Vaqi'at-i Bāburī - The Memoirs of Bābur, Volume 2

The Events of Bābur

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March 12.
Bābur
crosses the
Jumna.

On Friday, the 1st of Rajeb, I crossed the river.

On Monday the 4th, I marched from the banks of the Jumna against Behār. Having advanced five kos, we March 15.
Advances
against
Behār.
halted at Lawāin. I sailed down the river as I had been accustomed.a The troops had continued passing till this day. I now directed the guns and artilleryb which had been landed at Adampūr to be again embarked at Piāg, and sent forward by water carriage. Having reached our ground, we set the wrestlers a-wrestling. Dost Yāsīn had an excellent wrestling match with Pahlevān Lahōri1 the boatman. Dost succeeded in throwing him, but by great exertions, and with much difficulty. I bestowed complete dresses on both of them. Somewhat farther on is the Tūs,2 a very swampy and muddy river. We halted two days at this station, for the purpose of discovering a ford, and March 16
and 17.
of constructing a road. Towards night, we found a fordc by which the horses and camels could pass, but the loaded wagons could not cross on account of its broken stony bottom. Orders were, however, given that exertion should be used, to transport the baggage carts across by that ford.

March 18.

On Thursday, having marched thence, I went in a boat as far as the point where the river Tūs empties itself into the main river.3 At the point of junction I landed, rode up the Tūs, and returned about afternoon prayers to the camp, which, in the meantime, had crossed that river and taken its ground. This day the army marched six kos.

March 19.

Next morning we halted on the same ground.

March 20.

On Saturday we marched twelve kos, and reached March 21.
March 22.
Nilabā - Ganga; whence next morning we marched, and having advanced six kos, halted above Deh.1 From thence we went on seven kos, and reached Nānupūr. At this station Bāki Khanb arrived with his sons from Chunār, and paid his obeisance.

At this time a letter from Muhammed Bakhshi gave me certain information, that my wives and household had set out from Kābul.

Visits
Chunār.
March 24.

On Wednesday I marched from that station, and visited the fort of Chunār; the camp halted after having advanced about one kos beyond it. In the course of my march from Piāg, some painful boils broke out on my body. At this stage a Rūmi administered to me a medicine which had lately been found out in Rūm. They boiled the dust of pepper in an earthen pot, and exposed the sores to the warm steam, and after the steam diminished, washed them with the warm water. I did this for two astronomical hours. At this station, a man said that March 25. in an island close on the edge of the camp, he had seen a lion and rhinoceros.2 Next morning we drew a ring round the ground; we also brought elephants to be in readiness, but no lion or rhinoceros was roused. On the edge of the circle one wild buffalo was started. This day the wind rose very high, and the wind and dust occasioned a great deal of annoyance. Having embarked in a boat, I returned Arrives at
Benāres.
by water to the camp, which had halted two kos higher up than Benāres. In the jungle around Chunār, there are many elephants.3 We were just setting out from this station, with the intention of having the sport of elephant Mahmūd
Khan occu-
pies the
banks of
the Son.
hunting, when Bāki Khanc brought information, that Mahmūd Khan was on the banks of the river Son.4 I A. D. 1529. immediately convened the Amīrs, and consulted them about attempting to fall upon the enemy by surprise; when it was finally settled, that we should advance by very long marches without a moment’s loss of time. Leaving that place, we marched nine kos, and halted at March 28. the Balweh1 passage. From this station, on the eve of Monday, the 18th of the month, I sent off Tāher to Agra. He carried with him drafts for payment of the money which I had ordered to be given as presents to the guests who had come from Kābul. The same day I went on board March 29.
Bābur
marches
against
him.
of a boat.a I embarked before dawn, and having reached the place where the river Gūmti,2 which is the river of Jaunpūr, forms a junction with the Ganges, I went a short way up it in the boat, and then returned back. Though it is a narrow little river, yet it has no ford, so that troops are forced to pass it in boats, by rafts, and on horseback, or sometimes by swimming.b I visited and rode over the last year’s encampment, from which our troops had advanced to Jaunpūr.c A favourable wind having sprung up, and blowing down the river, they hoisted the sail of a Bengali boat, and made her tow the large vessel, which went very quick. The army, after leaving Benāres, had encamped, about a kos higher up.d3 Nearly two garis of the day were still left when we reached the camp, having met with nothing to delay use; the boats that followed us with most expedition, came up about bed-time prayers. At Chunār I had given orders, that whenever I travelled by land, Moghul Beg should measure the straight road with a measuring line, and that, as often as I embarked on a boat, Lutfi Beg should measure along the bank of the river. The straight road was eleven kos, that along the river eighteen.

March 30.

Next day we remained at the same station.

March 31.

On Wednesday, too, I embarked on the river, and halted a kos below Ghāzipūr.

April 1.
Several
Afghan
chiefs ten-
der their
submission.

On Thursday, while at the last-mentioned station, Mahmūd Khan Lohāni came and waited on me. The same day, letters came from Jalāl Khan Behār Khan Behāri,1 from Farīd Khan, Nasīr Khan, and Sher Khan Sūr, as well as from Alāul Khan Sūr, and from a number of the Afghan Amīrs.2 This day, too, I received a letter March 2. from Abdal-azīz Mīr Akhūr, dated at Lahore, the 20th of the latter Jumāda. The day on which this letter was written, Karācheh’s Hindustāni servant, whom I had sent from the neighbourhood of Kālpi, had arrived. Abdal-azīz’s letter mentioned, that he and others had advanced, as they had been ordered, and on the 9th of the latter Feb. 19. Jumāda had joined my household at Nilāb. Abdal-azīz, after attending them as far as the Chenāb, had there separated from the rest, and gained Lahore before them, from whence he had written the letter which I received.

April 2.

On Friday the army resumed its march, while I embarked on the river as usual, and having landed opposite to Chūseh,3 at the encampment of the former year, where the sun had been eclipsed,1 and a fast observed, I rode out and surveyed the place, and then went aboard again. Muhammed Zemān Mirza followed me into the boat,a and at his instigation I took a maajūn. The army encamped on the banks of the Karmnāsa.2 The Hindūs rigorously avoid this river. The pious Hindūs did not pass it, but embarkedb in a boat and crossed by the Ganges so as to avoid it. They hold, that if the water of this river touches any person, his religion is lostc; and they assign an origin to its name corresponding to this opinion. I embarked, and sailed a little way up the river, and then returning again, crossed over to the north side of the Ganges, and brought the boats close to the bank. Some of the troops amused us with different sports, and some of them wrestled. Sāki Muhsin challenged four or five people to wrestle with him. One man he laid hold of and immediately threw; Shādmān being the second, threw Muhsin who was miserably ashamed and affronted. The professed wrestlers also came and wrestled.

April 3.
Passes the
Karmnāsa.

Next morning, being Saturday, I marched nearly at the first watch, for the purpose of sending on people to examine the ford over the Karmnāsa. I mounted, and rode for about a kos up the river towards the ford, but, as the distance was considerable, I again embarked as usual, and reached the camp in a boat. The army encamped about a kos beyond Chūseh. This day I again used the pepper remedy. It was a little too warm, so that my limbs were covered with blood,d and I suffered much pain. A April 4. little farther on was a swampy rivulet. We stayed next morning on the same ground, for the purpose of mending the road across it.

On the eve of Monday, the Hindustāni runner, who had brought Abdal-azīz’s letters, was sent back with the answers.

April 5.

On Monday morning I embarked in a boat, but the wind being unfavourable, it was necessary to track1 it. Last year the army had halted a long time at a station opposite to Baksereh.2 On arriving near it I crossed the river, and went over the ground. Steps had been formed on the bank of the river for the purpose of landing; they might be more than forty and fewer than fifty. The two upper steps alone were left; all the others had been swept away by the river. I embarked again and took a maajūn, and having anchored the boat higher up than the camp, at an island, we made the wrestlers try their skill. At bed-time prayers we returned to the camp. Last year 1 passed the river Ganges by swimming,3 to view the very ground on which the army now encamped; many went over it on horses and a number on camels. That day I ate opium.

April 6.

Next morning, being Tuesday, Karīm Berdi, Muhammed Ali Haider Kitābdār,4 and Bāba Sheikh, were sent out with a force of about a hundreda chosen men, to procure intelligence of the enemy. While at this station, I directed the Bengal ambassador to writeb about three definitive propositions which I offered him.

April 7.

On Wednesday, Yunis Ali, whom I had sent to Muhammed Zemān Mirza5 to sound his dispositions regarding Behār, A. D. 1529. returned, bringing back a shuffling answer. A man belonging to the Sheikh-zādehs of Behār arrived with a letter, which contained information that the enemy had retreated and abandoned Behār.

April 8.

On Thursday, having written letters of protection, I sent them to the people of Behār by Terdi Muhammed son of Muhammed Ali Jeng-Jeng, whom I ordered to set out, accompanied by some Tūrki and Hindu Amīrs, and by the bowmen, to the number of two thousand men. Having made Khwājeh Murshid Irāki, Dīwān1 of the Sarkār of Behār, I sent him along with Terdi Muhammed. Next morning, Muhammed Zemān Mirza having consented to go, petitioned for several things through Sheikh Zein and Yunis Ali, and particularly requested a few troops to reinforce him. Some troops were appointed to serve under him, and he took others into his service.

April 10.

On Saturday, the 1st of Shābān, we marched from this station, where we had remained encamped for three or four days; and the same day I rode out, and, after surveying Bhujpūr2 and Bahia,3 rejoined the camp. Muhammed Ali and the officers who had been sent out in search of intelligence, defeated a body of pagans by the road, and reached a place where Sultan Mahmūd had been. Sultan
Mahmūd
retreats.
Sultan Mahmūd was attended by about two thousanda men; but, on hearing of the approach of our advanced guard, was seized with consternation, killed two of his elephants, and went off with precipitation. One of his officers, whom he had sent out in advance, was met and attacked by about twenty of our troops, and being unable to maintain his ground, his people fled; several of them were dismounted and taken prisoners; one of them had his head cut off and one or two of their best men were taken and brought in alive.

April 11.
Muham-
med Zemān
Mirza geṭs
Behār.

Next morning we marched, and I went on board of a boat.b At this stagec I bestowed on Muhammed Zemān Mirza a full dress of honour from my own wardrobe,1 a dagger and belt, a charger, and the umbrella.2 He bent the knee, and did me homage for Behār; and having fixed the revenue payable into the private treasury3 from the Sarkār of Behār at one kror and twenty-five laks,4 I gave the charge of it to Murshid Irāki, as Dīwān.

April 15.

On Thursday, we marched from that station, and I embarked in a boat. I made all the boats be ranged in regular order. On my arrival, I directed the boats to set sail, and to form in order close to each other. More than half the breadth of the river was left unoccupied.d Although all the ships were not collected, as some places were shallow and others deep, as in some places the current was rapid, while in others the water was still, we were unable to make the greater part of them keep their proper distances. A crocodile1 was discovered within the ring of the boats; a fish the size of a man’s thigh,a leapt so high out of the water for fear of the crocodile, that it fell into a boat, where it was taken and brought to me. On reaching our station, I gave names to the different ships. The old great Bāburi, which had been finished before the war with Rāna Sanka, I called Asāish.2 This same year, before I joined the army, Arāish Khan had built a vessel, and presented it to me as a peshkesh. On going on board of her, I had directed a scaffolding3 to be raised in her, and bestowed on the vessel the name of Arāish.4 In the ship which Sultan Jalāleddīn had given me as peshkesh, I had caused a large scaffolding to be raised, and I now directed another scaffolding to be erected on the top of that. I called her the Gunjāish.5 Another small bark, used as a vessel of communication,b which was sent on every business and occasion, got the name of Farmāish.6

April 16.
Bābur pre-
pares for
battle.

Next morning, being Friday, I did not march. All the preparations and arrangements for Muhammed Zemān Mirza’s departure being completed, he separated from us, and encamped a kos or two off, for the purpose of proceeding on his expedition to Behār. The same day, he came and had his audience of leave. Two spies, who came from the Bengal army, informed me that the Bengalis, under the command of Makhdūm Ālim, were separated into twenty-four divisions on the banks of the river Gandak,7 and were raising works of defence. A body of Afghans, under Sultan Mahmūd, who had wished to send away their families and baggage,c had not been suffered to do it, and had been compelled to accompany the army. Instantly on receiving this intelligence, as there was some probability of a general action, I dispatched orders to Muhammed Zemān Mirza, forbidding him to march, and sent forward Shah Iskander, with only three or four hundred men, to Behār.

April 17.
Demands a
categorical
answer
from
Bengal.

On Saturday, a messenger from Dūdū,1 and her son Jalāl Khan Behār Khan, arrived in my Camp. It appeared that the Bengalis had watched them with a jealous eye. After having given me notice of their intentions, that I might expect their arrival, they had come to blows with the Bengalis, had effected their escape, crossed the river, and reached the territory of Behār, whence they were now on their way to tender me their allegiance. The same day, I sent word to the ambassador of Bengal, Ismāel Mītah, that there was great delay on the part of his court, in answering the three articles which had formerly been given to him in writing, and which he had forwarded. That he must, therefore, dispatch a letter, requiring an immediate and categorical answer; that if his master had really peaceable and friendly intentions, he could find no difficulty in declaring so, and that without loss of time.

Recovers
Behār,
April 14.

On Sunday eve a messenger arrived from Terdi Muhammed Jeng-Jeng, by whom I learned, that on the morning of Wednesday, the 5th of Shābān, his advanced guard had arrived on one side of Behār,2 whereupon the Shikdār (or Collector) had instantly fled by the opposite gate, and made his escape.

April 18.
Sends an
ambassa-
dor with
three ar-
ticles to
Bengal.

On Sunday I marched from that station, and halted in the perganna of Ari.3 Here we received information, that the army of Kharīd4 was encamped at the junction of the A. D. 1529. Ganges and Sarū,1 on the farther side of the river Sarū, where they had collected a hundred or a hundred and fifty vessels. As I was at peace with Bengal, and had always been the first to enter into any understanding that had a tendency to confirm a friendly state of things, though they had not treated me well in placing themselves right in my route, yet, from a consideration of the terms on which I had long been with them,a I resolved to send Mulla Muhammed Mazhab along with Ismāel Mīta the ambassador of Bengal; and it was settled that the Mulla should have leave to return back to me, after making the same three proposals that I had formerly offered.2

April 19.

On Monday the ambassador of Bengal came to wait on me, when I sent him notice that he had leave to return. It was at the same time intimated to him, that I would be guided entirely by my own pleasure in moving backwards or forwards, as seemed best, for the purpose of quelling the rebels wherever they were to be found, but that his master’s dominions should sustain no injury or harm, either by land or water; that as one of the three articles was, that he should order the army of Kharīd to leave the tract in which I was marching, and return to Kharīd, I was willing to send some Tūrks to accompany them on their march; that I would give the Kharīd troops a safe-conduct, and assurances of indemnity, and suffer them to go to their own homes.a If he refused to leave the passage open, and neglected to listen to the remonstrances which I made,b that then, whatever evil fell on his head, he must regard as proceeding from his own act; and he would have himself only to blame for any unpleasant circumstance that occurred.

April 21.

On Wednesday I bestowed the usual dress of honour on Ismāel Mīta, the Bengal ambassador, and gave him presents and his audience of leave.

April 22.

On Thursday I sent Sheikh Jamāli to Dūdū, and her son Jalāl Khan, with letters of protection, and a gracious message. The same day a servant of Māham arrived, who had parted with my family at Dīpali,c on the other side of Bāgh-e-Safā. He brought letters from them.

April 24.

On Saturday, the ambassador of Irāk, Murād Korchi Kajār,1 had an audience.

April 25.

On Sunday, having delivered suitable presents to the care of Mulla Muhammed Mazhab, he took leave.

April 26.

On Monday, I sent Khalīfeh and some other Amīrs, to examine in what place the river could be passed.

April 28.
Visits Ari
and Munīr.

On Wednesday, I again sent Khalīfeh to examine the ground between the two rivers.2 I rode out to the south, nearly to Ari, for the purpose of examining the beds of water-lilies. While I was riding about among them, Sheikh Gūren brought me some fresh seeds of the water-lily. They bear a perfect resemblance to fresh pistachios, and have a very pleasant taste. The flower, which is the nīlūfar,1 the Hindustānis call kawel-kakeri; its seeds they call dūdah. As they informed me that the Son was near at hand, we rode to see it. In the course taken by the river Son below this, there are a number of trees, which they say lie in Munīr.2 The tomb of Sheikh Yahyā, the father of Sheikh Sharaf Munīr,3 is there. As we had come so far, and come so near, I passed the Son, and going two or three kos down the river, surveyed Munīr. Having walked through its gardens, I perambulated the Mausoleum, and coming to the banks of the Son, bathed in that river. Having said my noon-day prayers earlier than the stated time, I returned back to join the army.a Some of our horses were knocked up in consequence of their high condition; so that we were forced to procure others, andb left some persons behind, with instructions to bring together the horses that were worn out, to take care of them, allow them time to rest,c and bring them back at leisure.d Had we not given these orders, we would have lost many horses. I had given orders, on leaving Munīr, to count the paces of a horse from the banks of the river Son to the camp. They amounted to twenty-three thousand one hundred, which is equal to forty-six thousand two hundred paces, amounting to eleven kos4 and a half. From Munīr to the river Son is about half a kos, so that the whole distance we travelled in returning was twelve kos. As in moving from place to place, in order to see the country, we must have gone fifteen or sixteen kos, we could not in all have ridden much less than thirty kos this day. About six garis of the first watch of the night1 were past, when we returned to the camp.

April 29.
Is joined
by the
troops from
Jaunpūr.

On the morning of the same Thursday, Sultan Juneid Birlās arrived with the troops from Jaunpūr. I showed him marks of my great dissatisfaction, upbraided him with his delay, and did not salute him. I, however, sent for Kazi Jīa, whom I embraced.

Resolves to
force a pas-
sage across
the Sarū, or
Gogra.

That same day I called the Amīrs, both Tūrki and Hindu, to a council, and took their opinion about passing the river. It was finally settled that Ustād Ali should plant his cannon, his feringi pieces2 and swivels,3 on a rising ground between the Ganges and Sarū, and also keep up a hot fire with a number of matchlock-men from that post; that a little lower down than the junction of the two rivers, opposite to an island, where there were a number of vesselsa collected, Mustafa, on the Behār side of the Ganges, should get all his artillery and ammunition in readiness, and commence a cannonade; a number of matchlock-men were also placed under his command; that Muhammed Zemān Mirza and others, who were appointed for the service, should take their ground behind Mustafa to support him; and that overseers and inspectors should be appointed to attend Ustād Ali Kuli and Mustafa, for the purpose of overlooking the pioneers and labourers employed in raising batteries, placing the guns, and planting the artillery,b as well as for superintending the men who were occupied in transporting the ammunition and warlike stores, and in other necessary worksc; that Askeri, and the Sultans and Khans named for the duty, should set out expeditiously, and pass the Sarū, at the Ghāt1 of Haldi,2 in order that, when the batteries were completed, they might be in readiness to fall upon the enemy, who might thus be attacked in different quarters at the same time.a Sultan Juneīd, and Kazi Jīa, having informed me that there was a ford eight kos higher up, I appointed Zard-rū to take one or two boatmen, and accompanied by Sultan Juneīd’s men, and Mahmūd Khan, and Kazi Jīa’s peopleb to proceed in search of the ford, and to cross over if it was found passable. Our people had a report that the Bengalis intended to place a party at the ford of Haldi, for the purpose of guarding it. We received letters from the Shikdār of Iskanderpūr3 and Mahmūd Khan,c that they had collected about fifty vessels A. D. 1529. at the passage of Haldi, and had hired boatmen, but that the sailors had been struck with a panic upon hearing a report that the Bengalis were coming. As there was still a chanced of effecting a passage over the river Sarū, without waiting for the people who had gone to look for the ford, on Saturday I called the Amīrs to a council, and told them that from Iskanderpūr Chatermūk, as far as Oudh and Bahrāj,1 the whole river Sarū was full of fords; that my plan was as follows: to divide my army into six bodiesa; to make the chief force of it cross in boats at the Haldi passage, and advance upon the enemy, so as to draw them out of their entrenchments, and keep them occupied until Ustād Ali Kuli and Mustafa2 could cross the river and take post with the guns, matchlocks, feringis, and artilleryb; that I myself would pass the Ganges with Ustād Ali Kuli,c and remain on the alert, and in perfect readiness for action; that as soon as the great division of the army had effected their passage, and got near the enemy, I should commence an attack on my side, and cross over with my division3; that Muhammed Zemān Mirza, and those who were appointed to act with him on the Behār bank of the Ganges, were at the same time to enter into action, and to support Mustafa.d Having made these arrangements, and divided the army to the north of the Ganges into four divisions, and placed it under the command of Askeri, I ordered it to advance to the ford of Haldi. One of the divisions was under the immediate command of Askeri, and was composed of his servants; another was commanded by Sultan Jalāleddīn Sharki; the third was composed of the Sultans of the Uzbeks, Kāsim Hussain Sultan, Bikhūb Sultan, Tang Itmish Sultan, Muhammede Khan Lohāni Ghāzipūri, Sūkia Bāba Kashkeh, Kurbmishb Uzbek, Kurbān Chirkhi, Hussain Khan, with the Daryā-khānians.1 The fourth division was under the conduct of Mūsa Sultan, and Sultan Juneid Birlas, who had with them the whole army from Jaunpūr, to the number of twenty thousand men. Proper officers were appointed to get the whole of these divisions mounted and in march that same night, being Sunday eve.

May 2.

On the morning of Sunday the army began to pass the Ganges.2 I embarked and crossed over about the first watch.3 The third watch was past when Zard-rū, and those who had accompanied him to search for the ford, returned without having found it. They brought word, that by the way they had met the boats, and the detachment of the army which had been ordered up the river.4

May 4.

On Tuesday we marched from the place where we had crossed the river, advanced towards the field of action, which is near the confluence of the two rivers, and encamped about a kos from it. I myself went and saw Ustād Ali Kuli employed in firing his feringis and artillery. That day Ustād Ali Kuli struck two vessels with shot from his feringi, and sank them.c Having dragged on the great cannon towards the field of battle, and appointed Mulla Gholām to forward the necessary preparations for planting it, and left him some yasāwels5 and officers to assist him, I embarked in a boat and went to an island opposite to the camp, where I took a maajūn. While I was under the influence of the maajūn, they brought the boat near the royal tents, and I passed the whole night aboard. This night, a singular Singular
occurrence.
occurrence happened. About the third watch of the night an alarm was given by the boat-people. I found that my servants had each of them laid hold of some piece of wood belonging to the ship, and were calling out, ‘Strike him, strike him.’ The vessel Farmāish, in which I slept, was close by the Asāish,a on board of which was a tunkitār,1 who, as he waked from his sleep, saw a person that had laid hold of the ship Asāish, and was endeavouring to climb up her side. The tunkitār struck him with a stone on the head. The unknown person, while in the act of falling from above into the water,b let fly a blow with his sword at the tunkitār, and wounded him a little. The man made his escape in the river. This had produced the alarm. The night that I left Munīr, one or two of my tunkitārs had chased a number of Hindustānis who had come near my vessel, and took two of their swords and a dagger, which they brought in. Almighty God preserved me:

Let the sword of the world be brandished as it may,
It cannot cut one vein without the permission of God.

May 5.

The following morning, being Wednesday, I went aboard of the Gunjāish, and having approached the place where they were firing the artillery, I allotted to every one his particular duty. I dispatched about a thousand men, under the command of Aughān Berdi Moghul, with orders to ascend the river for two or three kos, and use every endeavour to cross it.c While they were on the march, not far from Askeri’s camp, they fell in with twenty or thirty Bengali vessels which had crossed the river and landed a number of infantry, with the intention of making a sudden attack on one of our divisions.d Our men charged at full gallop, threw them into confusion, put them to flight, took some prisoners, whose heads they cut off, killed and wounded a number of others with their arrows, and seized seven or eight of the vessels. The same day, the Bengalis landed from a number of vessels, near Muhammed Zemān Mirza’s quarters,1 and made an attack on him. He, on his part, received them with great firmness, put them to flight, and pursued them; the men of three vessels were drowned, and one vessel was taken and brought to me. On this occasion, Bāba Chihreh particularly exerted himself and signalized his bravery. I ordered Muhammed Sultan Mirza, Yakkeh Khwājeh, Yunis Ali, Aughān Berdi, and the body which had previously been appointed to pass the river, to make use of the seven or eight ships which Aughan Berdi and his men had taken, to row them overa during the night while it was dark, and so cross the river.

Passage of
the Sarū
effected.

The same day, a messenger arrived from Askeri with information that his army had now all crossed the river, and that early next morning, being Thursday, they would be ready to fall upon the enemy; I immediately issued orders, that all the rest of our troops who had effected their passage, should co-operate with Askeri and fall upon the A. D. 1529. enemy, in conjunction with him. About noon-day prayers, a person came from Ustād with notice that the bullet was ready to be discharged,2 and that he waited for instructions. I sent orders to discharge it, and to have another loaded before I came up.

About afternoon prayers I embarked in a small Bengali boat, and proceeded to the place where the batteries had been erected; Ustād discharged a very large stone bullet once, and fired the feringis several times. The Bengalis are famous for their skill in artillery. On this occasion, we had a good opportunity of observing them. They do not direct their fire against a particular point, but discharge at random. The same afternoon prayers, I ordered that some vessels should be rowed right up the river Sarū, in front of the enemy. The persons appointed to row the boats, without any hesitation, though unsheltered, rowed up about twenty vessels.a Orders were given to Isān Taimūr Sultan, Tukhteh Būgha Sultan, Bāba Sultan, Arāish Khan, and Sheikh Gūren, to proceed to the spot where the vessels were, and to guard them. I then left the place, and reached the camp in the first watch of the night.

Towards midnight, news came from the ships that had been collected higher up the river, that the detachment ordered on the service had advanced as directed; that while the ships which had been collected were moving according to orders, the Bengali ships had occupied a narrow pass in the river and engaged themb; that one of the boatmen had his leg broken by a shot, and that they found themselves unable to make their way.

May 6.
Defeat of
the enemy.

On Thursday morning, I received intelligence from the men in the batteries, that the ships which were higher up the river were all sailing down,c and that the enemy’s whole cavalry had mounted, and were now moving against our troops, who were advancing. I set out with the utmost expedition, and repaired to the vessels which had passed up by night. I dispatched a messenger full gallop to Muhammed Sultan Mirza,1 and the detachment which had been appointed to pass, with orders for them to cross without delay, and to join Askeri. I ordered Isān Taimūr Sultan and Tukhteh Būgha Sultan, who were protecting the vessels, to lose no time in crossing. Bāba Sultan had not yet reached the appointed place. On this occasion, Isān Taimūr Sultan embarked with about thirty or forty of his servants in a boat; they swam over their horses by the side of the boat,d and so effected a passage; another boat got across after him. On seeing that the first party had landed, a large body of Bengali infantry marched down to attack them. Seven or eight of Isān Taimūr Sultan’s men mounted their horses, rode out to meet them, and kept them occupied in skirmishing, drawing them on towards Isān Taimūr, till he was prepared. This gave Taimūr Sultan time to mount and make ready, and in the meantime the second boat had also come across. He now set upon the large body of infantry with thirty or thirty-five horse, and put them to flight in grand style, distinguishing himself in several respects; first, by the vigour and celerity with which he crossed over before all the rest; and next, by advancing with a handful of men to charge a numerous body of foot, which he threw into confusion and defeated. Tukhteh Būgha Sultan also passed the river, and the vessels now began to cross in uninterrupted succession. The Lahoris and Hindustānis also began to pass separately,a some by swimmingb and others on bundles of reeds, each shifting for himself.

On observing what was going on, the Bengali ships, which lay opposite to the batteries down the river, began to flee.c Derwīsh Muhammed Sārbān, Dost Ishek-Agha, Nūr Beg, and numbers of our troops now passed, opposite to the batteries. I dispatched a messenger to the Sultans, to desire them to keep together in a body such as had crossed, and that as the enemy’s army drew near, they should take post upon its flank, and skirmish with them. The Sultans accordingly formed such as had crossed into three or four divisions, and advanced towards the enemy. On their approach, the enemy pushed forward their infantry to attack them, and then moved from their position to follow and support their advance. Kūki arrived with a detachment from Askeri’s division on the one side, and the Sultans advancing on the other direction, they both charged. They fell furiously on the enemy, whom they bore down, taking a number of prisoners, and, finally, drove them from the field. Kūki overtook one Basant Rao, a pagan of rank, and having unhorsed him, cut off his head. Ten or fifteen of his people, who threw themselves upon it,a were killed on the spot. Tukhteh Būgha Sultan signalized his valour by pushing on, and engaging the enemy hand to hand. Dost Ishek-Agha also showed great intrepidity.b Moghul Abdal Wahāb and his younger brother likewise distinguished themselves. Although Moghul could not swim, he yet contrived to get across in his corslet.c

My own ships were still behind. I sent orders for them to come up. The Farmāish came first, and having gone on board of her, I crossed, and examined the position of the Bengalis; after which I embarked in the Gunjāish, and made them pull up the river.d Mīr Muhammed Jālehbān having informed me, that higher up, the river Sarū afforded more favourable situations for passing, I gave orders for the troops to pass with all speed by the passages which he mentioned. While Muhammed Sultan Mirza, and the other officers who had been ordered to cross, were effecting their passage, Yakkeh Khwājeh’s vessel sank, and Yakkeh Khwājeh went to the mercy of God. I bestowed his retainers and government on his younger brother, Kāsim Khwājeh.

About noon-day prayers, while I was bathing,e the Sultans waited on me. I praised their conduct in high terms, and led them to indulge hopes from my favour and good opinion. Askeri, too, came at the same time. This was the first time that he had seen service, and it afforded a favourable omen. That night, as the camp equipage was not yet come over, I slept on a platform on the Gunjāish.f

May 7.

On Friday we halted at a village called Gundneh, in the government of Kharīd, in the perganna of Nirhan,1 to the north of the Sarū.

May 9.

On Sunday, I dispatched Kūki with his party towards Hājipūr,1 for the purpose of procuring information. Shah Muhammed Maarūf, on whom I had conferred great favours when he had waited on me last year, and on whom I had A. D. 1529. bestowed the country of Sāran,2 had conducted himself to my satisfaction on several occasions. He had twice engaged his father, and had defeated and taken him. When Sultan Mahmūd took Behār by stratagem, Bīban and Sheikh Bayezīd marched against him. He then saw nothing left for it but to join them. About this time I had received several letters from him, and various confused reportsa respecting him were current. As soon as Askeri had passed at Haldi, he came at the head of his men, waited upon Askeri, and joined him in his operations against the Bengalis. While I remained at this station he waited on me, and tendered his services.

Bīban and
Sheikh
Bayezīd
cross the
Sarū.

We now learned by successive messengers, that Bīban and Sheikh Bayezīd intended to cross the river Sarū. At the same time an unexpected piece of news came from Sambal. Ali Yūsef, who was in command there, had employed himself in reducing the country to order, and in introducing regularity into the government. He and a person, who acted as his physician, both died on the same day. I ordered Abdallah to proceed to Sambal, for the purpose of maintaining order and good government in that country; and on May 14. Friday, the 5th of Ramzān, he accordingly took leave, and set out for it.

At the same time I received a letter from Chīn Taimūr Sultan, informing me that several of the Amīrs who had been appointed to accompany my household from Kābul, would not be able to attend them.a Muhammedi and some others had gone on a plundering expedition a hundred kos off along with the Sultan, and had inflicted a severe chastisement on the Balūches. I sent notice through Abdallah to Chīn Taimūr Sultan, that Sultan Muhammed Duldāi, Muhammedi, and several Amīrs and officers in that quarter, had orders to join him in Agra, and remain there in readiness to march against the enemy in whatever direction they showed themselves.

May 17.

On Monday the 8th, Jalāl Khan, the grandson of Deryā Khan, to meet whom I had sent Jamāli Khan, arrived with a number of his chief Amīrs, and waited on me. The same day Yahyā Lohāni, who had previously sent his younger brother to tender his services, having been reassured by a gracious letter which I wrote him, came and was introduced. As seven or eight thousand Lohāni Afghans had come in hopes of employment,b to keep them in good humour, I set apart one kror1 from the khālseh or imperial revenue of Behār, of which sum I gave fifty laks2 to Mahmūd Khan Lohāni; the rest I granted to Jalāl Khan, who had orders to levy another kror for my service.c Mulla Ghulām yasāwel was dispatched for the purpose of receiving this money. I bestowed the government of Jaunpūr on Muhammed Zemān Mirza.

Wednes-
day, May
19.
The Ben-
galis accept
terms of
peace.

On Thursday eve, one Ghulām Ali, a servant of Khalīfeh, who, before Ismāel Mīta returned to his court, had carried the three propositions, in company with Abul Fateh, a servant of the Prince of Mongīr, returned along with Fateh, bringing letters from the Prince of Mongīr,3 and Hassan Khan Lashker the Wazīr, addressed to Khalīfeh. They assented to the three propositions, took upon themselves to act for Nasret Shah,1 and proposed that a peace should be concluded. As this expedition had been undertaken for the purpose of punishing the rebellious Afghans, of whom many had gone off and disappeared, many had come in and entered into my service, while the few that still remained took shelter among the Bengalis, who had undertaken to answer for them; and as the rainy season too was now close at hand, I wrote in return, and sent my acceptance of the terms of peace, along with the articlesa above mentioned.

May 22.

On Saturday Ismāel Jalwāni, Alāul Khan Lohāni, Aulia Khan Usterāni, with five or six other Amīrs, waited on me, to tender their submission.

The same day I presented Isān Taimūr Sultan, and Tukhteh Būgha Sultan,2 with a sword and belt, a dagger for theb girdle, coats of mail, dresses of honour, and Tipchāk horses. To Isān Taimūr Sultan, I gave thirtyc laks3 from the perganna of Nārnūl,4 and to Tukhteh Būgha Sultan, thirty laks from the perganna of Shamsābād, for which they knelt, and offered their duty.5

May 24.
Bābur sets
out on his
return.

On Monday the 15th, having accomplished all my objects on the side of Bengal and Behār, I marched from our station on the banks of the Sarū and the vicinity of Gundneh, in order to check the hostilities of Bīban and Sheikh Bayezīd, who were still refractory.6 After marching two May 26. stages, the third, on Wednesday, brought us to the passage of Choupāreh Chatermūk,1 at Sikanderpūr. That same day our people began to busy themselves in crossing.2 Intelligence arrived again and again, that the insurgents had passed the Sarū and Gogra,3 and were marching towards Lakhnau.

Violent
storm.

In order to check their progress, I appointed, out of my Tūrki and Hindustāni officers, Sultan Jalāleddīn Sharki,4 Ali Khan Fermūli, Tardīkeh Nizām Khan, Sālih Karīmisha Usbek, Kurbān Chirkhi, Hussain Khan Daryā-khāni, who took leave on Thursday eve. That same night after the terāwīh prayers,5 when about five garis of the second watch were past,6 the clouds of the rainy season broke, and there was suddenly such a tempest, and the wind rose so high, that most of the tents were blown down. I was writing in the middle of my pavilion, and so suddenly did the storm come on, that I had not time to gather up my papers and the loose sheets that were written, before it blew down the pavilion, with the screen that surrounded it,b on my head. The top of the pavilion was blown to pieces, but God preserved me. I suffered no injury. The books and sheets of paper were drenched and wet, but were gathered again with much trouble, folded in woollen cloth,a and placed under a bed,b over which carpets were thrown. The storm abated in two garis.1 We contrived to get up the tūshek-khāneh2 tent, lighted a candle with much difficulty, kindled a fire,c and did not sleep till morning, being busily employed all the while in drying the leaves and papers.

May 27.

On Thursday I crossed the river.

May 28.
Loss of
Lakhnau.

On Friday I mounted and rode round Kharīd and Sikanderpūr. The same day I received Abdallah and Bāki’s letters, announcing the taking of Lakhnau.3

May 29.

On Saturday I sent forward Kūki with his party, for the purpose of reinforcing Bāki.

A. D. 1529.
May 30.

On Sunday I dispatched Sultan Juneid Birlās, Hassan Khalīfeh, Mulla Apāk’s men, and the brotherd of Mūmin Atkeh, with orders to proceed and join Bāki, and to use all their endeavours to forward the service till my arrival.

The same day, about afternoon prayers, I bestowed a dress of honour from my own wardrobe, and a Tipchāk horse, on Shah Muhammed Maarūf, and dismissed him. In the same manner as last year I had given Sāran as an assignment to him and Kundleh, for the purpose of supporting and paying the wages of the archers, I now gave Ismāel Jilwāni an allowance of seventy-twoe laks4 out of Sarwār,5 bestowed on him a dress of honour from my own wardrobe, and a Tipchāk horse, and dismissed him. To Alāul Khan Lohāni, and the body of men that accompanied him,a I also gave assignments on Sarwār, and they took leave. It was settled, that each of them should always leave his son or younger brotherb in Agra, to await my orders.

It had been agreed with the Bengalis, that they should carry, by way of Tirmahāni, to Ghāzipūr, the Gunjāish and Arāish, with two Bengali ships which I had selected from among those that had fallen into my hands in Bengal. I ordered the Farmāish and the Asāish to sail up the Sarū along with the camp.

May 31.

Having accomplished all my views in Behār, and on the Sarū,c on the Monday, after crossing at the passage of Choupāreh Chatermūk, I marchedd up the Sarū towards Oudh, keeping close along the banks of the river. After a march of ten kos, we encamped on the banks of the Sarū, hard by a place called Kilīreh,e dependent on Fatehpūr, in which there were extremely beautiful gardens, embellished by running streams and handsome edifices; we particularly admired the number of mango trees, and of richly coloured birds of various kinds. Having rested some days, I directed the army to march towards Ghāzipūr. Ismāel Khan Jilwāni, and Alāul Khan Lohāni, asked leave to visit their native country, after which they promised to repair to Agra. I agreed to give them leave at the end of one month.1

A number2 of our troops being overtaken by night,f lost their way, and went to the great tank of Fatehpūr. Some men were dispatched to bring in such of the stragglers as were near at hand, while Kūchek Khwājeh was sent to stay all night at the tank, and in the morning to bring back with him to the camp such troops as had halted June 1. there. We marched thence early in the morning; in the middle of the march I embarked in the Asāish, and we were pulled up to the camp. By the way, a son of Shah Muhammed Diwāneh, who had been sent by Bāki with letters for Khalīfeh,a1 met us, and gave an accurate statement of the transactions at Lakhnau. It appears, that May 22. on Saturday, the 13th of Ramzān, the enemy had made an attack, but could effect nothing. During the assault, some hayb that had been collected, being set on fire by the fireworks, turpentine, and other combustibles that were thrown on it,c the inside of the fort became as hot as an oven, and it was impossible to stand on the parapet, and consequently the fort was taken. Two or three days afterwards, on hearing of my return the enemy marched towards Dalmau.2 This day also, we advanced ten kos, and halted hard by a village named Jalīsir, in the perganna of Sikri, on the banks of the river Sarū.

June 2.

On Wednesday3 we continued in the same station, to rest our cattle. Many came in with reports, that Sheikh Bayezīd4 and Bīban had crossed the Ganges, and intended to push on with their troops, and fall upon the territories of Jaun (pūr) and Chunār. The Amīrs were summoned, and a council held. It was arranged that Muhammed Zemān Mirza, Sultan Juneid Birlās, who had got the government of Chunār and some other pergannas in exchange for Jaunpūr, Mahmūd Khan Lohāni, Kazi Jiā, and Tāj Khan Sārangkhāni, should march, and prevent the enemy from reaching Chunār.

June 3.
Reaches
Parserū.

Next morning, being Thursday, we marched early, left the river Sarū, and having advanced eleven kos, and passed Parserū, encamped on the banks of the river Parserū.d5 Here I assembled the Amīrs, and held a consultation; after which I appointed Isān Taimūr Sultan, Muhammed Sultan Mirza, Tukhteh Būgha Sultan, Kāsim Hussain Sultan, Bikhūb Sultan, Muzaffer Hussain Sultan, Kāsim Khwājeh, Jaafer Khwājeh, Khwājeh Zāhid, Khwājeh Jān Beg, with the servants of Askeri, and Kūchek Khwājeh; and from among the Amīrs of Hind, Ālim Khan Kālpi,1 Malikdād Karrāni, and Randi Sarwāni, to proceed towards Dalmau in pursuit of Bīban and Bayezīd, ordering them instantly to separate from the army, and to follow the enemy with all celerity. I purified myself in the Parserū. I and those who were along with me took a number of fish by fixing lights to a piece of framework, which was then moved along the water.a2

June 4.

On Friday we encamped on one of the branches of this Parserū. It was a very small stream. To obviate the inconvenience arising from the passing and repassing of the troops, we made a dam higher up, and constructed a place ten by ten, for the purpose of bathing; we passed the eve of the 27th at this same station.

June 5.
Passes the
Tousin.
June 5.

Next morning we left this stream and encamped, after passing the river Tousin.3

On Sunday too, we encamped on the banks of the same river.

June 6.
June 7.

On Monday the 29th, we halted on the banks of the Tousin. This night, although the weather was not quite favourable, a few persons got a sight of the moon, and bore testimony to the fact, in presence of the Kazi.4 This fixed the end of the month.

June 8.

Next day, being Tuesday, we set out, after we had said the prayers of the Īd.1 Having marched ten kos, we halted within one kos of Tāek, on the banks of the Gūmti. A. D. 1529. Towards noon-day prayers, I took a maajūn with Sheikh Zain, Mulla Shahāb, Khwānd-amīr:

(Tūrki verse)—They dropped in by threes, and twos, and ones.a

Derwīsh Muhammed, Yunis Ali, and Abdallah were also there. The wrestlers amused us with wrestling.b

June 9.

On Wednesday we continued to halt on the same ground. About luncheon time I took a maajūn. Tāj Khan, who had gone to keep the Sharki Princes from Chunār,c returned this day. We had a wrestling match. The champion Oudhi,2 who had arrived some time before, tried his skill with a Hindustāni wrestler who was there, and threw him. I bestowed fifteen laks3 on Yahyā Lohāni in Sarū,d by way of allowance; clothed him in a complete dress of honour, and gave him leave.

June 10.

Next morning we marched eleven kos, passed the river Gūmti, and halted on the banks of the same river. Here we learned, that the party of Sultans and Amīrs who had been sent on the expedition, had reached Dalmau; that they had passed first the Ganges, and afterwards the Jumna, in pursuit of the enemy; that they had taken Ālim Khan along with them, had followed the enemy for many kos with great keenness, and having left the latter river, after three marches, had returned to Dalmau.e This Passes the
Ganges.
day, most of our troops passed the Ganges by a ford. Having sent the camp-equipage and troops across, I ate a maajūn lower down than the ford, on an island. We halteda on the spot where we passed the river, to give time to such as had not crossed to come over.b That same day Bāki Tāshkendi arrived with his troops,c and was introduced.

Reaches
Korah.

Advancing two marches from the Ganges, we halted in the neighbourhood of Korah,d1 on the banks of the river Rind.2 From Dalmau to Korah is twenty-onee kos.

June 17.

On Thursday we marched early from our ground, and halted beforef the perganna of Adampūr. We had previously sent one or two personsg to Kālpi, to bring whatever boats might be there, for the purpose of following after the enemy. The evening we halted there a few boats arrived, and a ford over the river was discovered. The camp being very dusty, and at some distance from the river, I slept on an island, where I remained for several days, day and night. For the purpose of gaining accurate information regarding the enemy, I dispatched Bāki Shaghāwel with a few troops across the river, to procure intelligence of the enemy.

June 19.

Next day, about afternoon prayers, Juma,h a servant of Bāki, arrived with information, that he had routed one of Sheikh Bayezīd and Bīban’s outposts, killed Mubārek Khan Jalwāni, an officer of some note, with a number of others, and cut off some heads, which he sent, with one living prisoner. Hea gave a circumstantial narrative of the particulars of this defeat, and of all that had happened.

The same night, being the eve of Sunday the 13th, the river Jumna rose, so that we could not remain in the tent, which in the morning had been pitched on the islandb; we were therefore obliged to remove to another island a bowshot off, where I took up my quarters in another tent that was pitched.

June 21.

On Monday, Jalāl Tāshkendi arrived from the Sultans and Amīrs who had gone on the expedition. Immediately on discovering some men of their left wing,c Bīban and Sheikh Bayezīd had fled from the perganna of Mahūbeh.1 As the rains had set in, and as we had been for five or six months engaged in various expeditions in the field, so that the horses and cattle of the troops were worn out, I sent notice to the Sultans and Amīrs who had been detached, to inform them that I should remain a few days in Agra and that vicinity, to wait their arrival.d The same day, about afternoon prayers, I gave Bāki Shaghāwel and his partye leave to go home. To Mūsa Maarūf Fermūli,2 who had come and offered me his allegiance when the army was passing the Sarū on its return, I gave a perganna of thirty laks3 out of Amerhār4 for his support, a complete dress of honour from my own wardrobe, and a horse with its saddle, and dismissed him to Amerhār.

Sets out
for Agra.

Having settled everything in this quarter, on Tuesday eve, after about one gari of the fourth watch was past,1 I set out post for Agra.

June 22.

Next morning, after having ridden sixteen kos, I passed the noon in a perganna dependent on Kālpi, called Balāder; whence, after restinga our horses, we set out at evening June 23. prayers. This night we rode thirteen kos, and at the end of the third watch2 halted at the tomb of Bhaub Khan Sarwāni, in Sougandpūr, one of the pergannas of Kālpi. Having mounted early, by noon prayers, I had advanced Arrives at
Agra.
seventeen kos, and at midnight reached the garden of Hasht Behisht at Agra.c

June 25.

Next morning, being Friday, Muhammed Bakhshi and some others came and paid me their respects,d after which I went into the castle and visited the Begums, my paternal aunts. A native of Balkh had prepared some melon beds. A few of the melons which had been preserved were now presented to me, and were very excellent.e I had set a few vine-plants in the garden of Hasht Behisht, which I found had produced very fine grapes. Sheikh Gūren also sent me a basket of grapes, which were very excellent. I was truly delighted with having produced such excellent melons and grapes in Hindustān.3

June 27.

It was Sunday at midnight when I met Māham.a1 I had Jan. 21. joined the army on the 10th of the first Jumāda. It was an odd coincidence that she had also left Kābul the very same day.

July 8.

Thursday, the 1st of Zilkaadeh, was the day on which the peshkeshes or tributary offerings were made to Humāiūn and Māhamb in the great Hall of Audience, on a grand levee day. The same day we dispatched a servant of Faghfūr the Diwān, accompanied by a hundred orc a hundred and fifty hired porters, to bring melons, grapes, and other fruits from Kābul.

A. D. 1529.
July 10.

On Saturday the 3rd, Hindu Beg, who had arrived with an escort from Kābul, whence he had been sent for immediately on the death of Ali Yūsef,d arrived and was introduced.

Husām-ed-dīn Khalīfeh, having arrived from Alwar, also waited on me this day.

July 11.

Next morning, being Sunday, Abdallah, who had been sent to Tirmahānie in consequence of the death of Ali Yūsef, returned back.

Conspiracy
of Abdal-
azīz.

From the men who had come from Kābul, we learned that Sheikh Sharīf Karabāghi, whether from the evil suggestions of Abdal-azīz, or from mere attachment to him, ascribing to us tyranny that never had been exercised, and offences never committed, had written certificates,f to which he had compelled the Imāmsg to affix their names, and had sent copies of these certificates to different cities, in hopes of exciting commotions; that Abdal-azīz, too, had disobeyed several orders which he had received, had been guilty of uttering several most unbecoming expressions, and of doing some July 18. most improper acts; on these accounts, on Sunday the 11th, I sent Kamber Ali Arghūn, to apprehend and bring to the presence Sheikh Sharīf, the Imāms of Lahore, and Abdal-azīz.

July 22.

On Thursday the 15th, Sultan Taimūr arrived from Tajāwer1 and waited on me. The same day the champion Sādik and Oudhia had a great wrestling match. Sādik threw Oudhi with great ease, which vexed him extremely.

July 26.

On Monday the 19th, having given Murād Korchi, the Kizilbāsh ambassador, a side-dagger,b clothed him in a suitable dress of honour, and made him a present of two hundred thousand tankehs, I gave him leave to return.

Disaffec-
tion of Ra-
hīmdād.

At this time, Syed Mahdic arrived from Gwāliār, and informed us of the revolt of Rahīmdād. Shah Muhammed, the seal-bearer, a servant of Khalīfeh’s, had been sent by him to Rahīmdād with a letter of advice. Shah Muhammed went, and in a few days returned with Rahīmdād’s son, but he himself did not choose to come. In order, however, to lull our suspicions asleep, Nūr Beg came, and having preferred the same requests that Rahīmdād had formerly made, actually gained firmans conformable to his wishes.d When the firmans were on the point of being dispatched,e one of Rahīmdād’s servants arrived, and gave us information that he had himself been sent for the purpose of effecting the escape of the son, and that the father had not the least intention of coming. On getting this intelligence, I wished instantly to have proceeded against Gwāliār. Khalīfeh, however, requested that he might be permitted to address one other letter of advice to Rahīmdād, as probably he would submit peaceably. Shahāb-ed-dīn Khosrou was sent to carry this remonstrance.

Aug. 12.

On Thursday, the 7th of the month, Mahdi Khwājeh1 arrived from Etāwa. On the day of the Īd, I bestowed on Hindu Beg a complete dress from my own wardrobe, a sword and belt enriched with precious stones, and a Tipchāk horse. To Hassan Ali, who was one of the most eminent among the Chaghatāi Turkomāns,a I gave a sarupā (or complete dress of honour), a side-hanger adorned with jewels, and a perganna of seven laks.2

TRANSACTIONS OF THE YEAR 936

A. D. 1529.
Sept. 7.

ON Tuesday the 3rda of Muharrem, Sheikh Muhammed Ghaus came out of Gwāliār with Shahāb-ed-dīn Khosrou, as intercessor for Rahīmdād.1 As this man was a humbleb and saintly personage, I forgave, on his account, the offences of Rahīmdād, and sent Sheikh Gūren and Nūr Beg to receive the surrender of Gwāliār.2

CONCLUDING SUPPLEMENT
TO
BĀBUR’S MEMOIRS

Sept. 7.
A. D. 1529.

FROM the first days of the year 936 of the Hijira, Bābur’s Journal ceases, and no fragments have been found of any later date. Whether he composed Memoirs, or wrote any journal of the remaining fifteen months of his life, is uncertain. The state of his health, which was rapidly declining and much broken, probably diminished his usual activity. The silence that prevails among historians, regarding the remaining events of his reign, may justify a belief that Humāiūn
leaves Ba-
dakhshān
no Journal was written, or at least none published. In the course of the year 936, Humāiūn,1 who appears to have been anxious to be near the seat of empire, probably from being aware of his father’s declining health, suddenly left his government of Badakhshān, which he entrusted to the care of Sultan Weis, and set out for Hindustān by way of Kābul. At Kābul, he had a conference with his brother, Kāmrān Mirza, who had just arrived from Kandahār,2 after which he proceeded towards Agra.

which is
attacked by
Saīd Khan.

He had scarcely left Badakhshān, when Saīd Khan of Kāshghar, who is said to have been invited by Sultan Weis and the other Amīrs that were in the country, leaving Rashīd Khan in Yārkend, marched into Badakhshān. Hindāl Mirza,3 on hearing of his approach, threw himself into the fort of Zafer, in which he defended himself for three months with so much vigour, that Saīd Khan was compelled to raise the siege.1

Bābur’s
anxicty.

In the meanwhile a report reached Bābur, that Saīd Khan had gained possession of all Badakhshān. The unwelcome intelligence that daily arrived from that quarter preyed upon his mind, and helped to impair his declining strength. He sent instructions to Khalīfeh to set out in order to recover Badakhshān; but that nobleman, who was Bābur’s prime minister, knowing probably that the orders were dictated by Humāiūn’s mother, who had a great ascendancy over Bābur, and who wished to remove from court a powerful enemy of her son, found means to excuse himself. Similar orders were then sent to Humāiūn, whose government Badakhshān was, but that prince also declined engaging in the expedition, under the pretence that his affection for his father would not permit Mirza Sulei-
mān sent to
Badakh-
shān.
him to remove so far from the presence. Mirza Suleimān,2 the son-in-law of Sultan Weis, was then dispatched, with instructions to assume the government of the country; and was at the same time furnished with letters for Saīd Khan, complaining of his aggression. Before reaching Kābul, Suleimān heard of Saīd’s retreat; he, however, prosecuted his journey, and received charge of the country from Hindāl, who set out for Hindustān; and the civil wars that followed the death of Bābur enabled Suleimān3 to keep possession of Badakhshān, which was long held by his posterity.

Illness of
Humāiūn.

Humāiūn reached Agra neither sent for nor expected, but the affection of his father, and the influence of his mother, procured him a good reception. His offence was forgotten, and, after remaining some time at court, he went to his government of Sambal. When he had resided there about six months he fell dangerously ill. His father, whose favourite son he seems to have been, was deeply affected at this news, and gave directions for conveying him by water to Agra. He arrived there, but his life was despaired of. When all hopes from medicine were over, and while several men of skill were talking to the emperor of the melancholy situation of his son, Abul Bakā, a personage highly venerated for his knowledge and piety, remarked to Bābur, that in such a case the Almighty had sometimes vouchsafed to receive the most valuable thing possessed by one friend, as an offering in exchange for the life of another. Bābur, Bābur
devotes his
own life for
his son’s.
exclaiming that of all things, his life was dearest to Humāiūn, as Humāiūn’s was to him, and that, next to the life of Humāiūn, his own was what he most valued, devoted his life to Heaven as a sacrifice for his son’s. The noblemen around him entreated him to retract the rash vow, and, in place of his first offering, to give the diamond taken at Agra, and reckoned the most valuable on earth: that the ancient sages had said, that it was the dearest of our worldly possessions alone that was to be offered to Heaven. But he persisted in his resolution, declaring that no stone, of whatever value, could be put in competition with his life. He three times walked round the dying prince, a solemnity similar to that used in sacrifices and heave-offerings,1 and retiring, prayed earnestly to God. After some time he was heard to exclaim, ‘I have borne it away! I have borne it away!’ The Musulman historians assure us, that Humāiūn almost immediately began to recover, and that, in proportion as he recovered, the health and strength of Bābur visibly Illness of
Bābur.
decayed. Bābur communicated his dying instructions to Khwājeh Khalīfeh, Kamber Ali Beg, Terdi Beg, and Hindu Beg, who were then at Court, commending Humāiūn to their protection. With that unvarying affection for his family, which he showed in all the circumstances of his life, he strongly besought Humāiūn to be kind and forgiving to his brothers. Humāiūn promised, and, what in such Intrigues at
his Court.
circumstances is rare, kept his promise. The request which he had made to his nobles was heard, as the requests of dying princes generally are, only as a signal for faction. Khwājeh Khalīfeh had conceived a strong dislike to Humāiūn, in consequence of some circumstances which are not explained, so that the court of the expiring conqueror became the scene of intrigue and cabal. Khalīfeh, as prime minister,1 possessed the chief authority among the Tūrki nobles. He did not wish that the succession should be in the children of Bābur, and had pitched on Mahdi Khwājeh, Bābur’s son-in-law, as his successor. Mahdi Khwājeh2 was a brave, but extravagant, and wild young man, and had long been closely connected with Khalīfeh. When it was known that Khalīfeh was in his interest, and intended to raise him to the throne, the principal men in the army lost no time in paying their court to Mahdi Khwājeh, whose succession was regarded as secure, and who began to affect the deportment of a sovereign prince. Everything seemed to promise that he was to be the Emperor of Hindustān, when suddenly he was ordered by Khalīfeh to remain in his own house under a guard.

Anecdote
of Mahdi
Khwājeh.

The cause of this sudden change has escaped the researches of Abulfazl and Khāfi Khan. It is explained, however, by a well-informed historian, who relates the anecdote on the authority of his father: ‘It so happened’, says he, ‘that Mīr Khalīfeh had gone to see Mahdi Khwājeh, whom he had found in his tent. Nobody was present but Khalīfeh, Mahdi Khwājeh, and my father Muhammed Mukīm. Khalīfeh had scarcely sat down an instant, when Bābur, who was at the last extremity, suddenly sent for him. When he left the tent, Mahdi Khwājeh accompanied him to the door, to do him honour, and to take leave of him, and stood in the middle of it, so that my father, who followed, but, out of respect, did not push by him, was immediately behind. The young man, who was rather flighty and harum-scarum, forgetting that my father was present, as soon as Khalīfeh was fairly gone, muttered to himself, “God willing, I will soon flay off your hide, old boy!” and, turning round, at the same instant saw my father. He was quite confounded, but immediately seizing my father’s ear, with a convulsive eagerness, twisted it round, and said hurriedly, “You, Tājik! The red tongue often gives the green head to the winds.” My father having taken his leave and left the tent, sought out Khalīfeh, and remonstrated with him on his line of conduct; telling him, that in violation of his allegiance, he was taking away the sovereignty from Muhammed Humāiūn and his brothers, who were accomplished princes, to bestow it on the son of a stranger; and yet how did this favoured man behave? He then repeated what had passed just as it happened. Khalīfeh, on the spot, sent off an express for Humāiūn,1 and dispatched a body of yasāwels, or special messengers, to Mahdi Khwājeh to inform him that the king’s orders were, that he should instantly retire to his own house. The young man had now sat down to dinner, which was still before him. The yasāwels communicated their message, and forced him away. Mīr Khalīfeh then issued a proclamation, prohibiting all persons from resorting to Mahdi Khwājeh’s house, or waiting upon him; while Mahdi Khwājeh himself received orders not to appear at Court.’2

Bābur,3 in the midst of these intrigues, with which he Death of
Bābur.
Dec. 26,
1530.
was probably unacquainted, expired at the Chārbāgh, near Agra, on the 6th of the first Jumāda, A. H. 937, in the fiftieth year of his age, and thirty-eighth of his reign as a sovereign prince.1 His body, in conformity with a wish which he had expressed, was carried to Kābul, where it was interred in a hill that still bears his name.2 He had reigned five years over part of Hindustān. Humāiūn ascended the throne on the 9th of the same month without opposition, by the influence of Khalīfeh.

His wives.

Though Bābur has given us such a minute account of the wives and families of his uncles and cousins, he has communicated but few particulars regarding his own. It appears that, when only five years of age, he was betrothed to his cousin Āisha Sultan Begum, the third daughter of Sultan Ahmed Mirza, the King of Samarkand, by Kātak Begum. He married her after his first expedition to Samarkand, and had by her one daughter, who died young. They seem to have quarrelled; and Bābur says she was misled by her eldest sister Rabīa Sultan Begum, who induced her to leave his house. Another of his wives was Zeineb [A. D.
1504-5.]
Sultan Begum, whom he married after the surrender of Kābul. She also was his cousin, being the fifth daughter of Sultan Mahmūd Mirza, King of Hissār, by Khanzādeh Begum, the grand-daughter of Mīr Buzurg of Termiz. He informs us that he married her at his mother’s desire, that they did not agree, and that in two or three years she died of the small-pox. His third wife, Maasūmeh Sultan Begum, was likewise his cousin, being the sister of his first wife, and the fifth daughter of Sultan Ahmed Mirza by Habībeh Sultan Begum. She saw him at Herāt, during his expedition to Khorasān, and fell in love with him. It was arranged that she should go to Kābul, where he [A. D.
1507.]
afterwards married her. She had one daughter, Maasūmeh, of whom she died in childbed. Her daughter, Maasūmeh, joined Bābur in Hindustān, but probably died before him. A. D. 1519. He also, during his campaign in Bajour, married a daughter of Shah Mansūr,1 the Malik or chief of the Yūsefzai Afghans. She is said to have survived him, and to have died in the reign of Akber. Bābur seems to have had no children by her. The names of his other wives, and of the ladies of his Aug. 1526. haram, have not been preserved.2 He himself mentions the birth of a prince named Fārūk, who probably died young.

His family.

Bābur, at the time of his death, had seven children alive, four sons and three daughters. The names of their mothers are not recorded.3 The eldest son, Nasīr-ed-dīn Muhammed Humāiūn, succeeded him as Supreme Emperor in all his dominions. Humāiūn, on his accession, gave to his second brother, Kāmrān Mirza, the Panjāb, in addition to the government of Kābul and Kandahār which he had formerly held; to Hindāl Mirza, who had just arrived from Badakhshān, he gave the country of Mewāt, and to Askeri he assigned the province of Sambal, which he had himself held. All these princes acted a conspicuous part in the confusions of the succeeding reign. Bābur’s three daughters, Gulrang Begum, Gulchehreh Begum, and Gulbaden Begum, were all by one mother.

His charac-
ter.

Zahīr-ed-dīn Muhammed Bābur was undoubtedly one of the most illustrious men of his age, and one of the most eminent and accomplished princes that ever adorned an Asiatic throne. He is represented as having been above the middle size, of great vigour of body, fond of all field and warlike sports, an excellent swordsman, and a skilful archer. As a proof of his bodily strength, it is mentioned, that he used to leap from one pinnacle to another of the pinnated ramparts used in the East, in his double-soled boots; and that he even frequently took a man under each arm, and went leaping along the rampart from one of the pointed pinnacles to another. Having been early trained to the conduct of business, and tutored in the school of adversity, the powers of his mind received their full development. He ascended the throne at the age of twelve, and before he had attained his twentieth year, the young prince had shared every variety of fortune; he had not only been the ruler of subject provinces, but had been in thraldom to his own ambitious nobles, and obliged to conceal every sentiment of his heart; he had been alternately hailed and obeyed as a conqueror and deliverer by rich and extensive kingdoms, and forced to lurk in the deserts and mountains of his own native kingdom as a houseless wanderer. Down to the last dregs of life, we perceive in him the strong feelings of an affection for his early friends and early enjoyments, rarely seen among princes. Perhaps the free manners of the Tūrki tribes had combined with the events of his early life, in cherishing these amiable feelings. He had betimes been taught, by the voice of events that could not lie, that he was a man dependent on the kindness and fidelity of other men; and, in his dangers and escapes with his followers had learned that he was only one of an association, whose general safety and success depended on the result of their mutual exertions in a common cause. The native benevolence and gaiety of his disposition seem ever to overflow on all around him; and he talks of his mothers, his grandmothers, and sisters with some garrulity indeed, but the garrulity of a good son and a good brother. Of his companions in arms he always speaks with the frank gaiety of a soldier; and it is a relief to the reader, in the midst of the pompous coldness of Asiatic history, to find a king who can weep for days, and tell us that he wept, for the playmate of his boyhood. Indeed, an uncommon portion of good nature and good humour runs through all his character, and even to political offences he will be found, in a remarkable degree, indulgent and forgiving.

In the character of the founder of a new dynasty, in one of the richest and most powerful empires on earth, we may expect to find a union of the great qualities of a statesman and general; and Bābur possessed the leading qualifications of both in a high degree. But we are not, in that age, to look for any deep-laid or regular plans of civil polity, even in the most accomplished princes. Bābur’s superiority over the chiefs to whom he was opposed, arose principally from his active disposition and lively good sense. Ambitious as he was, and fond of conquest and of glory in all its shapes, the enterprise in which he was for the season engaged, seems to have absorbed his whole soul, and all his faculties were exerted to bring it, whatever it was, to a fortunate issue. His elastic mind was not broken by discomfiture, and few princes who have achieved such glorious conquests have suffered more numerous or more decisive defeats. His personal courage was conspicuous during his whole life, but it may be doubted whether, in spite of his final success, he was so much entitled to the character of a great captain, as of a successful partisan and a bold adventurer. In the earlier part of his career his armies were very small. Most of his expeditions were rather successful inroads than skilful campaigns. But he showed a genius and a power of observation which, in other circumstances, would have raised him to the rank of the most accomplished commanders. As he had the sense to perceive the errors which he committed in his earlier years, so, with the superiority that belongs to a great mind, conscious of its powers, he always readily acknowledges them. His conduct, during the rebellion of the Moghuls at Kābul, and the alarm of his army in the war with Rāna Sanka, bears the indications of the most heroic magnanimity. The latter period of his life is one uninterrupted series of successes.

But we are not to expect in Bābur that perfect and refined character which belongs only to modern times and Christian countries. We sometimes see him order what, according to the practice of modern war, and the maxims of a refined morality, we should consider as cruel executions. We find him occasionally the slave of vices, which, even though they belonged to his age and country, it is not possible to regard in such a man without feelings of regret. We are disappointed to find one possessed of so refined an understanding, and so polished a taste, degrading both, by an obtrusive and almost ridiculous display of his propensity to intoxication. It may palliate, though it cannot excuse this offence, that it appears to have led him to no cruelty or harshness to his servants or those around him, that it made him neglect no business, and that it seems to have been produced solely by the ebullition of high spirits in his gay and social temper. We turn from Bābur, the slave of such vices, which probably hastened on a premature old age, and tended to bring him to an early grave, and view him with more complacency, encouraging, in his dominions, the useful arts and polite literature, by his countenance and his example. We delight to see him describe his success in rearing a new plant, in introducing a new fruit-tree, or in repairing a decayed aqueduct, with the same pride and complacency that he relates his most splendid victories. No region of art or nature seems to have escaped the activity of his research. He had cultivated the art of poetry from his early years, and his diwān, or collection of Tūrki poems, is mentioned as giving him a high rank among the poets of his country. Of this work I have not been able to learn that any copy exists.1 Many of the odes in it are referred to in his Memoirs, and quoted by the first couplet. A few specimens of his Persian poetry are also given, which show much of that terseness and delicacy of allusion so much admired in the poets whom he imitated. His Persian Masnevi, which he published by the name of Mubīn,2 I have never met with, though Abulfazl speaks of it as having a great circulation; nor have I seen his versification of the tract of Khwājeh Ahrār,3 which has been already mentioned.4 He also wrote a work on Prosody5 and some smaller productions, which he sometimes alludes to in his Memoirs. He was skilful in the science of music, on which he wrote a treatise. But his most remarkable work is, undoubtedly, the Memoirs of his own Life, composed by him in the Tūrki tongue. The earlier part of them is written with great spirit, and the whole bears strong characteristics of an ingenious, active, and intelligent mind. No history, perhaps, contains so lively a picture of the life and opinions of an eastern prince. The geographical descriptions which he gives of his hereditary kingdom, and of the various countries which he subdued, have, what such descriptions seldom possess, not only great accuracy, but the merit of uncommon distinctness. The Memoirs, however, will be found of unequal value, according to the periods of which they treat. Some years, particularly in the later period of his life, present little more than a dry chronicle of uninteresting events, probably written down as they occurred, and never rewritten, as the earlier period certainly have been. It probably was his intention to have connected the whole, and completed them in the same strain of happy narrative that runs through the first half of them, a design which it is to be regretted that he did not live to execute.

A striking feature in Bābur’s character is his unlikeness to other Asiatic princes. Instead of the stately, systematic artificial character that seems to belong to the throne in Asia, we find him natural, lively, affectionate, simple, retaining on the throne all the best feelings and affections of common life. Change a few circumstances arising from his religion and country, and in reading the transactions of his life, we might imagine that we had got among the adventurous knights of Froissart. This, as well as the simplicity of his language, he owed to his being a Tūrk. That style which wraps up a worthless meaning in a mist of words, and the etiquette which annihilates the courtier in the presence of his prince, were still, fortunately for Bābur, foreign to the Tūrki race, among whom he was born and educated.

Upon the whole, if we review with impartiality the history of Asia, we shall find few princes who are entitled to rank higher than Bābur in genius and accomplishments. His grandson Akber may perhaps be placed above him for profound and benevolent policy. The crooked a??tifice of Aurangzīb is not entitled to the same distinction. The merit of Chingiz Khan, and of Tamerlane, terminates in their splendid conquests, which far excelled the achievements of Bābur; but in activity of mind, in the gay equanimity and unbroken spirit with which he bore the extremes of good and bad fortune, in the possession of the manly and social virtues, so seldom the portion of princes, in his love of letters, and his success in the cultivation of them, we shall probably find no other Asiatic prince who can justly be placed beside him.

APPENDIX A
AN ACCOUNT OF BĀBUR’S DELIVERANCE
FROM IMMINENT DANGER AT KIRMĀN

As given in Pavet de Courteille’s French Translation.

‘WHETHER you live for a hundred years or a single day, you must surely leave this palace which delights the heart.’

I resigned myself to death. A channel of water flowed through that garden. I performed my ablutions, and recited a prayer of two inclinations. Then, giving myself up to silent meditation, I was in the act of supplicating God for his mercies, when sleep closed my eyes. I saw Khwāja Yā’kūb, the son of Khwāja Yahya, and grandson of His Highness Khwāja Obeidullah, with a numerous following, mounted on dapple-grey horses, who appeared before me and said: ‘Be not anxious! The Khwāja has sent me to inform you that he will accord you his aid; that he will seat you on the throne of sovereignty; that whenever any trouble befalls you, he will immediately respond to your appeal, if you will seek his assistance, and that victory and triumph will now incline to your side. Lift up your head and awake!’ I then awoke with a happy heart just as Yūsuf, the Dārogha, and his companions, had agreed that it was necessary to make a pretext, and have recourse to a ruse, for the purpose of securing my person and binding me. On hearing them talk in this fashion I said to them: ‘What you have just said is all very well, but I am curious to see which of you will dare to approach me.’ I was in the act of saying these words, when I heard the clatter of the hoofs of a large number of horses outside the garden wall. Yūsuf, the Dārogha, exclaimed, ‘If we had seized and taken him to Tambol we should have done well. Now he has sent a large band to arrest you, and the noise which you hear is nothing else but the echo of the horses’ footfalls sent in your pursuit.’ At these words I became anxious, and was at a loss to know what to do. At the same time the horsemen, who at first were not able to find the garden gate, made a breach in the wall, which was already dilapidated, and entered. I saw that they were Kūtluk Muhammed Barlās and Bābā-i-Pargari, two of my most devoted servants, accompanied by ten to fifteen or twenty persons. On approaching my presence they flung themselves from their horses, and bending the knee at a respectful distance, they fell at my feet, and lavished on me every mark of respect. Astounded at their appearance, it seemed to me that God had restored me to life. I immediately exclaimed: ‘Seize Yūsuf, the Dārogha, and those wretched traitors that are in his company, and bring them to me bound hand and foot.’ I then added, addressing my rescuers: ‘Whence have ye come? Who informed you of what had happened?’ Kūtluk Muhammed Barlās answered: ‘When I got separated from you in my hurried retreat from Akhsi, I reached Andejān just as the Khans were entering it. There in a dream I saw Khwāja Obeidullah, who said to me: The Emperor Bābur is now in a village named Kirmān, make haste and bring him back with you; for the throne of sovereignty belongs to him by right. Overjoyed at this dream, I related it to the Elder and Younger Khans, and said to them that I had five or six young fellows with me, and that, if they added a few soldiers, I would go in the Kirmān direction to bring news. They replied that it had occurred to them too that I ought to go in that direction. They then appointed ten persons to accompany me, and charged me to follow the route which we had agreed upon, to make careful enquiries, and above all to take every means to obtain sure news. While we were engaged in this conversation Bābā-i-Pargari said that he also wished to join the party, and indeed, he did accompany me with two soldiers and his younger brother. Then we mounted our horses, and set out. It is three days to-day that we have been on the road and we thank God that we have met you. And now quickly to horse and take with you these prisoners, for it would not be wise to stay in this place, as Tambol knows that you have found an aslyum here. So let us start as soon as possible, and proceed to join the Khans.’ We thereupon mounted our horses without a moment’s delay, and took the road to Andejān. I had not eaten anything for two days. Towards noon, having had the good luck to find a sheep, we dismounted, and settled ourselves comfortably to roast it. Having satisfied my ravenous hunger, we started off again, and, hurrying forward, we entered Andejān after accomplishing a five days’ journey in two nights and a day. I embraced the two Khans, my uncles, and related to them all that had happened to me since we parted. I stayed four months with the Khans, during which time I gathered round me, to the number of two hundred, all my servants who had been scattered about in different places. It then occurred to me that it would be much better for me to leave Ferghāna, no matter in what direction, than to remain there like a vagabond.

APPENDIX B
HINDĀL’S ADOPTION

[The French translation has the following account of Hindāl’s adoption by the mother of Humāyūn (Vol. ii, p. 86, following the words ‘my officers and the soldiers’).]

IN order to understand what has been said above it is necessary to bear in mind that up to this time all the children that had been born of Humāyūn’s mother, namely a son (who was younger than Humāyūn, but older than my other children) and three daughters, had died in infancy. I ardently desired to see a brother or sister born to him. Just about this time Dildār Agācha became pregnant, so I kept on saying, ‘I wish to God that the child which is coming might be born to Humāyūn’s mother.’ To this my mother replied, ‘If Dildār Agācha bears a son, can I not take it and be responsible for it?’ I said in my turn, ‘Nothing could be better.’ As a rule womenfolk practise the following method of taking omens when they wish to ascertain if they are going to have a son or a daughter. They take two bits of paper, on one of which they write the name of Ali or Hasan, and on the other that of Fātimah. They then put these in two balls of clay which are placed in a cup of water. The one which is first opened serves them as a means of foretelling the future. If it discloses the name of a boy, she will have a boy, and if a girl, a girl. So this method was employed by these ladies (Bābur’s womenfolk) and the birth of a male child was predicted. On the receipt of this good news, I immediately wrote to acquaint my mother; some days later the prediction was verified. God had given me a boy. Three days after his birth, and before announcing it, the child was carried off willy-nilly from its mother and brought to my palace, where it was taken care of. When I had informed my mother about him, she, on learning that she had obtained the object of her prayers, had bestowed on the young prince the name of Hindāl, which was for us a name of good omen. Under this arrangement, the child was to me at one and the same time a younger brother and a son.

[N.B.—There is some confusion in this passage, as by ‘my mother’ is meant Humāyūn’s mother (Māhim) and not that of Bābur. This gives colour to the idea that the note was partly written by Humāyūn.]

APPENDIX C
A PLAIN ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE
OF KĀNWĀHA

RĀNA SANKA, on his part, advanced at the head of countless battalions, which reached a total of two lakhs calculated in the Indian fashion, according to which a lakh is equivalent to a hundred thousand, and a hundred lakhs equal a kror. The forces of his dominions, on a general estimate, could not have been less than ten krors. Of his hundred thousand horsemen only about a third had previously given him proofs of their fidelity. The greater number, which consisted of an undisciplined rabble, had never assisted him in any war, and had not even acknowledged him as their suzerain. On this occasion, however, they had made common cause with him and obeyed his orders. The troops that were directly under his command were disposed in the following manner: Salāh ud dīn, Governor of Raisen and Sārangpūr, was in possession of a territory that could furnish 30,000 horsemen; Rāwal Udai Singh Nāgari had 12,000 horsemen; Hasan Khan Mewāti, Governor of Mewāt, 12,000; Bahādur Hemladuri, 4,000; Sattervi Kachji, 6,000; the Governor of Barmul, Parm-Deo, and Mirta, 4,000; Birsingh Deo Jehān, 4,000; Mahmūd Khan, son of Sultan Sikander, who, although he was not in possession of any fief, was so fond of playing the general that he maintained at his own expense a corps of 12,000 horsemen; in short the forces of the rebels attained a total of 200,000 men. As soon as I became aware of their approach, I put into execution the plan of action that I had devised in accordance with the arrangement I had always followed. I posted my household troops in the centre with Chīn Timūr Sultan, Mirza Suleimān, Khwāja Dost Khand, Yunis Ali, Shah Mansūr Birlās, Darwish Muhammed Sārbān, Abdullah Kitābdār, Dost Ishīk Agha, and other Amīrs on the right, and on the left, Sultan Behā ud dīn, Alā ud dīn, son of Bahlol Lodi, Sheikh Zain Khwāfi, Muhibb Ali, son of Nizām ud dīn Khalīfeh, Tardi Beg, the younger brother of Kūch Beg, and his son Sher Afgan, Arāish Khan, Khwāja Hosain, and others among my officers. I stationed myself on the right wing, keeping under my immediate command several of the Amīrs of Hindustān, such as Khani Khānān, Dilāvar Khan, Malik Dād Karrāni, and Sheikh Gūren. On the right of this wing were disposed Kāsim Hosain Sultan, Ahmed Yūsuf Oghlān, Hindu Beg Kūchīn, Khusru Kokaltāsh, Kavvām Beg Urdu Shah, Wali Khāzin Kara-Kūzi, Mir Kuli Sīstāni, Khwāja Pahlwān Badakhshi, Abdul Shakūr, the younger brother of Malik Kāsim Bāba Kachka, and other notables among the Mongols. On the left of the same wing were posted Mir Hameh, Muhammedi Kokultāsh, Khwājagi Asad, and some other officers. On the left wing—that post of good omen—the following were stationed, armed for the fight: Mahdi Khwāja, Muhammed Sultan Mirza, ’Ādil Sultan, son of Mahdi Sultan, Abdul Azīz Mir Akhor, Muhammed Jang Jang, Kūtluk Kadam Karāwul, Shah Hosain Bārgi, Jān Beg Atkeh; among the Amīrs of Hindustān were Jalāl Khan, and Kamāl Khan, sons of Sultan Alā ud dīn; Ali Khan Sheikh-zādehFermūli, Nizām Khan of Biāna, Mūmin Atkeh, Rustam Turkomān, all officers of my household, and many other chivalrous warriors. According to my instructions Nizām ud dīn Ali Khalīfah, carrying out the practice that is in vogue among the Western Turks, fastened the gun carriages together by means of chains to form an intrenchment (barrier) where the matchlock men and gunners, who were posted in the front line of the army, might take cover. I directed Sultan Muhammed Bakhshi to stay close to me, so that he might be able to communicate my orders, as circumstances might suggest, to the adjutants and aides-de-camp for conveyance to the commanders. As soon as the arrangements for the disposition of the army had been completed, the commanders and grandees, each followed by his own adherents, proceeded to take up their respective positions. Then I issued orders prohibiting anyone whomsoever from leaving his post, and warning every one, no matter how high placed a personage he might be, against engaging without formal instructions.

More than three hours of the day had already passed (9.30 a.m.) when the battle between the right and left wings (of the opposing armies) burst forth with such fury that the earth trembled and the whole world resounded (with the clang of arms). The enemy moving to our right made a desperate charge against Khusru Kokultāsh, Malik Kāsim, and Bāba Kachka. I immediately ordered Chīn Timūr Sultan to proceed to their assistance. He attacked the assailants with supreme bravery and, driving them before him, threw their ranks into confusion, and routed the centre of the Hindu army. So the reward for this victory was assigned to him without dispute. According to my orders Mustafa Rūmi had taken the yoked artillery in front of our centre, and by the fire of his musketry and culverins had thrown the army of the enemy into such disorder that the hearts of our brave troops were filled with fresh courage, while the bodies of a large number of the enemy were rolled in the dust of humiliation, and scattered to the winds of destruction. But at this juncture the main body of Rāna Sanka’s army arrived from behind in good order. On my side, having collected the pick of my men, I divided them into several corps, which I sent forward in successive detachments to the assistance of our troops. At first I sent Kāsim Hosain Sultan, and Ahmed Yūnas Kavvām Beg; next after that Hindu Beg Kūchīn; then Muhammed Kokultāsh and Khwājagi Asad; then Yūnas ´Ali, Shah Mansūr Barlās, and Abdullah Kitābdār, followed immediately after by Dost Ishik Agha and Muhammed Khalīl Akhtah Begi. The right wing of the enemy repeatedly charged our left wing, but on each occasion my brave troops, loyal in heart, nailed to the earth with shots of their arrows a large number of their assailants, and despatched to hell many others by striking them with their swords and daggers. Mūmin Atkeh, Rustam Turkomān, Mulla Muhammed, ´Ali Atkeh, Muhammed Sultan Mirza, ’Ādil Sultan, Abdul Azīz Mir Akhor, Kūtlak Kadam Karāwul, Muhammed Ali Jang Jang, Shah Hosain Bārgi, Moghal Ganji fought with vigour and firmness. Khwāja Hasan Divān with those under his orders, also came to their assistance. All our soldiers, jeopardizing their own lives and sacrificing those of the infidels, made the lightnings of their vengeance flash afar at the expense of the foe, although the fight was protracted owing to their immense number. My household troops had meanwhile remained behind the gun carriages like chained lions. I now ordered them to deliver an attack from the right and left of the centre (main body of the army) as soon as the matchlock men had been posted in the middle. These intrepid warriors, like lions which, gnawing their fetters, had in the end succeeded in severing them, were no sooner freed from restraint, and at liberty to act, than, flinging themselves on the enemy’s squadrons, they gave full play to their pent-up energy.

In front of the centre ´Ali Kuli, the wonder of his age, at the head of his men, continued to rain fire on the enemy from his matchlocks and guns. Coming to the conclusion, however, that their defeat had been unduly delayed, I gave orders that the gun carriages should be moved forward from the centre, and I personally pushed on in front. On seeing this, the whole army advanced all along the line from the right wing to the left, and charged the infidels. At this juncture the fight waxed so furious that our right and left wings swept away and drove back in confusion the enemy’s right and left wings. The enemy having resolved to sacrifice their lives dearly, made a desperate attack on our right and left wings and nearly reached the spot where I was stationed. Thanks, however, to the strength of our position, the assailants were unable to withstand us, and were constrained to take to flight. The greater part of them perished and went to hell, and the remainder, becoming a prey to confusion, were scattered about the plain like grains of sand. Hasan Khan Mewāti, who had been hit by a matchlock ball, was brought down and killed. Many persons of note among the infidels, such as Rawal Udai Singh, Mānikchand Chauhān, Rai Chanderbhān, Dilbes Rai, Gangūr, and Gūren Singh, blocked with their corpses the road of destruction, while thousands of the baser sort were trampled under our horses’ hoofs.

[N.B.—I have thought it advisable to omit the portions of the ‘Fragment’ that deal with the events which preceded and followed the actual battle, as they do not differ materially from the account given in the Memoirs.]

APPENDIX D
AN ACCOUNT OF HUMĀYŪN’S ILLNESS
AND OF BĀBUR’S SELF-DEVOTION

[This is an extract from Pavet de Courteille’s ‘Fragments’, which he regards as the last words written by Bābur.]

A YEAR had already elapsed since Humāyūn had retired to Badakhshān, and withdrawn himself from society. At the end of this time he called me to mind, and having made over the government of Badakhshān to Suleimān Mirza, his father-in-law, he reached Kābul after a day’s journey. During the ceremonies of the Feast of Bairām, he met Kamrān Mirza at Kabul, who had arrived there from Kandahār. The latter, much astonished at meeting him, asked him why he was on the move. Humāyūn, who was hurrying to see me again, despatched Hindāl Mirza from Kābul to Badakhshān, and set off to interview me. After an interval of a few days, he reached Agra, the imperial residence. I was engaged in talking of him to his mother, just as he arrived. His presence made our hearts expand like rosebuds, and our eyes shine like flaming torches. It was my daily custom to maintain an open table, but on this occasion I held a feast in his honour, and treated him in a most distinguished manner. We stayed together for some time living on terms of the closest intimacy. The truth is that his conversation had an inexpressible charm, and that he realized completely the type of the ‘perfect man’.

At the time that Humāyūn left Badakhshān to visit me, Sultan Sa’īd Khan, who belonged to the family of the Khans of Kāshgar, and was related to me, having left Rashīd Khan at Yārkand, advanced in the direction of Badakhshān, which he had a mad desire to possess, but, before his arrival, Hindāl Mirza had already entered Fort Zafar. Sultan Sa’īd, after besieging him there for three months, returned without being able to accomplish anything. As soon as I was informed that the people of Kāshgar had come to conquer Badakhshān, I gave orders to Khwāja Khalīfeh to go there, and take such measures as he thought the situation required. He, however, was ill advised enough to decline the mission which I had offered him. Then I asked Humāyūn if he could bring himself to go there in person. He replied that he would of course obey an official order, but protested that he would never leave me willingly. Suleimān Mirza was therefore sent to Badakhshān. This, on the other hand, is what I wrote to Sultan Sa’īd. ‘After all the favours that I have bestowed upon you, I was astonished to find you acting as you have done. For the present I have recalled Hindāl Mirza and have sent Suleimān Mirza to take his place. If regarding the rights of justice, you make over Badakhshān to this Prince, who is our son, all will be well; otherwise, I will not take notice of your offence as it concerns myself, but will leave the heritage to my heirs to deal with it as they may think best.’

Suleimān Mirza had not reached Kābul before the enemy, abandoning the possession of Badakhshān, demanded quarter (peace). As soon as that Prince arrived there, Hindāl Mirza gave up the place to him and left for India. Muhammed Humāyūn took leave of me to proceed to Sambhal, which was the place assigned for his residence, and where he stayed for six months. It is probable that the climate and water of the place did not suit him, for fever attacked him, and continued for such a long time that I ended by making up my mind to speak to him about it. I gave orders to have him conveyed by boat to Delhi and thence to Agra so that capable doctors might see him and prescribe a proper treatment for him. He was accordingly made to travel by water for several days. In spite of all the remedies that were administered to him, he got no better. Then Mīr Abul Kāsim, who was a person of the highest esteem, represented to me that the only remedy that could be applied in the case of such maladies was to make a sacrifice to God of something of great value in order to obtain from Him the restoration of the patient’s health. Thereupon, having reflected that nothing in the world was dearer to me than Humāyūn except my own life, I determined to offer myself in the hope that God would accept my sacrifice. Khwāja Khalīfah and other close friends of mine said to me, ‘Humāyūn will recover his health, so how can you speak so unwisely? It will suffice if you offer to God the most precious thing you possess of worldly goods. Offer as alms that diamond which came into your possession after Ibrahīm’s defeat, and which you presented to Humāyūn.’ ‘But’, I replied, ‘there is no treasure which can be compared to my son. It would be better for me to offer myself as his ransom, for he is in a very critical condition, and the situation demands that I should come to the aid of his weakness at the expense of my own strength.’ I immediately entered the room where he was and went thrice round him, starting from his head, and saying: ‘I take upon myself all that you suffer.’ At the same instant I felt myself heavy and depressed, while he became cheery and well. He got up in complete health, while I became weak and afflicted with malaise. I summoned to my bedside the grandees of the Empire and the most influential nobles, and placing their hands in that of Humāyūn as a mark of investiture, I solemnly proclaimed him as my successor and the heir to my crown, and placed him on the throne; Khwāja Khalīfah, Kambar Ali Beg, Tardi Beg, Hindu Beg, and others of my dependants took part in these deliberations. All of them agreed to what had been done, and bound themselves by an oath to support him.

APPENDIX E
BIOGRAPHIES OF ERSKINE AND LEYDEN

WILLIAM ERSKINE (1773-1852), the distinguished Orientalist, was born in Edinburgh on November 8, 1773. His father, David Erskine, was a Writer to the Signet, and his grandfather, John Erskine (1605-1768), a well-known writer on Scottish law. He was educated at the Royal School and the Edinburgh University, where he was apparently a fellow student of John Leyden, whom he met again in Calcutta. He was also associated at the time with Thomas Brown, the metaphysician, and the poet Thomas Campbell. He was apprenticed for seven years (1792-9) to James Dundas, Writer to the Signet, but, the work proving uncongenial, he left Edinburgh in 1799 to become factor to Mr. Hay of Duns. There he remained till 1803, but as the salary was small, and his prospects poor, he threw up his appointment, and returned to Edinburgh with the intention of studying medicine. A fortnight later Sir James Mackintosh, who had accepted the Recordership of Bombay, invited him to accompany him to India, promising him the first appointment in his gift. Mackintosh was attracted to him by his taste for philosophical studies, and, in a letter to Dr. Parr written in 1807, he speaks of him as ‘one of the most amiable, ingenious, and accurately informed men in the world’. Erskine sailed from Ryde with Mackintosh in February 1804, reaching Bombay in May of the same year. There he attended a meeting convened by Mackintosh for the purpose of founding the Literary Society of Bombay, of which Erskine was the first secretary. Soon after his arrival he was appointed Clerk to the Small Cause Court, and later served for many years as one of the stipendiary magistrates of Bombay. Erskine must have begun his Persian studies early, for he states that he had translated a small portion of Bābur’s Memoirs before 1810-11. In 1820 he was appointed Master in Equity in the Recorder’s Court, Bombay. Here he enjoyed the friendship and confidence of Mountstuart Elphinstone, and was a member of the committee that drew up the Bombay Code of Regulations. He did not, however, hold the office of Master in Equity for long, as he was removed from it, and left India under a cloud in 1823. The Chief Justice, West, appears to have behaved harshly to Erskine, the honesty of whose intentions was never open to doubt, though he may have been neglectful of his duties, the result perhaps of sickness. On his return from India Erskine at first settled in Edinburgh, where in 1826 he published the translation of Bābur’s Memoirs, which had been completed and sent home ten years previously. He tells us in his preface that he had been working at this translation from the Persian version, while Leyden in Calcutta was engaged in translating the same work from the Tūrki original. Leyden, however, died in 1811 before his translation was half finished, leaving his papers to Erskine, who received the MS. in 1813. By this time Erskine had completed his translation, and had just finished the work of comparing the two versions, when he received from Elphinstone his copy of the Tūrki original. This compelled him to undertake the task of comparing his translation throughout with the Tūrki, of which he had only an imperfect knowledge. Though Leyden was associated with Erskine as joint translator of the Memoirs, and the book was published for the benefit of Leyden’s father, the chief credit of the performance belongs to Erskine. Leyden translated only down to page 318 (Vol. I), and pages 79-94 (Vol. II) of the Memoirs, and supplied practically no notes; Erskine, on the other hand, contributed a valuable preface and introduction, corrected Leyden’s version, and translated the remainder of the work. He also supplied the notes, which Lord Jeffreys described as ‘the most intelligent, learned, and least pedantic, notes we have ever seen attached to such a performance’, and filled up the gaps in Bābur’s narrative with scholarly memoranda. In 1827 Erskine went to Pau, and there he resided for two or three years. He became Provost of St. Andrews in 1836, and in 1839 he returned to Edinburgh. He again went abroad in 1845, and lived in Bonn till 1848. Most of his later years were spent in Edinburgh, and during the last of these he became blind. He died on May 28, 1852, and was buried in St. John’s Episcopal Church. Erskine married in Madras Maitland, second daughter of Sir John Mackintosh, who died in 1861, and by whom he had fourteen children. Four of his sons were in the Indian Civil Service, of whom the eldest, James (1821-93), became judge of the Bombay High Court, and the youngest, Henry (1832-93), rose to be Commissioner of Sinde. Apart from his edition of Bābur’s Memoirs his chief work was the History of India under Bābur and Humāyūn, which was edited by his son James, and published after his death in 1854, though it had been completed several years before. This work is a valuable contribution to Indian history, and is marked throughout by good sense, accuracy, and impartiality.

JOHN LEYDEN, M.D. (1775-1811), physician and poet, son of John Leyden and Isabella Scott, was born on September 8, 1775, at Denholm, Cavers, Roxburghshire. He received some elementary schooling at Kirktown, and from 1790 to 1797 was a student of the Edinburgh University, where he greatly distinguished himself as a scholar. During the vacations he studied Natural Science, Scandinavian and Modern Languages, Hebrew, Arabic, and Persian, while his professional pursuits included Theology, Philosophy, and Medicine. Among his associates were Brougham, Sydney Smith, Jeffreys, Horne, and Thomas Brown. From 1796 to 1798 he was tutor to the sons of Mr. Campbell of Edinburgh, and accompanied them to St. Andrews (1797-8), where he was licenced as a preacher. He contributed poems to the Edinburgh Literary Magazine through Anderson, the editor of British Poets, and was one of the first to welcome the Pleasures of Hope, though subsequently he and Campbell had a ridiculous quarrel, which led to amusing consequences. In 1799 he came to know Heber, who introduced him to Sir Walter Scott, whom he materially helped with the earlier volumes of Border Minstrelsy. About 1799 Leyden published ‘An Historical and Philosophical Sketch of the Discoveries and Settlement of the Europeans in Northern and Western Africa at the close of the eighteenth century’. He also contributed a poem ‘The Elf King’ to Lewis’s Tales of Wonder in 1801, and edited for Constable The Complaynte of Scotland, with an elaborate introduction and glossary. For six months in 1802 he edited the Scots Magazine, contributing both prose and verse to it. His best poetic qualities, however, are shown in his ‘Miscellaneous Lyrics’. Through the influence of Dundas he secured the appointment of Assistant Surgeon in Madras and after six months’ study at St. Andrews he took out a nominal M.D. degree. Meanwhile he zealously studied Oriental languages, and prepared for publication his Scenes of Infancy. In August 1803 he reached Madras, and at first held charge of the Madras General Hospital. He subsequently accompanied, in the capacity of surgeon and naturalist, the Commission on the Mysore Provinces, taken from Tippu Sultan, and prepared an elaborate report on the geology, crops, diseases, and languages of the districts traversed. Having contracted fever he was obliged to stay at Seringapatam, where he was befriended by Sir J. Malcolm. In 1805 we find him travelling to Malabar, Cochin, and Quilon, and thence to Penang, for the benefit of his health. At Penang he wrote a ‘Dissertation on the Languages and Literature of the Indo-Chinese Nations’. Returning to India in 1806, Leyden settled in Calcutta, and his ‘Essay on the Indo-Persian, Indo-Chinese, and Dekhan Languages’, which appeared in 1807, led to his appointment as professor of Hindustāni in the Calcutta College. He did not hold this post for long, as soon afterwards he was appointed to the Judgeship of the twenty-four Pergunnahs. In 1809 he became Commissioner of the Court of Requests, and was appointed Assay Master of the Calcutta Mint in the following year (1810). In 1811 he accompanied Lord Minto to Java as interpreter in the Malay language. He died of fever at Cornelis after a three days’ illness on August 28, 1811. In an eulogium delivered before the Literary Society of Bombay, William Erskine claimed that Leyden in eight years had done almost as much for Asia as the combined scholarship of the West had done for Europe. Scott embalmed his ‘bright and brief’ career in the Lord of the Isles (IV, 2). Lord Cockburn, after referring to his unconscious egotism, uncouth aspect, and uncompromising demeanour, declares ‘there was no walk in life in which Leyden could not have shone’. The ‘Ettrick Shepherd’ bewailed the loss of the poet’s ‘glowing measure’, and Lockhart in his Life of Scott fully recognized his extraordinary abilities and attainments as a scholar. Sir Walter Scott contributed a memoir of Leyden to the Edinburgh Annual Register in 1811. His ‘Poetical Remains’ with a memoir were edited by the Rev. James Morton in 1819, and in 1858 his ‘Poems and Ballads’ with Scott’s Memoir were published. He translated one or more of the Gospels into Pushtu, Belūchi, Maldivian, Macassar, and Bugis, and in 1821 his Malay Annals with introduction by Sir Stamford Raffles appeared (Dictionary of National Biography.)

INDEX

Ababeker Dughlet Kāshghari, i. 18, 34, 46, 64; invades Ferghāna, 29.

Ababeker Mirza, i. 19, 50, 289.

Abāni, i. 254.

Āb-burden, i. 162-3.

Abdal Ali Terkhān, i. 37, 38.

Abdal-azīz Mīr Akhūr, ii. 125, 152-3, 171, 178, 255, 365, 386; at Pānipat, 184, 186; defeated, 277; at Kānwā, 299, 301, 307; disobedience, 417-18.

Abdal-azīz Mirza, i. 16, 17.

Abdal Bāki Mirza, i. 309; ii. 50.

Abdal Ghafūr, i. 314.

Abdal Kadūs, i. 33, 41, 114.

Abdal Kadūs Sayyidī, i. 188-9.

Abdal Kerīm Ashrat, i. 39.

Abdal Khālik Beg, i. 302.

Abdallah Bekāwal, Sheikh, ii. 42.

Abdallah Birlās, Sheikh, i. 50, 61; his daughter marries Sultan Masaūd, 65, 96.

Abdallah Khan, ii. 69.

Abdallah Kitābdār, ii. 51, 85, 117, 181, 187-8, 255, 313, 374, 405, 417; at Pānipat, 185; at Kānwā, 297, 301.

Abdallah Marwārīd, Khwājeh, i. 307, 322.

Abdallah Masnevigoi, i. 319.

Abdallah Mirza, i. 88.

Abdallah Safshiken, ii. 63.

Abdallah, Sheikh, i. 29, 94.

Abdallatīf Sultan, i. ci, 15, 87.

Abdal Makāram, i. 139, 171.

Abdal Malūk Khosti, ii. 80, 96, 136.

Abdal Malūk Korchi, ii. 155, 308, 314, 369.

Abdal Minān, i. 161.

Abdal-Rahīm, i. xxxi-ii.

Abdal-Rahīm Shaghāwal, ii. 95, 310.

Abdal-Rahmān Afghans, ii. 122.

Abdal Razāk Mirza, i. 200, 211, 259; ii. 7, 45, 49, 52-3, 55, 59; treachery, ii. 61, 62-3; death, 64.

Abdal Shakūr, i. 207; ii. 298.

Abdal Wahāb, i. 22, 53, 128; ii. 42.

Ābdareh, i. 223, 271; ii 36.

Ābdareh Pass, ii. 69 n.

Abderrahīm, ii. 271.

Abīd Sultan, ii. 44.

Ab-istādeh, i. 239, 267.

Ab-kend, ii. 173.

Āb-khan, i. 114, 117.

Abul-barka (Ferāki), Khwājeh, i. 145.

Abul Fateh Turkomān, i. 309; ii. 267.

Abul-Fazel, Narrative of, i. 197.

Abul Hāshem Sultan Ali, ii. 133.

Abul Hassan Korchi, Bāba, ii. 49, 123.

Abul Hassan Mirza, i. 70, 143, 291; ii. 42-5.

Abul Kāsim Kohbur, i. 68, 136, 137, 140; at Sir-e-pul, 148, 150.

Abul Makāram, Khwājeh, i. 62, 66, 94, 197; with Bābur, 103, 151, 168; death, 198.

Abul Mansūr Materīdi, i. 77.

Abul Muhammed Nezehbāz, ii. 186, 315, 320, 328.

Abul Muhsin Mirza, i. 57; ii. 5-7, 9.

Abul Wajd, ii. 157, 349.

Abū Muslim Gokultāsh, ii. 120-1.

Abūsaīd Mirza, Sultan, i. c-cvi, 10; ii. 10; descent, i. 10; and Yunis Khan, 17, 18, 19; wives and children, i. 19-20, 43, 46, 291, 293; ii. 1??; and Mahmūd Mirza, i. 45; seizes Samarkand, 88.

Abūsaīd Sultan, ii. 74, 349, 363, 368.

Abū Yūsef Arghūn, i. 133.

Abyār, i. 67.

Adampūr, ii. 377, 383, 414.

Ādil Sultan, i. 293; ii. 168, 181, 255, 365; at Pānipat, 184-5, 188; at Kānwā, 299, 301.

Adīnapūr, i. 226, 238, 252; ii. 57

Adūseh, ii. 371.

Adwa, Valley of, ii. 339.

Afghanistan, i. xcvi-vii, 217, 245.

Afghans, i. 224, 238, 243, 266 n.; defeated, 256, 270; ii. 56; tribes of, 258, 279; ii. 56, 88, 122, 132.

Afrīdis, ii. 132-3.

Afzal Khāb-bīn, Syed, i. 285; ii. 1, 3.

Agra, ii. 150, 154, 188, 207, 243, 257, 357; Bābur at, 191-2, 245 n., 246, 313; revenue, 245 n.

Ahengerān, i. 161, 162, 171.

Āhī, i. 320.

Āhili, i. 321.

Ahmed Beg, i. 95, 120, 121, 128, 130, 155.

Ahmed Elchi Būgheh, ii. 49.

Ahmed Hāji Beg, i. 35, 50, 62, 64, 299.

Ahmedi Perwānchi, ii. 90, 169, 171, 181, 267; at Pānipat, 186-7; discontent, 248.

Ahmedi Yasāwel, ii. 27.

Ahmed Karāwel, i. 117.

Ahmed Kāsim, i. 140, 161, 203, 214, 271, 273.

Ahmed Kāsim Kohbur, i. 167, 182, 211; ii. 114; in Kābul, 26, 31, 34.

Ahmed Kazi, Sultan, 27.

Ahmed Khan, i. 15, 135, 168, 286-7; birth, 20; visits Mahmūd Khan and meets Bābur, 169; character, 171; death, 197, 274.

Ahmed Mirza, Sultan, i. cvi, cviii, 10, 14, 18, 22, 24, 205, 286, 302; birth, 31; wars against Omer-Sheikh, 10, 13, 26, 27, 33; defeated by the Moghuls, 14; makes peace with Bābur, 29; and Nāsir Mirza, 29; death, 30; account of, 31; battles, 32; wives and children, 33, 143; and Samarkand, i. 82, 88.

Ahmed Mirza Dughlet, i. 172.

Ahmed Shah, ii. 323, 327.

Ahmed Tambol, at Asfera, i. 52; wounded, 67; rewarded, 88; deserts, 89; rebels, 90; war with Bābur, 105, 111; defeated, 117; Mahmūd Khan aids, 120; peace with Bābur, 124; seizes Kamber Ali, 130; Ali Dost goes to, 132; war with Mahmūd, 155, 164, 171; Bābur sends to, 160; conspiracy against, 164; fight with Bābur, 177; ii. 114; calls in Sheibāni Khan, i. 183, 197; taken, 273; ii. 318

Ahmed Terkhān, i. 140, 146; ii. 52.

Ahmed Yūsef, i. 102, 282; ii. 26, 29, 81, 278, 298, 301, 365.

Aibek, i. 204; ii. 273.

Aikeri-yār, i. 212.

Aimāks, i. 106, 206, 224, 243, 253, 284; ii. 1, 3, 121.

Airzīn, Dispersal of, 17.

Aīsh, i. 111, 175.

Āisha Sultan Begum, i. 34, 125, 143; ii. 426

Ai-tughdi, i. 283.

Ajer, i. 204, 206, 271.

Akār-tūzi, i 33.

Āk Begum, i. 34, 41, 46, 291, 294, 297; ii. 345.

Akerbādehpūr, ii. 162.

Akhsi, i. 7, 94, 121, 181; ii. 114; death of Omer-Sheikh at, i. 10; besieged, 29; given to Uzūn Hassan, 30; Hassan Yākūb attempts, 42; Bābur visits, 54, 108, 121, 182; disputes over, 89; surrendered, 106, 108; Jehāngīr to have, 124; Tambol at, 171, 184; promised to Bābur, 179; battle at, 185.

Ak-kūtal, i. 116.

Alā ed dīn (Ālim), ii. 152-4; defeated, 164; joins Bābur, 168, 175; at Kānwā, 297.

Alā ed dīn Jehānsōz Ghūri, i. 240.

Alah-sāi, i. 242.

Al amān, ii. 349.

Ala-tāgh, i. lxviii, 278.

Alā ud dīn Sawādi, ii. 84, 87, 88.

Aleh Kūrghān, ii. 41-2.

Alexander (Sikander), i. 19, 76; ii. 295.

Alghātū, ii. 146.

Ali Bai, Khwājeh, i. 134, 148.

Ali Chihreh, i. 266; ii. 49, 60.

Ali Derwīsh, i. 26, 29, 94, 111, 124.

Ali Dost, i. 111, 124; tyranny of, 125; intrigues, 130; death, 132.

Ali Dost Taghāi, Mīr, i. 25; Marghinān given to, 30; aids Bābur, 42; at Andejān, 91, 92; loyalty, 95, 103; in battle, 111, 117.

Ali Hamadāni, i. 231.

Ali Jalāir, i. 307.

Ali Jān, Mulla, ii. 122, 144, 157.

Ali Khan, ii. 97, 169-71.

Ali Kitteh, ii. 365.

Ali Masjid, ii. 112, 132, 159.

Ali Mazīd Beg Kuchīn, i. 23, 94.

Ali Meshadi, Sultan, i. 321.

Ali, Mīr, i. 141, 308; ii. 97.

Ali Mirza, Sultan, i. 25, 34, 36, 38, 47, 100, 102; parentage, 46, 115; flies from Bābur, 55; proclaimed king of Samarkand, 61, 88; defeated, 63; allied with Bābur, 64, 66; defeats Baiesanghar, 116; rupture with the Terkhāns, 127; defeats Khan Mirza, 129; yields Samarkand, 133; death, 134.

Ali Mirza, Sultan, Kāmrān’s uncle, ii. 129.

Ālim Khan, see Alā-ed-dīn.

Ālim Khan (son of Jalal), ii. 272, 275, 287, 321.

Ālim Khan Fermūli, ii. 250-1, 315, 408.

Ālim Khan Tehengeri, ii. 264-5.

Alingār, i. 229, 269; ii. 146.

Alisheng, i. 229, 269; ii. 57, 146.

Ali Sher Beg, Nawāi, i. xxvi n., 36, 70, 144, 299, 311, 317-18; ii. 141.

Ali, Syed, i. 107; ii. 49.

Ali Taghāi, Sheikh, i. 71, 324.

Almāligh, i. 1.

Almār, ii. 4.

Almātu, i. 1.

Alūn, ii. 127.

Alwar, ii. 308-10.

Amāni, i. 93.

Amberkoh, i. 60.

Amerhār, ii. 415.

Amu, i. lxiii, 203, 206 n., 209; ii. 66-7, 69, 70.

Andejān, ii. 118; position, i. 2, 3, 5; given to Omer-Sheikh, 11; sacked, 17; Bābur at, 26; given to Hassan Yākūb, 30; disputes over, 89; besieged and surrendered, 91, 92; declares for Bābur, 107; ii. 32; Tambol attempts, 113; Bābur at, 119, 120; given to Bābur, 124; Bābur attempts, 173; besieged, 182; Sheibāni takes, 207.

Andekhūd, i. 205, 289, 308; ii. 39.

Anderāb, i. 208, 213, 223, 243; ii. 122.

Anderābeh, ii. 107.

Animals, i. 281; of Ferghāna, 6; of Hindustān, i. 244; ii. 209; of Kābul, 246; Bajour, ii. 84; aquatic, 223.

Anwār, ii. 320.

Apāk, Mulla, ii. 250, 252, 266, 277, 322, 327, 409.

Arabs, i. 224.

Arāish Khan, ii. 175, 298, 323, 391, 402.

Aras, River, i. 13.

Aravallis, ii. 204.

Armiān, i. 119.

Arrah (Ari), ii. 392.

Artillery, i. 58 n., 114 n.; ii. 81 n., 187 n., 329 n., 401 n.

Asad Khwājehgi, ii. 271, 298, 301, 316.

Āsafi, i. 316.

Asfera, position, i. 5; besieged by Bābur, 52; given to Kamber Ali, 120; Bābur in, 199.

Asfera Mts., i. lxx.

Āshik Bekāwel, ii. 322, 365.

Āshik Muhammed Arghūn, ii. 42.

Ashparis, i. 105.

Askeri Mirza, ii. 246, 333; sent to Pūrab, 355-6, 361, 378; at the Sāru, 396, 398, 401, 404, 428.

Aspera, i. 130.

Asterāb, i. 284.

Asterābād, i. 45, 99, 290, 292, 301, 305; ii. 233; given to Muzaffer Hussain, i. 61, 69; battles at, 288, 290.

Astrakhān, i. 287.

Astronomical Tables, i. 81.

Atā-ullah Mīr, i. 315.

Ater, i. 231; ii. 58, 143.

Atku and tikeh, ii. 52.

Atrūli, ii. 319.

Aughans, see Afghans.

Auleng-Nīshīn, i. 290.

Ayūb Begchik, i. 95, 146, 166, 172, 174, 180, 205, 269, 284; ii. 49, 71 n., 74.

Azarbāijān, i. 1, cv, 47, 309; ii. 65, 243.

Bāba Chihreh, ii. 60, 188, 260, 321, 332.

Bāba Hassan Abdāl, ii. 47, 50.

Bāba Hussain, i 87.

Bāba Kāra, ii. 83 n.

Bāba Kashkeh, ii. 152, 252-3, 315; at Pānipat, 186; at Kānwā, 299, 300.

Bāba Khāki, ii. 39.

Bāba Khan, i. 33, 169, 198.

Bāba Kūli Beg, i. 24, 73; ii. 254.

Bāba Jān, ii. 101, 103, 129.

Bāba Lūli, ii. 27.

Bāba Mulla, i. 279; ii. 61.

Bāba Peshāgheri, i. 150, 202, 279; ii. 26, 58, 61, 273.

Bāba Seirāmi, i. 190-5.

Bāba Sheikh, ii. 49, 115, 273-4.

Bāba Sherzād, i. 173, 186; ii. 28.

Bāba Sultan, ii. 32, 321, 329, 402.

Bāba Wali, ii. 47 n.

Bāba Yasāwel, ii. 81, 111.

Bābur Mirza, i. c-ciii, 23, 294 n., 298, 302, 307; ii. 10-11.

Bābur, Zehīr-ed-din Mūhammed, descent, i. lix, 16 n.; accession, cxi, 1, 26; parentage, 14; makes peace with Ahmed Mirza, 29; marries Āisha Sultan, 34, 125; and Maasmūeh Sultan, 34; ii. 16; defeats Hassan Yākūb, 42; abstains from forbidden meats, 43; marries Zeineb Sultan, 47; takes Asfera, 52; takes Khojend, 53; attempts Uratippa, 55; Begs join, 57; attempts Samarkand, 64, 66; conquest and loss of, 76-88, 92, 93; deserted by his Begs, 89; illness, 91; abandoned, 94; again attempts Samarkand, 95; joins Mahmūd Khan, 95; takes Nasūkh, 96; in distress, 101; recovers Marghinān, 104; war with Tambol, 105, 117, 171; first battle, 118; peace with Tambol, 124; invited to Samarkand, 129; retakes Samarkand, 139; defeated by Sheibāni Khan, 149; yields Samarkand, 157; joins Mahmūd, 164; meets Ahmed Khan, 169; takes towns, 172; attempts Andejān, 173; fight with Tambol, 177; flight from Akhsi, 188; plight, 199; ii. 433; leaves Ferghāna, i. 202; Khosrou submits to, 208; takes Kābul, 216, 251, 303; invents new writing, 252, 315; plunders Kohat, 254; Dasht, 260; Kalāt, 277; defeats the Hazāras, 280; lumbago, 283; Sultan Hussain summons, 285; meets Badīa-ez-zemān, ii. 6; visits Heri, 10, 14; and wine, 11-13; return to Kābul, 17; crushes rebellion there, 26-34; and Mukīm, 44, 46; takes Kandahar, 52; sets out for Hind, 55; assumes style of Pādshāh, 59; Moghul revolt, ii. 60, 62-4; attacks Hissār, 69, 72; Bokhāra, 72; Samarkand, 72; defeated, 73, 74; in distress, 76; return to Kābul, 77; takes Bajour, 82; Afghan story of, 86 n.; crosses the Sind, 92; embassy to Ibrahīm, ii. 98; life at Kābul, 115; illness, 118; tour of Lamghān, 141-6; and music, 143; invasion of India, 148, 155; marches against Ibrahīm, 174; defeats him at Pānipat, 185; enters Agra, 192; discontent in the army, 248; forts taken, 265-7; attempt to kill, 268; marches against Rāna Sanka, 275, 287; renounces wine, 280, 374; losses, 287; victory, 289-307, 436; Ghāzi, 307; reduces Mewāt, 309; movements, 310-345; increases the taxes, 345; directions to Humāiūn, 351-5; grand feast, 358-9; takes the field, 367; Memoirs, 380; swimming, 382, 388; war with Bengalis, 396-404; self-sacrifice, 423, 440-42; death and burial, i. 217 n.; ii. 426; wives and family, 426-8; character, 428.

buildings: at Barakoh, 3; Agra, ii. 257, 335; at Dhūlpūr and Sīkri, 344, 362; at Kābul, 373.

children, i. 24, 143; ii. 59, 86, 100, 262, 435.

drinking parties described, incidents and guests at, ii. 101, 103, 104, 117, 119, 127, 131, 136, 138, 139, 141, 143-4, 161, 273.

poems, see Poems.

Bāburi, i. 126.

Bāburi character, i. 252, 315.

Bachghān, i. 283.

Badakhshān, i. lxiv, 1, 19, 46, 201, 206, 212, 227, 270; ii. 2, 55, 62, 64, 69, 133; given to Humāiūn, 149; Saīd Khan attacks, 421-2, 441.

Badakhshānāt, i. 243.

Bādām-chashmeh, i. 226, 252; ii. 130, 155.

Badeh-sir, ii. 132.

Badghīs, i. 304; ii. 4-5, 17.

Badīa-ez-zemān Mirza, Muhammed, 293, 302-3, 309; ii. 100 n.; sent against Khosrou, i. 56, 59, 60; Balkh given to, 61, 69; and Sultan Hussain, 69-73, 205, 289, 290; flees to Khosrou Shah, 72; to Zulnūn Arghūn, 72, 99; neglects Bābur, 146; name, 219; at Khorasān, 271; succession, 324; war with Sheibāni, ii. 4, 39; Bābur joins, 6-8; character, 8; parties, 8, 13; flight, 41, 65.

Badij, i. 228; ii. 59, 142.

Bāgh-e-wafā, ii. 135, 156.

Baghlān, ii. 121.

Bāhāghāi, i. 243 n.

Bahār, ii. 135.

Bahia, ii. 389.

Bahlol, i. 269, 284.

Bahlūlpūr, ii. 163.

Bahmani dynasty, ii. 197.

Bahraich, ii. 245 n.

Baiesanghar Mirza, i. 36, 290; parentage, 46; governor, 49; king of Samarkand, 51, 57, 61, 88; escapes, 62; defeated by Sultan Ali, 64; attacked by Bābur, &c., 64; desertions from, 66, 67; with Khosrou, 75, 96, 100; murdered, 115, 210; account of, 115.

Bairām Khan, ii. 73, 74.

Bajour, i. 225, 231, 244; ii. 90, 118, 144-5, 213-18, 232-3; attacked, 79; taken, 82, 115, 192.

Bāki, brother of Khosrou Shah, i. 72.

Bakiālān, ii. 161.

Bāki Cheghāniāni, i. 47; with Sultan Masaūd, 56, 57; perfidy of, 99, 266; with Bābur, 203, 206, 207, 213, 216, 259, 275, 277, ii. 97; and Jehāngīr, i. 204; and Kamber Ali, 207; followers plundered, 214; at Kohat, 254-5; discontented, 278; death, 280.

Bāki Shaghāwel, ii. 174, 274, 332-3, 414-15.

Bāki Tashkendi, ii. 331, 409, 414.

Bāki Terkhān, i. 37, 38, 131, 143, 147.

Baksereh (Buxar), ii. 388.

Bālināt-jogi, ii. 161.

Balkh, i. lxv, 61, 69, 71, 205, 235, 286, 290, 293, 304; ii. 73, 155, 174, 273, 349, 350; Khosrou besieges, i. 97; Uzbeks besiege, ii. 2, 8, 165.

Balkh-āb, ii. 3.

Balūches, ii. 98, 151, 365, 406.

Balweh, ii. 385.

Bām, ii. 4.

Bāmiān, i. 203, 223, 284; ii. 1, 23.

Banāi, Moulāna, i. 65, 317, 323; ii. 42, 74, 374-5.

Banās, ii. 204.

Bandeh Alī, i. 106, 148, 188.

Bandīr, ii. 228, 321.

Bands of Khorasān and Samarkand, 26, 49.

Bangash, i. 24, 223, 224, 227, 242, 252, 255, 257, 282; ii. 125.

Bangermou, ii. 331.

Bānī, i. 171.

Bannu, i. 217, 239, 255, 257.

Banūr, ii. 177.

Barakoh, i. 3.

Bārān, i. 211, 228, 229, 230, 234, 247, 249 n., 270, 283; Bābur visits, ii. 34, 126, 142.

Bāreh, i. 254.

Bāri, ii. 205, 230, 317.

Bārīk-āb, ii. 130, 136, 155.

Barkalān, ii. 112.

Barkistān, i. 241 n.

Basāwer, ii. 276.

Bast, i. 290.

Bayazīd (Bajazet), ii. 68.

Bayezīd, Sheikh, Tambol’s brother, i. 181, 182; ii. 318; invites Bābur, 182; seized, 184; released, 186.

Bayezīd, Sheikh, Mustafa Fermūli’s brother, with Bābur, ii. 251, 255, 271; hostility, 318, 320, 328, 332, 378, 405, 411, 415.

Bāzār, i. 258.

Bazārak, i. 222.

Bāzāriān, ii. 139.

Bedrau, i. 228, 243; ii. 142.

Begchiks, i. 166.

Behāder Khan, ii. 261.

Behār, ii. 244, 245 n., 388, 390; loss of, ii. 366, 383; retaken, 389, 392.

Behār Khan Lodi, ii. 151, 247.

Behāt, ii. 96, 162, 203.

Behlūl Ayūb, i. 60, 205, 212.

Behreh, i. 252; ii. 90, 92, 94, 95, 108, 148, 193, 211, 244; history of, 96; given to Hindū Beg, 102; abandoned, 117.

Behzād, i. 321; ii. 43.

Behzādi, ii. 138.

Bekrām, i. 254; ii. 111, 158-69.

Bektūt, i. 275.

Belūt-tāgh, i. lxvii.

Benāres, ii. 224, 379, 381.

Bendsālār, i. 121.

Bengal, ii. 204, 225, 235 n.; customs, 197-9; Bābur’s relations with, 356, 364, 367, 388, 392-4, 410; war with, 396-406.

Berekis, i. 224.

Besūd, ii. 87.

Betwa, ii. 204.

Bhīlsa, ii. 200, 327.

Bhīra, ii. 94 n., 148.

Bhujpūr, ii. 389.

Bī, i. 134 n.

Biāna, ii. 205, 207, 243, 272, 275, 311; revenue, 245 n.; holds out, 247, 253-5; stone of, 258; taken, 264-5; Bābur reaches, 308, 313.

Biankuli, i. 167.

Biān Sheikh, ii. 348-9, 351, 355.

Biās, ii. 203.

Biāwān, ii. 267.

Bīban, ii. 167, 176, 178, 252-3, 315, 328, 378, 405, 411, 415.

Bībi Māh-rūī, ii. 27.

Bījnager, ii. 199.

Bikamchand, Raja, ii. 245 n.

Bikamdeo, Raja, ii. 245 n.

Bikermajīt, Raja, i. 81; ii. 191, 245 n., 341, 345.

Bikhrātā, i. 121.

Bikhūb Sultan, ii. 332, 378, 412.

Bīlah, i. 263.

Bilker, ii. 141.

Bīmragīri, ii. 162.

Bīraīn, ii. 57.

Birds, of Ferghāna, i. 2, 6; of Karshi, 86; of Kābul, 233, 247, ii. 217; method of catching, i. 242, 247; of Hindustān 244; ii. 116, 214.

Bishkent, i. 155, 161, 164.

Bishkhārān, i. 124, 181.

Bistām, i. 290.

Bokhāra, i. lxxiii, 33, 37, 38, 227, ii. 69; battles at, i. 36, 38, 116; given to Baiesanghar Mirza, 51, 116; attempt on, 66; description of, 84; the Terkhāns in, 128; Sheibāni takes, 131, 133, 199; Bābur takes, ii. 72.

Bost, i. 98.

Budāun, ii. 314.

Bujkeh, ii. 168, 188, 260, 272, 274.

Būlan, i. 228; ii. 142.

Burāk, i. 166.

Būrek, i. 261.

Burhān-ed-dīn Ali, i. 5, 27, 77.

Burhānpūr, ii. 322.

Busāwer, ii. 313.

But-khāk, ii. 130.

būzeh (beer), ii. 144, 163 n.

Caravan routes, i. lxvii-viii.

Central Provinces, revenue, ii. 245 n.

Chaghatāi Khan, i. lviii, 9, 15.

Chaghatāi, the, ii. 34, 55; ii. 60.

Chakhcherān, i. 303; ii. 18.

Chālāk, i. 214; ii. 60.

Chambal, ii. 204, 230, 320.

Chanderi, ii. 205, 320; taken, 200, 325; account of, 322-3, 326; given to Ahmed Shah, 327.

Chandūl, ii. 79, 83, 84.

Chāndwār, ii. 207, 256, 287, 313-14, 369.

Chārshembeh, i. 73.

Chāryak, ii. 3.

Chashmeh-e-tīreh, ii. 122, 125.

Chāstūbeh, ii. 34.

Chātū, i. 252.

Cheghāniān, i. 45, 96, 135, 199, 203.

Cheghānserāi, i. 230-1, 232, 251.

Chekmān, i. 45, 289.

Chenāb, ii. 94, 96, 102, 163, 203.

Chichiktū, ii. 4, 8.

Chihil-dukhterān, i. 112; ii. 5, 10.

Chīn, i. 220.

China, see Khitā.

Chīneh Kurghāneh, ii. 127.

Chingiz Khan, i. l-liv, lix, 9, 16, 20, 165; institutes of, i. xciii, ii. 7.

Chiniot, ii. 94, 96.

Chīn Sūfi, i. 273.

Chīn Taimūr Sultan, ii. 32, 181, 252, 321, 331-2, 366, 405; at Pānipat, 185; defeats Afghans, 267; at Kānwā, 296, 300, 310; sent against Balūches, 365.

Chipāran (Champāran), ii. 245 n.

Chirās, i. 166.

Chirkh, i. 237, 313.

Chiter, ii. 177.

Chitūr, ii. 200, 205, 327, 341.

Chotiāli, i. 265.

Choughān, i. 23.

Choupāreh (Chapra), i. 224, 258, 259; ii. 408, 410.

Chunār, ii. 379, 381, 384, 411.

Chūseh, ii. 386-7.

Climate, difference in, i. 253.

Coel, i. 187.

Dābān, i. 171.

Dabūl, i. 147.

Dabūsi, i. 38, 131, 146.

Dalmau, ii. 411, 413, 414.

Dāmeneh, ii. 142.

Dāmenkoh, i. 303.

Damghān, i. 290, 293.

Dandān-shiken, ii. 1.

Dareh, ii. 213.

Dareh-e-Zang, i. 206.

Dareh-Kuner, i. 251.

Dareh-Nūr, i. 229, 231, 232, 251, 269.

Darehpūr, ii. 376.

Darūta, ii. 142.

Darwāzeh, ii. 89.

Daryā Khan, i. 252; ii. 97, 167, 247.

Dasht, i. 245, 252, 258; raid on, 258, 260.

Dastār-pech, i. 105.

Debālpūr, ii. 151-3, 174, 206, 244, 258, 307.

Dehāneh, i. 210, 213, 272; ii. 3.

Deh-ghulāmān, ii. 134.

Dehkat, i. 159, 162-3.

Deh-Tajikān, ii. 142.

Deh-Yākūb, i. 217, 268; ii. 129, 155.

Dekhan, ii. 197.

Delhi, ii. 150, 154, 188, 246; besieged, 166; revenue, 244.

Derbend-e-āheni, i. 209.

Derghām, River, i. 77, 131.

Dermenket, ii. 266.

Deveren, i. 217, 221; ii. 139.

Dhūlpūr, ii. 205, 243, 247, 254-6, 267, 335, 343, 362.

Dibri, i. 228.

Dilāwer Khan, ii. 151-4, 165, 173, 365; joins Bābur, 167, 172, 178; at Kānwā, 298.

Dilāzāks, i. 255, 279; ii. 88, 108, 112, 129.

Dilbars Sultan, i. 294; ii. 115.

Dilmāu, ii. 260.

Dīnkōt, i. 224, 258; ii. 93.

Dispersal of Airzīn, i. 17.

Diwāneh, i. 74.

Dizak, i. 157.

Doāb, ii. 167, 181, 250, 265, 308.

Dost Ishek-Agha, ii. 190, 265, 297, 301, 311, 313, 403-4.

Dost Khāwend, Khwājeh, ii. 58, 272, 346; at Kānwā, 297.

Dost Muhammed, ii. 331.

Dost Nāsir, i. 138, 173, 177, 178, ii. 52, 79, 81, 100, 106-7; at Akhsi, i. 186, 188-9, ii. 114; at Kābul, 28; death, 113; account of, 113-15.

Dost Sirpuli Piādeh, ii. 29, 38.

Doulet Kadam, ii. 1, 145, 250.

Doulet Khan Yūsef-Khail, ii. 96-7; Lahore given to, 98; and Bābur, 99; invites Bābur, 151; breaks with, 152-4, 162, 165; submits, 169; death, 172.

Doulet Serāi, i. 97.

Doulet Sultan Khanum, i. 158, 169; ii. 129.

Dour, ii. 149.

Dress of honour, ii. 128.

Drinking parties, see Bābur.

Dūghābeh, i. 235.

Dūki, i. 239, 245, 261, 265.

Dūn, ii. 167-8, 173, 175.

Durīn, see Deveren.

Durnāmeh, ii. 141.

Dūshi, i. 208, 210.

Dūverīn, see Deveren.

Etāwa, ii. 247, 254-6, 268, 311, 314, 370, 419.

Farket, i. 159.

Farrukh Arghūn, i. 277.

Fārs, i. ci, cii; ii. 243.

Farūk, birth, ii. 262.

Fateh Khan Sarwāni, ii. 260, 263, 378.

Fatehpūr, ii. 410.

Felūl, i. 207.

Feraghīneh, i. 178.

Ferghāna, i. lxxviii, 199, 244, 320; description of, i. 1; revenues, 9; given to Omer-Sheikh, 11, 14, 21; plundered by Isān-bugha Khan, 17; promised to Ahmed Khan, 179; Bābur leaves, 202; recovers, ii. 71 n.

Ferishta, i. 197-8.

Fermūl, i. 217, 223, 224, 241, 255, 261.

Finākat, see Shahrokhīa.

Firozpūr, ii. 311.

Firoz Shah, ii. 196-7.

Fish, method of catching, i. 249, ii. 412; of Hindustān, 224.

Flowers, of Ferghāna, i. 3; of Ghurbend, i. 234; of Bārān, ii. 35; of Hindustān, 236, 395.

Frogs, ii. 224.

Fruit, of Ferghāna, i. 2, 7; of Bokhāra, 85; of Nasūkh, 96; of Kābul, 220; of Ghazni, 238; of Fermūl, 241; of Alah-sāi, 243; of Hindustān, ii. 225, 416.

Fūlūl, i. 60.

Gadāi Taghāi, ii. 85, 101, 119, 123.

Gagiānis, i. 253, 254-5.

Gakkers (Ghakkars), ii. 102, 151, 161.

Gandak, ii. 203, 391.

Gandamak, ii. 112, 136, 156.

Ganges, ii. 203, 272, 328-30, 385.

Garm-chashmeh, ii. 132, 157.

Garmsīr, i. 201; ii. 150.

Garzewān, i. 70, 206, 245.

Gaura, ii. 245 n.

Gawār, i. 229.

Gebrek, i. 225.

Gerdez, i. 241, 252; ii. 122-3, 125, 249.

Ghagar, Ghagra River, see Gogra.

Ghajdewān, i. 309; ii. 74.

Gharjestān, i. 245; ii. 18.

Ghava, i. 192.

Ghazel, i. 144, 166.

Ghāzi Khan, ii. 97, 151-4, 160 n., 165; his army, 162; flight, 168-9, 171-4.

Ghāzipūr, ii. 224, 251, 410.

Ghaznevi dynasty, i. 238 n.

Ghazni (Ghaznah), i. 110 n., 216, 217 n., 224, 267; ii. 58, 62, 113; description of, i. 238; given to Jehāngīr, 251, 268; ii. 1; to Sīdīm Ali, 17; to Nāsir, 59, 78; to Khwājeh Kalān, 249.

Ghiāsdāl, ii. 110.

Ghīaseddīn Korchi, ii. 356, 363-4.

Ghiljis, ii. 36.

Ghūlām Shādi, i. 323; ii. 12.

Ghūr, i. 216, 234, 245, 303.

Ghūrbend, i. 211, 223, 234; ii. 1, 26.

Ghūri, i. 210; ii. 3, 273.

Ghūri Birlās, i. 133; ii. 49, 51.

Gidger, ii. 145.

Gingūteh, ii. 167.

Gogra, ii. 203, 211, 224, 393-4.

Gokultāsh, i. 44 n.

Gorakhpūr, ii. 378 n.

Gujers, i. 279; ii. 102, 163.

Gujerāt, ii. 196, 225, 261.

Gūk-serāi, i. 40, 62, 63.

Gulbehār, i. 249; ii. 34, 127.

Gulkīnah, see Kulkīneh.

Gumal, i. 261.

Gumbazek, ii. 1.

Gūmti, ii. 203, 332, 385.

Gundega, ii. 245 n.

Gūren, Sheikh, ii. 318, 416, 420; joins Bābur, 250; sent on expeditions, 252-3, 266, 308, 322, 402; at Kānwā, 298.

Gurh-Katri, i. 254; ii. 111.

Gurzewān, ii. 4.

Guzer, ii. 46.

Gwāliār, ii. 191, 205, 243, 275; revenue, 245 n.; holds out, 247, 254, 266; blockaded, 287, 429; Bābur visits, 336, 341-2; revolt at, 418, 420.

Habībeh Sultan Begum, i. 34, 35; ii. 16, 45.

Ha-dervīsh, desert of, i. 6.

Hāfiz Beg Duldāi, i. 14, 74, 128, 157; family, 22.

Haider Alemdār, ii. 98, 242.

Haider Gokultāsh, i. 33, 106 n.; at Kānbāi, 51, 116.

Haider Kāsim, i. 148, 150.

Haider Kuli, i. 107; ii. 180.

Haider Mirza, i. 19, 46, 60, 293.

Hāji Khan, ii. 165, 167.

Hājipūr, ii. 405.

Hāji-tarkhān, see Astrakhan.

Haldi, ii. 397.

Hambātu, ii. 95.

Hameh Mīr, ii. 273-4, 298.

Hamīd Khan, ii. 178-9, 267, 275.

Hamzah Beg, i. 188; ii, 119, 131.

Hamzeh Sultan, i. 15, 35, 292; with Sultan Masaūd, 57; joins Bābur, 57, 110; at Samarkand, 65, 138; at Sir-e-pul, 148; defeats Khosrou, 273; death, ii. 71 n.; sons, 350.

Hangu, i. 255-6.

Harru, ii. 92, 160 n.

Harūr, ii. 175.

Hashnaghar, i. 216, 225; ii. 88, 130, 133, 211, 218, 221.

Hasht-yek, i. 161.

Hassan Ali Jalāir, i. 307, 316; ii. 8.

Hassan Khan Mewāti, ii. 247, 272, 274, 293, 305, 309-10.

Hassan Nabīreh, i. 67, 74, 128; ii. 136.

Hassan Yākūb Beg, i. 23, 302; assists Bābur, 27, 29; Andejān given to, 30; treachery of, 41.

Hāti Gakker, ii. 103, 105-8, 110.

Hazāra, i. 245.

Hazāras, i. 100, 201, 212, 217, 224, 238, 279, 303.

Hazāras, Karlūki, ii. 108, 110.

Hazāras, Sultan Masaūdi, i. 243; ii. 249; foray against, 252.

Hazāras, Tūrkoman, i. 24, 280; ii. 23.

Heri (Herāt), i. 3, 21, 35, 141, 271, 286, 290-1, 304, 313, 324; ii. 66, 69, 76, 350; Bābur visits, ii. 10, 14; Sheibani takes, 42.

Hilāli, i. 321.

Himalayas, i. lx.

Hind, Hindustān, i. 216; ii. 147; roads to, i. 219, 223; exports, 219; animals, 244; ii. 84, 116; Bābur resolves to invade, i. 252; ii. 55-6, 90; water in, i. 260, ii. 313; speech, ii. 94; plants, 109, 225; invasion, 150, 155; state of, 150; Bābur defeats Ibrahīm at Pānipat, 182; past conquests, 193; account of, 195; climate, 201, 242; irrigation in, 206-8; aspect, 207; animals, 209; birds, 214; aquatic animals, 223; fruits and plants, 225; seasons, 237; division of time, 238; measures, 240; people, 241-3; defects, 241; advantages, 242; revenue, 244; titles in, 263; jugglers, 360; divisions under Akbar, 389 n.

Hindāl, ii. 246, 368-9, 371, 420 n., 428; birth, ii. 86, 100, 435; governor, 128; defends Zafer, 421-2, 441.

Hindū Beg, i. 128; ii. 85, 102, 104-5, 117, 123, 133, 178, 417, 419, 423, 443; at Pānipat, 185; with Humāiūn, 252; at Kānwā, 298, 301.

Hindū-kūsh, i. 46, 209, 217, 222, 229, 247, 298; ii. 93, 203.

Hindus, ii. 241, 387.

Hirmand, i. 235.

Hissār, i. lxx, 35, 45, 135, 163, 199, 202, 244, 251; ii. 73, 75, 349, 351; held by Mahmūd Birlās, i. 50; given to Sultan Masaūd, 51; attacked by Sultan Hussain, i. 58, 289; by Khosrou, 72, 97, 117, 206; by Sheibāni, 207, 273; ii. 184; by Bābur, ii. 69, 71-2; Bābur in, 76; Humāiūn takes, 367.

Hissār-Firozeh, ii. 178-9, 244 n., 252, 267.

Hissāris, ii. 60.

Hūli, ii. 125.

Humāiūn, i. xxxi, 24; ii. 86, 108, 113, 138, 142, 159, 172, 245, 251-2, 273, 310, 369, 371, 417, 435; birth, ii. 59; Badakhshān given to, 149; joins Bābur, 156; command, 178; defeats Hamīd Khan, 179; first use of the razor, 179; at Pānipat, 185, 188, 191; sent against the rebels, 256, 260, 271; recalled, 264, 272; at drinking parties, 273; at Kānwā, 298, 300; return to Kābul, 311-12; seizes treasure, 315; in Badakhshān, 346; son, 347, 349, 368; letter to, 351; war against Samarkand, 367; returns to India, 421-2, 440-1; illness, 423, 442; succession, 427-8, 443.

Hunting, ii. 38, 91, 142, 146, 159, 212.

Hupiān, i. 211.

Hūshiār, i. 5, 199.

Hussain Akber, i. 75, 259, 266; ii. 49.

Hussain Arghūn, i. 39, 128, 148.

Hussain Dughlet, i. 57, 164, 172.

Hussain Khan, ii. 314-15, 399, 408.

Hussain Khan Lohāni, ii. 247, 255, 287, 314.

Hussain, Khwājeh, i. 28, 128, 148, 188, 190; ii. 155, 168, 297-8, 302.

Hussain Udī, i. 301, 322.

Hussein Mirza, Sultan, i. civ-v, 36, 46, 49; ii. 278; occupies Khorasān, i. cvii; battle with Sultan Mahmūd, 45; marches against Hissār, 55; makes peace, 60; war with Badiā-ez-zemān, 69, 73; Masaūd flies to, 97; attacks Bost, 98; sons rebel, 99; capture of Heri, 141; neglects Bābur, 146, 155; dominions, 201, 290; letters, 205; Khosrou with, 271; opposes Sheibani, 284; death, 286; ii. 3; account of, i. 286-323; successors, 324.

Ibn Hussain Mirza, i. 292, 294, 320; ii. 5-6, 9, 45.

Ibrahīm Begchik (Chāpuk), i. 21, 68, 182, 184, 186-8.

Ibrahīm Hussain Mirza, i. 56, 293; defends Balkh, 98.

Ibrahīm Jāni, i. 148, 150; ii. 351.

Ibrahīm Sāru, i. 51, 66, 94, 101; sent to Akhsi, 105-6; in battle, 111, 117, 148; dismissed, 125; returns, 132; killed, 150.

Ibrahīm (Lodi), Sultan, i. 224; ii. 150, 152, 323; embassy to, 98; defeats Alā-ed-dīn, 164, 167; Bābur marches against, 174; defeat and death, 183-8; his mother, 192, 268-71; son, 271.

Ibrahīm Terkhān, i. 57, 136, 137, 140; at Sir-e-pul, 148, 149.

Īd-al-fitr, i. 67 n.

Ijtihād, i. 314.

Ilāk, i. lxxxii, 202, 210.

Ilāk-burkeh, i. 131.

Ilāmish, i. 119.

Ilānchuk, i. 212.

Ilān-ūtī, i. 157.

Ilcheh Khan, see Ahmed Khan.

Inderi, ii. 166.

Iraj, ii. 321.

Irāk, i. 47, 220, 248, 289, 292, 305, 309.

Irāk, Calamity of, i. cv-vi, 45, 48.

Isakhail, i. 258, 259.

Isān Doulet Begum, i. 15, 25, 42, 91, 143; marriage, 18; joins Bābur, 160; death, 274.

Isān Kuli Sultan, i. 294; ii. 115.

Isān Taimūr Sultan, ii. 32, 402-3, 407, 412.

Ishkamish, i. 60, 207, 272, 319; ii. 36.

Iskander Bahlol, ii. 97-8.

Iskanderpūr, ii. 397.

Ismaēl Jilwāni, ii. 151, 166-7, 176, 409-10.

Ismāel Khan, ii. 169, 172.

Ismael Khertank, Khwājeh, i. 77.

Ismael, Shah, i. 15, 292, 309, 313; ii. 32, 50, 76, 150, 267 n.; war with Sheibāni, ii. 65-8; relations with Bābur, 70-1, 72 n., 75.

Istalīf, i. 235, 249; ii. 126, 137, 140.

Isterghach, i. 235, 275; ii. 60, 140.

Ivim, i. 165, 171; ii. 181.

Jaafer Khwājeh, ii. 311, 314, 328, 412.

Jagdālīk, i. 252; ii. 56, 136.

Jagrag tribe, i. 54, 105.

Jājmāu, ii. 260.

Jalāleddīn [Sharki], ii. 378-80, 391, 408.

Jalāl Khan, ii. 299, 386, 392, 394, 406.

Jalāl Khan Jighet, ii. 166-7, 272.

Jalesar, ii. 256 n., 320 n.

Jām, i. 254, 319; ii. 133, 350, 362.

Jamshīd Sultan, ii. 71.

Jān Beg, ii. 175, 184-5, 299, 412.

Jangelik, i. 280, 283; ii. 23.

Jān Hassan, i. 95, 172, 180.

Jāni Beg Sultan, i. 34, 148; ii. 69, 74, 350.

Janjūheh, ii. 93, 102 n.

Jān Kuli, i. 188-9; ii. 49.

Jān Wafā, i. 137, 140; ii. 66-7.

Jats, i. 279; ii. 102, 163

Jaunpur, i. 305; ii. 196, 245 n., 251, 264, 271, 363, 385, 406.

Jauzi Wali, i. 288 n.

Jaxartes, see Sirr.

Jehāngīr Mirza, Bābur’s brother, i. 14, 30, 42, 129, 259, 276-7, 283; ii. 7, 46; at Akhsi, i. 29; betrothed, 46; marriage, 47, 204; Andejān asked for, 89; with Tambol, 91, 105, 108, 111, 117, 124; Bābur sends to, 160; joins Bābur, 183; relations with Bābur, 205; at Kābul, 214; Ghazni given to, 251, 252; defeats Afghans, 258, 267; loyalty, 266; defection, 284, 285; ii. 1; submits, ii. 3; death, 60.

Jehāngīr Mirza, son of Taimur, i. 10, 80, 87; tomb, 85.

Jehāngīr Turkomān, i. 271; ii. 55.

Jhāken, ii. 370.

Jhelum, ii. 162.

Jilīsir, ii. 256.

Jizakh, i. 157 n.

Jūd, Hill of, ii. 93, 94 n., 95, 161.

Jūds, ii. 93, 102.

Jugglers, ii. 360.

Jūī Shāhi, i. 253; ii. 112, 131, 133.

Jumna, ii. 180, 188, 203, 257-8, 315 n., 415.

Juneid Birlās, i. 51, 116, 305; ii. 181, 356, 363, 396-9, 409, 411; at Pānipat, 184-5, 188; Dhūlpur, 255; Jaunpūr, 271.

Kaba, i. 28, 129, 130, 172.

Kabādiān, i. 203; ii. 367.

Kābid, i. 75.

Kābul, i. 78 200, 210, 289; ii. 77, 96, 113, 217, 219-20, 355, 357, 371-2; given to Omer-Sheikh, i. 10; Bābur advances on, 210, 213; taken, 216, 250; description of, 216; ii. 121; revenue, i. 243, 278; ii. 155; country divided, i. 250; Bābur’s winter journey to, ii. 17; rebellion in, 26, 61-4; Bābur’s life in, 115; presents sent to, 174, 246; Khwājeh Kalān sent to, 249; affairs of, 346.

Kacheh, i. 234.

Kacheh-kot, ii. 92, 122, 160.

Kachweh, ii. 322.

Kāen, ii. 5, 9.

Kaferistān, i. lxxxv, 225, 229, 230-2.

Kagar (Ghagar), ii. 177.

Kāhan, ii. 113.

Kahdastān, ii. 43.

Kāhil, i. 185.

Kahlur, ii. 175.

Kahmerd, i. 47, 203, 206, 210, 214, 278; ii. 1, 3.

Kahrāj, ii. 85-6.

Kākshāl, i. 212.

Kalanjari, Raja, ii. 245 n.

Kalān, Khwājeh, i. 68, 118, 240, 277; ii. 82-3, 88-9, 144-5, 156, 172, 178, 188, 233, 354, 368-9; at Pānipat, 185; discontent, 248-9, 257; letter to, 371; memoirs sent to, 380.

Kālanūr, ii. 152, 160 n., 168-9.

Kalāt, i. 276-7, 293; ii. 54-5; Bābur at, ii. 45.

Kaldeh-Kahār, ii. 95, 105.

Kalinjer, ii. 103.

Kālpi, ii. 245 n., 247, 272, 321, 376, 414, 416.

Kalūgheh, i. 209.

Kamari, i. 269.

Kamber Ali, i. cvi, 26, 45, 111, 115; ii 100; joins Bābur, 112, 117; leaves him, 120, 123; intrigues, 124, 130, 179, 184; seized by Tambol, 130; at Yār-ailāk, 136, 137; at Sir-e-pul and after, 147, 148, 150, 157; conspires against Tambol, 164; with Bābur, 173, 176, 179, 204; dismissed, 207.

Kamber Ali, son of Kāsim, i. 185, 188-90; ii. 19, 28, 49, 51, 423.

Kamber Bī, i. 134, 270, 273; ii. 349.

Kāmeh, i. 230, 232.

Kāmrān, ii. 113, 129, 138, 172, 246, 271, 316, 351-2, 369, 420 n., 421, 428; in Kābul, 346; marriage, 347, 368; Multān given to, 371.

Kamrūd, River, i. 57, 135.

Kān, i. 136.

Kanār, ii. 320, 328.

Kanauj, ii. 245 n., 247, 254-6, 287, 314, 320, 324, 328.

Kānbāi, i. 51, 65, 116.

Kandahār, i. 72, 201, 219, 224, 293, 303; ii. 18, 40, 349; Bābur before, i. 275, ii. 46; takes, 52; given to Nāsir, 53, 78; besieged by Sheībani, 54, 58, 78; Bābur invades, 78, 149.

Kandār, ii. 254-6.

Kandbādām, i. 6, 96, 120, 183.

Kānwā, ii. 277; battle of, 289, 436.

Kanwāhīn, ii. 169.

Karabāgh, i. 212, 213, 267; ii. 54.

Karabankerik, i. 228.

Kara Birlās, i. 128, 148, 153, 154.

Karabūk, i. 228.

Kara-būlāk, i. 67, 163.

Karagūz Begum, i. 15, 21, 33.

Kara Kilpāks, i. lxxxii.

Karak-khāneh, ii. 91.

Karakūbeh, ii. 89.

Karakūl, i. 86, 143, 146.

Karanghu, ii. 146.

Kara Rabāt, i. 304; ii. 41.

Karatigīn, i. lxviii, lxx, 117, 135, 199.

Karatū, i. 226; ii. 112-13.

Karbū, i. 245.

Kārbūgh, i. 157.

Karek, ii. 112.

Karlūk, ii. 122.

Karmān, i. 289; ii. 123 n.

Karmīna, i. 86.

Karmnāsa, ii. 387.

Karnān, i. 171, 192.

Karnūd, i. 216, 245 n.

Karrah, ii. 209, 245 n., 378, 380.

Karreh-Mānikpūr, ii. 272.

Karshi, i. 61, 86, 143, 203; ii. 74.

Karūk-sāi, i. 226, 228.

Kāsān, i. 7, 181; Mahmūd Khan at, 29; Bābur at, 108; besieged, 121.

Kāshgar, i. lxii, 1; ii. 32, 118, 137, 321 n.

Kashmīr, i. lxi; ii. 201.

Kasīdeh, i. 144.

Kāsim Ajab, i. 95, 109, 121, 125.

Kāsim Beg Kuchīn, i. 23, 144, 188; ii. 6-7, 18-19, 25, 38, 113, 121; aids Bābur, i. 27, 42; Ush given to, 30; prime minister, 42; plunders the Jagrag, 54; and the Moghuls, 67; embassy, 93; loyalty, 94; sent on expeditions, 105-6, 111, 137; in battle, 118, 148, 259, 282, 283; ii. 3, 49, 51; dismissed, i. 125; joins Bābur, 130; at Samarkand and after, 151, 152, 154, 157, 160, 163; and Jehāngīr, 284; and wine-drinking, ii. 13; advice, 54, 55, 60; son’s marriage, 119.

Kāsim Duldāi, Mīr, i. 66; joins Bābur, 67; loyalty, 95.

Kāsim Gokultāsh, i. 138, 274; ii. 49, 58.

Kāsim Hussain Sultan, ii. 7, 278, 298, 300, 314, 320, 378, 412.

Kāsimi, ii. 272, 274-6.

Kāsim Ishik-agha, ii. 28, 92, 123.

Kāsim Sambali, ii. 247, 252-3, 275.

Kāsim, Syed, i. 52, 95, 130, 148, 181-2, 186, 211, 259; ii. 49, 100, 140.

Kātlang, ii. 89.

Kattehwāz, i. 267-8; ii. 37-8.

Kattor, i. 225.

Kazāks, i. 20.

Kazi Ikhtiyār, i. 315-16; ii. 43.

Kazi Jia, ii. 251, 255, 271, 396-7, 411.

Kazi, Khwājeh, i. 42, 69, 89, 125, 129; ii. 11; at Andejān, 91.

Kazi Moulāna, Khwājeh, i. 27, 42, 69, 89; embassy to Ahmed Mirza, 28; sent against Abābeker, 30; at Asfera, 53; at Andejān, 91; hanged, 92; account of, 92.

Kehrām, ii. 249.

Kerāni, i. 258.

Kerīmdād, i. 150, 177; ii. 60, 114.

Kēsh, i. lix, lxxiii, 2, 64, 85, 100, 133.

Keshtūd, i. 136, 137.

Khabārān, i. 289.

Khadījeh Begum, i. 291, 297, 324; ii. 10, 41-2, 319.

Khairābād, ii. 245 n., 315.

Khākān, i. 175, 178 n.

Khalīfeh, Nizām ed dīn Ali, i. 55; ii. 60, 61, 100, 112, 119, 258, 288, 324, 366, 418; dismissed, i. 93, 125; in Kabul, ii. 26; in battle, 71; at Pānipat, 186; brother, 188; courage, 286; at Kānwā, 296, 301; and Humāiūn, 422-5, 441-3.

Khalīl, i. 113, 114, 125; takes Ush, 129; joins Bābur, 146; killed, 150.

Khalīleh, i. 157.

Khalishak, ii. 47-8.

Khamalangān, i. 270.

Khan Mirza, see Weis Mirza.

Khanzādeh Begum: (1) Bābur’s sister, i. 14, 157; ii. 70; (2) wife of Ahmed Mirza, i. 35; (3) daughter of Mīr Buzūrg, i. 46, 47, 60, 204, 293.

Kharabūk, i. 174, 178.

Khardek, i. 157.

Kharīd, ii. 363, 392, 394, 404.

Khaslār, i. 161.

Khawāk, i. 222.

Khawās, i. 14, 33.

Kheiber, i. 223, 253, 289; ii. 213; Bābur passes, ii. 132.

Khesh, valley of, i. 280.

Khilji dynasty, ii. 197.

Khimār, i. 289.

Khinjān, i. 223.

Khirgird, ii. 350, 362.

Khirilchi, i. 226, 242; ii. 56, 135.

Khirs-khāneh, ii. 139.

Khitā (N. China), i. 82, 167, 219.

Khojend, i. 1, 183; position, 5; Ahmed Mirza seizes, 27, 33; surrenders to Bābur, 53; Bābur again at, 92, 95, 101, 103; given to Kamber Ali, 120.

Khojend, River of, i. 124, 161, 166, 172.

Khondamīr, ii. 334.

Khorasān, i. lxv n., xcix-cvii, 210, 220, 236, 248, 271, 312; ii. 1, 65, 233; Mahmūd Mirza driven from, i. 45; Bābur turns to, 199; roads to, 219, 223; ii. 9; Sultan Hussain takes, i. 289; boundaries of, 290; Bābur winters in, ii 9; Ismael occupies, 69, 150; affairs of, 346, 349.

Khosrou Gokultāsh, i. 138, 178; ii. 45, 49, 90, 152, 162, 178, 365; at Pānipat, 186; at Kānwā, 298-300, 310.

Khosrou Shah, i. 24, 40, 61, 135, 266; ii. 17, 60, 63; and Mahmūd Mirza, i. 45, 48, 50; in Kunduz, 56; his one warlike exploit, 59; Bādia-ez-zemān flies to, 72; war with Sultan Masaūd, 72, 96; Baiesanghar flies to, 75; takes Hissār, 97; besieges Balkh, 97; murders Baiesanghar, i. 115; treatment of Bābur, 135, 136, 146, 200, 202; Begs fly to, 150; dominions, 201, 209; Sultan Hussain sends to, 205-6; desertions from, 207; submits to Bābur, 207; return, 271, 303; death, 273.

Khost, i. 243; ii. 118, 122.

Khozār, i. 86, 143, 209 n.; ii. 72, 73.

Khūbān, i. 118.

Khūbi, ii. 95.

Khūb Nigār Khanum, i. 18, 158; ii. 31, 33.

Khuda-berdi Taimūrtash, i. 11, 21.

Khuda-berdi Tughchi, i. 95, 120, 150.

Khugiāni, i. 242; ii. 56.

Khuram, ii. 273.

Khur-ghātu, ii. 89.

Khushāb, i. 289; ii. 94, 96, 104-5; submits, 99.

Khutlān, i. lxviii, 45, 60, 97, 201, 206, 212, 231, 244; ii. 62, 72.

Khwājeh Changāl, i. 60.

Khwājeh Dīdār, i. 74, 136, 137, 157.

Khwājeh Imād, i. 203.

Khwājeh Ismāel, i. 245; ii. 37-8.

Khwājeh Kārzīn, i. 66, 134, 146.

Khwājeh Khan-Saīd, i. 127, 221, 234.

Khwājeh Khizer, ii. 83, 89.

Khwājeh Kitteh, i. 176.

Khwājeh reg i rawān, i. 235.

Khwājeh Riwāj, i. 274; ii. 60.

Khwājeh Rustam, ii. 156.

Khwājeh Sehyārān, ii. 116, 141.

Khwājeh zaid, i. 210.

Khwānd-Amir (Khondamīr), ii. 334.

Khwārizm, i. lxvi, 241, 270, 273, 285, 290, 302; ii. 115.

Kiaktū, ii. 37.

Kīb, ii. 110.

Kila Bāki, i. 284.

Kileh-Kerām, ii. 144.

Kilif, i. 206.

Kipchāk, i. 222.

Kirghiz, i. lxxxvii n.

Kirik arik, ii. 131, 157.

Kirki, i. 206.

Kirmān, ii. 65.

Kirmās, ii. 123, 125.

Kishem, ii. 2, 349.

Kitīn Kara Sultan, ii. 273, 350, 375-6.

Kitteh Beg, i. 114, 172, 178, 181, 252, 272; wounded, 275.

Kivi, i. 258.

Kizer-khail, ii. 56.

Kizil-sū, i. 207-8.

Kizilbāshes, ii. 67, 260-1.

Kochi, ii. 167.

Koel, i. 187; ii. 243, 250, 287, 308, 318.

Kohat, i. 239, 254-5, 279.

Koh-e-sefīd, i. 227; ii. 213.

Koh i Bāba, i. 235 n.

Kohik, Hill of, i. 73, 77, 79, 82.

Kohik, River, i. 65, 77, 137, 149.

Koh i nūr, ii. 191-2, 423.

Kokcheh, ii. 35.

Kolugha, i. 45.

Korah, ii. 377, 414.

Korbegi, i. 280.

Korchi, i. 270.

Kornish, i. 170.

Kotilah, ii. 311-12.

Kotin, Hill of, i. 45.

Kūch Beg, i. 57, 117, 124, 130, 135; ii. 85, 100, 106, 130, 314, 322, 332; at Sir-e-pul and after, i. 148, 152, 153, 154; deserts, ii. 60; at Pānipat, 186-7; at Biāna, 264.

Kūchim Khan, ii. 349, 350, 363, 368.

Kuhneh-Nāni, i. 268.

Kuhri, ii. 312.

Kūl Bayezīd, i. 214, 263; ii. 49, 52.

Kulbeh, i. 73, 83, 84.

Kūl-Malik, i. 38; ii. 73.

Kuli Chanāk, i. 110, 215, 282; ii. 45.

Kuli Gokultāsh, i. 29, 177, 186, 188-90; ii. 114, 128, 137.

Kulkīneh, i. 218.

Kundezlik, i. 93.

Kunduz, i. 46, 72, 201, 212, 251, 270; ii. 32, 62, 72, 121; Khosrou Shah at, i. 56, 115, 206; attacked, 60, 207; besieged, 273, 289.

Kunduzis, ii. 60.

Kuner, i. 230-1; ii. 58-9, 89, 214.

Kupek Kuli Baba, i. 262, 282; ii. 49.

Kūrah, i. 242.

Kūra, Pass of, ii. 142.

Kurieh, ii. 378.

Kurkān, River of, i. 288.

Kurram, ii. 123 n.

Kurūk-sāi, ii. 56, 136.

Kūsh-gumbez, i. 253, 269 ii. 157.

Kūsh-khāneh, i. 72.

Kūsh-nāder, i. 222; ii. 139.

Kutās, i. 165 n.

Kutb ed din, Khwājeh, ii. 189.

Kutb Khan, ii. 247, 255, 287, 311, 314.

Kūtila, ii. 173.

Kūtluk Kadem, i. 262; ii. 49, 123, 145, 171, 181, 255; at Pānipat, 184-5, 188; at Kānwā, 299, 301.

Kūtluk Khwājeh Gokultāsh, i. 153, 154; ii. 127-8.

Kūtluk Nigār Khanum, Bābur’s mother, i. 14, 15, 18, 34, 47, 51, 91, 110, 126, 143; escapes from Samarkand, 157, 158; ill, 159; joins him, 213; death, 274.

Kysār, ii. 4.

Lahore, ii. 98, 152-3, 162, 165, 168, 206, 420 n.; burnt, 151; revenue, 244 n.

Lakhsar, ii. 245 n.

Lakhsheh, ii. 47 n.

Lamech, i. 229.

Lamghān, i. 211, 213, 217 n., 228; ii. 32, 55, 141, 229.

Lamghānāt, i. 216, 223, 224, 225, 244, 249, 270; ii. 214-16, 221-2, 232-3.

Lander, i. 242.

Langer Khan, ii. 94, 96, 104, 132, 134, 143.

Langer-Mīr-Ghiās, ii. 17.

Langer-Taimūr-Beg, ii. 25.

Language, i. xxi-viii, xliv n., li, lxxxiv-vi, 225.

Lātkend, i. 113.

Lohūger, i. 237, 313.

Lucknow (Lakhnau), ii. 216, 245 n., 315, 324, 332, 408-9, 411.

Maaber, ii. 60.

Maajūn, i. 13 n.

Maarūf Fermūli, ii. 247, 256, 260, 328, 405 n.

Maāsūmeh Sultan Begum, i. 34; ii. 16, 45, 54, 427.

Machem, i. 123.

Madhākūr, ii. 275, 344.

Mādu, i. 113.

Mahāban, ii. 247.

Māham, ii. 86, 376, 380, 417, 427 n.

Mahdi Khwājeh, ii. 181, 260, 276, 311, 314; at Pānipat, 184-6, 188; Etāwa given to, 255-6; Biāna given to, 265, 272; intrigue for throne, 424-5.

Mahdi Sultan, i. 34, 57, 292; joins Bābur, 57, 110; at Samarkand, 65, 138; at Sir-e-pul, 148; at Hissār, 273; death, ii. 71 n., 299 n.; sons, 299, 350.

Mahmands, ii. 37, 60.

Mahmūd Khan Lohāni, ii. 251, 255, 293, 398, 406, 411.

Mahmūd Khan, Sultan, i. cviii, 3, 5, 10, 15, 22, 25, 50, 89; wars against Omer-Sheikh, 10, 29; birth, 19; retires from Akhsi, 29; battle with Ahmed Mirza, 33; marries his daughter, 33; invades Samarkand, 51, 116, 128; Bābur visits, 53, 164, 167; aids and abandons Bābur, 93, 106, 146, 147; war with Tambol, 155, 164, 171; meets Ahmed Khan, 170; death, i. 197, 198.

Mahmūd Lodi, ii. 366, 378, 381, 384, 390.

Mahmūd Mirza, Sultan, i. cvi, cviii, 10, 20, 24, 37, 204, 205, 293; occupies Samarkand, 39, 88; death, 43; account of, 43; battles, 45, 288-9; family, 46, 51, 115.

Mahmūd Sultan, i. 148, 199, 273; ii. 72.

Mahūbeh, ii. 415.

Makām, ii. 89, 90.

Malabar, ii. 198 n.

Malikdād Karrāni, ii. 267, 298, 315, 412.

Malik Kāsim, ii. 186, 252-3, 288, 315, 320, 329; at Kānwā, 299, 300.

Malot, ii. 172 n.

Mālwa, i. 81; ii. 150, 197, 200, 205.

Māma Khātūn, ii. 126.

Māmūra, ii. 88.

Mānasni, ii. 309, 311-12.

Mandaghān, ii. 3.

Mandīsh, ii. 86.

Mandrāwar, i. 229, 251; ii. 32, 58-9, 145.

Māndū, see Malwa.

Mānikpūr, ii. 209, 245 n.

Mansabdārs, ii. 198.

Manucheher Khan, ii. 102, 104-5, 320.

Mardān, ii 90 n.

Marghinān, i. 4, 5, 6, 130; Ahmed Mirza seizes, 27; given to Dost Taghāi, 30; surrendered to Bābur, 103; battle at, 105; people join Bābur, 172; rebel, 183.

Maruchāk, ii. 4.

Masaūd Mirza, Sultan, ii. 11, 96; marriage, i. 34, 41, 294; parentage, 46, 115; Hissār given to, 51; opposes Sultan Hussain, 55, 136; besieges Samarkand, 64; retires, 65; war with Khosrou, 72, 96; flies to Sultan Hussain, 97, 99, 290; joins Khosrou, 100; blinded, 100, 210.

Masht, ii. 37.

Masīkha, i. 159, 162, 163.

Masīkh-kirām, ii. 135.

Mastāng, ii. 52.

Māweralnaher, i. xlviii, lxxiv-v, 2, 5, 61, 76, 87; ii. 67, 70, 76, 150, 347.

Mazenderān, ii. 68.

Mazīd, i. 22, 152; ii. 42, 115.

Measures and weights, farsang, 3; gaz, 5 n.; kos, 5 n.; shar´i, 5 n.; kharwār, 251; ratis, ii. 192; of Hindustān, 240, 357-8.

Medicine, ii. 384.

Medina, ii. 246.

Medini Rao, ii. 200, 293, 323-6.

Meher Nigār Khanum, i. 18, 34, 159, 274; ii. 31 n., 56, 64.

Mehter Suleimāni, i. 261, 263, 265.

Meidān, i. 252.

Meidān-e-Rustam, ii. 125.

Mekka, ii. 246.

Merv, i. 15, 291; ii. 66-7, 260, 349.

Meshad, i. 293, 315; ii. 5, 43, 66, 261, 350.

Mewār, ii. 199 n.

Mewāt, ii. 204, 250, 428; revenue, 244 n.; rebellion in, 247; ravaged, 279; reduced, 309.

Miān-Doāb, i. 90, 110, 119 n.; ii. 244.

Miān-kāl, ii. 349.

Mīankar, i. 143.

Mil, i. 229.

Milteh-Kandi, i. 231.

Milwat, ii 167, 169, 171-2.

Minār, ii. 26-7.

Mīram Lāghari, i. 94, 111, 112.

Mīram Nāsir, i. 138; ii. 52, 105, 115.

Mirān, Khwājeh Mīr, i. 186; ii. 89, 105, 146, 170-1, 249; at Pānipat, 186.

Mir-Khāwend Shah (Mīr Khond), i. 316 n.

Mirza Khan, see Weis Mirza.

Mistar, ii. 370 n.

Mīteh, i. 234.

Moghāk, River, i. 68, 69.

Moghul Ghānchi, ii. 185, 299, 301-2.

Moghulistān, i. lviii, lxxxvii n., 9, 18, 168, 199, 244.

Moghuls, i. xlv-vi, lv-vii, 14, 16, 67, 110, 149, 183; with Khosrou, 207; ii. 60; revolt, ii. 60.

Money, Persian, i. 43; ancient, 96 n.; of Kabul, 243 n.; ii. 4 n., 93 n.; Indian, 245 n., 274 n.

Monghits, i. 106 n.

Mongīr, ii. 406.

Moulāna Abdal Rahman Jāmi, i. 300, 306, 312, 314, 316; ii. 14.

Mubārek Shah, i. 270; ii. 2, 35, 55.

Muhammed Ali, i. 131, 175, 178, ii. 61-2, 118, 119, 122, 129.

Muhammed Ali Bakhshi, i. 288; ii. 52, 125, 269, 299, 357, 381, 416; at Pānipat, 184-5.

Muhammed Ali Haider, ii. 140, 264.

Muhammed Ali Jeng-Jeng, ii. 108, 134, 141, 168, 171, 178, 277, 308, 313, 320, 331, 365, 389; at Bajour, 81; district, 110, 122; Milwat given to, 172; at Pānipat, 184-6; Rāberi given to, 255; at Kānwā, 299, 301.

Muhammed Ali Mubashar, i. 95, 117, 174, 178, 187, 281-2.

Muhammed Amīn, i. 254, 323; ii. 58.

Muhammed Bākir Beg, i. 29; treachery, 42; attempts Bokhara, 66; deserts, 94; after Akhsi, 193.

Muhammed Berendūk Birlās, i. 56, 272, 302-3; descent, 298; in Khorasān, 324; ii. 4-5, 7, 16; war with Sheibāni, 39; plan of war, 40.

Muhammed Dost Taghāi, i. 52, 95, 111, 125, 132, 184.

Muhammed Dughlet (Hissāri), i. 57, 95, 110, 147, 164, 172.

Muhammed Duldāi, i. 131; ii. 1, 3, 49, 120, 131, 178, 255, 315; at Pānipat, 185; Kanauj given to, 255, 287, 314.

Muhammed Ghaus, Sheikh, ii. 266, 420.

Muhammedi Gokultāsh, i. 15; ii. 101, 169, 171, 185, 187, 252, 255, 365; at Kānwā, 298, 301, 307.

Muhammed Hussain, i. 93, 99, 291-2.

Muhammed Hussain Dughlet, i. 18, 55, 101, 128, 274; ii. 26, 33.

Muhammed Jālehbān, ii. 127, 328, 333, 360, 404.

Muhammed Khanekeh, i. 95, 121, 165, 169.

Muhammed Korchi, i. 270; ii. 35, 55.

Muhammed Kuli Kuchīn, i. 62, 153, 154.

Muhammed Mazhab, ii. 175, 364, 393-4.

Muhammed Mazīd Terkhān, i. 29, 38, 63; rupture with Sultan Ali, 127; invites Bābur to Samarkand, 129, 131; flight, 135; at Sir-e-pul, 148, 150.

Muhammed Mīr Yūsef, ii. 43, 75, 127.

Muhammed Mukīm, i. 200, 211, 214, 277; ii. 40, 424; yields Kābul, i. 215, 250, 303; and Bābur, ii. 44, 46, 50; goes to Sheibāni, 54; daughter married, 58.

Muhammed Sālih, i. 65, 127, 320.

Muhammed Sārbān, Derwīsh, ii. 120-1, 127-8, 131, 183, 185, 276, 281; at Kānwā, 297; at the Sāru, 403.

Muhammed Sherīf, ii. 118, 279, 308.

Muhammed Sultan Mirza, ii. 168, 252, 255-6, 260, 272, 276, 320, 378, 401-4, 412; at Pānipat, 184-5, 188; at Kānwā, 299, 301; Kanauj given to, 314.

Muhammed Terkhān, Derwīsh, i. 29, 31, 36, 37, 38; rebels, 61; put to death, 63, 64; Chār-bāgh, 83.

Muhammed Wali Beg, i. 56, 71, 99, 306.

Muhammed Zeitūn, ii. 247, 254-5, 267, 275.

Muhammed Zemān Mirza, i. 293, 298, 309; ii. 100; in India, 121, 246, 334, 366, 388, 411; Behār given to, 390-1; at the Sarū, 396, 398, 401; Jaunpūr given to, 406.

Muhammedzais, ii. 88.

Muhibb Ali Khalīfeh, ii. 184, 186-7, 277, 297, 331.

Muhibb Ali Korchi, i. 60, 72, 203; ii. 17, 26, 49, 61, 100, 178

Muhtesib, i. 313.

Mujtahid, i. 314 n.

Multān, i. 248, 263, 289; ii. 333, 371.

Mūmin Atkeh, ii. 123, 178, 260, 299, 301, 409.

Munīr, ii. 395.

Murād Beg Bayandūr, i. 310; ii. 50.

Murghāb, i. 205, 289; ii. 5, 8.

Musical terms, i. 323 n.; ii. 334 n., 346 n.

Mustafa Rūmi, ii. 187, 278, 300, 329, 396, 398.

Muzaffer Hussain Mirza, i. 61, 69, 73, 291, 297, 303; succession, 324; ii. 4; meets Bābur, 6-8; parties, 8, 10; character, 8; war with Sheibāni, ii. 4, 39.

Myoghil, i. 6.

Naghz, i. 217, 223, 255, 257.

Nahir Khan, ii. 272, 310, 312.

Nangenhār, i. 226, 251, 270; ii. 30, 57, 59, 143, 215.

Narīn, ii. 36.

Nārnūl, ii. 407.

Nāsīr Beg, i. 107, 176, 178.

Nasīr Khan Lohāni, ii. 247, 256, 260, 271, 386.

Nāsir Mirza, i. 14, 18, 241, 284, 294; ii. 38, 52; with Ahmed Mirza, i. 29; with Bayezīd, 183; at Kābul, 214; lands given to, 251; left at Kūsh-gumbez, 253, 269; takes and loses Badakhshān, 271-2; ii. 35-6; defeats Uzbeks, ii. 2; at Kandahār, 49; Kandahār given to, 53; besieged, 54, 58, 78; Ghazni given to, 59; Kābul given to, 72, 77 n.; death, 78 n.

Nasrat Shah, ii. 197, 367, 392-3, 407.

Nasūkh, i. 96.

Nazar Bahāder, i. 97, 98, 309.

Nemengān, i. 123.

Niāzai, i. 258.

Nijrau, i. 220, 232, 242, 244, 283; ii. 142, 217-18.

Nilāb, i. 224, 279, 294; ii. 92, 108-9, 125, 160.

Ningrahār, ii. 131 n.

Nirhan, ii. 404.

Nirkh, i. 252.

Nizām Khan, ii. 247, 253, 264-5, 299.

Nogais, i. 106.

Noukend, i. 122, 181.

Nowendāk, i. 135.

Nūh, ii. 27.

Nūkderis, i. 201, 212, 217, 224, 303.

Nūr, ii. 59, 213.

Nūr Beg, ii. 113, 155, 403, 418, 420.

Nūrgil, i. 230-1, 251; ii. 58-9, 145.

Nuyān Gokultāsh, i. 138, 152, 160-2.

Obeidullah Khan, ii. 72, 73 n., 74; victories, 260-1; defeated, 346, 349, 363.

Obeidullah, Khwājeh, i. 11, 31, 38, 62 n., 63 n., 92; ii. 347; family ill-treated, i. 40, 44; Bābur’s dream of, 139.

Oīghūr, i. 123.

Omān, Sea of, ii. 203.

Omer-Sheikh Mirza, i. cvii-viii, 7, 46; reign, 9; death, 10; early life, 10; appearance and opinions, 11; battles, 13; dominions, 14; children, 14; wives, 14, 21; Amirs and nobles, 21, 90.

Omer-Sheikh Mirza (the elder), i. 10, 286.

Oudh, ii. 216, 245 n., 251, 271, 332.

Pai, ii. 4.

Pakhli, ii. 201.

Pamghān, i. 236, 275; ii. 32.

Pandeh, ii. 4.

Pani-Mālī, ii. 88-9.

Pānipat, ii. 167; battle of, 182.

Panjāb, ii. 151, 154, 428.

Panjāb shakhneh, ii. 122.

Panjkora, ii. 84, 85, 88.

Pāp, i. 94, 106, 181.

Parāchis, i. 224.

Parendi, i. 222.

Parhāleh (Pharwāla), ii. 103, 105-7, 115.

Parserū, ii. 411.

Parsrūr, ii. 162, 168.

Parwān, i. 222, 234; ii. 126.

Pashāis, i. 224.

Pawat, i. 265 n.

Payandeh Sultan Begum, i. 46, 293-4, 296; ii. 10, 16, 41.

Pelhūr, ii. 168.

Penjhīr, i. 211-12, 222, 233, 278; ii. 127.

Persians, ii. 76. See Ismael, Shah and Tahmasp.

Peshāgher, i. 101, 158.

Peshāwar (Pershāwer), i. 225, 254; ii. 130, 211, 218.

Peshgrām, ii. 85.

Piāg, ii. 382-3.

Pīch, i. 232.

Pīchghān, i. 242.

Pir Kuli Sīstāni, ii. 185, 255, 298.

Poems, i. 116, 144-5, 262, 300, 315; ii. 119, 121, 157, 250, 253, 307, 316, 318-19, 326, 348, 369, 413, 430-1.

Priāg, see Piāg.

Ptolemy, i. 81 n.

Pulād Sultan, ii. 121, 350, 368.

Pūrāb, ii. 324, 355-6, 364-5, 367.

Purwān, i 249.

Rabāt, i. 172 n.

Rabāt-e-Alā-balūk, i. 172.

Rabāt-e-dodez, i. 292.

Rabāt-e-Khwājeh, i. 101, 134, 137.

Rabāt-e-Sarhang Urchīni, i. 113, 114.

Rabāt-e-Soghd, i. 116.

Rabāt-e-zourek, i. 176.

Rabātiki-Urchīni (Suārasī), i. 90, 110, 119, 121.

Rāberi, ii. 247, 255, 287, 314, 328, 369.

Rāgh, i. 271; ii. 35.

Rahet, ii. 203.

Rahīmdād, ii. 266, 275, 336, 338, 342; revolt, 418-20.

Rai Sing (Raisen), ii. 327.

Rājpūts, ii. 150, 199 n.

Rāna Sanka, ii. 150, 197, 199, 256, 274, 323, 341; takes Kandār, ii. 254; advance, 264, 272, 275; defeated, 289, 436; son surrenders, 341.

Rantambhor, ii. 200, 205, 245 n., 341, 345.

Rashdān, i. 5.

Rāvi, ii. 168, 203.

Reg i rawān, ii. 141.

Reza, Imām, ii. 66.

Rubāi, i. 164.

Rūdi, i. 265.

Rūm (Turkey), i. 219, 220; ii. 182, 362.

Rūpar, ii. 176.

Ruparel, ii. 312 n.

Rustam Turkomān, ii. 49, 89, 264, 299, 301.

Sabuktegīn, i. 238, 241.

Sadder, i. 307, 310.

Saekhān, ii. 1.

Sāf, ii. 3.

Safa, i. 203.

Saghānchi clan, i. 214.

Saīd Khan, Sultan, i. 19, 20, 169; ii. 133, 137, 155, 321, 421-2, 441.

Sāigal, ii. 57.

Sajāwend, i. 237, 269.

Sakan, i. 172.

Sālār, ii. 43.

Salt Range, ii. 93 n.

Samāneh, ii. 177, 365.

Samarkand, i. lxxiii, 1, 2, 5, 14, 33, 221, 236, 244, 251; ii. 69, 349, 352; Omer-Sheikh and, i. 9, 10; occupied by Mahmūd Mirza, 39; attacked by Mahmūd Khan, 51; besieged, 64, 68, 73; taken by Bābur, 76; description of, 76; gardens of, 79; manufactures, 83; aulengs, 83; kings of, 87, 88; Bābur leaves, 92; alliance against, 124; Ali Mirza in, 127, 129, 133; Sheibāni takes, 133, 156, 199; Bābur re-takes, 139; i. 72; besieged, i. 151.

Sambal, ii. 245 n., 247, 287, 318-19, 405, 428; expedition against, 252.

Sām-sīrek, i. 161, 164, 166.

Sān, ii. 3.

Sanām, ii. 177.

Sancherik, i. 98.

Sang, i. 188.

Sangdaki, ii. 92, 109.

Sang-e-surākh, i. 252, 261.

Sanger Khan Janjūheh, ii. 98, 105, 141, 275.

Sang Lakhsheh, ii. 47.

Sangrāz, i. 131, 137.

Sanjed, i. 212.

Sanker, ii. 376.

Sanūr, ii. 177.

Sapān, i. 105,

Sārabāgh, ii 273.

Sarakhs, ii. 41 n., 260.

Sāran, ii. 405, 409.

Sārangpūr, ii. 200, 327.

Sardeh, i. 240, 268; ii. 37.

Sarkāi, ii. 41.

Sarts, i. 4, 159, 224.

Sarū, ii. 211, 224, 271, 332-3, 393 n., 396.

Sārun, ii. 245 n.

Sarwar, ii. 378, 409-10.

Satlej, ii. 167, 203, 244 n.

Sawād, i. 224, 225, 231, 244; ii. 88, 118, 130, 133, 144, 213-15, 232.

Sawālak Mts., ii. 202, 204.

Sawa-Sang, i. 278.

Sawāti, ii. 91.

Sayyidī Kāra, i. 105-6, 111, 117, 147, 188.

Seihūn, River, i. 1, 6, 7.

Seirāb, i. 213.

Seirām, i. 14, 33.

Senahda, ii. 245 n.

Serāi, i. 273.

Shaberghān, i. 98, 205, 289.

Shādwār, i. 86, 101, 142.

Shah Beg (Shujaa Arghūn), i. 72, 98, 99, 200, 303; ii. 4, 18, 49-50, 99, 120; and Bābur, 44, 46, 50, 53; sends for Sheibāni, 54; in Kandahār, 78; takes Kāhan, 113; war with Bābur, 149; death, 150 n.

Shah Hussain, Mīr, ii. 127, 130, 144, 168, 175, 181, 271; at Pānipat, 184-5.

Shah Begum, i. 18, 19, 34, 95, 119, 158, 159, 274; ii. 30, 56, 64; Bābur visits, i. 167, 169; ii. 31.

Shah Hassan Arghūn, ii. 58, 78 n., 81, 99, 104, 112-13, 119, 144-5, 317.

Shah-Kābul, i. 217, 218.

Shah Kuchīn, Mir, i. 68, 111, 125, 173; at Sir-e-pul and after, 148, 152; at Kandahār, ii. 49.

Shah Mansūr Birlās, ii. 185, 187-8, 255, 272, 275, 297, 301, 365.

Shahābād, ii. 179-80.

Shaher i safā, ii. 46.

Shahr-i-sabz, i. lxxiii, 86, 144.

Shahrokhīa, i. 2, 5, 14, 33; given to Yunis Khan, 10, 14; Bābur visits Mahmūd Khan at, 53; ravaged, 161; Sheibāni takes, 199.

Shahrokh Mirza, i. xcix, 10, 16 n., 87, 88, 286, 302, 311; ii. 96.

Shakhdān, ii. 2.

Shāl, ii. 52, 149.

Shamsābād, ii. 191, 323, 328, 341, 407.

Shavdār, Hill of, i. 69.

Shehrsebz (Kesh), i. 64.

Sheibāni Khan, Muhammed, i. lxxxiii, cix-x, 5, 15, 18, 20, 38, 293, 320, 322; ii. 34; and Bābur’s sister, i. 14; ii. 70; rise of, i. 37, 38, 39; joined by Sultans, 66; appears before Samarkand, 75; ravages Shirāz, 95; takes Bokhāra, 131, 133; takes Samarkand, 133; loses it, 141; defeats Bābur, 147; besieges and takes Samarkand, 151-7; ravages, 161-3; joins Tambol, 183; defeats the Khans, 197; dominions, 199, 201; takes Andejān, 207; slays Wali, 213; revolt against, 270; Sultan Hussain opposes, 284; defeats Zūlnūn Arghūn, 304; besieges Balkh, ii. 2, 8; war against Khorasān, 39; takes Heri, 42-3; besieges Kandahār, 54, 58, 78; war with Persia, 65-8; death, 68.

Sheikh-ul-Islām, i. 27, 92; ii. 69.

Shemeng, ii. 201.

Sherkot, ii. 97.

Sherūkhān, ii. 115.

Shibertū, i. 223, 271; ii. 1, 23, 36.

Shimū-khail, ii. 56.

Shirāz, i. 17, 65, 66, 75, 95, 136.

Shīrīm Taghāi, i. 26, 101, 259; ii. 39, 52; loyalty, i. 94; after Sir-e-pul, 150, 203; escorts Khosrou, 210, 213; wounded, 260; in battle, ii. 27, 49; advice, 55; treachery, 71 n., 78 n., 115.

Shiwāh, ii. 58.

Shnīz, i. 276.

Siāh-āb, ii. 159, 188.

Siālkot, ii. 149, 152-3, 161-3, 168, 244.

Sīdīm Ali Darbān, i. 60, 212-13; ii. 17-18.

Sihkāneh, ii. 37.

Sikān, i. 223.

Sikander, see Alexander.

Sikandera, ii. 319.

Sīkri, ii. 205, 243, 276, 313, 317, 319, 344.

Sind, River, i. 224, 235, 254-5, 258, 263; ii. 91, 203, 211; crossed, 92, 109, 160.

Sirāb, i. 222.

Sir-e-pul, i. lxxvi, 66; ii. 27; battle of, 146.

Sir-e-tāk, i. 135, 136.

Sirhind, ii. 152, 167, 176, 206, 314, 365, 420 n.; revenue, 244 n.

Sirohi, ii. 245 n.

Sirr, i. lxxvii, 199.

Sirsāweh, ii. 180.

Sirūd, ii. 203.

Sīstān, i. 201, 290; ii. 40.

Sitāra, ii. 151.

Sīvī (Sibi), i. 265, 289.

Siwistān, ii. 149.

Siyūndūk Turkomāns, ii. 22, 60.

Soghd, i. lxxi, lxxiv-v, 86, 142, 157.

Somgīr, ii. 312.

Son, ii. 204, 384, 395.

Suārasī, see Rabātiki-Urchini.

Suhān, ii. 92, 108.

Sūkh, i. 5, 199.

Sukhjāneh, ii. 343.

Sultanīah, i. 241.

Sultānim Begum, i. 34, 294, 310; ii. 115.

Sultānpūr, ii. 130, 152-3, 156, 167, 172.

Sūng-Kurghān, ii. 60.

Sūr, i. 258.

Surgery, i. 180.

Surkhāb, i. 223, 246.

Surkh-rūd, i. 228.

Swābī, ii. 91.

Swāt, ii. 83 n., 84 n.

Syedpūr, ii. 149.

Tabrīz, i. 17, 221, 241.

Tabulghū wood, i. 8.

Tagau, i. 242 n.

Taghāi Beg, i. 111, 125; ii. 52.

Tahmasp, Shah, ii. 267, 316, 346, 349, 362, 394.

Taimūr Beg, i. lix, xcviii, 10, 11, 38, 76, 86, 159, 286, 309; ii. 96; Bābur’s connexion with, i. 16 n.; builds the Gūk-serāi, 63, 78; tomb, 80; at Kesh, 85; in India, ii. 196, 243.

Taimūr Sultan, i. 34, 35, 134, 148, 293; ii. 43, 320.

Tājiks, i. 159 n., 217 n., 224.

Tāk, i. 258.

Takāneh, i. 289.

Takerābād, ii. 67.

Talikān, i. 59 n.

Tambol, see Ahmed Tambol.

Tamgha, ii. 281.

Tang i Waghchān, ii. 122.

Tardīkeh, ii. 173, 310, 378, 408

Tarnek, ii. 55.

Tarshīz, i. 288 n.

Tartar, liii-v.

Tāshkend, i. lviii, lxxix, 5, 95, 158; ii. 115, 349; its name, i. 9; given to Yunis Khan, 9; held by Omer-Sheikh, 14, 33; battle near, 33; Bābur goes to, 163, 167; Sheibāni takes, 199.

Tāsh-Rabāt, ii. 10.

Tatta, ii. 203.

Tāzi, i. 276.

Tehenger, ii. 264.

Tengri Berdi Samānchi, i. 98, 309; ii. 19, 49, 51, 120, 122, 131, 274.

Terdi Beg Khāksār, ii. 139, 157, 180, 264, 313-14, 322, 332, 423, 443; at Pānipat, 186-7; sent against Biāna, 264; at Kānwā, 297; retirement, 316.

Terkhāns, i. 36 n.; rebellion of, 61, 127.

Termez, i. 45, 46, 47, 203, 206, 302; battle near, 56, 75.

Ternau, i. 68.

Thal, i. 257 n.

Tībah, i. 216, 276.

Tijārah, ii. 309-10.

Tīka-Sakaratkū, battle of, i. 13.

Til, i 257.

Tipchāk horses, i. 36, 260.

Togūzūlūm, i. 206.

Trees, i. 243, 245; ii. 225, 317.

Tudeh, ii. 312.

Tughlakābād, ii. 190.

Tukhteh Būgha, ii. 32, 331, 381, 402-4, 407, 412.

Tūl, i. 222.

Tūn, ii. 5, 9.

Tūras, i. 112 n.; ii. 80 n., 182 n., 323 n.

Tūri, i. 242.

Tūrkestān, i. lv, lx, lxiii, lxxxii, 2.

Tūrkestan, Hill of, i. 241.

Tūrki, i. xxii-viii, 2.

Turkolāni Afghans, i. 211.

Tūrkomāns, i. lxvii, 17 n., 24; ii. 65.

Turkomān Desert, i. lxvi.

Tūrks, i. lv-vii, 2, 224, 243; ii. 55.

Tūrūkshārs, i. 105.

Tūs, ii. 261, 383, 412 n.

Tūtkāwel, ii. 27.

Tūtluk, i. 175.

Ubāj, i. 97, 115, 203, 210.

Ubeh, i. 303.

Udaipūr, ii. 150-1, 306.

Uighur, i. 39 n.

Ukābein, i. 218.

Ulābātū, ii. 37-8.

Ulugh Beg Mirza, son of Abusaīd, i. 16, 32, 37, 205, 274, 276, 289, 293, 298; ii. 27.

Ulugh Beg Mirza, son of Shahrokh, i. xcix, 17, 199; ii. 78, 80-1, 87-8.

Uluk-Nūr, i. 228.

Ulūsh, i. 52.

Unjūtūbah, i. 114.

Uratippa, i. lxxx, 14, 22, 24, 95, 130-1, 158; Ahmed Mirza seizes, 27, 33; Bābur attempts, 55; war near, 164.

Urgut, i. 69.

Urukzais, ii. 250.

Ush, i. 3, 21, 113; given to Kāsim Kuchīn, 30; Tambol driven from, 108; given to Ibrahīm Sāru, 112; Khalīl takes, 129; Bābur at, 172, 178; rebels, 183.

Ushter-sheher, i. 211; ii. 1, 26.

Ustād Ali Kuli, ii. 80, 81, 179, 278, 287, 323-4, 329; at Pānipat, 187; and gun casting, 262, 274, 319; at Kānwā, 302; at the Sarū, 396, 398-9, 401.

Ustād Shah Muhammed, ii. 59, 317, 335, 369, 373.

Uzbeks, i. lxxxviii, cix, 1, 134 n., 148; ii. 121 n., 150; defeated by Omer-Sheikh, i. 13; by Shah Ismael, 15; massacre by, at Khojend, 33; kill Muhammed Dost, 132; massacre of, 140; Bābur moves against, ii. 1; defeated by the Persians, 67-9, 346, 350, 362; recovery, 70, 74-6; massacre at Karshi, 74; ambassadors, 368.

Uzkend, i. 30, 129; Tambol at, 108; Bāburraids, 113; given to Bābur, 124; Bābur takes, 172.

Ūzūn Hassan, i. cv-vi, 28, 47, 128, 156, 181; Akhsi given to, 30; aids Bābur, 42; perfidy of, 89; war with Bābur, 105; surrenders, 108.

Vijyanagar, ii. 199 n.

Vim, see Ivim.

Wakhi, i. lxix.

Wali, brother of Khosrou Shah, i. 49, 98, 135, 206, 209, 271; joins Sultan Masaūd, 56; pursues Badīa-ez-zemān, 60; sent against Samarkand, 64; against Hissār, 72; Khutlān given to, 97; slain, 213.

Wali Khāzin, i. 195; ii. 1, 49, 80, 81, 107, 178; at Pānipat, 184-5, 188; discontent, 248; at Kānwā, 298.

Wali Kizil, ii. 162, 331, 365; at Pānipat, 186; Shikdār, 190.

Warūkh, i. 5.

Wasmand, i. 139.

Wazīrīs, ii. 135.

Weights, see Measures.

Weis Lāghari, i. 25, 101, 104; ii. 348; carries off Nāsir Mirza, i. 29; attempts Bokhāra, 66; joins Bābur, 67, 94; sent to Akhsi, 105-6; in battle, 111, 117, 122; dismissed, 125.

Weis Mirza, Sultan, ii. 70, 136; parentage, i. 20, 46, 115, 128 n., 169, 208, 210, 259, 286, 294; rebellion, ii. 26-34; goes to Badakshān, 56, 64, 69; death, 149.

Well (Waīn), description of, ii. 258.

Writing, i. 252.

Wulsa (walsa), ii. 208 n.

Yadeh Bīr, ii. 112, 157.

Yadeh-stone, i. xci.

Yādgār Muhammed Mirza, i. 141, 289, 295, 307-8; ii. 75.

Yaftel, ii. 35.

Yaghma, i. 169.

Yahya, Khwājeh, i. 63, 64; ii. 368; embassy to Bābur, i. 64, 102; in Samarkand, 131, 133; death, 134.

Yāi, i. 284.

Yake-auleng, ii. 2, 22.

Yakishlīk, ii. 122.

Yak-langeh, ii. 155.

Yām, i. 67, 68.

Yan-būlāgh, ii. 146.

Yangi, i. 1.

Yangi-yuli, i. 223.

Yār-ailāk, i. lxxiv, 33, 66, 86, 95, 131 n., 136; Bābur in, 101, 137; reduced, 102; battle at, 129.

Yār Ali Belāl, i. 95, 114, 204.

Yārek Taghāi, i. 122, 283; ii. 25, 49, 52.

Yār Hussain, i. 252, 255, 279.

Yāri, i. 137.

Yāsi-kijet, battle of, i. 24, 111.

Yelghar, i. 162.

Yūighūr tribe, i. 39.

Yūljūk, i. 103.

Yunis Ali, i. 200, 307; ii. 116, 119, 181, 250, 258, 271-2, 388-9, 401; at Pānipat, 185, 187-8; at Kānwā, 297, 301.

Yunis Khan, i. 9, 13, 15; descent, 16; history, 16; children, 18, 34; ii. 32.

Yuret-Khān, i. 68, 84, 131, 138.

Yūsef Ali, ii. 64, 86.

Yūsef Ali Gokultāsh, i. 324; ii. 13, 14.

Yūsef Ayūb, i. 205, 212, 284.

Yūsef Beg, Syed, i. 73, 102, 132, 269, 308; ii. 29, 279.

Yūsefzais, i. 255, 279; ii. 83, 86, 88, 118, 129.

Zābul, Zābulistān, i. 238; ii. 125 n.

Zafer, i. 270; ii. 273, 349, 421, 441.

Zamīn, i. 65.

Zamīn-dāwer, i. 72, 98 n., 201, 290 n.; ii. 40, 54; reduced, i. 24, 303.

Zardek, i. 98.

Zarkān, i. 171.

Zein, Sheikh, ii. 157, 190, 258, 281, 289, 389; at Kānwā, 297, 307.

Zindān, i. 204, 244.

Zirrīn pass, ii. 20-1.

Zobeir, ii. 35, 55, 64.

Zourak, ii. 114.

Zulnūn Arghūn, i. 56, 200, 265 n., 271, 277, 324; ii. 18, 39, 52; receives Badīa-ez-zemān, 72; Sultan Hussain and, 98, 205, 289; account of, 303, 311; ii. 40; in Khorasān, i. 324; ii. 4, 7, 16; and wine-drinking, ii. 13; death, 41.

Zurmet, i. 241, 267.

midnight,

I went by boat.

gun-carriages

[i. e. the Lahore champion.]

[There are two rivers called Tous, viz. the southern (the Tūs referred to above) and the eastern. The former rises in the Kaimur range, Maihar State, C. I., flows through Rewah and the Allahābād district, and falls into the Ganges nineteen miles below its junction with the Jamna close to Punasa, where Bābur probably crossed it. The latter (Bābur’s Tousin) rises west of Fyzābād and runs a course nearly parallel with the Gogra. It flows in a south-east direction past Azimgarh, receives the Lesser Sarju near Mau, and falls into the Ganges two miles west of Ballia.]

Add up the river from our camp

[i. e. the Ganges.]

we again reached the banks of the Ganges at Nilāb;

[This should be simply ‘a village’, according to P. de C.]

Tāj Khan

Neither lions nor rhinoceroses are ever heard of now at Benāres. The former might have been a tiger.

No wild elephants are ever found now in that quarter, or nearer than the hills.

Tāj Khan

[The Son, rising at Amarkantak, and flowing through the Bilāspūr district, Rewah state, and the Mirzapūr and Shahābād districts, joins the Ganges ten miles above Dinapūr. It almost equals the Nerbudda in sanctity.]

[This is probably the Ballooa of Rennell’s map, a town in the Benāres district, U.P., situated on the left bank of the Ganges.]

Omit this sentence.

[The Gūmti rises twenty miles east of Pilibhīt in the United Provinces, flows past Shah-jehānpūr, Lucknow, and Jaunpūr, and joins the Ganges at Saidpūr in the Ghāzipūr district.]

Omit and on horseback and read or by swimming their horses.

Add at a distance of a kos below the junction of the Gūmti (with the Ganges).

My camp was pitched a kos above Benāres.

Higher probably than the junction of the Ganges and Gūmti.

Omit this clause.

[According to Erskine, Jalāl Khan Behār Khan Behārī was the grandson of Daryā Khan, and the son of Behār Khan Lohānī, who had assumed the title of Sultān Muhammed in 1523. Sher Khan Sūr was at this time his chief supporter. Nāsir Khan was the Afghan Jagīrdār of Ghāzīpūr. (E. B., p. 499).]

[As Erskine observes in his History of Bābur, p. 500, ‘this amounted to a breaking up of the Lohāni confederacy in Behār, leaving only Mahmūd Lodi and his adherents to be dealt with. In fact the feuds between the Lohāni and Lodi factions in the eastern provinces were fatal to the national history of the Afghans.’]

[Chausa is a village in the Buxar subdivision of the Shahābād district, U.P., situated close to the point where the Karamnasa joins the Ganges four miles west of Buxar town. It was the scene of Humāyūn’s crushing defeat by Sher Shah in 1539.]

This must have been the eclipse of May 10, 1528. A fast is enjoined on the day of an eclipse.

having followed me by boat rejoined me,

[The Karamnāsa (destroyer of religious merit) rises in the Kaimur Hills, eighteen miles west of Rohtāsgarh in Bengal, flows through the Mirzapūr district, separates Shahābād from Benāres, and joins the Ganges near Chausa. Various stories are current to account for its bad repute, but the real cause of its ill fame is probably the fact that it was the boundary of the eastern kingdom of Magadha, which is treated with contempt in Sanskrit literature because its inhabitants were non-Aryans.]

went past its mouth

all the merits of a man’s pious works are lost;

with the result that I felt its influence all over my body,

[i. e. tow it with a rope.]

[Buxar, a town in the Shahābād district, Bengal, is situated on the right bank of the Ganges, about sixty-two miles north-east of Benāres. Sir Hector Munro gained a decisive victory here in 1764 over the allied forces of Mīr Kāsim and the Wazīr of Oude.]

Bābur mentions above, that he had passed the Ganges by swimming for the first time. Perhaps he means the Ganges alone, as distinguished from the joint stream of the Jumna and Ganges.

[i. e. librarian. P. de C. has equerry (rikābdār).]

two hundred

to his master

It will be recollected that Muhammed Zemān Mirza was the son of Badīa-ez-zemān Mirza, King of Khorasān. Bābur at this time wished to bestow on him the government of Behār, which he does not appear to have been eager to receive. [He was Bābur’s son-in-law, having married his daughter Ma’sūmeh Begum.—E. B., p. 525.]

[i. e. civil governor. Under Bābur’s grandson Akbar, the Moghal Empire was divided into fifteen Sūbahs, each under a Sūbahdār or Viceroy, often a royal prince, who had supreme civil and military control. Under him were the Dīvāns, who were superintendents of finance, and the Faujdārs, or military commanders of districts. Each Sūbah was divided into a certain number of Sarkārs, and each Sarkār into Pergannahs (or Mahāls), cf. our subdivisions into provinces, divisions, and districts. These Sūbahs varied much in size. For instance the Multān Sūbah contained only five Sarkārs, and fifty-three Mahāls, whereas the Allahābād Sūbah comp sed ten Sarkārs and 177 Mahāls.]

[Bhujpūr lies on the right bank of the Ganges in the Shahābād district, Bengal. It is twenty-five miles west of Bihiya and five miles due east of Buxar.]

[Bihiya is a village in the head-quarters Tahsīl of the Shahābād district, Bengal.]

two hundred

Add here It was at this station that Muhammed Zaman Mirza crossed the river. I was obliged to halt there for two or three days until he had accomplished the passage of the river, and started on his journey.

On Tuesday, the fourth of the month,

Sarupā khāseh.

The umbrella was a symbol only given to viceroys and persons of the highest rank.

Khālseh.

About £32,000.

All the boats that had been lying up had orders on my arrival to set sail, after being bound to each other by means of ropes so as to form a continuous line. It turned out that they occupied more than the width of the river.

[This is the ghariāl or Gavialis gangeticus.]

Omit the size of a man’s thigh,

The Repose.

[i. e. platform or raised poop.]

[The Ornament.]

The Capacious.

a vessel with a rounded stern,

[The Commission.]

[This is the Gandak proper, which, rising in the mountains of Nepal, flows through the districts of Champāran and Sāran, and joins the Ganges opposite Patna. It must not be confounded with the Lesser Gandak, which is a tributary of the Ghāgra.]

to convey their wives and families across the river,

[Dudu was the widow of Sultan Muhammed Shah Lohāni, the Afghan King of Behār (who died in 1528), and regent for her minor son, Jalāl ud dīn Lohāni, or, as he is generally styled, Jalāl Khan Behār Khan.—E. B., p. 497.]

[The town of Behār, now much decayed, lies thirty-seven miles from Patna city in the Patna district of Behār.]

[Arrah is the head-quarters of the Shahābād district of Bengal. It is famous for its defence by Wake and Boyle during the Mutiny.]

Kharīd appears to have included the country on both sides of the Gogra, near Sikanderpūr, and thence on its left bank down to the Ganges. [Kharīd is a village which gives its name to the pergannah, and is situated in the Bansdih Tahsīl of the Ballia District, U.P., four miles east of Sikanderpūr.]

[Much confusion has been caused by the various names given to this river. The principal branch rises in Kumaon, where it is named the Kāli. At Katai Ghāt it unites with the western Sarju, after which it goes by various names: Sarju, Sarū, Sarda or Ghāgra. Further down it is joined by the eastern Sarju and adds Deoha to its numerous names.]

faithful to the rule I had always observed,

[Erskine in his History of Bābur (pp. 501-2) explains the transactions between Bābur and Nasrat Shah, the King of Bengal. When Sikander Lodi overran the Kingdom of Jaunpūr, the reigning king, Hosain, took refuge with the King of Bengal. Sikander, having subdued Behār, entered Bengal, and his advance was stayed only by a convention under which he was allowed to retain Behār, Tirhūt and Sāran, and neither Prince was to support the enemies of the other. The confusion occasioned by Bābur’s approach against Ibrahīm Lodi presented a favourable opportunity to the King of Bengal, for recovering the ceded provinces. Nasrat Shah, accordingly, occupied Tirhūt, and captured Monghyr. After the defeat and death of Ibrahīm Lodi, many Afghans fled to Bengal, and Nasrat Shah even gave asylum to Sultan Mahmūd, the brother of his father-in-law, Ibrahīm Lodi. Bābur found the army of Kharīd, as the Bengal army was called, lying in the territory of Sāran, and encamped near the junction of the Ganges and Ghāgra. Though at peace with Bengal, the shelter afforded to his fugitive enemy, the position of the Kharīd army, and the equivocal conduct of its leaders, made a categorical explanation of the intentions of the Bengal Government indispensable.]

who would escort them there and deliver on my behalf reassuring letters to the people of Kharīd.

and did not desist from this absurd claim to bar our passage,

Omit at Dīpali,

The Kajārs are the Tūrki tribe, to which the present Persian royal family belong.

[i. e. the Ghāgra and the Ganges.]

The Lotus [(Nelumbium speciosum). The ordinary Hindustān word for the flower is kanwal, and for the seed kanwalgatta.]

The Munīr, best known, lies on a river that joins the Karmnāsa, in the upper part of its course. The Munīr here spoken of, was probably some village dependent on the other. [Munīr is a town on the Son in the district of Ghāzipūr, U.P.]

[Sheikh Sharaf ud dīn Ahiyā Munīrī was a celebrated Sūfī saint of Behār, the contemporary of Nizām ud dīn Aulia. He was the author of Madan ul ma’ānī and Mukātibāt i Ahiyā Munīrī. He died in 1380, and his tomb, which stands near the junction of the Son with the Ganges, is held in great veneration by Muhammedans.—Beale’s Biographical Dictionary.]

camp.

while others were exhausted, so I

Add and water them,

without pressure.

The kos being 4,000 paces. If we take the pace of two feet and a half, this would make Bābur’s kos nearly a mile seven furlongs and thirty-three yards.

Nearly half-past eight p.m.

[P. de C. has pierrier (culverins).]

Zarbzīn.

Add and an elephant belonging to the Bengalis

(emplacements) for the reception of guns and culverins,

and should also provide above all for a plentiful supply of ammunition for the guns;

The Ghāt of Haldi seems to have been a passage over the Gogra. The ghāt on a river is the landing place on the bank.

[This ferry is shown on the map of Gorakhpūr as situated in the south-east corner of the district, connecting Ballia with Gorakhpūr. Haldi is a village in the Rasva Tahsīl of the Ballia district, on the right bank of the Ghāgra, nine miles north-west of Sikandarpūr.—Gazetteers of the Ballia and Gorakhpūr districts.]

For at the same time read on that side.

and those of Mahmūd Khan and Kazi Jīa

Iskanderpūr, the Secunderpour of Rennell, stands on the right bank of the Gogra, about twenty miles above its junction with the Ganges. [Sikandarpūr is situated in the Bansdih Tahsīl of the Ballia district, U.P., three miles south of the right bank of the Ghāgra, and twenty-four miles north of Ballia town. It is a very old town, with ruins that extend as far as Kharīd, four miles to the east, and is said to get its name from Sultan Sikandar Lodi.]

Mahmūd Khan’s Shikdār at Iskanderpūr,

Seeing the urgency

[Barhaj is a town in the Deoria Tahsīl of the Gorakhpūr district, U.P., situated on the left bank of the Ghāgra near its confluence with the Rapti.]

Omit this clause.

It will be recollected, that Ali Kuli was to cross the Gogra above its junction with the Ganges, while Mustafa was to cross the Ganges below its junction with the Gogra.

that while the rest of the army remained immobile, I should cause to be conveyed across the river in boats at the Haldi ferry, a large force which would advance straight against the enemy; that, while this movement was in course of execution, Ustād Ali Kuli and Mustafa should assist it by the fire of their cannon, matchlocks, culverins and swivel guns, and come into action.

that for my part I would cross the Ganges after posting troops to support Ustād Ali Kuli,

Bābur’s division was to cross over under cover of Ali Kuli’s fire, and Muhammed Zemān Mirza under that of Mustafa.

near Mustafa.

Mahmūd

Kūki

Tulmish

[According to P. de C. these were the chiefs who were specially appointed to superintend the banks and streams of the Ganges.]

They passed from the right to the left bank of the Ganges, preparatory to crossing the Gogra.

[About 6 a.m. A pahar or watch = three hours.]

[i. e. Askari’s force.]

Add It was from this spot also that Mustafa shattered and sank two boats with shots from a swivel gun.

The yasāwel is an officer who carries the commands of the prince?? and sees them enforced. He has a staff of office.

The Asāish in which I slept was anchored close to the Farmāish,

A confidential servant. [P. de C. translates this ‘night watchman’.]

The other immediately dived and, coming up again,

cross the river two or three kos higher up.

While they were on the march, they fell in with a large force of Bengali infantry, who having crossed opposite to Askari’s camp by the aid of thirty vessels, flattered themselves with the idea that they would find an occasion for displaying their valour.

On the Ganges, below its junction with the Gogra.

tow them up stream

At this period the Asiatics were fond of artillery of huge size, as the Turks still are. The operation of loading was performed very slowly. [By bullet is meant cannon. I saw a huge gun of this description at Bījapūr, which I photographed with a native boy comfortably squatted inside the muzzle. It was 14 ft. long with a bore at the muzzle of 2 ft. 4 in. From an inscription which it bore, it appears to have been made for the Emperor Aurangzīb in 1685 by Muhammed Rūmi.]

carried out the undertaking.

the Bengalis, on discovering our manœuvre, had come out to attack us;

had all arrived,

On the Gogra, between Bābur’s position and Askeri’s.

Add by taking hold of their manes,

in their usual fashion and each from his own position,

some supported on pieces of wood

began to flee down the river.

who tried to defend him,

Omit this sentence.

Add by clinging to his horse’s mane.

made inquiries about the upper reaches of the river.

performing my ablutions,

Add which had been moored to an island.

The Nurhun of Rennell, situate below Iskanderpūr, on the left bank of the Gogra. [It lies about ten miles due east of Sikandarpūr, but on the opposite bank. By Gundneh may be meant Godna (now Rewalganj), which lies on the left bank of the Ghāgra a little east of Chapra in the Sāran district.]

Hājipūr stands opposite to Patna, on the Ganges. [Hājipūr is a town in Tirhūt, Bengal, situated opposite to Patna at the confluence of the Gandak and Ganges, about fifteen miles from Dinapūr.]

[Sāran is a district in the Patna Division of Bengal, which forms a wedge between the Ganges and Gandak rivers, with the apex pointing towards Patna. Its western boundary marches with the United Provinces, and its head-quarters station is Chapra, opposite to which the Ghāgra meets the Ganges. Sāran is a very fertile, highly cultivated, and densely populated tract. Shah Muhammed was son of Ma’ruf Fermūli.]

wild rumours

several Amīrs would not be able to join him as they had been told off to escort my family from Kabul.

participating in my bounty,

About £25,000.

About £12,500.

who consented himself to pay a kror as tribute.

[Monghyr is the head-quarters of a district in Behār situated on the south bank of the Ganges. It was once a place of considerable military importance, and was first captured by Muhammedans under Muhammed Bakhtiyār Khilji in 1198. At the time of Bābur’s invasion it was held by a Prince of the Royal House of Bengal.]

Nasret Shah, it will be recollected, was King of Bengal.

on the conditions

[These were sons of Sultan Ahmed Khan, the ‘Younger Khan’.]

with its

thirty-six

About £7,500.

[Narnaul is the head-quarters of a Tahsīl in the Patiāla State, Panjāb, situated on the banks of the Cholak Nadi, thirty-seven miles from Rewāri. It is a place of considerable antiquity, and later we hear of it in connexion with Sultan Altamsh. It claims to be the birthplace of Sher Shah, the tomb of whose grandfather, Ibrahīm Khan, adorns the town. It was one of the strongholds of the military adventurer George Thomas during his short-lived government.]

Or rather did homage.

[They were then, according to Erskine, probably in the Bahraich District, U. P.]

[Chaupāreh is the modern Chapra, the head-quarters of the Sāran District in Bengal, situated near the left bank of the Ghāgra. In the eighteenth century it was a thriving commercial centre with British, French, Dutch, and Portuguese factories, but it has since declined owing to its having been deserted first by the Ganges and then by the Ghāgra. Chaturmūk is on the opposite bank of the river.]

The river Gogra.

[The Ghāgra rises in Tibet, flows through Nepal, joins the Sarda at Mallanpūr and the Sarju near Katai Ghat, passes Ayodhya and Azimgarh (where the Lesser Sarju takes off), and after traversing the Districts of Azimgarh, Ghāzipūr, and Ballia, falls into the Ganges on the left bank opposite Bahrāmghāt.]

[This Jalāl ud dīn Sharki, the ex-king of Jaunpūr, must not be confounded with Jalāl Khan Behār Khan Lohānī.]

Bayati Tulmish

The terāwīh are certain prayers said late at night, during the Ramzān. [Tarāwīh (places of rest) are so called because the congregation sits down to rest at intervals during the service.]

That is after 11 o’clock at night. This storm marks the setting in of the rainy monsoon.

the tent with its anteroom (porch)

a bedcover of scarlet wool,

on the throne,

About three-quarters of an hour.

The tūshek-khāneh was the store-room, in which the clothes, carpets, &c., were kept.

Transpose with much difficulty to follow fire,

By the enemy.

brothers

sixty-two

£18,000, which may seem small, while £720,000, supposing the laks to be of rupees, would be too large.

[In Elliot and Dowson’s History of India (vol. i, p. 56, note 4) Sarwār is stated to be an abbreviation for Sarjūpār = the other side of the Sarjū (or Ghāgra) river, and hence may mean the country beyond the Ghāgra, the name by which Gorakhpūr is now known to the people about Benāres. Abul Fazl also mentions it as a synonym of the Sarjū or Ghāgra river.]

to the body of men who accompanied Alāwal Khan Lohāni,

one of his sons

Sarwār,

I marched from the Chaupāra-Chaturmūk passage

Kalpahrah,

Here my Persian manuscript closes. The two additional fragments are given from Mr. Metcalfe’s manuscript alone, and, unluckily, it is extremely incorrect. [The whole of the passage from ‘in which there were’ to ‘one month’ is omitted in P. de C.’s version.]

This fragment is from Mr. Metcalfe’s MS., folio 166, page 1.

Those who had started early

For Khalīfeh read and whom the Khalīfeh had sent to us,

[This was Nizām ud dīn Khwājah ´Alī Khalīfah, Babur’s Prime Minister.]

Add and brushwood

Omit this clause.

Dilmū, or Dalmow, on the Ganges, south-east of Bareilli. [In the Rai Bareilly District, U. P.]

This fragment is from Mr. Metcalfe’s MS., 166, p. 2.

[One of the three Fermūlī brothers, the other two being Mustafa and Ma’rūf.]

and having crossed the river Parserū, encamped on its banks.

After leaving the Sārū or Gogra river, Bābur marches west, and comes on the Parserū, the Sarju of Arrowsmith, which seems to be chiefly formed by branches coming off from the Gogra below Murādganj.

[This seems to be the Ālim Khan Jalāl Khan Jigat of Kālpī who deserted Bābur just before the battle of Kānwā (1527).]

As I was making my ablutions at night in the Parserū river, a number of fish attracted by the light of the torches, having appeared on the surface of the water, I, and those who were with me, caught a great quantity of them with our hands.

This mode of fishing is still practised in India.

The Tousin is the Eastern Tons [or Tūs].

This being the month of Ramzān, the great Fast of the Muhammedans, they were anxious to see the new moon of Shāwal, when it concluded.

The great festival on the conclusion of the Fast of Ramzān.

About noon-day prayers having taken a ma’jūn, I sent the following verse to Sheikh Zain, Mulla Shahāb, and Khwānd-amīr, inviting them to join me:

‘Sheikh Zain, Mulla shahāb and Khwānd-amīr come to us by threes, or by twos, or one by one.’

Add in the afternoon.

Malik Sharq, who had been dispatched to make Tāj Khan evacuate Chunār,

[i. e. the champion of Oudh.]

£3,750.

Parserūr,

but they had not yet crossed the Ganges. I was grievously disappointed, and immediately sent them orders to cross the river as quickly as possible, to be careful not to lose touch with the fugitives, to pass over the Jamna as well, to take Ali Khan along with them, and to use every endeavour to overtake the enemy. We reached Dalmau on the third day after leaving the river (Gūmti).

Add a day

to give to as many soldiers as had lost their way time to re-assemble.

Add from Oudh,

After having encamped on the banks of the Ganges, we reached Korah,

[This is Korah Khās, a town in the District of Fatehpūr, U.P., thirty-six miles WNW. of Fatehpūr town.]

[The Rind, or Arind, river rises in the Mainpūri District, flows through the Mainpūri, Etāwa, and Cawnpore Districts, passes Korah, and joins the Ganges on the left bank below Hamīrpūr.]

twenty-two

opposite

boat-men

Omit this name.

On the morning of Saturday Shah Hosain Bakhshi came in, and

so that in the morning the whole island where I lay encamped was flooded;

on getting wind of their approach,

[Mahoba is the head-quarters of a Tahsīl in the Hamīrpūr District, U.P. A town of considerable antiquity, it was the civil capital of the Chandels, Kalinjar being their great fortress. It stands on the banks of a lake (Madan Sāgar), and there are several other island-studded lakes in the vicinity, which form a highly picturesque scene. Mahoba was captured by Prithvi Raja of Delhi in 1182, and in 1202 it fell to Kutb ud dīn Aibek.]

I instructed the Sultans and Begs who had advanced ahead of us, to halt where they were until they were joined by fresh light cavalry from Agra and its neighbourhood.

the troops from Oudh

[i. e. Mūsa son of Ma’rūf Fermūli.]

£7,500.

[Probably Amroha, a town in the Tahsīl of the Morādābād District, U.P.]

Half-past three a.m.

feeding with barley

Three o’clock in the morning

Bahādur

Instead of this sentence substitute: I started next day after saying the early morning prayers, and a march of sixteen kos brought me to Etāwa, which I reached at midday, and where I found Mahdi Khwāja (his brother-in-law), who had come out to meet me. I mounted again at the end of the first watch, and halted some time en route in order to sleep. After a march of sixteen kos I halted again in the morning at Rāberi-Fatehpūr. I again set out about the time of midday prayers, and marched another sixteen kos: at last, at the end of the second watch of the night, I alighted at the garden of the Hasht Bihisht at Agra.

Add About the time of midday prayers, I crossed the Jamna to visit Abdul Haqq,

A kitchen gardener of Balkh, whom I had placed in Agra to sow melons, had raised some which he brought me. I thought them excellent.

Melons are now cultivated by the commonest gardeners all over Hindustān, and form part of the food of all ranks. This valuable present seems to be due to Bābur’s activity of mind. Grapes, too, are found in most gardens of any consequence.

It was on the eve of Sunday (Saturday night) at the third watch (midnight) that Māham arrived.

A name of endearment, which Babūr gave to his favourite wife, the mother of Humāiūn [whom he married in 1506. Humāyūn-nāmeh, p. 258.]

the offerings of Humāyūn and Māham were presented to me

Omit a hundred or

who had come on escort duty from Kabul, and had been sent to Sambhal on the occasion of Ali Yūsuf’s death,

who had been sent from Tirmahāni to Sambhal

manifestoes,

Add of Lahore

[Or rather Tajārah.]

the champion wrestler of Oudh,

Add with a jewelled belt,

Meshedi

With a view to dissipating all his suspicions, on the 5th of the month of Zil Hijjeh I dispatched Nūr Beg to Gwāliār. He returned after the lapse of some days, and acquainted me with the claims of Rahīmdād.

Just as I was about to dispatch letters patent according all his demands,

[He was governor of Etāwa.]

who was known among the Turkomāns under the name of Chagatāi,

About £1,750. The rate used for reducing Bābur’s krors and laks to English money, may sometimes appear to reduce them too much; and yet it is probably near the truth.

13th

[He had captured Gwāliār with the connivance of this very Muhammed Ghaus in 1526.]

pious

[In the Tārīkh i Salātīn i Afāghinah mention is made of Bābur’s journey to Lahore in the third year of his reign (i. e. 935 = 1529). At Sirhind he was met by the Rājā of Kahlūr (the old name for Bilāspūr, one of the Simla Hill States), and presented by him with seven falcons and three mans of gold. The occasion was taken to confirm him in his fief. Bābur was met in Lahore by his son Kāmrān, who gave a magnificent entertainment in his honour. Bābur remained a year in the Panjāb, during which Hindāl came to see him. Hindāl returned to Kābul at the close of the cold season and received a parting gift from his father of two elephants and two horses, besides girdles and a jewelled dagger. Bābur left the Panjāb on the fourth of Rajab (936 = 1530). On reaching Sirhind, on his return journey to Agra, a Qāzī of Samāna complained to him that Mohan Mundāhir had attacked his estate, plundered his property, and killed his son. By the Emperor’s orders an expedition was organized against him. The first attack under ´Ali Kuli Khan Hamadānī proved unsuccessful. Another larger force was thereupon dispatched against the Mundāhirs under the command of Tarsam Beg and Nauroz Bahādur, whose efforts were crowned with success, the rebels being defeated and their leader killed. After this expedition had been successfully accomplished Bābur is stated to have spent two months hunting in the neighbourhood of Delhi, after which he returned to Agra.—Elliot and Dawson’s History of India, v. 40-2.]

[‘Humāyūn had resided for the greater part of nine years (1519-1528) in the distant government of Badakhshān.’—E. B., p. 508.]

[In 1525, Bābur had appointed his second son, Kāmrān, then a child, to the nominal charge of Kābul and Kandahār.—E. B., p. 427.]

[Hindāl, Bābur’s youngest son, then over ten, though under orders for Agra, was prevailed upon by Humāyūn to take his place in Badakhshān.—E. B., p. 510.]

[Mirza Haidar, the author of the Tarīkh i Rashīdī, who was in command of Sultan Sa’īd’s advance guard, on arriving at Kila Zafar found that Hindāl had entered it sixteen days before.—E. B., p. 510.]

[Mirza Suleimān, now sixteen, was Bābur’s cousin, being the son of Khan Mirza, a former governor of Badakhshān (died 1520), and grandson of Mahmūd Sultan (‘the Elder Khan’).]

See Abulfazl in the Akbernāmeh, the Tārikh e Khāfi Khan, Ferishta, &c.

It is customary among the Musulmans, as it was among the Jews, to wave presents of money or jewels thrice round the head of the person to whom they are offered, on particular occasions, as on betrothings, marriages, &c. There is supposed to be something sacred in this rite, which averts misfortunes.

His title was Nizām-ed-dīn Ali Khalīfeh.

[Mahdi Khwāja was Bābur’s brother-in-law. His only son-in-law was Muhammed Zamān Mirza, the husband of his daughter Ma’sūmah Begum.]

[Humāyūn had meanwhile recovered his health, and returned to his government of Sambhal.]

For the fragment of the anonymous history from whence this extract is made, and which contains the Memoirs of Hindustān, from Bābur’s invasion of that country down to the beginning of Akber’s reign, I am indebted to Captain William Miles of the Bombay establishment. The author calls his father Muhammed Mukīm Heravai (of Herāt). [The writer referred to was Nizām ud dīn Ahmed Bakhshi, the author of the Tabaqāt i Akbari; who was at this time Divān i bintāt to Bābur, and afterwards rose to high office under Akbar.—E. B., p. 516.]

[At a council of ministers summoned to receive his dying injunctions, Bābur formally declared Humāyūn, who had now returned to court, his successor, and commanded him to take his seat on the Imperial throne.—E. B., p. 516.]

Ferishta and the anonymous historian place his death on Monday, the 5th of the first Jumāda. Computing by solar years he died in the forty-eighth year of his age, and thirty-seventh of his reign.

[Bābur was at first buried in the Nūrafshān Garden (now the Rāmbāgh) on the left bank of the Jamna. The remains were afterwards taken to Kābul and interred there on a site chosen by himself, in a grave, which like that of his descendant, the Emperor Aurangzīb, was open to the sky. ‘The tomb of Bābur’, says the writer in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, ‘stands on a slope about a mile to the West of Kābul in a charming spot. The grave, marked by two erect slabs of white marble, is situated in a garden which was formerly enclosed by a white marble wall. A clear stream waters the flower beds. From the hill that rises behind the tomb there is a noble prospect of his beloved city, and the Chārdeh Valley.’ According to a statement in Raverty’s Notes, p. 67, it appears that the Emperor Jahāngīr rebuilt the tomb in 1607-8. The adjoining mosque was erected by Shah Jahān in 1646. The following Persian chronogram, inscribed on his tombstone, which Raverty quotes, contains the date of Bābur’s death: Firdaus dāim jāe Bābur Bādshāh (Paradise is for ever the abode of the Emperor Bābur). It may be mentioned in this connexion that Bābur’s posthumous title was Firdaus makānī, or ‘the Inhabitant of Paradise’.]

[Bībī Mubārikah.]

[The names of four other wives are known, viz.: Māham Begum, Dildār Begum (Heart-ravisher), Gulrukh (Rosy-cheeked), and Rāiqah (the Desired). According to Lane Poole, Māham, his favourite wife, belonged to the family of Sultan Hosain of Herat.]

Mrs. Beveridge, in her scholarly edition of the Humāyūn-nāmeh, supplies this information: Māham was the mother of Humāyūn (1508-56) and Fārūq (died young).

Gulrukh had two children that survived their father, viz.: Kāmrān (died 1557) and ´Askari (1516-58), besides others that died young.

Dildār’s children were two sons, Hindāl (1519-51), Alwar (died young), and three daughters, Gulrang (Rose-coloured), Gulchireh (Rosy-face), and Gulbadan (Rose-body). The last named was the authoress of the Humāyūn-nāmeh, or History of Humāyūn, referred to above.]

[A facsimile of the manuscript of the Divān was published by Sir Denison Ross in the J.A.S.B., 1910.]

[Half of the Mubīn, a collection of masnavis, has been translated by Professor Berezine in his Chrestomathie Turque. Bābur also wrote a work on jurisprudence, which had a considerable vogue.]

[The Risālah e wālidīyah.]

Abulfazl, in the introduction to the Akbernāmeh, quotes a few of his Persian verses with approbation. The following quatrain is not unhappy in the original:

Though I am not related to Dervīshes,
Yet I am devoted to them heart and soul.
Say not that the state of a prince is remote from that of a Dervīsh,
Though a king, I am the Dervīsh’s slave.

He also gives the following elegant matla

I know that separation from thee were my death,
Else might I tear myself from this city.
But, while my heart is encircled with the locks of my beloved,
I forget the world and its cares.

[This is the work styled Mufassil.]