mohammedan Power in India, Volume 1

His person described — his propensities. — Nizam-ood-Deen, the minister's son, forms a design on the throne — procures Kei Khoosrow, the King's cousin, to be murdered. — Encreas-ing power of Nizam-ood-Deen — cuts off several of the Mogul officers in the army, and seizes their property. — The King refuses to listen to the complaints against Nizam-ood-Deen. — Kurra Khan, the King's father, is induced to march from Bengal to assert his claim to the throne — abandons his title, but requests a meeting with his son. — Description of the visit. — Kurra Khan persuades his son to remove Nizam-ood-Deen from his presence. — Nizam-ood-Deen appointed governor of Mooltan — delays his journey — the King procures him to be poisoned. — New administration. — The King falls sick. — Two parties at court — the one composed of Moguls, the other of the family of Khiljy. — The Moguls endeavour to seize the leader of the Khiljies — obtain possession of the Prince Keio-moors, an infant, the King's only son. — Khiljies rescue the child, and expel the Moguls — their leader is slain. — Julal-ood-Deen Khiljy, the chief of the opposite party, procures the assassination of the King in his sick bed. — Ascends the throne. — End of the dynasty of the Toorks of Ghoor.

As soon as the late King was numbered with the dead, his grandson, Keikobad, the son of Nasir-ood-Deen, Kurra Khan, then in his eighteenth year, ascended the throne, and assumed the title of Moiz-ood-Deen. This prince was remarkably handsome in his person, and of an affable and mild disposition. He had a taste for literature, and his knowledge of books was considerable. His mother was a beautiful princess, daughter of Shums-ood-Deen Alt-mish; and if purity of blood is of any real worth, Keikobad had that to boast of for a series of generations.

As he had been bred up with great rigour under his father, when he became master of his own actions, he began to give a loose to pleasure without restraint. His own pursuits soon became the fashion at court, and in a short time licentiousness and vice prevailed to such an extent, that every shady grove was filled with women and parties of pleasure, and every street rung with riot and tumult, so that even the magistrates were seen drunk in public, and music was heard in every house.

The King, having fitted up a palace at Keloo-kery, on the banks of the Jumna, retired thither to enjoy himself undisturbed, admitting no company but singers, players, musicians, and buffoons. Mullik Nizam-ood-Deen, nephew and son-in-law of the Ameer-ool-Omra (Mullik Fukhr-ood-Deen Kotwal), was raised to the office of chief secretary, and got the reins of government into his hands, while Mullik Kowam-ood-Deen, more celebrated for his learning than for his qualities as a statesman, was appointed his deputy. Nizam-ood-Deen, perceiving the King wholly engrossed by his pleasures, formed a design to usurp the throne. The first object of his attention was Kei Khoosrow. That Prince had gone to Ghizny, and endeavoured to induce Teimoor Khan, the viceroy of the province, to aid him with troops, in deposing his cousin, Kei-kobad; but he failed in the attempt; and, moreover, found that he had few friends in that quarter. He therefore petitioned the King to be allowed to retain Mooltan, and the western provinces.

In the mean time Nizam-ood-Deen contrived to render this Prince as obnoxious as possible to the King. He prevailed on Kei Khoosrow to visit Dehly, and hired assassins for the purpose, who murdered him on his way to the capital, at the village of Rohtuk. Nizam-ood-Deen also forged a correspondence between Khwaja Khutteer the Vizier and Kei Khoosrow, and effected that minister's disgrace and banishment. Besides which, he caused all the old servants of the late King to be secretly cut off one after another, so that although general dismay prevailed throughout the city, none as yet suspected Mullik Nizam-ood-Deen as the cause.

In this state of affairs, advices arrived of another invasion of the districts of Lahore by the Moguls. Mullik Yar Beg Birlass and Khan Jehan were sent with an army against them; the Moguls were defeated near Lahore, and numbers of prisoners were brought to Dehly. It was at this period that the minister inspired the King with jealousy of his Mogul troops, who, as soldiers of fortune, had been enlisted in vast numbers into the service. He pretended that, in case of a Mogul invasion, they would certainly join their countrymen; and he insinuated, at the same time, that he believed there already existed some secret understanding between them.

Keikobad listened to these insinuations, and one day, having assembled the Mogul chiefs, he caused them to be treacherously cut off by his guards, and seized all their private property. He also imprisoned all the omras who had any connection with the Moguls, and sent them to garrisons in remote parts of the kingdom. So blind was Keikobad to his own situation, and so infatuated by his minister, that when any of his father's friends hinted at the motives of the minister's conduct, he immediately called for Nizam-ood-Deen himself, and told him all that had been said against him.

While Mullik Nizam-ood-Deen was thus busily engaged in public and in the presence, his wife was no less active in the seraglio. She had all the ladies at her devotion; and gained such influence, that she was called familiarly the Queen-mother. Mullik Fukhr-ood-Deen Kotwal, the father-in-law of Nizam-ood-Deen, now in his ninetieth year, having penetrated the designs of his son-in-law, the minister, sent for him to his house, and used every argument to restrain him in the exercise of his power. The minister did not deny the truth of his reasoning, but affirmed that he had no intentions beyond that of securing the King's favour; that having unfortunately disobliged so many people, he found it dangerous to allow his influence to decline.

Kurra Khan, the Emperor's father, who had hitherto contented himself with the kingdom of Bengal, having heard of the state of affairs at Dehly, wrote to his son, warning him of his danger, and advising him how to act. But his admonition was of no avail; and Kurra Khan, seeing not only that his advice was neglected, but conceiving that matters must soon be brought to a crisis, collected his army, and marched towards Dehly, about two years after the death of his father, the late King. Keikobad, hearing that his father had advanced as far as Behar, marched to oppose him, and encamped his army upon the banks of the Gagra. Kurra Khan lay upon the Surjoo; and both armies remained some days in hourly expectation of an action. The old man, finding himself much inferior in power to his son, began to despair of reducing him by force, and accordingly opened a negotiation.

The young Prince assumed a haughty tone; and, by the advice of his minister, prepared for battle. At this moment, a letter was brought to the King from his father, written in his own hand, couched in the most tender and affectionate terms; begging he might be blessed with one sight of his son before matters were carried to extremities. This letter awakened the dormant feelings of his nature, and he gave orders to prepare his retinue, that he might visit his father. The favourite attempted in vain to prevent the interview; but finding the Prince resolute, he prevailed on him to insist, as King of Dehly, on the first visit; hoping, by this means, to break off the conference. His design, however, did not succeed; for Kurra Khan, determining not to be overreached by this device, consented to pay his son the first visit, and ordering the astrologers to determine on a lucky hour, he crossed the river, and proceeded towards his son's camp.

Keikobad, having prepared every thing for his father's reception in the most pompous and ceremonious manner, ascended his throne, and gave directions that his father, on his approach, should kiss the ground three times. The old man, accordingly, on reaching the outer tents, was ordered to dismount; and when he came in sight of the throne, was commanded to pay his obeisance in three different places as he advanced, the officer of the gold stick crying out, according to custom, “Kurra Khan comes to humble himself before “the King of the universe.”

Kurra Khan was so vexed at this indignity, that he burst into tears; which being observed by his son, he could no longer support the scene, but leaping from his throne, fell on his face at his father's feet, imploring his forgiveness and blessing. Kurra Khan raised him in his arms, embraced him, and for some time clung to his neck, weeping aloud. The whole scene was so affecting, that almost all the court began to wipe the tears from their eyes.

The first transports of joy being over, the young King caused his father to ascend the throne, and paying him his respects, took his seat on his right hand. He then ordered a salver full of gold coin to be waved three times over his father's head, and distributed it among his retainers; after which the nobles of the court were also required to make presents. This meeting being over, and Kurra Khan having returned to his camp, a friendly intercourse was maintained between the two princes for twenty days; during which the father and son alternately visited each other, and the time was given up to festivity and joy. The only terms which were settled between the two kings were, that each should retain his former dominions, to which they both prepared to return. Before they separated, however, Kurra Khan called his son, the minister, and his deputy, into a private apartment, and gave them advice as to their future conduct in the government. Having then embraced Keikobad, he whispered in his ear, to rid himself of Nizam-ood Deen as soon as possible; after which they parted in tears, and returned to their respective capitals. Kurra Khan was much affected, and told his friends, on his return to his own camp, that he had parted with his son for ever, for he was still apprehensive of the minister, and of the wayward disposition of the young King.

When Keikobad arrived in Dehly, the advice of his father for a few days seemed to have had some influence on him, but it was not the interest of Nizam-ood-Deen that he should reform his habits. The minister, therefore, soon led him back to his pleasures; and for this purpose collected a number of beautiful women, graceful dancers, and good singers, from all parts of the kingdom, whom he occasionally introduced as if by accident. One day, while the King was riding out, he was accosted by a beautiful female mounted on a fine Arabian horse, with a tiara of jewels upon her head. A thin white robe, spangled with golden flowers, flowed loosely over her rounded shoulders, and a sparkling girdle of gems encircled her slender waist. This fair creature, throwing herself, as if by accident, in the King's way, displayed a thousand charms, while, at the same time, she sang a love song. Then, suddenly stopping short, she begged pardon for her intrusion, and would not, without much entreaty, proceed. The King was struck with her beauty, and immediately dismounting, ordered his tents to be pitched, and devoted that evening to her society. This female was as remarkable for her talent as for her beauty. While she was dancing, the King broke into rapture, and frequently repeated some verses alluding to her charms. She answered every time extempore, in the same measure, and with so much wit and elegance, that the whole court was astonished.

The King, abandoning himself to his former course of dissipation, wine, and excess, completely undermined his constitution, and he began to reflect on his father's advice. He now believed Nizam-ood-Deen to be the real cause of his present situation, and he formed the resolution to rid himself of that minister. In the first instance, he directed him to take charge of the government of Mooltan; but Nizam-ood-Deen, penetrating the King's motives, contrived many delays, in order to obtain a favourable opportunity to accomplish his own views towards the throne. His schemes, however, were frustrated by the King's vigilance, who, finding he could not remove him from his presence, employed some of the nobles of the court, known to be inimical to him, to poison him. At this conjuncture, Mullik Julal-ood-Deen Feroze, the son of Mullik Yooghrish Khiljy, who was deputy governor of Samana, came, by the King's orders, to court, and there received the title of Shaista Khan, and became Aariz-ool-Moomalik, ^281a with the district of Birm for his maintenance. Mullik Atmeer Kuchun was promoted to the office of Barbik†, ^281b and Mullik Atmeer Soorkha was created Vakeel-i-Dur.‡ ^281c These three officers divided the whole power of the government amongst them, the King having now become paralytic. In this state of affairs, every noble began to intrigue for power; and the Mogul omras, who professed attachment to the royal family, got possession of the Prince Keiomoors, an infant of three years of age (the King's only child), out of the haram, in order to place him on the throne. This gave rise to two factions, who encamped on opposite sides of the city. The Moguls espoused the cause of the young King, and the Khiljies that of Julal-ood-Deen Feroze. The latter marched with his party to Bahâdurpoor, a measure forced upon him by the opposite party, headed by Mullik Atmeer Kuchun, and Mullik Atmeer Soorkha, who, jealous of the power of the Khiljies, had issued a proclamation proscribing by name all the principal Khiljian officers.

Julal-ood-Deen Feroze, the first on the list, naturally placed himself in a posture of defence. Mullik Atmeer Kuchun had been deputed by the Mogul party to invite Julal-ood-Deen Feroze to a conference with the sick King, when a plot was formed for his assassination; but having obtained secret information of the measure, he slew the person who came to invite him, with his own hand, at the door of his tent. The sons of Julal-ood-Deen Feroze, renowned for their courage, immediately put themselves at the head of 500 chosen horse, and making an assault on the camp of the Moguls, cut their way to the royal tents, pitched in the centre of the army, and seizing the infant king, carried him off, together with the sons of Mullik Fukhr-ood-Deen Kotwal, in spite of opposition. Mullik Atmeer Soorkha pursued them in their flight, but lost his life in the attempt, with many other Mogul chiefs of distinction. When this exploit became known in the city, the mob flew to arms. They marched out in thousands, and encamping at the Budaoon gate, prepared to go against Mullik Julal-ood-Deen Feroze, and rescue the infant King, for they greatly dreaded the power of the Khiljies. Mullik Fukhr-ood-Deen Kotwal, the old minister, so often mentioned in the former reign, dreading lest this step should lead to the death of the young Prince, and of his own sons, who were in the hands of the Khiljies, exerted his great influence and authority among the people, and, with some difficulty, induced them to disperse. Mullik Julal-ood-Deen Feroze, in the mean time, sent assassins to cut off the Emperor Keikobad, who lay sick at Kelookery. The ruffians found him lying on his bed, in a dying state, entirely deserted by all his attendants. They beat out his brains with bludgeons, and then, rolling him up in the bed-clothes, threw him out of the window into the river. The chief assassin was a Tartar of some family, whose father had been unjustly put to death by Keikobad, and who willingly undertook the office out of revenge. After the commission of this horrid act, Mullik Julal-ood-Deen Feroze ascended the throne, assuming the title of Julal-ood-Deen, and thus put an end to the dynasty of Ghoory, and established that of Khiljy; Jujhoo, nephew to Gheias-ood-Deen Bulbun, and deemed the rightful heir to the throne, having the district of Kurra conferred on him for his maintenance. Julal-ood-Deen Feroze now occupied the palace, and was proclaimed King with great solemnity; but, to complete his cruel policy, he, in the end, caused the young prince to be put to death.

A. H. 687.
A. D. 1288. This revolution happened in the year 687; the reign of Keikobad having lasted rather more than three years. Eternity belongs only to God, the great Sovereign of the universe.

To face page 285. Vol. I.]

>genealogy<

Origin of the tribe of Khiljy. — Julal-ood-Deen puts to death the Prince Keiomoors. — Measures taken to form a new ministry. — The King affects remorse for his conduct, and respect for the late dynasty. — Manners of the court. — Encouragement to men of letters. — A relative of the late King sets up claims to the throne — is defeated, but pardoned, and an estate conferred on him. — The King's lenity reprobated by his clansmen — its ill effects. — Arrival of one Siddy Mowla, a religious fanatic — engages in a conspiracy against the King. — Trial and execution of Siddy Mowla. — Public and domestic calamities of this period ascribed, by the writers of the times, to arise out of the death of Siddy Mowla. — Revolt at Run-tunbhore. — The King marches against it — relinquishes the siege — is reproached by his minister. — 100,000 Moguls invade Hindoostan — are defeated by the King in person. — The Moguls suffered to retreat without molestation. — Oghloo Khan and 3000 Moguls enter the King's service, and embrace the faith of Islam. — Quarters in the city of Dehly assigned to them. — Mogulpoora built. — Mullik Alla-ood-Deen, the King's nephew, takes Bhilsa in Malwa — receives great honours, and addition to his estates — leads the first Maho-medan army into the Dekkan. — Dewgur besieged. — The Raja pays tribute. — Return of Alla-ood-Deen — good conduct of his army in its retreat. — The King is led to suspect that Alla-ood-Deen has designs on the throne — is warned both by his Queen and his minister against him. — The King marches to Gualiar to meet his nephew, and to ascertain his real views — is deceived by Alla-ood-Deen — retires to Dehly. — Alla-ood-Deen leads his army to his estate of Kurra. — Almas Beg, the brother of Alla-ood-Deen, employed by him to effect a reconciliation, and to bring the King to Kurra. — Julal-ood-Deen proceeds to meet his nephew — is assassinated.

NIZAM-OOD-DEEN AHMUD relates, that he has seen, in some respectable work, that the tribe of Khulich or Kalij, is descended from Khulich Khan, a son-in-law of Chungiz Khan, and that his history is this. Kalij Khan and his wife constantly disagreed, but he was afraid of throwing her off on account of the power of his father-in-law. At length, when Chungiz, having pursued Julal-ood Deen Khwaruzm Shah to the banks of the Indus, was on his return towards Eeran and Tooran, Kalij Khan, being well acquainted with the mountainous country of Ghoor and Joorjistan, watched his opportunity to throw off his allegiance to Chungiz Khan, and remained with his tribe, amounting to 30,000 families, in those hills. Upon the death of Chungiz Khan, none of his descendants thought fit to persecute Kalij Khan, who remained ever since in those hills; and, as the race of Ghoor was now seated on the throne of India, the Khiljies, on account of their vicinity, went to Dehly in parties, and remained there. Julal-ood-Deen Khiljy of Dehly, and Sooltan Mahmood Khiljy of Mando, are both descended from Kalij Khan, vulgarly called Khalij Khan, and from him the tribe is called Khiljy. But, according to the author of the Suljook-nama, Toork, the son of Japhet, the son of Noah, had eleven children, one of whom was called Khulich; and from him are descended the Khilchies or Khiljies. I conceive this account the most probable of the two, because the Khiljies are often mentioned in the histories of the kings of Ghizny, particularly in the reigns of Subooktugeen and Sooltan Mahmood; and it is certain, that they existed anterior to the time of Chungiz Khan; but it is possible that Kalij Khan might be of the tribe of Khiljy, and that the father of Julal-ood-Deen, and the ancestor of Sooltan Mahmood of Malwa, may have both been descended in a direct line from him.

Julal-ood-Deen Feroze, at first, preserved, for some months, the young Prince Keiomoors alive, as a cloak to his usurpation; but having established himself firmly in his government, he caused him to be put to death. He was himself seventy years of age when he ascended the throne. He changed the colour of the royal umbrella from red to white; and was guilty of no further acts of cruelty, after the death of the young Prince, but became distinguished for his humanity and benevolence. He had no great confidence in the loyalty of the people of Dehly, and therefore resided at Kelookery, which he strengthened with fortifications, and beautified with fine gardens and terraced walks by the side of the river. The omras, following the King's example, built palaces around, so that Kelookery became known by the name of the new city. Yooghrish Khan, the King's brother, was appointed Aariz-ool-Moomalik: the King's eldest son, Yekh-tyar-ood-Deen, received the title of Khan Khanan, and the second son that of Urkully Khan; ^287a on each of whom estates were conferred, and they maintained separate establishments.

In like manner the King took under his especial protection his two nephews, Alla-ood-Deen and Almas Beg, the sons of his brother, Shahab-ood-Deen Musaood. He raised the former to high rank in the army, and the latter, who is known under the title of Alugh Khan, was made Master of the Horse (Akhoor Beg). He also appointed his nephew, Mullik Ahmud Hubeeb (his sister's son), to the office of Barbik. Mullik Khoorum was nominated Ameer-i-Dur, Khwaja Khuteer was made Prime Minister, and Fukhr-ood-Deen Mullik-ool-Omra retained his office of Kotwal.^288a

The chiefs and nobles of Dehly, who had for sixty years paid obeisance to the throne of the Toorks, and had always revolted at the idea of subjection to the Khiljies, forgot for the moment their wonted animosity to this race, and were so well pleased with the commencement of the reign of Feroze Khiljy, that they resorted to the new city of Dehly, and ranged themselves around his throne.

After being well satisfied of the disposition of all classes towards him, the King left Kelookery, and entered old Dehly in great pomp at the head of a splendid retinue. On arriving at the palace, he prostrated himself twice before the threshold, and then having ascended the throne, raised his eyes and hands to heaven, in the sight of the court, and exclaimed with a loud voice, “How shall I ever “be able to acquit myself of the gratitude I owe “to my God for these great benefits; who hath “raised me to that throne, before which I have “been accustomed all my life to bow down, and “who hath preferred me to this dignity, while “my compeers, many of whom are equally, and even “more deserving, stand around with their arms “folded, in token of obedience.” From thence he went towards the “Ruby Palace,” where he dismounted, as usual, at the outer gate. His nephew, Ahmud Hubeeb, observed, “Now that this palace “belongs to your Majesty, why do you dismount at “the outer gate.” He replied, “Under every cir-“cumstance, respect is due to my former Prince “and patron Gheias-ood-Deen Bulbun, who in-“habited this palace.” His nephew Ahmud Hubeeb said, “Your Majesty will, at all events, “of course, make it your dwelling.” The King answered by saying, “This palace was built by “Gheias-ood-Deen Bulbun, when he was only a “noble of the state, it is therefore the private “property of his family, and I have no right to occupy it.” His nephew observing, that “he would “find such minute distinctions inconsistent with “the great duties of a throne,” the King said, “It “might be so; but that considering his age, and “the few years which, in the course of nature, were “allotted to him, he could invade no man's pro-“perty without compunction of conscience.” He accordingly continued to proceed on foot through the several court-yards, and even when he entered the hall of audience, he took a seat on the spot where he was accustomed to stand among the nobles. He then said, “May God confound the house of “Atmeer Kuchun, and Atmeer Soorkha, who, by “aiming at my life, compelled me, from motives of “self-preservation, to adopt these measures. Had “this not been the case, I had still been in my “former station, and God knows how far that was “removed from the throne of Dehly. I was “content to have passed my life with the title “of Mullik or Khan, but having attained this ele-“vation, I am now astounded to think how I shall “fill it. For since, in spite of the munificence “and talents of Gheias-ood-Deen Bulbun and his “posterity, they were unable to retain the reins “of government in their hands, how shall I be “able to support the office to which I am raised. “God only knows, how it may fare either with “me or my descendants.” Some of the nobles of the court, famed for their experience and wisdom, held down their heads, and seemed lost in deep reflection, while others, young and bold, said to each other, “This is a strange sort of a king, who “has hardly placed his foot on the throne, but “he begins to think on the chance of losing it “again. How will he ever bring himself to “assume that bold and prompt line of conduct “which dares to punish, and seeks to remunerate, “when circumstances require him to do so?” In the evening of the same day, the King returned to the new city, where, for the present, he resided; and shortly after, he bestowed in marriage his two daughters (both remarkable for their beauty) on his nephews, whom he had taken under his protection, viz. Alla-ood-Deen, and Almas Beg, (the latter) entitled Alugh Khan.

Julal-ood-Deen Feroze Khiljy was celebrated during his reign for many amiable qualities, and particularly for his mercy and benevolence. He hardly ever punished a fault among his dependents, and was never known to lay violent hands on the property of his wealthy subjects, as is too often the case with despotic monarchs. He was in the habit of associating familiarly, even after his accession, with his former acquaintances, and joining their parties, and drinking wine in moderation with them, the same as before.

The following persons are those whom he honoured with his personal friendship, and who were among his principal private associates:—

Mullik-Taj-ood-Deen Koochy.
Mullik-Fukhr-ood-Deen Koochy.
Mullik-Eiz-ood-Deen Ghoory.
Mullik Kurra Beg.
Mullik-Noosrut Subbah.
Mullik-Ahmud Hubeeb.
Mullik-Kumal-ood-Deen, Abool Maaly.
Mullik-Nusseer-ood-Deen Kohramy.
Mullik-Saad-ood-Deen Muntuky.^291a

These persons were distinguished as well for their courage and sense as for their wit and good humour.

The following learned men were also frequently admitted to the King's private parties:—

Taj-ood-Deen Eeraky.
Ameer-Khoosrow.
Khwaja-Hussun.
Moveiud Deewana.
Ameer-Arslan Kulamy.
Yekhtyar-ood-Deen Yaghy.
Baky Khuteer.

All these were distinguished for their erudition, and were authors of works of poetry, of history, or of science.

These parties were usually enlivened by the best singers, such as Ameer Khassa, and Humeed Raja; and the best instrumental performers; such as

Mahomed Shah Hutky.
Futtoo Shah.
Nusseer Khan.
Behroze.

Ameer Khoosrow hardly allowed a party to take place, without having prepared some new poetry or song for the occasion, for which he was usually rewarded on the spot. During the time Julal-ood-Deen Khiljy held the office of Aariz-ool-Moomalik, in the reign of the late King (Kei-kobad), he settled a pension on Ameer Khoosrow; but now having appointed him librarian, he was raised to the rank of an ameer, and was permitted to wear white garments, a distinction confined to the blood-royal, and to the nobles of the court. In the second year of his reign, Mullik Jujhoo, the nephew of Gheias-ood-Deen Bulbun, at the instigation of Ameer Ally the master of the robes, who held the government of Oude under the new title of Hatim Khan, assumed royal privileges in his government of Kurra, caused new coin to be struck, and a white canopy to be placed over his head, and proclaimed himself King, under the title of Sooltan Moogheis-ood-Deen. He was joined by most of the nobles of the house of Bulbun, as well as by several rajas of consequence in that quarter. With these reinforcements, he had the boldness to march towards Dehly.

Julal-ood-Deen Feroze, hearing of these events, appointed his son the Prince Arkully Khan, with a select body of Khiljian cavalry, to proceed in advance, himself following with the main army, against the rebels. Arkully Khan encountered the enemy about twenty-five miles from the city, and repulsed them after an obstinate engagement. Several omras were made prisoners during the pursuit, among whom was Ameer Ally, the governor of Oude. These were placed on camels, with boughs of trees hung round their necks, and in that condition sent to his father. When Julal-ood-Deen Feroze saw them, he instantly ordered them to be unbound, to have a change of linen given them, and an entertainment to be provided; and having called them before him, repeated a verse to this purpose: “Evil for evil is easily “returned, but he only is great who returns good “for evil.” They were then commanded to retire, in full assurance of his forgiveness. Jujhoo, some days after, being taken by the zemindars, was sent prisoner to the King, who instead of condemning him to death, as was expected, gave him a free pardon, and sent him to Mooltan, where he had a handsome establishment for life.

The King's lenity was universally condemned by the Khiljy chiefs, who strongly recommended him to adopt the policy of Gheias-ood-Deen Bul-bun, never to pardon a traitor. They said, at all events, the rebels should be deprived of sight, to deter them from further mischief, and as an example to others. If this were not done, they asserted, that treason would soon raise its head in every quarter of the empire; and, should the Moguls once gain the superiority, they would erase the very name of Khiljy out of Hindoostan. The King answered, that what they said was certainly according to the ordinary rules of policy; but, my friends, said he, “I am now old, and I “wish to go down to the grave without shedding “more blood.”

The King's mistaken lenity seems to have soon produced the effect which these chiefs foresaw. Clemency is a virtue which descends from God; but the degenerate children of India of that age did not deserve it. The King's sentiments having become public, no security was any longer found. The streets and highways were infested by thieves and banditti. Housebreaking, robbery, murder, and every other species of crime, was committed by many who adopted them as a means of subsistence. Insurrections prevailed in every province; numerous gangs of freebooters interrupted commerce, and even common intercourse. Add to which, the King's governors neglected to render any account, either of their revenues or of their administration.

The Khiljy chieftains, deeply affected by these proceedings, did not hesitate to refer the whole blame to their sovereign. They even began to consult about deposing him, and raising to the throne Mullik Taj-ood-Deen Koochy, a man of some influence, and of great promptness and resolution. For this purpose they met one day at his house, and, in their cups, began openly to talk of assassinating the King, and even went so far as to dispute which of them should have the glory of striking the blow. While in this situation, one of the company privately withdrew, and, running to Julal-ood-Deen Feroze, repeated circumstantially every particular of what had passed. The King immediately sent a guard to surround the house, which seized the conspirators, and brought them before the King. He upbraided them with their treason, and having drawn his sword, threw it on the ground, and challenged the boldest of them to wield it against him; but they fell on their faces, and remained silent and confounded. One of them, however, Mullik Noosrut, who had more assurance and presence of mind than the rest, told the King, that words uttered by men in a state of intoxication were but as the empty air. “Where “shall we ever find,” said he, “so good and gra-“cious a sovereign; or where can the King hope “to obtain such faithful servants, should he con-“demn us for a little unguarded sally?” The King, pleased with this mode of treating the affair, smiling, called for wine, and after giving him a cup with his own hand, dismissed the whole, not without severely reproaching them with their conduct. ^296a

The execution of the Dervish Siddy Mowla is one of the most remarkable events in this reign. This event has been thus transmitted to us through the histories of Zeea Burny and Sudr Jehan, of Guzerat.

Mullik Fukhr-ood-Deen Kotwal, of Dehly, died about this time. His death reduced to poverty many of the ancient families of the time of Gheias-ood-Deen Bulbun, which he had long supported at his own private expense. Among others, were 12,000 readers of the Koran, and some thousand domestic dependents. All these looked to Siddy Mowla for their maintenance. According to Sheikh Ein-ood-Deen Beejapoory, this holy man, in the character of a religious mendicant, had travelled from Joorjan, in Persia, to the west, where he visited various countries, and had kept company with men famous for piety and learning. He then returned, and eventually came to Hindoostan to visit Sheikh Fureed-ood-Deen, Shukr-Gunj, with whom he resided for some time. In the reign of Gheias-ood-Deen Bulbun, having an inclination to see Dehly, he took leave of his friend, who strenuously advised him to cultivate no intimacy with the great men of the court, telling him, such connection would, in the end, prove fatal to him.

Siddy Mowla arrived at Dehly, and instituted an academy, and a house of entertainment for travellers, fakeers, and the poor of all denominations, turning none away from his door. Though very religious, and brought up in the Mahomedan faith, yet he adopted some particular doctrines of his own, which caused him to neglect attendance at public worship. He kept no women, nor slaves, and lived upon rice only; yet his expences, in charity, were so great, that, as he never accepted of any presents, men were astonished whence his finances were supplied, and actually believed that he understood the science of alchemy. After the death of Gheias-ood-Deen Bulbun, he became still more extravagant, not only bestowing larger sums in charity, but expending more profusely in his entertainments, which were now frequented by all the great men of the city. He made nothing of bestowing 2000 or 3000 pieces of gold to relieve the wants of any noble family in distress. In short, he displayed more magnificence in his feasts than the princes themselves. Some idea may be formed of his charities when we find it asserted, that he expended daily, upon the poor, about 1000 maunds of flour, 500 maunds of meat, 200 maunds of sugar, besides rice, oil, butter, and other necessaries in proportion. The populace usually crowded his gates daily in such numbers that it was scarcely possible to pass; besides which, the King's sons, and other princes of the court, resorted to him with their retinues, and spent whole days and nights either in festivity or in philosophical conversation. To these expences (after the death of Fukhr-ood-Deen Kotwal) the Dervish Siddy Mowla added the maintenance of the numerous dependents of the Kotwal. At this time, also, Kazy Julal-ood-Deen Kashany, a man of intriguing disposition, having obtained the entire confidence of Siddy Mowla, began to inspire the philosopher with views of ambition. He told him, that the people looked on him as sent from God to deliver the kingdom from the tyranny and oppression of the Khiljies, and to bless Hindoostan with a wise and just government.

Siddy Mowla suffered himself to be deluded, and privately began to bestow titles and offices upon his disciples, and to assume a tone and manner sufficiently indicative of his design on the throne. He engaged Meer Mohsun Kotwal and Nutty Pyhlwan, two of his followers, to join in the King's retinue on Friday, as he went to the public mosque, and to assassinate him; while he himself prepared about 10,000 of his adherents to support his usurpation. One of his followers, however, dissatisfied with the part assigned to him in the approaching revolution, went privately to the King, and disclosed the plot.

The King caused both Siddy Mowla and Kazy Julal-ood-Deen Kashany to be apprehended, and brought before him for examination. They persisted in their innocence, and as no other witness appeared against them, the accusation was rendered doubtful. The King, therefore, caused a fire to be prepared in the plain of Bahadurpoor, in order that they might be submitted to the fiery ordeal to purge themselves of their guilt; and having left the city to see the ceremony, he ordered a circle to be railed off round the pile.

Siddy Mowla, and the others accused, were then brought, in order that they might walk through the flames to prove their innocence. Having said their prayers, they were just about to plunge into the fire, when the King stopped them, and turning to his ministers, asked, if it was lawful to try Mus-sulmans by the fiery ordeal? They unanimously declared, that it was the nature of fire to consume, paying no respect to the righteous more than to the wicked; and they also pronounced the practice to be heathenish, and contrary to the Maho-medan law, as well as to reason.

The King now directed Kazy Julal-ood-Deen Kashany to be sent prisoner to Budaoon, and Siddy Mowla to be confined in a vault under the palace, and two other men, who had engaged to perpetrate the King's assassination, to be publicly executed. At the same time, he banished a number of those who were suspected of being accessaries. While the police were carrying Siddy Mowla through the court to his prison, the King pointed him out to some Kalendars who stood near the throne, and said, “Behold the man who was projecting such “an evil against us. I leave him to be judged by “you, according to his deserts.” At these words, a Kalendar, whose name was Sunjurry, started forth, and running towards the prisoner, began to cut him with a razor.

Sidda Mowla, without offering resistance, entreated him to be more expeditious in sending him to God. He then addressed himself to the King, who was looking over the balcony, and said, “I “am rejoiced that you have thought of putting a “period to my life at once; yet it is sinful “to distress the pious and the innocent; and be “assured that my curse will lie heavy upon you “and your unfortunate posterity.” The King, hearing these words, became pensive and perplexed. His son, the Prince Arkully Khan, who hated Siddy Mowla for the great intimacy which existed between him and his elder brother, Khan Khanan, seeing the Emperor's irresolution, beckoned to an elephant rider, who was in the court ready mounted, to advance, and tread Siddy Mowla to death. Zeea Burny, the author of the history of Julal-ood-Deen Feroze, informs us that he himself was then in Dehly, and that immediately after the death of Siddy Mowla, a black whirlwind arose, which, for the space of half an hour, changed day into night, and drove the people in the streets against one another, so that they could scarce grope their way to their own habitations.

The same author relates, that no rain fell in these

A. H. 690.
A. D. 1291.

provinces during that year, A. H. 690; and a famine ensued, by which thousands of Hindoos daily died in the streets and highways, while whole families drowned themselves in the river.

The prosperity of the King began visibly to decline; for every day new factions and disputes arose, which greatly disturbed his administration. Domestic calamities also pressed hard upon him, among which was the illness of his eldest son Khan Khanan. Medicines were of no avail; and the distemper gaining ground, that Prince fell a victim to the disease in a few days.

The King, after the decease of his son, marched his army towards Runtunbhore, to quell an insurrection in those parts, leaving his son Arkully Khan in Dehly, to manage affairs in his absence. The enemy retired into the fort of Runtunbhore, and the King reconnoitred the place, but, despairing of reducing it, marched towards Oojein, which he sacked. At the same time, also, he broke down many of the temples of Malwa, and after plundering them of much wealth, returned to Runtunbhore. He summoned the fort a second time; but finding the Raja paid no attention to his threats, he gave orders to undermine the walls. But again wavering in his resolution, he decamped, saying, that he found the place could not be taken without the loss of many lives, and therefore he would lay aside the design. Mullik Ahmud Among other things there were two brazen idols, which were thrown down before the Budaoon gate of Dehly, to be trodden under foot.

Julal-ood-Deen Feroze was much pleased with the success and conduct of his nephew on this expedition, for which he rewarded him with princely presents, and annexed the province of Oude to his former government of Kurra.

Alla-ood-Deen, upon this preferment, acquainted the King that there were some princes of great wealth towards Chundery, whom (if the King would give permission) he would reduce. The King was induced to consent to this measure from the account he had learnt of the riches of those rajas; but the object of Alla-ood-Deen appears to have been to establish an independent power. He was narrowly watched, however, by Mullika Jehan, the King's favourite wife, who suspected him of being too ambitious, and warned the King that Alla-ood-Deen aimed eventually at fixing himself in an independent sovereignty in some remote part

A. H. 693.
A. D. 1294.

of India. Accordingly, in the year 693, after taking leave of the King at Dehly, Alla-ood-Deen proceeded towards Kurra, where he enlisted many chiefs of distinction, who had formerly been dependents of the Bulbun family. He then marched with 8000 chosen horse, by the nearest road, against Ram Dew, Raja of the Deccan, ^304a who possessed the wealth of a long line of kings.

Alla-ood-Deen arriving on the Deccan frontier, pressed forward towards the capital. The first place of any consequence which he reached was Elichpoor, where having made a short halt to refresh his army, he moved by forced marches to Dewgur, the lower town of which was not entirely fortified, the outer wall being then incomplete. When the news of Alla-ood-Deen's progress reached the Raja, he, together with his son Shunkul Dew, was absent in a distant part of his dominions: the Raja hastened his return, and endeavoured to intercept the enemy with a numerous army. For this purpose, he threw himself between Alla-ood-Deen and the city, and opposed him with great gallantry, but was eventually defeated with severe loss.

This expedition is otherwise related in the Moolhikat, and in the Tubkat Nasiry, by contemporary authors. Alla-ood-Deen (say these writers) left Kurra Manukpoor on pretence of hunting, and having passed quietly through the territories of many petty rajas, purposely avoided all hostilities; giving out that he had left his uncle, the King, in disgust, and was going to offer his services to the Raja of Rajmundry, one of the rajas of Tulingana. Accordingly, after a march of two months, he arrived without any remarkable opposition at Elichpoor, from whence he suddenly marched, in the direction of Dewgur, the capital of Ram Dew. On his reaching that place, he found the Raja himself in the city, but his wife and eldest son were at worship at a temple at some distance.

On the approach of Alla-ood-Deen, Ram Dew was in the greatest consternation. Having, however, collected three or four thousand citizens and domestics, he opposed the Mahomedans at the distance of two coss (four miles) from the city, but being defeated, retired into the fort which had at that time no ditch. ^306a It happened that some of Ram Dew's subjects, who had brought salt for sale from the Concan, had left their bags close to the fort walls, and fled on the approach of the enemy. The garrison, supposing the bags to contain grain, carried them into the fort as a supply for a siege. Alla-ood-Deen so effectually surrounded the place that the inhabitants had no opportunity to escape, which enabled him to levy large sums on the merchants by way of contribution. He also captured forty elephants and several thousand horses, belonging to Ram Dew, in the town.

In the mean time he gave out that his force was only the advance-guard of the King of Dehly's army, consisting of twenty thousand horse, which was in full march to the place. This information excited general apprehension throughout the Deccan; and the rajas, instead of uniting for their common safety, each endeavoured to secure himself against attack. Alla-ood-Deen pillaged the city, seized on the merchants, brahmins, and principal inhabitants, and tortured them to make discovery of their property, while at the same time he conducted the siege of the fort.

Ram Dew, seeing that he must soon be obliged to yield, and apprehending that the King of Dehly intended to make an entire conquest of the Dec-can, was anxious to secure peace before any other forces arrived. He, therefore, addressed the following letter to Alla-ood-Deen: “Your invasion “of this country was imprudent and rash; but “fortunately for you, you found the city unguarded, “and you have been permitted to range at large. “It is, however, possible, that the rajas of the “Deccan, who command innumerable armies, may “yet surround you, and not permit one of your “people to return from our dominions alive. Sup-“posing, even, that you should be able to retreat “from hence undisturbed, are not the princes of “Malwa, Kandeish, and Gondwara, in your route, “who have each armies of 40,000 or 50,000 men? “Can you hope they will permit you to escape “unmolested? “It is advisable, therefore, for you “to retire in time, by accepting a moderate sum, “which, with the spoil you have already got, will “indemnify you for the expense of your expe-“dition.”

Alla-ood-Deen, according to these proposals, accepted of 50 maunds of gold, ^307a and a large quantity of pearls and jewels, and retained the elephants which he had taken in the Raja's stables. He released his prisoners, and promised to quit the town on the morning of the fifteenth day from his first entrance. But while he was preparing to retreat, Ram Dew's eldest son, Shunkul Dew, who had retired with his mother on the first appearance of the Mahomedan troops, to collect succours, advanced with a numerous army within a few miles of the city. Ram Dew sent a message to his son, informing him, that peace was concluded; and enjoined him to allow what had been settled to be quietly carried into effect, and required him to abstain from molesting the Mahomedans, whom he declared to be an enterprising and warlike race, with whom peace was better than war. The young prince, however, aware that his army amounted to thrice the number of the enemy, and hourly expecting to be joined by other princes, neglected the commands of his father, and wrote to Alla-ood-Deen in these terms:—“If you have “any love for life, and desire safety, restore what “you have plundered, and proceed quietly home-“ward, rejoicing at your happy escape.” Alla-ood-Deen, on perusal of this letter, fired with indignation, ordered, that the messengers should have their faces blackened with soot, and be hooted out of his camp. He left Mullik Noosrut to invest the fort with a thousand horse, in order to prevent a sally, and marched with the rest of his army to attack the Raja's son.

The Hindoos by no means declined the contest; and an action ensued, in which the Mahomedan troops, overpowered by numbers, fell back on all sides. Meanwhile, Mullik Noosrut, on learning the situation of affairs, left his post without orders, and galloping up to the field of battle with his thousand horse, changed the fortune of the day. The dust preventing the enemy from discovering the amount of Mullik Noosrut's force, it was supposed, by the Hindoos, that the King's army, of which they had heard, was arrived. In an instant a panic spread through their ranks, and they broke and fled in every direction. Alla-ood-Deen did not think it prudent to pursue them, but immediately returned, and having again encamped around the fort, exhibited to the garrison several of the Raja's kindred, in chains, who had been taken prisoners in the action.

Ram Dew, now in a state of the utmost perplexity, sent expresses to hasten the succours which he expected from the rajas of Koolburga, Tulin-gana, Malwa, and Kandeish. But the greatest cause of distress (of which till then he was unaware) was his want of provisions; for it was only now discovered, that the bags formerly brought into the fort, and supposed to contain grain, were filled with salt. Ram Dew, with much presence of mind, commanded the circumstance to be kept secret from the troops, and opened a second negotiation with Alla-ood-Deen. “It must be known to you,” said the Prince, “that I had no hand in “the late quarrel. If my son, owing to the folly “and petulance of youth, has broken the conditions “between us, that event ought not to render me “responsible for his rashness.” Ram Dew, moreover, authorised his ambassador privately to accede to any terms rather than protract the siege.

Alla-ood-Deen, from the conduct of Ram Dew, suspected the true cause of his anxiety, and, therefore, proposed every day some new difficulty to retard the treaty. The garrison, being in the very last stage of distress, another treaty was concluded by the Raja upon the following terms:—viz. “That Alla-ood-Deen should receive, on eva-“cuating the country, 600 maunds of pearls, ^310a two “maunds of diamonds, rubies, emeralds, and sap-“phires, 1000 maunds of silver, 4000 pieces of “silk,” besides a long list of other precious commodities to which reason forbids us to give credit. This ransom was not the only one required, but the cession of Elichpoor, and its dependencies, was also demanded, where Alla-ood-Deen might leave a garrison, which should remain there unmolested, for the collection of the revenues to be remitted to him at Kurra Manukpoor.

Alla-ood-Deen having released all his prisoners, marched in triumph out of the city with his plunder, and proceeded on his return, on the 25th day from his first arrival before Dewgur. He conducted his retreat with such address, that he opened his way through extensive and powerful kingdoms; viz. Malwa, Gondwara, and Kandeish. In this retreat, though surrounded by hostile armies, yet owing to the great order and regularity, as well as courage, displayed by his troops, they made little impression; and these attacks served only to add to the splendour of his enterprise. We may here justly remark, that, in the long volumes of history, there is scarcely any thing to be compared with this exploit, whether we regard the resolution in forming the plan, the boldness of its execution, or the great good fortune which attended its accomplishment.

When Alla-ood-Deen marched to Dewgur, all communication with Kurra was stopt, and no news heard of him for some months. The person whom he left as his deputy had orders to write to court, that he was engaged in the conquest of Chundery; but as the King, for the space of six months, had received no letters from under his own hand, he began to suspect treason. In the year

A. H. 695.
A. D. 1295.

695, under the pretence of hunting, the King ordered out his retinue, and proceeded towards Gualiar, where he encamped, and built a large and lofty dome, with a verse to this purpose inscribed over the door:— “What fame can I, whose footsteps press the “throne of empire, acquire from raising this rude “mass of masonry? No! I have united these “broken stones together, in order that, under “their shade, the weary traveller, or broken-“hearted pilgrim, may find repose, and offer up “his blessing.”

In the mean time, private intelligence arrived, that Alla-ood-Deen, having conquered Dewgur, had acquired such wealth as was never before possessed, even by a king of Dehly, with which he was now on his return towards Kurra. The King, delighted with this news, reckoned upon the spoil as if already in his own treasury; but men of more reflection thought otherwise, and justly concluded, that it was not to fill the royal coffers, that Alla-ood-Deen, without the King's authority, had undertaken so bold and hazardous an expedition. They, however, waited to see the issue, without communicating their suspicions.

The King having one day assembled his council, told them, that Alla-ood-Deen was now on his return to Kurra with immense booty, and requested their advice, whether it would be most prudent for him to remain where he was, and command Alla-ood-Deen to the presence, or to march towards him, or to return to Dehly? Mullik Ahmud Hu-beeb, at once sagacious and remarkable for his open and candid mode of addressing the King on all occasions, ventured to express his suspicions of the ultimate designs of his nephew. He advised the King to advance with his army towards Chun-dery, and encamp on the road along which lay Alla-ood-Deen's route to Kurra. “This,” said he, “will enable you to discover the Prince's inten-“tions before he has time to augment his army.” He added, further, that, upon the appearance of the imperial army, it was highly probable that the troops of Alla-ood-Deen, laden with spoil, and within their own country, would not hazard the loss of it by an action; but would rather endeavour to secure their wealth, and disperse among the mountains. That by these means, Alla-ood-Deen, if he meditated revolt, would be deserted by the greatest part of his small army, which would oblige him to abandon whatever plans he might have formed for establishing his independence, and induce him to lay his wealth at the foot of the throne. He proceeded to observe, that the King in this case might take the gold, jewels, and elephants, which, according to custom, appertained to the crown, and permit Alla-ood-Deen to retain the remainder for himself. It would then be a point for consideration, whether he should be allowed to continue in his government, or be directed to accompany the court to Dehly.

Mullik Fukhr-ood-Deen Koochy, kotwal of Dehly, though sensible of the propriety of this advice, yet, on looking towards the King, and perceiving he did not approve of it, spoke to the following effect: “The accounts of Alla-ood-“Deen's return, the amount of his plunder, and “the truth of his conquest, have not yet been “publicly confirmed. We have them only from “flying reports, which, we all know, are often “vague and extravagant. Supposing, even, that “what we hear is true, is it not natural to imagine, “that when he shall hear of the approach of the “King's army, that the fear of false accusation, “or evil designs against him, will induce him to “retreat to the mountains, from whence, as the “rainy season is approaching, it will be impossible “to dislodge him? Let us not, therefore, cast off “our shoes before we reach the river, but wait till “Alla-ood-Deen shall arrive at Kurra. If it shall “then appear that he cherishes treasonable views, “one assault of the King's forces will put an end “to his ambition.”

Ahmud Hubeeb, having heard this, observed, with indignation, “The time passes. As soon as “Alla-ood-Deen shall have escaped us, will he not “proceed by the way of Oude to Bengal? where, “by securing his treasure, he will soon be enabled “to raise such an army as neither you nor I will “be able to oppose. Oh, shame! that men who “know better should not have the courage to give “honest counsel when required to do so.”

The King, displeased with these words, addressing the officers who stood near him, said, “Ahmud “Hubeeb never fails to do ill offices to our ne-“phew , ^314a against whom he endeavours to excite “our suspicion and resentment; but such private “rancour shall have no weight with us. We are “so well assured of the loyalty of Alla-ood-Deen, “whom we have nursed in our bosom, that we “would sooner believe treason of our own son “than of him.” Upon this, Ahmud Hubeeb rose with some emotion, and striking one hand upon the other, walked out, repeating the following verse: “When the sun of prosperity is eclipsed, “advice ceases to enlighten the mind.” The King adopted the opinion of Mullik Fukhr-ood-Deen, and marched back with his army to Dehly.

Not many days after his arrival at the capital, a letter came from Alla-ood-Deen, in which he styled himself the King's slave, and stated, that all his wealth was at the King's disposal; but that, being wearied with the tedious march, he begged for some repose at Kurra. He observed, that he had intended to kiss the foot of the throne; but knowing he had enemies at court, who might, in his absence, defame his character, and deprive him of his Majesty's favour, he and the chiefs who accompanied him in the expedition (in which he was sensible he had acted without orders) were apprehensive of punishment. He, therefore, requested to have a letter of grace, assuring him and his followers of their safety, and of the royal protection.

The King was deceived, and credited all the assertions of his nephew, who, on his part, made preparations for going off to Luknowty; for which purpose he despatched Zuffur Khan towards Oude, to secure the boats on the Surjoo, so that in case the King should come to Kurra Manukpoor, he might be able to cross the river, and proceed at once to Bengal, where he resolved to establish an independent sovereignty. The King, unsuspicious of his designs, wrote kind letters to Alla-ood-Deen, which he sent by two trusty messengers. These messengers, on their arrival at Kurra, perceiving how matters stood, endeavoured to return, but they were seized, and had no opportunity of writing the true state of affairs to court. The King, concluding the apprehensions of Alla-ood-Deen were still unremoved, endeavoured to satisfy his mind through Almas Beg, the brother of the latter. Alla-ood-Deen, meanwhile, wrote to Almas Beg, that it was now a matter of notoriety at Kurra, that the King intended certainly to take his life for proceeding to Dewgur without orders. That he sincerely repented of what he had done, and had taken his Majesty's displeasure, which to him was worse than death, so much to heart, that he was afraid excess of sorrow would put an end to his melancholy life. He, therefore, begged of his brother to inform him of the King's real design, in order that he might either take poison, or look out for a place of security. Letters to this effect were day after day received by Almas Beg, who, being in the plot to deceive the King, showed them to him, and professed at the same time to be apprehensive lest his brother should lay violent hands on himself, or fly his country. He used a thousand delusive arts to inveigle the King to Kurra, who conceived, that the final possession of the treasure depended on the preservation of his nephew's life. The old man at last embarked with a thousand horse and a small retinue, on the Ganges, ordering Ahmud Hubeeb to follow with the army by land.

Alla-ood-Deen, hearing of the King's departure from Dehly, crossed the Ganges, and encamped

Rumzan 17.
A. H. 695.
July 19.
A. D. 1295.

near Manukpoor, upon the opposite bank. On the 17th of Rumzan, the royal canopy appeared in sight. Alla-ood-Deen drew out his troops on pretence of doing honour to the King, deputing his brother, Almas Beg, who had come on before, to concert measures for his reception. This artful traitor represented to the King, that if he should take so large a retinue as a thousand horse with him, Alla-ood-Deen might be alarmed; for that some bad people had confirmed him so strongly in his fears, that all he could say was insufficient entirely to allay his suspicions… The King, still unsuspicious of treachery from so near a relative, whom he had cherished from his infancy, acceded to the proposal, and having ordered a few only of his select attendants to follow him into his barge, caused the fleet to remain at some distance behind. When the royal party came near the camp, Almas Beg again told the King, that his brother, seeing so many men in armour, might possibly be alarmed; that, therefore, as he had taken such ridiculous notions into his head, which no one could remove, it were better to avoid the least appearance of state. The King, consequently, directed his attendants to unbuckle their armour, and lay their weapons aside. Mullik Khoorum, the chief secretary, opposed this step with great vehemence, for he now began to suspect treachery; but the traitor Almas Beg, had such a winning and plausible tongue, that he, too, at last yielded, though with great reluctance.

The King reached the landing-place, and Alla-ood-Deen appeared upon the bank with his attendants, whom he ordered to halt. He advanced alone, met his uncle, and fell prostrate at his feet. The old man, in a familiar manner, tapped him on the cheek, and raising him up, embraced him, saying, “How could you be suspicious “of me, who have brought you up from your “childhood, and cherished you with a fatherly “affection, holding you dearer in my sight, if pos-“sible, than my own offspring?” Then taking him by the hand, he was leading him back into the royal barge, when Alla-ood-Deen made a signal to his guards, who were behind. Mahmood Bin Salim, rushing forward, wounded the King with his sword over the shoulder. The unfortunate monarch ran forward to gain the barge, crying, “Ah! thou villain, Alla-ood-Deen;” but before he had reached the boat, another of the guards, Yekhtyar-ood-Deen, coming up, seized the feeble old man, and throwing him on the ground, cut off his head. The rebels then fixed the venerable head of their sovereign on the point of a spear, and carried it through the camp and city.

The day before this event took place, Alla-ood-Deen visited a reverend sage, named Sheikh Kar-rik, who is buried at Kurra, and whose tomb is still held sacred. That holy man, rising from his pillow, repeated the following extempore verse: “He who cometh against thee shall lose his head “in the boat, and his body shall be thrown into “the Ganges.” Which, they say, was explained a few hours after, by the death of the unfortunate King, whose head fell into the boat upon this occasion. Mahmood Bin Salim, one of the assassins, about a year after, died of a horrid leprosy, which dissolved the flesh, piece-meal, from his bones. Yekhtyar-ood-Deen, the other assassin, fared no better; for he became mad, crying out incessantly, that Julal-ood-Deen Feroze was cutting off his head. Thus this wretch also suffered a thousand deaths, in imagination, before he expired.

Almas Beg, the brother of Alla-ood-Deen, and the others concerned in this horrid tragedy, fell into such a course of misfortunes, that in the space of four years no traces of them remained on the face of the earth, though the recollection of their crimes long survived the event. And even Alla-ood-Deen himself, though fortune smiled on him at first, yet in the end he suffered great distress of mind, being obliged to imprison his own children, and to put to death, one after another, the friends whom he loved most, and in whom he most confided. Julal-ood-Deen Feroze Khiljy reigned for a period of seven years and some months.

Consternation at Dehly. — The Dowager-queen elevates her youngest son to the throne. — Measures taken by Alla ood-Deen to strengthen his party — his profuse liberality to all classes. — The Queen-dowager invites her eldest son, governor of Mooltan, to repair to Dehly; but he declines the contest with Alla-ood-Deen, who arrives at the capital. — The young King, and his mother, fly to Mooltan. — Alla-ood-Deen proclaimed King in Dehly — entertains the people with public festivities — becomes popular — forms a new administration of the most able men of the state — gives a donation of six months' pay to the army. — Sends his brother to attack the princes in Mooltan — they surrender under the most sacred promises of kind treatment — are brought to Dehly, and all the males are deprived of sight by the King's orders, and subsequently put to death. — The Queen-dowager and the females are confined in Dehly. — Moguls invade India — are defeated by the King's brother, with the loss of 12,000 men. — Guzerat invaded, and partially conquered. — Mutiny in the Guzerat army. — Defection of Mahomed Mogul — takes refuge with the Raja of Runtunbhore. — Mogul invasion repulsed by Zuffur Khan. — Another invasion, by 200,000 men — reaches Dehly. — Great exertions of the King. — Moguls defeated. — Zuffur Khan killed. — Plot to assassinate the King, who is severely wounded, and left for dead. — The King's great presence of mind, and good conduct. — The assassin killed. — Plot to raise a king in Dehly discovered and put down. — The King's uneasiness. — Internal regulations in all branches of his government. — Sends armies to Chittoor on the west, and to Tulingana on the south. — Mogul invasion of 120,000 men — reaches Dehly without a check. — The Moguls withdraw suddenly. — The King frames a scheme of finance. — Regulates the price of all articles. — Famine ensues. — Another Mogul invasion. — Moguls cut off in their retreat. — The King sends armies to Guzerat, Malwa, and the Deccan. — Success of his generals, particularly Mullik Kafoor, in the Deccan. — Capture of Kowul Devy — also of her daughter Dewul Devy. — Siege of Jalwur. — Massacre of the Moguls in Dehly, by the King's orders. — Flourishing condition of the empire under Alla-ood-Deen. — The King becomes suspicious of his sons, and confines them. — Misfortunes in the empire. — Dissensions in the provinces. — Revolution in the Deccan. — Death of the King.

INTELLIGENCE of the murder of the King having reached Ahmud Hubeeb, who was advancing with the army, he retreated to Dehly. Mullika Jehan, the Dowager-queen, imprudently, and without consulting the chiefs, placed the crown on the head of her youngest son, the Prince Kuddur Khan, entitled Rookn-ood-Deen Ibraheem; the heir apparent, Arkully Khan, his elder brother, being then at Mooltan. The Queen accompanied the young prince from Kelookery to Dehly, and seated him on the throne in the green palace, though he was yet a boy, and altogether unacquainted with affairs of state: at the same time, she divided the provinces among her partisans. Arkully Khan, the real heir, who possessed all the qualities of a king, was greatly perplexed by these proceedings, but thought proper, for the present, to remain at Mooltan.

Alla-ood-Deen, having learned that affairs at the capital had fallen into the hands of his inveterate enemy the Queen, Mullika Jehan, and her infant son, no longer confined his views to an independent kingdom at Luknowty, but boldly aspired to the throne of Dehly, for which city he determined to march in spite of the rainy season. His first objects were to raise an army within his government, and to confer royal titles on his friends and followers. Almas Beg was honoured with the title of Aluf Khan; Mullik Noosrut Jalesury with that of Noosrut Khan; Mullik Hijubr-ood-Deen assumed the name of Zuffur Khan, and Mullik Sunjur, whose sister was married to Alla-ood-Deen, received the title of Rookn Khan. To these titles were superadded estates.

Alla-ood-Deen, by the advice of Noosrut Khan, distributed presents also among the army, wherever he encamped, and he amused himself by throwing golden balls from a sling among the people, so that his liberality soon brought abundance of soldiers to his banners. The Queen-dowager, in the greatest perplexity, owing to the information she daily received of Alla-ood-Deen's popularity, despatched an express to Mooltan, for her son Arkully Khan; but he returned for answer, that the time was past, for before he could arrive, the troops of the capital would join the enemy; that his coming now, therefore, would be of no avail. He observed, “a stream may be “diverted at its source, but when it becomes a “river, dams cannot oppose its current.”

Alla-ood-Deen made no delay in his march, but crossed the Jumna, below Dehly, and encamped opposite the north-east gate. The Prince, fluttering like a solitary bird, collected his forces, and marching out of the city, drew up his line before the enemy. But when he saw them preparing for battle, he retreated into the city, and during the night was deserted by a number of omras, who went over with their forces to Alla-ood-Deen. The Prince now perceived that there was no safety but in flight. Taking, therefore, his mother, the haram, and treasure with him, he set out for Mooltan, accompanied by Mullik Rujub, Kootb-ood-Deen Oolvy, Ahmud Hubeeb, and Ameer Julal. The citizens, after the departure of the young King, crowded to pay their respects to Alla-ood-Deen, who causing new coin to be struck in his name, made a pompous and triumphant entry into Dehly,

A. H. 696.
A. D. 1296.

in the latter end of the year 696, and ascended the throne, in the ruby palace. He commenced his reign by splendid shows, and grand festivals, and encouraged every description of gaiety, which so pleased the unthinking rabble, that they soon lost all memory of their former King, and of the horrid scene which had placed the present one on the throne. He who ought to have been viewed with detestation, became the object of admiration to those who could not see the blackness of his deeds through the splendour of his munificence.

Whilst obtaining by these means popularity with the lower classes, he endeavoured also to secure the good will of the great by conferring titles, and of the venal and avaricious by gifts. The office of vizier was conferred upon Khwaja Khuteer, a man renowned for his virtue in those degenerate times. Kazy Sudr-ood-Deen Aarif, entitled Sudr-i-Jehan, was made chief justice in the civil court; and Oomdut-ool-Moolk, Mullik Humeed-ood-Deen, and Mullik Eiz-ood-Deen, were raised to the offices of secretaries. Both were men of great learning and talents. Noosrut Khan was appointed Kotwal of Dehly; Mullik Fukhr-ood-Deen Koochy was raised to the dignity of chief justice in the criminal court, and Mullik Zuffur Khan to that of chief secretary; many others were also raised to high offices, which it would be tedious to enumerate. Alla-ood-Deen Khiljy, having bestowed six months' pay on his whole army, began to concert measures for extirpating the descendants of the late Julal-ood-Deen Feroze. He despatched Aluf Khan his brother, and Zuffur Khan, with forty thousand horse, towards Mooltan. They, on their arrival, invested that city, and laid siege to it for two months. At length the citizens and troops, betraying the cause of the Princes Arkully Khan and Kuddur Khan, surrendered the place on condition of the lives of the Princes being spared, for the fulfilment of which Aluf Khan gave the most solemn assurances.

The object of this expedition being attained, Aluf Khan wrote to his brother an account of his success, which was read in all the public pulpits after prayers, and great rejoicings were ordered to be made on the occasion. Aluf Khan, meantime, proceeded in triumph with his army, and brought his state-prisoners towards Dehly. He was met on his way by Mullik Noosrut Khan Kotwal, and was informed that the King had commanded the eyes of the prisoners to be put out. This cruel order was not only carried into effect on the two princes, but was extended to Oghloo Khan, ^326a the grandson of the great Chungiz Khan, to Ahmud Hubeeb, and to others of less note. All their effects were also confiscated. The two unfortunate princes were then imprisoned in the fort of Hansy, where they were soon after assassinated; while the Queen-dowager Mullika Jehan, and all the ladies of the late King's haram, and his other children, were confined at Dehly.

In the second year of this reign, Khwaja Khuteer was dismissed from the office of vizier, which was conferred on Noosrut Khan. This minister demanded the restoration of all the sums that the King, at his accession, had bestowed on the nobility and people, a measure which created great disgust, and led to disturbances. During these transactions, advices reached Dehly, that Ameer Dawood, King of Mawur-ool-Nuhr, had prepared an army of 100,000 Moguls, with a design to conquer Mooltan, Punjab, and Sind, and that he was then actually advancing with great expedition, carrying every thing before him with fire and sword. Alla-ood-Deen detached his brother Aluf Khan, to oppose the invaders; and the two armies met in the districts of Lahore, where a bloody conflict ensued, in which the Moguls were defeated with the loss of 12,000 men, and many of their chiefs. A great number of prisoners of all ranks was taken, who were put to the sword some days after, without sparing even the women and children captured in the Mogul camp. This victory raised the fame of the King's arms, established his power at home, and overawed his foreign enemies. Alla-ood-Deen, about this time, by the advice of his brother Aluf Khan, seized many omras, who, in the late revolution, had taken advantage of the distresses of the Prince Arkully Khan, and of the Queen-mother, to obtain from them large sums of money for their services. He caused these people to be deprived of sight, and their estates to be confiscated, by which means he added considerable wealth to his own coffers.

A. H. 697.
A. D. 1297. In the beginning of the year 697, Aluf Khan, the King's brother, and Noosrut Khan, the Vizier, were sent with an army to reduce Guzerat. Accordingly, having laid waste the country, they occupied Nehrwala the capital, which was deserted by its prince (Ray Kurrun), who fled, and took protection with Ram Dew, King of Dewgur, in the Deccan. By the aid of that prince, Ray Kurrun soon after returned, and took up his residence in Buglana, one of the districts dependent on Guzerat, bordering upon Ram Dew's dominions; but his wives, children, elephants, baggage, and treasure, fell into the hands of the Mahomedans. Among the captives, was his beautiful wife Kowla Devy. After this exploit, Noosrut Khan proceeded with a part of the army to Cambay, which being a rich country, and full of merchants, yielded a prodigious booty. It was on this occasion that Noosrut Khan seized by force one Kafoor, a handsome slave belonging to a merchant of Cambay. This person afterwards gained great distinction, and attained to much eminence under the title of Mullik Kafoor. When the Mahomedans had sufficiently satisfied their avarice, and quenched their thirst for blood, they appointed governors to the provinces, and leaving part of the army for their defence, returned towards Dehly. On the army reaching Jalwur, on its return to the capital, the two generals made a demand of the fifth of the spoil from the troops, besides what they had already realised for themselves. This step produced a mutiny in the camp. Mahomed Shah, general of the mercenary Moguls, with many other chiefs, placed themselves at the head of their several divisions. One party attacked Mullik Eiz-ood-Deen, the brother of the Vizier (Noosrut Khan), and slew him with a number of his people; another party proceeded to the quarters of Aluf Khan (the King's brother), who fled on foot to the Vizier's tent, so that the mutineers not finding him, killed the King's nephew (by a sister,) who happened to be sleeping there, supposing him to be Aluf Khan. By this time, the alarm induced the Vizier to cause the drums to beat to arms, and the trumpets to be sounded; those not concerned in the mutiny, conceiving that the enemy was at hand, quickly fell into their stations, and the mutineers separating, dispersed, and escaping in the confusion, fled by different routes to a place of rendezvous. They were, however, closely pursued the next day, and forced to retreat, with some loss, to the districts of Bheem Dew, Raja of Runtunbhore, where they sought protection; Aluf Khan and the Vizier, meanwhile, continued their march to Dehly.

Alla-ood-Deen, on seeing Kowla Devy, the captive wife of the Prince of Guzerat, who, for beauty, wit, and accomplishments, was the flower of India, took her into the haram; and Kafoor, the slave above alluded to, who had been taken on this expedition, also attracted his attention. The Vizier, by the King's order, caused all the families of those Moguls, or others who had been concerned in the late mutiny, to be put to death, without pitying the fond wife, the weeping mothers, or the smiling infants who clung to their breasts.

About this time Choldy Khan, a Mogul chief, and his brother, appeared with a considerable force, and took the fort of Sewustan. Zuffur Khan marched against him, invested the place, and not only recovered it out of his hands, but secured the person of Choldy Khan, and about 2000 Moguls, who were sent in chains to Dehly. Zuffur Khan distinguished himself so much on this expedition, that his fame excited the jealousy of the King, who resolved to deprive him of his government; but was prevented from doing so at that time, by another invasion of Moguls, under Kootloogh Khan, the son of Ameer Daood Khan, King of Mawur-ool-Nehr.

The army of the invaders consisted of 200,000 horse, who promised to themselves the entire conquest of Hindoostan. Kootloogh Khan, accordingly, having occupied all the countries beyond the Indus, on his march protected the inhabitants from violence. Then crossing the river, he proceeded to Dehly, where he encamped on the banks of the Jumna without opposition; Zuffur Khan gradually retreating before him with his army. The whole country, in terror of the Moguls, crowded into the capital. The city became so full, that the streets were rendered impassable, and all business and communication were interrupted. This, however, was but the beginning of the disasters which ensued. In the space of a few days, the consumption being great, and no supplies procurable, famine began to rage, and desperation and dismay were exhibited in every countenance. Alla-ood-Deen Khiljy, on this pressing occasion, called a council of his nobles, and, in spite of remonstrances, resolved to attack the enemy. He left the city, and marched out by the Budaoon gate with 300,000 horse, and 2700 elephants. He drew up in order of battle, on the plains beyond the suburbs, where the enemy formed to receive him. From the time when first the arms of Islam appeared in Hindoostan two such mighty hosts had never been brought together, nor am I aware that, up to the present period, being the year of the Hijra 1015, (A. D. 1606,) such vast numbers have ever been opposed at the same time in one place.

Alla-ood-Deen gave the command of his right wing to Zuffur Khan, the greatest general of that age, who had under him all the troops of his governments, consisting of the provinces of Sumana, Punjab, and Mooltan. The left wing was entrusted to the King's brother, Aluf Khan, under whom was Rookn Khan, his brother-in-law. The King took post in the centre, with 12,000 volunteers, who were mostly persons of family: this body was commanded by Noosrut Khan. With the choicest of his elephants, he formed a line in his front, and supported his rear with a select body of cavalry under the vizier. Zuffur Khan commenced the action with great impetuosity on the right, and breaking with his line of elephants the enemy's line of horse, committed dreadful slaughter, and bore it away before him. Having thus turned the enemy's left flank, it fell back upon the centre, so that considerable confusion ensued in that part of the line before the action was well begun. Alla-ood-Deen, observing this, ordered his brother, Aluf Khan, who commanded on the left, to advance and close with the enemy; but, jealous of the fame of Zuffur Khan, Aluf Khan halted at a short distance from the field of battle, leaving Zuffur Khan to continue the pursuit alone, for upwards of thirty miles. Next morning, one of the Mogul chiefs, whose toman ^331a had not been engaged, perceiving Zuffur Khan unsupported, determined to attack him. At the same time he sent advice to Kootloogh Khan, the leader of the horde, who, during the day, also returned with 10,000 more men, and came upon Zuffur Khan's rear. Zuffur Khan, thus surrounded, saw the danger of his situation. It was too late to retreat. He drew up his troops, therefore, though not half the number of the enemy, dividing them into two squadrons, and again renewed the conflict, in which his soldiers exhibited great feats of personal valour. At last, the leg of Zuffur Khan's horse being cut through by a sabre, he fell to the ground. Zuffur Khan rose instantly, and seized a bow and quiver: he was a dexterous archer, and although on foot, he dealt death around him. Most of his men were by this time either killed or dispersed; Kootloogh Khan, admiring his gallantry, called out to him to surrender, telling him that his valour should be rewarded with such honours as it deserved. Zuffur Khan replied sternly, “I know no greater honour than “to die in fulfilling my duty,” and persisted in discharging his arrows. The Mogul chief, upon this, ordered a party of horse to surround him, and endeavour to take him alive, but Zuffur Khan persisted in refusing quarter, and was at last cut in pieces, together with a few trusty servants who stood by him to the last.

This advantage, however, did not dispel the fears of the Moguls. They continued their retreat, and evacuated India with expedition. The bravery of Zuffur Khan became so proverbial among the Moguls, that when their horses started, they would ask them whether they saw the ghost of Zuffur Khan. Alla-ood-Deen, it is said, considered the death of this great general as the richest reward of the victory, and could not help expressing his satisfaction at the event. Great rejoicings were made at Dehly, to celebrate the retreat of the Moguls; and the principal officers were rewarded with titles, and commands, according to their conduct, and their interest at court. Some few, who had behaved ill, were disgraced, particularly one officer who was seated upon an ass, and paraded round the city.

In the third year of the reign of Alla-ood-Deen, when prosperity shone upon his arms, he began to form some extraordinary projects. One of these was the establishment of a new religion, that like Mahomed he might be held in veneration by posterity. He often consulted with his brother Aluf Khan, Noosrut Khan his Vizier, and Rookn Khan, on this project, while engaged in their cups. His other design was equally absurd. He proposed to leave a viceroy in India, and like Alexander the Great, to undertake the conquest of the world. In consequence of this latter project, he assumed the title of “Alexander the Second,” which was struck upon the currency of the empire. Notwithstanding these high notions, Alla-ood-Deen was so illiterate, that he was ignorant of the common acquirements of reading and writing; but he was so obstinate and self-willed in the ridiculous ideas which he formed, that men of learning, who disdained to prostitute their judgment, avoided the court, or stood silent in his presence. There were not, however, wanting sycophants, who, though they knew better, extolled all his sentiments to the skies, and seemed to foster their own imaginations with his crude projects.

Alla-ool-Moolk, the kotwal of the city, an old man, and so fat that he was unable to attend the court oftener than once a month, being one day sent for by the King to be consulted regarding his religious project, determined (however fatal the consequences) to reject every measure proposed in opposition to the doctrine of the Mahomedan faith, and to make a sacrifice of his few remaining years rather than encourage the King's design. With this firm resolve he attended at court, and found the King drinking with a number of his principal chiefs. Alla-ood-Deen began to converse with Mullik Alla-ool-Moolk on his favourite subject; but the old man told him he had something to say to him in private, and would be glad if he would order the wine and the company away.

The King smiled, and desired all the company to retire, except four. The old magistrate then fell upon his face, and having kissed the ground, rose up, and thus spoke: “Oh, King! religion is “the law of God, whose spirit inspired his pro-“phets, but it depends not on the opinions of “mortals. We are taught by God's holy word to “believe, that the spirit of prophecy ended with “Mahomed, the last and greatest of his messen-“gers. This being, acknowledged by great and “small, by all nations, and by all degrees of “people, should your intentions against the true “faith be once known, it is impossible to conceive “what hatred you will incur, and what bloodshed “and disturbance may ensue. It is, therefore, “advisable, that you should set aside these new “notions, since the accomplishment of your views “exceeds the power of mere mortals. Did not “Chungiz Khan, the most powerful of monarchs, “and his successors, labour for ages to subvert “our faith, that they might establish their own? “What rivers of blood have flowed in the contest, “till at length the spirit of truth prevailed, and “they became proselytes to that religion which “they had endeavoured so long to destroy.” The King, having listened with attention, replied, “What you have said is just, and founded on “friendship and reason. I will for ever lay aside “all thoughts of this scheme, which has so long “engaged my attention. But what do you think “of my project of universal conquest?”

The venerable magistrate replied, “Some kings, “in former ages, formed the same great design “which your Majesty has resolved on at present; “and your power, personal bravery, and wealth, “give you at least equal hopes of success; but “the times are not so favourable, and the govern-“ment of India seems not to stand upon so firm a “basis as to support itself in your absence. Per-“fidy and ingratitude daily appear. Brothers “become traitors to each other, and children con-“spire against their parents. How much is this “degenerate age unlike to the virtuous times of “Alexander? Men were then endued with ho-“nourable principles, and the cunning and treach-“ery of the present times were then held in “utter abomination. Your Majesty has no coun-“sellors like Aristotle, who, by his wisdom and “policy, not only kept his own country in peace “and security, but brought other nations, by “voluntary consent, to place themselves under his “master's protection. If your Majesty can put “equal confidence in your nobles, and can depend “as much upon the love of your people as Alex-“ander was enabled to do, you may then venture “to carry your scheme into execution; if not, we “cannot well reconcile it to reason.” The King, after musing awhile, said, “What you have told “me bears on it the face of sincerity and truth; “but what availeth all this power in armies, in “wealth, and in kingdoms, if I content myself “with what I already possess, and do not employ “it in acquiring fame and glory?” Mullik Alla-ool-Moolk replied, “There are two undertakings “in which the King's treasure may be expended to “good purpose. The first is, the conquest of the “southern kingdoms of Hindoostan, such as Run-“tunbhore, Chittoor, Jalwur, and Chundery; and “the second, the reduction of the south-eastern “provinces as far as the sea, and on the north-“west as far as Lumghan and Kabul, so as to “form a barrier to protect India from the in-“vasions of the Moguls. This,” said the chief magistrate, “would secure the peace of Hindoos-“tan, and procure to the King immortal honour, “by bestowing happiness upon his people; an “object of greater importance than if he should “consume the world in the flames of war. But “even to succeed in this project, it is requisite “that the King should abstain from excess of wine, “and from licentiousness.” The King, contrary to the old man's expectations, took all this advice in good part, and applauding his candour presented him with a robe of honour, ten thousand rupees, and two horses richly caparisoned, and granted to him and his posterity two villages in freehold. The other nobles, though they wanted the virtue or resolution to speak their minds, were extremely pleased with the kotwal, and sent him also presents to a large amount.

A. H. 699.
A. D. 1299. The King, in the year 699, according to the advice of Mullik Alla-ool-Moolk, having summoned his brother, Aluf Khan, from Sumana, the Vizier from Kurra, and others from their respective soobadaries, to the presence, deputed them, with an army, against the Raja of Runtunbhore.

In the first instance, they took the fort of Jhayin, and afterwards invested the capital; but Noosrut Khan, the Vizier, advancing too near the wall, was crushed to death by a stone from an engine. Advantage was taken of the circumstance of the commander-in-chief's death. Raja Humbur Dew marched out from the fort, and gave battle, having collected, within a short time, 200,000 men. With this force, he compelled Aluf Khan to fall back to Jhayin, with great loss. The particulars of this defeat being reported at Dehly, the King resolved to take the field in person. During his march, he halted for a day at a place called Jheelput, and went out hunting. Having wandered far from his camp in the chase, he remained with his attendants all night in a forest. On the morning, before sunrise, having occupied a spot of rising ground, he sat down with two or three attendants, and commanded the court to pursue their diversion on the plain below. The Prince, Sooliman Shah, entitled Rookn Khan, having observed this, it occurred to him, that at such a time the King might be cut off, in the same manner as he himself had cut off his predecessor. Rookn Khan thought, also, that being his nephew and brother-in-law, he might, through that relationship, as well as through the influence which as chief secretary he possessed, maintain as good a title as Alla-ood-Deen himself had to the throne. Having, accordingly, communicated his design to a few of the newly-converted Moguls, who had been for some time in his service, and on whose fidelity he firmly relied, he rode up to the King, and discharged a flight of arrows, two of which entered his body, so that he lay for dead on the ground. The Prince, Rookn Khan, now drew his sword, and ran to cut off the King's head; but being told by the royal attendants that he was quite dead, deemed it unnecessary to sever the head from the body.

Rookn Khan then proceeded to the camp, and having ascended the throne, was proclaimed king. Meanwhile, the army was thrown into the utmost confusion: the great men assembled to pay their court, and present their offerings on the occasion; the customary prayers were read from the Koran; the Khootba was formally pronounced in the name of Rookn Khan; and the public criers were ordered to proclaim his accession. The Prince, now descending from the throne, proceeded towards the haram; but Mullik Deenar, the chief eunuch, with his guard, stopped him at the door, swearing, that till he showed him Alla-ood-Deen's head, he should not enter while he had life to oppose it. Alla-ood-Deen, mean time, having recovered his senses, and having had his wounds bound up, imagined that Rookn Khan's treason must be connected with a preconcerted conspiracy of the nobles, and determined to fly to his brother, Aluf Khan, at Jhayin, accompanied by about 60 servants, who still remained with him. Mullik Humeed, deputy door-keeper of the presence, strongly dissuaded the King from this measure, and recommended him immediately to go to his own camp, and there show himself to the army; observing, that the usurper had not yet had time to establish himself, and that upon seeing the Emperor's canopy, he doubted not but the whole army would return to their duty; adding, at the same time, that the least delay might render his affairs irrecoverable.

Alla-ood-Deen having adopted this advice, mounted his horse with great difficulty, and raising the white canopy, which lay on the field, over his head, proceeded with his small retinue towards the camp. Being joined by some foraging parties on the way, he now appeared guarded by about 500 men, and having ascended an eminence in full view of the camp, his retinue was at once seen by the whole army. The soldiers immediately crowded in thousands around his person, and the court of the usurper was broken up in a few minutes, so that he found himself alone. In this dilemma, he mounted his horse, and fled towards Afghanpoor. Alla-ood-Deen proceeded towards the royal pavilion, and ascending the throne, gave public audience; sending, at the same time, a body of horse in pursuit of his nephew. This party shortly came up with him, severed his head from his body, and laid it at the King's feet. The King gave orders, at the same time, to seize the usurper's brother, Kootloogh Khan, and the chief conspirators, all of whom suffered death.

When Alla-ood-Deen recovered of his wounds, he continued his march to Runtunbhore, where he was joined by his brother, Alugh Khan, and began again to besiege the place. But the Hin-doos defended it so obstinately that numbers of the King's army daily fell. Alla-ood-Deen, however, persisted in his attacks with redoubled resolution, while detachments of his army ravaged the adjacent territories of Malwa and Dhar. The siege being protracted for some months, Oomur Khan and Mungoo Khan (both nephews of the King), who held the government of Budaoon, rebelled: Alla-ood-Deen wrote letters to the several chiefs of those provinces whom he thought loyal, as also to the neighbouring zemindars, to levy forces for the suppression of the rebellion. By these means the rebels were defeated, and both were sent prisoners to the royal camp.

The King caused them to be deprived of sight, in the first instance, but subsequently put them to death, as an example to others. Notwithstanding this severity, one of the most extraordinary conspiracies recorded in history was undertaken by one Hajy Mowla, ^340a the son of a slave of the celebrated Fukhr-ood-Deen, kotwal of Dehly, who died in the former reign. This ambitious youth, finding the King so long engaged in the siege of Runtunbhore, formed a scheme for creating a revolution in the empire. He was, perhaps, moved to this by the murmuring of the citizens against the present kotwal's deputy (Toormoozy Khan), who, in his master's absence in camp, had oppressed the people severely. The first act of Hajy Mowla was, to collect in the heat of the day, when most people were gone to rest, a mob of citizens, by a forged order from the King. With these he hastened to the house of Toormoozy Khan, and sent word to tell him that a messenger had arrived with an order from the King. Toormoozy Khan, out of respect to the royal order, hastened to the door, when the young impostor, showing him the paper in one hand, cut him down with the other, and killed him. He then read aloud the forged mandate authorizing the act.

The mob now increasing, Hajy Mowla sent parties to secure the city gates, and despatched a person to Alla-ood-Deen Ayaz, kotwal of the new city, to come and examine the King's order. This magistrate, however, having heard of the disturbance, paid no regard to the message, but shut his own gates. Hajy Mowla, in the mean time, with his mob, entered the ruby palace, released the state prisoners, and taking out all the arms, treasure, and valuable effects, divided them among his followers. He then by force seated Alvy, styled also Shah Nunny, (one of the prisoners, a lineal descendant of Shums-ood-Deen Altmish,) upon the throne, and commanded the principal men of the city to pay him obeisance. The King received advice of these transactions, but did not allow it to effect his prosecution of the siege, which he carried on with apparently renewed vigour. He, however, wrote to Mullik Humeed, his foster-brother, on the subject, who, having raised a party in the city, seized the Budaoon gate, on the seventh day after the usurpation, and took the field, where he was joined by a party of troops who happened to be marching to Dehly from Amroha to be mustered. With these troops Mullik Humeed re-entered the city at the Ghizny gate by surprise, but being opposed at the second gate, called Bhind, by Hajy Mowla and his associates, a sharp conflict ensued. Mullik Humeed, being dismounted, ran up to Hajy Mowla (who was leading on his party with great bravery), and dragging him from his horse, threw him down in the street and slew him, having himself, in the mean time, received several wounds. The faction of Hajy Mowla, dispirited by the death of their chief, gave ground, and dispersed throughout the city. Mullik Humeed, then proceeding to the ruby palace, deposed and slew Shah Nunny Alvy, causing his head to be exhibited on the point of a spear, and thus put an end to the rebellion. Aluf Khan, the King's brother, was directed to proceed to Dehly, in order to punish all who were supposed to have had any share in the late insurrection. The sons and the survivors of the family of the late Fukhr-ood-Deen, kotwal, were put to death, merely on suspicion, for no other cause than that the rebel had been one of their dependants.

Runtunbhore had now been closely besieged for a whole year, and Alla-ood-Deen, after trying all other means, adopted the following expedient to reduce it. Having collected a multitude of people, and provided each with a bag filled with sand, they began, at some distance from the fort, to form an ascent to the top of the walls, ^343a by which means the troops eventually obtained possession of the place. The Raja Humbur Dew, his family, and the garrison, were put to the sword. This fort is esteemed the strongest in Hindoostan. Ameer Mahomed Shah, the Mogul general, who had taken refuge in Runtunbhore, after the mutiny at Jalwur, having lost most of his men in defence of the fort, was himself lying ill of his wounds, when Alla-ood-Deen entered the place. Alla-ood-Deen, finding him in this condition asked him, in an insulting manner, “What gratitude would “he evince if the King should command his “wounds to be immediately cured?” The Mogul fiercely replied, “I would put you to death for “a tyrant, and endeavour to make the son of “Humbur Dew, to whom my gratitude is due, “king.” Alla-ood-Deen, enraged at this reply, caused him to be thrown beneath the feet of an elephant. But considering, afterwards, that he was a brave man, and one whose gallantry he had often witnessed, he directed his body to be put in a coffin, and interred with decent solemnity.

The King then commanded that Runmul, the Raja's minister, who had come over to the King with a strong party during the siege, should, with all his followers, be put to death, saying, “Those “who have betrayed their natural sovereign will “never be true to another.” After which, bestowing the government of Runtunbhore, with all the booty taken in it, on his brother, Aluf Khan, the King returned to Dehly. But Aluf Khan, falling sick about six months after, died on his way to the capital.

Alla-ood-Deen after the late occurrences, becoming apprehensive of conspiracies against his person, summoned his nobles, and commanded them to give their opinion, without reserve, what should be done to avert these evils. At the same time, he called on them to state what they considered were the real causes of these disorders. They replied, that there were many sources out of which revolutions, dangerous and fatal in their consequences, might proceed. Among others, they hinted at the King's total inattention to business, and the consequent absence of all redress to his subjects. The excessive use of wine appeared to them also a source of many disorders, for when men form themselves into societies for the purpose of drinking, they unbosom their secret thoughts to each other, and are frequently excited to undertake desperate projects. The close connections formed among the nobles of the court they deemed also of danger to the state. Their numerous intermarriages, and the patronage in the hands of a few, gave them a degree of power, which enabled them, by coalition, to create revolutions whenever so disposed. The last and not the least cause, they thought, arose from the unequal division of property: they considered that the wealth of a rich empire, if confined to a few persons, only rendered them, as governors of provinces, more like independent princes than subjects of the state.

Alla-ood-Deen, approved of many of the remarks of his counsellors, and immediately began to carry into execution the plan which they laid before him. He first applied himself to a strict enquiry into the administration of justice, to redress grievances, and to examine narrowly into the private as well as public characters of all men in office. He procured intelligence of the most secret discourses of families of note in the city, as well as of every transaction of moment in the most distant provinces, and executed justice with such rigour, that robbery and theft, formerly so common, were not heard of in the land. The traveller slept secure on the highway, and the merchant carried his commodities in safety from the sea of Bengal to the mountains of Kabul, and from Tulingana to Kashmeer. He published, also, an edict, prohibiting the use of wine and strong liquors on pain of death. He himself set the example, by emptying his cellars into the streets. In this he was followed by all ranks of people, so that, for some days, the common sewers flowed with wine. He issued orders that marriage, among the nobility, should not be ratified without a license from the crown; and that no private meetings or political discussions should be held among the nobles of his court, which proved a severe check on the pleasures of society. This latter order was carried into effect so rigorously, that no man durst entertain his friends without a written permission from the Vizier. At length the King became so rapacious, that he seized the private property, and confiscated the estates both of Mussulmen and Hindoos, without distinction, and by this means accumulated immense treasures. Men, in short, were almost reduced to a level over all the empire. All emoluments were cut off from the different offices, which were now filled with men whose indigence rendered them the servile instruments of his government. He ordered a tax, equal to half the gross annual produce of the lands, to be levied throughout the kingdom, ^346a and to be regularly transmitted to the exchequer. He appointed officers to superintend the revenue collectors, whose office it was to take care that the zemindars should demand no more from the cultivators than the estimate which the zemindars themselves had made; and in case of disobedience or neglect, the superintendents were obliged to refund the amount, and to pay a fine. The farmers were restricted to the occupation of a certain quantity of land, and to a limited number of servants and cattle. No grazier was allowed to have above a certain number of cows, sheep, and goats, and a tax was paid for keeping even that number, so that many of the village registrars abandoned their offices; and the mokuddums, or heads of villages, who formerly possessed large farms, and maintained expensive establishments, were obliged to dismiss them, and to cause many of the menial offices of their families to be performed by their own wives and children. Neither were they permitted to resign their employments, till they found others as capable as themselves to execute their duties. It was a common saying of the King, “That reli-“gion had no connection with civil government, “but was only the business, or rather amusement “of private life; and that the will of a wise prince “was better than the variable opinions of bodies “of men.”

The King himself being wholly illiterate, it became a maxim, with the learned men at court, to talk upon no subjects beyond the King's knowledge. He was, however, so sensible of the disadvantages under which he laboured, that he applied himself privately to study, and notwithstanding the difficulty of acquiring the knowledge of Persian, after he once bent his mind to it, he soon read all addresses, and made himself acquainted with the best authors in the language. After he had made such progress as to be able to take part in learned discourses, he encouraged literary subjects, and showed particular favour to all the eminent men of that age, particularly to Kazy Mowlana Kohramy, and Kazy Moghees-ood-Deen. He appointed the last of those learned men to explain the law to him; which he did, according to the true spirit, in every point upon which he was consulted. He did not, however, do it without fear and trembling, where it differed from the King's notions of good government.

The King, one day addressing himself to Kazy Moghees-ood-Deen, said, he wished to put a few questions to him on the subject of the law. As the King had not only never consulted the learned men on any former occasions, but had declared them all to be hypocrites and rogues, the Kazy was confounded, and replied, “I fear, by what your “Majesty proposes, that my last hour is come; if “so, and it be your Majesty's will, I am prepared to “die; but it will be only adding unnecessarily to “the crime, if I am to be punished for speaking “the truth, and according to the word of God.” The King asked why he was afraid. He replied, “If I speak the truth, and your Majesty is “offended, it may cost me my life, and if I speak “falsely, and your Majesty should ascertain the “truth from others, I shall then be deserving of “death.” The King told him to allay his apprehensions, and to answer his questions in conformity with the law of the Prophet (on whom be the peace of God). — First question. “From what “description of Hindoos is it lawful to exact “obedience and tribute?” — Answer. “It is law-“ful to exact obedience and tribute from all in-“fidels, and they can only be considered as “obedient who pay the poll-tax and tribute “without demur, even should it be obtained by “force; for, according to the law of the Prophet, it “is written, regarding infidels, ‘Tax them to the “extent that they can pay, or utterly destroy them.’ “The learned of the faith have also enjoined the “followers of Islam, ‘To slay them, or to convert “them to the faith;’ a maxim conveyed in the “words of the Prophet himself. The Imam Hu-“neef, however, subsequently considers that the “poll-tax, or as heavy a tribute imposed upon “them as they can bear, may be substituted for “death, and he has accordingly forbidden that “their blood should be heedlessly spilt. So that “it is commanded that the Juzeea (poll-tax) and “Khiraj (tribute) should be exacted to the utter-“most farthing from them, in order that the “punishment may approximate as nearly as possi-“ble to death.” ^349a The King smiled and said, “You may perceive, that without reading learned “books, I am in the habit of putting in practice, “of my own accord, that which has been enjoined “by the Prophet.” — Second question. “Is it “lawful to punish public servants who may be “guilty of taking bribes, or of defrauding the “government, in the same manner as if they had “committed theft, and were actually thieves?” — Answer. “If a public servant is handsomely “paid, according to the responsibility and labour “imposed on him, and he is then guilty of receiv-“ing bribes, or of extorting money by force from “those with whom he has business, it is lawful to “recover the same from him by any means which “the government may think fit; but it is unlawful “to deprive him of life or limb like a common “malefactor.”

The King replied, “In this particular, also, I “have acted in conformity with the law; for I “make a point of exacting, even by rack and the “torture, all such sums as are proved to have been “fraudulently obtained by the public servants.” — Third question. “Am I entitled to retain, as my “private property, the wealth I obtained during “my campaign against Dewgur, before I as-“cended the throne; or ought it to be placed in “the public treasury; and has the army any right “to a portion of that booty?” — Answer. “The “portion of the King, in that booty, is only one “share in common with every soldier who accom-“panied him on the expedition.”

The King was displeased at this reply; and said, “How can that be considered public property, or “belonging to the troops, which I obtained during “the time I was a general, and which was gained “through my own personal exertions?”

The Kazy replied, “Whatever the King may “have obtained by his individual exertion belongs “to him; but whatever is obtained by the exertion “of the troops, should be equally shared with them.” — Fourth question. “What portion of the above “property belongs of right to me individually, and “to my children?”

The Kazy said, inwardly, My fate is now certainly determined; for since the King was angry at the former reply, that which I must now give will be still more offensive.

The King said, “Speak! I spare your life.” The Kazy replied, “There are three modes in “which your Majesty may act.”

“1. If you mean to act with strict justice, “and according to the laws of the caliphs, you “will be content by retaining for yourself one “portion in common with others who shared in “the danger.

“2. If you would take a middle course, you “will retain for yourself a share equal to the “largest portion of the booty which has fallen to “the lot of any single officer in the expedition.”

“3. If your Majesty, on the other hand, “adopts the opinions which will be given probably “by such learned men who look out for passages “in the holy books, as authority in order to recon-“cile the minds of kings to despotic acts, you will “reserve for yourself out of that booty a portion “something greater than any other of the gene-“rals, and such as may be suitable to the splen-“dour and dignity of the crown; but I cannot “think that the King can found a plea to any “thing beyond this; your royal children may, also, “on the same grounds, each be allowed a portion, “either equal to a share of each common soldier, or “to the share of an officer of rank.” The King became angry, and said, “Do you mean to assert, “then, that the private expenses of my household, “and the money which is distributed in presents “and rewards, is done contrary to the law.” The Kazy replied, “When the King consults me on “points of law, I am compelled to answer accord-“ing to the written law of the Koran; but if you “ask me on the score of policy and government, “I can only say whatever you do is right; and “according to the custom of governments, the “more you accumulate and expend, the greater is “the splendour which attends your court and “your reign.” Upon this the King said, “I am “in the habit of stopping one months' pay for “three successive years, from every soldier who “neglects to appear at muster; I always make it “a rule, also, to extirpate every living soul of the “family of a person going into rebellion, and to “confiscate the whole of their property, in what-“ever country it may be. Do you mean to say, “also, that it is unlawful to exact fines from forni-“cators, thieves, and drunkards?”

The Kazy, overpowered by the language and manner of the King, got up, and went as far as the threshold of the hall, where he prostrated himself, and as he rose pronounced, “Oh, King, all “that thou doest is contrary to law;” with this he absconded. The King retired in a great fury to the private apartments, while the Kazy, having reached his home, made his will, and sat patiently and resigned, awaiting the arrival of the executioner.

On the following day, contrary to his expectation, the King sent for the Kazy, and received him with great kindness. He conferred on him a handsome gold embroidered vest, and a purse of 1000 tunkas, and said, “Although I have not had “the advantage of reading books like yourself, I “can never forget that I was born the son of a “Mussulman; and while I am quite prepared to “admit the truth of all you say, yet, if the “doctrines which you call law were put in prac-“tice, they alone would not answer the purpose of “government, and more particularly such a go-“vernment as this of Hindoostan. Unless severe “punishments were inflicted for crimes they “could never be checked; so that while I act “with rigour in all such cases, according to the “best of my judgment, I place reliance on God, “that, if I have erred, the door of mercy will be “open to me a repentant sinner.”

Alla-ood-Deen about this time sent an army by the way of Bengal to reduce the fort of Wurun-gole in Tulingana, while he himself marched towards Chittoor, a place never before attacked by the troops of the Mahomedans. After a siege of

A. H. 703.
A. D. 1303.

six months, Chittoor was reduced in the year 703, and the government of it conferred on the King's eldest son, the Prince Khizr Khan, after whom it was called Khizrabad. At the same time, the King bestowed upon Khizr Khan regal dignities, and he was publicly proclaimed successor to the throne. Intelligence of these distant expeditions becoming known in Ma-wur-ool-Nehr, Toorghay Khan, the Mogul chief who had distinguished himself formerly against Zuffur Khan, thinking that Alla-ood-Deen would for a long time be absent, seized the opportunity of invading Hindoostan. The King, hearing of this dangerous inroad, abandoned, for the present, his designs on the Deccan, and caused his army to return to Dehly. Toorghay Khan, with twelve tomans of Mogul horse, amounting to 120,000 men, reached the capital, and encamped on the banks of the Jumna. The cavalry of the Indian army being absent on the expedition to Wurungole, the King was in no condition to face the enemy on equal terms, and therefore contented himself with entrenching his infantry on the plain beyond the suburbs, till he could collect the forces of the distant districts. The Moguls, meanwhile, having command of the adjacent country, prevented all succours from joining the Indians, and proceeded to such lengths as to plunder the suburbs of Dehly, in the King's presence, without his being able to check them. Affairs remained in this state for two months; when Alla-ood-Deen, according to some authors, had recourse to supernatural aid, and applied to a saint of those days, whose name was Nizam-ood-Deen Owlia. The effect was, that, one night, without any apparent cause, the Mogul army was seized with a panic, which occasioned their precipitate retreat to their own country; an event ascribed by the historians of the day, and by the people of Dehly, to the miraculous intervention of the saint. The King, during this alarming period, was constrained to confess, that his ideas of universal conquest were absurd.

Alla-ood-Deen, relieved from the perils of this invasion, caused a palace to be built upon the spot where he had entrenched himself, and directed the citadel of Old Dehly to be pulled down, and built anew. But apprehensive of another invasion of the Moguls, he increased his forces so greatly, that upon calculating the expense, he found his revenues, and what treasures he had himself amassed, could not support them above six years. In this dilemma he resolved to reduce the pay of the army, but it occurred to him that this could not be done with propriety, without lowering, proportionably, the price of horses, arms, and provision. He therefore caused an edict to be proclaimed, which he strictly enforced throughout the empire, fixing the price of every article of consumption. To accomplish the reduction of the prices of grain, in particular, he caused large magazines to be built upon the rivers Jumna and Ganges, and other places convenient for water-carriage, under the direction of Mullik Kubool. This person was authorised to receive half of the land tax in grain; and the government agent supplied the markets when any articles rose above the fixed price.

The first regulation was established for fixing the prices of grain at Dehly, from which we may suppose what those were for the country towns: —

Wheat, per domuny, 7 1/2 jeetuls. ^356a
Barley, domuny, 4 jeetuls.
Cheny, domuny, 5 jeetuls.
Rice in the husk, ditto, 5 jeetuls.
Oorud in the husk, ditto, 3 jeetuls.
Mutt in the husk, ditto, 3 jeetuls.

The prices remained fixed during this reign; but, in consequence of a want of water, a dearth ensued, and a difference took place in practice. It is difficult to conceive how so extraordinary a project should have been put in practice, without defeating its own end. Such a plan was neither before ever carried into effect, or has it been tried since; but it is confidently asserted, that the orders continued throughout the reign of this monarch.† ^356b The importation of grain was encouraged; while to export it, or any other article of provision, was a capital crime. The King himself had a daily report laid before him of the quantity sold and remaining in the several granaries; and overseers were appointed in the different markets to inform him of abuses, which were punished with the utmost rigour. Alla-ood-Deen established also a public office and inspectors, who fixed the price of the various kinds of cloth, according to its quality, obliging the merchants to open their shops at certain hours every day, and sell their goods at the stipulated prices.

The prices established for cloth formed the second regulation: —

The treasury, at the same time, opened a loan, by which merchants were enabled to procure ready money to import cloth from the neighbouring countries, where the poverty of the people rendered their manufactures cheaper. But what is somewhat unaccountable, while the exportation of the finer kind of manufacture was prohibited, it was not permitted to be worn at home, except by special authority from the King, which favour was only granted to men of rank.

As the value of horses had risen greatly by combination amongst the dealers, who bought them all up from the Persian and northern merchants to enhance the price, the King published an edict, by which merchants were obliged to register the prices paid for horses, and to sell them at a certain profit within a limited time, if that price was offered them, otherwise the King took them upon his own account.

The third regulation fixed the prices of horses:—

1st class of horses from 100 to 120 tunkas. ^358a
2d class of horses from 80 to 90 ditto.
3d class of horses from 65 to 70 ditto.
Ponies, from 12 to 20 ditto.

Care was taken that the merchants who brought those animals should not sell them to dealers wholesale, but reserve them for persons who wanted them for use. As many frauds were practised in spite of this regulation, a number of horse-dealers were whipt out of the city, and others even put to death.

The fourth regulation regarded the sale of slaves of both sexes: —

1st class, from 100 to 200 tunkas.
2d class, from 20 to 40 ditto.
3d class, from 5 to 10 ditto.

The fifth regulation regarded the sale of cattle, oxen, sheep, goats, camels, and asses: in short, every useful animal, and all commodities, were sold at a stated price in the markets.

These regulations extended even to the price of grocery: —

Sugar-candy, 1 seer, 2 jeetuls.
Moist sugar, 1 seer, 1 jeetul.
Red and coarse sugar, 1 seer, 1/2 jeetul.
Lamp oil, 3 seers, 1 jeetul.
Ghee (clarified butter), 1 seer, 1/2 jeetul.
Salt, 5 seers, 1 jeetul.
Onions and garlick, 1 seer, 1 jeetul.

The King received daily reports from three different departments on this subject; and he even employed the boys in the street to go and purchase articles, to ascertain that no variation took place from the fixed rates.

It is related in the Moolhikat of Sheikh Ein-ood-Deen Beejapoory, that one of his favourites, by way of a joke, proposed a fixed price for prostitution; and the King, smiling, said, Very well, that shall be fixed also. Accordingly, prostitutes were classed under the denomination of first, second, and third, and a price fixed on them.

In order to comprehend the true value of the money of that day, it is proper to state, that a tunka was equal to a tola in weight, whether of gold or silver, and a tunka of silver was equal to 50 jeetuls. The jeetul was a small copper coin, the weight of which is not now known. Some conceive it was a tola; while others are of opinion, that the jeetul, like the pice of the present day, weighed 3/4 of a tola. The maund of the time of Julal-ood-Deen weighed 40 seers, and each seer weighed 24 tolas. It is to be understood, whenever I speak of tolas generally, I mean silver tolas; and this may serve as a guide to all calculations hereafter in this work.^360a

The King having thus regulated the prices of articles, his next care was to new-model his army. He settled the pay of every horseman for himself and his horse. The first class had 234 tunkas, the second class, 156, and the third class, 88 tunkas annually, according to the goodness of the horse; and, upon a muster, he found his cavalry to consist of 475,000.†^360b A. H. 704.
A D. 1304. In the mean time, in the year 704, Ally Beg (one of the descendants of Chungiz Khan) and Khwaja Tash, with 40,000 horse, made an irruption into India. They passed to the north of Lahore, and skirting the Sewalik mountains, penetrated without opposition to Amroha. The King sent Toghluk Khan with a force against them; and the Moguls were defeated, with the loss of 7000 men killed and wounded. Ally Beg and Khwaja Tash, with 9000 of their troops, were made prisoners, and sent in chains to the King, who ordered the chiefs to be thrown under the feet of elephants, and the soldiers to be put to death; while, as a reward for his services, Toghluk Khan was nominated viceroy of Punjab.

Aluf Khan ^361a was, about this time, appointed governor and commander of the troops in Guzerat, and sent thither with a great force. Ein-ool-Moolk Mooltany, another chieftain, was also sent with an army to effect the conquest of Malwa. He was opposed by Koka, the Raja of Malwa, with 40,000 Rajpoot horse, and 100,000 foot. In the engagement which ensued, Ein-ool-Moolk proved vic torious, and reduced the cities of Oojein, Mando, Dharanuggurry, and Chundery. After these successes, he wrote an account of the same to the King, who, on receiving it, commanded illuminations to be made for seven days throughout the city of Dehly. Nehr Dew, Raja of Jalwur, panic-struck at the rapid progress of Ein-ool-Moolk, surrendered that place without opposition. At this time, however, Ray Ruttun Sein, the Raja of Chittoor, who had been prisoner since the King had taken the fort, made his escape in an extraordinary manner. Alla-ood-Deen, having received an extravagant account of the beauty and accomplishments of one of the Raja's daughters, told him, that if he would deliver her over to him, he should be released. The Raja, who was very ill treated during his confinement, consented, and sent for his daughter, with a manifest design to prostitute her to the King. The Raja's family, however, hearing of this dishonourable proposal, concerted measures for poisoning the Princess, to save the reputation of the house. But the Raja's daughter contrived a stratagem by which she proposed to procure her father's release, and preserve her own honour. She accordingly wrote to her father, to let it be known that she was coming with all her attendants, and would be at Dehly on a certain day, acquainting him with the part she intended to act. Her contrivance was this. Having selected a number of the dependents of the family, who, in complete armour, concealed themselves in litters (such as are used by women), she proceeded with such a retinue of horse and foot, as is customary to guard ladies of rank. Through her father's means, she received the King's passport, and the cavalcade proceeding by slow marches to Dehly, was admitted without interruption. It was night when the party arrived, and, by the King's especial permission, the litters were allowed to be carried into the prison, the attendants having taken their stations without. No sooner were they within the walls, than the armed men leaping out of the litters, put the King's guards to the sword, and carried off the Raja. Horses being already prepared for his flight, he mounted one, and rushing with his attendants through the city, before opposition could be made, fled to his own country among the hills, where his family were concealed. Thus, by the exertions of his ingenious daughter, the Raja effected his escape, and from that day continued to ravage the country then in possession of the Ma-homedans. At length, finding it of no use to retain Chittoor, the King ordered the Prince Khizr Khan to evacuate it, and to make it over to the nephew of the Raja. This Hindoo prince, in a short time, restored the principality to its former condition, and retained the tract of Chittoor as tributary to Alla-ood-Deen during the rest of this reign. He sent annually large sums of money, besides valuable presents, and always joined the imperial standard in the field with 5000 horse and 10,000 foot.

A. H. 705.
A. D. 1305. In the year 705, Eibuk Khan, an officer of Ameer Dawood Khan, ruler of Mawur-ool-Nehr, in order to revenge the death of Ally Beg and Khwaja Tash, invading Hin-doostan, ravaged Mooltan, and proceeded to Sew-alik. Ghazy Beg Toghluk, in the mean time, having taken up a position in ambuscade, on the banks of the Indus, awaited the return of the Moguls to their country, and falling suddenly upon them, defeated them with great slaughter. Those who escaped the sword, finding it impossible to force their way home, retired into the desert, where thirst and the hot winds which blow at that season put an end to their miserable lives; so that out of 57,000 cavalry, besides their followers, who were still more numerous, only 3000 souls who were taken prisoners survived this defeat. These unfortunate wretches were reserved for a miserable fate. They were sent to Dehly with their chief, Eibuk Khan, where, being trodden to death by elephants, a pillar was raised before the Budaoon gate, formed of their skulls; and I am informed that a portion of it is to be seen at this day. All the Mogul women and children taken in this war were sent to different parts of the kingdom to be sold, in the markets, as slaves. These repeated misfortunes did not deter the Moguls; for soon after Yekbalmund, a chief of reputation, again invaded Hindoostan. But Ghazy Beg Toghluk also defeated the Moguls with great slaughter, and sent some thousand prisoners to Dehly, who were put to death according to the custom of the times. From henceforward the Moguls gave over all thoughts of invading Hindoostan for many years, and were even hard pressed to defend themselves; for Ghazy Beg Toghluk, making incursions into their country every year, plundered the provinces of Kabul, Ghizny, Kandahar, and Gurmseer, and laid the inhabitants under heavy contributions.

In the mean time Alla-ood-Deen was employed in the improvement of his internal government; and had such extraordinary success in whatever he undertook, that the superstition of the times ascribed it to supernatural agency, so much were people amazed at the good effects that resulted from his measures. Ram Dew, Raja of Dewgur, having neglected to send the tribute for the last three years, Mullik Kafoor (known by the name of Huzar Deenary) ^365a was invested with the title of Mullik Naib, and placed in command of an army. Accompanied by many officers of renown, he was ordered to subdue the countries of the south of India, which, according to the language of the people, is denominated Deccan. The Emperor's attachment to Mullik Kafoor exceeded all bounds, and his wish now was to raise him to distinction among the nobles. The army was put under his especial charge, and the nobles were directed to pay their respects to him daily, as to a sovereign. This created great disgust, but no one durst complain. Khwaja Hajy, a man much esteemed in those days for his good principles, was appointed second in command in this expedition, which, (according to the authority of Kazy Ah-mud Ghufary, who composed the Jehan-Ara,) in

A. H. 706.
A. D. 1306.

the beginning of the year 706, marched from Dehly, consisting of an army of 100,000 horse. This expedition was reinforced on the way by the troops of Ein-ool-Moolk Mooltany, governor of Malwa, and Aluf Khan, governor of Guzerat. Kowla Devy, one of the King's wives, and who has been before mentioned, hearing of this expedition, addressing herself to the King, told him, that before she was taken prisoner, she had borne two daughters to her former husband. That one of them (the eldest,) she heard, had since died, but that the other, whose name was Dewul Devy, and who was only four years old when she left her, was still alive. She, therefore, begged that the King would give orders to his generals to endeavour to get possession of her and send her to Dehly.

Mullik Naib Kafoor passed through Malwa, and having encamped on the borders of the Deccan, sent the King's order to Kurrun Ray, to deliver up his daughter Dewul Devy, which was now urged as a pretext for commencing hostilities in case of refusal. The Raja could by no means be brought to agree to this demand. According to the Moolhikat, Mullik Naib Kafoor encamped for some time in the district called Sooltanpoor, and he states that the district and town had this name from that time. Finding he could make no impression on the rajas in that vicinity, Mullik Naib in person, marched from thence, directing Aluf Khan, with his forces from Guzerat, to join him by the route leading through the mountains of Buglana, so as both to enter the Deccan together. Aluf Khan was opposed by Kurrun Ray, who for two months defeated him in every attempt to force his passage, in which time several actions were fought. Shunkul Dew, the Prince of Dewgur, had long sought to obtain the hand of the young Dewul Devy; but she being of the tribe of Rajpoot, and Shunkul Dew a Mahratta, her father withheld his consent to their union. At this time, however, Shunkul Dew sent his own brother, Bheem Dew, with presents to Kurrun Ray, persuading him, that as Dewul Devy was the occasion of the war, if he would deliver her over to him, the troops of the Mahomedans, in despair of obtaining their end, would return to their own country. Kurrun Ray, relying much on the young Prince's aid, consented to the proposal, and reluctantly gave his daughter, then in her thirteenth year, in marriage to Shunkul Dew.

Aluf Khan, hearing this, was much concerned lest the King should impute this circumstance to his neglect, and resolved, at all events, if possible, to secure her before her departure. He was apprehensive that his own life depended on success. He acquainted his officers with the peculiarity of his situation, and they unanimously promised him their support. They entered the mountains in several directions, and engaging the Raja, gave him a total defeat. Kurrun Ray fled to Dewgur, leaving his elephants, tents, and equipage on the field. Aluf Khan pursued him through several passes for some time, and at length was within one march of Dewgur. Having entirely lost the track of the fugitives, he was in deep despair, when an accident threw the object of his desire in his way. While halting, for two days, to refresh his army among the mountains, some of his troops, to the number of 300, went without leave to see the caves of El-loora, in the neighbourhood of Dewgur, from which city his camp was not far distant. During this excursion, they perceived a body of horse approaching, whom they apprehended to belong to Shunkul Dew. Although they were few in number, the Mahomedans saw no safety in flight, but determined to stand on the defensive, and accordingly prepared to receive the enemy. This troop proved to be the retinue of Bheem Dew, who was conveying the young bride to his brother. The two parties instantly engaged, but the Hindoos were put to flight, while an arrow having pierced the horse of Dewul Devy, she fell, and was left on the ground. The conquerors seeing her, gathered round her horse, and commenced a bloody scuffle with the enemy for the prize. This might have proved fatal to the object of their contention, had not one of her female slaves discovered her name and quality, conjuring them to carry her to their commander. On hearing this the soldiers knew the peril of treating her with indignity; and while an express was despatched with the news to Aluf Khan, they conducted her with great care and respect to his camp.

Aluf Khan, having obtained this prize, was exceedingly rejoiced, knowing how acceptable it would be to his sovereign, over whom the lady's mother had so great influence. He, therefore, prosecuted his conquests no further, but returned to Guzerat, and proceeded from thence, with Dewul Devy, to Dehly, where he presented her to her mother. In a few days after her arrival, her beauty inflamed the heart of the King's son, Khizr Khan, to whom she was eventually given in marriage. The history of the loves of this illustrious pair is written in an elegant poem composed by Ameer Khoosrow Dehlvy. Let us now return to Mullik Naib Kafoor, whom we left entering the Deccan. Having first subdued great part of the country of the Mahrattas, which he distributed among his officers, he proceeded to the siege of Dewgur, since known by the name of Dowlutabad. Ram Dew, being in no condition to oppose the Mahomedan troops, left his son Shunkul Dew in the fort, and advanced with presents to meet the conqueror, in order to obtain peace. Mullik Naib Kafoor, accordingly, having drawn up an account of his expedition sent it to the King, and some time after brought Ram Dew to Dehly, with rich presents and seventeen elephants, to pay his respects, where he was received with great marks of favour and distinction. Ram Dew had royal dignities conferred upon him; the title of Ray Rayan was granted to him, and he was not only restored to his government, but other districts were added to his dominions, for all of which he did homage, and paid tribute to the King of Dehly. The King, on this occasion, gave him the district of Nowsary, near Guzerat, as a personal estate, and a lack of tunkas to bear his expenses home. Nor did Ram Dew neglect to send the annual tribute to Dehly during his lifetime.

During the absence of Mullik Kafoor on this expedition, the King employed himself in taking a strong fort to the southward of Dehly, belonging to Seetul Dew, Raja of Sewana, which had often been attempted in vain. When Seetul Dew, Raja of Sewana, found he could hold out no longer, he sent his own image, which had been cast in pure gold, to Alla-ood-Deen, with a chain round its neck in token of submission. This present was accompanied with a hundred elephants, and other precious effects, in hopes of procuring peace. Alla-ood-Deen received the presents, but returned him for answer, that unless he came and made his submission in person, he could hope little from his dumb representative. The Raja, finding his enemy inexorable, threw himself upon his mercy, and delivered up the place, which, after being given over to plunder, was again restored. But the King alienated a great part of the Raja's country to his favourite chiefs, and compelled the Raja to do homage for the remainder.

It is related that the Raja of Jalwur, Nehr Dew, as has been stated above, resided at the court of Dehly. One day the King was boasting, that at the present day no raja of Hindoostan dared to oppose his arms; on which Nehr Dew, in the plenitude of folly, replied, “I will suffer death, if I “do not myself raise an army that shall defeat any “attempt of the King's troops to take the fort of “Jalwur.” The King directed him to quit the court, and finding he was collecting troops, ordered a division of the army to besiege Jalwur; and the more to show his contempt for Nehr Dew, placed the troops under the command of one of the slave girls of the palace, called Gool Behisht, “the Rose “of Heaven.” She had nearly succeeded in taking the fort, and evinced great bravery, but she fell sick and died. The siege was then conducted by her son Shaheen. Nehr Dew quitted the fort, and attacking the royal army, slew Shaheen, with his own hand, and the Mahomedans retreated four days successively towards Dehly. Alla-ood-Deen, vexed at this repulse, sent strong reinforcements under Kumal-ood-Deen, a general of distinction, who succeeded at last in taking Jalwur by storm, and made a dreadful slaughter of the garrison, putting Nehr Dew and his family to the sword, and plundering all his treasures. The news of this event created great joy at the capital.

About this time the King, being informed that an expedition, which he had sent by the way of Bengal to Wurungole, in the country of Tulin-gana, had failed, and that his army on that side had

A. H. 709.
A. D. 1309.

been obliged to retreat in great distress, he sent Mullik Kafoor with another army to invade that country, by the way of Dewgur. This chief had orders, that if Luddur Dew, Raja of Wurungole, should consent to give him a handsome present, and promise an annual tribute, to return without prosecuting the war. When Mullik Kafoor and Khwaja Hajy had reached Dewgur, Ram Dew came out to meet them with offerings, and carrying them home, entertained them with great hospitality. He also ordered his markets to the camp, with strict orders to sell every thing according to the King's established prices in his own dominions. Mullik Kafoor, having marched from Dewgur, appeared at Indore, ^372a on the frontiers of Tulingana, and issued orders to lay waste the country with fire and sword. This confounded the inhabitants, who had never injured their wanton enemies. Meanwhile the neighbouring rajas hastened with their forces to support Luddur Dew at this alarming crisis; but as the Moslem army proceeded by forced marches, the Raja was compelled, before the arrival of his allies to shut himself up in the fort of Wurungole, a place of great strength. The allied rajas also occupied several other strong holds in the country. Mullik Kafoor immediately invested Wurungole and began his attacks, which were repelled with great bravery. Notwithstanding the interruptions that Mullik Kafoor received from the auxiliary rajas without the place, the town of Wurungole, after some months' siege, was taken by assault, and many of the garrison put to the sword; because the inner fort, to which Luddur Dew had retired, was insufficient to contain the whole. Luddur Dew, driven to this extremity, purchased peace by presenting 300 elephants, 7000 horses, and money and jewels to a large amount; agreeing, at the same time, to pay an annual tribute. Mullik Kafoor, after this advantageous peace, returned with his army to Dehly. He despatched before him the account of his victories, which was read from the pulpit, and public rejoicings were ordered. On his approach to the city, the King himself came out to the Chubootra Nasiry, near the Bu-daoon gate, to receive him, and there the conqueror laid all the spoils at his sovereign's feet.

A. H. 710.
A. D. 1310. In the year 710, the King again sent Mullik Kafoor and Khwaja Hajy, with a great army, to reduce Dwara Sumoodra and Maabir ^373a in the Deccan, where he heard there were temples very rich in gold and jewels. Having reached Dewgur, they found that Ram Dew, the old King, was dead, and that the young Prince, Shunkul Dew, was not well affected to the Ma-homedans. Leaving, therefore, some officers with part of the army at the town of Peitun, on the Go-davery, Mullik Kafoor continued his march to the south. When the Mahomedans crossed the Raja's boundary, they began to lay waste the country, and eventually reached the sea-coast, after three months' march from Dehly; during a great part of which time they were opposed by the Hindoos, whose countries they traversed. Among others they engaged Bilal Dew, Raja of the Carnatic†, ^373b and defeating him, took him prisoner, and ravaged his territory. They found in the temples prodigious spoils, such as idols of gold, adorned with precious stones, and other rich effects, consecrated to Hindoo worship. On the sea-coast, the conqueror built a small mosque, and ordered prayers to be read according to the Mahomedan faith, and the Khootba to be pronounced in the name of Alla-ood-Deen Khiljy. This mosque remains entire in our days at Sett Bund Rameswur; ^374a for the infidels, esteeming it a house consecrated to God, would not destroy it. The town of Dwara Sumoodra has, I understand, by the encroachment of the sea, been destroyed, and now lies in ruins.

Mullik Kafoor, having effected the object of his expedition, prepared to return to Dehly with the spoils. The night before his intended march, a quarrel arose among some brahmins, who had taken refuge in his camp. Some one who understood their language found the quarrel regarded hidden treasures, which being communicated to the superintendent of the market, the brahmins were seized and carried to Mullik Kafoor. At first, they denied any knowledge of the treasures; but their lives being threatened, and each being questioned apart, and apprehensive that one would inform against the other, they at length discovered the secret. Seven different places were pointed out near the camp, where treasures were concealed. These being dug up, and placed upon elephants, Mullik Kafoor returned to Dehly, where he arrived, without any remarkable occurrence, in

A. H. 711.
A. D. 1311.

the year 711. He presented the King with 312 elephants, 20,000 horses, 96,000 maunds of gold, several boxes of jewels and pearls, and other precious effects. Alla-ood-Deen, on seeing this treasure, which exceeded that of the Badawurd of Purveez, ^375a was greatly rejoiced, and rewarded all his officers with largesses. To each of the principal offices he gave ten maunds of gold, and to the inferior five. The learned men of his court each received one maund; and thus in proportion he distributed wealth to his servants, according to their rank and quality. The remainder was melted down, coined, and lodged in the treasury. It is remarkable that silver is not mentioned, as having been taken during this expedition to the Carnatic, and there is reason to conclude that silver was not used as coin in that country at all in those days. No person wore bracelets, chains, or rings of any other metal than gold; while all the plate in the houses of the great, and in the temples, was of beaten gold.†^375b

Amongst other extraordinary events of this reign is the massacre of the newly converted Ma-homedan Moguls. Although no particular cause is assigned for it, the King suddenly took it into his head to discharge all the soldiers of this class, desiring them to look out for other service. Some of them engaged with the omras; but the major part remained at Dehly in great distress, in hopes that the King would relent on seeing their wretched condition. He, however, remained obdurate; and some daring fellows among them, forced by their misfortunes, entered into a conspiracy to murder him. This plot being discovered, Alla-ood-Deen, instead of merely punishing the conspirators, extended his rigour to the whole body. He ordered them all to be instantly put to the sword; so that 15,000 of those unhappy wretches lay dead in the streets of Dehly in one day, and all their wives and children were enslaved. The King was so inexorable and vindictive, that no one durst attempt to conceal (however nearly connected) one of this unfortunate race, and not one of them is supposed to have escaped.

The King, elated by the success of his arms, abandoned himself to inordinate pride. He listened no longer to advice, as he sometimes condescended to do in the beginning of his reign, but every thing was executed by his irrevocable word. Yet it is related, that the empire never flourished so much as in this reign. Order and justice prevailed in the most distant provinces, and magnificence raised her head in the land. Palaces, mosques, universities, baths, mausolea, forts, and all kinds of public and private buildings, seemed to rise as if by magic. Neither did there, in any age, appear such a concourse of learned men from all parts. Forty-five doctors, skilled in the sciences, were professors in the universities.

Among the holy men were the following: Sheikh Nizam-ood-Deen Owlia of Dehly, Sheikh Alla-ood-Deen, the grandson of the celebrated Sheikh Fu-reed-ood-Deen Shukrgunj of Ajoodhun, Sheikh Rookn-ood-Deen, the son of Sudr-ood-Deen Aarif, and grandson of the famous Sheikh Baha-ood-Deen Zacharia of Mooltan. The family of this latter personage had such influence, that persons guilty of almost any crime were protected if they sought an asylum with them. Sheikh Baha-ood-Deen Zacharia left enormous wealth to his descendants, the whole of which was expended in charity by his son and grandson. Besides these, was Syud Taj-ood-Deen, the son of Syud Kootb-ood-Deen, remarkable for his profound learning, and his extensive charities. He was originally Kazy of Oude, and eventually died Kazy of Budaoon. His brother, Syud Rookn-ood-Deen, Kazy of Kurra, was also celebrated among the learned men of his time. At Keytuhl, also, there were two brothers famous for their learning, and the sanctity of their lives, namely, Syud Mogheis-ood-Deen, and Mountujib-ood-Deen, who were styled the Nowayut Syuds.

Among the poets of this reign, we may record the names of

Ameer Khoosrow Dehlvy.
Ameer Hussun Sunjurry.
Sudr-ood-Deen Aaly.
Fukr-ood-Deen Khowass.
Humeed-ood-Deen Raja.
Mowlana Aarif.
Abdool Hukeem.
Shahab-ood-Deen Sudr Nisheen.

Besides whom were several historians and compilers of memoirs of the times. Most of the abovementioned persons received pensions from the court.

But the King seemed to have now reached the zenith of his splendour and power; and as every thing is liable to perish, and stability belongs to God alone, so the fulness of the King's prosperity began to decline, and the lustre of his reign to fade away. He resigned the reins of government entirely into the hands of Mullik Kafoor, whom he blindly supported in every impolitic and tyrannical measure. This gave disgust to the nobles, and caused universal discontent among the people. He neglected the education of his own children, who were removed from the seraglio, when very young, and entrusted with independent power. Khizr Khan was made viceroy of Chittoor, when as yet a boy, without any person of wisdom to advise him or to superintend his conduct, while Shady Khan, Moobaruk Khan, and Shahab-ood-Deen, the other princes, held public offices of the same important nature.

The Raja of Tulingana, about this time, sent some presents and 20 elephants to the King, with a letter informing him that the tribute, which he had agreed to pay in his treaty with Mullik Kafoor, was ready. Mullik Kafoor, upon this, desired leave of the King to make another expedition into the Deccan, promising that he would not only collect the tribute, but bring the Raja of Dewgur and others, who had withheld it, under due subjection. Mullik Kafoor was principally moved to this by his jealousy of Khizr Khan, the declared heir to the empire, whose government lay most convenient for that expedition, and whom he feared the King intended to send to the south. Alla-ood-Deen consented to Mullik Kafoor's proposal, who accordingly proceeded the

A. H. 712.
A. D. 1312.

fourth time to the Deccan in the year 712. He seized the Raja of Dewgur, and inhumanly put him to death. He then laid waste the countries of Mahrashtra and Canara, from Dabul and Choule, as far as Rachoor and Moodkul; he afterwards took up his residence at Dewgur, and realising the tribute from the Princes of Tulingana and the Carnatic, despatched the whole to Dehly.

Alla-ood-Deen, by this time, owing to his intemperance and excess, had ruined his constitution, and was taken extremely ill. His wife, Mullika Jehan, ^379a and her son Khizr Khan, neglected him entirely, and spent their time in riot and revelry. The King's strength daily giving way, he ordered Mullik Kafoor from the Deccan, and Aluf Khan from Guzerat, complaining to them in private of the undutiful and cruel behaviour of his wife and son towards him during his illness. Mullik Kafoor, who had long aspired to the throne, now began seriously to form schemes for the extirpation of the royal line. He therefore insinuated to the King, that Khizr Khan, the Queen, and Aluf Khan, had conspired against his life, and that which gave an air of probability to the accusation was, that at this time the Queen was very urgent to procure one of Aluf Khan's daughters to be married to her son Shady Khan. Mullik Kafoor did not fail to take advantage of this circumstance, so that the King at length being suspicious of treachery, ordered the Prince Khizr Khan to Amroha, there to continue till he himself should recover from his indisposition. Though Khizr Khan was full of the follies of youth, his father's order made a deep impression on his mind, and he felt conscious of having neglected him. At his departure, he therefore took an oath privately, that if God should spare the life of his father, he would return all the way on foot to the capital; and when he heard that his father's health began to recover, he steadily fulfilled his vow, before he waited on him. The traitor, Mullik Kafoor, turned this act of filial piety entirely against Khizr Khan. He insinuated that his behaviour, by such a sudden change, could be imputed to nothing but hypocrisy; and ascribed his disobedience of coming without his father's leave, to an intention, on his part, of intriguing with the nobles, in order to excite a revolution. Alla-ood-Deen did not give entire credit to these insinuations; but sending for Khizr Khan, embraced him to try his affection, and seeing him weep, seemed convinced of his sincerity, and ordered him into the seraglio, to see his mother and sisters. Unhappily for this prince, the giddiness of youth made him deviate again into his former wild habits. He neglected for several days to visit his father, during which time his subtle enemy gained over some of the King's private domestics, and induced them to support his aspersions against Khizr Khan.

At length, by a thousand wiles and artifices, Mullik Kafoor accomplished his purpose, and prevailed on the King to imprison his two sons, (Khizr Khan and Shady Khan) in the fort of Gualiar, and their mother in the old fort of Dehly. He at the same time procured an order to seize Aluf Khan, whom he unjustly put to death. Aluf Khan's brother, Nizam Khan, Soobadar of Jalwur, was also assassinated by Kumal Khan, who succeeded to his office. Thus far the schemes of Mullik Kafoor succeeded. At this time, also, the flames of universal insurrection, which had long been smothered, began to burst forth, and were first apparent in Guzerat, which rose into insurrection. To suppress this rebellion, Kumal Khan was sent thither, but the adherents of the late Aluf Khan defeated him with great slaughter. Kumal Khan was taken prisoner, and suffered a cruel death. Meanwhile the rajpoots of Chittoor threw the Maho-medan officers over the walls, and asserted their independence, while Hurpal Dew, the son-in-law of Ram Dew, stirred up the Deccan to arms, and expelled a number of the Mahomedan garrisons.

On receiving these accounts, the King bit his own flesh with fury. His grief and rage only tended to increase his disorder, which seemed to resist the power of medicine; and on the evening of

Shuval 6.
A. H. 716.
Dec. 19.
A. D. 1316.

the 6th of Shuval, in the year 716, he gave up the ghost, but not without suspicion of being poisoned by the villain whom he had raised from the dust to power. Alla-ood-Deen Khiljy reigned 20 years and some months. The household servants of this monarch amounted to 17,000, including artificers, for whom he always found employment. His wealth and power were never equalled by any prince who sat before him on the throne of Hin-doostan, and they surpassed by far the riches accumulated in the ten campaigns of Mahmood Ghiz-nevy, all of which were left for others to enjoy.