Tārīḫ-i Firištah - The History of the Rise of Mohammedan Power in India, Volume 1

Ameer Ismaeel succeeds Subooktugeen during the absence of his elder brother Mahmood. — Mahmood proceeds to Ghizny to assert his claim. — Ismaeel is defeated and taken prisoner.

SUBOOKTUGEEN dying suddenly, and his eldest son Mahmood being at Nyshapoor, his second son Ismaeel prevailed on his father, in his last moments, to appoint him his successor. Ismaeel was accordingly crowned with great solemnity at Bulkh. In order to acquire popularity, he opened the treasury, and distributed great part of his father's wealth in presents to the nobility, and in expensive shows and entertainments to the people. He also augmented the pay of the troops, and rewarded small services with unusual profusion. The soldiers, however, perceived that this generosity arose out of apprehension of his brother, and they accordingly raised their demands, and became mutinous and disorderly.

When intelligence was brought to Mahmood of the death of his father, and the accession of his younger brother, he wrote to Ismaeel a letter, which he sent by the hand of Abool Hussun Jumvy, stating, that since the death of his royal father, he held no one upon earth so dear as his beloved brother, but that the art of government required the maturity of experience, wisdom, and age. That if Ismaeel were competent to so great a charge, it might have induced him not to interfere; but it must be evident that their father Subooktugeen, in vesting him with the control of the kingdom, was influenced alone by a consideration of the great distance at which his eldest son then was. He advised Ismaeel, therefore, seriously to reflect on his situation, to distinguish right from wrong, and to give up at once all pretensions to the crown; in which case (Mahmood said) he was willing to cede to him the government of the provinces of Bulkh and Khorassan.

Ismaeel rejected these proposals, and Mahmood saw no remedy but war. Having gained over to his interests both his uncle Boghraz and his own younger brother, Ameer Nuseer-ood-Deen Yoosoof, Mah-mood advanced to Ghizny; while Ismaeel hastened also from Bulkh to the same point. As the armies approached, Mahmood endeavoured to avoid coming to extremities, and having in vain tried to effect a reconciliation, was at length induced to form his troops in order of battle. Ismaeel also drew up his army, supported by a number of elephants. Both parties engaged with vigour; the action was bloody, and the victory long doubtful; Mahmood at last charged the centre of the enemy in person, and wholly discomfited it, compelling the fugitives to seek refuge in the citadel of Ghizny. Ismaeel was shortly after reduced to surrender, and to deliver up the keys of the garrison and treasury to his brother. Mahmood, having appointed a new ministry, proceeded with his army towards Bulkh. It is said, that a few days after the submission of Ismaeel, he was asked by his brother what he intended to have done with him had his better fortune prevailed. To which Ismaeel replied, he would have imprisoned him for life, granting to him, at the same time, every indulgence but his liberty, Mahmood made no remark at the time, but subsequently confined Ismaeel in a fort in Joorjan, where he remained till his death.^29a

Description of Mahmood. — Gold mine discovered during his reign in Seestan. — Mahmood deputes an embassy to Ameer Nooh, King of Bokhara, to receive an acknowledgment of his claim to the succession. — The King of Bokhara refuses to confirm Khorassan to him, but confers it on Ameer Toozun Beg. — Mahmood marches to oppose Toozun Beg. — He retreats to join the King of Bokhara, who takes the field. — The King of Bokhara is seized by his own officers, and put to death. — His son Abdool Mullik raised to the throne. — Elik Khan, ruler of Kashghar, invades Bokhara, slays the young king, and seizes on the government. — Mahmood sends an embassy to Elik Khan, and receives his daughter in marriage. — Mahmood makes war with the Hindoos. — Defeats Jeipal, Raja of Punjab. — Second expedition to India. — Lays siege to Bhatna, and takes it after much resistance. — Elik Khan invades Khorassan in the absence of Mahmood in India. — Mahmood defeats Elik Khan, who never again appears in the field. — The army of Mahmood nearly lost in the snow. — Third expedition to India. — Mahmood opposed, on the confines of Pishawur, by Anundpal, the son and successor of Jeipal. — The Hindoos defeated with great slaughter. — Mahmood takes Nagrakote, and returns to Ghizny. — Fourth expedition to India. — Battle of Tahneswur. — Mahmood deputes his generals to take Joorjistan. — Procures the entire cession of Khorassan from the Caliph Alkadir Billa of Bagdad. — Fifth expedition to India. — Nindoona in Punjab taken. — Kashmeer invaded. — Sixth expedition to India. — Lokote besieged. — Mahmood's army nearly perishes on its return to Ghizny. — Marches against Khwaruzm. — The whole of Transoxania, including Orkund, is added to the Ghiznian empire. — Seventh expedition to India. — The Raja of Kun-owj submits to pay tribute. — Mahmood takes Merut, Ma-havun, and Mutra. — Eighth expedition into India. — Punjab invaded. — Lokote and Lahore taken. — An officer left in Punjab to govern the country. — Ninth expedition to India. — Kalunjur besieged. — The Raja Nunda Ray agrees to pay tribute, and peace is concluded. — On his return to Ghizny, Mahmood marches into Transoxania, and settles that country. Tenth expedition to India. — Mahmood proceeds to Guzerat, and reduces Somnat. — Description of the temple. — Mahmood returns to Ghizny. — His army nearly perishes for want of water on its march. — Expedition against the Juts, near Mooltan. — Their fleet attacked and destroyed, by the fleet of Mahmood, on the Indus. — The Suljook Tartars invade Transoxania, and the provinces on the Caspian. — Mahmood unable from debility to oppose them. — His health declines. — His death. — Character. — Description of his court. — His munificence to learned men.

WE are told by historians, that Mahmood was endowed with all the qualities of a great prince, and reflected lustre upon the faith: while others inform us, that in his disposition the vice of avarice held supreme sway. It appears to me, however, that he has been unjustly censured in this respect. It is true, he was insatiable in acquiring wealth; but it was expended in the prosecution of his distant and splendid conquests. We have the testimony of the Futteh-ool-Bulad, and the travels of Aboo-Nusr-Muscaty, and of the famous Abool-Fuzeel, that no king had ever more learned men at his court, maintained a finer army, or displayed more magnificence than Mahmood. All these objects could not have been obtained without great expense; so that, when he is accused of avarice, some few particular acts of his life must be alluded to, which ought by no means to affect his general character. In two instances this passion was certainly very conspicuous. First, in his conduct to Ferdowsy; and, secondly, in his exactions from his subjects, in the latter part of his reign.

Mahmood, who, it is stated, was deficient in personal beauty, said one day (observing himself in a glass), “The sight of a king should brighten the eyes of the beholders; but nature has been so unkind to me, that my appearance is positively forbidding.” His Vizier replied, “It is not one in ten thousand of a king's subjects who are blessed with a sight of him; but your Majesty's virtues are diffused over all.” But to proceed with our history. Mahmood was the eldest son of Subooktugeen. His mother was the daughter of a person of good family in Za-bulistan; for which reason she is termed Zabuly. He was born on the night of the ninth Mohurrum, in the year 357 of the Hijra, (15th December, 967,) — and Minhaj-oos-Siraj Joorjany states, that his birth took place on the same day of the year as that of the Prophet. Subooktugeen being asleep at the time of his birth, dreamed that he beheld a green tree springing forth from the fire-place of his house, which threw its shadow over the face of the earth, screening with its boughs, from the storms of heaven, the whole animal creation. This, indeed, was verified by the justice of Mahmood; for it has been metaphorically stated, that in his reign the wolf and the lamb drank together at the same brook. In the first month of his reign, a vein of gold, resembling a tree, of three cubits in depth, was discovered in a mine in Seestan, which yielded pure gold till the reign of Musaood, when it was lost in consequence of an earthquake.

Mahmood, having ejected his brother, hastened to Bulkh, from whence he sent an ambassador to Abool Munsoor, King of Bokhara, to whom the family of Ghizny still continued to own allegiance, complaining of the indignity which had been offered him by the nomination of Ameer Toozun Beg to the government of Khorassan, a country so long in possession of his father. Mahmood received for answer, that he was already in possession of the territories of Bulkh, Toormooz, and Hirat, ^34a and that it was expedient to divide the favours of Bok-hara among all its officers. He was, moreover, informed that Toozun Beg had been a faithful and good servant, an insinuation which implied a reflection on the family of Ghizny for having rendered itself independent in the governments it held of the royal house of Samany.

Mahmood, not discouraged by this answer, sent Abool-Hussun Jumvy with rich presents to the court of Bokhara, and a letter couched in the following terms: — that “he hoped no such indignity “would be imposed on him as to drive him to the “necessity of throwing off that allegiance he had “hitherto paid to the imperial house of Samany.” The Emperor, instead of replying to the letter of Mahmood, contrived to gain over his ambassador to his own service, and appointed him to the office of Vizier. Mahmood accordingly marched to recover Nyshapoor from Toozun Beg, who, advised of his intention, abandoned the city, and sending intelligence of his situation to the Emperor Ameer Mun-soor, that prince himself marched to oppose Mah-mood, and in the rashness of inexperienced youth hastened towards Khorassan, without halting, till he reached Surukhsh. Mahmood, though he well knew that the Emperor was in no condition to oppose him, was induced, out of respect towards the imperial standards of Samany, to evacuate Nysha-por, and to fall back on Moorghab. Ameer Toozun Beg, in the mean time, treacherously engaged in a conspiracy with Fâïk in the camp of Ameer Mun-soor, and seizing that prince, put out his eyes, and raised Abdool-Mullik, the younger brother of Mun-soor (then a boy), to the throne. Apprehensive, however, of the resentment of Mahmood, the conspirators hastened to Murv, ^35a whither they were pursued by Mahmood. Finding themselves hard pressed, they halted and gave battle, but were defeated. Fâïk carried off the young king, and fled to Bok-hara; Toozun Beg also escaped, but was not heard of, till he began to collect his scattered troops. Fâïk, in the mean time, fell sick, and soon after died. Elik Khan, ruler of Kashghar, seizing the opportunity afforded by these dissensions, marched from Kashghar ^36a to Bokhara, and slaying Abool Mullik, annihilated his whole race. Thus the house of Samany, which had continued to reign in Bokhara for a period of one hundred and twenty-eight years, became extinct.

Mahmood, at this juncture, employed himself in settling the government of the provinces of Bulkh and Khorassan, which he regulated in such a manner, that his fame reached the Caliph of Bagdad, Alkadir-Billa of the house of Abass; who sent him a rich honorary dress (such as he had never before bestowed on any king), and dignified Mahmood with the titles of Ameen-ool-Millut, and

Zeekad, A. H. 390.
Oct. A. D. 1000.

Yemeen-ood-Dowlut.† ^36b In the end of the month Zeekad, in the year 390, Mahmood proceeded from Bulkh to Hirat, and thence to Seestan, where having defeated Khuluf the son of Ahmed, the governor of that province, he returned to Ghizny. About the same time, also, he marched in the direction of India‡, ^36c took many forts and provinces, in which having established his own governors, he returned to his capital. Having overcome all opposition to his government, he devoted himself for some time to the improvement of his country and to the organisation of courts of civil and criminal justice. He also deemed it politic to acknowledge the new ruler of Bokhara, and accordingly deputed Aboo-Tyub Soheil, Bin Sooliman, Salooky, with magnificent presents, to form an alliance ^37a with Elik Khan, and to congratulate him on his late acquisition of the territory of Bokhara. On the arrival of the ambassador in Toorkistan, he was met by deputations at all the principal towns (for many of the Toorks at this time had become Mahomedans), and being graciously received at Orkund by Elik Khan, the envoy remained there till the accomplishment of the objects of his journey.

Mahmood having settled the affairs of his empire, turned his thoughts towards Hind; and he accordingly marched, in the month of Shuval, in

Shuval,
A. H. 391.
August,
A. D. 1001.

the year 391, from Ghizny, with ten thousand chosen horse, to Pishawur, where Jeipal, the Raja of Lahore, with twelve thousand horse, and thirty thousand foot, supported by three hundred ele-

Mohurrum. 8.
A. H. 392.
Nov. 27.
A. D. 1001.

phants, opposed him, on Monday the 8th of Mohurrum, in the three hundred and ninety-second year of the Hijra. An obstinate battle ensued, in which Mahmood was victorious; Jeipal with fifteen of his principal chiefs, being his sons and brethren, were taken prisoners, and five thousand of his troops were slain on the field of battle. Mahmood in this action acquired great fame and wealth: among the spoils were sixteen necklaces inlaid with jewels, one of which, that belonging to Jeipal, was valued by jewellers at the time at 180,000 deenars.^38a

After this victory, Mahmood marched from Pishawur, and investing the fort of Bitunda, reduced it. In the opening of the ensuing spring he released his prisoners, on payment of a large ransom, and on their stipulating for an annual tribute; but he put to death many of the Afghan chiefs who had opposed him, and then returned to Ghizny.

It is said that, in those days, a custom prevailed among the Hindoos, that whatever raja was twice overpowered by strangers, became disqualified to reign. Jeipal, in compliance with this custom, resigned his crown to his son; and, having ordered a funeral pile to be prepared, he set fire to it with his own hands, and perished therein.

Mohurrum,
A. H. 393.
November,
A. D. 1002. In the month of Mohurrum, of the year three hundred and ninety-three, Mahmood again marched into Sees-tan†, ^38b and brought Khuluf prisoner to Ghizny.

Finding, also, that the tribute from Hindoostan

A. H. 395.
A. D. 1004.

had not been paid, in the year three hundred and ninety-five, he directed his march towards the city of Bhateea‡; ^38c and passing through the province of Moultan, arrived before that place. Bhateea was fortified with an exceedingly high wall, and surrounded by a deep and broad ditch. It was at that time governed by Raja Beejy Ray, who, having greatly molested the Mahomedan governors, whom Mah-mood had established in Hindoostan, also refused to pay his proportion of the tribute to Anundpal, the son of Jeipal, on whom he was dependent.

When Mahmood entered the territories of Beejy Ray, that prince drew out his troops to receive him; and taking possession of strong posts, engaged the Mahomedans for the space of three days, during which time they suffered so much, that they were on the point of abandoning their enterprize. On the fourth day, Mahmood, addressing his troops, said he should in person lead the main attack, “For to-day, (said he,) I have devoted myself to conquest or to death.” Beejy Ray, on his part, having propitiated the gods, resolved also to combat with his wonted courage. Although the Ma-homedans advanced with great impetuosity, they were frequently repulsed with slaughter; still, however, they returned, and renewed with ardor their attacks till evening, when Mahmood, turning his face towards Mecca, prostrated himself in sight of his troops, and implored the aid of the Prophet. “Advance, advance,” cried the King, “our prayers have found favour with God.” A loud shout from his soldiers responded their resolution, and the Mahomedans, pressing forward, compelled the enemy to give ground, and pursued them to the gates of the town.

Mahmood having next morning invested the fort of Bhateea, took measures to fill up the ditch, an undertaking which in a few days was nearly completed. Beejy Ray, deeming it impossible any longer to maintain the town, determined to leave only a small garrison for its defence; and, accordingly, one night, marched out with the rest of his troops, and took post in a wood on the banks of the Indus. Mahmood, informed of his retreat, detached part of his army to surprise him. Beejy Ray, deserted by most of his friends, and perceiving himself surrounded by the Mahomedans, attempted in vain to force his way, till, just as he was on the point of being made prisoner, he turned his sword against his own breast; and most of his adherents subsequently fell, in attempting to revenge the death of their master.

Mahmood, mean time, took Bhateea by assault. Two hundred and eighty elephants, many slaves, and other spoils, were obtained in the town; which Mahmood annexed, with its dependencies, to his own dominions, and returned victorious to Ghizny.

A. H. 396.
A. D. 1005. In the year three hundred and ninety-six, Mahmood formed the design of reconquering Mooltan, which had revolted. Sheikh Humeed Lody, the first ruler of Mooltan, had paid tribute to Ameer Subooktugeen, and after him his grandson Abool-Futteh Dawood, the son of Nuseer, the son of Sheikh Humeed. Abool-Futteh Dawood, now having abandoned the tenets of the faithful, ^40a had at this time shaken off his allegiance. It is related in the Towareekh Alfy, that when he heard of the approach of Mah-mood from Ghizny, Abool-Futteh Dawood solicited the aid of his ally Anundpal, the successor of Jeipal; who, true to his alliance, detached the greater part of his army to oppose Mahmood in Pishawur, where it was defeated, and pursued by his troops as far as the town of Sodra, ^41a on the Chunab.

Anundpal, on this occasion deserting his capital, fled through the hills into Kashmeer. Mahmood now entered Mooltan, by the route of Bitunda: when Dawood received the intelligence of the fate of Anundpal's army, and being too weak to keep the field alone, he retreated, and subsequently purchased his pardon by a promise of an annual tribute of 20,000 golden dirhems†, ^41b and implicit obedience in future.

Mahmood having besieged Mooltan for seven days made these terms, and was preparing to return to Ghizny, when news was brought from Arslan Jazib, governor of Hirat, that Elik Khan, the king of Kashgar, had invaded his territory. He instantly repaired to Ghizny, having placed the management of the affairs of Hindoostan in the hands of Séwukpál, a Hindoo prince, who had formerly been made prisoner by Aboo-Ally-Sunjury, in Pishawur, and had become a convert to Mahomedism.

The particulars of the war with Elik Khan are these. We have already mentioned that a close alliance had been formed between Elik Khan and Mahmood, to the latter of whom the former had given his daughter in marriage. But factious persons about the two courts, by misrepresentations, had changed their former friendship into enmity. When Mahmood marched to Hindoostan, he left Khorassan almost destitute of troops, and Elik Khan, taking advantage of the circumstance, resolved to seize that province for himself. To accomplish his design, he ordered his chief general, Sipustugeen, to invade Khorassan, and directed Jakurtugeen to invade Bulkh. Arslan Jazib, the governor of Hirat, informed of these movements, hastened to Ghizny to secure the capital; and the chiefs of Khorassan finding themselves deserted, and being in no condition to oppose the enemy, submitted to Elik Khan.

Mahmood, having by long marches reached Ghizny, pushed onward with his army towards Bulkh, from whence Jakurtugeen although in full possession of the city, fled towards Toormooz. Mahmood detached Arslan Jazib with a great part of his army to expel Sipustugeen from Khorassan; who, upon the approach of the troops of Ghizny, abandoned Hirat, and retreated to Mawur-ool-Nehr. ^42a

Elik Khan, seeing the state of his affairs, solicited the aid of Kuddur Khan of Khootun, who marched to join him with fifty thousand men. Strengthened by this alliance, Elik Khan crossed the river Jyhoon (Oxus), and encamped within four fursungs ^43a of Bulkh. Mahmood was not backward to meet him. The command of the van of the army was given to his brother, the Prince Nuseer-ood-deen Yoosoof, governor of Joorjan, under whom fought Aboo-Nusr Koorioon and Abdoolla Taee. The right wing was entrusted to Altoon Tash Hajib, while the left, composed of Afghans and Khiljies, was commanded by Arslan Jazib. The main body was strengthened by five hundred elephants, placed in the intervals of the line, so that nothing might oppose the retreat of these animals in case of defeat.†^43b

The King of Kashghar posted himself in the centre. The Ameer Kuddur Khan led the right, and Sipustugeen the left wing. As both armies advanced to the charge, the shouts of warriors, the neighing of horses, and the clashing of arms, reached the broad arch of heaven, while dust obscured the face of day. Elik Khan in person attempted with his personal guards to break through the centre of Mahmood's army; but the latter perceiving his intention, leaped from his horse, and, kissing the ground, invoked the aid of the Almighty. He instantly mounted an elephant, encouraged his troops, and met the assault of Elik Khan. The elephant, seizing the standard bearer of the enemy in his trunk, tossed him aloft in the air. Mahmood now pressed forward with the line of elephants, which trod the enemy like locusts under their feet.

The Ghizny troops bravely supported their king, rushing on with headlong impetuosity, and driving the enemy with great slaughter before them. Elik Khan, defeated on all sides, crossed the river with a few of his surviving attendants, and never afterwards appeared in the field during the remainder of Mahmood's reign. It is related in the Towareekh Yumny, that the King, after this victory, proposed to pursue the enemy, which was thought unadvisable by his generals, on account of the inclemency of the season, it being then winter, and the troops hardly capable of motion. But Mahmood, firm in his determination, followed the fugitives for two whole days. On the third night, a storm of wind and snow overtook the Ghiznian army in the desert. The King's tents were, with much difficulty, pitched, while the army was without shelter. Mahmood having ordered a number of munkuls or stoves to be brought within his tents, they became so heated, that many of the courtiers began to throw off their upper garments, when a facetious chief, whose name was Dilchuk, came in, shivering with cold. The King observing him, said, “Go out, Dilchuk, and tell the Winter “that he may burst his cheeks with blustering, for “here we defy his power.” Dilchuk went out accordingly, and returning in a short time, kissed the ground, and thus addressed his master: “I have “delivered the King's message to the Winter, but “the surly season replies, that if his hands cannot “reach the skirts of royalty, nor hurt the attend-“ants of the court, yet he will so evince his power “this night on the army, that in the morning “Mahmood may be compelled to saddle his own “horse.”

The King smiled at this reply, but it presently rendered him thoughtful, and he determined to proceed no further. In the morning, some hundreds of men and horses were found to have perished from the cold. Mahmood at this time received advice from India, that Séwukpál, ^45a the renegado Hindoo, had thrown off his allegiance, and returning to his former religion, had expelled all the officers appointed by the King.

Mahmood, resolving to punish this revolt, and having marched with great expedition towards India, detached some part of his cavalry in front, who, coming unexpectedly upon Séwukpál, defeated him, and brought him in prisoner. The rebel was compelled to pay the sum of 400,000 dirhems†, ^45b and was kept in confinement during the rest of his life.

Mahmood having thus settled his affairs in India, returned, in the autumn, to Ghizny; where he re-

A. H. 399.
A. D. 1008.

mained during the winter. In the spring of the year 399 he determined again to attack Anundpal, Raja of Lahore, for having lent his aid to Dawood, during the late defection in Mooltan. Anundpal, hearing of his intentions, sent ambassadors on all sides, inviting the assistance of the other princes of Hindoostan, who now considered the expulsion of the Maho-medans from India as a sacred duty. Accordingly the rajas of Oojein, Gualiar, Kalunjur, Kunowj, Dehly, and Ajmeer, entered into a confederacy, and collecting their forces advanced towards Punjab with the greatest army that had yet taken the field. The Indians and Maho-medans arrived in sight of each other on a plain on the confines of the province of Pishawur, where they remained encamped forty days without coming to action. The troops of the idolaters daily increased in number. The Hindoo females, on this occasion, sold their jewels, and melted down their golden ornaments (which they sent from distant parts), to furnish resources for the war; and the Gukkurs, and other warlike tribes joining the army, surrounded the Mahomedans, who were obliged to entrench their camp.

Mahmood, having thus secured himself, ordered six thousand archers to the front to endeavour to provoke the enemy to attack his entrenchments. The archers were opposed by the Gukkurs, who, in spite of the King's efforts and presence, repulsed his light troops, and followed them so closely, that no less than 30,000 Gukkurs with their heads and feet bare, and armed with various weapons, penetrated into the Mahomedan lines, where a dreadful carnage ensued, and 5000 Mahomedans in a few minutes were slain. The enemy were at length checked, and being cut off as fast as they advanced, the attacks became fainter and fainter, till, on a sudden, the elephant, upon which the prince who commanded the Hindoos rode, becoming unruly from the effects of the naphtha balls, ^47a and the flights of arrows, turned and fled. This circumstance produced a panic among the Hindoos, who, seeing themselves deserted by their general, gave way and fled also. Abdoolla Taee, with six thousand Arabian horse, and Arslan Jazib, with 10,000 Toorks, Afghans, and Khiljies, pursued the enemy day and night, so that 20,000 Hindoos were killed in the retreat. Of the spoil, 30 elephants (besides other booty) were brought to the King.

The King, in his zeal to propagate the faith, now marched against the Hindoos of Nagrakote, breaking down their idols and razing their temples. The fort, at that time denominated the Fort of Bheem, was closely invested by the Mahomedans, who had first laid waste the country around it with fire and sword. Bheem was built by a prince of the same name, on the top of a steep mountain, where the Hindoos, on account of its strength, had deposited the wealth consecrated to their idols by all the neighbouring kingdoms; so that in this fort there is supposed to have been a greater quantity of gold, silver, precious stones, and pearls, than was ever collected in the royal treasury of any prince on earth. Mahmood invested the place with such expedition, that the Hindoos had no time to throw in troops for its defence. The greater part of the garrison was before in the field, and those within consisted, for the most part, of priests, who, having little inclination to the bloody business of war, made overtures to capitulate; and on the third day Mahmood became master of this strong citadel without opposition or bloodshed.

In Bheem were found 700,000 golden dinars, 700 muns ^48a of gold and silver plate, 200 muns of pure gold in ingots, 2000 muns of silver bullion, and twenty muns of various jewels, including pearls, corals, diamonds, and rubies, which had been

A. H. 400.
A. D. 1009.

collected since the time of Bheem, the details of which would be tedious. With this vast booty Mahmood returned to Ghizny; and in the year 400 prepared a magnificent festival, where he displayed to the people his wealth in golden thrones, and in other rich ornaments, on a great plain without the city of Ghizny, conferring on every individual of rank a princely present.

A. H. 401.
A. D. 1010. In the following year Mahmood led his army towards Ghoor. The native prince of that country, Mahomed, of the Afghan tribe of Soor (the same race which gave birth to the dynasty that eventually succeeded in subverting the family of Subooktugeen), occupied an entrenched camp with 10,000 men. Mah-mood was repulsed in repeated assaults which he made from morning till noon. Finding that the troops of Ghoor defended their entrenchments with such obstinacy, he caused his army to retreat in apparent confusion, in order to allure the enemy out of his fortified position. The Ghoorians, deceived by the stratagem, pursued the army of Ghizny; when the King, facing about, attacked and defeated them with great slaughter. Ma-homed Soor, being made prisoner, was brought to the King, but having taken poison, which he always kept under his ring, he died in a few hours; his country was annexed to the dominions of Ghizny. The author of the Towareekh Yumny affirms, that neither the sovereigns of Ghoor nor its inhabitants were Mahomedans till after this victory; whilst the author of the Tubkat-Nasiry, and Fukhr-ood-Deen Moobarik Shah Lody, the latter of whom wrote a history of the kings of Ghoor in verse, both affirm, that they were converted many years before, even so early as the time of Ally, the son-in-law of the Prophet; and they assert that, during the reigns of the Caliphs of the house of Oomya, the whole race of Islam was induced to revile the venerable Ally, with the exception only of the Ghoorians.

Mahmood, in the same year, was under the necessity of marching to Mooltan, which had revolted; where having cut off a number of the infidel inhabitants and brought Dawood, the son of Nuseer, prisoner to Ghizny, he confined him in the fort of Ghooruk for life.

A. H. 402.
A. D. 1011. In the year 402 Mahmood resolved on the conquest of Tahnesur, ^50a in the kingdom of Hindoostan. It had reached the ears of the King that Tahnesur was held in the same veneration by idolaters, as Mecca by the faithful; that they had there set up a number of idols, the principal of which they called Jugsoma, pretending that it had existed ever since the creation. Mahmood having reached Punjab, required, according to the subsisting treaty with Anundpal, that his army should not be molested on its march through his country. An embassy was accordingly sent to inform the Raja of his intentions, and desiring him to send safe-guards into his towns and villages, which he would take care should be protected from the followers of his camp.

Anundpal, agreeing to this proposal, prepared an entertainment for the reception of the King, at the same time issuing orders for all his subjects to supply the camp with every necessary of life.

The Raja's brother, with two thousand horse was also sent to meet the army, and to deliver the following message:—“My brother is the subject “and tributary of the King, but he begs per-“mission to acquaint his Majesty, that Tahnesur “is the principal place of worship of the inhabit-“ants of the country: that if it is required “by the religion of Mahmood to subvert the “religion of others, he has already acquitted him-“self of that duty, in the destruction of the temple “of Nagrakote. But if he should be pleased to “alter his resolution regarding Tahnesur, Anundpal “promises that the amount of the revenues of that “country shall be annually paid to Mahmood; “that a sum shall also be paid to reimburse him “for the expence of his expedition, besides which, “on his own part, he will present him with fifty “elephants, and jewels to a considerable amount.”

Mahmood replied, “The religion of the faith-“ful inculcates the following tenet: ‘That in pro-“portion as the tenets of the Prophet are “diffused, and his followers exert themselves in “the subversion of idolatry, so shall be their “reward in heaven;’ that, therefore, it behoved “him, with the assistance of God, to root out the “worship of idols from the face of all India. “How then should he spare Tahnesur?”

This answer was communicated to the Raja of Dehly, who, resolving to oppose the invaders, sent messengers throughout Hindoostan to acquaint the other rajas that Mahmood, without provocation, was marching with a vast army to destroy Tahnesur, now under his immediate protection. He observed, that if a barrier was not expeditiously raised against this roaring torrent, the country of Hindoostan would be soon overwhelmed, and that it behoved them to unite their forces at Tahnesur, to avert the impending calamity.

Mahmood having eached Tahnesur before the Hindoos had time to take measures for its defence, the city was plundered, the idols broken, and the idol Jugsoma was sent to Ghizny to be trodden under foot. According to Hajy Mahommed Kan-dahary, a ruby was found in one of the temples weighing 450 miskals, and it was allowed by every one who saw it to be a wonder that had never before been heard of.

Mahmood, after the capture of Tahnesur, was desirous of proceeding to Dehly. But his nobles told him, that it would be impossible to keep possession of it, till he had rendered Mooltan a province of his own government, and secured himself from all apprehension of Anundpal, Raja of Lahore. The King resolved, therefore, for the present, to proceed no further, till he had accomplished these objects. Anundpal, however, conducted himself with so much policy and hospitality towards Mah-mood, that he returned peaceably to Ghizny. On this occasion, the Mahomedan army brought to Ghizny 200,000 captives, and much wealth, so that the capital appeared like an Indian city, no soldier of the camp being without wealth, or without many slaves.

A. H. 403.
A. D. 1012. In the year 403 Mahmood deputed his generals, Altoon-Tash and Arslan Jazib, to reduce the province of Joor-jistan ; ^53a when the prince of that country, entitled Sar-Aboo-Nusr†, ^53b was taken prisoner. The appellation of Sar among the Tartars having the same signification as Ray in India, and Kysur (Cæsar) in Rome. Mahmood at this time wrote to the Caliph of Bagdad (Al-Kadir Billa Abassy), that as the greatest part of the province of Khorassan was under his jurisdiction, he hoped he would order his governors to give up the remainder. The Caliph, dreading the great power of Mahmood, consented without hesitation to this demand. Finding the Caliph so complying, he required him also to send an order for the surrender of the city of Samarkand; but the Caliph refusing to accede to this proposal, Mahmood wrote him a threatening letter, and repeated his demand, stating, that unless an order was forthwith sent for the cession, he would march to Bagdad, and putting him to death, would bring his ashes to Ghizny. The Caliph, roused with indignation, made a laconic but spirited reply, which had the effect of preventing Mahmood from again urging the request.

A. H. 404.
A. D. 1013. In the year 404 Mahmood marched his army against the fort of Nindoona, situated on the mountains of Bulnat, ^54a then in the possession of the Raja of Lahore. Anundpal had lately died, and his son, Jeipal† ^54b the Second, had succeeded to the government. When the grandson of Jeipal saw that he could not oppose the King in the field, he drew off his army towards Kashmeer, leaving troops for the defence of his capital. Mahmood immediately invested it, and by mining and other modes of attack, put the garrison under the necessity of capitulating. The King having granted to the besieged their lives took every thing of value out of the place, and appointing a new governor moved without delay towards Kashmeer, on which the Raja of Lahore, abandoning that province, fled to the hills. Mahmood plundered Kashmeer, and, having forced the inhabitants to acknowledge the Prophet, returned with rich spoils to his capital.

A. H. 406.
A. D. 1015. Mahmood, in the year 406, revisited Kashmeer with his army, in order to punish some revolted chiefs, and to besiege some forts, which he had not reduced in his former expedition. The first of those forts was Lokote, remarkable on account of its height and strength, and which entirely defeated the King's utmost efforts; for not being able to reduce it during the summer season, he was obliged, on the approach of winter, to abandon his enterprize and return to Ghizny. On his route he was misled by his guides, and falling into extensive morasses, from which he for several days could not extricate his army, many of his troops perished, and he failed in all the enterprises of this campaign.

Abool Abass Mamoon, King of Khwaruzm, in the course of the same year, wrote to Mahmood, asking his sister in marriage, to which the King having agreed, she was sent to Khwaruzm.

A. H. 407.
A. D. 1015. In the year 407, a revolt occurring in the government of Abool Abass, the conspirators attacked and defeated his guards. The prince fell into their hands, and was put to death. Mahmood, hearing of this disaster, marched to Bulkh, and thence to Khwaruzm. On arriving at Khoozarbund, he ordered his general, Mahomed Bin-Ibraheem Taee, to proceed in advance. This detachment had scarcely crossed the frontier, when, one day while the Mahomedans were engaged in prayer, Khumar Tash, the general of the Khwaruzmians, rushed upon them from a neighbouring wood, and making a great slaughter, put the whole to flight. Mahmood received intelligence of this affair, and sent a considerable force, consisting of his personal guards, to their support, which inspiring Ibraheem Taee's party with courage, it rallied, and having routed the enemy, took their chief prisoner, and brought him before the King.

Mahmood, found the Khwaruzmians prepared to receive him at Hazarasp; but they were soon defeated, their general Sipustugeen, a native of Bokhara, was taken prisoner, and the murderer of Abool-Abass suffered the punishment due to his crime. Mahmood spent some time in regulating the government, which he bestowed upon Altoon Tash Ameer Hajib, on whom he conferred the title of King of Khwaruzm. ^56a He annexed, also, to his government, the province of Orkund.† ^56b Returning to Bulkh, Mahmood gave the government of Hirat to his son, the Prince Ameer Musaood, appointing Aboo-Soheil Mahomed, the son of Hoossein Zowzuny, his vizier; and the government of Koorkan he conferred on his younger son, the Prince Ameer Mahomed, under the tutelage of Aboo-Bukr Koohistany. After the final settlement of the affairs of Khwaruzm, the Ghiznian army was placed in cantonment for the winter at Boost.

A. H. 409.
A. D. 1017. In the spring of the year 409, Mah-mood, with an army consisting of 100,000 chosen horse, and 20,000 foot, raised in the countries of Toorkistan, Mawur-ool-Nehr, Khorassan, and the adjacent provinces, undertook an expedition against Kunowj, which, from the time of Gooshtasp, the father of Darab, till this period, had not been visited by any foreign enemy. Kunowj was distant from Ghizny three months' march, and seven formidable rivers intervened. When Mahmood reached the confines of Kashmeer, the prince, whom he had established in that country, sent him presents of all that was curious and valuable in his kingdom, and was directed to accompany the army. The King, with much difficulty, conducted his troops a long and tedious march, till he entered the plains of Hin-doostan, and driving all opposition before him, advanced to Kunowj.

He there saw a city which raised its head ^57a to the skies, and which in strength and beauty might boast of being unrivalled. The Indian prince of this rich city was Koowur-Ray. He affected great state and splendour, but being thus unexpectedly invaded, had not time to put himself in a posture of defence, or to collect his troops. Terrified by the great force, and the formidable appearance of the invaders, he resolved to sue for peace; and accordingly going out, with his family, to the camp, he submitted himself to Sooltan Mahmood. The author of the Hubeeboos Seer relates that he even embraced the Mahomedan faith. The King of Ghizny remained in Kunowj only three days, and then marched towards Merut, the raja of which place, Hurdut, retreated with his army, and left only a small garrison, which capitulated in a few days, agreeing to pay 250,000 silver deenars, and to deliver up thirty elephants. The King marched from thence to the fort of Muhavun, on the banks of the river Jumna. Koolchund, the Raja of Muhavun, having come forth to make his submission at the head of his troops, a quarrel accidently arose between some of the soldiers of both armies, and a fight ensued, in which most of the Hindoos were driven into the river. The Raja, in despair, slew his own wife and children on the spot, and then turned the point of his sword on himself. The fort subsequently surrendering, the conqueror obtained much treasure and booty, amongst which were 80 elephants.

Mahmood having refreshed his troops, and understanding that at some distance stood the rich city of Mutra, consecrated to Krishn-Vas-dew, whom the Hindoos venerate as an emanation of God; directed his march thither, and entering it with little opposition from the troops of the Raja of Dehly, to whom it belonged, gave it up to plunder. He broke down or burned all the idols, and amassed a vast quantity of gold and silver, of which the idols were mostly composed. He would have destroyed the temples also, but he found the labour would have been excessive; while some say that he was averted from his purpose by their admirable beauty. He certainly extravagantly extolled the magnificence of the buildings and city in a letter to the governor of Ghizny, in which the following passage occurs:—“There are here a thousand edi-“fices as firm as the faith of the faithful; most of “them of marble, besides innumerable temples; “nor is it likely this city has attained its present “condition but at the expence of many millions “of deenars, nor could such another be con-“structed under a period of two centuries.”

Among the temples at Mutra were found five golden idols, whose eyes were of rubies, valued at 50,000 deenars. ^59a On another idol was found a sapphire, weighing 400 miskals, and the image itself, being melted down, produced 98,300 miskals of pure gold; besides these images there were above 100 idols of silver, which loaded as many camels.† ^59b The King tarried in Mutra 20 days; in which time the city suffered greatly from fire, beside the damage it sustained by being pillaged. At length he continued his march along the course of a stream on whose banks were seven strong fortifications, all of which fell in succession: there were also discovered some very ancienttemples, which, according to the Hindoos, had existed for 4000 years. Having sacked these temples and forts, the troops were led against the fort of Munj.‡ ^59c This fort was full of Rajpoots, who held out 25 days; but finding the place no longer tenable, some rushed through the breaches on the enemy, and met that death which they no longer endeavoured to avoid; others threw themselves headlong from the walls, and were dashed to pieces; and others, again, burned themselves in their houses, with their wives and children, so that not one of the garrison survived.

Mahmood, having secured what was valuable, next invested the fort of Raja Chundpal. But he had sent off all his treasure to the mountains, and at the approach of the King evacuated the place; there, however, still remained much spoil and provisions, which Mahmood divided amongst his troops.

Mahmood from hence marched against another raja, whose name was Chundur Ray. This prince, after some skirmishes, finding himself unable to cope with the Mahomedans, sent off his treasure and other valuable effects, and fled to the mountains. Chundur Ray had an elephant of uncommon size, such as had never before been seen in Hin-doostan, which was not more remarkable for its enormous bulk than for its docility and courage. Mahmood, having heard much of this elephant, sent to the Raja, offering him advantageous terms of peace, and a great sum of money for this animal. The pride of Chundur Ray did not permit him to listen to terms with Mahomedans, so that Mah-mood was disappointed. The elephant, however, happened one night to break loose from his keepers, and went into the Ghiznevide camp, where it permitted itself to be mounted and brought before the King, who called it Khooda-dad, “The gift of God,” because it came by accident into his hands. Mahmood, loaded with spoil and encumbered with captives, returned to Ghizny, where he caused the objects of his plunder to be displayed. They consisted of 20,000,000 of dirms ^60a of gold and silver bullion, 5300 captives, 350 elephants, besides jewels, pearls, and precious effects, which could not be properly estimated. Nor was the private spoil of the army less than that which came into the public treasury.

The King, on his return, ordered a magnificent mosque to be built of marble and granite, of such beauty as struck every beholder with astonishment, and furnished it with rich carpets, and with candelabras and other ornaments of silver and gold. This mosque was universally known by the name of the Celestial Bride. In its neighbourhood the King founded an university, supplied with a vast collection of curious books in various languages. It contained also a museum of natural curiosities. For the maintenance of this establishment he appropriated a large sum of money, besides a sufficient fund for the maintenance of the students, and proper persons to instruct youth in the arts and sciences.

When the nobility of Ghizny perceived the taste of their king evince itself in architecture, they also endeavoured to vie with each other in the magnificence of their private palaces, as well as in public buildings which they raised for the embellishment of the city. Thus, in a short time, the capital was ornamented with mosques, porches, fountains, reservoirs, aqueducts, and cisterns, beyond any city in the East. Some authors affirm, that among the curiosities which the King brought from India, was a bird resembling a dove, which possessed the peculiar faculty of discovering poison however secretly conveyed into any apartment in which the bird lived. It is said, on such occasions, the bird was affected with the smell of the poison in such a way, as to fly distractedly about its cage, while tears streamed involuntarily from the eyes. This bird, with other curiosities, was sent as a present to the Caliph of Bagdad, Alkâdir Billa. Other authors mention a stone that he brought from Hindoostan, which being dipped in water and applied to wounds, proved efficacious in healing them.

A. H. 410.
A. D. 1019. The King, in the year 410, caused an account of his exploits to be written and sent to the Caliph, who ordered it to be read to the people of Bagdad, making a great festival upon the occasion, expressive of his joy at the propagation of the faith.

A. H. 412.
A. D. 1021. In the year 412, a petition was presented from his subjects, setting forth, that some tribes of Arabs had for many years interrupted the communication with Mecca, so that for fear of them, and on account of the weakness of the Caliph, who neglected to expel them, and whose power had long since declined, pilgrims were unable to pay their devotions at the shrine of the Prophet. The King immediately appointed Aboo-Mahomed, the Kazy-ool-Koozat, ^62a with a considerable force, to accompany a kafila, proceeding to Mecca, with a strong escort. But, lest the enemy should be too strong for him, he sent 30,000 dirms to procure a safe journey to the pilgrims. Accordingly many thousand individuals of all classes prepared to depart.

Having reached the desert of Keid, they beheld a large encampment of Arabs pitched on their route. This banditti drew up to oppose the pilgrims. Aboo-Mahomed, being desirous of treating with them, sent a message to their chief, offering him 5000 dirms. The chief, Humad Bin Ally, instead of accepting the proposal, resented it so much, that, without delay, he advanced to attack the kafila. Aboo-Mahomed, in the mean time, drewout his troops, when, fortunately, in the very beginning of the action, a Turkish slave in the kafila, well skilled in archery, lodged an arrow in the brain of Humad Bin Ally. The Arabs, on the fall of their chief, fled; and the kafila, without further molestation, proceeded to Mecca, where having paid their devotions, they returned by the same route, and arrived at Ghizny.

Mahmood received this year advices from India that the neighbouring princes had, in his absence, attacked Koowur Ray, the Raja of Kunowj, for entering into alliance with the King, and placing himself in subjection to him. Mahmood immediately marched to his aid, but before he arrived, Nunda Ray, Raja of Kalunjur, having besieged Kunowj, slew Koowur Ray, with a number of his principal chiefs. Mahmood arrived at the Jumna, and was surprised to find that the Raja of Lahore, who had so often fled before his troops, was now encamped on the opposite bank; but the deep and formidable river prevented an immediate attack. In this state of anxiety, eight of the royal guard of Mahmood's army, without orders, swam across, and entering the enemy's camp one morning by surprize, struck such a panic into his troops, that the Hindoos betook themselves to flight. The King, notwithstanding their success, reprobated the rashness of his guards, but supporting them with the remainder of his army, went in pursuit. It is not to be supposed, however, that eight individuals could succeed in routing a whole host, nor can it be doubted that these eight persons were officers, each followed by his own corps.

Nunda Ray, of Kalunjur, took post on the frontiers of his dominions, where he halted with his army to oppose Mahmood, having with him 36,000 horse, 45,000 foot, and 640 elephants. The King of Ghizny having reconnoitred the enemy from a rising ground, prostrated himself before God, and prayed that the standard of Islam might be successful. The day being far advanced, he determined to wait till next morning, which delay, in the event, disappointed his hopes, for Nunda Ray decamped during the night in the utmost disorder, leaving behind him his tents, equipage, and baggage.

Mahmood having reconnoitred the ground, and finding it really deserted, ordered his army to march into the enemy's camp. The booty was great, independently of 580 elephants, which were found in the neighbouring woods. Having laid waste the country with fire and sword, the Ma-homedan army returned to Ghizny.

About this time the King learned that the inhabitants of two hilly tracts, denominated Kuriat and Nardein, ^65a continued the worship of idols†, ^65b and had not embraced the faith of Islam. This country lies apparently between Toorkistan and Hin-doostan, and though its climate is extremely cold, it is remarkable for the excellence of its fruits. Mahmood resolved to carry the war against these infidels, and accordingly marched towards their country, taking with him a number of masons, carpenters, smiths, and labourers, to build a fort in order to overawe them after his departure. The ruler of the country of Kuriat, unable to oppose the King, submitted, at the same time acknowledging the faith of the Prophet. The Ghiznevide general, Ameer Ally, the son of Arslan Jazib, was now sent with a division of the army to reduce Nardein, which he accomplished, pillaging the country, and carrying away many of the people captives. In Nardein was a temple, which Ameer Ally destroyed, bringing from thence a stone on which were curious inscriptions, and which, according to the Hindoos, must have been 40,000 years old. The King ordered a fort to be built in that place, and left it under the command of Amir-Bin Kuddur Suljooky. Shortly after, Mahmood marched in the direction of Kashmeer, and on the route invested the strong hold of Lokote, but finding it altogether impregnable, he decamped, and proceeding to Lahore, entered that city without opposition, giving it over to be sacked by his troops. Here wealth, and precious effects, beyond the power of calculation, fell into his hands. The Prince of Lahore, unable to contend with so powerful an adversary, fled to Ajmere for protection; and Mahmood, having appointed one of his officers to the government, and nominated other commanders to various districts in the territories of Hindoostan, himself returned in the spring to Ghizny.^66a A. H. 414.
A. D. 1023. The warlike disposition of Mahmood could not long remain at peace. He marched again by the way of Lahore, in the 414th year of the Hijra, against Nunda Ray of Kalunjur, and passing by the fort of Gualiar, he ordered it to be besieged. The Raja of Gualiar, however, prevailed on him to remove his army, by a seasonable application of rich presents, and thirty-five elephants. The army now marched against Kalunjur, and having invested that city, Nunda Ray offered 300 elephants besides other presents to obtain peace. The King agreed to the terms, and the Raja, in order to put the bravery of the Sooltan's troops to the test, intoxicated the elephants with drugs, and let them loose, without riders, into the camp. Mahmood seeing the animals advance, and perceiving their condition, by the wildness of their manner, ordered a party of his best horse to seize, or kill them, or to drive them from the camp. Some of the Tartars, emulous of displaying their bravery in the presence of their king, fearlessly approached, and mounted some of the elephants, ^67a and drove the rest into an adjacent wood, where they were all soon reduced to obedience.

The enemy perceiving the resolution of the Ghiznevides, was much intimidated, and Nunda Ray, thinking to soothe Mahmood by flattery, sent to him a panegyric in the Indian tongue, on the bravery of his troops. The King was pleased with the compliment; for the poetry was much admired by the learned men of India, Arabia, and Persia, who were at his court. In return, Mahmood conferred the government of fifteen forts upon Nunda, among which was Kalunjur itself, though the peace was principally obtained by the many valuable presents in jewels and gold which Nunda Ray made on this occasion.

A. H. 415.
A. D. 1024. Mahmood, in the year 415, having mustered all his forces, found them to consist of 54,000 chosen horse, and 1300 elephants, disposable for foreign service. With this army he marched to Bulkh, to expel Allytuggeen from the government of Mawur-ool-Nehr, for oppressing the people, who complained of his tyranny to the King. When the chiefs of Mawur-ool-Nehr heard that the King had crossed the Jyhoon, they came with presents to meet him. Kuddur Khan, of Khootun, also paid him the compliment of a visit, and was honourably received. Mahmood prepared a great feast upon this occasion, and concluded a treaty, after which the monarchs took leave of each other, making an exchange of princely presents. Allytuggeen, seizing this opportunity, betook himself to flight, but the King of Ghizny sent a party of horse after him; after a long search he was discovered and brought to the camp, after which he was confined for life in one of the forts of India.

The celebrated temple of Somnat, ^68a situated in the province of Guzerat, near the island of Dew, was in those times said to abound in riches, and was greatly frequented by devotees from all parts of Hindoostan. These infidels not only believed that souls after death went before Somnat, who transposed them into other bodies according to their merits in their former state, but also pretended that the ebb and flow of the tides repre-

Shaban,
A. H. 415.
Sept.
A. D. 1024.

sented the obeisance paid by the ocean to this shrine. Mahmood marched from Ghizny in the month of Shaban with his army, accompanied by 30,000 of the youths of Toorkistan and the neighbouring countries, who followed him without pay, for the purpose of attacking this temple.

Somnat, which gives its name to the city, is situated on the sea-shore, and is to be seen in the district of Dew, now in the hands of Europeans.† ^68b Some historians affirm that the idol was brought from Mecca, where it stood before the time of the Prophet, but the Bramins deny it, and say that it stood near the harbour of Dew since the time of Krishn, who was concealed in that place about 4000 years ago.

Rumzan, 415.
Oct. 1024. In the middle of the month of Rum-zan, the Mahomedan army reached the city of Mooltan; and as a great desert lay before them, the King gave orders for the troops to provide themselves with several days' water and provisions, as also with provender for their horses, besides which, 20,000 camels were laden with supplies. Having passed the desert, the army reached the city of Ajmeer. Here, finding the Raja and inhabitants had abandoned the place, rather than submit to him, Mahmood ordered it to be sacked, and the adjacent country to be laid waste. Conceiving the reduction of the fort of Ajmeer would occupy too much time, he left it unmolested; and proceeding on his expedition took by assaultsome smaller forts on the road, till at length he arrived at Nehrwala, a frontier city of Guzerat, which was evacuated on his approach. Mahmood, taking the same precautions as before, by rapid marches reached Somnat without opposition. Here he saw a fortification on a narrow peninsula, washed on three sides by the sea, on the battlements of which appeared a vast host of people in arms, who, making a signal for a herald to approach, they proclaimed to him that their great idol, Somnat, had drawn the Mahomedans thither to blast them in a moment, and to avenge the destruction of the gods of India. In the morning, the Mahome-dan troops advancing to the walls, began the assault. The battlements were in a short time cleared by the archers, and the Hindoos, astonished and dispirited, crowded into the temple, and, prostrating themselves in tears before the idol, prayed for assistance. The Mahomedans, having seized this opportunity, applied their scaling ladders and mounted the walls, shouting aloud, “Alla Ak-bur!” ^70a The Hindoos, urged by despair, returned to the defence of the works, and made so spirited a resistance, that the Mahomedans, unable to retain their footing, and wearied with fatigue, fell back on all sides, and were at length obliged to retire. Next morning the action was renewed, but as fast as the besiegers scaled the walls, so fast were they hurled down headlong by the besieged, who now seemed resolved to defend the place to the last. Thus the labours of the second day proved even more unsuccessful than those of the first. On the third day an army of idolaters having arrived to reinforce the garrison, presented itself in order of battle in sight of the Ghizny camp. Mahmood determined to prevent this attempt to raise the siege, and having ordered a party to keep the garrison in check, himself engaged the enemy in the field.

The battle raged with great fury: victory was long doubtful, till two Indian princes, Brahma Dew and Dabishleem, with other reinforcements, joined their countrymen during the action, and inspired them with fresh courage. Mahmood at this moment perceiving his troops to waver, leaped from his horse, and, prostrating himself before God ^71a implored his assistance. Then mounting again, he took Abool Hussun, the Circassian (one of his generals), by the hand, by way of encouragement, and advanced on the enemy. At the same time he cheered his troops with such energy, that, ashamed to abandon their King, with whom they had so often fought and bled, they, with one accord, gave a loud shout and rushed forwards. In this charge the Moslems broke through the enemy's line, and laid 5000 Hindoos dead at their feet. The rout became general. The garrison of Som-nat, beholding this defeat, abandoned the defence of the place, and issuing out at a gate towards the sea, to the number of 4000, embarked in boats, intending to proceed to the island of Serendeep or Ceylon.† ^71b This manœuvre did not escape the King, who secured some boats left in a neighbouring creek, manned them with rowers, and some of his best troops, and pursued the enemy; on which occasion he took and sunk some of their flotilla, while a part only escaped. Having now placed guards round the walls and at the gates, Mahmood entered Somnat accompanied by his sons and a few of his nobles and principal attendants. On approaching the temple, he saw a superb edifice built of hewn stone. Its lofty roof was supported by fifty-six pillars curiously carved and set with precious stones. In the centre of the hall was Somnat, a stone idol, five yards in height, two of which were sunk in the ground. The King, approaching the image, raised his mace and struck of its nose. He ordered two pieces of the idol to be broken off and sent to Ghizny, that one might be thrown at the threshold of the public mosque, and the other at the court door of his own palace. These identical fragments are to this day (now 600 years ago) to be seen at Ghizny. Two more fragments were reserved to be sent to Mecca and Medina. It is a well authenticated fact, that when Mahmood was thus employed in destroying this idol, a crowd of Bramins petitioned his attendants, and offered a quantity of gold if the King would desist from further mutilation. His officers endeavoured to persuade him to accept of the money; for they said that breaking one idol would not do away with idolatry altogether; that, therefore, it could serve no purpose to destroy the image entirely; but that such a sum of money given in charity among true believers would be a meritorious act. The King acknowledged there might be reason in what they said, but replied, that if he should consent to such a measure, his name would be handed down to posterity as “Mahmood the idol-seller,” whereas he was desirous of being known as “Mahmood the “destroyer:” he therefore directed the troops to proceed in their work. The next blow broke open the belly of Somnat, which was hollow, and discovered a quantity of diamonds, rubies, and pearls, of much greater value than the amount which the Bramins had offered.

The author of the Hubeeb-oos-Seer relates, from other authorities, that Somnat was the name of the idol; but he is contradicted by Sheikh Fureed-ood-Deen Attar, who observes, that “the army of “Mahmood found in Somnat the idol whose name “was Nat.” I have, however, enquired on this subject, and learn, that Soma was the name of the prince after which the idol Nat was called. Nat signifies, among the Hindoos, lord or chief, and is rendered applicable to idols. Thus we have Jug-nat, signifying the lord of the creation, to whom divine honours are offered up. In the time of eclipses we are told that from 200,000 to 300,000 worshippers used to frequent this temple, and that the different princes of Hindoostan had bestowed in all 2000 villages, the revenues of which were applied to maintain its priests. This revenue was independent of other costly presents received from all parts of the empire. It was customary, also, for those idolaters to wash Somnat twice daily with fresh water from the Ganges, though that river is above 1000 miles distant.

Among the spoils of the temple was a chain of gold, weighing 200 ^73a muns, which hung from the top of the building by a ring; it supported a great bell, which called the people to worship. Besides 2000 Bramins, who officiated as priests, there belonged to the temple 500 dancing women, 300 musicians, and 300 barbers to shave the devotees before being admitted to the sanctum; and it was even usual for the princes of Hindoostan sometimes to devote their daughters to the service of the temple. The King of Ghizny found in this temple a greater quantity of jewels and gold than it is thought any royal treasury ever contained before. In the Zein-ool-Maasir it is related that there were no lights in the temple, except one pendent lamp, which, being reflected from the jewels, spread a bright gleam over the whole edifice. Besides the great idol above mentioned, there were in the temple some thousands of small images, wrought in gold and silver, of various shapes and dimensions.

Mahmood, having secured the wealth of Somnat, prepared to chastise the Indian prince Brahma Dew, the Raja of Nehrwala, who had assisted his countrymen during the siege, and who had cut off above 3000 of the faithful. Brahma Dew, after the taking of Somnat, instead of proceeding to Nehrwala, shut himself up in the fort of Gundaba, ^74a distant 40 fursungs from Somnat. The King having arrived before this fort, perceived it was surrounded on all sides by water, which, on account of its extent and depth, appeared impossible to approach; sending, however, to sound it, he understood that at one place it was fordable, though not easily to be passed by an army. Mahmood having ordered public prayers, and having cast his fortune ^75a on the Koran, entered the water at the head of his troops, and reaching in safety the opposite side, immediately made an assault upon the place. Brahma Dew fled at the approach of the Maho-medans; and the Hindoos who defended the fort, seeing themselves deserted, quitted their posts on the walls. The assailants, having obtained easy possession, made dreadful havoc among the men, reserving the women and children as captives. The wealth of Brahma Dew was lodged in the King's treasury.

Mahmood, thus victorious, marched to Nehrwala, the capital of Guzerat. He found the soil of that place so fertile, the air so pure and salubrious, and the country so well cultivated and pleasant, that, it is said, he proposed to take up his residence there for some years, and to make it his capital, conferring the government of Ghizny upon his son, the Prince Musaood. Some historians relate, that in that age there were gold mines in Guzerat, which induced Mahmood to wish to reside at Nehrwala; but there are now no traces of these mines, although in that time there might have been, since there are instances of the disappearance of mines, such as that in Seestan, which was swallowed up by an earthquake in the following reign. The King having heard of gold mines on the island of Ceylon, and in the country of Pegu, ^76a it is said, seriously intended to fit out a fleet for the conquest of those regions, but he was diverted from this scheme, and prevailed on by his officers not to abandon his native kingdom.

Mahmood, yielding to their advice, consented to return to Ghizny, at the same time requesting some of his ministers to recommend a fit person to leave in the government of Guzerat. After some consultation, they told the King, that on account of the great distance of this country from his other dominions, and the number of troops necessarily requisite for its defence, they thought it advisable that one of the natives should be made governor. The King, on further enquiry, being informed that the family of Dabishleem† ^76b was the noblest in those parts, and that one of that race was in the vicinity of the camp, living as a hermit, he resolved to place him on the throne.

Some authors, in opposition to this story, have informed us, that the hermit Dabishleem was a cruel and ambitious prince, who had made several attempts to wrest the government from his brothers, who had been compelled at length to seek an asylum within the sanctuary of a temple. The Dabishleem, however, alluded to in the first instance, was another person of the same family, celebrated for his wisdom and learning, and, although the ruler of a province only, the whole of the Bramins of that part of the country highly respected him for the soundness of his judgment and good qualities. The King accordingly sent a friendly message, inviting Dabishleem to his presence, and, having fixed an annual tribute, created him governor of Guzerat.

That Prince, petitioned him to leave some troops for his protection; asserting, that the other Dabish-leem, as soon as Mahmood should vacate the country, would, undoubtedly, attack him, before his authority should be thoroughly established, the consequences of which might be easily foreseen; but if the King would afford him his protection, he would remit, annually, double the revenue of Kabulistan and Zabulistan. These considerations prevailed with Mahmood to form a design to reduce the Prince Dabishleem before he left the country. He accordingly sent a part of his army to seize him, which, in a short time, brought him prisoner to Mahmood. He immediately delivered over the unfortunate Raja into the hands of his kinsman, the new ruler of Guzerat.

The Governor, addressing the King, said, “That “it was contrary to the tenets of his religion to “put a king to death, but that it was customary “when one king got possession of another (his “enemy), to make a dark pit under his throne, “and there confine him for life, or till the death “of his conqueror. That, for his own part, he “deemed such usage too cruel, while, on the “other hand (he said), if the Raja be confined in “another prison, his adherents will, on the King's “departure, attempt to release him.” The new Raja, therefore, proposed, that the King should carry the former Raja to Ghizny. Mahmood complied, and after two years and six months, absence from his capital, directed his steps homewards. Intelligence being now received, that Brahma Dew and the Raja of Ajmeer, with others, had collected a great army in the desert to oppose his return, Mahmood determined to march direct by the route of Sind to Mooltan. Here, also, he encountered deserts on his march, wherein his army suffered greatly for want of water, and his

A. H. 417.
A. D. 1026.

cavalry for want of forage; but in the year 417 he reached Ghizny, though not without much difficulty and loss. During his journey through the country of Sind, the army was misled for three days and nights by one of the Hindoo guides, in a sandy desert; so that many of the troops died raving mad from the intolerable heat and thirst. Mahmood suspecting his guide, commanded him to be put to the torture, when he confessed, that he was one of the priests of Somnat, who, to revenge the injuries done to the temple, had thus endeavoured to bring about the ruin of the Ghiznevide army. The King ordered him to be executed; and, it being towards evening, he fell prostrate before God, imploring a speedy deliverance. A meteor was suddenly seen in the north, to which direction he shaped his course, and, before morning, found himself on the border of a lake.^79a

Dabishleem the Wise, being established on the throne of Guzerat, remitted tribute punctually to the King, and having sent a splendid embassy, he requested that the imprisoned Raja might be made over to him. That prince had by this time gained the regard of Mahmood, who was now unwilling to part with him. He was, however, over-persuaded by his counsellors, who were envious of the favour which the unfortunate Raja had acquired, and he was accordingly delivered into the hands of the person who brought the Guzerat tribute to Ghizny.

When they reached the dominions of Guzerat, Dabishleem the Wise gave orders to construct a vault under his own throne, in which he intended to confine the unhappy Raja, according to the custom of the Hindoos. In order to display his own power more completely, he advanced to some distance from his capital to meet his prisoner, and compelled that unfortunate prince to run before his horse, with a basin and ewer in his hand.

The King of Guzerat, it is said, being overheated on this occasion, lay down to repose under a shady tree: he drew a red handkerchief over his face, and ordered his attendants to withdraw. A vulture, which happened to be hovering over the spot, mistaking the red handkerchief for prey, pounced down on Dabishleem, and fixing its talons in his eyes rendered him totally blind, and thereby incapable to reign, according to the laws of the country. When the accident became public, the whole camp and city were filled with confusion. The imprisoned prince arriving at that instant, was received with acclamations, and instantly proclaimed king. He put the basin on the head of Dabishleem, and having placed the ewer in his hand, drove him before him into the dungeon which he himself had prepared, where he spent the remainder of his life. How wonderful are thy works, O God! who in the twinkling of an eye converted the punishment awarded by one prince to another into an instrument of his own destruction; thus fulfilling the Scripture, in which it is written, “He who digs a pit for his brother, shall “himself fall therein.”

The author of the Jama ool Hikayat relates, that when Mahmood was in Guzerat he saw a small black idol under an arch, which to all appearance was suspended in the air without support. The King, amazed at this phenomenon, consulted the philosophers of his court, who told him that they believed the image to be iron, and the stone of the arch magnetic. The King observed, that he thought the equilibrium of weight and attraction could not be so exactly found. He, however, by way of experiment, ordered a stone to be struck out of the arch, which was no sooner done, than the idol fell to the ground; the stone was therefore pronounced to be a magnet. The Caliph of Bagdad, being informed of the expedition of the King of Ghizny, wrote him a congratulatory letter, in which he styled him “The Guardian of the State, and “of the Faith;” ^81a to his son, the Prince Ameer Musaood, he gave the title of “The Lustre of “Empire, and the Ornament of Religion,” and to his second son, the Ameer Yoosoof, the appellation of “The Strength of the Arm of Fortune, and Esta-“blisher of Empires.” He at the same time assured Mahmood, that to whomsoever he should bequeath the throne at his death, he himself would confirm and support the same.

In the end of the year Mahmood marched against the Juts†, ^81b residing in the Jood mountains, who had molested his army on its return from Somnat. Having arrived at Mooltan, and finding that the country of the Juts was intersected by rivers, he ordered 1400 boats to be built, each of which was armed with six iron spikes, projecting from the prows and sides, to prevent their being boarded by the enemy, who were expert in that kind of warfare. In each boat were twenty archers and five naphtha-men, to attack and set fire to the enemy's flotilla. The Juts, having intelligence of this armament, sent their wives and children, together with their most valuable effects, into the neighbouring islands, and launching, according to some, 4000, and according to others, 8000 boats, ready manned and armed, they prepared to receive the Mahomedans. The fleets met, and a desperate conflict ensued, but the projecting spikes of the Moslem boats did such execution when they ran against the craft of the Juts, that several of them were overset. The archers, at the same time, plied their arrows with such effect, that many of the enemy leaped overboard. Some of the Jut boats being in the mean time set on fire communicated their flames to others; some were sunk, some boarded, and others endeavoured to fly. From this scene of confusion few of the Juts escaped, so that those who were not killed fell into the hands of Mahmood.^82a A. H. 418.
A. D. 1027. The King after this victory returned in triumph to Ghizny, and in the year 418 removed the governor of Toos (Abool Hurb Arslan†) ^82b to the government of the district of Badwird, in order to chastise the Suljook Toorkmans, ^83a who, having crossed the river Amoo, had invaded that province. The General, however, being defeated in several engagements, wrote to the King, that without his own presence nothing could be done against the enemy. Mahmood put his army in motion, and having come up with the Suljooks, gave them a total defeat. At this time, also, his generals having conquered Eerak† ^83b he himself marched in that direction, and secured all the treasure that had been amassed by the race of Boeia. Having then introduced some new laws‡ ^83c respecting the religion of the inhabitants who had adopted false tenets, he conferred the government of Rye and Isfahan on his son, the Prince Musaood, and returned to Ghizny.

Mahmood was soon after affected with the stone, which disorder daily increased. He went in this condition to Bulkh, and in the beginning of the spring returned to Ghizny, where, on Friday

the 23d of Rubee-oos-Sany, A. H. 421, in the sixty-third year. of his age, this great conqueror gave up his body to death and his soul to immortality, amid the tears of his people.

Mahmood reigned thirty-five years, and was buried by torchlight with great pomp and solemnity in the Kesr Firozy at Ghizny. Sooltan Mahmood was in person about the middle size, but well made. He was also strongly marked with the small-pox.

It is a well-established fact, that two days before his death, he commanded all the gold and caskets of precious stones in his possession to be placed before him: when he beheld them he wept with regret, ordering them to be carried back to the treasury, without exhibiting his generosity at that time to any body, for which he has been accused of avarice. ^84a On the following day he ordered a review of his army, his elephants, camels, horses, and chariots, with which having feasted his eyes for some time from his travelling throne, he again burst into tears, and retired in grief to his palace.

Abool Hussun Ally, the son of Hussun My-mundy, relates, that the King one day asked Aboo Tahir Samany, what quantity of valuable jewels the Samany dynasty had accumulated when it became extinct? He replied, that in the reign of Ameer Nooh Samany the treasury contained seven ruttuls weight of precious stones. Mahmood flung himself prostrate on the floor, and cried out, “Thanks to thee, all-powerful Being, who hast “enabled me to collect more than 100 ruttuls.”

It is also said that in the latter end of his reign Mahmood, on hearing that a citizen of Nyshapoor possessed immense wealth, he commanded him to be called into his presence, and reproached him for being an idolater and an apostate from the faith. The citizen replied, “O King I am no “idolater nor apostate, but I am possessed of “wealth; take it, therefore, but do me not a “double injustice, by robbing me of my money “and of my good name.” The King, having confiscated his whole property, gave him a certificate under the royal seal, of the purity of his religious tenets. According to the Tubkat Nasiry it appears that Mahmood was sceptical on certain religious points, and questioned the orthodoxy of the opinions of the learned, especially on the use of penances. He even professed his doubt of a future state, and did not hesitate to say, he questioned whether he was really the son of Subooktugeen. ^85a He dreamed, however, one night that he saw the Prophet standing before him, who addressed him thus: “O son of Ameer Nasir “Subooktugeen, may God give thee honour in “both worlds, as he has conferred it on man by his “precepts!” So that the three points of his scepticism were removed by this short sentence. It is related that a violent flood occurred in Ghizny the year after his death, which levelled most of the principal buildings to the ground, and many people lost their lives on the occasion. This same flood carried away the embankment constructed in the reign of Amroo Bin Leith Suffar, so that not a vestige of it remained; and this calamity was considered at the time as a sample of the destruction that was eventually to befall the empire.

The following instance of his justice has been transmitted to posterity. A petitioner one day complained, that owing to his having a handsome wife the King's nephew had conceived a passion for her, and came to his house every night with armed attendants, and beat him and turned him into the street, till he gratified his adulterous passion; that he had frequently complained to those who ought to have done him justice, but that the rank of the adulterer had hitherto protected him.

The King, on hearing this, shed tears of indignation, and reproved the poor man for not making his complaint sooner. The man replied he often attempted, but could not gain admittance. He was then commanded to return to his house, and to give the King notice the first time his nephew was guilty of the like violence, charging those who were present, on pain of death, to let nothing of this subject transpire, at the same time ordering the poor man to be admitted at any hour. Accordingly the man returned to his house.

On the third night, the King's nephew as usual came, and having whipped the husband severely, turned him into the street. The poor man hastened to the King, but the captain of the guards refused him admittance, saying that his Majesty was in the seraglio. The man immediately vociferated loudly, so that the porter, fearing the court might be disturbed, and the noise reach the King, was under the necessity of conducting him to the officers of the bed-chamber, who immediately acquainted Mahmood.

The King instantly arose, and wrapping himself in a loose cloak, followed the man to his house. He found his nephew and the man's wife sleeping together in one bed, with a candle standing on the carpet near them. Mahmood, extinguishing the candle, drew his sword, and severed his nephew's head from his body. Then commanding the man to bring a light, he called for water, and having taken a deep draught, he told him he might now go and sleep with safety, if he could trust his own wife.

The poor man fell at the King's feet in gratitude, but begged him to say, why he put out the candle, and afterwards called so eagerly for water to drink? The King replied, he put out the candle that pity might not arrest his hand in the execution of his duty, for that he tenderly loved the youth; and, moreover, said, he had made a vow to God, when he first heard the complaint, that he would neither eat nor drink till he had brought the criminal to justice, which was the cause of his intense thirst. Let it not be concealed from my learned readers, that although we have many well authenticated stories of the inflexible justice of some virtuous monarchs, we have no other instance of this nature. God only knows the hearts of his people.

According to the Hubeeb-oos-Seer, the first person who exercised the office of vizier at the court of Mahmood was Abool Abass Fuzeel, the son of Ahmud Isferahy. He was originally the secretary of Fâïk, one of the nobles of the house of Samany; but after the fall of Fâïk, Abool Abass entered the service of Subooktugeen, and eventually became his vizier, an office which he continued to hold under his son Mahmood. As Abool Abass Fuzeel was more a man of business than of learning, and was ignorant of the Arabic language, he introduced, for the first time, the practice of writing public papers in Persian; but when Khwaja Ahmud, the son of Hussun Mymundy, became minister, he reverted to the Arabic language for all permanent official documents. Abool Abass Fuzeel was remarkable for his address in the management of public affairs, and for his extraordinary faculty for conciliation. Thus eliciting the zeal, and securing the fidelity, of all with whom he had to deal. He was, however, removed from the vizarut about two years after the succession of Mahmood. Some historians affirm, that he displeased his master by contumaciously withholding from him an object in the family of Abool Abass on whom Mahmood had fixed his affection. It is stated that he was imprisoned, and that he eventually died under the rack, to which he was subjected in order to discover his wealth. He was succeeded by Khwaja Ahmud, the son of Hussun Mymundy, the foster-brother and school-fellow of his sovereign. His father Hussun, during the reign of Subooktugeen, was the collector of the revenues of Boost; but in consequence of having been convicted of extortion and fraud to a large amount, he was hanged by order of Subooktugeen; so that the general notion which prevails, that Hussun Mymun-dy was the vizier of Sooltan Mahmood, is erroneous. Khwaja Ahmud, his son, was as celebrated for writing a beautiful hand as for his talents or his learning. He first held the office of chief secretary, and rose by degrees till he attained the office of Moostowfy-ool-Moomalik, “controller “of revenues and paymaster-general of the army.” He was subsequently sent to occupy Khorassan, and to govern it; and on the removal of Abool Abass Fuzeel succeeded to the office of vizier, and held it uninterruptedly for eighteen years. He was then disgraced, owing to the intrigues of Altoon Tash, the commander-in-chief, and Ameer Ally Cheshawundy, and confined for thirteen years on the frontier of Kashmeer, in a hill-fort called Kalunjur. He was, however, afterwards released, and obtained the vizarut in the reign of Sooltan Musaood, and died a natural death in the year 424, A.D. 1033. Khwaja Ahmud Mymundy was succeeded by Ahmud Hoossein, the son of Michael, who had been a confidential officer about his sovereign's person from his youth, and was much distinguished for his talents. He was, however, eventually put to death at Bulkh, by Musaood, on the plea of his having received and worn a dress presented to him by the Caliph of Egypt, on the occasion of his going on a pilgrimage to Mecca.

The learned men who lived at the court of Mahmood were principally these: the poet Oozery Razy, a native of Rye in Persia. On one occasion he received a present of 14,000 dirms from Mah-mood for a short panegyric. Assudy Toosy, a native of the province of Khorassan, also a poet of great fame, whom the Sooltan often entreated to undertake the Shah Nama, but he excused himself on account of his age. His best works are supposed to be lost. He was the master of Firdowsy, who afterwards composed the Shah Nama. When Firdowsy left Ghizny and went to Toos, on finding himself too weak to finish his poem, owing to the state of his health, he applied to his old master Assudy; telling him that he was now at the point of death, and that his only regret for leaving this vain world was that his poem was yet incomplete. The old man, weeping, replied, that though he had excused himself to the King from having any hand in that performance, yet for the affection he bore to Firdowsy, he would undertake to go on with it. The dying poet replied, that he was well assured no other man of the age had the genius to accomplish it, but at the same time he was afraid years and infirmities would prevent his performing his promise. The old man, warmed with friendship, made the attempt, and composed that part of the poem between the Arabian conquest of the western Persia to the end, consisting of 4000 couplets.

Munoo-chéhr, a noble of Bulkh, was also famous for his poetry and wit. The philosopher Oonsury was deemed the greatest genius in that age; for besides being one of the best poets, he was at the same time profound in science, and skilled in all the learned languages. Four hundred poets and learned men, besides the students of the university of Ghizny, acknowledged him for their master. He was appointed by the King to superintend literature; and no work could be brought before Mahmood without being previously submitted for his approbation.

Among the works of Oonsury is an heroic poem on the actions of Mahmood. The King having one night in a debauch cut off the long tresses of his favourite mistress, was much concerned in the morning for what he had done. He sat, he rose, he walked by turns, and his attendants were alarmed to approach him. The philosopher Oonsury accosted him with some extempore lines, which so pleased the King that he ordered his mouth to be thrice filled with jewels. Calling then for wine, he sat with the poet and washed down his grief. Oonsury died A. H. 431.

Asjuddy of Murv is a powerful poet, and one of the scholars of Oonsury. He evinces in his works much genius; but they are scarce, and the greatest part of them is lost. Furokhy was also a pupil of Oonsury. He was a descendant of the royal race of Seestan, but reduced by fortune so low, that he was obliged to hire himself to a farmer for the yearly wages of 200 kylies ^91a of grain, and 100 dirms. Being desirous of marrying a lady of his own family and a distant relative, he could not afford it, without an increase of his wages, which he requested his master to give him. The farmer told him he certainly deserved a great deal more, but that his means would not admit it. Furokhy in this state of dependence waited on the Sooltan's nephew, Abool Moozuffur, with a poem, for which he was honoured with a handsome reward, besides a horse and a dress. After this he was introduced by the same prince to the King, who settled a pension on him, which enabled him to ride with a retinue of twenty well mounted servants.

Dukeeky flourished also in this reign: he commenced the Shah Nama, but only lived to complete a thousand couplets.

Ascends the throne. — The household troops under their officers quit Ghizny. — They are attacked by the King's troops. — The latter defeated. — The household troops proceed to join the King's elder brother, Musaood, at Nyshapoor. — Musaood marches to Ghizny to claim the throne. — Mahomed is seized by his uncle, Ameer Yoosoof, and others, and deposed. — The confederates proceed to join Musaood, who is proclaimed king.

AT the time of Mahmood's death, his son Ma-homed was in the province of Joorjan, and the Prince Musaood in Ispahan. Ameer Ally, son of Kuzil Arslan, the father-in-law of Mahmood, invited the Prince Mahomed to Ghizny, and according to the will of his father, placed the crown upon his head. Mahomed, on his accession, conferred the office of Sipasalar ^93a on his uncle Ameer Yoo-soof Subooktugeen, and that of Vizier on Aboo Soheil Ahmud, son of Hussun Humadany. He opened the treasury also, and gave largesses to his friends, and on the public servants likewise he bestowed liberal donations. The hearts of the soldiery and people, however, were chiefly devoted to his brother Ameer Musaood.

About 50 days after the death of Mahmood, one of the nobles, by name Abool-Nujm Ameer Ayaz, the son of Isaac, having, in conjunction with Ally Dabye, gained over the household troops, entered the royal stables in broad daylight, and mounting the King's best horses rode off towards Boost. Mahomed, informed of this circumstance, despatched Sewund Ray, an Indian chief, with a numerous body of Hindoo cavalry, in pursuit of them. Having come up with the nobles in a few days, a skirmish ensued, in which Sewund Ray and the greatest part of his troops were killed, but not without a heavy loss on the side of the insurgents. The rebel chiefs, continued to pursue their journey to the Prince Musaood, whom they met at Nyshapoor. Musaood having heard of his father's decease when at Humadan, left governors in the provinces of Persian Eerak, and hastened towards Khorassan. On his arrival he wrote to his brother, that he had no intention of disputing those countries with him, which his father, in spite of his own preferable right, had been pleased to bequeath on Mahomed; observing, that the provinces of Joorjistan, Tubristan, and Eerak, most of which he had acquired by his own sword, were ample for himself. He only insisted so far on his birthright as to have his name read first in the Khootba ^94a over all his dominions. These princes were twins; but Mahomed was the elder by some hours, and, consequently, had an undoubted right to succeed. Enmity had always subsisted between them; and Mahomed, on the present occasion, having returned an answer of defiance to his brother, prepared for war, in spite of his counsellors, who opposed so unnatural a proceeding.

Rumzan 1.
A. H. 421.
Sept. 23.
A. D. 1030. Putting his army in motion, and leaving Ghizny on the 1st Rumzan, he proceeded to meet Musaood at Tukee-abad, where he halted during the fast a whole month, and a most unpropitious delay it was for him. ^95a While there, his crown falling accidently from his head, it was taken as a bad omen

Shuwal 3.
October 26.

by his army. Accordingly, upon the 3d night of Shuwal, a confederacy having been formed by Ameer Ally Chesh-awundy, Ameer Yoosoof Subooktugeen, and Hoos-sein Michael, they sounded to arms, and putting themselves at the head of the troops, surrounded the King's tents, seized his person, and sent him prisoner to the fort of Wally, which the people of Kandahar at this day call Khullij.† ^95b They now marched the army to Hirat, and joining the Prince Musaood, swore allegiance to him.

Musaood marched to Bulkh, where he ordered Hoosein Michael to be hanged, on the plea of his having condescended, on his return from a pilgrimage to Mecca, to wear a dress presented to him by the Caliph of Egypt; but it is also said, a private pique existed, which hastened the death of Hoosein; for he was once heard to say in public, that if ever Musaood became king, he would suffer himself to be hanged. Ameer Ally also had his head struck off for his ingratitude to his prince; and Ameer Yoosoof, the other conspirator, although the King's uncle, was imprisoned for life. Shortly after, the Prince Mahomed was deprived of his eye-sight, so that his reign scarcely lasted five months; but after nine years' imprisonment he again ascended the throne for one year, and was eventually put to death by his nephew Modood, the son of Musaood.

Musaood ascends the throne — his great strength. — The Sul-jooky Toorkmans invade Khorassan and Samarkand. — His general, Altoon Tash, sent to Samarkand to oppose the Suljooks, but is killed. — Magnanimous conduct of Altoon Tash previous to his death. — A truce concluded. — Samar-kand ceded to Allytugeen Suljook. — Musaood marches towards India — attacks the fort of Soorsutty. — Dreadful famine throughout Persia — succeeded by the plague — 40,000 souls die in Isfahan. — Suljooks invade Nyshapoor. — The King sends an army against them — they are defeated in the first instance, but subsequently return and defeat the Ghiznevides. — The King takes no farther steps against the Suljooks, but proceeds to Ghizny — he proclaims his son, Modood, his heir and successor, and confers on him the government of Bulkh. —The King marches into India — attacks Hansy, and carries it by storm. — Sonput evacuated. — The King returns to Ghizny, leaving his son, Modood, at Lahore. — Farther incursions of the Suljooks on Bulkh, under their leader, Toghrul Beg. — The King throws a bridge across the Jeihoon, and enters Transoxania. — Toghrul Beg passes to the rear of his army, and appears suddenly before Ghizny. — The King makes peace with Mungoo Khan Suljook, and agrees to cede territory to him — attacks and defeats a horde of Suljooks at Badwird, but is defeated at Suruksh by them in the following year. — Musaood's personal prowess and courage — sends his eldest son, Modood, to defend Bulkh, and his younger son, Mādood, to Lahore. — The Prince yezeedyar is sent to keep the Afghans in check. — The King retires to Lahore. — Mutiny in his army: — they seize the treasure. — Musaood deposed — his brother, Mahomed, elevated to the throne by the troops. — The death of Musaood — his character — literary attainments.

MUSAOOD, full of liberality and valour, acquired the title of Roostoom the Second. His arrow, after piercing the strongest mail, penetrated the hide of an elephant, and his iron mace was so ponderous, that no man of his time could raise it with one hand. By his bold and independent language he frequently offended his father, who for that reason fixed his affections on his brother Mahomed, a prince of a more mild and tractable disposition. It is related in the Tubkat Nasiry, on the authority of Khwaja Aboo Nusr Mukutty, that Sooltan Mahmood privately intimated to the Caliph of Bagdad, that in addressing him he wished the Caliph to insert the name of the Prince Mahomed before that of Musaood. The next letter which came was read aloud in court, and many of the nobles expressed their surprise and indignation at this unusual circumstance. Aboo Nusr states, that on leaving the durbar he himself followed Musaood to the door, and told him that what he had heard gave him the utmost concern, for that his own inclination, as well as the hearts of most of the nobles, were all in his favour. The Prince replied, with a smile, Give yourselves no concern about it: dominion belongs to the longest sword. One of the King's attendants overhearing this conversation, gave information of it to his father Mahmood, who sent for Aboo Nusr, and asked him what had passed between him and the Prince Musaood. Aboo Nusr, conceiving truth would be his best defence, related the particulars. The King observed, he entertained a high regard for Musaood, who he foresaw would one day be king, but that the Prince Mahomed had gained his affections by filial duty, and more implicit obedience.

Musaood on his accession released Ahmud, the son of Hussun Mymundy, who by the orders of the Emperor Mahmood had been imprisoned in the fort of Kalunjur, ^99a situated on the Indian frontier, and again made him vizier. The accounts of Ameer Ahmud, the son of Danieltugeen the treasurer, being found deficient, the King obliged him to refund a great sum for mal-practices in his office. He was subsequently appointed governor in Hindoostan, and ordered to proceed to Lahore. At the same time Mujd-ood-Dowla Delimy, who had been imprisoned in one of the forts of Hindoostan, was released and called to court.

A. H. 422.
A. D. 1031. The King, in the year 422, having left Bulkh came to Ghizny, and sent an army to Kech† ^99b and Mikran, causing the coin of both provinces to be struck in his name. The prince of those countries died about that time and left two sons, Abool Asakir and Eesa: the younger brother taking possession of the government, Abool Asakir had recourse for aid to the Emperor Musaood, to whom the fugitive prince promised an annual tribute, and to hold his dominions, when recovered, of him. Musaood accordingly sent an army with Abool Asakir, giving orders to his general to reconcile, if possible, the difference between the brothers, and to divide the country equally between them, but if this could not be effected, to put Abool Asakir in possession of the whole.

The Ghiznevide army arrived on the frontiers; but so obstinate was Eesa that he would accede to no terms of accommodation; and though deserted by many friends who joined his brother, he determined to decide the contest by the sword. He fought with great bravery, and was slain in the conflict. The provinces thus fell into the hands of Abool Asakir, who paid tribute henceforward to the Emperor of Ghizny.

Musaood, in the same year, bestowed the viceroyship of Rye in Persia, of Humadan, and the whole of Joorjistan, upon Tash (one of his own domestic sweepers), a man who, though raised from the lowest office in the camp, displayed uncommon abilities in reducing those provinces to obedience. After the departure of the King, those countries of which he had himself before been governor revolted. Tash not only reduced them to subjection, but also chastised Alla-ood-Dowla, the Ghiznevide governor of Khorassan, who had been tampering with the rebels.

Musaood, having settled affairs at Ghizny, intended to march to Ispahan and Rye; but when he arrived at Hirat, the inhabitants of Suruksh and Badwird complained to him of the ravages of the Suljooky Toorkmans. The King, moved by the complaint of his subjects, ordered Abdool Raees, the son of Abdool Azeez, a brave general, with a large force to attack these invaders. This officer, however, met with great opposition from the Toork-mans, and the King, without having accomplished his object, was constrained to return to Ghizny.

A. H. 423.
A. D. 1032. In the year 423, the King commanded Altoon Tash to proceed from Khwaruzm, with his army, to oppose Ally-tugeen Suljook, who had invaded and conquered Samarkand and Bokhara. Altoon Tash marched to Mawur-ool-Nehr, having been reinforced in the neighbourhood of Bulkh by 15,000 horse detached for the purpose from Ghizny. With this army he crossed the river Amoo, and continued his route to Bokhara, which having fallen without much opposition, he proceeded to Samarkand. Allytugeen, quitting the city, occupied a small village in the vicinity, having a river and a wood on one side, and a high mountain on the other. In this position he was attacked by Altoon Tash, when a party of Allytugeen's horse, issuing from behind a hill on one flank, attacked the Ghiznevide army in the rear. A great slaughter ensued, and Altoon Tash was severely wounded in a part of the body in which he had formerly received a blow from a catapulta in taking one of the forts of Hindoostan. He, however, concealed the circumstance from his army; and having charged the enemy's troops with great gallantry, they were put to flight after an obstinate and bloody conflict. After the battle Altoon Tash, assembling his principal officers, showed them his wound, and told them his end was approaching; that they must now manage their own affairs; intimating, at the same time, that he thought it would be advisable to conclude a peace with the enemy. This advice being approved, a messenger was despatched to Allytugeen, that very night, with proposals, which were eagerly accepted. The conditions were, that Allytugeen should keep possession of Samarkand, and that Bokhara should remain in the hands of Musaood. The two armies separated on the following day, the one for Samarkand, and the other for Khorassan. Altoon Tash died the day after; but his death being concealed from the army, the chiefs conducted the troops to Khwaruzm. When these accounts reached the King, he conferred the government on Haroon, the son of Altoon Tash. During this year the excellent Vizier Khwaja Ahmud, the son of Hussun Mymundy, died, and was succeeded in his office by Aboo Nusr Ahmud, the son of Mahomed, the son of Abool Sumud, private secretary to Haroon, the son of Altoon Tash, who was now invited from Khwaruzm for the purpose of receiving the official seals.

A. H. 424.
A. D. 1033. In the year 424, the King resolved on making an expedition into India. He took the route of Soorsutty, situated among the hills of Kashmeer; the garrison of which fort being intimidated, sent messengers to the King, promising valuable presents, and an annual tribute, if he would desist from his enterprise. Musaood felt disposed to listen to the proposals, until he understood that some Mahomedan merchants, having been seized by the garrison, were then captives in the place. He accordingly broke up the conference, and besieged the fort, ordering the ditch to be filled up with sugar-canes, ^102a from the adjacent plantations. This being done, he caused scaling-ladders to be applied to the walls; and the fort, after a bloody contest, was taken. The garrison, without distinction, was put to the sword, except the women and children, who were carried off by the soldiers as slaves. The King, moreover, commanded that a part of the spoil should be given to the Maho-medans who had been prisoners in Soorsutty, and who had formerly lost their effects. This year was remarkable for a great drought and famine in many parts of the world. The famine was suc-

A. H. 424.
A. D. 1033.

ceeded by a pestilence which swept many thousands from the face of the earth; for in less than one month 40,000 persons died in Ispahan alone. Nor did it rage with less violence in Hindoostan, where whole countries were entirely depopulated. In the neighbourhood of Moosul and Bagdad also, the joodry (plague) raged to such a degree, that hardly a single house escaped without losing one or two of the family.

A. H. 425.
A. D. 1034. In the year 425 Musaood marched his army to the north, in the direction of Amol and Sary. The inhabitants opposed him in his progress, but they were dispersed by the imperial troops with little opposition. Aba Kalunjar, ^103a the Prince of Tubristan, sent an ambassador, subjecting himself and his country to the King, at the same time sending his son Bahmun, and his nephew Sherooya, the son of Soorkhab, to meet the King in the province of Koorkan. Mu-saood from thence marched towards Ghizny, and arrived at Nyshapoor. The inhabitants continued to complain bitterly of the incursions of the Sul-jooks; and the King sent Boghtudy, and Hoosein the son of Michael, with a force to attack them. When the Ghiznevide army reached the village of Sendooz, a messenger came from the Toorkmans with a letter to the following purpose: that “they “were the King's servants, and not at all desirous “to disturb any body but his enemies, provided “they were enabled, by receiving an annual sub-“sidy, to live at home without plunder, or were “led out to war, that they might exercise what they “deemed their only profession.” The answer of Boghtudy was imperious and haughty. “I hold “no communion with you,” said he, “but with “the sword, unless you give over your depreda-“tions, and submit yourselves implicitly to the “authority of the King.”

The Suljooks, on hearing this message from their ambassador, advanced, and made a violent assault upon the camp of Boghtudy, but were repulsed, and obliged to fly, while Boghtudy, pursuing them with rapidity, took all their baggage, their wives, and their children. But returning from the pursuit, while yet many of his troops were dispersed and intent on plunder, a body of the Suljooks issued from between two hills, and made a dreadful slaughter among his soldiers, whom he was unable to form with any regularity. The Ghiznevides defended themselves individually with great gallantry, and retreated for two days and nights. Hoossein, the son of Michael, could not be persuaded to quit the field, so that after most of his men were killed, he himself fell into the hands of the enemy. Boghtudy fled, and carried advice of his own defeat to the King at Nyshapoor.

Musaood endeavoured, in vain, to conceal his

A.H. 426.
A. D. 1035.

resentment and shame, and marched back to Ghizny, in the year 426. In this year, also, one Tatiah, ^105a an Indian chief, was employed to attack Ahmud, the son of Daniel-tugeen, who had rebelled in his government. On this occasion, Tatiah was slain, and his troops defeated with great slaughter. Musaood, informed of this disaster, sent Tilok, the son of Jye Sein†, ^105b the commander of all the Indian troops, to reinforce him, who pursued the enemy so closely that many thousands fell into his hands, whom he mutilated by cutting off their ears and noses. Ahmud reached the banks of the Indus, and endeavouring to cross the river, was drowned in the attempt. His corpse was soon after found, and his head being severed from his body, was sent to Ghizny.

A. H. 427.
A. D. 1036. In the year 427, a new palace was finished at Ghizny. In it was a golden throne, studded with jewels, erected in a magnificent hall; over which was suspended, by a golden chain, a crown of gold, weighing 70 muns, ^106a emitting lustre from numerous precious stones, forming a canopy for the King when he sat in state to give public audience. In the same year he conferred the ensigns and drums of royalty on his son the Prince Modood, and sent him to the government of Bulkh, whilst he himself marched with an army to India, to reduce the fort of Hansy, which, according to the Tubkat Na-siry, is the ancient capital of Sewalik. The Hin-doos reckoned it impregnable, and were taught to believe it would never fall into the hands of the Mahomedans. On this occasion the Indian soothsayers, like those of other nations, deceived their followers, for in the space of six days the King escaladed the place, and took it by storm. Herein he found immense treasure; and having put the fort under the charge of a trusty officer, he marched towards the fort of Sonput. Depal Hurry, the governor of Sonput, abandoned the place, and fled into the woods; but having no time to carry off his treasure, it fell into the conqueror's hands. Musaood having ordered all the temples to be rased to the ground, and the idols to be broken, proceeded in pursuit of Depal Hurry, who was surprised by the King, and most of his army were taken prisoners, while he himself effected his escape. From thence the King marched against one Ram Ray, who, gaining intelligence of his approach, sent large presents of gold and elephants, excusing himself, on account of his age, from personally attending upon Musaood. The King received his presents and excuse, and refrained from farther molestation; then, leaving a trusty chief in Sonput, he took possession of all the countries in his rear, intending to return to Ghizny. When he reached Lahore, he left his son Modood there, conferring on him the government of that province, and the drums and ensigns of state; leaving with him Ayaz Khass, his favourite counsellor and minister.

A. H. 428.
A. D. 1037. In the year 428, Musaood again marched to Bulkh, to check the continued encroachments of the Toork-mans, who, hearing of the King's advance, left the country. The inhabitants of Bulkh addressed Musaood, and acquainted him that Toghrul Beg Suljooky, after his departure, had made frequent incursions into his territories, and crossing the river, had laid violent hands on the lives and property of his subjects, the King determined to attack Toghrul Beg in the ensuing winter, and in the beginning of the spring to make war on the other hordes of Suljooks in Khorassan. The omrahs of his court, with one accord, advised him to march first against the Suljooks under Jakur Beg, who during the last two years had gained several advantages over the troops of Khorassan, and were daily acquiring new strength. Musaood at that time also received a copy of verses from one of the nobles of that province. “The Suljooks,” said the poet, “who were once but ants, have now become “little adders; and if they are not soon destroyed, “they may in a short time become dragons.”

But the star of the King's fortune had now reached its zenith, and he would by no means listen to the advice of his officers. In hopes to conquer the country lying before him, he threw a bridge over the Jyhoon, and crossing his army without opposition, took possession of the whole province of Mawur-ool-Nehr. During the winter so much snow fell, that it was with the utmost difficulty he marched his troops back to Ghizny. In the mean time, Jakur Beg Suljooky moved from Suruksh against Bulkh, from whence Khwaja Ahmud, the vizier, wrote to the King begging that, as he had not a sufficient force to oppose the enemy, the King would take steps to reinforce him. Musaood accordingly counter-marched his army towards Bulkh.

Toghrul Beg Suljooky, taking advantage of this circumstance, marched rapidly to Ghizny, plundered the King's stables, and even sacked part of the capital before he was repulsed. When Musaood reached the confines of Bulkh, Jakur Beg Sul-jooky retreated towards Murv. The King, in conjunction with his son Modood, went in pursuit to Koorkan, when several persons came to camp, complaining of the ravages of Ally Koondoozy. This Ally was little better than a common robber, though a man of considerable talent and cunning. Having refused to account for his conduct, and continuing his depredations, the King ordered a detachment to attack him, and he was driven by the King's forces within the walls of a fort in the neighbourhood, where, with his whole family, he was taken and subsequently hanged.

The Toorkmans, ^109a hearing of the advance of the King towards Murv, sent an ambassador professing obedience, provided the King would bestow on them a tract of country wherein they might settle. He consented to the proposal, and having despatched a messenger to their chief, Mungoo Khan, invited him to come and conclude the treaty. The King, on their promise of future good behaviour, alienated a large territory for their maintenance.

Musaood, after this event, marched towards Herat; but so little faith was kept by the Suljooks, that they attacked the rear of his army, carried off part of his own baggage, and slew a number of his guards. Incensed at this conduct, he sent a detachment in pursuit of them, which took a small party prisoners. He immediately ordered their heads to be struck off and sent to Mungoo Khan, who excused himself, saying, that, for his part, he was glad they had met with their deserts, for he had no knowledge of their proceedings.

Musaood continued his march from Herat to Nyshapoor, and from thence to Toos. At Toos, he was attacked by another horde of Suljooks, which he defeated with great slaughter; but having received intelligence that the inhabitants of Bad-wird had given up their forts to the Suljooks in that quarter, he marched immediately against them, retook the forts, and cleared that country of the enemy. He now returned to Nyshapoor, where

he spent the winter. In the spring of the year 430, he returned to Badwird, which had been again invaded in his absence by Toghrul Beg, who fled upon the Sool-tan's approach towards Badwird and Tedzen. Musaood returned by the route of Suruksh, whose inhabitants refused to pay the revenue. Some of their chiefs being punished, the rest became more tractable, and after their submission the King continued his march to Dundunaken. At this place the Suljooks, collecting their forces. surrounded the King's army on the 8th Rum-

Rumzan 8.
A. H. 431.
May 24.
A. D. 1040.

zan, A.H. 431, and secured the passes on all sides. Musaood drew up his army in order of battle, to induce the enemy to come to action, which they by no means declined, advancing on all sides with barbarous shouts, and with great impetuosity. This uncommon method of charging discouraged the Ghiznevide troops; and, whether through fear or perfidy, several generals, in the commencement of the battle, rode off with their whole squadrons, and joined the enemy.

The King, undismayed even by the defection of his officers, gallantly rode his horse to the spot where he perceived the conflict most bloody, performing prodigies of valour, unequalled perhaps by any sovereign; but his efforts were vain; for when he looked round he beheld nearly the whole of his army, excepting the body which he commanded in person, in full flight. The King thus deserted, and seeing no hope from the efforts of his single arm, turned his steed, and trampling down the enemy, opened a road for himself with his own sword. When he reached Murv, he met with a few of the fugitives, who now began to collect from all quarters. He took from thence the way of Ghoor, and proceeded to Ghizny, where having seized the generals who had so shamefully deserted him, he ordered Ally Dabye, Boghtudy, and Ameer Hajib Samany, to be conveyed to Hindoostan, and confined in hill forts for life. Musaood, now finding himself unable to withstand the power of the Suljook Toork-mans, resolved to withdraw to India, till he was able to collect forces sufficient to make another effort to retrieve his affairs. With this determination, he left his son Modood, and his Vizier Khwaja Ahmud Bin Mahomed, the son of Alup-tugeen Hajib, to defend Bulkh, and ordered his other son, the Prince Mādood, who had come from Lahore with 2000 horse, to secure Moultan. Meanwhile the Prince Yezeedyar, another of his sons, was sent with a detachment to keep in check the mountain Afghans near Ghizny, who were in arms. Having collected all his wealth from the different strong holds of Ghizny, and loading camels with it, he marched to Lahore. At this time he sent for his brother Mahomed, who had been previously dethroned and blinded, as we have before mentioned.

When Musaood reached the caravansera of Muriala on the Sind, (but according to others on the Jheelum, also called the Behut,) the household troops, who had entered into a conspiracy with the camel-keepers, began to divide the treasure among themselves. The troops fearing the King's resentment, and not choosing to refund the plunder, hastened in a mob to the blind Prince Mahomed, who had been before on the throne, and exalting him upon their shoulders, proclaimed him King. Musaood during this time was collecting the only troops on whom he could rely to suppress the mutiny; but no sooner was it known that his brother was proclaimed, than he found himself entirely deserted, and he became prisoner in the caravansera. The mob pressing round him, he was constrained to give himself up into their hands, and was carried before the new King, Ma-homed, who told him he had no design to take his life, and desired him to select some fort, whither he might retire with his family into confinement. Musaood, in this extremity, chose the fort of Kurry, but was left without the means of paying his few menial attendants. This obliged him to send a person to his brother to request some money.

Mahomed accordingly ordered the pitiful sum of 500 deenars to be sent him, upon which Musaood, exclaimed: “Oh, wonderful turn “of fortune! Ah, cruel reverse of fate! Yester-“day, I was a mighty Prince, 3000 camels “bending under my wealth; ^112a to-day I am “forced to beg, and am condemned to receive but “the mere mockery of my wants.” With that he borrowed 1000 deenars from his servants, and bestowed them as a present upon his brothers' messenger who had brought the 500 deenars, which he desired he might again carry back to his master.

On the accession of Mahomed he advanced his son, the Prince Ahmud, to the government, reserving for himself only the name. The mind of Ahmud was by many supposed to be strongly

A. H. 433.
A. D. 1042.

tainted with insanity. Shortly after his accession, in the year 433, he, in conjunction with his cousin Sooliman, the son of Ameer Yoosoof Soobooktugeen, and the son of Ally Cheshawundy, went to the fort of Kurry and assassinated Musaood with his own hand, while some affirm that he caused him to be buried alive in a well. It has been by others asserted that Musaood was murdered by the orders of Mahomed himself. God only knows the truth. The reign of Mu-saood, according to the Towareekh-Goozeeda, lasted nine years and nine months, and according to other histories, twelve years. He was a prince of uncommon personal strength and courage, affable, and of easy access; generous to prodigality, particularly to learned men, of whose company he was so extremely fond, that many were induced to come from all parts to his court. Among the most celebrated we must reckon Anvury Khan Khwaruzmy, a great philosopher and astronomer, who wrote an excellent treatise upon astronomy, called Musaoody; in reward for which he was presented with an elephant's load of silver. ^114a Aboo Mahomed Nasahy was a man of eminent learning in this age. He wrote a book entitled also Mu-saoody, in support of the doctrine of Aboo Huneef, which he presented to the King. The author of the Rozut-oos-suffa tells us, that so extensive was the King's charity, that on one occasion he bestowed a lak of dirms† ^114b in alms during the month of Rumzam. In the beginning of his reign he built many handsome mosques, and endowed several colleges and schools, which he caused to be erected in the different cities of his dominions.

Accession of Modood — takes revenge on the assassins of his father. — The Prince Mādood in India refuses to acknowledge his brother king. — Modood marches to Lahore — his brother dies suddenly. — Suljooks invade Transoxania and take Bulkh. — The Hindoo Rajas retake Tahnesur, Hansy, and Nagrakote, and advance to Lahore. — Siege of Lahore by the Hindoos continues for seven months — is at length abandoned. — The Suljooks defeated in Transoxania by Aluptu-geen Hajib. — Toghrul Beg Suljooky also defeated at Boost. — Insurrections in the Ghizny empire. — Dissensions among the chiefs of Modood — his death.

WHEN the news of the murder of Musaood reached the ears of Mahomed the Blind, he wept bitterly, and severely reproached the assassins. At the same time he wrote to the Prince Modood, then at Bulkh, that such and such people had killed his father, calling God to witness that his hands were clear of the wicked deed. To this Modood replied, sarcastically, “May God lengthen the days “of so good and merciful a king, and grant that “his mad son, Ahmud, may gain glory in the “practice of regicide, till his reward be obtained “from our hands!” Modood proposed marching immediately to revenge the death of his father, but was persuaded by his council to go first to Ghizny, where the citizens, upon his approach, thronged out to meet him, and expressed their joy in acclamations and congratulations.

of Jakur Beg) began to make fresh incursions into his terrritories.

A. H. 435.
A. D. 1043. In the year 435, the Raja of Dehly, in conjunction with other rajas, retook Hansy, Tahnesur, and their dependencies, from the governors to whom Modood had entrusted them. The Hindoos from thence marched towards the fort of Nagrakote, which they besieged for four months; and the garrison being distressed for provisions, and no succours coming from Lahore, was under the necessity of capitulating. The Hindoos, according to their practice, erected new idols, and recommenced the rites of idolatry. We are told, that on this occasion the Raja of Dehly, (aware, no doubt, of the embarrassed circumstances of the empire of Ghizny,) pretended to have seen a vision, in which the great idol of Nagrakote had appeared, and told him that, having now revenged himself upon Ghizny, he would meet him at Na-grakote in his former temple. This story being propagated by the Bramins, who, probably, were in the secret, it gained credence among the superstitious, by which means the Raja was joined by zealots from all parts, and soon saw himself at the head of a numerous host. With this army, as we have already mentioned, he besieged Nagrakote, and when the place surrendered, he took care to have an idol of the same shape and size with the former (which he had caused to be made at Dehly) introduced in the night, into a garden in the centre of the place. This image being dis-??vered in the morning, great rejoicing occurred among its deluded votaries, who exclaimed that their god had returned from Ghizny. The Raja and the Brahmins, taking advantage of the credulity of the populace, carried the idol with great pomp into the temple, where it received the adoration and congratulations of the people. The story raised the fame of the shrine to such a degree, that thousands came daily to worship from all parts of Hindoostan, as also to consult the oracle upon all important occasions; and at this particular time, the offerings of gold, and silver, and jewels, brought and sent by the different princes from far and near, is supposed to have nearly equalled the wealth Mahmood carried away. The method of consultation was this: — The person who came to enquire into futurity slept on the floor of the temple before the idol, after drinking a dose which the Bramins prescribed to create dreams, from which they predicted the fortune of the enquirers in the morning, according to their own fancy.

The success of the Raja of Dehly gave such confidence to the Indian chiefs of Punjab (the province through which the five branches of the Indus flow), and other places, that though before this time, like foxes, they durst hardly creep from their holes, for fear of the Mussulman arms, yet now they put on the aspect of lions, and openly set their masters at defiance. Three of those Rajas, with 10,000 horse and an innumerable army of foot, advanced and invested Lahore. The Ma-homedans, in defence of their laws, their families, and their effects, exerted themselves to the utmost; and, during the period of seven months, defended the town, street by street, for the walls being bad, were soon laid in ruins. Finding, however, that, in the end, they must be overpowered, unless speedy succours arrived, they bound themselves by oath to devote their lives to victory or martyrdom; and making a sally, presented themselves in order of battle before the enemy's camp. The Hindoos, either struck by their unexpected appearance, or intimidated by their resolution, betook themselves to flight, and were pursued with great slaughter.

In the year preceding (A. H. 434), the King sent Aluptugeen Hajib with an army to Tokharistan, against the ever-restless Suljooky. When he reached that place, he heard that Jakur Beg, the son of Dāood, had advanced to Armun; ^120a but as the two armies drew up in order of battle, the chief of the Suljooks (a young man without experience) marshalled his troops with such want of skill, that they charged before all the horse had properly formed. This circumstance occasioned confusion, so that being firmly received they were broken, and totally routed with heavy loss. Aluptugeen having returned from the pursuit, marched to recover Bulkh, which the Suljooks had taken. Not long after, the Suljooks returning with a powerful force, appeared before the same place. Bulkh not being taken, and Aluptugeen, finding himself too weak to engage the enemy in the field, wrote to Modood for succour. But no reinforcements arriving, and the general's difficulties daily increasing, he determined to abandon his attempt on Bulkh; and fell back by the route of Kabul on Ghizny, with a small portion of his army. The popular outcry, however, was so strong against this unfortunate officer, that Mo-dood, in order to silence the clamour, suffered him to be put to death. About this time, the Toorkmans of Toghrul Beg made an incursion into the Ghiznevide territories by the way of Boost, against whom Modood sent an army, which gave them a sign l defeat.

A. H. 436.
A. D. 1044. In the year 436 Khwaja Tahir, the vizier, died, and Khwaja Abool Futteh Abdool Ruzak, the son of Ahmud, and grandson of Hussun Mymundy, was raised to that office. In the same year, Toghrul Beg ^121a was sent with a force towards Boost; from whence having proceeded to Seestan, he brought the brother of Abool Fuzl Oozbuky, entitled Aboo Munsoor, who had rebelled against the King, prisoner to Ghizny. The Suljooks, in the following year, having collected their forces, directed their march towards Ghizny, and plundered the palaces of Boost and Rubat Ameer. Toghrul Beg was ordered against them. He defeated them with great slaughter, and pursued them out of the country. After this victory, Toghrul Beg marched immediately against the Toorkmans of Kandahar, called Kuzil-bash†, ^121b owing to their wearing red caps, and defeating them also, took many prisoners, whom he brought to Ghizny.

A. H. 438.
A. D. 1046. In the 438th year, Toghrul Beg was again ordered to Boost, with a numerous army; but when he arrived at Tukeabad, he began to entertain treasonable designs against his sovereign. News of his revolt reaching Modood, he sent some persons to endeavour to reclaim him, with a promise of pardon. To this overture Toghrul Beg replied, that the reason of this step was to secure himself; that he had information of a plot formed against his life, by those sycophants whose only business was to stand by the throne, and to amuse the ears of the King with lies and flattery, and that being once driven into rebellion, he had now gone too far to retreat. Though the King's messengers produced no effect on Toghrul, they found most of the chiefs with him still loyal, and they induced others to abandon him, who had joined rather from the desire of novelty than from any real cause of disaffection. The messengers now returned, and having told the King how matters stood, he ordered Ally, the son of Rubeea, one of his generals, with 20,000 horse, to join the insurgents, and to promote the dissensions already begun in their camp. Toghrul Beg, accordingly, was, soon after, deserted by his army, and betook himself to flight with a few adherents.

Ameer Bastugeen Hajib, another chief, was, in the same year, sent to Ghoor, to the assistance of the son of Yehya Ghoory, who joined him with his force, and they both marched against Aboo Ally, ruler of Ghoor, and drove him into a fort, ^123a wherein he was besieged and taken prisoner. This place was reckoned so strong, that no one had attempted its reduction for 700 years. When Ameer Bastugeen Hajib found himself master of the fort, he treacherously laid hands on the son of Yehya Ghoory, whom he came to support, and carried him in chains, with Aboo Ally, to Ghizny, where the King ordered both to be beheaded. Ameer Bastugeen Hajib was sent soon after against Byram Daniel, a chief of the Suljooks. He met the enemy in the districts of Boost, where

A. H. 439.
A. D. 1047.

he engaged and defeated them. In the year 439 he was sent against Khoozdar, the ruler of which refused to pay the usual tribute; but he obliged him to comply with the King's demands, and returned with his army to Ghizny.

In the following year, Modood, on one and the same day, conferred the royal dress, drums, and colours, on his two eldest sons. These were Mah-mood, whom he sent to Lahore, and Munsoor, whom he sent to the province of Burkistwar. At the same time, Aboo Ally Kotwal of Ghizny was deputed to command the army in India, and to maintain the conquests in that quarter. Aboo Ally first marched to Pishawur, and took the fort of Myhtilla, which had rebelled against the King's authority, from thence he sent a letter to Bheejy Ray, a general of the Hindoos, who had done much service in the time of Mahmood, inviting him to come to the court of Ghizny, whence he had fled on account of some political dissensions, and had taken up his abode in the mountains of Kashmeer.

While Aboo Ally was employed in settling the countries on the Indus, some malicious chiefs in his camp forwarded complaints against him to the King, who, having sent for him to Ghizny, imprisoned and made him over in charge to Meeruk, the son of Hoossein. This chief, moved by former enmity, as well as by a design to extort money, put him to the rack, on which he died. Fearing lest the King should enquire for the prisoner, and order him to be produced, he endeavoured to divert Modood's mind till he should be able to frame an excuse for the death of Aboo Ally. He prevailed with the Sooltan, in the first place, to undertake an expedition against Khorassan, by the way of Kabul. Modood proceeded by the route of Shujawund and Logur, ^124a and reached the fort of Sealkote†, ^124b where considerable treasure had been deposited. Here he was seized with a violent bowel complaint, and was obliged to return in a litter to Ghizny, while his vizier, Abdool Ruzak, with the army, having marched into Seestan, opposed the Suljooks, and penetrated into that country.

On the King's arrival at Ghizny, he ordered Meeruk Hoossein to bring his prisoner, Aboo Ally, in order that he might be released; but Meeruk contrived excuses, and before the end of a week,

Rujub 24.
A. H. 441.
Dec. 24.
A. D. 1049.

the King died, on the 24th Rujub, in the year 441, having reigned upwards of nine years. Previously to his death, he had prevailed on the provinces of Bamyan and Mawur-ool-Nehr to unite all their resources in order to act against the Suljooks; but as the stars of this race were on the rise, they met with no obstacle to their final and entire success.

Ally Bin Rubeea raises Musaood, the infant son of Modood, to the throne. — Aluptugeen espouses the cause of Abool Hussun Ally, a son of Musaood the First. — The infant, Musaood, is deposed.

AFTER the death of Modood, Ally Bin Rubeea, Khadim, formed a design to usurp the throne; but concealing his intentions in the first instance, he raised Musaood, the son of Modood (a child of four years old), to the musnud. Aluptugeen Hajib, one of the principal officers of Sooltan Mahmood's court, not having been made acquainted with the measure, deemed himself insulted, and drew off with that half of the army which was in his interest. The troops, thus divided, came to action; in which Ally Bin Rubeea being worsted, the party of Aluptugeen Hajib espoused the cause of Abool Hussun Ally, one of the sons of the Emperor Musaood, who had escaped the resentment of Ally Bin Rubeea, and proclaimed him king, deposing Musaood, after a nominal reign of six days.

Ascends the throne, and marries the widow of the late King, Madood, daughter of Jakur Beg Suljooky. — Ally Bin Rubeea flies from the capital, after plundering the treasury, accompanied by the household troops — reduces a part of the country of the Afghans for himself. — Abool Rusheed, a son of Sooltan Mahmood, raises an army, sets up his pretensions to the throne, and advances to Ghizny — is feebly opposed by Sooltan Abool Hussun Ally, who is defeated and taken prisoner.

Shaban 1.
A. H. 441.
Dec. 26.
A. D. 1049.

ON Friday, the 1st of Shaban, in the year 441, Sooltan Abool Hussun Ally ascended the throne of Ghizny, and espoused the widow of his brother Mo-dood, daughter of Jakur-Beg Suljooky. In the mean time Ally Bin Rubeea in conjunction with Meeruk Hoosein, broke open the treasury, and plundering from thence as much gold and jewels as they could conveniently carry, fled with a band of the household troops, and some of the chiefs whom they had brought over to their interest, towards Pishawur and Punjab, on the Indian frontier. At Pishawur, being joined by the natives, they raised a great army, and having reduced Mooltan and Sind, subdued, by force of arms, the Afghans who had declared their independence in that country. This nation had taken advantage of the public disturbances, to plunder those provinces which Ally Rubeea held independently of the crown, till the accession of Sooltan Abool Rusheed.

A. H. 443.
A. D. 1051. In the year 443 the King sent for his brother Murdan Shah and Yeyeed-yar from the fort of Bulameea, ^130a where they had been imprisoned, restored them to liberty, and treated them with affection and kindness. At this time, however, Abool Rusheed, a son of the Emperor Mahmood, formed a party in his own favour. The King opened the treasury, and increased the strength of his army, but his power daily declined. Abool Rusheed advanced to Ghizny, and having gained a complete victory, ascended the throne in the latter end of the same year. Sooltan Abool Hussun Ally reigned little more than two years.

Causes which led to the pretensions set forth by Sooltan Abool Rusheed. — Ally Bin Rubeea, who had occupied all the territory east of Kabul, is induced to acknowledge the supremacy of the King of Ghizny. — Nagrakote retaken from the Hin-doos by assault. — Toghrul, an officer of the government, who had espoused the daughter of Modood, is sent with an army to Seestan — aspires to the throne — besieges Ghizny. — The King compelled to surrender to the rebel, by whom he is put to death. — Toghrul causes the daughter of Musaood the First to marry him — she is induced by Noshtugeen Hajib to procure his assassination.

SOOLTAN Abool Rusheed, according to the most authentic accounts, was a son of the Emperor Mah-mood, and by the orders of Modood was imprisoned in a castle situated between Boost and Isfira. The events which led to his accession are as follow: Abdool Ruzak, Bin Ahmud, Bin Hussun My-mundy, was the minister of Sooltan Modood, and had actually collected a force to quell an insurrection in Seestan, when hearing of the death of his master, he put off the object of his expedition, and halted at Tuckeeabad with his army. Here, in conjunction with Khwaja Abool Fuzl, Rusheed the son of Altoon Tash, and Noshtugeen Hajib Joorjy, in the latter end of the year 443, Abdool Ruzak released the Prince Abool Rusheed, and placed him on the throne (according to his own statement), by the express command of the late Sooltan Modood.

Abool Hussun Ally, then actually in possession, made no resistance, but fled, and being seized by some of the zemindars of the country, was brought prisoner before Abool Rusheed, and confined in the fort of Didiroo. ^132a The King now prevailed on Ally Bin Rubeea, who had usurped the Ghiznevide conquests in India, to return to his allegiance, and to come to Ghizny. Noshtugeen Hajib being appointed ruler over the provinces east of the Indus, and having received the rank of an Ameer, proceeded with an army to Lahore.

Here having heard that Nagrakote had fallen into the hands of the Hindoos, he proceeded, and laid siege to that place, and on the 6th day scaling the walls, took it by assault. Toghrul Hajib, also, who had been raised to the rank of a noble by Modood, and who married his daughter, was now sent to reduce Seestan, at this time in a state of revolt, and which he soon brought under subjection. Impelled by a spirit of ambition, he conceived hopes of gaining the crown; and raising a great army, marched towards Ghizny. Sooltan Abool Rusheed, almost destitute of troops, was compelled to remain shut up within the town, which shortly fell into the hands of Toghrul, where the King with nine of the blood-royal were inhumanly put to death by the usurper, who forcibly espoused a princess of the house of Ghizny (the daughter of the late Sooltan Musaood), previously to ascending the throne. Toghrul did not long enjoy the fruits of his wickedness. He wrote to Ameer Noshtugeen Hajib, endeavouring to prevail on that chief to acknowledge him, but he was answered with the contempt he deserved. Not content with giving him a refusal, Noshtu-geen communicated privately with the daughter of Musaood, whom the tyrant had compelled to marry him, as well as with all the omras, whom he knew retained their attachment to the imperial family, urging them to revenge the death of their sovereign, so that a conspiracy was forthwith formed, and put in execution on new-year's day; ^133a when, as Toghrul was stepping up to the throne to give public audience, he was assassinated. Thus the usurper at the end of 40 days met his well merited fate.

After this important event, Noshtugeen arrived at Ghizny with his army, and calling a council of state, enquired whether any yet remained of the royal race of Subooktugeen. Being informed that the Princes Furokhzad, Ibrahim, and Shoojaa were still alive, but imprisoned in a fort, he caused them to be brought to Ghizny, and resolved that fortune should decide by lot who should reign. She favoured Furokhzad, who was accordingly raised to the throne.

The author of the Tubkat Nasiry states that Toghrul being one day asked by one of his associates, what induced him to think of aspiring to the empire, replied, that when the Emperor Abool Rusheed despatched him to take the government of Seestan, he perceived that his hand trembled; from which circumstance he concluded that he was destitute of that resolution requisite to retain a kingdom. The reign of Sooltan Abool Rusheed lasted one year.

Noshtugeen assists in placing Furokhzad on the throne, and is created minister. — Jakur Beg Suljooky advances against Ghizny — is opposed and defeated by Noshtugeen. — The King, attended by his minister, proceeds to Khorassan, and recovers it from the Suljooks. — Mutual exchange of prisoners between the Suljooks and Ghiznevides. — Death of Furokhzad.

WHEN Furokhzad, the son of Musaood, placed the crown upon his head, he made over the administration of his government to Noshtugeen Hajib. Jakur Beg Daood, chief of the Suljooks, hearing of the late commotions in the empire, seized the opportunity to invade Ghizny, and advanced with a numerous army, while Noshtugeen Hajib, collecting his forces, went forth to oppose him. Both armies having engaged, the battle was obstinate and bloody, and lasted from the rising to the setting of the sun, when the victory still remained undecided; for though thousands fell on both sides, the troops continued to fight regardless of danger. Success at length declared in favour of Noshtugeen Hajib, while his enemies having taken to flight, left their camp-equipage and baggage to the conquerors, who returned victorious to Ghizny. This battle served to establish Fu-rokhzad so firmly on his seat, that he resolved to recover Khorassan from the Suljooks. The latter were commanded by Kulbarik, one of their principal leaders, who with a numerous army was defeated with great slaughter. Kulbarik and several other persons of note were taken prisoners. Intelligence of this disaster being conveyed to Jakur Beg Suljooky, he directed an army to march under the command of his son Alp Arslan. Alp Arslan advancing, opposed the King of Ghizny with undaunted resolution, and by defeating him retrieved the character of the Suljooks, who took many of the Ghizny officers prisoners in the pursuit. Furokhzad, having reached his capital, called Kulbarik and all the Suljook prisoners into his presence, and bestowing on each a dress, gave them their liberty. The Suljooky, on his return home, represented in so strong a light the humanity of the King, that Jakur Beg, rather than be outdone in generosity, caused the prisoners of Ghizny to be also released.

Sooltan Furokhzad, who, according to the Rozut-oos-Suffa, was the son of Musaood (though Ahmud-oolla Moostowfy calls him the son of Abool Ru-

A. H. 450.
A. D. 1058.

sheed), reigned six years. In the year 450 he became afflicted with dysentery, and died. The year before his death, some of his slaves made an attempt on his life while in the bath; but Furokhzad, wresting a sword out of the hand of one of them, killed several, and defended himself against the rest, till his guards, hearing the noise, came to his rescue, and put the slaves to death. His first vizier was Hussun, the son of Mehram, and, in the latter part of his reign, Aboo Bukr Saleh.

Furokhzad is succeeded by his brother Ibraheem — confirms to the Suljooks all the territory in their possession which they had from time to time wrested from the house of Ghizny. — The Prince Musaood, the King's son, is married to the daughter of Mullik Shah Suljooky. — Ibraheem invades India — takes Ajoodhun, Roodpal, and Dera. — His death and character.

FUROKHZAD was succeeded by his brother Ibraheem. He was remarkable for morality and devotion, having in his youth subdued his sensual appetites. He caused the fast of Rumzan to be continued during the months of Rujub and Shaban, and kept the entire three months holy with strict punctuality. This observance of religious forms did not prevent his paying due attention to his government and to the administration of justice, as well as giving large sums in charity to the poor. It is related in the Jama-ool-Hikayat that he was in the habit of hearing lectures on religion and morality from Imam Yoosoof Shujawundy, who on such occasions used to take the liberty of reproving his master, but never received any check from his sovereign on that account. This Prince excelled in the art of fine writing; and in the libraries of Mecca and Medina there are two copies of the Koran, written in his own hand, sent as presents to the Caliph. In the first year of his reign he concluded a treaty of peace with the Suljooks, ceding to them all the countries they had conquered, on condition that they would make no further encroachments on his dominions. At the same time, his son Musaood espoused the daughter of Mullik Shah Suljooky, and a channel of friendship and intercourse was opened between the two nations.

We are told that before this peace was concluded, Mullik Shah Suljooky had evinced an intention to invade Ghizny, which greatly intimidated Ibra-heem, who being then in no condition to oppose him, adopted the following scheme. He wrote letters to the principal chiefs of Mullik Shah's army, and despatched them by a messenger who was particularly instructed how to proceed. The purport of these letters was to importune the chiefs to whom they were directed to hasten the King's march to Ghizny, lest their plans should be prematurely discovered, and that they might depend upon his fulfilling his engagements to their satisfaction.

The messenger took an opportunity one day, when Mullik Shah was hunting on the road to Ghizny, to come running towards him, but on discovering the King stole slowly away, which creating suspicion, he was pursued by some horsemen, and brought back. On being searched, the packet was found on him, though he had previously suffered himself to be severely bastinadoed, without confessing that he had any papers. The King read the letters, but the power of the supposed conspirators was such, that he felt there was great danger in accusing them. The circumstance, however, had the effect of exciting such suspicion in his mind that he, from that time, was desirous of peace, and abandoned his expedition. Ibraheem, thus freed from apprehensions of the Suljooks, sent an army to India, and conquered many places in that country, which before had not been visited by the Mussulman arms.

A. H. 472.
A. D. 1079. In the year 472, he marched in person to that quarter, extending his conquests to the fort of Ajoodhun, called now Puttun of Sheikh Fureed Shukr Gunj. This place being taken, he returned to another fort, called Roodpal, ^139a situated on the summit of a steep hill. A river embraced it on three sides, and a small peninsula connected it with other hills, entirely covered with an impervious wood, and much infested by venomous serpents. These circumstances did not discourage the King from his attempt, who ordered some thousand pioneers to clear the wood, which they effected in spite of opposition. The rock on which the fort stood being soft, the miners carried their galleries in the course of time under the walls, which were brought down in ruins, and the garrison surrendered. The King marched from thence to another town in the neighbourhood, called Dera†, ^139b the inhabitants of which came originally from Khorassan; and were banished thither with their families by Afrasiab, for frequent rebellions. Here they had formed themselves into a small independent state; and being cut off from intercourse with their neighbours, by a belt of mountains nearly impassable, had preserved their ancient customs and rites, by not intermarrying with any other people. The King, having with infinite labour cleared a road for his army over the mountains, advanced towards Dera, which was well fortified. This place was remarkable for a fine lake of water about one parasang and a half in circumference; the waters of which did not apparently diminish, either from the heat of the weather, or from being used by the army. At this place the King was overtaken by the rainy season; and his army, though greatly distressed, was compelled to remain before it for three months. But as soon as the rains abated, he summoned the town to surrender and acknowledge the faith.

Sooltan Ibraheem's proposal being rejected, he renewed the siege, which continued some weeks, with great slaughter on both sides. The town, at length, was taken by assault, and the Maho-medans found in it much wealth, and 100,000 persons, whom they carried in bonds to Ghizny. Some time after, the King accidentally saw one of those unhappy men carrying a heavy stone with great difficulty and labour, to a palace which he was then building. This exciting his pity, he commanded the prisoner to throw it down and leave it there, at the same giving him his liberty. This stone happened to be on the public road, and proved troublesome to passengers, but as the King's rigid enforcement of his commands was universally known, no one attempted to touch it. A courtier one day having stumbled with his horse over this stone, took occasion to mention it to the King, insinuating, that he thought it would be advisable to have it removed. To which the King replied, “I commanded it to be thrown down and left “there; and there it must remain as a monument “of the calamities of war, and to commemorate “my sense of its evils. It is better for a king “to be pertinacious in the support even of an “inadvertent command, than that he should depart “from his royal word.” The stone accordingly remained where it was; and was shown as a curiosity in the reign of Sooltan Beiram several years afterwards.

Ibraheem had 36 sons and 40 daughters by a variety of women: the latter of whom he gave in marriage to learned and religious men. The death of this monarch, according to some authors, took place in the year 481, which would limit his reign to 31 years; others fix it in the year 492,

A. H. 492.
A. D. 1098.

which extends it to 42 years. In the early part of his reign the vizarut was conferred successively on Aboo Soheil Khoojundy, and Khwaja Musaood Ruzehy; and in the latter part of his reign it was exercised by Abdool Humeed Ahmud, Bin Abdool Sumud, who became the subject of a poem from the pen of Abool Furreh, who flourished in his time. This famous author was a native of Seestan, according to some, but according to others, of Ghizny.